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Full text of "Subversive influences in riots, looting, and burning. Hearings, Ninetieth Congress, first [-second] session"

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GIFT OF THE 

GOVERNMENT 
OF THE UNITED STATES 



Committee on Un-American Activities 
House 
90th Congress 



Contents 

1. Subversive Influences in Riots, 

Looting and Burning, Part 1. 

2. Subversive Influences in Riots, 

Looting and Burning, Part 2, 

5. Subversive Influences in Riots, 

Looting and Burning, Part 5. 

k. Subversive Influences in Riots, 

Looting and Burning, Part h, 

5. Subversive Influences in Riots, 

Looting and Burning, Part 5» 

6, Subversive Influences in Riots, 

Looting and Burning, Part 6, 



SUBVERSIVE INRUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, 
AND BURNING 

PART 1 



HEARINGS 

BEFORE THE 

COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES 
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 

NINETIETH CONGRESS 

FIRST SESSION 



OCTOBER 25, 26, 31, and NOVEMBER 28, 1967 
(INCLUDING INDEX) 



Printed for the use of the 
Committee on Un-American Activities 



V 



\ 




32-955 O 



U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 
WASHINGTON : 1988 



For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office 
Washington, D.C. 20402 - Price 65 cents 



COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES 

United States House of Repbesentattves 

(EDWIN E. WILLIS, Louisiana, Chairman 
WILLIAM M. TUCK, Virginia JOHN M. ASHBROOK, Ohio 

JOB B. POOL, Texas DEL CLAWSON, California 

RICHARD H. ICHOBD, Missouri RICHARD L. ROUDEBUSH, Indiana 

JOHN C. CULVER, Iowa ALBERT W. WATSON, South Carolina 

Francis J. McNamaba, Director 
Cbbstbr D. Smith, General Oounael 
Alfred M. Nittle, Counsel 

U 



CONTENTS 



Page 
Synopsis 715 

October 25, 1967: Testimony of— 

Archie Moore 735 

Clarence Mitchell 751 

Asa T. Spaulding 763 

Whitney M. Young, Jr., for National Urban League, Inc. 

(statement) 767 

Afternoon session : 

Evelle J. Younger 769 

Adrian H. Jones 790 

October 26, 1967 : Testimony of— 

Herman D. Lerner 803 

November 28, 1967 : Testimony of — 

Hon. Sam Yorty 833 

October 31, 1967 : Testimony of — 

Robert H. Mehaflfey 863 

Committee Exhibit No. 1 (International Communist Statements on Racial 

Agitation and Riots in the U.S.) 863 

Committee Exhibit No. 2 (FBI Statements on Communist Racial Agita- 
tion) 878 

Committee Exhibit No. 3 (Data on Organizations Involved in Racial 

Agitation) 884 

Index i 



The House Committee on Un-American Activities is a standing 
committee of the House of Representatives, constituted as such by the 
rules of the House, adopted pursuant to Article I, section 5, o± the 
€onstitution of the United States which authorizes the House to de- 
termine the rules of its proceedings. 

RULES ADOPTED BY THE 90TH CONGRESS 

House Resolution 7, January 10, 1967 

RESOLUTION 

Resolved, That the Rules of the House of Representatives of the Eighty-ninth 
Congress, together with all appUcable provisions of the Legislative Reorganiza- 
tion Act of 1946, as amended, be, and they are hereby, adopted as the Rules of 
the House of Representatives of the Ninetieth Congress * * * 

* * ♦ • ♦ ♦ • 

Rule X 

STANDING COMMITTEES 

1. There shall be elected by the House, at the commencement of each Con- 
gress, 

* •••♦♦* 
(r) Committee on Un-American Activities, to consist of nine Members. 

* ♦ ♦ ♦ • • • 

Rule XI 

POWERS AND DUTIES OP COMMITTEES 
******* 

18. Committee on Un-American Activities. 

(a) Un-American activities. 

(b) The Committee on Un-American Activities, as a whole or by subcommittee, 
is authorized to make from time to time investigations of (1) the extent, charac- 
ter, and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the United States, (2) 
the diffusion within the United States of subversive, and un-American propa- 
ganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origin and at- 
tacks the principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitution, 
and (3) all other questions in relation thereto that would aid Congress in any 
necessary remedial legislation. 

The Committee on Un-American Activities shall report to the House (or to the 
Clerk of the House if the House is not in session ) the results of any such investi- 
gation, together with such recommendations as it deems advisable. 

For the purpose of any such investigation, the Committee on Un-American 
Activities, or any subcommittee thereof, is authorized to sit and act at such times 
and places within the United States, whether or not the House is sitting, has 
recessed, or has adjourned, to hold such hearings, to require the attendance of 
such witnesses and the production of such books, papers, and dociuments, and 
to take such testimony, as it deems necessary. Subpenas may be issued under 
the signature of the chairman of the committee or any subcommittee, or by any 
member designated by any such chairman, and may be served by any person 
designated by any such chairman or member. 

27. To assist the House in appraising the administration of the laws and in 
developing such amendments or related legislation as it may deem necessary, 
each standing committee of the House shall exercise continuous watchfulness 
of the execution by the administrative agencies concerned of any laws, the sub- 
ject matter of which is within the jurisdiction of such committee ; and, for that 
purpose, shall study all pertinent reports and data submitted to the House by the 
agencies in the executive branch of the Government 

• •*•♦•• 

rv 



SYNOPSIS 

On October 25, 26, 31, and November 28, 1967, a subcommittee of 
the Committee on Un-American Activities held public hearings in 
Room 311, Cannon House Office Building, on the subject of subversive 
influences in riots, looting, and burning. 

The subcommittee was composed or: Hon. Edwin E. Willis, chair- 
man ; Hon. William M. Tuck, of Virginia ; Hon. Richard H. Ichord, of 
Missouri; Hon. John M. Ashbrook, of Ohio; and Hon. Albert W. 
Watson, of South Carolina. Hon. John C. Culver, of Iowa, was ap- 
pointed October 25, 1967, as an associate member of the subcommittee 
to serve at such times as Chairman Willis was unable to be present. 

The purpose of the hearings was to determine "the extent to which, 
and the manner in which" acts of rioting, looting, and burning in 
various cities in the United States had been "planned, instigated, 
incited, or supported by Communist and other subversive organiza- 
tions and individuals, and all other questions in relation thereto 
that would aid Congress in any necessary remedial legislation." 

On October 3, 1966, Chairman Willis had directed the committee 
staff to undertake a preliminary inquiry into the rioting, burning, 
looting, and other tragic acts of violence which have afflicted a number 
of principal cities in the United States. The chairman appointed 
Representatives Tuck and Watson to oversee the general conduct of 
the preliminary inquiry. Mr. Tuck rendered a report to the full com- 
mittee on August 2, 1967, which clearly indicated that Communist 
and/or other subversive elements have been involved in acts of rioting, 
looting, and burning in the United States to a significant degree. 

In his opening statement, Mr. Tuck stated that there had been 
"well over 100 riots" in the past few years, several dozen of which 
can be classified as "major disturbances." Property damage estimates 
were staggering, as were the cost — in the millions of dollars — of over- 
time for police and fire departments, mobilization of National Guard 
and Federal troops, in addition to millions of dollars in lost business 
in the riot-torn areas. 

Congressman Tuck stated that while poverty, unemployment, dis- 
crimination, and lack of educational opportunity may be factors con- 
tributive to riots, these factors have existed b<5th in this country and 
abroad in years past — and to a greater degree than in recent years — 
without rioting. 

Mr. Tuck said: 

It is not the view of this oommittee that Communists or other subversive 
elements are the sole cause of the recent riots; that without these elements 
there would have been no riots at all. * * * 

******* 

It is my personal view that those persons who have gone about counseling, 
urging, and advising so-called civil disobedience — which is no more than calcu- 
lated violation of any law you do not like, the root of anarchy — have created 
disresipect and contempt for law and order which has contributed to the mob 
violence! 

715 



716 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Congressman Tuck stressed that only 2 to 5 percent of the Negro 
population had taken part in the riots, and these figures represented a 
small minority of the total Negro population in America. He added 
that even this small minority was comprised, in significant part, by 
youths, teenage gangs, and persons with criminal records. 

In his opening statement, Mr. Tuck also noted that other inquiries 
have been undertaken for the purpose of judging the factors contribut- 
ing to the riots, but that the jurisdiction of the hearings of the House 
Committee on Un-American Activities was limited to subversive ac- 
tivities (in the perspective of the riots) and would "not embrace so- 
cial problems as such." 

Commenting on the historical aspects of riotSj the Virginia Congress- 
man said : 

Throughout history riots have been used for political purposes. They can be, 
and have been, deliberately instigated to v^^eaken and undermine existing govern- 
ments and pave the way for the establishment of a new and different type of 
governmental system. 

In 1960 the Annual Report of the House Committee on Un-Ameri- 
can Activities stated : 

There is considerable evidence that, in the United States, as well as on a world 
scale, the Communists feel that the present tactical situation calls for increased 
utilization of rioting and mob violence. * ♦ * 

Mr. Tuck regretted that the committee analysis had proved to be 
accurate. 

TESTIMONY OF ARCHIE MOORE 

Former professional light heavyweight boxing champion, Archie 
Moore, now a resident of San Diego, was the lead-off witness, in the 
committee's hearings. 

Mr. INIoore, recipient of the 1968 outstanding citizen of San Diego 
award, stated that he did not see any sense in rioting and submitted 
a statement he had earlier delivered to the San Diego Union. The article 
by the boxing champion, published as a page-one feature, was reprinted 
by many other newspapers. It stated in part : 

Granted, the Negro still has a long way to go to gain a fair shake with the 
white man in this country. But believe this : If we resort to lawlessness, the only 
thing we can hope for is civil war, untold bloodshed, and the end of our dreams. 

We have to have a meeting of qualified men of both races. Mind you, I said 
qualified men, not some punk kid, ranting the catch phrases put in his mouth 
by some paid hate-monger. There are forces in the world today, forces bent upon 
the destruction of America, your America and mine. And while we're on the 
subject, do you doubt for a minute that communism, world communism, isn't 
waiting with bated breath for the black and white Americans to turn on each 
other full force? Do you want a chance for life, liberty and the pursuit of hap- 
piness in the land of your birth, or do you want no chance at all under the 
Red heel? 

Mr, Moore stated that he had devised a program — called ABC, Any 
Boy Can — based on "truth, honesty, respect for self and for other peo- 
ple, their rights and property." The ABC program teaches young Ne- 
groes and whites in the ghettos the basics of moral, physical, and 
spiritual self-defense. 

Pie added: 

A good student in the ABC class does not lie, steal, cheat, smoke, gamble, re- 
fu.se to go to church, play hooky from school, get into trouble, participate in riots, 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 717 

throw bombs, smoke dope, smoke weeds, use narcotics of any kind, use LSD * * *. 
We do teach them this is wrong. 

TESTIMONY OF CLARENCE MITCHELL 

Clarence IVIitchell, director of the Washington Bureau of the Na- 
tional Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) , 
was sworn in and stated that he had been director of the Washington 
Bureau since 1950 and began his work with the well-known civil rights 
organization in 1945. 

Mr. Mitchell read a prepared statement into the record in which he 
praised committee chairman Edwin E. Willis for his courageous chal- 
lenge of the Ku Klux Klan. 

In his statement, Mr. Mitchell said : "It is my opinion that it is an 
insult to the millions of law-abiding colored people to align them with 
the terrible destruction and violence that we have witnessed in some of 
our cities." He added: "It is my opinion that the vast majority of 
colored people in this countiy seek to settle their grievances and to 
achieve their objectives just as all other Americans, through the law- 
ful channels of the land." 

Mr. Mitchell noted that his impression was that "Communists have 
never made any gi-eat headway in recruiting colored followers and 
they do not have any substantial following at this point." 

The NAACP bureau director not^d that long befoi-e many other 
groups were conscious of Communist infiltration his organization had 
avoided contacts with Communists. The NAACP had "an ironclad 
rule that we didn't want anybody who was Communist affiliated or an 
out-and-out Communist." 

Further, Mr. Mitchell stated that the NAACP had initiated a con- 
certed campaign at the local level during the summer of 1967 in hopes 
of heading off violence in communities. Demonstrating just one facet 
of this campaign, Mr. Mitchell offered for exhibit several printed 
cards and bumper stickers which had been printed and distributed by 
the NAACP. The cards and bumper stickers read : 

KEEP COOL, liet the Other Guy BLOW HIS TOP 
THE OTHER SIDE WINS IF WE LOSE OUR COOL 
BRICKS THROUGH WINDOWS DOr^'T OPEN DOORS 

The NAACP director said that it was his opinion that a "great deal 
of the turmoil in this country is fomented by the playing up of those 
who are willing to say anything that is irresponsible for the purpose of 
getting on television or getting into the papers." He recalled getting a 
call from a lady who represented a very reputable lady's magazine. 
She asked Mr. Mitchell to "help her find a Negro who was a college 
graduate, who was disillusioned by the war in Vietnam, disillusioned 
about our domestic policy, and therefore had decided to become a 
sniper." The woman had been assigned to "keep looking for that partic- 
ular kind of Negro" for a "Christmas story." 

, TESTIMONY OF ASA T. SPAULDING 

Mr. Asa T. Spaulding, resident of Durham, N.C., and president of 
North Carolina Mutual Life Insurance Company, was the next wit- 
ness. Mr. Spaulding had started with the insurance company in 1932 



718 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOflNG, AND BURNlNa 

and worked his 'way up from assistant secretary to comptroller to 
vice president in 1948 and finally to president in 1959. 

The witness is a member of the board of directors of a number of 
large financial institutions and a trustee of Howard University and 
Shaw University. Mr. Spaulding is a receipient of a Presidential 
citation in 1946 for his work in helping to stabilize the economy 
of the United States Government during World War II. The witness 
had recently returned from a trip to Africa as a member of a trade 
mission for the U.S. Department of Commerce and had recently com- 
pleted a tour of military installations in this country under the auspices 
of the Department of Defense. 

After reading his personal statement to the committee, Mr. Spauld- 
ing read a statement on his company's position in the current civil 
rights struggle. 

In conclusion, Asa T. Spaulding, himself a Negro, stated : 

I am of the opinion that C!ommunists never miss an opportunity to capitalize on 
dissatisfaction, strife, and turmoil no matter what the cause. * * * their alliances 
are more or less "marriages of convenience," subject to being dissolved when it 
will serve their interest to do so. 

I, therefore, doubt that Communists "sincerely have the interests of the Negro 
at Ixeart," or that they will work with the Negro in his efforts to achieve full 
equality * ♦ *. 

TESTIMONY OF WHITNEY M. YOTJNG, JR., ON BEHALF OF THE NATIONAL 

URBAN LEAGUE, INC. 

Mr. Young was unable to appear before the committee on October 
25, 1967. However, he submitted a statement which the chairman au- 
thorized to be inserted in the record. The statement read in part : 

In the light of the deaths, injuries, arrests, and destruction of Negro-owned prop- 
erty this past summer, it is obvious that the interests of Negro citizens are not 
advanced by riots. * * * 

In answer to the question concerning whether or not Communists 
sincerely have the interests of the Negro at heart, the statement pointed 
out that the "Communist Party has spent much time and eJffort in 
wooing the Negro population, all to no avail" and that there "is little 
evidence that Communists have any significant influence on the civil 
rights movement. * * *" 

TESTIMONY OF EVELLE J. YOUNGER 

At the start of the afternoon session of the committee hearings on 
Wednesday, October 25, 1967, the first witness to be called knd sworn 
in was Evelle J. Younger, district attorney for Los Angeles County, 
Calif. Mr. Younger told the committee that he grew up in Nebraska 
and received his A.B. and LL.B. degrees from the University of 
Nebraska. He then went on to graduate studies in criminology at 
Northwestern University. 

After Northwestern, Mr. Younger joined the FBI as a special agent. 
He served with the Army Counterintelligence Corps. 

He has been deputy city attorney in Los Angeles, in the Criminal 
Division: prosecuting attorney in the city of Pasadena; and on the 
municipal and superior court in Los Angeles for 11 years before be- 
coming district attorney in 1964. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 719 

Mr. Younger stated that his first major involvement with rioters and 
rioting was in 1965 during the Watts riot, where approximately 2,500 
felony cases were prosecuted. The district attorney defined a riot as 
"thousands of people engaged in burning, looting, assault, and mur- 
der." A riot, he said, "mvolves a complete breakdown of law and 
order. * * * it most certainly is one tremendous crime spree." 

Commenting on his own experiences with rioters, he said : 

We have been experiencing a number of actions by persons who resort to physi- 
cally coercive methods to effect change which, in effect, amount to a repudiation 
of the orderly governmental process — professors and clergymen urging young 
men to resist military service ; the editor of the UCLA student newspaper urging 
students to violate the laws against the use of marijuana ; public figures advocat- 
ing a refusal to pay taxes because the Government finances programs with which 
they disagree. 

******* 

When police are called upon to perform their duty to preserve order and protect 
life and property, they are often jeered, insulted, and spat upon by the very peo- 
ple they are paid to protect. 

Screams of "police brutality" drown out those who urge higher standards of 
training and better pay and a higher degree of professionalization to produce 
better law enforcement. * * * 

Concerning technical developments in our society which affect a riot 
situation, Mr. Younger said : 

Unquestionably, the television medium can be a major factor in contributing 
to or sustaining a riot. A newspaper can also do much to mold and influence public 
opinion over a period of time. 

However, he noted : 

Only TV can inspire immediate action — good or bad. TV can be the monster or 
the Jolly Green Giant, depending on how its power is used. 

Mr. Younger said that the TV stations in the United States are li- 
censed to be operated "in the public interest, necessity, and conven- 
ience." He added that — 



if Rap Brown is making an inflammatory speech before 20 people? * * * should 
TV come along and give him an audience of several million ♦ * * is it in the public 
interest? 

******* 
When does TV stop reporting news and start creating news? At a recent Ku 
Klux Klan convention in southern California, there were literally more TV cam- 
eras present than delegates. 

* * * * * * * 

iShould rioters be able to use TV as a means of publishing battle orders? 

He stated that the "riot-prone group" comprises only about 5 to 10 
percent, and most of this extremist fragment of the Negro race are 
"yoimg and they are psychotic. Each is a potential killer." 

Mr. Younger opined that : 

These racists, haters, political extremists, and agitators and the confirmed 
criminals are the real villains [in any riotous situation]. * * * They comprise at 
most 20 percent of the participants in any modern American riot. * * * 

The IjOS Angeles district attorney continued : 

Certainly, after a riot starts, this group moves in fast and pours fuel on the 
flames and tries to make the riot as bloody, as damaging, and as extensive as 
possible. The fact is, though, that while this 20 percent could probably start a 
riot, they caimot sustain it. Only the remaining 80 percent of the 5 to 10 percent 
can sustain a riot, make It last anywhere from 24 hours to a week. 



720 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Mr. Younger was asked if he had any suggestions toward eliminat- 
ing or reducing the possibility of riots in the future. He replied : 

First, we must insist that all Americans obey all our laws at all times, 
period. Not just the laws they like, but all laws, period. * * * 

_* ♦ ♦_„ _ * *._^ . 4.- - *- - 

Step II : Free the slaves. * * * And we must be honest with the Negro and 
say we are not talking about equal cars or equal homes or equal salary, but equal 
opportunity. 

In concluding his testimony, the Los Angeles district attorney said : 

While we are working out our problems, let us get rid of our national inferiority 
complex. Government should cease its preoccupation with introspection and feel- 
ings of guilt and should stop espousing the idea that society is at fault for riots. 
This self-pity syndrome is extremely dangerous. * * * 

Mr. Younger was thanked for his contribution by Mr. Tuck and 
was questioned on certain points of his testimony by various members 
of the subcommittee. 

The district attorney noted that his statement was not a criticism of 
television, but rather "a concern that television is so powerful that 
the potential for doing great damage during the riot is there." 

The district attorney restated an earlier point made in his testi- 
mony — that the Communists and other extremist elements are quick 
to move in once the riot starts in order to exploit the disruption to 
their own ends. 

TESTIMONY OF ADRIAN H. JONES 

The next witness, Adrian H. Jones, was sworn in and gave his 
address as 8365 East Beach Drive NW., Washington, D.C. The wit- 
ness attended public schools in Roslyn and Spokane, Wash. He 
received a master of arts degree in psychology from the University of 
Kansas in 1963. The witness had been studying for the past 414 years 
in the sociology department of the American University. At the time 
of the hearings he had completed all the course work and qualifying 
examinations for a Ph. D. and was writing his dissertation on civu 
disturbances. 

The witness served two tours of duty in Europe and participated 
in the occupation of Japan from 1946 to 1949. He is former command- 
ing officer of the Harlem Military Police detachment and former 
provost marshal of Fort Ijeaven worth, Kans. 

For 4i/'2 years prior to the hearings, he had been engaged in research 
and study in the area of internal security. He is employed by the Cen- 
ter for Research in Social Systems of the American ITniversity. 

Mr. Jones is the coauthor of a study entitled "Combating Subver- 
sively Manipulated Civil Disturbances" and is guest lecturer at the 
International Police Academy. He is also a guest lecturer for the 
International Association of Chiefs of Police. 

The witness noted that "law enforcement has not been extensively 
researched." Due to the controversial nature of investigations 
into riots, his studie,s were systematically approached from three sep- 
arate areas: (1) political subvei-sion, (2) community conflict, and 
(3) the control of mobs and crowds. His study encompassed historical, 
social science, police operational, and news media references. 

Addressing the question of salient basic elements necessary for any 
riot, the witness noted that group hostility or antagonism, latent or 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 721 

.active, "must be aroused to a high emotional stage in order to trigger 
a crowd to violent action," 

Mr. Jones gave "dissident groups with real or imaginary griev- 
ances" as the number one basic component element in a riot situation. 
He added that dissident groups may be subversive or nonsubversive. 

Another essential element for a riot is a physiological crowd. These 
crowds may be "spontaneous, casual, or planned and intentional." 
Other important components essential to riots are: the agitator, who 
may or may not intend to trigger a riot ; the precipitating incident, 
either accidental, spontaneous, natural, or developed; internal secu- 
rity forces brought in to trj^ to control civil disturbances; and the 
general population of the community. 

In determining the "character of a riot" it must be considered that 
"the subversive is interested in a riot for a political purpose." Nor- 
mally, subversives do not hope to overthrow a government through 
one riot, "but they do see in a riot a means of weakening the existing 
power structure and of turning people against it." 

The witness spoke of the evidence which indicates a riot is subver- 
sively manipulated and noted that an analytical device or system had 
been developed in order to eliminate speculation. The riot must be 
broken down into four phases and each phase analyzed separately. 

The four riot phases are: (1) the precrowd phase, (2) the crowd 
phase, (3) the civil disturbance phase, and (4) the post-civil distur- 
bance phase. 

The precrowd phase is defined as a "preparatory period which is 
characterized by the development of antagonisms within a community 
between groups which have a different position on some economic, 
social, political, or other issue." 

In a subversively manipulated riot, the precrowd phase is marked 
by: (a) the existence of a subversive organization used to create con- 
flict; (h) selection of target groups "on the basis of the conflict i)oten- 
tial in the community"; (e) preconditioning measures to influence 
the attitudes of target groups; (d) the acquisition and storage of 
weapons and explosives and the planning of escape routes for key 
individual leaders. 

In the crowd phase, the crowd is "turned into a mob M-hicli throws 
aside all restraint and engages in collective social violence." 

Subversive elements bent on starting a riot "may themseh'es insure 
that a crowd will be present" by planning a meeting or rally or "stag- 
ing an incident" which will draw a crowd, 

"Once the crowd is assembled, the subversives deploy their person- 
nel in the crowd to agitate and excite it" by shouting slogans, circulat- 
ing rumors, or making speeches. 

The most vulnerable crowd is one which has been preconditioned in 
the aforementioned precrowd stage to react emotionally to certain 
slogans, phrases, and accusations. 

In the civil disturbance, or actual riot phase, the witness noted, the 
highly excited crowd becomes a "mob which through a kind of emo- 
tional contagion engages in large-scale, collective social violence." 

In a riot which is manipulated by subversives, a "booster incident 
Avill be initiated — rocks will be thrown, windows broken, a fire or fight 
started" and "sniping or looting" may also occur. "A martyr will be 
exploited or perhaps even created — someone who has been arrested. 



722 SUBVERSIVE ESTFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

wounded, or killed by the riot-control forces or intentionally injured 
or killed by the subversives." 

Mr. Jones, in answer to a question at this point in the testimony, 
stated "that there is a formal organization that attempts to protect the 
very important subversive manipulators in order to preclude their 
being arrested." 

The witness then went into the fourth stage or "post-civil disturb- 
ance phase" of the riot which is characterized as that "period when the 
violence is ended and social order has been restored." 

If subversives are involved, evidence of efforts to further violence 
will be noted in a continuance of propaganda and agitation. "Demands 
which the Government cannot possibly meet will be made." 

The witness then directed his testimony to the question of counter- 
measures to the rioting and said : 

The basic objective of internal security forces is to restore order, the corrollary 
is to reestablish respect for law and order and public safety. * * * 

One of the techniques of controlling crowds is very solidly based upon the 
specific panic response vphich is expressed by individuals in the desire to escape 
or take flight from an immediate threatening area. * * * 

He noted that chemical munitions (i.e., tear gas) or streams of water 
cause individuals to start thinking of themselves. Usually this has the 
effect of dispersing the crowd. 

Clues which signify the plotting of a riot may include : "the obser- 
vation of known subversives moving into an area, the discovery of 
arms caches, the circulation of propaganda, attempts to hire demon- 
trators, attempts to tram and orient agitators, arrangements for safe 
houses and escape routes." 

Countermeasures suggested by the witness to an apparent plot to 
create a riot include "either to disperse the crowd or to bring the 
crowd under control, to maintain contact with the leaders, and pos- 
sibly to give the dissidents some sort of outlet." 

Mr. Jones commented on countermeasures in the actual riot or civil 
disturbance phase and said : 

The procedure of the United States Army is to first use a show of force ; then to 
use riot-control formation ; then to consider the use of streams of water ; then 
the use of chemical agents : then fire by selected marksmen ; and finally, under 
very extreme conditions, full fire power. 

Ill the postdisturbance period, countermeasures include the use of 
intelligence in identifying the subversive agitators. During this period 
the authorities involved should listen to the complaints of members of 
dissident groups. It is equally important "to get information to the 
public to imderciit tjie lie s, ha lf-truths, a nd r umors of_S]ibversives_."_ 

The witness was apprised of current investigation and research of 
the committee which indicated that certain groups in the United States 
were actually advocating guerrilla warfare and insurgency in this 
country. He was asked if he saw a relationship between subversively 
manipulated riots and insurgency or guerrilla warfare. He answered 
that he felt that subversively manipulated riots are definitely a part 
of the political weapon system of the international Communist move- 
ment. 

At the, close of his testimony, Mr. Jones indicated that his research 
spanned a length of time dating prior to the rash of riots in the sum- 
mer of 1964. 



SUBVERSIVE ZNTLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 723 

The witness made a passing reference to the October 21, 1967, 
demonstrations at the Pentagon, stating : 

I think there is certainly some evidence based upon my analytical scheme to 
support the contention that someone was trying to incite riotous violence in this 
particular instance. 

TESTIMONY OF HERMAN D. LERNER 

On Thursday, October 26, 1967, the subcommittee convened at 10 :25 
a.m., and the next witness, Herman D. Lemer, was sworn in. Mr. 
Lerner, who resides at 6825 Laverock Court, Bethesda, Md., stated 
that he was born in Baltimore, Md., in 1923. He attended public 
schools in Baltimore and studied the physical and social sciences at 
the University of Maryland. His studies were interrupted in 1943-46 
for a term of military service, after which he resumed college and 
graduated with an A.B. degree in 1948. 

Mr. Lemer did graduate work at Harvard University, where he was 
a teaching fellow in social change. Since that period he has done addi- 
tional periodic graduate work at the American University. 

For the past 14 years, the witness had been conducting many studies 
of military systems, research planning and utilization, social and 
economic issues, and political trends. 

Mr. Lerner is a member of various professional associations in opera- 
tions research, sociology, management, and general science. 

Concerning fields of study related to organized rioting, the witness 
stated that over the past 10 years he had studied "national cohesion, 
military strategy, general and limited warfare, political rioting, crime, 
and internal security, with special reference to military-civilian rela- 
tions, force, propaganda, and strategy." 

Commenting particularly on an Office of Naval Research study into 
riots, during his tenure with them, the witness said : 

As for the possibility of rioting as a tactic in general warfare, this was a 
problem which the study team looked into since it was believed that there would 
be enormous destruction during a thermonuclear war and that military units 
might be required to cope with many emergencies, including threats to naval 
installations and internal security which might arise from political rioting 
and insurgencies. 

The witness listed five headings under which an analysis of recent 
urban rioting in the United States could be classified: (1) "urban 
disorganization and poverty"; (2) "community conflict (social, reli- 
gious, economic, ethnic, racial, et cetera)"; (3) "criminality and de- 
linquency"; (4) "domestic subversion"; (5) "foreign subversion." 

The witness defines subversion as "any activity which has as its 
objective the illegal displacement of power from one group to an- 
other; * * * the weakening or destruction of national cohesion 
through propaganda, military and industrial sabotage, or other eco- 
nomic or political measures." 

He added : "Subversion is political criminality." 

Drawing a distinction between domestic and foreign subversives, 
Mr. Lemer said : 

A domestic, or "benign" subversive is a person whose disloyalty, alienation, 
and illegal activity are directed against our national institutions, including 
our political structure and the incumbents of power, but whose loyalty and 
allegiance to the Nation — ^as a people — ^are still intact. 



724 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

A foreign or "malignant" subversive, on the other hand, is a person who is 
uncommitted to the Nation and who may in fact be an agent of a foreign power 
with primary allegiance to that power. 

Turning to the circumstances under which political rioting occurs, 
the witness explained that three subjects must be considered here: (1) 
"the functions of government"; (2) "how those functions are defined 
or interpreted by the persons governed"; and (3) "organized exploita- 
tion of real or alleged governmental inadequacies and injustices." 

In answer to the query of how "people react to organized exploita- 
tion of the failure of governmental authority and power, either real 
or alleged," the witness replied : 

The most important determinant of this reaction is the set of basic attitudes 
and sentiments which people already have concerning the Government. 

4c * ♦ * * 4: * 

_ An urban Negro is a low-incom e gro up in the U.S. is unlil^ely to compa re 
' himself with an urban Russian or an urban Chinese or * * * a man in Harlem 
ordinarily will not compare himself with one in Watts, and vice versa. 

* * * But he is more likely to view himself with other nearby Negroes who 
have more than he or with nearby whites * * *. 

This sense of comparative or relative deprivation which results from con- 
sistently unfavorable comparisons causes frustration, which in turn may lead 
to aggressive tendencies * * *. 

The witness observed that authorities in the field of crowds, mobs, 
and riots had denoted certain "features of aggressive group action 
which are noteworthy for an understanding of recent urban rioting in 
the United States." 

These include : 

(c) weakening of customary restraints or inhibitions which ordinarily block 
illegal behavior and overtly aggressive action against authorities ; 

(b) moral support for aggressive action from other participants in the 
group ; 

(c) reinforced or increased power of the individual ; 

(d) intensification of the influence of what might be called negative or 
antisocial norms ; and so forth. 

The witness reviewed the steps or stages in the development from 
a psychological point of view. These stages are : the preconditioning 
or propaganda stage, a feeling of resentment over unjust deprivation 
stage, the assembly or crowd-forming stage, the "riot-inciting idea or 
incident," and finally the riot. 

The riot will have several kinds of significance to the participants, 
including: "physical and symbolic redress, or righting, of injustice" 
through damage, looting, or burning, which "symbolizes the punish- 
ment of the guilty," the "power holders and others identified with 
the established order." 

Following the riot, the political goal of the rioter — ordinarily 
an increase in legitimate power (actual or symbolic) — either is 
achieved or not achieved. 

Mr. Lerner then stated : 

These stages should be understood as general concepts which help describe 
much of the recent political rioting. They do not necessarily apply to all cases. 
* ♦ ♦ Also, guerrilla units — one person or small groups — may take advantage 
of the riot by sniping and by other specialized acts or theft, destruction, and 
terror. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 725 

Mr. Lerner was asked if he found evidence of subversion in political 
rioting. He replied, "Yes. There is no question about it." He cited 
examples from the testimony of J. Edgar Hoover, FBI Director, 
regarding subversion in certain riots in the United States. He said 
it was also amiounced and documented by congressional committees 
(that evidence of subversion in riots exists) and added : 

But even if we were to cast aside the oflScial information such as that which 
I have just quoted * * * there would be no question about the existence of 
subversion in recent urban rioting because the acts of many of the rioters — 
individually and collectively — are themselves subversive. 

Mr. Lerner stated that there "are definite patterns which are re- 
peated over and over again in subversively manipulated riots and in 
their development," and cited as examples the "frequent, systematic 
repetition of * * * standardized events, styles, and sequences in widely 
dispersed areas" such as Watts and Harlem. 

Mr. Lerner pointed out the involvement of teenage gangs in riots 
and added: 

Youths are more suggestible and impressionable * * * are more readily disposed 
to physical responses to frustration * * * more idealistic, more highly sympa- 
thetic to the underdog, and more highly displeased over apparent deficiencies in 
the social structure than adults. 

All of these characteristics make youths a good target for propaganda by those 
who may wish to represent themselves as sincere, legitimate reformers or idealis- 
tic revolutionaries. 

Mr. Lerner presented his suggestions for dealing with riot situa- 
tions. He divided his recommendations into (a) "emergency steps" 
and (b) "long-term programs," stating that: "Emergency steps are 
those which should be taken immediately at the threat or outbreak 
of a riot." 

"Among the long-<term recommendations," he suggested: 

( 1 ) Make ethnic "hate" activities a Federal offense * * * 

(2) Impose limited weapons control [on subversives and criminals] * * * 

(3) Formulate a set of civil duties which corresponds to civil rights * * ♦ 

(4) * * * selectively and temporarily reducing rights to speech and assembly 
of subversives * * * 

(5) * ♦ ♦ devise specific, workable programs for bringing the quality of Negro 
life in this coimtry to an acceptable level * ♦ * 

(6) Provide a program for rehabilitation of subversives and insurgents * * * 

(7) Consider the advisability of broadening the mandate of this committee 
[House Committee on Un-American Activities] * * ♦ to encompass increased 
constructive action toward dealing with the conditions which create subversives 
in this country and toward rehabilitation of subversives. 

Mr. Tuck thanked the witness for his testimony and discussed fur- 
ther the definition and classification of subversives. 

TESTIMONY OF HON. SAM YORTY, MAYOR OF LOS ANGELES, CALIF. 

On Tuesday, November 28, 1967, the subcommittee of the Ck)mmittee 
on Un-American Activities met in the committee hearing room in the 
continuation of public hearings into "subversive influences in riots, 
looting, and burning." 

The witness, Hon. Sam Yorty, mayor of Los Angeles, Calif., was 
sworn in and stated that he was, by profession, an attorney at law. 



726 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Mayor Yorty was a Member of Congress in 1950 to 1954 and mayor 
of Los Angeles since 1961. 

His tenure in the California Legislature in the mid-1930's gave him 
an opportunity to studj the subject of communism. Since that time, 
the witness has maintamed an interest in Communist activities. 

In answer to a question concerning his opinion of underlying factors 
which caused the riots in the last few years, Mayor Yorty replied : 

I would certainly say that one of the factors is the constant repetition of 
subversive propaganda, the agitation, and propaganda conducted by the Com- 
munist Party within the framework of their historic objective to break down 
the resi)ect for government, certainly for law and order, and to personalize, as 
they always do, this objective mainly in the police oflScer. 

Asked if he believed these riots have been spontaneous or planned, 
the mayor said, "I think that tliere are some of both." He added : 

I think that the propaganda over the years has been so eonstanrt; and at time® 
very effective * * *, 

I also think there are some riots where subversive forces have actually 
planned * * * incidents that they would hope would spark a riot. 

Mayor Yorty introduced an exhibit into the record, a pamphlet en- 
titled "The Big Lie." The pamphlet, produced by the Los Angeles 
city government, contained a short history of the charge of police 
brutality over a period of 21 years — ^or since 1946, by the Communist 
Party. 

The witness stated that law enforcement has been handicapped "by 
the reinterpretation, really the rewriting of the Constitution by the 
United States Supreme Court * * *." He cited examples of the ex- 
clusionary rule of evidence, the rules of search and seizure, and the 
registration of known criminals. 

Mayor Yorty recalled that Lenin, in his writings, as early as 1902, 
had made reference to police brutality and noted that he knew of 
no period in history where the "campaign against the police has been 
quite as effective as it is today." 

The mayor was asked if police brutality charges were made in his 
city during the "Watts riot. He replied that an attempt was made "to 
blame the police for the rioting," and added: "This led to my un- 
pleasant confrontation witli Dr. Martin Luther King," who — 

persisted in arguing that the police were to blame for the rioting. Then he went 
out and got before the cameras and newspapers and made that same charge. 
I felt it necessary to answer that charge and to tell him that it was very unfair 
for him to come out to Los Angeles and try to blame the police for the rioting. 

Mayor Yorty then stated that he did not "know of any case where 
an officer has had to be dismissed for brutality." ^ 

The mayor noted that there were many people who made charges of 
police brutality whose motive was to discredit the police department 
and to carry on the so-called Communist struggle campaign to "break 
down respect for the law enforcement officials and * * * eventually 
* * * break down the ability of our Government to operate." 

The Los Angeles mayor said that : 

Unfortunately, the nature of news is * * * usually negative. The bizarre makes 
more news than the everyday hard work of law enforcement 

Mayor Yorty saw a need for people to understand the Communist 
Party and its apparatus. He said : 



SUBVERSIVE ENTLUENCES EST RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 727 

The public has been conditioned to feel that the charge of communism is some 
kind of smear on innocent people. * * • 

He cited several examples of "conditioning" of the American public 
"until they have lost their understanding of the true effectiveness of 
Communist agitation and propaganda." 

The witness submitted that he "wouldn't want to go so far as to 
say that no policeman has ever been guilty of brutality," but that "the 
major problem is brutality to police on the part of citizen groups." 

In considering a question propounded by staff director McNamara 
on whether riot legislation ^ould be levied at the State or Federal 
level, the mayor said : 

I think you have to take whatever action you can at every level. I don't think 
trying to maintain law and order is just a matter for any one level of govern- 
ment. * * * 

The Los Angeles mayor commented on the Communist-manipulated 
demonstration against the President on June 23, 1967, in his city. He 
noted that the "police permit for the so-called parade was issued to 
a person who has been identified as a Commumst." The parade was 
slated as a demonstration against the war in Vietnam, but, as the mayor 
noted, the "war in Vietnam just happens to be the current issue that 
the Communists use to try to cause citizens to confront policemen and 
to defy them." 

The mayor also noted that the demonstration reached riot or near- 
riot proportions. 

Don Healey, former husband of one of the leaders of the Communist 
Party in California, Dorothy Healey, was the identified Communist 
who had obtained the parade permit for the riotous demonstration on 
June 23, 1967, in Los Angeles. 

Prior to the clashes with the police on June 23, about 10,000 had 
turned out to parade past the hotel where President Johnson was 
speaking. As the parade reached the hotel, elements in the front 
stopped short. Police were ordered to disperse the crowd, as the parade 
permit stated that the parade was to continue its movement. Hard-core 
agitators at the rear of the crowd got behind the crowd and pressed 
the people in front onto the ranks of police. This led to clashes. 

The mayor said that the people in America did not understand the 
Communist theory of the struggle. He added : 

We have a constant series of struggles in this country, all the time conducted, 
of course, in most cases by legitimate and sincere people who will never under- 
stand that they have become part of the struggle. 

The June 23 demonstrations in Los Angeles were organized and 
sponsored by the Peace Action Council. The chairman of this Peace 
Action Council is Irving Sarnoff, a fifth amendment witness before 
the Committee on Un-American Activities on September 5, 1958. 
Sarnoff is identified in a committee report as a member of the district 
council, Communist Party, Southern California District. 

The mayor quoted from a Communist Party Manual on Organiza- 
tion. The manual was demonstrated to be a good example of where the 
Communists try to take advantage of a movement in the country, such 
as the current civil rights movement. 



32-955 O— e9— pt. 1- 



728 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Mayor Yorty stated : 

I think it is rather apparent that over the long years the Negro people did 
not prove very susceptible to Communist propaganda and agitation * * ♦. 

But I do think that in the civil rights movement today there is a growing 
success on the part of the Communist apparatus to manipulate some of the or- 
ganizations. * * * 

The Los Angeles mayor was asked if he had any recommendation, in 
addition to antiriot legislation, which might help solve the problem 
of rioting and looting. 

He indicated that some action in the nature of a reversal of recent 
U.S. Supreme Court decisions which have restricted "the ability of law 
enforcement agencies to do their job"' might be in order. 

The chairman, Mr. Willis, and members of the committee expressed 
their gratitude to Mayor Yorty for his excellent contribution to the 
subject under investigation. 

TESTIMONY OF ROBERT H. MEHAFFEY 

On Tuesday, October 31, 1967, at 10 a.m., the subcommittee of the 
Committee on Un-American Activities met in the continuation of 
hearings into "subversive influences in riots, looting, and burning." 

Mr. Mehaffey was sworn in and stated that he was employed with the 
House (^ommittee on Un-American Activities as a research consultant. 

Mr. Mehaffey read excerpts from Committee Exhibit No. 3, the 
staff papers on various organizations in this country whose activities 
have included racial agitation. 

Prior to Mr. Mehaffey's testimony on the investigation and research 
carried out by the committee staff in conjunction with the present 
inquiry, Mr. Smith, general counsel of the committee, stated : 

Because some of these organizations are relatively new and others are small 
and little known, the subcommittee has agreed that staff documents containing 
basic data about these organizations and also statements which they or their 
recognized leaders have made concerning riots, the use of violence, and related 
issues should be made a part of the record. 

General Counsel Smith stated that the purpose for inserting the 
staff papers at this point in the chronicle of testimony "is to make the 
record clear." Mr. Smith added : 

When facts are presented about these organizations and individuals in these 
hearings, the general nature of the groups will be known and understood. * * * 

Mr. Smith emphasized that the documents to be presented "are not 
intended to convey any more than they actually say." He noted that 
some of the organizations are openly Communist and subversive. 
"Others have been cited as Communist and/or subversive by official 
agencies." Other organizations, not cited, should not be interpreted as 
a committee finding or implication that the organization is Communist 
or subversive. 

Committee Exhibit No. 1 is headed: "International Communist 
Statements on Racial Agitation and Riots in the United States." 

Committee Exhibit No. 2 is headed : "FBI Statements on Commu- 
nist Racial Agitation." 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 729 

Committee Exhibit No. 3 contains the following organizational 
reports : 

Communist Party of the United States of America (CPUS A) 
W. E. B. DuBois Clubs of America (DCA). 
FreedomAvays (magazine). 
Progressive Labor Party (PLP) . 
Socialist Workers Party (SWP) . 
Workers World Party (WWP) . 
Youth Against War and Fascism ( YAWF) . 
Spartacist League. 

Revolutionary Action Movement (RAM) . 
Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (also known as 
SNCC, SNICK). 

Southern Student Organizing Committee (SSOC) . 

Southern Conference Educational Fund, Inc. (SCEF) . 

Liberator (magazine). 

ACT. 

Organization for Black Power. 

Freedom Now Party. 

Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) . 

Nation of Islam (NOI). 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND 

BURNING 

Part 1 



WEDNESDAY, OCTOBEB 25, 1967 
United States House of Representatives, 

SUBCOMMnTEE OF THE 

Committee on Un-American Activities, 

Washington, D.C. 
public hearings 

A subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities met, 
pursuant to call, at 10 a.m., in Eoom 311, Cannon House Office Build- 
ing, Washington, D.C, Hon. William M. Tuckpresiding. 

(Subcommittee members: Representatives Edwin E. Willis, of Lou- 
isiana, chairman ; William M. Tuck, of Virginia ; Richard H. Ichord, 
of Missouri ; John M. Ashbrook, of Ohio ; and Albert W. Watson, oi 
South Carolina; also John C. Culver, of Iowa, in absence of Mr. 
Willis.) 

Subcommittee members present : Representatives Tuck, Culver, and 
Ashbrook. 

Staff members present : Francis J. McNamara, director ; Chester D. 
Smith, general counsel ; and Alfred M. Nittle, counsel. 

Mr. Tuck. The committee will please come to order. 

This hearing is being held pursuant to a resolution adopted by the 
full committee August 2, 1967. That resolution reads as follows : 

WHEREAS, on October 3, 1966, pursuant to the Rules of the Ck)mmittee, the 
Chairman directed the Committee staff to undertake a preliminary inquiry into 
the rioting, burning, looting, and other tragic acts of violence which have afllicted 
a number of principal cities in the United States, for the purpose of determining 
whether these acts of mass violence have been planned and instigated by sub- 
versive elements or to what extent, if any, such elements have succeeded in broad- 
ening and prolonging them after they have broken out ; and 

WHEREAS, the Chairman appointed Representatives Tuck (D-Va.) and Wat- 
son (R-S.C.) to oversee the general conduct of the preliminary inquiry; and 

WHEREAS, Mr. Tuck has today made a report to the Committee on the results 
of this preliminary inquiry ; and 

WHEREAS, the report rendered by Mr. Tuck clearly indicates that Communist 
organizations and individuals, and also other subversive organizations and indi- 
viduals — ^that is, organizations and individuals advocating, inciting, or partici- 
pating in activities to effect by force and violence, or other unlawful means, politi- 
cal, economic, or social changes in our form or system of government as guaran- 
teed by the Constitution of the United States — have been involved to a significant 
degree in the activities of violence aforesaid ; and 

WHEREAS, there is presently pending before the House and the Congress 
proposals for remedial legislation concerning these activities, and niunerous 
requests have been made on the Floor of the House for investigation of the 
circumstances underlying these activities ; and 

731 



732 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

WHEREAS, by the Rules of the House this Committee is authorized and 
directed as a whole, or by subcommittee, to make from time to time investiga- 
tions of (1) the extent, character, and objects of un-American propaganda 
activities in the United States, (2) the diffusion within the United States of 
subversive and Tin-American propaganda that is instigated from foreign coun- 
tries or of a domestic origin and attacks the principle of the form of government 
as guaranteed by our Constitution, and (3) all other questions in relation thereto 
that would aid Congress in any necessary remedial legislation ; and 

WHERE3AS, the Committee on Un-American Activities is directed to report 
to the House the results of any such investigation, together with such recom- 
mendations as it deems advisable ; 

NOW, THEREFORE, for the purposes and pursuant to the authority above- 
mentioned : 

BE IT RESOLVED, that investigation be made, and hearings by the Com- 
mittee on Un-American Activities, or a subcommittee thereof, be held in Wash- 
ington, D.C., or at such other place or places as the Chairman of the said Com- 
mittee or subcommittee may determine, on such date or dates as the Chairman 
may designate, relating to the incidents of rioting, burning, looting, and other 
acts of violence in principal cities of the United States for the purpose of deter- 
mining the extent to which, and the manner in which, these acts of force and 
violence have been planned, instigated, incited, or supported by Communist and 
other subversive organizations and individuals, and all other questions in rela- 
tion thereto that would aid Congress in any necessary remedial legislation. 

During the past few years, there have been well OAer 100 riots in 
this country. Several dozen of them at least can be classified as major 
disturbances. The damage they have done to the country is truly stag- 
gering. It is estimated that the riots which have taken place this year 
alone have cost the Nation over $100 million in property damage, plus 
millions more for overtime for police and fire departments, for the use 
of National Guard and Federal troops, and in addition still more mil- 
lions in lost business. 

Over 16,000 people have been arrested during the riots. For months 
to come the courts in many cities will be tied up in disposing of their 
cases. Over 3,200 persons have been injured ; 85 have been killed. 

The suffering, the physical and mental anguish, the riots have 
brought to many people cannot be measured in dollars and cents. No 
standard of measurement has yet been devised for such trouble. 

These facts alone make it clear beyond all question that everything 
possible must be done to prevent similar disturbances in the future. 
Yet they spell out only part of the damage that has been done. The 
riots have also caused internal tension and dissension. They have 
threatened our national unity. 

Beyond that, they have caused tremendous damage to the United 
States abroad and, in so doing, have given great aid and comfort to 
our enemies, thus impairing our national security. Moscow, Peking, 
Hanoi, and Havana have rejoiced at these disturbances and have taken 
full propaganda advantage of them to undermine the standing and 
prestige of the United States among other nations and peoples. 

We cannot measure precisely the damage done to our country in 
this area, but in real value it is surely greater than our material losses. 
It is easier to rebuild a city than a nation "s image. 

Riots are not new. Practically every nation has suffered from them 
at some time in its history. We have had them before — but never on 
the scale of the la.st few years. 

It is not the view of this committee that Communists or other sub- 
versive elements are the sole cause of the recent riots; that without 
these elements there would have been no riots at all. It is generally 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 733 

acknowledged that a variety of factors and conditions are usually in- 
volved in outbreaks of mass violence. It is also true, however, that these 
elements alone fall short of adequately explaining the disturbances 
that have wracked our country in recent years. 

Poverty may be a factor — but people here and in other countries 
have suffered much greater poverty in the past, and still suffer it, 
without rioting. 

Unemployment may be a factor — but at times in the past unemploy- 
ment in the riot areas has been greater than it is today and people 
have not rioted. 

Discrimination may be a factor — but in this area, too, there have 
been decided improvements in recent years, and many doors are now 
open that were not open before. 

Lack of educational opportunity may be involved — but there are 
now 320,000 Negroes attending our colleges and universities, and today 
the Negro in America has more than twice the opportunity of attending 
college than the white European has. 

We know that the weather is involved. Riots generally occur in 
hot, humid weather. They do not take place during blizzards. But 
there is certainly nothing the Government can do about the weather. 

Some sociologists say that boredom arising out of too much free time 
is a factor ; that antipathy to work on the part of some persons is an- 
other. Many other factors have been suggested. 

It is my personal view that those persons who have gone about coun- 
seling, urging, and advising so-called civil disobedience — which is no 
more than calculated violation of any law you do not like, the root of 
anarchy — have created disrespect and contempt for law and order 
which has contributed to the mob violence. 

There is another point about the riots which I believe it is important 
to stress. Estimates as to the proportion of the Negro population taking 
part in them have generally varied between 2 percent and 5 percent. 

Even the larger figure represents a small minority. In addition, it has 
generally been recognized that a significant part of this minority lias 
been made up of youths, teenage gangs, and persons with criminal 
records. This indicates that the rioters have not been representative of 
the adult Negro population. 

Another important — and tragic — fact is that the principal victims 
of the riots, the persons who have suffered most from them, have been 
the law-abiding citizens, the majority, in the riot-torn Negro areas. 

Obviously, judging accurately and in perspective all the factors con- 
tributing to the riots and coming up with a satisfactory answer to them 
is a most difficult and complicated task. Other inquiries have been un- 
dertaken for this purpose and to propose both short- and long-term 
solutions. This committee's jurisdiction is limited to subversive activ- 
ities. It does not embrace social problems as such. 

Throughout history riots have been used for political purposes. They 
can be, and have been, deliberately instigated to weaken and undermine 
existing governments and pave the way for the establishment of a new 
and different type of governmental system. 

The Congress and the public have a right to know if elements in this 
comitry who are opposed to our form of government, who want to tear 
it down and replace it with another, have been involved in instigating 
the violence that has done so much damage to our Nation. 



734 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

At this time in history, there are few things that pose a greater 
danger to our overall security than the deliberate instigation of mass 
violence which is designed to destroy our national unity, set citizen 
against citizen, groups and classes of citizens against their Govern- 
ment, and undermine the power, the prestige, and the good name of our 
country in all parts of the world. 

This committee has explicit and unquestioned authority to investi- 
gate such activities. 

Investigations conducted by this committee over a period of almost 
30 years have revealed that individuals and organizations with these 
aims exist in this country. Have they been involved in any way in these 
riots or in instigating them ? 

This question must be answered. If we are going to find a solution 
to the causes of these riots, then this as well as other factors must be 
explored thoroughly. If only a partial investigation is made, if certain 
factors are ignored, then only a partial, incomplete, and unsatisfactory 
answer will be found. 

A preliminary inquiry into this matter was made by the committee 
over a period of 10 months. It was on the basis of that inquiry — an 
inquiry which clearly revealed subversive involvement in the riots — 
that the committee determined to conduct a full-scale investigation. 

As usual, there has been opposition to our investigation. Moscow 
radio started out the new year — on last January 2 — with an attack on 
the committee's preliminary inquiry. It said, "the progressive forces of 
America demand that the witch hunters cease the shameful 
investigation." 

Various Communist and fellow-traveler groups in the United States 
and certain self-proclaimed civil rights leaders have taken the same 
position. This is par for the course. It does not disturb the committee, 
which is confident that the American public is completely capable of 
judging the motivation behind these protests. 

An explanation for Moscow's concern on this matter, perhaps, is 
found in the committee's Annual Eeport for 1960, which included a 
chapter on "Mob Violence as a Communist Weapon." In that chapter 
the committee stated : 

There is considerable evidence that, in the United States, as well as on a world 
scale, the Communists feel that the present tactical situation calls for increased 
utilization of rioting and mob violence. * * ♦ 

That same chapter also said : 

The U.S. Communist Party, the committee believes, will follow the orders of 
Moscow, which has told it, in effect : "^ 

"Internal violence is the order of the day. Riots are one of the weapons you are 
to use in the present situation to assist our grand strategy for victory." 

I regret to say that the above-quoted committee analysis, or predic- 
tion, whichever you may call it, has proved to be accurate. 

Finally, I believe the last para^rapn in that chapter of our Annual 
Report for 1960 deserves rej^etition because it spells out clearly the 
issue we face in this inquiry into the role of the Communists and the 
subversives in rioting : 

It is not merely the committee that will be the target of Communist force and 
violence. Whether future Communist-inspired mob violence has the committee 
or some other agency or group as its target, it will be freedom and the United 
States form of representative government which, in the final analysis, are under 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES EST RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 735 

assault. The violence will be part of an over-all plan of battle, engaged in by the 
Communists to promote the coming of the day when Khrushchev's dream will 
come true and the Unitied States of America, like all other nations, will have its 
effective government in Moscow. 

I regret the chairman of the committee, the distinguished gentle- 
man from Louisiana, is not here due to illness in his family, but he 
appointed a subcommittee on October 19, 1967, by memorandum as 
f oUows : 

To: Mk. Feancis J. MoNamara, 

Director, Committee on Un-American Activities. 

Pursuant to the provisions of the law and the Rules of this Committee, I 
hereby appoint a subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities, 
consisting of Honorable William M. Tuck, Honorable Richard Ichord, Honorable 
John M. Ashbrook and Honorable Albert W. Watson, as associate members, and 
myself, as Chairman, to conduct hearings in Washington, D.C., commencing on or 
about Wednesday, October 25, 1967, and/or at such other times thereafter and 
places as said subcommittee shall determine, as contemplated by the resolution 
adopted by the Committee on the 2nd day of August, 1967, authorizing hearings 
concerning subversive influences in the riots, the looting and burning which 
have besieged various cities in the Nation, and other matters under investigation 
by the Committee. 

Please make this action a matter of Committee record. 

If any member indicates his inability to serve, please notify me. 

Given under my hand this 19th day of October 1967. 

/s/ Edwin E. Willis, 
Edwin E. Willis, 
Chairman, Committee on Un-American Activities. 

Since then Mr. John C. Culver, of Iowa, has been also appointed.^ 

Are you ready, Mr. McNamara ? 

Mr. McNamara, Yes, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Tuck. Will you proceed. 

Mr. McNamara. Will Mr. Archie Moore come forward, please. 

Mr. Tuck. Will you stand and be sworn. 

Do you solemnly swear the testimony you will give before this 
subconmiittee will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the 
truth, so help you God ? 

Mr. MooRE. I do. 

Mr. Tuck. You may be seated. 

(At tliis point Mr. Ichord entered the hearing room.) 

TESTIMONY OF ARCHIE MOOEE 

Mr. McNamara. Mr. Moore, state your full name and address for 
the record. 

Mr. Moore. My name is Archie Moore. I live at 3517 E Street, San 
Diego, California. 

Mr. McNamara. What is your business or profession, Mr. Moore? 

Mr. MooRE. My business now is youth guidance. My former profes- 
sion was the professional light heavyweight boxing champion of the 
world for 11 years. 

Mr. McNamara. As I recall, Mr. Moore, your boxing career spanned 
approximately 30 years, and during that time you engaged in 228 ring 
appearances and set an all-time record of 136 knockouts; is that cor- 
rect? 



1 By Order dated Oct. 25, 196.7, Mr. Culver was appointed as an associate member of the 
subcommittee to serve at sucb times as Chairman Willis is unable to be present. 



736 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Mr. Moore. That is correct, Mr. McNamara. 

Mr. IcHORD. Mr. Chairman, at this point, if the director will yield, 
I want to take the opportunity of welcoming Mr. Moore to this com- 
mittee. I think all of the committee know who Archie Moore is. As a 
matter of fact, he has been one of my favorite sports figures since I 
was just a small figure. 

Mr. Moore, I have followed your work since you were light heavy- 
weight champion of the world. I have noticed that in your work as a 
good Samaritan you have excelled just as much as you did in the ring. 

It is a pleasure to have you with us today, Mr. Moore. 

Mr. Moore. Thank you, Mr. Ichord. 

Mr. Tuck. Let the record show that the other members of the com- 
mittee share those views and 

Mr. Culver. Mr. Chairman, could I say also at this point, Mr. 
Moore, that I think your fight against Yvon Durelle in Nova Scotia in 
1958 was the most inspiring and courageous demonstration I have 
ever seen in competitive athletics. I want to commend you at this time. 

Mr. Moore. Thank you, Mr. Culver. 

Mr. Tuck. You may proceed. 

Mr. McNamara. Mr. Moore, are you appearing today in response to 
an invitation and request of the chairman that you testify m these 
hearings ? 

Mr. Moore. Yes, sir. 

Mr. McNamara. Is it not a fact, Mr. Moore, that in addition to being 
the former light heavyweight boxing champion of the world vou are 
also "Mr. San Diego"? 

Mr. Moore. A title that was given me this year for 1968, "Mr. San 
Diego." 

Mr. AsHBRooK. Will you repeat that? The acoustics are very bad. 

Mr. McNamara. "Mr. San Diego." It is an annual award presented 
to an outstanding citizen of San Diego, or the outstanding citizen, I 
should say. 

Mr. Moore, the instances of rioting, looting, and burning which 
have taken place in this country during the past few years have been 
a matter of deep concern to all Americans, no matter what their race, 
religion, or national origin. 

Will you tell the committee your reaction to these riots ? 

Mr. Moore. My reactions to the rioting are that it does not make 
sense for people to riot in this sense. It does not make sense to loot and 
burn and destroy people's property or do any kind of things that are 
wrong, morally or physically wrong; to harm other people, to shoot 
at people whom you don't even know, and this sort of malicious 
disturbance. 

Mr. McNaimara. As indicated in the chairman's opening statement, 
Mr. Moore, and in a committee release of August 2, there is evidence 
of Communist and other subversive involvement in these riots. That 
e^'idenre will be presented for the record in later hearings of the 
committee. 

Will you state for the committee your belief concerning the Com- 
munists' professed interests in civil rights for Negroes and other 
minorities? Are they sincere in this? Can minorities accept them and 
work with them in their efforts to win full equality ? 

Mr. Moore. This is only my opinion. 



SUBVERSIVE D^FLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 737 

I do not believe in the Communist doctrine. I have been to an anti- 
Communist meeting, at which Senator Dodd was present, in San Diego 
to hear a speaker who was also a writer of a book on communism, 
Dr. Fred Schwarz. 

What Dr. Fred Schwarz relayed to the public at this meeting thor- 
oughly convinced me that the communistic area was not one I wanted 
to be m and that they would seek to destroy a nation the way, mostly, 
worms destroy fruit, from the inside. 

(At this point Mr. Watson entered the hearing room.) 

Mr. McNamara. Mr. Moore, a few months ago you wrote a state- 
ment about rioting which you submitted to the San Diego Union, 
which published it as a page-one feature. This statement has won 
national acclaim. It has been circulated abroad by the USIA, the 
United States Information Agency. 

Will you be good enough at this point to read that statement for the 
record, please ? 

Mr. Moore. I will. 

The devil is at work in America, aud it is up to us to drive him out. Snipers 
and looters, white or black, deserve no mercy. Those who would profit from their 
brother's misfortunes deserve no mercy, and those who would set fellow Ameri- 
cans upon each other deserve no mercy. 

I'll fight the man who calls me an Uncle Tom. I have broken bread with heads 
of state, chatted with presidents and traveled all over the world. I was born in a 
ghetto, but I refused to stay there. I am a Negro, and proud to be one. I am also 
an American, and am proud of that. 

The young people of today think they have a hard lot. They should have been 
around in the '30s when I was coming up in St. Louis. We had no way to go, but 
a lot of us made it. I became light heavyweight champion of the world. A neigh- 
bor kid down the block, Clark Terry, became one of the most famous jazz musi- 
cians in the world. There were doctors, lawyers and chiefs who came out of that 
ghetto. One of the top policemen in St. Louis came from our neighborhood. 

BAIT FOB SIMPLE-MINDED 

We made it because we had a goal, and we were willing to work for it. Don't talk 
to me of your "guaranteed national income." Any fool knows that this is insanity. 
Do we bring those who worked to get ahead down to the level of those who never 
gave a damn? The world owes nobody — black or white — a living. God helps the 
man who helps himself ! 

Now then, don't get the idea that I didn't grow up hating the injustices of this 
world. I am a staunch advocate of the Negro revolution for the good of mankind. 
I've seen almost unbelievable progress made in the last handful of years. Do we 
want to become wild beasts bent only on revenge, looting and killing and laying 
America bare? Hate is bait, bait for the .simple-minded. 

Sure, I despised the whites who cheated me, but I used that feeling to make me 
push on. If you listen to the professional rabble-rousers, adhere to this idea of 
giving up everything you've gained in order to revenge yourself for the wrongs 
that were done to you in the past — then you'd better watch your neighbor, because 
he'll be looting your house next. Law and order is the only edge we have. No man 
is an island. 

Granted, the Negro still has a long way to go to gain a fair shake with the 
white man in this coimtry. But believe this : If we resort to lawlessness, the only 
thing we can hope for is civil war, untold bloodshed, and the end of our dreams. 

We have to have a meeting of qualified men of both races. Mind you, I said 
qualified men, not some punk kid, ranting the catch phrases put in his mouth by 
some paid hate-monger. There are forces in the world today, forces bent upon the 
destruction of America, your America and mine. And while we're on the subject, 
do you doubt for a minute that communism, world communism, isn't waiting with 
bated breath for the black and white Americans to turn on each other full force? 
Do you want a chance for life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness in the land 
of your birth, or do you want no chance at all under the Red heel? 



738 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

NOT ONE SQUABE INCH 

There are members of the black community who call for a separate nation 
within America. Well, I do not intend to give up one square inch of America. 
I'm not going to be told I must live in a restricted area. Isn't that what we've all 
been fighting to overcome? And then there is the element that calls for a return 
to Africa. 

For my part, Africa is a great place to visit, but I wouldn't want to live there. 
If the Irishmen want to go back to the Emerald Isle, let them. If the Slavs want 
to return to the Iron Curtain area, OK by me. But I'm not going to go any part 
of Africa to live. I'm proud of ancestry, and of the country that spawned my 
forefathers, but I'm not giving up my country. I fought all my life to give my 
children what I'm able to give them today ; a chance for development as citizens 
in the greatest coimtry in the world. 

I do not for a moment think that any truly responsible Negro wants anarchy. 
I don't think you'll find intelligent — no, let's rephrase that — mature Negroes 
running wild in the streets or sniping at total strangers. God made the white 
man as well as the black. True, we haven't acted as brothers in the past, but we 
are brothers. If we're to be so many Cains and Abels, that's our choice. We can't 
blame God for it. 

Something must be done to reach the Negroes and the whites in the ghettos of 
this country, and I propose to do something. 

'any boy can' 

As a matter of plain fact, I have been doing something for the past several 
years. I have been running a program which I call the ABC — Any Boy Can. By 
teaching our youth, black, white, yellow and red, what dignity is, what self 
respect is, what honor is, I have been able to obliterate juvenile delinquency in 
several areas. 

I would now expand my program, change scope. If any boy can, surely any man 
can. I want to take teams of qualified people, top men in their fields, to the 
troubled areas of our cities. I know that the people who participated in the 
recent riots, who are participating and who will participate, are misguided rather 
than mad. 

If some bigot can misguide, then I can guide. I've spent too much of my life 
building what I've got to put it to torch just to satisfy some ancient hatred of a 
man who beat my grandfather. Those men are long dead. Do we have to choke 
what could be a beautiful garden with weeds of hate? I say NO ! Ajid I stand 
ready to start "Operation Gardener." I invite the respected Negro leaders of our 
country to join me. 

Mr. McNamara. Mr. Moore, you referred in your statement to your 
youth guidance program, ABC, Any Boy Can. 

Will you outline the program for the committee, telling when and 
why and how it was started, what its purposes are and its principles 
and accomplishments? 

Mr. MooRE. Yes, sir. ABC is a program that I devised years ago and 
I wanted to work on this program. However, being champion of the 
world occupied most of my time. 

But having a fine memory, I memorized parts of this program. I 
memorized very vividly many parts of this program, feeling that it 
would help young people step off in life with their best foot forward 
because this program was based on truth, honesty, respect for self and 
for other people, their rights and property. With this program, a 
youngster in 2 short months would show some signs of dignity. 

We all know and feel that when a youngster is fearful of things 
that might happen to him his potential is down real low. So, in order 
to bring this potential up he must be motivated. How can I motivate 
this youngster who is in the neighborhood, who is going to school and 
is having his lunch taken away from him by the bigger boys and being 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 739 

pushed around, made to get into trouble? I feel that teaching them the 
basics, only the outline of physical self-defense, coupled with this 
moral and spiritual self-defense with which to guide him, will serve 
as a guideline for him because, surely, when all the youngsters know 
that a boy has taken physical education or boxing instruction, they do 
not pick on him very much. 

Sometimes there will be a fight in order to prove certain things, but 
generally the boy who has taken self-defense lessons wins out, and he 
can go his way down life's trail, down life's hard road, pursuing the 
trade or profession or career he wants to pursue in life. 

So, in teaching this program, first in Vallejo, California, and now in 
San Diego, we have wiped away a lot of troubles and we have the 
youngsters interested more in their school work, in their homework, 
in church work, and things in the neighborhood — clean up, paint up, 
and be clean inside and outside. 

They are not in trouble in school. Why? Youngsters are rewarded 
for their efforts. We may take them to a fish fry. We may take them to 
a father-and-son banquet. Many of these children have never been to 
these seemingly insignificant things such as a businessmen's luncheon 
in order to perform their little ritual before the men. 

Doing this is a type of reward because the ABC litany is based on 
truth, honesty, respect and dignity. It is based on that triangle, that 
triangle that is the strongest form of support ever devised by men. It 
can hold as much as you place upon it as long as it is the truth for the 
rest of your life. 

A good student in the ABC class does not lie, steal, cheat, smoke, 
gamble, refuse to go to church, play hooky from school, get into trou- 
ble, participate in riots, throw bombs, smoke dope, smoke weeds, use 
narcotics oi any kind, use LSD — use all the drugs I don't know any- 
thing about. We do teach them this is wron^, 

Also we teach them that what is right is to go to church, be a good 
American, be a good citizen; go to school, go to high school, get a 
high school education, go to college ; get a degree as doctor, teacher ; 
become a Congressman, Speaker of the House, any of these things — 
even Vice President or the President. And I am waiting %ith bated 
breath for one of my ABC boys to be a President of the United States. 
This is my belief . .'■.' ri '•.•;■; ' ;.:.;' 

Mr. McNamara. I think, Mr. Moore, that dream' nlay weU come true. 
You have stressed physical defense, based on yotir career in the box- 
ing ring, in your youth program, but you have also brought out very 
clearly, I thmk, a very vital fact— that this is used only as a Supple- 
ment to, or instrument for, building character in the youth of 
America. , 

Mr. MooRE. That is right. '!. 

Mr. McNamara. Can you tell us in how many cities the program is 
now in operation ? 

Mr. MooRE. The program is in the city of Vallejo, California, 36 
miles northeast of San Francisco. It is in San Diego. 

Mr. Walter E. Washington, Commissioner of this city, has asked 
me if I would be interested in bringing it to this city. I informed him 
I would be willing, well, after my commitment in San Diego, to come 
to Washington and show how we can curb vandalism in a hurry. 



740 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Mr. McNamara. Can you state a few facts or statistics which illus- 
trate the impact, the beneficial effect, which your ABC program has 
had on youth ? 

Mr. Moore. Yes, sir. 

In 1965 there was vandalism damage in Vallejo to a housing proj- 
ect where I was called upon to promote the sale of 350 homes. The 
vandalism damage, according to the figures set by the managers of the 
branches who ran the housing project, was $7,500 per month. It had 
been running in that area for 5 years. 

The ABC program was put into this housing project, 850 homes, 
350 vacant. Within 3 months' time the battle damage dropped from 
$7,500 to less than $70, all within the space of 3 months because the 
youngsters were bent on cleaning up their homes, keeping their lawns 
mowed, staying out of trouble. 

The whole thing caught on like wildfire. In the ensuing 18 months 
all of the houses were sold. There are no houses vacant in this particu- 
lar tract now. With this job well done, then I was out of a job. I went 
to another place to work. I went to San Diego to begin it there. 

Now the school papers that I have must be about 8 inches thick of 
straight A's or B-plus averages of the youngsters who are partici- 
pating in the ABC program. The principals of the schools have been 
writing very fine reports about the ABC program, the effect it has 
had upon the students of the schools. 

The antisocial activities have actually been really curbed and things 
bettered by the presence of ABC. 

Mr. McNamara. Could you tell us, Mr". Moore, if there has ever been 
an instance in which any member of ABC has been involved in a riot 
or civil disturbance? 

Mr. MooRE. No, there has been none because, since my boys have been 
in ABC, there has been very little absence from school. There has been 
no participation in any semblance of a riot or disturbance among the 
youngsters. They do not even have fights any more. The only fights 
they nave are the fights that we provide for them with gloves on in 
the little intercommunity bouts. 

Mr. McNamara. Mr. Chairman, that completes the staff interroga- 
tion of the witness. 

Mr. IcHORD. Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Tuck. Mr. lohord. 

Mr. IcHORD. Mr. Moore, is your organization wholly privately sup- 
ported, or do you receive any Government funds ? 

Mr. MooRE. I do not receive any Government funds. I would like to 
have funds available to me, because I feel that if a city like Washing- 
ton or New York is suffering from vandalism and damage, which they 
all are, I can curb vandalism damage by 50 percent in the first year. 

In the next 2 years we can cut it another 25 percent. Then pretty 
soon vandalism damage will end, be actualli^ choked out of the juvenile 
delinquency factor. And the source, the main source of juvenile delin- 
quency, is the vandal factor. Vandalism comes from a little tiny seed 
called disrespect. 

Your little boy, my little boy 5 years old, we can take him to some- 
one's home and if we don't tell him to "be quiet he might push a glass 
of water off the table and break it arid think it is cute. His mother 
might say, "Johnny is a little boy, lie does not mean any liarm," but 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 741 

unless she does that [indicating spanking] and lets him know that 
that is wrong, his appetite will ^ow. 

As he grows without restraint, his appetite grows the same way. 
Soon he is 16 years old and he is bigger than his father. He will tell his 
father he wants tires on his car, slicks 

Mr. IcHORD. Are you organized as a charitable corporation ? 

Mr. Moore. I am a charitable, nonprofit corporation. I am sup- 
ported partly by the city recreation funds, by the mayor in San 
Diego, and private sponsorship under Lucky Stores in California. 

Mr. IcHORD. Have you made any application for Government funds 
imder perhaps the poverty program ? 

Mr. MooRE. No, I have not. But I have been talking and talking 
my head off to a lot of Government people. Everybody who sees the 
program says this is a beautiful program and this is a program that 
can help these youngsters step off in life with their best foot forward, 
I guarantee you that none of my yoimgsters will ever be caught in a 
riot. 

Mr. IcHORD, To your knowledge, have there been any poverty pro- 
grams organized along the line of your program ? 

Mr. MooRE. No, sir. We have a very unique way of communicating 
with the youngster through a ritual. If we are in this room and we 
belong to ABC, a person can walk into this room and he would not 
understand what we are talking about, because we teach in signs and 
symbols. 

I know you men who belong to fraternal organizations know exactly 
what I am talking about. This ritual is a very unique way of communi- 
cating and keeps other boys from going into the different clubs and 
taking over, because one student will know the other. 

Mr. IcHORD, Mr. Chairman, I would point out to the members of the 
committee that Mr. Moore is a fellow Missourian and I want to express 
my appreciation for all of the good things he has done. Again, I wel- 
come you to this committee as a truly great American, Archie Moore. 

Mr. MooRE. Thank you, Mr. Ichora. 

Mr. Tuck. The gentleman from Iowa. 

Mr. Culver. No questions, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Tuck. Mr. Ashbrook. 

Mr. Ashbrook. I would like to ask Mr. Moore a couple of questions. 

There is obviously a tugging and pulling of different ideas in the 
country, people trying to give direction of one sort, and you are work- 
ing on another side. 

Working with youth as you have been doing for years, you should be 
in a position to appraise the effect of what might be called the other 
ideas that are abounding in the country, those who would incite to 
disobedience, those who would preach the opposite of what you preach, 
trying to stimulate hatred. 

As I read your wonderful letter that you put in the San Diego paper, 
the heading as a matter of fact is, "Archie Moore Speaks Against 
Hate." There are others in the country who have not been doing this, 
some for what might be called political reasons, Communists, others 
because they might happen to be misguided. 

You converse and communicate and have fellowship with these 
young people in ABC. Can you feel, in any way, the effect on them of 
this other idea that is being preached in the country — whether it be 



742 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

from Commuiiists or from misguided people — the hatred. Do you come 
into contact with this daily, and what force and effect does it have on 
the young people with whom you deal ? 

Mr. MooRE. It does not have any force on the young people with 
whom I deal because, when they come to me, they come to me because 
ABC means "Any boy can — if he wants to." 

Mr. AsHBROOK. He has already made a commitment? 

Mr. Moore. He has made a commitment that he wants to come to me. 
and he does not want anything else. I teach him not to be ashamed or 
who he is or what he is, whether he is red, black, white, or brown. 
Don't be ashamed, come in and we will teach you. 

Then he walks out with pride after 8 weeks of indoctrination of 
ABC. He is proud because he has then earned a uniform. This is his 
identification. He has earned a uniform symoblizing America. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. On the adult level people like yourself might be 
called "Uncle Tom" and people who are not revolutionary or radical 
enough. I am sure the young people must come under the same kind of 
persuasive effort by some people — don't go with Archie Moore, there 
is another way of doing this. 

I wonder if you see this pressure being exerted anyway on any of 
your young people or those you would like to influence? 

Mr. Moore. Mr. Ashbrook, I have taken my students to Berkeley 
university, to the young people there who were 19, 20, and 18 years of 
age, and put them on the stage. I have gotten standing ovations in 
many schools from the youngsters who are older than my youngsters, 
who say and express a desire to help me teach them ; they want me to 
teach them so they can help teach, because they feel they are missing 
something in their lives. They would like to be able to teach this to 
their brothers and sisters and friends in their neighborhoods. 

Mr. Ashbrook. I think we are probably missing something in the 
country, a little bit of what you are teaching and a little bit of what 
you have been giving these people. I think it has been missing in other 
parts of the country. ': 

Mr. MooRE. I would like to say that this idea was formed over 30 
years ago. I did not get the final answer until a few months ago. I 
asked a minister to help me put this thing together. 

He said put God in front of it and make it like E, G, B, D, and F, 
every good bov does fine — white, black, yellow, and brown — and make 
it a youth club, no separation, because if you take out one of the five 
faces of man you cannot have harmony. You must have harmony 
amongst mankind. If you take out the brown face, you miss a very re- 
soundmg chord. If you take out a black one, the same thing. If you 
take out a white man, the same thing. You must have the E, G, 'B, D, F, 
every good boy does fine, in order to have that good harmony pitch. 

Mr. Ashbrook, Thank you. 

Mr. Tuck. Mr. Watson. 

Mr. Watson. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Champ, I want to commend you, with the others, for the position 
you have taken publicly and for the testimony you have given here 
this morning. Certainly, no one would, in his right mind, call you an 
Uncle Tom. But we know this accusation is going around here. 

Are you aware of who is fomenting this laj&el or Uncle Tom simply 
because you dare not to engage in violence and radicalism? 



SUBVERSWE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 743 

Mr. Moore. No, I do not. 

Mr. Watson. It has come back to you, Champ, that you are an Uncle 
Tom or you are a sympathizer or what-have-you. Have you been able 
to trace it back to any particular source ? 

Mr. MooRE. I don't care, I don't care. "Sticks and stones may break 
my bones, but words will never hurt me." 

Mr. Watson. I commend you for the wonderful job you are doing 
now. 

Concerning this ABC program, am I correct in understanding that 
that is wrapped around you, the man, Archie Moore ? 

Mr. MooRE. It is wrapped around my theory, my ideas. It can be 
taught by people other than me, people who have a type of following, 
maybe an image, you see. Maybe, who knows, a basketball playeT can 
teach it, a football player can teach it. A good physical education in- 
structor can teach it. You can teach it in your neighborhood. 

Mr. Watson. Have you brought these other leading figures into 
your program, or is it just virtually your program now? 

Mr. MooRE. I am now bringing men into the program, but I have 
to screen out the applicants because I want them to be morally sound 
and physically able and to have a decent background. 

When you teach ABC your teaching will rub off on the student be- 
cause he will like many things that you do. That is why I say a teacher 
must not lie, cheat, steal, smoke, drink, or gamble. He must not. We 
do not want our youngsters to smoke, drink, or gamble.. We don't want 
them to lie or cheat. These are the six basic things we don't want them 
to do. 

Doing one of those things will get him put out of the club. 

Mr. Watson. Do you actually have a staff or an organization to 
carry on your ABC work ? 

Mr. Moore. Yes, sir ; in San Diego. 

Mr. Watson. What size staff ? 

Mr. Moore. I have a 12-man staff. 

Mr. Watson. Twelve men who are actively out in the community 
working with your boys, both prospects and members of ABC ? 

Mr. Moore. We have some men who will take applications. We have 
members of the board of directors, and we have three student instruc- 
tors. The thing about ABC is that after 8 weeks the youngster is a 
teacher of a sort himself, a minor teacher himself. The longer he stays 
with us, the better he can teach us. 

Mr. Watson. I like this idea. Approximately how many boys do you 
have presently in the membership ? 

Mr. MooRE. In the membership I have worked with over a hundred 
boys in Vallejo; that group up there is under the direction of one 
youngster, Dwight Calloway, who is about 14 years of ag:e. I have to 
send a man up there to take care of the administrative business. 

The group I have in San Diego, I have 85 now and there are about 85 
more that want to enroll, but I want to take them in certain periods be- 
cause I don't want to retard one group in order to break another 
group in. 

Mr. Watson. With the obvious success you have in that program, 
Champ, you mean to tell me that no official of the Office of Economic 
Opportunity or any other agency has beaten a path to your door and 
asked your help ? 

32-955 O — 69 — pt. 1 3 



744 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Mr. Moore. I would like very much to have an audience with Mr. 
Shriver. I met him yesterday for the first time in my life in the dining 
roonl somewhere, across the street. 

Mr. Watson. My question is : Up until this time has no official come 
to you and asked for your help and how he might assist you financially 
in broadening your program ? 

Mr. Moore. No, sir. 

Mr. Watson. That is a sad commentary on the whole thing. Perhaps 
the trouble is that you don't have enough big jobs to dispense and 
give out. 

Mr. Moore, let us look at your background. 

How much education have you had ? 

Mr. MooRE. My education has been limited in school, but I have 
picked up a lot of knowledge ; maybe it is not education, but it is a lot 
of knowledge. 

Mr. Watbon. It is real education, and I have been impressed with it 
this morning by your testimony and your eloquence. If we can pin it 
down, Champ, to encourage other people, how much fbrmal education 
have you had? ' 

Mr. Moore. I finished the ninth ^ade in school. 

Mr. Watson. You finished the nmth ? 

Mr. Moore. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Watson. That is commendable. And yet here you are, having 
achieved what you have achieved here today. Let me ask you a couple 
more questions. 

Are you familiar with the organization RAM, Revolutionary 
Action Movement ? 

Mr. Moore. No, sir ; I am not. 

Mr. Watson. You have heard of it before ? 

Mr. Moore. I have read about it, in sketches, but I have not paid 
any attention to it. 

Mr. Watson. You are not familiar with RAM, or any of the people 
who are members of RAM ? 

Mr. Moore. No, sir. 

Mr. Watson. You know of no members ? 

Mr. Moore. No, sir. 

Mr. Watson. So far as you know, you have never talked with 
any members of RAM? 

Mr. Moore. I don't know of any. My time is 100 percent ABC, be- 
cause I feel that this is the revolutionary step to close the gap of 
communication with people between youth. 

Mr. Watson. Your time is spent in constructive endeavors rather 
than destructive endeavors ? ' 

Mr. Moore. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Watson. Are you familiar with any of the members or leader- 
ship of the so-called Muslim movement, the black power movement, 
and what-have-you ? 

Mr. MooRE. I know Cassius Clay, who likes to be called Muhammad 
Ali. I know him because I taught him as a fighter. 

Mr. Watson. I think you did a good job m teaching him as a fighter. 
I have some misgivings in other respects. 

Champ, you have never gone to some of these people individually 
and tried to talk with them ? I assume you would know some of the 
leaders of these groups that foment the disorder and distrust and hate. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 745 

Have you ever gone to them individually or attempted to talk with 
them and reason with them ? 

Mr. Moore. I don't personally associate with people who would 
foment any kind of trouble or disturbances, because I am not about to 
sacrifice any youngster in my cause, because I have youngsters of my 
own. 

Before I would foment a thing and push a youngster out to bear the 
brunt of what I did not accomplish in my lifetime, I would be guilty 
of these things. I have tried to keep my youngsters out of trouble, out 
of areas of trouble, trying to show them the right way to go so that 
they can then become these fine people that they want to become. 

Mr. Watson. So far as you are concerned your advice to anyone, 
regardless of his race or creed or color, is to stay away from such 
reactionary groups as RAM and the others and try to devote his 
efforts to more constructive endeavors, rather than destructive en- 
deavors ? 

Mr. Moore. I don't know what RAM represents. I do not really 
known what the Black Muslims really represent. 

The only thing I have heard about the Black Muslims is that they 
have a very good health habit. They don't eat pork and they keep 
clean, you see. This is the only thing that I have heard about them. 
They may do some talking about other things, but these thin£;s don't 
interest me, what they talk about, because I know that ABC would 
be the best solution to many problems. 

Mr. Watson. Of course, you are aware that RAM's objectives aren't 
laudable at all ? 

Mr. MooRE. I don't even know RAM. 

Mr. Watson. Do you not recall reading recently that some of the 
RAM membership plotted to assassinate Roy Wilkins and some of the 
other leaders ? 

Mr. MooRE. No. I must have glanced at it in the paper, but I did not 
pay it any attention. 

Mr. Watson. They often say that to do a good job you have to be 
aware of what the enemy is doing, too. I applaud you for your efforts. 
Obviously, you have been so busy in the constructive field you have not 
paid any attention to these other people, but we are disturbed about it. 

I applaud you for your efforts. I hope, as a result of your presence 
here today, that some of those Government officials who are so vitally 
concerned with the matter of helping the less fortunate will come to 
see you and get some ideas as to how you have been so successful. 

Mr. MooRE. Mr. Watson, I could not see anybody harming Mr. 
Wilkins. 

Mr. Watson. I couldn't either, but you had some birds up there 
that planned to do it, and they are under indictment now. Champ. That 
is the problem with which we are trying to wrestle. I think you are 
doing an outstanding service. You are a good American, and I applaud 
your efforts. 

Mr. IcHORD. Mr. Chairman, Mr. Moore still looks like he is in top 
physical condition. Are you still working out in the ring? 

Mr. MooRE. No ; I only go through the motions with the youngsters. 
I couldn't go one round. 

Mr. IcHORD. You look like you have stayed in pretty good shape. I 
know it was always a mystery as to how old you were before you 
stopped fighting. I am not going to ask you to tell your age 



746 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Mr. Moore. The next question, please ? [Laughter.] 

Mr. I'ucK. Mr. Culver. 

Mr. Culver. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Moore, the purpose of these hearings is to determine whether 
the acts of mass violence we have experienced in our cities this sum- 
mer have been planned and instigated by subversive elements. Do you 
have any information that you might be able to provide the committee 
which would indicate to the extent that subversive elements have either 
planned or instigated the riots that we have had this summer ? 

Mr. Moore. No, I don't. I read sometimes a lot of things. A recent 
article I thought so much of that I clipped it out and put it in a 
brochure that I have. It was on the decline of civilizations. Of 21 great 
civilizations, 19 died from moral decay and they all progressed in 
this .sequence. 

Mr. Culver. But you don't have any firsthand information that 
you could provide the committee based on your own personal experi- 
ence that the riots this summer were either planned or instigated by 
subversive elements ? 

Mr. Moore. No. 

Mr. Culver. The other purpose of the hearings is to determine if 
such elements have succeeded in either broadening or prolonging these 
riots after they have broken out. 

Do you have any personal firsthand information that you can make 
available to the committee to substantiate that particular inquiry ? 

Mr. Moore. No, I don't, Mr. Culver. 

Mr. Culver, I wonder if you, in your own personal experience in 
the Negro community, have had the opportunity to discuss personally 
with those elements within the American Negro community who are 
generally considered to be either radical or subversive or Communist 
in their objectives in the ghetto? 

Have you ever had an opportunity to visit with any people that in 
your judgment you would personally classify as properly falling into 
that categorization ? 

Mr. Moore. I stay as far away from these elements that would de- 
stroy America as I can. 

Mr. Culver. You have not had a personal firsthand opportunity 
even to discuss with them their objectives or their tactics ? 

Mr. Moore. I suppose by them referring to me as Uncle Tom they 
do not even care to discuss these things with me. They know that I 
would not take it anyway. 

Mr. Culver. I would just like to indulge in a selfish inquiry, Mr. 
Chairman, if I may at this point. 

As I said at the outset, I think, Mr. Moore, that your successful de- 
fense of your championship in Nova Scotia in December 1958 

Mr. Moore. In Montreal. 

Mr. Culver. — in Montreal, was the most inspiring and courageous 
demonstration I have ever witnessed, I think, in athletic competition. 
I wonder if you considered that to be your most difficult fight. 

I know you fought all over the world for many, many years. I 
would be anxious to learn whether you thought that was your most 
challenging fight. 

Mr. Moore. No. I am fighting now in the last round of the greatest 
fight of them all. This is the fight to help young people. I need all 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 747 

the help that anybody and everybody can give me, because basically 
this is your fight, this is your brother's fight, this is my fight, my 
brother's fight, because we are all involved in youth work. 

You have some youths in your family, so does everybody else. We are 
all directly involved in this fight. 

Mr. Culver. I certainly wish to commend you, as the other members 
have, Mr. Moore, for your remarkable personal contribution in this 
area and in this effort. I personally feel that this is the kind of deter- 
mination and program which certainly will avoid the serious kind of 
subversive consequences ultimately that might well arise from the 
problems that we face in urban America. 

I also think that if you demonstrate the same courage that you did 
in that particular fight in this effort I would like to bet on you. I don't 
think you have many disciplinary problems in the ABC program. 

Mr. MooRE. No, we don't. 

Mr. Culver. I also would like to ask you one^last question. 

What, Mr. Moore, do you consider to be the causes of these riots in 
cities that we have experienced this summer ? 

Mr. MooRE. I would feel that there has been a lack of understand- 
ing of the Negroes' so-called problem, which actually is the white 
man's problem, was caused by the white man. This is the truth. 

And there has been so much bypassing the Negro until he has to 
cry out. And the people who do cry out, even in radical tones or radi- 
cal overtones, they are trying to be heard, they are trying to be heard. 
Some people can stand a lot of pain, a lot of suffering, without uttering 
a cry. Some people canh;. If you step on some people's toes they will 
yell out. 

Mr. Culver. What are they crying out about specifically, Mr. Moore ? 

Mr. Moore. They are crying out about job opportunity more so than 
anything, then equal housing or equal opportunity to get housing, edu- 
cation. This is what they are crying out for. 

First they want jobs. They have to have money in order to function. 

Mr. Culver, Do you think they need a Communist to tell them they 
don't have adequate housing or job opportunities in this country ? 

Mr. Moore. I don't think they have to have anybody to tell them 
that. They know that, but they need to be heard. They do need to be 
heard. 

Mr. Culver. Can you think of anything that would strengthen more 
the Communist appeal in this countiy than for a continuation of the 
denial of those opportunities that you make reference to ? 

Mr. Moore. I feel we should strengthen our forces. We should ba 
more cohesive to understand one another's problems internally. 

Mr. Culver. Do you tliink the subversive elements who have as an 
objective the alteration of our democratic institutions and processes as 
we understand them would have much of an audience in the Negro 
ghetto if these longstanding grievances and discriminations were 
alleviated ? 

Mr. MooRE. I don't believe so. I really don't believe so. 

Mr. Culver. Thank you very much, Mr. Moore. 

The other question I have is this: In your excellent statement to 
the San Diego newspaper you say : "They should have been around in 
the '30s when I was coming up in St. Louis. We had no way to go,'' and 
"The young people of today think they have a hard lot." 



748 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Then at another point in the article you state, "I've seen almost un- 
believable progress made in the last handful of years." 

My question to you really is : Do you suppose that this country is ex- 
periencing greater racial stress today between the races in an acute 
way because of the fact that some progress has in fact been made and 
that, as a result, the Ne^ro community recognizes the possibilities of 
greater equality approximating full equality, and when yoii were a 
young man growing up during the depression it was inconceivable to 
ever entertain in a realistic way such a general recognition by this 
society? 

In short, I am saying, if you are in jail and the door is locked tight 
and there is not a crack of light, are you likely to throw yourself 
against it? 

Whereas in the alternative that that door is somewhat ajar — not open 
but ajar — and the light starts to come in, as the light started to come 
in in terms of America dealing responsibly with the Emancipation 
Proclamation by tearing down some of the barriers that existed for 
some years, when that door is open a crack don't you think it is then, 
and only then, that it is likely somebody will throw himself against the 
door and tiy to push it all the way open ? 

Mr. Moore. This is a question that could be answered in more ways 
than one, because certainly being in a room where there is no crack of 
light, there may be this person who is game enough to throw himself 
against the door in order to jar open a crack. This has to be done. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. That is what you have done. 

Mr. MooRE, Thank you. 

And get a crack open in a sense, in hopes that somebody will stick a 
foot in, now that they can see the light. Now we have made unbelievable 
progress, and Mr. Asa Spaulding, who sits in the audience here, has 
done an amazing job with an insurance company and investment com- 
pany. I look with high hope and honors to him and his organization. 

Mr. Culver. Wlien you make reference, and I say this as one of your 
greatest sports admirers for many, many years, when you make ref- 
erence to the fact that in your block, for example, you cite the fact that 
a lot of us made it, you cite your own case, which I think is inspiring 
and very exciting, but you did it through your great physical courage 
and determination, with your fists. 

The other man you cite, Mr. Clark Terry, the outstanding musician, 
did it through his very remarkable artistic gifts. Both of these avenues 
in our society were freely available and open to a Negro at all times in 
American society, somewhat more open, relatively speaking, in the case 
of musicians today than ever before. 

My question is: What are we going to do about broadening the field 
of opportunity for Negroes so that for some to achieve in quantity, in 
equality of opportunity across the whole board, the whole spectrum of 
life's opportunities, vocationally, professionally, how are we best going 
to achieve that so that success in the route to excellence is not limited to 
the speed of your feet, the power of your fists, and the gifts of your 
musical soul ? 

Haven't you really in effect said that some of us made it, but we 
made it on a very special nairow path of opportunity at that time, and 
now our great problem for those within your own community who don't 
possess comparable skills and gifts like most of us in this room have to 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 749 

have a broader general opportunity. I think great progress has been 
made there, too. 

I think we should continue. In my judgment it is no surprise that the 
subversive elements, those who seek to destroy this Government b;^ any 
conceivable way, are exploiting this opportunity, this great crisis m the 
society today between the races. 

It seems to me that we do ourselves a disservice if we do not properly 
acknowledge that these subversive elements would have little to prey 
upon if you were making the American society work well and truly 
fulfill the inspiring declarations of our Constitution in bringing into 
reality equal opportunity for every citizen. 

Now it seems to me that the most effective way that we can deal with 
the understandable danger of subversive exploitation which they are 
most anxious to do as you properly indicate, set black against white in 
this country, is to elimmate what I would personally acknowledge to be 
very legitimate and just frustrations and grievances. 

It seems to me if we put our energy and attention on this gigantic 
assignment, and spend less time in seeking simplistic scapegoats for the 
cause of these conditions in our country, that we are not only going 
to be well on the road to having a better society in America, but we 
will deal the most devastating blow possible against communism and 
its appeal in this country. 

I share your belief it is in the areas of housing, jobs, and educa-" 
tion that we have to mobilize our resources. And I think in that effort, 
making America work well in all its greatness, we have definitely the 
best opportunity to fight Communists most effectively not only in this 
country, but throughout the world. 

Mr. Tuck. I may say to the witness that the gentleman from Iowa 
also is quite an athlete. He is a former All-American football player. 

Mr. Culver. That is very kind of you. It is a nice thing about Con- 
gress, if you ever did anything in athletics you get better every year. 
I can assure you if you ever went to a game in which I participated 
that very kind and enthusiastic caricature would hardly be appro- 
priate. 

Mr. Tuck. I wish to commend the witness for the very fine, construc- 
tive work in which he is engaged and say also that his testimony is 
very impressive and inspiring. 

We thank you very much for coming today. 

Mr. MooRE. Thank you. Before you put me out 

Mr. Watson. I would like to ask him one final question. 

I am sure that we have all profited by the colloquy between you and 
my esteemed colleague, Mr. Culver. But so that we might get back on 
the track here, as I understand your position, your life and your pro- 
gram and your philosophy dictate this. Regardless of the adversity, 
regardless of the problems tljat a person might have, the solution to 
those problems is to be found through education, through obedience 
to the law, through attendance at church, and in no Avay is it to be 
found in rioting and violence in the streets of America. 

Mr. MooRE. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Watson. That is your philosophy ? 

Mr. MooRE. That is my philosophy. 

Mr. Watson. And that is your testimony today. 

Thank you, sir. 



750 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Mr. Tuck. Do you have anything further to add ? 

Mr. MooRE. Yes, sir. 

I would like to close by saying that the pursuit of happiness is every 
man's opportunity. The pursuit of happiness. I would rather pursue 
happiness than be pursued by people who destroy happiness. 

And ABC still has such a wide scope — you do not understand, you 
cannot conceive, of what is in a youngster's mind, what he wants to be. 

Maybe many of you gentlemen in this very room are not doing some 
of the things that you have set out in your life to do when you were a 
little boy, or what you wanted to be. Maybe you wanted to be a great 
singer, something like that. Maybe you are not good at that. Well, we 
will give these youngsters that choice to let them name the things that 
they want to try to be in life. 

Let them be part of that program, organize that program ABC for 
them. Let them be a part. Let them be the working part of this pro- 
gram. Let them be the cause, let them run their own program. 

You quoted something a while ago when you said man set against 
man. This is a Biblical quote. Father will be against son, nation against 
nation, rumors of wars. This is in the Bible. You can find this. 

These things are coming to pass. But let us hold these things off by 
teaching our youngsters how to get along in the harmony that every 
man needs in his lifetime. Let us make the resounding note. If it is the 
black key, let it hit loud and clean and clear. If it is the white key, let it 
hit loud, clean, and clear. The red key the same way, the brown key 
and yellow key. Let it be a resounding harmony. 

Mr. IcHORD. I have one more question, Mr. Chairman. 

I noticed in your statement, Mr. Moore, that you came out against a 
guaranteed national income, which many of our liberal friends em- 
brace. I wonder why are you against such a program as a guaranteed 
national income ? What is your philosophy behind that, Mr. Moore ? 

Mr. Moore. Let me ask you a question. Maybe I can answer this with 
a question. 

Well, suppose that there is a man out in the field pulling weeds, and 
you are up here making laws and presiding and governing things. 
Your work is more complex and more difficult than his. His is easy. 
Maybe he can pull weeds 1 hour and he will be through. You have to 
work all day, slaving ovef books and paperwork. 

Do you feel that he should earn as much as you are ? ^^Hiat I am say- 
ing is that if I can devise an idea that can cause a hundred thousand 
people jobs and job opportunities, why should I be salaried $40 a 
week, the same as a man who is pulling weeds 2 hours a day ? 

Mr. IcHORD. What you are saying is that all every man is entitled 
to regardless of his race, color, or creed is opportunity? '> 

Mr. Moore. Equal opportunity, opportunity to develop. 

Mr. Asa Spaulding, should he be making $40 a week or $100 a week 
that he is paying his man who is cleaning his yard? He is president of 
the company that he devised from his own ideas and liard work and 
labor? No. 

Mr. IcHORD. I agree with you. 

Mr. Tuf'K. We tliank you very much. 

Will you call your next witness? 

Mr. McNamara. Mr. Clarence Mitchell. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 751 

Mr. Tuck. Will you solemnly swear that the testimony you are about 
to give before this committee will be the truth, the whole truth, and 
nothing but the truth, so help you God ? 

Mr. Mitchell. I do. 

TESTIMONY OF CLARENCE MITCHELL 

Mr. Mitchell. Governor Tuck and Members of the Committee : In 
preparation of my testimony I had assumed that the chairman, Mr. 
Willis, would be here and I have included in it a little reference to 
him, which I will read, because I want very much to be on record 
as saying it. 

Mr. McNamara. Mr. Mitchell, before you proceed with your state- 
ment, would you kindly state your name and address for the record, 
please ? 

Mr. Mitchell. My name is Clarence Mitchell. I am director of the 
Washington Bureau of the NAACP. Our office is in the Congressional 
Building, 422 First Street, Southeast. 

Mr. McNamara. Mr. Mitchell, is your appearance before the com- 
mittee today in response to an invitation and request of the chainnan 
to Roy Wilkins, executive secretary of the NAACP, that he or another 
representative of that organization testify in the committee's hearings ? 

Mr. Mitchell. That is correct. 

Mr. Wilkins indicated that I was to represent the association. 

Mr. McNamara. Can you tell us, Mr. Mitchell, how long you have 
held the position of the director of the Washington Bureau of the 
NAACP? 

Mr. Mitchell. I have been director of the bureau since 1950. I be- 
gan my duties with the organization in 1945, when I was labor 
secretary. 

Mr. McNamara. In addition to your work with the NAACP, have 
you from time to time been engaged in service with the Federal 
Government ? 

Mr. Mitchell. I have from time to time given volunteer service in 
the areas of employment, housing, educational matters, and things of 
that sort. 

Mr. McNamara. I understand, Mr. Mitchell, that you have a pre- 
pared statement to read for the record. 

Mr. Mitchell. Yes, I do, Mr. McNamara. 

Mr. McNamara. Will you proceed ? 

Mr. IVIitchell. Thank you. 

Mr. Tuck. I may say to the witness that the chairman, Mr. Willis, 
would have liked to have been here today. We do expect him here next 
week. 

I may further add that he expressed himself on many occasions as 
being highly pleased with your cooperation with him and your willing- 
ness to appear before the committee and give us the benefit of your 
testimony. 

Mr. Mitchell. Thank you very much. Governor Tuck. 

As I stated, I am Clarence Mitchell, director of the Washington 
Bureau of the National Association for the xVdvancement of Colored 
People. I want to thank you very much for this opportunity to appear 
and to present testimon}^ at this hearing. 



752 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

At the outset I would like to express appreciation to Chairman 
Willis for his courageous challenge of the Ku Klux Klan, The terrible 
implications of Klan activity were emphasized in recent days during 
the trial of individuals for murder of three civil rights workers in 
Mississippi. 

I would just like to say for the record that if we are to stamp out 
lawlessness in this country, the people themselves must show concern. 
We need just laws, we need prosecutors and courts that are above cor- 
ruption, but in the end we also need determination by the people 
themselves that they will uphold the law. 

I would like to use this forum, Mr. Chairman, to salute the people 
of Mississippi who served on the jury in that case to which you 
referred. 

I do not know a thing about their views on civil rights, segregation, 
and whatever else might be their philosophy. But I would say that it is 
a great thing in our country when people who are entrusted with the 
duty of seeing to it that the law is upheld fulfill that duty. It is my 
opinion that to the best of their ability they did that. This is what I 
mean when I say, in the end, if the people do not uphold the law we 
cannot have law. If they do, the law will prevail. 

As I imderstand it, the committee is addressing itself to two ques- 
tions. These were set forth in the chairman's letter of October 11, 1967. 
First, whether rioting, looting, and burning are compatible with the 
American system of government and whether it will serve to advance 
the interests of Negro citizens in the United States. 

The second question, whether or not Communists sincerely have the 
interests of Negroes at heart and Negroes, therefore, can accept them 
and work with them in their efforts to achieve full equality in this 
country. 

On behalf of the National Association for the Advancement of 
Colored People as an organization and myself as an individual I 
answer both if these questions with an emphatic "No." 

With reference to question number one, I would like to point out 
that throughout its long history the NAACP has always been against 
lynching, mob violence, and the destruction of property. I might say 
I have strong personal views about that, too. 

Right after I finished college in 1932, I was assigned to cover a 
lynching as a newspaper reporter. I was against mob violence then 
when I saw it and I am agamst it now, regardless of who is the per- 
petrator of mob violence. 

We are opposed to law^lessness and have spent most of our existence, 
as well as most of our funds, trying to build a society in which this 
idea will prevail, of law and order. We also seek just laws, which in 
themselves promote peace and tranquility by strenthening the faith 
in the Constitution of the United States as a means of obtaining redress 
for grievances. 

We are a.ware of the underlying causes that promote discontent in 
this country. The fact tliat unemployment is higher among minority 
groups, that many must live in ghetto areas because of restrictions 
on housing, and a century of mistreatment, all combine to build frus- 
trations and desperation. 

I might say, Governor Tuck and Members of the Committee, that 
it is a fact that the rate of unemployment among Negroes in this 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 753 

country is about three times the rate of unemployment among white 
people. We have problems which stem from not getting the right kind 
of educational training. 

I was in Meridian this weekend and had the pleasure of seeing a 
private school which some people have started down there for the 
purpose of training young women to be secretarial workers. They were 
taking them through all the things you need to know in order to be a 
good secretary. But the persons in charge of that school pointed out 
that all too often, even though the applicants and the trainees have 
completed high school in the regular public school system of that 
area, they really have only the equivalent of an eighth grade educa- 
tion, which means that there are serious deiiciences in English and 
in other things that would be needed in order to be ready to go into 
the mainstream of life in this country. 

Mr. IcHORD. Mr. Chairman, if I may interrupt there. 

Your figures there, Mr. Mitchell, include both Negro males and 
females. I am certain that that is true. I wanted to ask you this 
question. I was rather surprised to notice a headline in one of our 
metropolitan papers a number of days ago — I did not read the entire 
article. 

The gist of the headlines, anyway, was that the unemployment 
figures of Negro males was less than whites. Are you acquainted with 
that article? I was rather surprised to hear that such a thing would 
be true. 

Mr. Mitchell. I did not see that, Mr. Ichord, but I would say it is 
a very unusual thing if it is true. I can't imagine any area in this 
country 

Mr. IciioRD. The statistics were undoubtedly limited to a specific 
area. I did not have an opportunity to read the article in full. I 
thought you might be acquainted with it. 

Mr. Mitchell. I am sorry, I didn't see it. 

Mr. Ichord. Go ahead. 

Mr. Mitchell. Under the leadership of President Lyndon B. John- 
son, the Nation is engaged in a great struggle to right some of the 
wrongs which I have mentioned. The positive things that are being 
done, such as encouraging Federal aid to education, promoting better 
health, insuring equal job opportunity, and strengthening civil rights 
legislation, are all a part of the Nation's effort to keep our pledge 
of equality under law. I just would like to say, Mr. Chairman and 
members of the committee, that I can't emphasize too much the be- 
lief that I have that, if we could pay a little more attention to some of 
the direction that the President is trying to give in handling, some of 
these problems in our country, I think we would have a few more 
solutions than we now ^et. 

For example, there is no doubt in my mind that the rent supple- 
ment program is a very valuable thing in these ghetto areas of the 
country. The President asked for $40 million for that. The commit- 
tee in the House cut him back to $10 million. Then when we got to 
the floor, it did not get through at all. 

On the other hand, there are some people who are attacking the 
President and saying why doesn't he do something about housing, 
why doesn't he do something about these problems in the cities? 
Well, I think the best way to find out the effectiveness of the Presi- 



754 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

dent's program is to try to give him the things that he is asking 
for, see whether these work, and then if somebody has a better idea on 
how it might be improved, I would be all for it and I guess the Presi- 
dent would be, too. But if he can't get what he is asking for, which 
is really modest, I think that it is kind of idle to speculate on what 
we might do if we had a whole lot more. 

Although a great deal has been accomplished, we are all aware of 
the need to move further and faster. Yet I do not share the views of 
those who seem to think that rioting, looting, and burning are ac- 
tions of the mass of discontented colored people in this country. It is 
my opinion that it is an insult to the millions of law-abiding colored 
people to align them with the terrible destruction and violence that we 
have witnessed in some of our cities. 

I think I am voicing the sentiment of the great number of people 
in NAACP when I say that, because riots in Newark broke out when 
we were in our convention in Boston. We passed a resolution, an 
emergency resolution, and the gist of that resolution was that while 
there are problems we do not condone violence, we are opposed to it, 
and with your permission, Mr. Chairman, I would like to offer for the 
record an excerpt from that resolution. 

Mr. Tuck. That may be done. 

(Document marked "Mitchell Exhibit No. 1" follows:) 

MITCHELL EXHIBIT NO. 1 
Emergency Resolution on Newark, N. J., Riot of July 14, 1967 

This convention of the NAACP can understand, but not condone, quick violence 
which occurs to express mass resentment over a particular outrage. 

We cannot understand nor do we in any way condone prolonged and seemingly 
stimulated riotous destruction of life and property extending over days and nights 
and spreading, apparently under plan, to persons and places not involved in any 
specific occurrence. 

* * « « * * ♦ 

We call upon all law-abiding citizens of both races to act promptly and sternly 
to put down such violence. Any indulgence of this destruction of life and prop- 
erty under the color of frustration over items that warrant more than routine 
attention, but do not warrant rioting, will be but an encouragement to an anarchy 
in which the whole society loses. 

There must be a rooting out of evils in race relations and a thorough redress 
of legitimate grievances, but insurrection cannot be tolerated as the instrument 
for the attainment of these goals. 

7/15/67 

(At this point Mr. Culver and Mr. Ashbrook left the hearing room.) 
Mr. Mitchell. I have no firsthand knowledge of who it is that 
lights the fires, who throws the bricks, or who engages in sniping, but 
I do know that those responsible for these crimes are only a rtiinuscule 
part of the total population. It is my opinion that the vast majority 
of colored people in this country seek to settle their grievances and to 
achieve their objectives just as all other Americans, through the lawful 
channels of the land. 

With regard to question number two, it should be mentioned that 
long before many organizations were conscious of the problem of Com- 
munist infiltration, the NAACP instinctively avoided such contacts. 
We have always believed that the colored citizens of the TTnitod States 
are an inse]:>arable part of the Nation. We never have, and do not now, 
believe that foreign intervention of any kind can settle our problems. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 755 

"We do believe that application of the principles of the Constitution 
of the United States will lead to freedom and progress. On June 23, 
1950, the 41st Convention of the NAACP meeting in Boston passed 
a resolution "unequivocally condemning attacks by the Communists 
and their fellow travelers upon the Association and its officials." The 
convention also authorized the board of directors to "suspend, re- 
organize, lift the charter or expel any unit if it became infiltrated or 
dominated by Communists." This resolution has been reaffirmed in all 
subsequent conventions. 

I might say that, even before that resolution, in 1949 Mr. Roy Wil- 
kins, the executive director of our organization, made a similar pro- 
nouncement about participation of Communist groups in a big mobili- 
zation that we were having down here for civil rights. 

We have been and are equally opposed to organizations that operate 
on the extreme right, as well as the extreme left. Although our organi- 
zation has taken an official position on commmiism, it is my opinion 
that the great majority of colored Americans did not need any re- 
minder from us on this subject. The hopes and aspirations of these 
citizens are the same as those of other Americans. We cherish freedom 
of speech, freedom of worship, the right to vote, and the right to be 
secure against oppression by tyrranical government. 

It is my opinion that the Communists have never made any great 
headway in recruiting colored followers and they do not have any sub- 
stantial follow^ing at this point. I believe that one of the surest ways to 
reveal the weakness of communism is to make our own system of 
government w^ork for the benefit of the most humble as well as the 
greatest of our citizens. This is the objective of the NAACP, and I 
believe that we will reach that goal within our lifetime- 
Mr. Tuck. Do you have any questions, Mr. Ichord ? 

Mr. loHORD. Yes, Mr. Chairman. 

I think Mr. Mitchell has made a very significant observation of the 
policy of the NAACP in regard to its refusal to work with the 
Communists. 

I observe that many organizations that truly started out as pacifist 
organizations have made a very serious mistake. As a matter of fact a 
few such members have testified before this committee that they will 
accept anyone regardless of his political convictions as long as he 
professes to be working for peace. Many truly pacifist organizations 
have gotten into some very serious trouble. Of course, you have indi- 
cated it is going to be very difficult, maybe some of your more militant 
civil rights organizations have also made the same mistakes by think- 
ing that they can work with Communists who are not truly interested 
in the cause of civil rights, but to tear down and destroy our institu- 
tions and our Nation. 

Mr. Mitchell- I would say, Mr. Ichord, first that I am very careful 
to define our philosophical position when I answer a question like that. 
We do not concede that any other civil rights organization is more 
militant than we are in what we are trying to do. 

Mr. Ichord. I agree with you. 

Mr. Mitchell. We feel that the word "militant" is the wrong word 
in some of these organizations. You might call them reckless and irre- 
sponsible, but certainly not militant. Now I think that there are some 
which are not as scrupulous as we are in trying to make sure that those 



756 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

who become membei-s are loyal citizens of the United States who be- 
lieve in the Constitution of the United States. It is my opinion that 
that is a very serious error. I think that the one thing that binds us all 
together as Americans, regardless of what might be our political or 
religious or racial or social beliefs, is the belief that the Constitution of 
the United States is the supreme law of the land. That is what I think 
ought to be the test. So I agree that those who have done that — I am 
not prepared to say how many or who — but I would say tliose who 
have done that have made a very serious tactical error. 
Mr. Tuck. Mr. McNamara. 

Mr. McNamara. Mr. Mitchell, in your statement, in addition to 
mentioning the resolution opposing communism adopted by the 
NAACP in 1950, you referred to a civil rights mobilization which the 
NAACP had initiated at an earlier time and mentioned the fact that, 
in this instance, the NAACP had specifically rejected any Communist 
support on that. Could you give us further details about that? 

Mr. Mitchell. Yes, I could, Mr. McNamara. I have with me a 
Xeroxed copy of a news article which was published on December 1, 
1949, which sets forth the position taken by Mr. Wilkins at the time 
when we were having in Washington a big mobilization for civil 
rights. We called in all possible religious, fraternal, labor, and other 
groups that would participate in that effort. But we had an ironclad 
rule that we didn't want anybody who was Communist affiliated or an 
out-and-out Communist connected with it. Needless to say, a lot of 
people attacked us for that position, but we held to it and this article 
delineates the position. With your permission, I would like to offer 
it as an exhibit. 

Mr. Tuck. Without objection, and the Chair hears none, it may be 
made a part of the record. 

(Document marked "Mitchell Exhibit No. 2" and retained in com- 
mittee files.) 

Mr. McNamara. For the record, Mr. Chairman, I think it might be 
of interest to summarize the incident. What happened was that Wil- 
liam L. Patterson, who was the executive secretary of the Civil Rights 
Congress, an organization which has been cited as Communist and 
subversive by this committee, by the Attorney General, by the Sub- 
versive Activities Control Board, and the Senate Internal Security 
Subcommittee, wrote to Mr. Roy Wilkins, who was then acting secre- 
tary of the NAACP, asking him why the Civil Rights Congress had 
not been invited to this mobilization. 

Mr. Wilkins sent him a reply explaining why and he made public 
both Mr. Patterson's letter and his own reply. I think it is interesting 
to place in the record at this point one quotation from Mr. Wilkins' 
reply— 

the organizations of the extreme left, when they campaign for civil rights, or 
in behalf of a minority, do so as a secondary consideration, activity upon which 
is certain to be weighted, shaped, angled, or abandoned in accordance with the 
Communist Party "line." 

We can have no truck with such unity. 

The Pilots the official publication of the National Maritime Union, 
in commenting on this exchange of letters, stated, "the Communist- 
Coalition crowd has been totally dishonest with the Negro and other 
minority people." 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 757 

Mr. Mitchell, is it also true that subsequent to that period, in 1956, at 
the time of another civil rights mobilization here in Washington in 
which the NAACP had a very vital interest, your organization learned 
of stepped-up Comjnunist efforts to infiltrate the civil rights movement 
and took steps to defeat that maneuver ? 

Mr. Mitchell. That is true, Mr. McNamara. We were having an- 
other mobilization here of the organizations that customarily work 
with us on civil rights matters. 

Mr. McNamara. This was the Leadership Conference on Civil 
Eights? 

Mr. Mitchell. That is what it was called. Mr. Wilkins serves as the 
chairman of that. It is a nonpaid position, but he is the chairman of 
that group which is a combination of a number of organizations. At 
that time we not only made a declaration against Communist participa- 
tion^ but we had a rather effective screening system which was most 
efficient in keeping out those who tried to force their way in. Some 
went to rather imaginative lengths to try to get in. For example, there 
was one group that came down from New York and gave out a large 
number of NAACP membership cards that apparently they had 
printed on some kind of clandestine press. But, in any event, they 
were turned down when they presented themselves, and we were able 
to keep them out. 

Mr. McNamara. It is my recollection, Mr. Mitchell, that at that 
time Mr. Wilkins sent a notice to the 1300 branches and youth coun- 
cils of the NAACP pointing out this Communist effort and warning 
of the damage that would be done to the civil rights movement if it is 
successful. Is that correct? 

Mr. Mitchell. That is correct. 

Mr. McNamara. Mr. Mitchell, I have a few stickers here, approxi- 
mately 2 by 4 inches in size. I would like to hand these to you and 
ask you to identify these and tell us about their origin. 

Mr. Mitchell. Mr. Chairman and Members of the Committee, 
when you are confronted with a crisis such as we are confronted with 
in this country on racial violence, men of good will or women of good 
will tr^ very hard to find ways of doing all they can to head it off. 
Mr. Wilkins in his way undertook to do that. He got out a memo- 
randum which was sent to all of our branches on June 15, 1967, in 
which he tried to spell out specific things that local branches might 
do with the hope oi trying to head off violence in their communities. 
One of the things that appeared at the bottom of that was the slogan 
"KEEP COOL, Let the Other Guy BLOW HIS TOP." That is 
reproduced in this little card here. Another was '*THE OTHEK 
SIDE WINS IF WE LOSE OUK COOL." That is reproduced on 

til IS CRTQ 

The third was, "BRICKS THROUGH ^VINDOWS DON'T 
OPEN DOORS," and that is this little exhibit. 

(Stickers marked "Mitchell Exhibit No. 3" and retained in com- 
mittee files.) 

Mr. Mitchell. In addition he followed that up with a telegram 
dated July 25, which went out to 450 of our key branches in urban 
areas, reminding them of his admonition of June 15 and also urging 
them to step up their effort to try to prevent trouble. 



758 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

"With your permission, Mr. Chairman, I would like to offer the 
memorandum for the record and return to the staff director the 
exhibits which he handed me. 

Mr. Tuck. Without objection, and the Chair hears none, the state- 
ment will be incorporated in the evidence offered by the witness. 

(Document marked "Mitchell Exhibit No. 4" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. McNamara. Mr. Mitchell, these stickers you refer to bear the 
imprint of the NAACP; is that correct? 

5lr. Mitchell. That is correct. 

Mr. McNamara. The NAACP has furthered and promoted their 
distribution and use throughout the Nation; is that correct? 

Mr. Mitchell. That is correct, Mr. McNamara. 

Mr. McNamara. Mr. Mitchell, you have been active for a good 
many years in the civil rights movement. We have, I think, seen a 
new phenomenon in this area. That is the sudden rise to national and 
even international prominence of some self-proclaimed civil rights 
leaders, people whose accomplishments in the field are actually nil. 
But almost overnight they have gone from obscurity, from being 
unknowns, into the spotlight of national attention. Would you care 
to comment on this development? 

Mr. Mitchell. I would, Mr. McNamara, because I would like the 
country to realize that the precious right of a free press, free com- 
munications media, has to be safeguarded by people who recognize 
their responsibility in handlmg the news with the proper perspective. 
It is my opinion that a great deal of the turmoil in this count i*y is 
fomented by the playing up of those who are willing to say anything 
that is irresponsible for the purpose of getting on television or getting 
into the papers. I think, too, that the press has a great responsibility 
to explore these matters before they are given wide distribution. 

For example, a couple of weeks ago I was on a plane coming from 
New York and picked up a copy of Time magazine that said the 
Negroes of this country have become so enchanted with the idea of 
black power that they are even starting black fraternities. They men- 
tioned one of them, the Omega Si Phi fraternity. It just happens that 
fraternity was started back in 1911 by Bisliop Edgar Love of the 
Methodist Church, and I am sure that its founders had no remote 
notion about black power or any other kind of ideology at the time. 
They were doing what most fraternities are organized to do, and that 
is have a good social time. 

I thinli that the responsible publications ought to be verj' careful 
in making sure that before they say a thing like that, they check 
it out. 

Another young lady called me from a very reputable magazine 
and asked whether I could help her find a Negro who was a college 
graduate, who was disillusioned by the war in Vietnam, disillusioned 
about our domestic policy, and therefore had decided to become a 
sniper. She was from a reputable magazine. She said she had been 
assigned to do this for a Christmas story. It was a lady's magazine. 

I tried to explain to her that that kind of person probably did not 
exist. I offered, if she wanted me to get a balanced and true picture of 
what Negroes are thinking these days, to try to help her find a cross- 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 759 

section. She said no, she had her assignment and she had to keep look- 
ing for that particular kind of Negro. 

AVell, this rmis through most of the media. I do hope that those who 
are in positions of responsibility take a second look at some of the 
things that they are doing in the way of promoting irresix>nsible 
people to prominence. 

Mr. McNajviara. The staff has no further questions, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Tuck. The gentleman from South Carolina. 

Mr. Watson. Mr. Chairman, we want to thank the witness for his 
very helpful testimony. I would just ask one or two questions. 

Of course, you are aware of the fact that the Communist Party in 
their last meeting, which was public, said that the two major objectives 
that they have are to move mto youth groups and into civil rights 
groups. You are aware of that, are you not ? 

Mr. Mitchell. I am not aware that they made that statement re- 
cently, Mr. Watson, but I am sure they have been making that for a 
long time. I am not surprised to find that they have now announced it 
again. 

Mr. Watson. So, consequently, it would be expected that tliis group 
of sympathizers would try to move into the civil rights field, and you 
and your organization would be on your guard to try to prevent it as 
much as possible. 

Mr. Mitchell. Yes, we would not need to wait for newspaper warn- 
ing. We're always on a 24-hour alert on things of that sort. 

Mr. Watson. Following that question, if there be such infiltration 
into your organization by the Communists and Communist-front 
groups, then would it naturally follow that you would want this com- 
mittee or any other responsible committee or organization to identify 
such Communists or Communist sympathizers if they have infiltrated 
into your organization ? 

Mr. Mitchell. Well, Mr. Watson, I think I understand what you are 
getting at. 

Mr. \Vatson. It is a direct question. I assure you I have no tricks in 
this at all. 

Mr. Mitchell. I would like to respond in as gracious a manner as 
you have asked the question, but one of the things that we have 
always felt is that if, in our organization, we are asking for due process 
and if we are advocating adherence to the orderly determination of 
guilt or innocence, then we have to practice that ourselves. So for our 
part we would not look to any other source for information on who is or 
who is not a Communist. We would wish to establish our own orderly 
procedures. We would want to be sure that such persons had a day in 
court and we would want to be the people who are responsible for oust- 
ing them and identifying them if that be necessary. 

I do not think that we would want to, and I am saying this very re- 
spectfully, I do not think that we would want a committee of Con- 
gress, the Attorney General of the United States, or a court to block 
out for us what is a Communist, who is a Communist, and that kind 
of thing. I think, because we are people with some knowledge and some 
sophistication, we would want to make that determination ourselves. 

Mr. Watson. Mr. Mitchell, I agree with you. I think the basic pur- 
pose of identification by whatever source would be to give you the op- 

32-955 O — 69— pt. 1 4 



760 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

portunity to do exactly what you said you wanted to do and that is to 
expel these members from your organization. 

I believe there would perhaps be some valuable help to be given to 
you from the Subversive Activities Control Board, this committee here, 
and the Department of Justice because, regardless of how fine an or- 
ganization you may have, I dare say that there are sources at our dis- 
posal that you would not have at your disposal. At least I was hopeful 
that you might welcome the help and the assistance of this committee 
in identifying any possible Communist sympathizers or actual Commu- 
nist activists in your organization. 

Mr. Mitchell. Mr. Watson, I am sure, as a lawyer, you would not 
value documentary evidence as much as you would the direct testimony 
of people and evidence that you could obtain on a firsthand basis your- 
self. We adhere to that rule in our organization, that no matter what 
a newspaper might say or what a Government reporter might say, we 
would want to give the accused or the party charged his day in court 
and before what would be equivalent of a jury of his peers, for the pur- 
pose of deciding from our own knowledge whether he is or is not a 
Communist. 

Mr. Watson. I might say, and I am not going to prolong this partic- 
ular line of questioning, but I am sure you will concede that this com- 
mittee and other agencies would act responsibly in this fashion before 
any organization or any individual would be placed on a subversive 
list. I hope you appreciate that fact. 

Mr. Mitchell. Well, we always hope that all agencies of Govern- 
ment will act with responsibility. I do believe, though, in the separa- 
tion of powers. I do believe that in the Congress you can engage in 
factfinding and come out maybe right on the mark. But I do believe 
that the function of making a determination of guilt or innocence is 
really a function of the judiciary. Even with the t3est of intention on 
the part of the executive branch and all these others, I think that the 
final determination ought to be in the hands of the judiciary. This 
is a hard decision for me personally because I know of my own knowl- 
edge that the Government of the United States has information on who 
is guilty in some of the more terrible murders that have taken place in 
the areas of civil rights. The Government, for example, knows who 
killed Medgar Evers. The Government knows who is responsible for 
the bombings and the dynamitings in the South that have resulted in 
the murder of people. But for various reasons those in charge of 
prosecution have not submitted that evidence to the grand jury and 
to the courts. 

Now all of my instincts tell me I wish we would have spme way 
through a committee of Congress or through the executive branch to 
bring these culprits to justice. But then I know that, under our system, 
until they are brought into court they really are presumed to be 
innocent. 

Mr. Watson. And the statement that you have just made contradicts 
your earlier position that you think that the court should make such 
determination of a person's Communist affiliation, because you have 
just apparently expressed a complete lack of confidence in the judicial 
system m some areas of this country. 

Mr. Mitchell. I haven't expressed, that I am aware of, anv lack of 
confidence in the judicial system. I have said that under the Constitu- 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 761 

tion and under our doctrine of separation of powers we use the judicial 
system to determine questions of guilt or innocence. 

Mr. Watson. Then you are fearful of the procedures. As I under- 
stood, I thought you made the statement that you wished that the 
legal authorities would move forward in this field and they have not. 

Mr. Mitchell. That is right. 

Mr. Watson. Did I misunderstand your position, or do you want 
to modify it? 

Mr. Mitchell. I don't want to modify it. I would like to restate it. 
I said that I knew that the Government of the United States had in- 
formation which would indicate the guilt of the persons involved in 
these crimes that I have mentioned. By Government, I meant the ex- 
ecutive branch, which of course is the Department of Justice. I indi- 
cated that for reasons best known to themselves they have not sub- 
mitted this to a grand jury. I was attempting to give you my more or 
less animal reaction to that, and that is that emotionally I wish that 
somehow or other we could get this into the works and get something 
done. 

But when reason takes over I know that, if we are to preserve the 
system of government under which we live, even those accused of th^ 
most dastardly crimes have to have their day in court and until a court 
does get those cases and makes some determination of them the people 
are presumed to be innocent. 

Mr. Watson. Mr. Mitchell, I am not defending the press at all be- 
cause I have had my grievances with them, too. But did I understand 
you to say or imply that the irresponsible conduct of some individuals 
in the field of civil rights and racial disturbances should be exonerated 
or perhaps overlooked because they happened to receive great play in 
the press ? 

Mr. Mitchell. No, Mr. Watson. What I was saying is that we don't 
have enough of the kind of thing that I have coming out of one of your 
papers — not yours, but out of your State. Now I would like to submit 
this for exhibit purposes. Since I have only one copy, I would appre- 
ciate it if your committee could duplicate it in some way. Our ex- 
ecutive field director down in South Carolina sent me a copy of a news 
story in the August 8, 1967, Charlotte Observer and in the August 
1967—1 think that is the Palmetto State, isn't it ? 

Mr. Watson. That is correct. 

Mr. Mitchell. Both of these stories indicate efforts on the part of 
the NAACP, under the leadership of Reverend I. DeQuincey Newman, 
to take positive steps to cooperate with the State in trying to head off 
possible violence. 

As you will see, these apparently were on the front page in big head- 
line type. There are pictures of people involved. I am sorry to say that 
this is not done by many, many publications in this country. You can 
get much more publicity as a Negro if you talk about burning down 
the Capitol or wanting to do something violent and destructive, maybe 
shoot Roy Wilkins, or something of that sort. You can get a whole lot 
more publicity by doing that than you can get by these constructive 
things. 

All I would hope is that the responsible publications would start 
looking at the whole picture and put some of these people who make 
wild statements in proper perspective so that you can see that they are 



762 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

really only speaking for themselves, and maybe even not themselves, 
because they change from day to day, depending on what is the most 
attractive thing to say for the headlines. 

Mr. Watson. I share your sentiments, and we are happy that this is 
taking place in South Carolina. We have what we feel a very excellent 
record in this particular field. I am happy for that. But at the same 
time, without public exposure of the Rap Browns and Stokely Car- 
michaels and some of the other radical, irresponsible people by the 
press, perhaps the people would never know about them. Hopefully 
your people will be governed accordingly and not be misled by these 
people. But apparently a great many of them have been. I agree with 
you it is not a majority. But I think you will concede that a great many 
of them have been wittingly or unAvittingly misled by the likes of 
Brown and Carmichael. 

Mr. Mitchell. No, Mr. Watson, I would say I believe in the ex- 
posure of wrongdoers, but I don't believe in overexposure to the point 
that you make the wrongdoer a kind of folk hero. 

Mr. Watson. Do you believe any of your people conclude that Rap 
Brown and Carmichael are heroes ? 

Mr. Mitchell. I would say that the only way you can answer that 
kind of question is through a Harris poll or a crystal ball or some- 
thing of that sort. I would not say "yes," but I would say that when 
you see a person's picture in a four-column cut on the front page of 
a leading metropolitan paper, as happened here, with all sorts of tele- 
vision and radio equipment around him taking down every word he 
says, I would think that somebody is going to believe that that fellow 
must be saying something pretty important. I feel that this is a ques- 
tion of judgment, and it would be my opinion that you could do the 
same thing of exposing whoever you wanted to expose b^ doing it with 
maybe at least a two-column picture or maybe putting it on the inside 

I just think that we live in a period when the news competition is. 
such that people strive to get the thing that is going to be the most 
sensational. I think you can be sensational by saying that somebody is 
going to come in here and blow up the Capitol. But, of course, it would 
seem to me irresponsible to say that if there is no basis for it in fact. 

Mr. Watson. I might make this one final statement. I think you and 
I share the same thinking in that regard. I personally hav^e thought 
many times that I had made a real earth-shaking statement in a news, 
release, but I could not even trip up a newsman tx) give it to him, and 
others would rush out to get a shot at the likes of Carmichael and 
Rap Brown. s 

Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Tuck. We thank you very much for your statement and the 
help you have given the committee. 

Will you call the next witness. 

Mr. McNamara. Mr. Asa Spaulding. 

Mr. Tuck. Do you solemnly swear the testimony you give before 
this committee will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the- 
truth, so help you God ? 

Mr. Spaulding. I do. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 763 

TESTIMONY OF ASA T. SPAULDING 

Mr. McNamara. Will you state your full name and. address for the 
record, please ? 

Mr. Spaulding. My name is Asa T. Spaulding. I live at 1608 Lin- 
coln Street, Durham, North Carolina. 

Mr. McNamara. What is your business or profession, Mr. Spauld- 
ing? 

Mr. Spaulding. I am president of the North Carolina Mutual 
Life Insurance Company. 

Mr. McNamara. Could you tell the committee how long you have 
been associated with that company ? 

Mr. Spaulding. I have been associated with the company for over 
40 years. As a matter of fact, it is the only job I ever had. I worked 
there during the summer when I was in high school right on through 
until I went back — finishing my education and I went back as a full- 
time employee of the company. That was in 1932. 1 was elected actuary 
of the company in 1933. I held that position until 1935, when I was 
also elected assistant secretary. In 1945 I was elected comptroller. So 
I was actuary, assistant secretary, and comptroller from 1945 to 1948, 
when I was elected vice president, actuary, and comptroller, which 
position I held until January 1, 1959, when I became president of the 
company. 

Mr. McNamara. Are you appearing today, Mr. Spaulding, in re- 
sponse to an invitation and request from the chairman that you testify 
in these hearings ? 

Mr. Spaulding. I am. 

Mr. McNamara. Mr. Spaulding, you are a man, of many accomplish- 
ments and activities and the liour is growing late. I will not ask you 
to spell out all of them, but I would like to state for the record that 
you are a member of the lx)ard of directors of a number of large 
financial institutions, that you are a trustee of Howard Univei-sity and 
Shaw University, that you received a Presidential citation in 1946 for 
the work you did to help stabilize the economy of this Government 
during World War II. 

You have been active in church work. You were a member of a 
United States delegation to a UNESCO general conference and I be- 
lieve, Mr. Spaulding, you have recently returned from a trip abroad 
where you were inspecting military installations for the Department 
of Defense. Is this correct ? 

Mr. Spaulding. There is a slight correction. I recently returned 
from a trip to Africa as. a member of a trade mission for the United 
States Department of Commerce. I have just returned from a JCOC, 
the Joint Civilian Orientation Conference, under the auspices of the 
Department of Defense, where the military installations of this coun- 
try were inspected. That ended on October 19. 

Mr. McNamara. I understand that at the end of this month you will 
be going to Germany for 2 weeks at the invitation of the West <Grerman 
Government to observe progress which has been made there under the 
Marshall plan. Is that correct ? 

Mr. Spaulding. That is correct. 

Mr. McNamara. Mr. Spaulding, do you have a statement which you 
have prepared for submission to the committee ? 



764 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Mr. Spaulding. Yes, I do, Mr. McNamara. 

Mr. McNamara. Would you care to read that ? 

Mr. Spaulding. I would like to. 

Mr. Tuck. The committee expresses its gratification that you have 
come here. I would like to say that while the present witness is not my 
constituent I have the privilege of living only 40 or 45 miles from 
him. I know of the great work that he is engaged in in North Carolina. 
I know of the respect in which he is held by people of both races all 
over the State of North Carolina. He has one of the largest insurance 
companies in that State. He enjoys an unusually high degree of con- 
fidence and esteem by the people, generally, of the great State of North 
Carolina. 

Mr. Spaulding. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Chairman and Members of the Committee on Un-American 
Activities : 

I am here today in response to your request to express my views on 
the following two basic issues : 

1. Whether rioting, looting, and burning are compatible with the 
American system of government and whether they will serve to ad- 
vance the interests of Negro citizens in the United States ; 

2. Wliether or not Communists sincerely have the interests of the 
Negro at heart and Negroes, therefore, can accept them and work with 
them in their efforts to achieve full equality in this country. 

Before expressing my views on the two basic issues in question, Mr. 
Chairman and Members of the Committee, I would like to quote from 
an article I wrote in July 1963, which reads in part as follows : 

A BURNING ISSUE 

The situation may have changed materially by the time this appears in print, 
but as of the time of its writing, there is no more burning issue facing the 
American public than that of Civil Rights. 

NOT A PHONY 

Let no one be misled into believing that this is a phony issue which will go 
away if ignored, or that Communists are solely responsible for the current racial 
unrest and activity in this Country. The origin of the motivation is deep-seated 
in the Negro himself, in his determined desire to have the same freedom of 
movement, choice, and opportunity as his fellow Americans of other races. 

NOT A SURPRISE 

Careful observers of racial trends since World War II, and especially since 
the Montgomery, Alabama, bus incident in 1955, have not been taken by surprise 
by what they see today. The coming events clearly cast their shadows before 
them, but far too many either buried their heads in the sand or assumed the 
attitude that "when ignorance is bliss, 'tis folly to be wise," and refused to 
become concerned. 

It has been abundantly clear to many for several years, that the desire for 
freedom and a better way of life on the part of underprivileged peoples through- 
out the world is nn ever-ri.sing tide, and the flow of it might be DAMNED but 
can not be dammed. Nor can this desire be crushed without destroying a major 
portion of the human race. 

TO BLOCK EVOLUTION IS TO INVITE REVOLUTION 

... In these rapidly changing times, too strenuous efforts to block accelerated 
evolution in the progress toward social, economic and political justice can but be 
an open invitation to revolution. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 765 
DEBT IN DEFAULT 

The promissory note made to the Negro 100 years ago, embodying the American 
Promise and the American Dream as set forth in the Declaration of Independence, 
the Constitution of the United States, and the Bill of Rights, and proclaimed 
through the Emancipation Proclamation, fell due long, long ago. . . . The present 
generation is demanding payment of the principal now and in full. This is the 
temper of the times. The serious question confronting America today is whether 
or not she will honor and fulfill her obligation. 

Y0T7TH DETERMINED TO COLLECT 

The young i)eople are on the march. . . . They will not be deterred by arrests, 
jail sentences, fire hoses, police dogs, or death itself ; for they feel that freedom 
and first-class citizenship are in the air . . . and they are determined to collect 
the full amount of the promissory note at this time. ... I am convinced that the 
walls of segregation and barriers of discrimination based on race must go, and 
are certain to be washed away by the onrushing tide of history and change. 

This article was written 4 years ago. 

BBIDOES ACROSS CHASMS 

All deprived peoples are still seeking bridges across the chasms separating 
their state and condition from that of the lands of greater opportunities and bet- 
ter living. The wide, cultural, educational, economic, social and political gaps sepa- 
rating members of the human family must be narrowed and/or bridged soon so 
that whosoever vdll may cross over to that better way of life. 

The privileged ("the haves") will know no peace or happiness again until these 
bridges are built. ... It is because these cries have been unheard so long that 
we have our Newarks and Detroits of today. 

The foregoing statement, Mr. Chairman and Members of the Com- 
mittee, is not an attempt to justify the riotings, looting, and burnings 
which have taken place, but rather is an effort to put them in proper 
perspective. 

OPPOSED TO RIOTING, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

I would like to make it abundantly clear, however, that while I sup- 
port all appropriate efforts to have America live up to the ideals and 
principles upon which the Nation was founded, I do not and cannot 
support and/or condone the wanton destruction of human life and 
property. I therefore oppose rioting, looting, and burning and consider 
them incompatible with the American system of government. 

Wliether or not from the short-range viewpoint they will serve to 
advance the interests of Negro citizens in the United States may be 
debatable. I would observe, however, that that which is taken by force 
must be held and/or maintained by force unless and until the hearts 
and minds of those involved are changed. 

Right here I would like to read a statement from the current issue 
of the house organ of my company on the company's position : 

[For the More Abundant Life] 

According to St. John, 10th Chapter and 10th Verse, one of the purposes of 
the coming of Jesus was that man might have life and have it more abundantly. 
This is the objective of the Civil Rights struggle. This, too, is the mission of life 
insurance and the purpose for which North Carolina Mutual was organized, and 
is the puriwse to which it is still dedicated. It seeks not only to destroy poverty, 
but also the causes of poverty ; and is the enemy not only of crime but also tvhat 
breeds it. Its aim is to help ward off misery, relieve distress, dispel fear and keep 
hope for the future alive. 



766 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

[Affainst Want and Despair] 

Morth Carolina Mutual has long been engaged in the war against poverty 
and want, ignorance, poor housing, despair, and the causes of unemployment and 
crime ; and in trying to convert hopelessness into hopefulness. 

Dr. Robert C. Weaver, Secretary of Housing and Urban Development, in his 
address at the dedication of the Company's new home office building, had this 
to say : 

"A quarter of a century ago, it was the North Carolina Mutual Life Insurance 
Company which was unique among Negro businesses in recognizing the impor- 
tance and significance of FHA insured and VA Guaranteed Mortgages. In the 
mid-forties, 75% of such underwritten mortgages held by Negro-controlled 
enterprises were in the portfolio of this insurance company . . . there have 
been scores of instances when no other source of mortgage money was available 
to a Negro family. ..." 

[For Understanding and Cooperation] 

During the period of the race riots following World War I, the then General 
Manager, C. C. Spaulding, wrote the personnel throughout the Company's terri- 
tory, in part, as follows : 

"The delicate issues of our economic and ci\'ic life . . . require all the caution, 
steadfastness, and Christian uprightness which the leaders of both races can 
summon for their settlement. This is the time for Negroes to talk to our white 
friends and not about them. We must make our position clear to the friends of the 
race, and with them, guide our country through this i)erilous time." 

It was also pointed out that "cooperation and mutual friendliness of the 
races is the great hope for the development of the South" and that since "cooper- 
ation is a two-way street, the Negro should not be expected to do all the co-ing 
while the white man does all the operating." 

[The Maturing Negro] 

In addressing 250 agents and other representatives of the Company on June 
20, 1919, at White Rock Baptist Church in Durham, Mr. Spaulding said : 

"The Negro's future in America depends more on what he does for himself 
than on what others may do for him. I am proud that the Negro is no longer 
regarded as a baby, but as a full grown man and must therefore take the place 
of a man. The Negro is proud of his race and is not trying to get away from it." 

[Faithful to Its Mission and Heritage] 

North Carolina Mutual Life Insurance Company would be unfaithful to the 
Mission of life insurance, to the purposes for which it was organized, and to its 
heritage, were it not to support the Negro, and/or any other deprived people, in 
all legitimate struggles for the "more abundant life." The Company has no 
other intention than to measure up to its responsibilities as a good citizen in 
support of all appropriate efforts to have America live up to the ideals and 
principles upon which the Nation was founded — first class citizenship, and 
equality of opportunity and treatment for all its citizens. It cannot condone the 
wanton destruction of human life and proi>erty, however, and therefore opposes 
riots and rioting. To do otherwise would be to engage in a war against its own 
aims and purposes which are "not to injure nor to pain, but to heal^ the very 
causes of sorrow, and to help make a better world for all." 

These are sentiments of the company that I represent. WitVi your 
permission I would like to present a copy of this to you, Mr. Mc- 
Namara, for the record. 

(Document marked "Spaulding Exhibit No. 1" and retained in com- 
mittee files.) 

Mr. Tuck. We have a roll call in the House of Representatives. It 
will be necessary for us to recess. I would suggest that we recess until 
2:80. 

Mr. Spaulding. Mr. Chairman, with your permission could I read 
these two last paragraphs which will cover the statement? And then, 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES EST RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 767 

if possible, I should leave here by 3 :15 to catch my plane back to Dur- 
ham, if possible. 

Mr. Watson. Mr. Chairman, so far as I am concerned, I want to 
commend Mr. Spaulding. He has a wonderful operation in North 
Carolina. I appreciate the calm and considerate and intelligent man- 
ner in which he has approached this problem. In view of his travel 
plans, I certainly would have no questions. 

Mr. Tuck. I would suggest you complete the statement then. 

Mr. Spaulding. I want to cover the (j[uestion on Conununists. 

I am not an authority on Communists by training, experience, or 
association; but from my limited readings and observations, I am of 
the opinion that Commmiists never miss an opportunity to capitalize 
on dissatisfaction, strife, and turmoil no matter what the cause. It is 
also my feeling that their alliances are more or less "marriages of con- 
venience," subject to being dissolved when it will serve their interest 
to do so. 

I, therefore, doubt that Communists "sincerely have the interests 
of the Negro at heart," or that they will work with the Negro in his 
efforts to achieve full equality in this country beyond the point where 
it means more to the Negro than it does to the Communists and their 
cause. 

Thank you, Mr. Cliairman and Members of the Committee. 

Mr. Tuck. We thank you very much. We appreciate your taking 
the time to come here and give the committee the benefit of your 
views. 

Mr. Spaulding. Thank you. I am very happy to have had the privi- 
lege of appearing. 

STATEMENT OF WHITNEY M. YOTJNG, JR., ON BEHALF OF 
NATIONAL URBAN LEAGUE, INC. 

Inasmuch as Mr. Young was unable to appear on this date, he sub- 
mitted the following statement which the chairman authorized to be 
inserted at this point in the record. 

(The statement follows :) 

STATEMENT BY WHITNEY M. YOUNG. JR., EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR, NA- 
TIONAL URBAN LEAGUE, PREPARED FOR THE HOUSE UN-AMERICAN 
ACTIVITIES COMMITTEE, WASHINGTON, D.C., OCTOBER 25, 1967 

The chairman of the Committee on Un-American Activities of the U.S. House 
of Representatives has requested that the National Urban League express its 
views on two queries by the committee. 

The first question is : "Whether rioting, looting, and burning are compatible 
with the American system of government and whether they will serve to advance 
the interests of Negro citizens in the United States." 

The National Urban League has reijeatedly gone on record as opposing violence 
and rioting. We submit a statement in which we joined with other organizations 
in expressing this viewpoint.^ In the light of the deaths, injuries, arrests, and 
destruction of Negro-owned property this past summer, it is obvious that the 
interests of Negro citizens are not advanced by riots. This is recognized by the 
overwhelming proportion of Negro citizens who did not participate in such activi- 
ties this summer. 

It would be a mistake, however, to expect the millions of Americans who have 
been denied equal rights and who suffer from prejudice, discrimination, jobless- 



1 See pp. 768, 769. 



768 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

ness, inadequate housing and education, poor health, and a myriad of other 
social ills based on poverty and racial discrimination to bear their lot in silence. 
Their anger at the obvious injustice of their plight and at the lack of massive 
programs which would end poverty and racism must be recognized. So long as 
people feel they have nothing to lose, appeals to logic and reason will fail. 

The question is not, then, whether rioting is "compatible with the American 
system of government," but whether the American system of government has 
been as flexible and as energetic as it should be in including all American citi- 
zens in the fruits of our society. If we were to take immediate steps to end the 
racial gap which condemns a disproportionate number of Negro citizens to 
poverty and inadequate necessities of life, we would not have to worry about 
rioting. 

The second question posed by the chairman is : "Whether or not Communists 
sincerely have the interests of the Negro at heart and Negroes therefore can 
accept them and work with them in their efforts to achieve full equality in this 
country." 

In every country in which there exists a poor and downtrodden group in the 
population, the Communists have found their strength in that group. In every 
country that is, but the United States. The Communist Party has sipent much 
time and effort in wooing the Negro population, all to no avail. If anything, 
its appeal to the Negro population in the United. States has been less than 
with any other group of citizens. 

Negro citizens do not want to change the American way of life. The whole 
history of Negro efforts to secure equality is an indication that Negro citizens 
desire, above all else, inclusion on an equal basis in American society. 

There is little evidence that Communists have any significant influence on 
the civil rights movement. Their record is not one which inspires trust among 
Negro citizens, and Negro citizens do not accept them and do not work with 
them. 

The National Urban League welcomes this opportunity to comply with a 
request for information by a committee of the United States Congress. The 
National Urban League, Inc., is a professional community service organization 
committed to securing equal opportunities for Negroes and other minorities 
in all areas of American life. It is nonpartisan and interracial in its leadership 
and staff. 

[The joint statement referred to on p. 767 follows:] 

From : Public Relations Department, National Urban League, 55 East 52nd 

Street, New York, N.Y. 10022, (212) 751-0302. 
Contact: Guichard Parris. 

The following is the text of a statement issued jointly by, Dr. Martin Luther 
King, Jr., A. Philip Randolph, Roy Wilkins, and Whitney M. Young, Jr., on 
July 26, 1967, and released from the headquarters offices of the NAACP — 20 
West 40th Street, New York City : 

Developments in Newark, Detroit and other strife-torn cities make it crystal 
clear that the primary victims of the riot are the Negro citizens. That they 
have grave grievances of longstanding, cannot be denied or minimized. That 
the riots have not contributed in any substantial measure to the eradication 
of these just complaints, is by now obvious to all. 

We are confident that the overwhelming majority of the Negro community 
joins us in opposition to violence in the streets. Who is vsrithout the necessities 
of life when the neighborhood stores are destroyed and looted? Whose children 
are without milk because deliveries cannot be made? Who loses wages because 
of a breakdown in transportation or destruction of the place of employment? 
Who are the dead, the injured and the imprisoned? It is the Negroes who pay 
and pay and pay, whether or not they are individually involved in the rioting. 
And what for? 

Killing, arson and looting are criminal acts and should be dealt with as such. 
Equally guilty are those who incite, provoke, and call specifically for such action. 
There is no injustice which justifies the present destruction of the Negro com- 
munity and its people. 

We who have fought so long and so hard to achieve justice for all Americans 
have consistently opposed violence as a means of redress. Riots have proved in- 
effective, disruptive and highly damaging to the Negro population, to the civil 
rights cause, and to the entire nation. We call upon Negro citizens throughout 
the nation to forego the temptation to disregard the law. This does not mean 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 769 

that we should submit tamely to joblessness, inadequate housing, poor schooling, 
insult, humiliation and attack. It does require a re-doubling of efforts through 
legitimate means to end these wrongs and disabilities. 

We appeal not only to black Americans, but also to our fellow white citizens 
who are not blameless. The disabilities imposed upon Negro citizens are a century 
old. They remain because the white citizenry in general supports these restric- 
tions. 

The 90th Ck)ngress has exhibited an incredible indifference to hardships of the 
ghetto dwellers. Only last week, the House defeated a rat-control bill which 
would have enabled the cities to get rid of the rats which infest the slums. And 
finally, we fully support President Johnson's call "upon all our people (black 
and white alike) in all our cities to join in a determined program to maintain 
law and order, to condemn and to combat lawlessness in all its forms, and firmly 
to show by word and deed that riot, looting and public disorder will just not be 
tolerated." 

No one benefits under mob law. Let's end it now ! 

Mr. Tuck. The committee will recess until 2 :30. 
(Whereupon, at 12 :35 p.m., Wednesday, October 25, 1^67, the com- 
mittee was recessed, to reconvene at 2:30 p.m. the same day.) 

AFTERNOON SESSION— WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 25, 1967 

(The subcommittee reconvened at 2 :20 p.m., Hon. William M. Tuck 
presiding. Subcommittee members present : Representatives Tuck and 
Ashbrook.) 

Mr. Tuck. The committee will please come to order. 

Mr. McNamara, will you call the next witness, please? 

Mr. McNamara. Mr. Evelle J. Younger, please. 

Mr. Tuck. Do you solemnly swear that you will tell the truth, the 
whole truth, and nothing but the truth, to the best of your knowledge 
and belief ? 

Mr. Younger. I do. 

TESTIMONY OF EVELLE J. YOUNGER 

Mr. McNamara. Will you state your full name and address for the 
record ? 

Mr. Younger. Evelle J. Younger. I reside in Los Angeles at 2461 
Chiselhurst Drive. 

Mr. McNamara. Will you state your position, Mr. Younger ? 

Mr. Younger. District attorney, Los Angeles County. 

Mr. McNamara. Will you give the committee a brief resume of your 
educational background ? 

Mr. Younger. I grew up in Nebraska, attended public schools there, 
and got my A.B. and LL.B. degrees from the University of Nebraska. 
I tooK graduate work in criminology at Northwestern University. 

Mr. McNamara. And your professional background ? 

Mr. Younger. Following my studies at Northwestern, I entered the 
FBI as a special agent. I was employed in that capacity until after 
Pearl Harbor, when I was in the Army for 4 years, serving with the 
Counterintelligence Corps and with the Office of Strategic Services. 

I was later recalled during the Korean war, serving with the Air 
Force in the Office of Special Investigation. 

I am now the research director of OSI of the U.S. Air Force Reserve. 

Following World War II, I was, in turn, deputy city attorney in 
Los Angeles, in the Criminal Division; prosecuting attorney in the 



770 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

city of Pasadena; and on the municipal and superior courts in Los 
Angeles for 11 years before I became district attorney in 1964. 

Mr. McNamara. In the course of your work as a law enforcement 
officer, have you had occasion to have experience with rioters and riot- 
ing? 

Mr. Younger. Yes. Our first major involvement, of course, was with 
the Watts riots. Having been involved actively in that insofar as the 
handling of the approximately 3,500 felony cases was concerned — 1 
should say 2,500 felony prosecutions — and the attendant problems of 
court calendar, physical movement of prisoners, and so fortli, I devel- 
oped quite a professional interest in cause and effect and followed the 
other subsequent riots quit-e closely, through the papers and also 
through our own investigative sources. 

Mr. McNamara. Mr. Younger, as a law enforcement officer and the 
head of the largest public prosecutor's office in the United States, how 
would you describe or classify a riot ? 

Mr. Younger. A riot, as I use the term, and without regard to Web- 
ster's definition, involves thousands of people engaged in burning, loot- 
ing, assault, and murder. 

A riot, as opposed to an unlawful demonstration or civil disobedi- 
ence, also involves a complete breakdown of law and order. Whatever 
else a riot is — racial protest, rebellion, social revolution — it most cer- 
tainly is one tremendous crime spree. 

Mr. McNamara. Riots have plagued society for centuries, and there 
are certain social, economic, and political conditions which have long 
been recognized as basic elements in a riot situation. 

In your opinion, however, is there a new element in our culture which 
has contributed to the wave of rioting that has taken place in this coun- 
try during the past few years ? 

Mr. Younger. In part, riots are excesses attributable to widespread 
disobedience of, and lack of respect for, law and order. There has not 
been a time in our recent history when the rule of law was so in jeoo- 
ardy — not just from militant extremists, but from citizens in all walks 
of 1 ife and all levels of society. 

Many Americans regularly and openly disobey laws they don't like. 
To them the traditional method of seeking changes in the law by urging 
legi^^lative action seems old fashioned. 

We have been experiencing a number of actions by persons who re- 
sort to physically coercive methods to effect change which, in effect, 
amount to a repudiation of the orderly governmental process — pro- 
fessors and cler.qrvmen urging young men to resist military service; the 
editor of the UCLA student newspaper urging students to vi(^late the 
laws against the use of marijuana ; pubHc figures advocating a refusal 
to pay taxes because the Government finances programs with which 
thev disagree. 

These are all examples of conduct which tend to encourage robellioii 
against all authority, esoecially among those persons wlio are not well 
enoup-h educated or sufficiently sophisticated in their think'nT to dis- 
cern the difference between the classic concent of civil disobedience and 
the idea of simply breaking laws to accomplish an end which tliev seek. 

It is one thing to deliberately violate a specific law which is believed 
to be unconstitutional for the purpose of testing that law's constitution- 
ality, but it is an entirely different thing to advocate rioting and law- 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 771 

breaking by large masses of people to accomplish some political or 
social change, when the law which is being broken is totally unrelated 
to the end that is sought to be accomplished. 

Overriding this growing tendency to resort to physical coercion is 
the increasingly popular attitude that because the protesters' cause may 
be just, they may be excused from responsibility for any transgression. 

When police are called upon to perform their duty to preserve 
order and protect life and property, they are often jeered, insulted, 
and spat upon by the very people they are paid to protect. 

Screams of police brutality" drown out those who urge higher 
standards of training and better pay and a higher degree of pro- 
fessionalization to produce better law enforcement. Those interested 
in more and bigger riots could hardly ask for more. 

Mr. McNamara. In addition to this, is there a new technical devel- 
opment in our society which, for good or evil, can have an important 
effect on a riot or a potential riot situation ? 

Mr. Younger. Yes. Unquestionably, the television medium can be a 
major factor in contributing to or sustaining a riot. A newspaper 
can also do much to mold and influence public opinion over a period 
of time. 

If I determined to elect or defeat a candidate, promote a bond issue, 
or obtain passage of very controversial l^islation 2 years hence, I 
would want to own a major newspaper. But, if I wanted thousands 
of people to do something tomorrow — or even tonight — I would want 
to own a TV station. 

When Knute Rbckne wanted to inspire his team to superhuman 
effort, he did not write out his fight talk and hand it to his players. 
He spoke to them, fists pounding, red faced, breathing hard, eyeball 
to eyeball ! 

Only TV can provide that kind of communication. Only TV can 
inspire immediate action — ^ood or bad. TV can be the monster or the 
Jolly Green Giant, depending on how its power is used. 

Radio has many of the strengths and weaknesses of both news- 
papers and television. Radio is, in a sense, less powerful and dangerous 
than television when it comes to generating immediate action. 

Newspapers — like any other private business in America — are oper- 
ated for profit. Subject only to the laws of libel and contempt of 
court, a newspaper can be completely irresponsible; and nothing can 
be done about it so long as enough people buy the paper to keep it 
operating. 

TV, on the other hand, while legitimately interested in making 
money, does not have the same freedom of operation that newspapers 
enjoy. TV uses the airways, and the airways belong to the people. 
The spectrum will only hold so many channels. 

The Federal Communications Commission was empowered by a 
1934 act to allocate radio and TV channels to be utilized "in the public 
interest, necessity, and convenience." To encourage a station to main- 
tain this high standard, the act provides that a TV license must be 
renewed every 3 years. Courts have repeatedly held that a TV station 
holds a license "as trustee for the people." 

There are approximately 641 TV stations in the United States. Not 
once has the FCC ever lifted a license. The FCC must believe, there- 



772 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

fore, that each and every TV station is being operated "in the public 
interest, necessity, and convenience." 

What is the "public interest"? Using that as a yardstick, what 
should be shown on TV and what should not? There are no easy 
answers, particularly when we are concerned with TV coverage during 
demonstrations, protests, and actual or potential riots. 

For example, if Rap Brown is making an inflammatory speech 
before 20 people — and that is about as good as he can do without TV— 
should TV come along and give him an audience of several million ? 

It is exciting viewing, but is it in the public interest ? 

Suppose during a near-riot situation in a major city the head of the 
NAACP calls a meeting designed to discuss problems and ease 
tensions. Suppose 500 people are listening attentively as he gives a 
calm, reasonable analysis of the situation. Suppose a member of an 
extremist group crashes the meeting and, before anyone can stop him, 
runs to the stage shouting hysterical accusations and threats against 
"Whitey." Who gets the most TV coverage? The hate-filled extremist, 
or the responsible head of the NAACP? Wliat about the public 
interest ? 

When does TV stop reporting news and start creating news ? At a 
recent Ku Klux Klan convention in southern California, there were 
literally more TV cameras present than delegates. 

Suppose that during a riot 100 policemen are trying to disperse a 
crowd which remains in a public park in violation of the curfew. 
Ninety-nine policemen go calmly and efficiently about their jobs. They 
move with caution and restraint. They submit to jeers, insults, even 
minor physical abuse. Suddenly one policeman breaks under the strain, 
starts screaming obscenities and flailing about with his nightstick, 
hitting anyone m range — men, women, or children. Should that be 
televised ? It is true. It is honest reporting. It is dramatic. Is it in the 
public interest ? 

Should rioters be able to use TV as a means of publishing battle 
orders? 

Suppose during a lull in a big city riot, a person who had admittedly 
taken part in the riot was saying, "It ain't over yet. We are just getting 
warmed up. It's still 'bum, baby, burn!' But tonight it's not Watts, 
but Bel Air. If you want some action, be there at 10 o'clock." Should 
that go over the air? Is it in the public interest? It would certainly 
create a great story. There would be excitement in Bel Air and great 
viewing for the stay-at-homes. But how about the public interest ? 

Not too long ago, the famous Sunset Strip became a hangout of 
hippies, agitators, and unruly juveniles. Before long, the ^trip at- 
tracted public interest. It is now a matter of record that on several 
occasions the crowds erupted into a frenzy of senseless violence. 

Here is what the news editor of KPOL in Los Angeles reports in 
the spring 1967 issue of the Cohimhia Joumalism Review : 

More than once during the Sunset Strip trouble, reporters, cameramen and 
soundmen from at least two stations, one of them network owned and operated, 
encouraged the crowd to violence. Their shouts amounted to : "C'mon, let's have 
some excitement. How about rolling a car? You're on TV!" The crowds became 
a mob; windows were broken, cars were damaged, and citizens were terrorized. 

On the other hand, television can respond responsibly and in the 
public interest to prevent the eruption of a riot. For example, on 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 773 

May 7, 1966, less than a year after the Watts riot, Leonard Deadwyler 
was killed by a policeman's bullet after a 5-mile high-speed pursuit 
through residential and commercial Los Angeles streets. One officer 
had approached the curbed Deadwyler car on the right side. He reached 
across the woman passenger in the front seat and pointed his gun 
toward the driver. The car had not come to a full stop. It lurched 
forward. The officer's feet left the ground, the gun went off, and the 
driver was fatally shot through the chest. 

It turned out later that Mrs. Deadwyler, the passenger in the front 
seat, was pregnant and had said she was in labor and was being taken 
that night to the hospital, A white handkerchief had been tied to the 
automobile's radio antenna. Its purpose — according to later state- 
ments — was to alert others to the emergency nature of the trip. 

The Deadwylers were Negroes. The officer was white. I might add, 
too, Mr. Deadwyler was intoxicated, with a blood alcohol reading of 
.35, and his driving at speeds of 70, 80, 90 miles an hour through com- 
mercial and residential areas obviously suggested to the officer that 
he was chasing more than just a speeding driver. So the officer was 
alert to every possibility when he arrived at the car. I might say also 
Mrs. Deadwyler did not give birth for 2V^ months. She was not in labor 
that night. 

In any eventj almost immediately after the tragedy, from Watts and 
other communities largely inhabited by Negroes, there were charges 
of police brutality, of "legalized murder' by officers, and similar allega- 
tions. A tense and sometimes bitter atmosphere spread through many 
Los Angeles neighborhoods. 

It was at this time, when tension was great and suspicion and resent- 
ment were increasing steadily and swiftly, that a coroner's inquest was 
about to start. The largest courtroom available could not accommodate 
more than 300. Many of those who could not get in muttered angrily 
that they were kept out deliberately and that the whole procedure was 
"rigged." 

Inside, the packed courtroom was equally noisy, the atmosphere 
equally bitter, and when sheriff's deputies tried to clear the aisles they 
were greeted with jeers. The inquest was delayed. It was impossible 
to get started that day. 

At this point, representatives of KTLA-TV in Los Angeles de- 
cided it would be a good thing if all persons — those in the courthouse 
and others at home — could see and hear the inquest. This station 
offered to take all conflicting daytime programs on the air and carry 
every minute of the sessions, no matter how long they went on. The 
coroner agreed to this proposal, and live coverage started. 

As each day passed, tempers in the community cooled, and crowds 
in the courtroom grew smaller. Eventually, there were vacant seats 
in the courtroom at all times. Several million persons were home watch- 
ing the inquest from the calm and comfort of their living rooms. 

When the last session was over and the jury came in, the com- 
munity accepted without excitement the verdict that the death was 
accidental, and the officer should not be prosecuted. 

The inquest lasted 8 days. KTLA cameras and newscaster George 
Putnam covered the proceedings with a high degree of skill that made 
a tremendous contribution to public understanding. It enabled the 
citizens to see the machinery of justice in action, and it explained the 



774 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

processes, so nobody could successfully argue that any facts were 
suppressed. 

Mr. McNamara. Mr. Younger, what, in your opinion, are some of 
the basic factors in the creation of a potential riot situation? 

Mr. Younger. Again, now talking about a full-blown riot, as op- 
posed to demonstrations, civil disobedience, and so forth, there are, in 
my opinion, four indispensable conditions which must exist in a com- 
munity before a full-blown riot can occur. 

First, hot, humid weather. In recent years there has never been a 
successful riot in a snowstorm, or a heavy rainstorm is also bad. 

Second, there must exist a disadvantaged minority, a group that 
has be^n mistreated by the majority — in ways ranging from polite 
discrimination to physical abuse — for a substantial period of time. 
Any kind of minority will do, but historically most major riots have 
involved religious, ethnic, or racial minorites. 

Often throughout our history this condition has existed to a sub- 
stantial degree — for example, during the early period, when the Irish 
were the favorite target of the majority, and later when the Italian- 
Americans in the East and the orientals in California took the brunt. 

There has never been a period in our history, however, when this 
condition existed to the degree that it exists today. Unlike the Irish 
and Italians, the Negro did not come to this country voluntarily, so 
his resentment against mistreatment is logically greater. Also, the 
Negro, though a free American for over 100 years, has been the target 
of discrimination and prejudice during this entire time — a more than 
adequate period. Also, fortunately or unfortunately, the Negro looks 
"different" and is easy to identify. 

Then, too, the Negro minority is just the right size. Five percent 
is adequate; 10 percent is ideal for riot purposes. The Negro com- 
prises 11 percent of our population. 

Third, tension must exist between the races. If this tension reaches 
the level of hysteria, as it has in some cities in this country, then the 
riot climate is ideal. 

Speaking of tension, we cannot be surprised when we hear the 
Powells, Carmichaels, and Rap Browns cry, "Blood will flow !" "Riots 
are essential !" "Go get your guns!" et cetera, et cetera, et cetera. But 
we must be amazed to see the help these extremists get from some sup- 
posedly reasonable people. 

For example, I recent heard a self-proclaimed civil rights leader in 
my community say that unless a certain number of jobs were created 
immediately and given to persons without regard to skill or qualifi- 
cations, there would certainly be another Watts. When I accused him 
of inviting trouble, he was nighly incensed and claimed he was just 
reporting the "facts." 

It has become standard operating procedure for a city, county, State, 
or Federal legislator or administrator who wants to dip into the pork 
barrel and get millions of dollars poured into his district under some 
poorly planned and ^potentially useless project to urge passage on the 
basis that it is essential to prevent a riot. 

Recently, the Republican Coordinating Committee in Washington 
accused the President of playing politics and refusing to act to pre- 
vent a riot in Detroit, and Lyndon Johnson, understandably irritated, 
forgot that a President is supposed to rise above this sort of thing 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 775 

and responded by blaming Governor Romney for not stopping the 
riot there. On the same day, Senator McClellan blamed the Su- 
preme Court for "creating an atmosphere in which riots flourish." 
A few days later, Governor Romney, in a most intemperate statement, 
accused President Johnson of lying. These are examples of tension- 
creating incidents occurring at the highest governmental level. 

Fourth, there must be the widespread disobedience of, and lack of 
respect for, law and order, which I mentioned earlier. 

When these "conditions" exist in sufficient degree, a riot will start. 
Some Communists and extremists claim credit for starting certain of 
the recent riots, but they are just bragging. The fact is, all the recent 
riots have started accidentally, triggered by some explainable incident. 

The incident usually, but not always, involves a confrontation be- 
tween a Negro and a white policeman ; but in Hartford, Connecticut, 
a fight between two Negroes was sufficient. The rumor following the 
incident has normally been more important than the incident. 

In Watts, the rumor that the police were beating a pregnant Negro 
woman — who was not pregnant and was not beaten — started the riot. 

In Newark, a Negro taxi driver was arrested for a traffic violation, 
but the false rumor that he had been killed by a white policeman 
triggered the riot. 

Normally, after the incident, the rumor follows; the crowd gathers 
following the rumor ; then, if someone starts throwing rocks and break- 
ing windows — and so far, someone always has — ^the riot starts. 

Mr. McNamara. Generally speaking, Mr. Younger, what kind of 
l^eople, from your observation, take part in riots, and what percentage 
of a community do these people usually comprise? 

Mr. Younger. In recent riots involving Negroes, rarely have more 
than 5 to 10 percent of the Negroes in the community actively sup- 
ported or participated in the riots. The responsible Negroes — the other 
90 to 95 percent — are the big losers in any riot and they are under- 
standably more frightened by and critical of those who participate in 
the riots than are members of the white community. 

The riot-prone group — the 5 to 10 j^ercent who get involved — ^breaks 
down as follows : a very small percentage are the extremists, the haters, 
those whose feelings against "Whitey" are deep and violent. They are 
blinded by rage. They will bum nine Negro dwellings to get one 
owned by a white man. They claim, and possibly believe, that by 
promoting violence they promote the welfare of the Negro. Actually, 
and unfortunately, this conviction is strengtheped by the fact that, 
after a riot in a particular city, we move in, spend massive amounts 
of money, and try to do things we should have done 50 years ago. 

Most of those in this group are young and they are psychotic. Each 
is a potential killer. These are the bombers and snipers. These are the 
ones who give the killing of policemen and firemen top priority in any 
riot. This group of extremists is very small, but seems to be growing 
steadily. 

White extremists have not been actively involved in any recent 
major riot. It has been rumored, however, that white extremists have 
given financial support to black extremists. I have seen no confirma- 
tion of this iiimor, but there is considerable logic behind it. For ex- 
ample, if I were the head of a white extremist group held together 
by hatred of the Negro and had some money in the treasury, I would 

32-955 O— 69— pt. 1 5 



776 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

give that money to some militant revolutionist like Rap Brown or 
Stokely Carmichael, who preaches hate, violence, and rebellion and 
who, for some reason I will never understand, manages to get massive 
attention in the media, far out of proportion to his importance. I can- 
not imagine a more effective way to slow the progress of the Negro. 

In addition to the haters, you have a small percentage of political 
extremists and agitators — principally Communists— involved m every 
riot. These people want riots to occur for political reasons. You also 
have a small percentage of professional or confirmed criminals — niostly 
thieves — who want riots to occur because they can operate at maximum 
speed with minimum risk in a riot. For example, I recall one profes- 
sional burglar who had a ball during the Watts riots. As soon as 
things really got going, he backed a moving van up to the rear door of 
an appliance store and cleaned out the store. He got as far east as 
Kansas City, driving his van full of stoves, TV sets, and refrigerators, 
before he was caught. 

These racists, haters, political extremists, and agitators and the con- 
firmed criminals are the real villains. They are criminals in the truest 
sense. They are dangerous. They comprise at most 20 percent of the 
participants in any modern American riot. They probably are strong 
enough to start a riot, but they have not started one yet — they have not 
found it necessary. Enough riots start accidentally to keep any ex- 
tremist or criminal reasonably happy. 

Certainly, after a riot sta,rts, this group moves in fast and pours 
fuel on the flames and tries to make the riot as bloody, as damaging, 
and as extensive as possible. The fact is, though, that while this 20 
percent could probably start a riot, they cannot sustain it. Only the 
remaining 80 percent of the 5 to 10 percent can sustain a riot, make it 
last anywhere from 24 hours to a week. 

Mr. Tuck. Mr. Younger, will you suspend? We have a call for a 
vote. We will be right back. 

Mr. McNamara. There will be a recess just long enough for the 
members to go over to the floor and return. 
(A brief recess was taken.) 

(The subcommittee reconvened with Representatives Tuck and Wat- 
son present.) 

Mr. Tuck. The subcommittee will come to order. 
Mr. McNamara. Mr. Younger, I believe you were answering the 
question of the type person who usually becomes involved in a riot at 
the time the committee recessed. Would you care to complete your 
answer ? 

Mr. Younger. Yes. I referred to the haters, the extremists, t|ie politi- 
cal agitators, the Communists, the professional criminals. These people 
all put together represent only about 20 percent of the persons involved 
in a riot. That leaves the 80 percent. 

Now, this 80 percent of these people in tliis group are not sufficiently 
stable or responsible to be part of the 90 to 95 percent of the Negro 
community who are not potential rioters. On the other hand, they are 
not confirmed criminals. They are not basically bad. We might char- 
acterize them as junior-grade cnminals. They are the looters, the 
burners, and the rock throwers. They are the backbone of any riot. 
Most of them have been previously arrested, but that is not signifi- 
cant — the fact that a Negro in a slum area has been arrested does not 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 777 

necessarily mean that he has done anything wrong. Many have prior 
convictions, usually misdemeanors, usually petty theft. 

These junior-grade criminals, however, have one thing in common — 
a resentment toward the so-called power structure. Consciously or sub- 
consciously, they harbor a grudge. In some, the hatred or resentment 
is deep enough to permit them to burn buildings. In others, it is not 
that strong, but strong enough to enable them to participate in loot- 
ing. In others, it is strong enough only for rock throwing. In some, it 
is so weak that the person would not even steal, except that the riot 
provides an irresistible opportunity. 

Mr. McNamara. Mr. Younger, if you wanted to start a riot, what 
kind of a city would you select as a target ? 

Mr. Younger. I would select a city where the conditions I outlined 
above exist in abundant measure. It need not be a big city — even 
Waterloo, Iowa, a town of 75,000, will do — so long as tlie necessary 
conditions exist. I would not select a city that has recently experienced 
a riot. 

Once citizens of a community know a riot can happen, they try 
harder to prevent a repeat. It is difficult to start a second riot. Also, the 
police are better prepared after the first riot. For example, there is a 
very critical period after the first rock is thrown, the first window 
boken, when the police can move in with massive but restrained force, 
and possibly prevent a riot. 

The first time, however, police action is not likely to be swift and 
decisive enough. That, of course, is understandable. Just as a puppy 
who is spanked every time he barks is not likely to be a good watchdog, 
so is a police department that for years has been accused of being overly 
aggressive apt to be not aggressive enough. In Los Angeles and New- 
ark, the police did not overreact ; they underreacted. You cannot count 
on that a second time. 

Also — and this might surprise you — I would not select Los Angeles, 
Newark, or Detroit ; but I would select a city like these — a city where 
some effort has been made to help the Negro. I would not select a city 
where the Negro is no better off than he was 25 years ago, where there 
has been no progress or attempt at progress. I would select a community 
where the voters have elected Negro Congressmen or State legislators or 
city councilmen or have representatives on the police commission. 

A little bit of freedom is a heady wine. "When a Negro has a taste 
of a better life, he understandably wants more. The perfect rioter is 
one who has experienced excitement, who has tasted a bit of success 
and is hungry for much of it, who has achieved minor gains and now 
demands massive rewards as his due. 

Mr. McNamara. Having selected your target city, Mr. Younger, 
what would you then do to trigger a riot ? 

Mr. Younger. I would step up existing tensions by increasing the 
anger, fear, resentment, and/or frustration of the disadvantaged 
minority and then wait for, or create, the incident which will trigger 
the riot. 

Mr. McNamara. What specific steps would you take to do this? 

Mr. Younger. I would select a white extremist, a Nazi, or a member 
of the KKK to go on one of the radio or TV "talk" shows, where the 
wilder and more antagonistic the guest, the more time and exposure 
he gets, and have him relate the rumor over the air that 100 Negro 



778 SUBVERSIVE LNFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

snipers have been imported from some named city outside the State 
to shoot up, not Watts, but Beverly Hills, Glendale, and San Marino. 
I would encourage him to brandish a firearm, if the host on the show 
would permit it, and say something like, "By God, let 'em come. I'm 
ready I*^ 

Just to be on the safe side, I would arrange for several other peoplp 
to repeat this on all the talk shows as often as possible. Then, I would 
have another person phone in and say that he is a gun dealer and has 
only five weapons left. 

Every gun in town would, of course, be sold within a matter of 
hours. The Negro extremists would react as anticipated. Policemen 
would naturally get worried and show it. Leaves would be canceled. 
The police chief or sheriff or district attorney would say, "Keep 
calm" — but no one would be listening. 

I would then arrange for a TV commentator to bring a TV camera 
and crew and accompany me into the area selected as the site for the 
riot. Of course, it would be in a Negro area, preferably the worst in 
the city. 

Most TV station managers and commentators are responsible citi- 
zens. They know that TV is an immensely powerful force — for good or 
bad. But some commentators and stations are preoccupied with rat- 
ings and will do almost anytliing to get dramatic, exciting footage. I 
would recruit one of this kind. This commentator would probably 
know all the tricks, but here are some suggestions I could pass on to 
him : 

Find a black nationalist and ask him his reaction to the way the 
whites are buying up all the guns. He will say that this proves what 
he has been saying all along, that Whitey is out to exterminate the 
Negro and that the Negro must move first — "Kill or be killed !" 

Then find another youth screaming, "Bum, baby, bum!" or "Get 
Whitey !" or some similar war cry. This kind always loves to go on TV 
and ^ets twice as wild when the filming starts. Before he goes on, ask 
hun if he heard the rumor that 30 minutes before, in another area of 
the city, a white policeman shot and killed a Negi'o teenager for steal- 
ing a package of cigarettes from a drugstore. Naturally, he will relate 
the rumor as fact on the air and scream a call to all blood brothers to 
arm themselves. 

I would tell the comment.ator, "Be sure you don\ let the head of the 
Urban League or the National Association for the Advancement of 
Colored People ^et on the air and try to calm people down." 

I would ask him to stick around as long as possible after the riot 
starts. "You'll be safe as long as you have film in your camera. Be sure 
and identify and film the first liquor store that is broken into, so that 
some inclined to stay at home will get into the act. Concentrate on 
shots of violence. For example, when a policeman reacts to provocation, 
show the reaction, not the provocation. If someone kicks a policeman 
in the ^roin, don't film that; but be sure and have the camera on when 
the policeman strikes out to defend himself." 

Having started the TV operation, I would then move on until I 
found two Negro young men fighting. It should not be difficult. Teen- 
agers — ^white or black — are inclined to be physical. I would phone the 
police, tell them a gang of Negro teenagers was attacking a white man. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 779 

When the first police car arrived, I would phone again and give an- 
other false report and get another car to the same area. 

The crowd would be growing fast. I would have others phone in 
more false reports and get more police cars. The more the better. If 
other fights had not started by this time and if the police had not yet 
been stoned or spat upon, I would go up to someone in the rear of the 
crowd — where they could not see the police clearly — and tell him that 
I saw one of the white policemen in the back seat of a police car pistol 
whipping one of the Negro teenagers who had his hands cuffed behind 
him and his feet chained together. 

By this time, I would have started an A-1, king-size, bloody riot! 

Mr. Tuck. Mr. Younger, I hate to interrupt you, but we are engaged 
in a sort of foot exercise. We have another very important vote. We 
will have to recess a few minutes and then come back. 

Mr. Younger. Mr. Chairman, all I have left is in the nature of a 
conclusion. May I leave a written copy of my conclusions and ask you 
to incorporate that into the record? Would that be of assistance to 
you, or would you rather I wait ? 

Mr. Tuck. We would like to have you do that, but we would like to 
ask you a few questions. 

Mr. Younger. I will be happy to wait. I thought you might want 
to save the time. 

(A brief recess was taken.) 

(The subcommittee reconvened with Representatives Tuck and 
Watson present.) 

Mr. Tuck. Go ahead, Mr. McNamara. 

Mr. McNamara. Mr. Younger, do you have any suggestions that you 
would make on steps that could be taken to eliminate or at least to 
reduce the pK)Ssibility of riots in the future ? 

Mr. Younger. Yes, I do, and let me say, Mr. Chairman, I suspect 
everybody in America has an opinion on riots and what could be done, 
and should be done, to stop them. And I suppose everyone would like 
the opportunity to express their personal opinion on what to do to 
stop them. 

I am grateful to you for inviting me here and giving me a chance to 
express myself. 

I think I know what we in America must do in order to stop riots, 
but we may not yet be ready to do what must be done. 

Sooner or later we are going to have to do two things : 

First, we must insist that all Americans obey all our laws at all 
times, period. Not just the laws they like, but all laws, period. Not just 
when a policeman is polite and has the preferred color skin, but always, 
period. We must make everyone obey the law, not just the bad guys 
with guns or burglar tools, but college professors and famous people 
whose hearts are pure and who are just trying to stop the war in 
Vietnam — everyone, period. 

You have been hearing similar statements from prominent politi- 
cians and public officials for months. But if you have listened closely, 
there has always been a qualification : Laws must be obeyed, hut; not 
laws must be obeyed, period. Laws must be obeyed, "but unless we 
create more jobs, there will be more riots," or "but unless we spend X 
billion dollars on slum clearance and higher welfare payments, blood 



780 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

will flow," or "but you can't expect people without hope to respect the 
law," et cetera, et cetera, et cetera. 

The time has come to say the law must be enforced and obeyed, 
period. The President of the United States said for the first time on 
July 27, 1967, during his statement to the American people concerning 
the riots, "The law must be enforced and obeyed, period^ When every 
responsible citizen in the United States says the law must be enforced 
and obeyed, period — then we are ready for Step II. Step I without 
Step II will not provide a permanent solution. 

Here is Step II : Free the slaves. 

Are we ready for that yet? I wonder. If so, we must be absolutely 
honest with ourselves and the Negro. To ourselves, let us admit we 
have not done what is necessary so that the Negro will be treated equally 
with the white American. And we must be honest with the Negro and 
say we are not talking about equal cars or equal homes or equal salary, 
but equal opportunity. 

What have we done in the past? The average white American has 
practiced discrimination in varying ways in varying degrees. He will 
vote against a school bond issue that would provide needed new educa- 
tional facilities in a Negro district, then help prepare gift boxes to 
distribute to poor Negroes at Christmas time to demonstrate lack of 
prejudice. 

We have been afraid to let the Ne^ro come all the way up. We have 
been afraid to give him equal educational and employment opportuni- 
ties. Let us face it. We might have successfully kept the Negro in 
slavery, but we cannot keep him half free. 

When the day comes that a Negro child has the same life expectancy 
as a white child born on the same day, when a Negro child entering 
kindergarten has the same eventual opportunity to get a job as his 
white classmate, and when the Negro can live any place he can afford 
without insults or harassment, then on that day Stokely Carmichael 
will not be able to afford a trip to Cuba or Vietnam. 

Let us be honest and admit that just throwing money at the Negro 
problem has not made it go away. In the past, after a riot occurs, we 
have poured money into the area; but we often spend it not to provide 
opportunity, but as a bribe. We say, in effect, "Here, Negroes, are X 
million dollars. Spend it; any way; spend it fast; there's more where 
that came from ; but please — no more nots." 

It is going to cost an enormous amount to give the Negro and other 
disadvantaged minorities equal opportunities across the board. I^t us 
spend money wisely on true job skill training and placement and on 
projects like Headstart and compensatory education programs that 
truly speed the day when the Negro has equal educational o{)portuni- 
ties, and not on absurd anitiix)verty programs where we hire unquali- 
fied people to do unnecessary jobs and where we hire untrained and in- 
experienced, unemployable people to administer the program, so the 
cost of administration will be over 50 percent and we cfiw get rid of 
the money faster. This particular program at least provides the poor 
Negro with a good laugh. It truly does. They really get a good laugh 
out of that. 

It will not be easy or cheap to provide equality of opportunity for 
the Negro, and it will take a long time. When all Americans are truly 
ready, then progress can be made. I say Lit us do it now. The sooner 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 781 

the better, not because we love all our fellow human beings as we do 
ourselves — that is too much to expect — but because enlightened self- 
interest requires that we solve the so-called minority problem perma- 
nently — and there is no other way to do it. 

Finally, I offer a suggestion. While we are working out our prob- 
lems, let us ^et rid of our national inferiority complex. Government 
should cease its preoccupation with introspection and feelings of guilt 
and should stop espousmg the idea that society is at fault for riots. 
This self-pity syndrome is extremely dangerous. Let us stop worrying 
about what the Russians and Chinese Communists will say about us. 
Let us say to the world : "Sure, we have problems — we have problems 
because our citizens, including Negro citizens, enjoy a higher degree of 
freedom than has been enjoyed in any other country in the history of 
the world. When we have trouble with a minority, we don't extermi- 
nate the minority. We try to solve the problem. Our system of gov- 
ernment isn't j>erfect. It's just the best ever devised by man !" 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for giving me the chance to appear. 

(At this point, Mr. Ichord entered me hearing room.) 

Mr. Tuck. We thank you very much for taking the time to come 
here today. 

I would like to apologize for the committee for these several inter- 
ruptions. When we invited you here, we could not foresee that. 

Mr. Younger. Not at all, Mr. Chairman. As a taxpayer, I am glad 
to see the conscientious manner in which our Congressmen operate. 

Mr. Tuck. We try to get ourselves recorded as much as we can, 
particularly on important matters such as we have on the floor today. 

Thank you for your expert testimony here on the subject of how 
riots may be started. 

I believe you brought us a very sensible answer as to how riots may 
be stopped, that is, by firm adherence to the enforcement of law and 
to require strict obedience of the law on the part of all persons, irre- 
spective of positions in society or official life, local or national, they 
may occupy. 

I have been a strong adherent to that view. I have had responsibili- 
ties along that line in law enforcement in the past. I have insisted on it, 
and we have law enforcement in our State most of the time. 

I believe, as you indicate you do here in your statement, that law 
enforcement can be maintained at the local and State level. The diffi- 
culty in some areas is that outsiders, those representing outside organi- 
zations, the Federal Government, even, have sent men in there who 
seem to have the effect of impeding or hampering the police or harass- 
ing them. 

I believe that the citizens in the localities and States in our Nation 
are competent to enforce the law, if given free rein and encouraged to 
do so. 

I was rather astonished, however, to hear you state that none of the 
riots had been caused by any outside influence, that they just happened. 

I am not an authority on that subject, but we have had some 
disturbances not too far away from my home. According to the press, 
as I understood it, in Cambridge, Maryland, some woman came over 
there and agitated those people and started one of the riots. Then 
they had a second riot in Cambridge, started by Stokely Carmichael. 

I have the feeling that while conditions may be ripe for riots in 



782 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

certain cities, certain areas of the country, the riots frequently, or 
most always, are caused by some outside agitator. 

Mr, Younger. I do not think that has happened in the major riots 
so far, sir. I think outside agitators have moved in as fast as they could. 
I have described the categories, that certainly Stokely Carmichael 
would fit my description as a racist and as a hater, and the Com- 
munists and criminals, they will move in fast. 

I also said they could start a riot. I could start riot. If I had a 
television camera and crew, I could start a riot in any city in the 
country, given these conditions. 

A small group of dedicated Communists could start a riot, but it 
just has not been necessary so far. As I say, we have enough riots ac- 
cidentally to keep any of those people well satisfied. 

Mr. Tuck. We have not had many of them in the past. We went 
through the worst depression known in history in the 1930's. People 
all over the country, all races, suffered financial distress and some 
deprivation. We did not have any rioting. 

Mr. Younger. You mean during the depression ? 

Mr. Tuck. Sir? 

Mr. Younger. I did not hear all that. 

Mr. Tuck. During the depression of the 1930's, which was probably 
the worst depression this country ever experienced. 

Mr. Younger. On the contrary, you can get some authorities who. 
say not only riots, but crime generally, was at the lowest level of our 
history during the course of the great depression. 

There are all sorts of explanations for this. One is that people were 
out of jobs, they stayed home, and the family unit spent more time 
together and were more of a unit than ever since. There were fewer 
families where the father and mother were working. For whatever 
reason, the fact is that crime w^as very low during the depression. 

Mr. Tuck. I commend you also for your statement in regard to your 
undertaking to solve all these problems by the appropriations of public 
money. That amounts, in my judgment, to what appears to be black- 
mail. "If you don't give us so much money, we will have a riot." 

Mr. Younger. I agree completely. 

Mr. Tuck. Do you have any questions, Mr. Watson ? 

Mr. Watson. Yes, Mr. Chairman. 

I want to thank Mr. Yomiger for coming over and giving us his 
very forthright testimony. Certainly he has had experience in an area 
where they have suffered a very devastating riot. 

Watts is in your district ? 

Mr. Younger. Yes. 

Mr. Watson. I share the sentiments of the chairman of the^subcom- 
mittee in calling for a firm and effective law enforcement policy 
and respect for the law, period, without the buts, ifs, ands, and the 
equivocations. 

I see from your testimony, and as I listened to it, you attached a lot 
of blame to the TV medium for either instigating the riot or at least 
prolonging it or aggravating it. 

Was that the situation in Watts ? 

Mr. Younger. No. 

Mr^ Watson. Since you have made that statement, I will not argue 
this matter, but I notice a lot of conjecture in here as to what might 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 783 

be done to start a riot. Let us get down to the facts. I agree with you 
that you could start one, as you have outlined. 

What precipitated it in Watts? Was it the TV, or what was it? 

Mr. Younger. No, I don't think television, and I respectfully sug- 
gest that if you check my statement again you will find, rather than 
a criticism of television, a concern that television is so powerful that 
the potential for doin^ great damage during the riot is there. 

The Watts riot was m no way caused or prolonged by television, in 
my opinion. The thing that triggered it was this thing I said, the 
incident involving the woman. 

The conditions were all there : the hot, humid weather, the area in 
town which was depressed ; and in that connection it is interesting to 
note, if you have been to Watts, it is not that bad. Watts, for example, 
compared to Harlem, looks pretty good. 

This is another thing we learned during the Watts riots. People in 
Harlem don't compare themselves to people in the Congo. People in 
Watts don't compare themselves with peoj)le in Harlem. The people 
in Watts compare themselves with people in Bel Air. That is where 
the dissatisfaction comes. 

All those elements existed. Then you had a woman, a female barber, 
a Negro woman who had a smock on. She looked pregnant. The police 
officers were engaged in arresting two young men for driving under 
the influence of liquor. 

In the course of the arrests, the crowd gathered. They were insulting 
and booing the police, and so forth. Somebody, as the police were leav- 
ing with these two young men under arrest, somebody in the crowd 
spit on one of the policemen. The policeman thought it was this 
woman. 

Just to show 3'ou how ironic it can be, she was not the one that spit 
on the policeman. 

They grabbed her. They tried to pull her out of the crowd. A tug of 
war ensued. The rumor got started back in the crowd — they could not 
see what was going on — somebody said, "They are beating up a preg- 
nant woman." 

The story spread. It was at that moment that they started throwing 
stones at the police car. 

Mr. Watson. Mr. Younger, prior to that, had you noticed any 
agitation, and so forth, which would give rise to conditions that would 
permit the triggering of such a massive riotous condition ? 

Do you mean to tell me that you and the officers were unaware of 
any agitation by any group or any individual in the Watts area? 

Mr. Younger. Certainly there is always, and there has been for 
years, and I am afraid there will be for years to come, agitators in 
every large city. Some agitate on the basis of race. Some have other 
causes. There was the normal activity along those lines. There were 
the junior-grade Stokely Carmichaels, and so forth, that were ex- 
pressing dissatisfaction over various things. 

But if you mean was there any increased amount of agitation, any 
program of fomenting violence, something that should have warned 
us that a riot was going to occur, I will say "no." 

I will concede that a great many people in our community, after 
the Watts riots, said they knew the riots were going to occur, but I 
never heard them say that before the riots. 



784 SUBVERSR^E INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Mr. Watson. In other words, you never observed or had presented 
to you any evidence of leaflets or pamphlets or anything else being 
circulated by any organization or any individual in the Watts area, 
trying to capitalize on this explosive situation ? 

Mr. Younger. As I say, you will always get a certain amount of that, 
but there was no increased or stepped-up activity along those lines just 
prior to the Watts riots. 

Mr. Watson. tVe are not concerned, necessarily — at least I am not — 
about stepped-up activity. 

Are you aware of any organization that was engaging in any 
activity in this regard prior to the riot? If so, could you name that 
organization ? Such as EAM, the Black Panthers, or the Communist 
Party, U.S.A.? Do they have an office, the U.S. Communist Party, 
Marxist-Leninist group ? 

Mr. Younger. ThejT^ have an office of sorts, I guess, that moves 
around from time to time. I don't know where it is currently located. 

We certainly have that information in our files. I am sure they 
were distributing pamphlets prior to the Watts riots, just as they 
probably are doing today out there, but on a very small scale. 

It would be a mistake, I think, because they were distributing 
pamphlets. They have been distributing pamphlets since I got out of 
high school, and it would be a mistake, I think, to assume that because 
they were distributing pamphlets that that had anything to do with the 
Watts riots. 

There were no political overtones at all to that crowd that gathered 
around the officers when they were trying to arrest these two boys for 
drunk driving. That group had started the riots, started them spon- 
taneously, because they thought the police were beating a pregnant 
Negro woman. 

There were no political overtones or implications in it at that time. 
It would be simple if there were. I wish that I had evidence, and it 
would be a nice thing if we could blame all the riots on the Commu- 
nists, the black nationalists, or something like that. Then we could all 
go out and round them up and solve our problems. But it is not that 
easy. 

Mr. Watson. In other words, you do not consider the activity of 
this Communist group or any other group of any consequence out 
there? 

Mr. Younger. Not in the Watts riot or the major riots we have had 
so far. 

I say that they could start a riot in any major city. Right now they 
could. 

Mr. Watson. Then if they could, Mr. District Attorney, would not 
a part of the process of inciting to riot be the distribution of inflam- 
matory leaflets and pamphlets? You would not tell us that they have 
not done that in your area, would you ? 

Mr. Younger. I say as long as I can remember there have been 
Communists and other political agitators distributing leaflets and 
pamphlets. That is certainly true. 

Mr. Watson. Mr. D.A.,'l don't want to interrupt you. Perhaps we 
have taken this activity too lightly and that has given rise over the 
course of years to the explosion we had last summer back in Watts. 
Would that not be a reasonable conclusion ? 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 785 

Mr. Younger. You mean taken too lightly the distribution of the 
leaflets? 

Mr. Watson. I mean the effect this distribution might have upon the 
people during a hot period, when you have, I assume, additional young 
people out of school, and so forth, the effect this inflammatory mate- 
rial might have on them. 

Mr. Younger. I suppose, it is a personal thing, I suppose I have 
been somewhat more concerned than maybe the average person. I don't 
think that so far as I am personally concerned I have been unmindful 
of the effect that these leaflets, and so forth, might have on people. I 
don't know if the community generally has taken it too lightly. 

Mr. Watson. A group of people who are distressed and denied vari- 
ous opportunities, as you say they have been, would they not be more 
susceptible to inflammatory leaflets of this nature? 

Mr. Younger. I believe so. 

Mr. Watson. As a consequence, should we not be more concerned 
about the possible effect ? 

I have heard some people say, well, there are only a handful of 
people. I can go out myself and get me a printing press and print up 
a hundred thousand leaflets, and if I put them in the right hands, al- 
though I am one individual, I believe it would have a rather adverse 
effect, so far as fomenting dissidence and discord. Would that not be a 
fair observation? 

Mr. Younger. I think that is so. I think there is no question but 
what this would be an effect. 

I also think that there is a built-in dissatisfaction and discord in 
many cities in the country for a variety of reasons so that it really is 
not necessary for the Communists to create discord, because it already 
exists in ample degree in many communities. 

Mr. Watson. But they would exploit it and take advantage of it; 
would they not, sir? 

Mr. Younger. No question about it. 

Mr. Watson. That is where we do have some degree of serious con- 
cern, or should we not ? 

Mr. Younger. I agree. 

As I said before, I think the only reason we have not had some 
Communists or, rather, extremists start a riot is for the very simple 
reason that — I am not being facetious when I say there has been 
enough to keep them satisfied. We have had enough riots to satisfy 
every Communist in the country. If that were not the case, I think the 
Communists could start a riot in any major city in the United States. 

Mr. Watson. Perhaps you and I might differ on that score. I don't 
think the Communists are ever satisfied. I believe it is their intention 
to break down our system of government. I don't believe they will be 
satisfied until it is completed. 

Mr. Younger. If we have a few more summers like last summer, 
that could happen. 

That is what I meant when I said that I think even the most ex- 
treme should reasonably have been satisfied with the trouble we had 
in our Nation last summer. Certainly we could not tolerate that every 
summer. That is obvious. 

Mr. Watson. On page 11 of your testimony you state as a fact, "The 
fact is, all the recent riots have started accidentally, triggered by some 
explainable incident." 



786 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

I have heard to the contrary about Chicago. Are you aware of what 
triggered that, where the woman was killed by the fire truck ? 

Mr. Younger. I have heard that. 

You mean the riot in Chicago was planned ? 

Mr. Watson. Yes. 

Mr. Younger. I have heard that about every riot. I have heard that 
about Watts and Newark and every place else. I have not seen evidence 
to that effect. You may have. I have not. 

I have sent members of our Bureau of Investigation to personally 
work with other police agencies during the course of these riots to see 
if we could find any evidence of a pattern that might help us predict 
where the next riot was going to occur, and so forth. 

I have never seen any evidence to the effect that any of the major 
riots were deliberately started or deliberately planned. 

Mr. Watson. After they erupt spontaneously, who comes in and 
carries the ball in order to prolong it ? 

Mr. Younger. The people who want riots, and that includes the 
Communists, the haters, and the criminals. They are there as fast as 
they can be, in every instance. 

Mr, Watson. Can you give us any positive evidence of Communist 
implication? 

I am not trying to pin you down, but I just want to try to establish a 
fact here. Is or is it not ? 

Mr. Younger. I don't know how to say it any differently than I have 
said it. 

I think in every riot in every city in the country the local police 
department can identify and can provide you with the names of known 
Communists that appear on the scene as soon as a riot starts. 

I don't have that information at present, but I have received from 
other police departments throughout the city that type of information, 
people who appeared and tried to keep the riot going, tried to prolong 
it, and so forth, but this is again in the nature of moving it along after 
it started. 

Mr. Watson. You stat€ on page 12, "This group of extremists is very 
small, but seems to be growing steadily." 

That is based upon factual information that you have obtained in 
the course of your responsibilities as district attorney and directly in- 
volved with law enforcement? 

Mr. Younger. Yes; although I think you could base it just on the 
reading of the daily newspapers, the number of extremist groups that 
spring up and their membership. 

It used to be that the Muslims were about the only group of its kind. 
Now they are just one of a great many of the type of group' who be- 
lieve in varying degrees in black power, black supremacy, and so forth. 

There are a 2:reat many Muslim-type organizations now, with larger 
membership. That is what I base that statement on, that they seem to 
be jrrowing. 

Mr. Watson. I have one final question. 

On page 13, again referring back to the extremist groups, you say, 
"They probably are strong enough to start a riot, but they have nof 
started one yet." 

Mr. Younger. That is right. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 787 

Mr. Watson. Factually, there is no basis for that statement. That 
is an assumption upon your best judgment, because I would assume, 
in view of your earlier answer, that you could not give me any direct 
involvement by Communists per se, or others, that you could not an- 
swer that positively, but yet it is a subjective determination on your 
part. 

Mr. Younger. I suppose there is a certain amount of opinion, based 
on all of this. Every time an investigator in any police agency conducts 
an investigation, and I read that investigation report and arrive at 
certain conclusions, I suppose it could be ar^ed that what I was doing 
was forming an opinion based on that investigation. 

If that is what we mean by "opinion," then it is opinion. On the 
other hand, we certainly made every effort in the Watts riots to see if 
this was the product of a conspiracy, if it was planned by the Com- 
munists, the black nationalists, or anybody else. 

We have as good a local law enforcement as you will find in the 
country. All the facilities at our command, the sheriff's department, 
the local police department, our own, the attorney general's, nobody 
could find any evidence that it was other than a spontaneous eruption. 

This is the experience that other local law enforcement agencies have 
had in the communities where the riots occurred last summer, if you 
can accept and rely on the written reports which we have received 
from them, and which you presumably will receive. 

Mr. Watson. Have you personally seen any riots started in the man- 
ner in which you say that you would start one, if you were of that 
inclination, where we brought in a white extremist and had that white 
extremist to appear on TV ? 

Mr. Younger. No. 

Mr. Watson. You have not ? 

Mr. Younger. No. 

Mr. Watson. In fact, we have found from evidence up in Cambridge 
and in other areas, where in fact one man is under indictment now, Car- 
michael or Rap Brown, for going up and inciting a riot. 

I believe you would conclude that perhaps there is some evidence 
that, on the contrary, some of the colored extremists have precipitated 
a riotous condition. 

Mr. Younger. Oh, yes. I think one extremist is as dangerous as the 
other. I was just using hypothetical cases. 

Mr. Watson. That is hypothetical, but factually the only example 
we have is where the other extremist has precipitated a riot. That is 
factual, is it not? 

Mr. Younger. Again, it depends on what you mean by precipitated 
the riot. Certainly the black extremists, the Stokely Carmichaels and 
that brand of extremists certainly have done more talking about 
"blood will flow," and that sort of thing than any white extremist I 
have heard about. 

Mr. Watson. And I do not condone the white extremist, but I be- 
lieve this condition is certainly aggravated or precipitated more by 
the other extremity than it is by that. 

I should not like for the public to feel that this has precipitated such 
incitement, because to my best knowledge and on the basis of your 
testimony, the proposition, or the hypothetical case you have given has 
never happened. 



788 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Mr. Younger. No. As I say, it was hypothetical in large measure. I 
was merely trying to make the point that while you might arouse the 
Negroes with the Stokely Carmichael-type speech, that if you were 
going to start a riot, you would want also to arouse the entire white 
community and get them scared and mad, and that in turn would have 
a spin-off. 

Mr. Watson. Yes, sir; but, Mr. D.A., jou must admit that the part 
of the white person has been one of reaction, rather than one of initiat- 
ing this, in every instance I have heard about. 

If you can relate any instance where they have triggered it, rather 
than reacted, then I think the committee would like to hear it. 

Mr. Younger. No, I am sure that you are right. I am sure that you 
are right. 

Mr. Watson. That is one thing that disturbs me about all of this. 
You call for strict compliance with law on the part of the people, but 
here we find again that we are trying to place the blame, by hypothesis 
or otherwise, upon the white agitator. 

I have no love for them at all and I have no brief for them, but again 
I do not want to excuse the agitator, whether he is black, white, brown, 
or yellow. 

Mr. Younger. I may have explained myself poorly. At least I failed 
to communicate with you what I was trying to do in this hypothetical. 

The great mass of the Negro community, not the Carmichaels, but 
the great mass of this 80 percent of the 5 to 10 percent that you need if 
you are going to have a real, great big, A No. 1 riot, they need some- 
thing to frighten them before they will get into a mood to conduct a 
riot. 

Ordinarily, Stokely Carmichael can run down the middle of the 
street in Watts, and any other place in the country, and say, "Come on, 
folks, let us go down and burn Whitey," and nobody will follow him. 

When they get mad and excited enough so that they will follow a 
Stokely Carmichael, then you will have a riot. 

I simply was making the point that if I wanted to be sure that this 
great group of people would be mad and excited enough, one thing I 
would do would be to have a white man in the community buy up all the 
guns, which happened after the Watts riots. 

You can start a rumor that will cause every gun dealer in town to 
sell out in a couple of hours. That in turn will get the great mass of the 
people, without which you cannot have a big riot, that will get them 
excited and scared. 

Mr. Watson. Mr. D.A., I close with this. Again I appreciate your 
testimony — it has been very helpful — ■but I believe you will conclude 
tha,t in Watts and in every other riot that we know anything a:bout, the 
white population has acted with restraint, and I believe much more re- 
straint than I as an individual could have practiced if I had my store 
burned down. 

Do you not agree with that ? 

Mr. Younger. I agree completely. There was surprising restraint. 
I am amazed there has not been a group of white hoodlums after these 
riots go down in the area with shotguns and really start a war. This 
has been an amazing thing to me. 

Mr. Watson. If the responsibility is aSvSessed to the white man, are 
we not inviting him to adopt the attitude that, since he will be blamed 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 789 

for it all, and I don't want it on such a basis — "If I am going to be 
accused of it, then we will see whether we can take the responsibility 
in our hands." God forbid that that day should come. 

Thank you, sir. 

Mr. Tuck. Mr. Ichord ? 

Mr. Ichord. Thank you. 

I am sorry that I was not able to be present to hear all of your 
statement, Mr. Younger. 

On page 21, you state, "Let us spend money wisely on true job skill 
training and placement and on projects like Headstart and compen- 
satory education programs that truly speed the day when the Negro 
has equal educational opportunities." 

I could not agree more with that statement. 

You feel, then, that the true way to solve a problem of poverty is 
through education and training ? 

Mr. Younger. I think so, through the long haul 

Mr. Ichord. Assuming that we have equal opportunity? 

Mr. Younger. Right. That is our best hope for over the long haul, 
is education. 

Mr. Ichord. You leave the inference that some of our poverty pro- 
grams may be doing more harm than they are good. 

Will you elucidate on that ? 

Mr. Younger. Yes. To start with, I will say I hope I left more than 
an inference. I intended to make very plain that some of them are 
doing more harm than good. 

I think anything we do to sustain the conviction held, justifiably 
by many people now, that if they cause enough trouble, we will keep 
pouring money indefinitely in an area, as a bribe, to use the chair- 
man's words, except where the money we put in is related to some 
worthwhile program of education and job training, except for that, 
I think they are all harmful or potentially harmful. 

I think many of the jobs created in our community and other com- 
munities under the antipoverty program were purely make-work jobs. 

Mr. Ichord. You state, "In the past, after a riot occurs, we have 
poured money into the area; but we often spend it not to provide 
opportunity, but as a bribe." 

You would not say that the money we poured into Watts was used 
as a bribe ; would you ? 

Mr. Younger. No ; but I think when we are in a position of spend- 
ing money as fast as we have been spending it immediately after a 
riot, that we often do spend it unwisely. 

I do not think that we get our money's worth out of this type of 
spending, under pressure, so to speak, hurrying and getting every- 
body happy before next summer arrives. I do not think that that 
makes good sense in a lot of cases. 

Mr. Ichord. So many of these conditions that exist, that contribute 
to a riot, do you feel that they can all be cured by governmental action ? 
You are not saying that governmental action alone is the panacea ? 

Mr. Younger. I sure don't. I probably have much less faith in gov- 
ernmental action than most people that have allocated these funds. I 
suspect I have much less faith in governmental action than most men 
in Congress. 

I just do not think it is that simple. I do not think, to use the phrase 



790 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

I used in here, I do not think you can make this problem go away by 
throwing money after it. 

I do think it is going to take lots of money to do the essentials, where 
it is going to take a lot of money before we are going to get to the situ- 
ation in mis country where the average Negro cnild going into kinder- 
garten is going to be as well equipped as is his white classmate to 
imderstand what is going on in school. 

That is why Headstart or some type of program like Headstart is 
absolutely essential, because unless the child starts even, he will never 
catch up and you will have a dropout someplace along the line who, 
if not a potential troublemaker, is potentially one more name on the 
relief role. 

Mr. IcHORD. You say it is a problem of long-range solution, you are 
not going to do it overnight ? 

Mr. Younger. Right. I don't know if just giving somebody money 
and pretending that they are doing a worthwhile job for a few 
months — I don't really know if tliat helps us any or not. It may create 
an attitude on the part of that individual that will make it more diffi- 
cult for them to respond to a truly effective job training program. 

Mr. IcHORD. I did not hear all of your statement, but I take it that 
you listed the inciting factors of riots as many; there are many 
factors that go to make up a riot. 

Certainly you cannot explain it on poverty alone. For example, in 
your Watts riot, I think the average income of the citizens of Watts 
is much higher than the average income of my own congressional 
district. 

Mr. Younger. That is right, and a relatively high percentage of the 
people involved were employed in the Watts riots, also. 

Mr. IcHORD. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Tuck. Thank you very much, sir. We appreciate your testimony. 

Mr. Younger. Thank you again, gentlemen, for your courtas}'. 

Mr. Tuck. Will you call the next witness, Mr. McNamara. 

Mr. McNamara. Mr. Adrian Jones. 

Mr. Tuck. Will you solemnly swear the testimony you give before 
this committee will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the 
truth, so help you God? 

Mr. Jones. I do. 

TESTIMQNY OF AI>EIAN H. JONES 

Mr. McNamara. Will you state your full name and address for the 
record, please? 

Mr. Jones. Yes, I will. My name is Adrian H. Jones. My^ address 
is 8365 East Beach Drive, Northwest, Washington, D.C. 

Mr. McNamara. What is the date and place of your birth, Mr. 
Jones ? 

Mr. Jones. I was born on 21 February 1918 in Eoslyn, in the State 
of Washington. 

Mr. Tuck. Does he have an extra copy of his statement? 

Mr. McNamara. No, sir. These will be answers to individual 
questions. 

Will you give the committee a brief resume of your educational 
background, please, Mr. Jones? 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 791 

Mr. Jones. Yes. I attended public schools in Roslyn and in Spokane, 
Washington. I attended Gonzaga University in Spokane from 1937 
through 1941. 1 entered the Army in 1942. 1 have a bachelor of science 
degree in military science from the University of Maryland, awarded 
in 1956. I have a master of arts degree in psychology awarded by the 
University of Kansas City in 1963. 

For the last 4i/^ years I have been studying in the sociology depart- 
ment of the American University. I have completed all the course 
work and qualifying examinations for a Ph. D. and I am presently 
writing my dissertation on civil disturbances. 

Mr. McNamara. A brief resume, please, of your professional or 
employment background. 

Mr. Jones. I entered the United States Army in 1942. I served for 
a period of 20 years. I retired in 1962 as a lieutenant colonel. Military 
Police Corps. During that time I had two tours of duty in Europe, 
the first during World War II and the second from 1955 through 
1958. During my last tour of duty I was a member of 508th Military 
Police Battalion. I served 2 years in that battalion at Munich, Ger- 
many, as plans, training, operations, intelligence, and security officer. 
I also participated in the occupation of Japan from 1946 to 1949. 

My assignments in the United States include 2 years as command- 
ing officer of the Harlem Military Police detachment and an assign- 
ment as the provost marshal of Fort Leavenworth, Kansas. I also 
served as the military adviser to the two military police battalions of 
the District of Columbia National Guard for a period of 21/0 years. 

Mr. McNamara. During the course of your military service, did 
you take any additional educational courses? 

Mr. Jones. Yes. During that time, I completed the Military Police 
Officer's basic and advanced courses at Fort Gordon, Georgia, the 
Military Police criminal investigations course, and the Military Police 
industrial security course. 

Mr. McNamara. In what type of work have you engaged since your 
retirement from the military service in 1962 ? 

Mr. Jones. For the past 41^ years I have been engaged in research 
and study in the area of internal security. That is the maintenance of 
public confidence, public safety, law and order. I am employed by the 
Center for Research in Social Systems of the American University. 

Mr. McNamara. That was formerly known as SORO, the Special 
Operations Research Office? 

Mr. Jones. That is correct. 

During the time I have been with this organization I have co- 
authored a study entitled "Combating Subervisely Manipulated 
Civil Disturbances." I am a guest lecturer at the International Police 
Academy, Public Safety Division, of the Agency for International De- 
velopment. My subject there is the "Psychological Aspects of Civil 
Disturbances." 

I am also a guest lecturer for the International Association of Chiefs 
of Police. My subject there is "Police Community Relations and Social 
Science Research." 

Mr. McNamara. Have your studies, Mr. Jones, concerned civil dis- 
turbances or riots both here and abroad and both those which are non- 
subversive, as well as those which are subversive in nature? 

Mr. Jones. Yes. 

32-955 O— 69— pt. 1 6 



792 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Mr. McNamara. Is it also true that your emphasis has been on in- 
ternal security problems created by subversive manipulation of riots 
and on what internal security forces can do to counter these elements? 

Mr. Jones. Yes. 

Mr. McNamara. Would it be accurate, Mr. Jones, to sav that you 
have a total of approximately 25 years of experience, study, and re- 
search in the handlmg of unruly and criminal elements, both individual 
and group? 

Mr. Jones. Yes. 

Mr. McNamara. What in your opinion, Mr. Jones, is the relation- 
ship between internal security and subversively manipulated riots or 
civil disturbances? 

Mr. Jones. I would like to repeat something that I previously said, 
that internal security is conceptualized as the maintenance of public 
confidence, public safet^y, law and order. The subversive manipulation 
of riots is designed to disrupt this internal security and finally to break 
it down completely. 

Mr. McNamara. Regarding your studies and research on this sub- 
ject, would you outline for the committee the approach you have 
taken? 

Mr. Jones. Yes, I will. 

First, I would like to say that law enforcement has not been exten- 
sively researched. The approach taken in studying subversively ma- 
nipulated civil disturbances was to integrate material from three dif- 
ferent areas. Those areas are political subversion, community conflict, 
and the control of mobs and crowds. This systematic approach was 
selected because everything surrounding a riot tends to become contro- 
versial. This includes reports by committees and commissions and also 
research. Perhaps all individuals who become involved in the preven- 
tion, control, and investigation of riots should ask, "Am T helping with 
the solution or am I part of the problem ?" 

Mr. McNamara. What methods were used in your study and re- 
search ? 

Mr. Jones. This study was cross-cultural and used the historical 
descriptive method based upon information gathered from secondary 
sources, which included historical, social science, police operational, 
and news media references. The study utilized a social science approach 
which included the investigation of the social, psychological, economic, 
and political aspects of the problem. 

Civil disturbances, regardless of the scope of the salient issues in- 
volved, take place in specific geographical areas which are social com- 
munities — such as villages, towns, cities, and the subdivisions qf larger 
cities. These communities can be described along several dimensions. 
These dimensions are characterized by their social, religious, economic, 
and geographic composition. 

Mr. McNamara. Did your study reveal, Mr. Jones, certain differ- 
ences between riots and civil disturbances that might be classified as 
natural or spontaneous and those which are subversively manipulated ? 

Mr. Jones. Yes. 

Mr. McNamara. We will go into those differences later. At this time 
would you tell the committee whether your studies reveal, as well, that 
tliere are some basic elements necessary for any riot, whether it is 
subversively manipulated or not ? 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 793 

Mr. Jones. Yes, there are identifiable salient basic elements. 

Mr. McNamara. What is one of these basic elements? 

Mr. Jones. One of the basic elements that can be identified is group 
hostility or antagonism. Now this antagonism or hostility may be 
latent or active. It may arise from anger, frustration, fear, or anxiety. 
It may be felt or directed against other groups or against authority. 
This hostility or antagonism must be aroused to a high emotional stage 
in order to trigger a crowd to violent action. 

Mr. IcHORD. On that point, Mr. Chairman, Mr. Jones has done a great 
deal of study in regard to riots. Would you give as simply as you can, 
sir, your definition of a riot ? I am sure we do not have any legal defini- 
tion of a riot. 

Mr. Jones. Yes, I will. This is one of the methodological problems in 
studying riots in social science-type research. 

There are .several legal definitions. These definitions, however, are 
not satisfactory for research purposes. For research purposes we have 
defined a riot as an unruly type of social violence, usually engaged in 
by a large number of people. We don't want to say 100 people or 20 
people because we feel this would cause us to eliminate some of the riots 
that should be studied. 

Mr. IcHORD. That is violence to persons or property ? 

Mr. Jones. That is correct. 

Mr. MoNamara. From the community viewpoint, Mr. Jones, who 
and what are the basic component elements in a riot situation ? 

Mr. Jones. I would say, number one, dissident groups with real or 
imaginary grievances. And I would like to say that we found out 
in the course of our study that it does not make too much difference 
whether a grievance is real or imaginary as long as it is a powerful 
determinant of human behavior. 

Now these dissident groups may be subversive or nonsubversive. 
They may be groups that are anti-status quo or anti-other groups, or 
groups that may be dissident for a variety of other reasons. 

One of the essentials is a crowd. There are several ways of describ- 
ing a crowd. A physiological crowd is located close together. Psy- 
chological crowds that have the same attitude and the same frame of 
mind are very important. These crowds may be spontaneous, casual, 
or planned and intentional. 

One of the important components is the agitator. The agitator may 
or may not be subversive. He may or he may not intend to trigger a 
riot. 

Another very important component element is the precipitating 
incident. This incident may be either accidental or spontaneous, nat- 
ural or developed. 

Another basic component that we find is the various types of inter- 
nal security forces that are brought in to prevent or try to control civil 
disturbances. 

Then another important element is the general population of the 
cormnunity. 

Mr. McNamara. In answering an earlier question, Mr. Jones, you 
indicated that a considerable amount of research had already been 
done on the subject of community conflict. Will you tell us briefly 
what that research indicates? 



794 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Mr. Jones. Yes. Community conflicts, once they have begun, tend to 
resemble one another markedly. The initial issues of controversy un- 
dergo significant changes with the passage of time. Specific issues tend 
to give way to general issues and new grievances arise. The new issues 
tend to be one-sided in that they allow response in only one direction. 
Thus they do not disrupt the internal solidarity of the individual 
groups in the conflict, but tend to strengthen this intragroup solidarity. 

These issues must be controversial enough to gain the attention of 
members of the community who have not previously been involved in 
the conflict. As the community conflict continues to escalate, the com- 
peting groups become completely polarized upon the salient issues. 
Hostility and suspicion also increase in magnitude. The probability of 
social violence increases as the community conflict becomes more 
intense. 

Mr. McNamara. You also stated, Mr. Jones, in answering an earlier 
question that your studies revealed there were certain differences be- 
tween what might be called the spontaneous riot and those that are sub- 
versively manipulated. Can you tell us what those differences are? 

Mr. Jones. Yes. Basically, of course, the big difference is that the 
ordinary riot just develops more or less because of prevailing condi- 
tions. The other type is deliberately planned or instigated. 

In determining the character of a riot, it must be kept in mind 
that the subversive is interested in a riot for a political purpose, not 
for the sake of violence alone. He is opposed to the existing form of 
government. He wants to change it, to substitute a new and different 
type power structure for the existing one. He uses the riot as one 
means of gaining this objective. 

Normally, subversives have no hope of overthrowing a government 
through one riot, but they do see in a riot a means of weakening the 
existing power structure and of turning people against it. This, of 
course, is the basic first step in destroying an existing political system. 
Subversives do not want to solve existing social, political, and economic 
problems; they are not spontaneously rebelling against social, politi- 
cal, or economic situations, but are using a real or concocted grievance 
to promote their cause. They have a definite ideological attachment 
and purpose. 

Mr. McNamara. How can you tell, Mr. Jones — that is, what do your 
studies indicate to be clues or evidence of a riot which is subversively 
manipulted ? 

Mr. Jones. First, let me say that the reason we developed this 
system, this analytic device, was so that speculation about this matter 
might be eliminated. We find that people in discussing the subversive 
manipulation of riots tend to use what we call validation by specific 
example. This type of approach is very unscientific, and almost any- 
thing that one can think of can be validated by selecting an appro- 
priate specific example. Accurately distinguishing a spontaneous from 
a subversively manipulated civil disturbance can be a very difficult 
task. 

Our research reveals that in order to systematically study riotous 
civil disturbances the time sequence involved can be broken down into 
four phases. Each one must be individually studied and analyzed. 
Intelligence information is essential to the study of these phases, which 
are as follows : 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 795 

The precrowd phase, the crowd phase, the civil disturbance phase, 
and the post-civil disturbance phase. 

Mr. McNamara. Would you discuss each one of these phases in 
turn, indicating the differences during each phase between the spon- 
taneous riot and the one that is subversively manipulated, starting 
with the precrowd phase ? 

Mr, Jones. Yes. The precrowd phase, this is the preparatory period 
which is characterized by the development of antagonisms within a 
community between groups which have a different position on some 
economic, social, political, or other issue. If" the riot which follows, 
however, is subversively manipulated, study and analysis based on 
intelligence information will reveal the following about the precrowd 
phase. 

(a) A subversive organization, newly created or in existence for some 
time, is working to develop a riot situation. The first step is to build 
the organization, to recruit and train its personnel to put its plans into 
action. Subversives train their members and followers in crowd ma- 
nipulation, in riot tactics, and the use of weapons. They give them 
instructions on issues that can be used to create conflict in the com- 
munity. 

(b^ They select their target ^oups on the basis of the conflict poten- 
tial m the community. A basic Communist belief is that masses are 
subject to manipulation and can be utilized for Communist purposes. 
Subversives identify dissident groups, that is, target groups, within 
the community and attempt to infiltrate their ranks. 

(c) They launch vital preconditioning measures to influence the 
attitudes of these target groups. Subversives use flyers, posters, rumors, 
and all available means of communication to increase hostility and 
antagonism, to aggravate grievances, to stimulate frustrations, dissent, 
anxiety, anger, and to develop emotional stress. 

Through these preconditioning communications they attempt to 
unite dissident groups. To do this they concentrate on local bread- 
and-butter issues. They repeat certain themes over and over again. 
Specific slogans and phrases are used to condition the target groups 
to react to these slogans and phrases under emotional stress. 

They try to personalize the enemy, to direct the resentment of the 
people against a specific pei^son, symbol, or object. It may be the mayor 
of the city administration or the chief of police. In instances such as 
agitation against the war in Vietnam, it may be the Secretary of State, 
or the Secretary of Defense. 

The issues on which they agitate are usually specific to begin with. 
Gradually they are changed and become more general. The issues are 
carefully selected so that they will not create differences among the 
individuals who compose the target group, but rather will tend to unite 
them. 

An example is police brutality. 

Issues on which subversives agitate must be controversial to arouse 
interest, tension, and frustration. At the same time they are expressed 
in moral terms so as to win support for those making the charges and 
to create antagonism against those accused. For example, the charges 
can be inefficiency, dishonesty, brutality, and claims that the subversive 
or front groups are fighting for justice, equality, and so forth. 



796 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Accusations will be so general that they cannot be disproved. They 
will also be nurtured by rumor and slander. 

(d) Finally, this precrowd phase or period will be used by a sub- 
versive element or group to acquire and store weapons^guns, Molotov 
cocktails, explosives, and anything else they decide to use in the civil 
disturbance phase. This will include, if they do not already have it, 
the acquisition of printing equipment and paper and the establishment 
of routes of escape for important subversive individuals. 

Meetings and rallies are also arranged to assist in the precondition- 
ing of the target groups. 

Mr. MoNamara. What are the characteristics, Mr. Jones, of the 
crowd phase in the development of a riot ? 

Mr. JoNE§. This phase, of course, is indispensable. You cannot have 
a riot without a crowd that is turned into a mob which throws aside 
all restraint and engages in collective social violence. 

A crowd may assemble for any number of reasons. For example, a 
sporting event, a political rally, an automobile accident, a fire, or an 
arrest. 

Subversive elements bent on starting a riot may plan to take advan- 
tage of a crowd assembled under any of these circumstances, or they 
may themselves insure that a crowd will be present at a certain place 
and time by planning a meeting or rally that will attract people or by 
staging an incident in a certain area at a time when they know a 
crowd will immediately collect. 

Once the crowd is assembled, the subversives deploy their personnel 
in the crowd to agitate and excite it and to increase its hostility. Slo- 
gans will be shouted, rumors circulated, speeches made, all of which 
are desired to arouse the emotions of the crowd and thus direct it to 
acts of violence. 

The most vulnerable crowd, of course, is one which through the proc- 
esses I have already mentioned has been preconditioned to react emo- 
tionally to certain slogans, phrases, and accusations. 

Mr. McNamara. What are the characteristics, Mr. Jones, of the 
civil disturbance or actual riot phase? 

Mr. Jones. Briefly, this is the period when the crowd, agitated and 
highly excited over some issue, has been turned into a mob which 
through a kind of emotional contagion engages in large-scale, collec- 
tive social violence. 

Again, if there is no subversive element involved, analysis may re- 
veal that this collective violence developed more or less spontaneously 
or naturally. No evidence, usually, can be found of any individual or 
group intent to spark the violence. , 

The picture is different, however, if tliere has been subversive manip- 
ulation. Analysis will usually reveal deliberate effort to incite the mob 
to violence by the chanting of slogans or songs, by exhortations to 
violent acts, and other devices which raise the emotional excitement 
of the mob to the point of violence. 

A booster incident will be initiated — rocks will be thrown, windows 
broken, a fire or fight started. There may also be sniping or looting. 

A martyr will be exploited or perhaps even created — someone who 
has been arrested, wounded, or killed by the riot-control forces or in- 
tentionally injured or killed by the subversives. 

When a riot is subversively manipulated there is often evidence of 



SUBVERSIVE ESTFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 797 

deliberate attempts to block the effectiveness of the police or other 
riot-control forces in order to impair their ability to end the violence. 

Mr. McNamara. May I ask this question, Mr. Jones? Have you also 
found it to be a characteristic of this phase that sometimes the sub- 
versive elements will utilize guards of strong-arm men to protect cer- 
tain of the leaders in triggering these acts of violence ? 

Mr. Jones. Yes. There is evidence that there is a formal organiza- 
tion that attempts to protect the very important subversive manipula- 
tors in order to preclude their being arrested. 

Mr. McNamara. A^Hiat about the post-civil disturbance phase ? 

Mr. Jones. Briefly, this is the period when the violence is ended and 
social order has been restored. 

If there has been no subversive manipulation, this period is usually 
characterized by the contending groups' or elements' efforts to avoid 
further violence. There is a reaction against the damage, destruction, 
injury, and so forth, that has taken place. A certain sense of shame and 
realization that things have gone too far. 

Once more the picture is very different if subversives are involved. 
Evidence will be found of deliberate efforts to inflame further violence. 
Propaganda and agitation will be continued in an effort to keep the 
issue which sparked the violence alive. There will be a campaign to 
exploit the riot through leaflets, rallies, rumors, martyrs, and so forth. 

Demands which the Government cannot possibly meet will be made. 
The unwarranted ouster of a certain official will be called for. The 
intent of the subversive is to make the Government appear un- 
compromising and thereby undennine the confidence and respect of 
the target groups in the power structure. The intent is to maintain the 
interest and emotional excitement of the community, to prevent the 
calming of emotions and the elimination of resentment. 

Mr. McNamara. Your studies, Mr. Jones, have also involved the 
question of countermeasures to the rioting. "\\Tiat have they indicated 
on this subject? 

Mr. Jones. Let us keep in mind that community conflicts which be- 
come riotous involve a struggle for favorable public opinion between 
dissidents and the civil police and other Internal security forces. 
Action of internal security forces must be based upon this fact. 

The basic objective of internal security forces is to restore order, the 
corollary is to reestablish respect for law and order and public safety. 
Some of the things that the internal security forces must consider 
are the nature of the crowd and the emotional factors involved. 

One of the techniq^ues of controlling crowds is very solidly based 
upon the specific panic response which is expressed by individuals in 
the desire to escape or take flight from an immediate threatening area. 
Chemical munitions or streams of water develop this response; they 
cause people who are acting in concert in a mob to immediately start 
to thinking about themselves as individuals again, about their own 
protection. 

The use of force, and the alternatives to the use of force, present one 
of the most difficult problems faced b}'^ riot-control forces. 

I think it is indicated that force is probably more properly used 
against a spontaneous and unorganized crowd. Force has not his- 
torically been so effective against groups that had formal leadership. 



798 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

that is, who have leaders that have psychological control of the mem- 
bers of the crowd. 

Subversives attempt to capitalize on the police use of force in order 
to further alienate dissident segments of the population. Yet we find 
that the show of force is certainly essential and, in addition to the 
show of force, the force of the state sometimes has to be used and 
there has to be a willingness to commit this force of the state under the 
appropriate circumstances. 

In controlling crowds and mobs, internal security forces are cau- 
tioned to avoid emotional involvement by being overly identified with 
dissident segments of the community. This identification, or lack of 
identification, usually results in overreaction against crowds with 
whom, for example, the majority of the civil police force does not 
identify. 

It usually results in underreaction against crowds composed of seg- 
ments of the community with which they overidentify. But more dan- 
gerous than anything, it causes vacillation before action is taken. 

The use of the military in the control of crowds and riots does have 
some value. Usually military units are highly trained and highly re- 
spected. They are outsiders who are not emotionally involved in the 
community conflict and once the riot is ended they usually leave the 
community. And if any hostility has been generated against them it 
usually dissipates. 

Mr. McNamara. Do your studies also indicate, Mr. Jones, that there 
are various countermeasures that are particularly adapted to the dif- 
ferent phases of rioting, the precrowd phase, crowd phase, and so on ? 

Mr. Jones. Yes. 

Mr. McNamara. What are the countermeasures that you would sug- 
gest, based on your studies, for the precrowd phase ? 

Mr. Jones. I feel that a vital countermeasure here is the creation 
and use of an intelligence information collection system. Now I would 
like to point out that combating subversive manipulation of civil dis- 
turbances requires the collection of political intelligence. This is a 
function which must be performed regardless of what it is called. 

Among actions that can be taken in the precrowd phase is mainte- 
nance of contact with dissident groups. This allows for the surveillance 
of not only these groups, but also of subversive elements. It allows for 
the surveillance of known troublemakers likely to join in disturbances. 
One of the other countermeasures that can be taken during this time 
is to give people information to counter the subversives' precondition- 
ing propaganda and agitation. People apparently have a psvchological 
need to be informed during a time of crisis. I feel that the^ internal 
security forces can demonstrate the readiness to use force. Sometimes 
this is enough. It apparently aids in building public respect if the 
show of force is efficient and impartial. Another technique that can be 
used is the infiltration of subversive groups. 

Now in terms of organizing and planning countermeasures, training 
internal security forces personnel and making prearrangements for 
mutual assistance with other internal security forces are important. 

Mr. McNamara. During this period, Mr. Jones, are there definite 
clues to the plotting of a riot 'i 

Mr. Jones. Yes. 

Mr. Mc^Nam ARA. W\\iit are they '^ 

Mr. Jones. Some of them are the observation of known subversives 



SUBVERSIVE ESTFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 799 

moving into an area, the discovery of arms caches, the circulation of 
propaganda, attempts to hire demonstrators, attempts to train and 
orient agitators, arrangements for safe houses and escape routes, an 
increase in hostility toward the police, infiltration of known subver- 
sives into nonsubversive groups. 

Mr. McNamara. What countermeasures would you suggest based on 
your studies during the crowd phase ? 

Mr. Jones. This is a very important time. If countermeasures fail 
during this phase, a riot will ensue. If countermeasures are successful, 
there will be no riot. One of the basic objectives is either to disperse 
the crowd or to bring the crowd under control, to maintain contact 
with the leaders, and possibly to give the dissidents some sort of out- 
let. 

For example, let them state their grievances, try to use the leaders 
in order to control the crowd. Another countermeasure that can be 
taken during this specific time is to prepare and station riot-control 
forces to handle any situation, to utilize a clear show of force, to ar- 
rest agitators if there are legal grounds, and to identify the riot lead- 
ers and to remove them if possible. 

Mr. McNamara. What about the actual riot or civil disturbance 
phase? 

Mr. Jones. Once this particular phase is started, it is very difficult 
to avoid the use of the force of the state. This force is sometimes applied 
through batons, riot-control formations, police dogs, and chemical 
munitions. The procedure of the United States Army is to first use 
a show of force ; then to use riot-control formation ; then to consider 
the use of streams of water; then the use of chemical agents; then 
fire by selected marksmen; and finally, under very extreme condi- 
tions, full fire power. 

Firmness is very essential. Looters, as has been shown, are normal- 
ly stopped by the threat of injury or arrest if these measures are taken 
before the looting becomes widespread. 

Mr. McNamara. What countermeasures would you suggest for the 
postdisturbance period ? 

Mr. Jones. The danger here is the spread or the revival of violence. 
This danger is much greater when there is subversive manipulation. 
Again intelligence is important to identify the subversive agitators. 
Another very important thing is for the authorities involved to listen 
to the complaints of members of dissident groups whether they feel 
these complaints are based on fact or fiction. 

The judicious use of prohibitions is apparently very important. It 
is important to get information to the public to undercut the lies, 
half-truths, and rumors of subversives. This can be done through the 
use of the press, the radio, television, and statements by officials. 
Measures can be taken to calm and to relieve tensions and emotions. 
Riot-control forces in this particular phase are cautioned to avoid 
commitments that can't be lived up to. An example would be the im- 
position of a curfew in an area so large that the available riot-control 
forces could not enforce that curfew. 

Another possible technique here is to arrange meetings, set up com- 
mittees to talk over the particular problems involved in the social situ- 
ation that led to the riot. 

IMective countermeasures are almost wholly dependent upon intel- 



800 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

ligence. In other words, the riot-control forces must know what subver- 
sives are doing. Only then can effective countermeasures be planned. 

Mr. McNamara. I)o your studies indicate, Mr. Jones, that a riot can 
be predicted ? 

Mr. Jones. There are indications that this must be done in terms 
of probability, and not in terms of will or will not happen. Much of 
what passes for prediction is actually "postdiction" or after the fact. 
It involves what I have previously identified as validation by selected 
example, and in this sense it is very unsystematic. 

Mr. McNamara. What element in a community plays a major role in 
determining the outcome of a riot ? 

Mr. Jones. I think that in determining the outcome of a community 
conflict that involves riotous social violence that what we call the 
audience or the uncommitted members of the community play a very 
vital and significant role. Sometimes it is very difficult to get these un- 
committed members involved in the conflict on one side or the other. 

Mr. McNamara. Mr. Jones, current investigation and research of the 
committee indicate that there are some gTOups in the United States to- 
day which are actually advocating guerrilla warfare and insurgency 
in this country. I believe your study of riots was related largely to their 
relationship to insurgency and guerrilla warfare in other countries of 
the world. Based on your broad study of this subject, what relation- 
ship do you see between subversively manipulated riots and insurgency 
or guerrilla warfare? 

Mr. Jones. Based upon the research I have been engaged in, I feel 
that subversively manipulated riots are definitely a part of the polit- 
ical weapon system of the international Communist movement. Other 
elements of this political weapons system are assassination, sabotage, 
terrorism, and guerrilla warfare. 

Mr. McNamara. May I ask this question, Mr. Jones, again based on 
your studies : Do you think there is a tremendous problem or a very dif- 
ficult problem for a subversive element — granted that certain underly- 
ing factors that you have described exist in that commmiity — to launch 
or trigger a riot ? 

Mr. Jones. No, I do not. I feel that the possibilities of manipulation 
of riots apparently haven't been exploited to the extent that my re- 
search indicates they can be exploited. 

Mr. McNamara. Would you say that with fairly good knowledge of 
mob psychology, group behavior, and sociology, a group or element, if 
it so desired, could emotionally work up a community to a point — 
through the processes you mentioned before — of psychological condi- 
tioning, propaganda, and agitation, to bring members of a community 
to a point where even though they were not initially on the ^pot, shall 
I say, a riot could be triggered by some precipitating incident such as 
arrest bv a policeman ? 

Mr. JONEs. Yes; I would say that is certainly possible if one were 
careful in identifying the community concerned to make sure that 
some very deep social, racial, or political cleavages existed. I would 
say, however, in my opinion if a subversive individual wanted to 
make sure that the riot ensued, he would not leave anything to 
chance. He would not depend on a spontaneous incident. He would 
attempt to create this incidoni himself. 

Mr. McNamara. Mr. Chairman, that concludes the staff interroga- 
tion of Mr. Jones. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 801 

Mr. TuoK. We thank you very much. 

I want to apologize for keeping you around here so long, but we 
could not help it. 

Mr. Jones. That is quite all right. Thank you, sir. » 

Mr. Tuck. Your testimony has been very eloqu'ent. Could the 
stenographer writ« up that testimony and make it available to mem- 
bers of the committee, particularly ceitain phases of it, between 
now and the future hearings, not tomorrow but next week ? 

Mr. McNamara. I am sorry, I could not quite hear. 

Mr. Tuck. I say could the stenographer write up this testimony or 
parts of it for the benefit of the committee when we examine some 
of these other witnesses next week or the week following ? 

Mr. McNamara. Yes, sir. We will have a transcript of it tomorrow 
or the day after, and we can duplicate it for that purpose. 

Mr. Tuck. That will be fine. 

Mr. IcHORD. Mr. Chairman, I want to thank Mr. Jones for a very 
learned presentation. Of course riots, Mr. Jones, are nothing new 
to this country or to any nation which has endured for any length 
of time. We have had in the past labor riots, racial riots. These don't 
seem to fall right in the category of racial riots as such, though ; do 
they ? 

Mr. Jones. No, they don't. 

Mr. IcHORD. The ones we have had recently ? 

Mr. Jones. Let me mention, first, that my research started before 
the rash of riots during the summer of 1964 in the United States. 
We identified the type of rioting which ensued in the United States 
in 1964 originally as racial rioting. We then discovered that this 
perhaps was not the correct label. We then tended to talk about these 
riots as Negro riots. However, Puerto Ricans were involved in at 
least two instances in 1966. We therefore had to do a little rethinking 
and we started calling these urban ethnic riots because there is a" 
possibility that the other ethnic groups, disadvantaged groups, for 
example, Mexican Americans, might be involved in the same type 
of social violence. 

Mr. Tuck. Tliey are more in the nature of rebellion against con- 
stituted authority. 

Mr. Jones. Again, sir? 

Mr. Tuck. These uprisings are more in the nature of rebellion 
against constituted authority ; are they not ? 

Mr. Jones. They could be interpreted that wdy ; yes, sir. This, how- 
ever, is only one of several interpretations. 

Mr. IciiORD. How would you characterize what happened over at the 
Pentagon Saturday? It started out as a demonstration. Would you 
say that developed into a riot situation when a certain portion of the 
group tried to rush the Pentagon ? Would you call that a riot situation ? 
How would you characterize that ? 

Mr. Jones. Yes, I think this perhaps could not be characterized as 
a full-blown riot. I think it has been mentioned previously here that 
maybe a full-blown riot is accompanied at least by a temporary break- 
down of law and order. I think control was maintained there at all 
times. I think there is certainly some evidence based upon my analyti- 
cal scheme to support the contention that someone was trying to incite 
riotous violence in this particular instance. 



802 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Mr. IcHORD. In the riots that have occurred in the cities, we seem to 
have the gathering of the crowd at certain places ; then you have pro- 
longed periods of just hoodlums looting and burning, rather than 
really being motivated by what occuiTed back at the gathering of the 
crowd. 

Mr. Jones. Yes. This is true. I didn't explain what I meant pre- 
viously by booster incident. This is an incident that tends to keep the 
riot going. One of the very favorite types of booster incidents is loot- 
ing. Many people who have poor social control are drawn into the 
looting situation. It is difficult to tell at this time if it is necessary for 
someone to say let us start looting, follow me, or if at this particular 
time the people have a certain psychological set whereby when they see 
a store or group of stores they spontaneously start to loot. 

Mr. IcHORD. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Tuck. Mr. Watson. 

Mr. Watson. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

I want to join with you and my colleague from Missouri in thanking 
Mr. Jones. It is obvious that you have made a very thorough study 
of this. I think it is a very fine statement you have given us. 

You say you are in the process now of writing a book, reducing this 
to booklet form or something ? Did I understand correctly ? 

Mr. Jones. The information upon which this testimony is based is 
already published in the form of a research document which is called 
"Combating Subversively Manipulated Civil Disturbances." I am pres- 
ently in the process of writing a research report on rioting which has 
taken place in the United States during the period 1964, 1965, and 
1966. 

Mr. McNamara. Do I understand correctly, Mr. Jones, that that is 
your doctoral thesis ? 

Mr. Jones. That is correct. 

Mr. Watson. I think it would be helpful in giving us a clearer in- 
sight into various characteristics that you have outlined here. Have 
you gone in depth far enough to classify the particular riots that we 
experienced last summer ? 

Mr. Jones. No, I have not. Let me add this : What I was attempting 
to do here is to create an analytical device which would allow an 
evaluation of the riots for that period, for any period, for any country, 
for that matter. 

Mr. Watson. I think you have done a good job in that regard. That 
is why the chairman and I were discussing, if we could get these four 
phases that you outlined, then perhaps it would help the committee 
later, as we have witnesses describe these riots, to approach it and try 
to intelligently characterize the various riots that we have had based 
upon your detailed study as outlined in the four phases. 

Mr. Jones. I think it will be a good use to which this analytic device 
can be put. Some of the information when view^ed within the frame- 
work of this particular scheme might be vei'y revealing. 

Mr. Tuck. We thank you very much. 

The committee will recess until tomorrow morning at 10 o'clock. 

Mr. Jones. Thank you, sir. 

(Whereupon, at 5 :45 p.m., Wednesday, October 25, 19G7, the sub- 
committee recessed, to reconvene at 10 a.m., Thui-sdav, October 26, 
1967.) 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND 

BURNING 

Part 1 



THURSDAY, OCTOBER 26, 1967 

United States House of Representatives, 

Subcommittee of the 
Committee on Un-American Activities, 

Washington, D.C. 
public hearing 

The subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities 
met, pursuant to recess, at 10:25 a.m., in Room 311, Cannon House 
Office Building, Washington, D.C, Hon. William M. Tuck presiding. 

(Subcommittee members: Representatives Edvs-in E. Willis, of 
Louisiana, chairman; William M. Tuck, of Virginia; Richard H. 
Ichord, of Missouri ; John M. Ashbrook, of Ohio ; and Albert W. Wat- 
son, of South Carolina; also John C. Culver, of Iowa, in absence of 
Mr. Willis.) 

Subcommittee members present : Representatives Tuck and Ichord. 

Staff members present: Francis J. McNamara, director; Chester 
D. Smith, general counsel ; and Alfred M. Nittle, counsel. 

Mr. Tuck. The committee will come to order. 

Mr. McNamara, will you call the first witness. 

Mr. McNamara. Mr. Herman Lerner. 

Mr. Tuck. Come around and raise your right hand. 

Do you solemnly swear the testimony you will give the committee 
will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, to the 
best of your knowledge and belief ? 

Mr. Lerner. I do. 

TESTIMONY OF HERMAN D. LERNER 

Mr. McNamara. Will you state your full name and address for the 
record, please ? 

Mr. Lerner. Herman D. Lerner, 6825 Laverock Court, Bethesda, 
Maryland. 

Mr. McNamara. What is the place and date of your birth ? 

Mr. Lerner. Baltimore, Maryland, 1923. 

Mr. McNamara. What is your educational background, Mr. Lerner? 

Mr. Lerner. I attended public schools in Baltimore. In 1942-43 I 
attended the University of Maryland, where I began studies in the 
physical and social sciences. 

803 



804 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

My studies there were interrupted for several years for military 
service. I resumed study at the University of Maryland in 1946, con- 
centrating in sociology and political science, and was graduated with 
an A.B. in 1948. 

I continued my professional education that year with graduate work 
at Columbia University in sociology, anthropology, and psychology. 

From 1948 to 1952 I did graduate work in a doctoral program in 
social relations at Harvard University, where I specialized in social 
change and national character studies and where I was a teaching fel- 
low in social change. 

Since that time I have had additional graduate education periodi- 
cally in social and behavioral science, including sociology of science, 
criminology, and other subjects at the American University. 

Mr. McNamara. What is your professional or employment back- 
ground ? 

Mr. Lerner. My first employment was in administrative work with 
the U.S. Maritime Commission. I was in the U.S. Army from 1943 to 
1946, serving first as a combat infantryman and later as an administra- 
tive assistant in the war rooms of the general staff of the 103d Infantry 
Division and the 3d Armored Division during operations in the Euro- 
pean theater — in France, Alsace, Germany, and Austria. 

From 1951 to 1952 I was employed by Harvard University and 
shortly thereafter began my career as a researcher and consultant in 
behavioral and social sciences. 

For the past 14 years I have conducted many studies of military 
systemSj research planning and utilization, social and economic issues, 
and political trends. 

In recent years I have been interested in relating scientific knowl- 
edge to the needs of those who support scientific research. I am cur- 
rently engaged, as one of several contractors, in a study at the Office of 
Naval Research on the utility of research for the Navy. 

I have conducted research for Government agencies and private 
organizations, including the Navy, the Army, and the Air Force, De- 
partment of Commerce, Radio Corporation of America, General Elec- 
tric Company, International Business Machines Corporation, na- 
tional associations, and research firms. 

I am a member of various professional associations in operations 
research, sociology, management, and general science. 

Mr. McNamara. In what fields of study — related to organized riot- 
ing — have you concentrated in the past 10 years ? 

Mr. Lerner. Over a period of about 10 years I have done studies 
periodically of national cohesion, military strategy, general and lim- 
ited warfare, political riotingj crime, and internal security, With spe- 
cial reference to military-civilian relations, force, propaganda, and 
strategy. 

In 1961 I prepared and gave a 20-hour course with two colleagues 
on the psychology of group behavior in emergencies, which dealt pri- 
marily with behavioral aspects of rioting. This course was given to 
police officials who came from Greece, Colombia, Venezuela, and Viet- 
nam. It was based on the study of open literature — books and articles — 
on rioting. 

In 1963, while with the Applied Psychology Corporation, I took 
part in a study for the Office of Naval Research on the recuperative 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 805 

capacity of the Navy and the Marine Corps in the event of thermonu- 
clear war. During that study I analyzed various problems connected 
with internal security during general warfare and I prepared a paper 
on "Psychological Aspects of Political Rioting and Its Control." 

For the past few years I have been a visiting lecturer at the Inter- 
national Police Academy, Agency for International Development, on 
causes and characteristics of riots and on crowd and mob psychology. 

At the IPA I have given numerous lectures and seminars to hun- 
dreds of police officers from South America, Southeast Asia, Africa, 
and the Middle East. During this time I have exchanged a great deal 
of information regarding causes and control of rioting, with em- 
phasis on political disturbances and their significance for internal 
security and international relations. 

As part of my background for this testimony, I have been reviewing 
open literature on recent rioting in the U.S. 

Mr. McNamara. Referring to the study you made in 1963, under- 
taken for the Navy and Marine Corps, would it be correct to deduce 
from the nature of that study that, at that time, two of our defense 
agencies were looking to the future for any contingency they might 
have to face and were taking steps to be prepared, and then, second, 
that one of the possibilities they anticipated was that in the event of 
a thermonuclear attack on this country, in conjunction with that 
attack or inmiediately after it, the foreign powers which launched the 
attack might attempt to use their agents in this country to incite polit- 
ical rioting in their efforts to bring about the defeat of the United 
States. 

Would that be a fair inference from the nature of the study you 
mentioned ? 

Mr. Lerner. In reply to the first part of your question — whether the 
Navy and the Marine Corps were concerned about various contin- 
gencies — the Office of Naval Research is an agency of tlie Marine Corps 
and the Navy which does take very long-range views. The Army and 
the Air Force also have comparable agencies. ONR is interested pri- 
marily in what may happen 15, 30, or 40 years from now. It helps 
develop the physical and behavioral sciences in ways that will improve 
our naval security and power. 

As for the possibility of rioting as a tactic in general warfare, this 
was a problem which the study team looked into since it was believed 
that there would be enormous destruction during a thermonuclear war 
and that military units might be required to cope with many emer- 
gencies, including tlireats to naval installations and internal security 
which might arise from political rioting and insurgencies. 

Mr. McNamara. In addition to your studies and lectures, have you 
engaged in the writing of articles, papers, and reports on the subjects 
in which you have specialized ? 

Mr. Lerner. Yes. Since 1958 I have prepared approximately 38 
articles, reports, and papers on various subjects in the fields of social 
science, research and development management, public affairs, and 
national policy. 

Not all are in the public domain. Some of these are classified mate- 
rial. I also have written approximately 18 articles, reports, and papers 
on human factors engineering, technology, and industrial psychology 
since 1954. 



806 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

During the same period I have published several dozen reviews and 
commentaries on studies and papers in criminality, delinquency, and 
other forms deviant behavior in urban areas. 

Mr. McNamara. Wliat, Mr. Lemer, do your studies reveal or indi- 
cate are the basic subjects or problems which must be considered in any 
discussion of urban political rioting ? 

Mr. Lerner. There are five or six major sets of problems which can 
be subdivided further into many categories, depending on our interests. 
For an analysis of recent urban rioting in the United States, I believe 
it is convenient and meaningful to consider these problems under the 
headings of: urban disorganization and poverty; community conflict 
(social, religious, economic, ethnic, racial, et cetera) ; criminality and 
delinquency; domestic subversion; and foreign subversion. 

Mr. McNamara. Would you dascribe what you mean by "urban 
disorganization and poverty"? 

Mr. Lerner. "Urban disorganization and poverty" refers to all those 
physical, cultural, social, and economic characteristics of city life 
which are associated with slums or ghettos. 

Among these are crowded population; substandard health condi- 
tions; uncomfortable and demoralizing living quarters; inadequat-e 
food and clothing; feelings of estrangement and hopelessness ("no 
one cares about us"); unemployment; educational deficiencies; low- 
income jobs with high drudgery content; and the presence of what 
might be called "pathological cultures," such as criminality, delin- 
quency, drug addiction, alcoholism, and other kinds of behavior which 
spoil, weaken, or pervert the quality of life — even for those persons 
who are not participants in these cultures, but who must experience 
them because they are neighbors. 

Mr. McNamara. And what do you mean by "community conflict"? 

Mr, Lerner. "Community conflict" refers to any strife between two 
or more groups within a community over social, religious, economic, 
ethnic, racial, or political issues. 

Even if the problems of urban disorganization and poverty could 
be solved overnight, the ethnic and racial contention which has been 
generated over the past 10 to 15 years probably would itself be suf- 
ficent to cause periodic eruption of rioting by Negroes and Caucasians, 
although by no means on the scale which we have witnessed in recent 
years. 

The pressures for segregation and for integration, the provocative 
demonstrations, the blacklash, the separatist propaganda and agita- 
tion, and the rapid growth in acceptance of white and black racial 
myths — while related to urban disorganization and poverty^^are suf- 
ficiently independent and powerful to constitute a distinct set of prob- 
lems or "pathologies" requiring its own set of remedies. 

Mr. McNamara. Would you elaborate on the subject of "criminality 
and delinquency," which you have indicated as another matter? What 
must be considered in the study of this problem ? 

Mr. Lerner. The category of "criminality and delinquency" refers 
to the various forms of antisocial behavior which are in violation of 
the law. These forms of behavior range from professionally and 
chronically criminal acts as a way of life — that is, as a full-time or 
part-time occupation or avocation — to incidental, impulsive, oppor- 
tunistic, or symbolic acts. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 807 

The looting which takes place by backing a truck up to an appliance 
store, loading it with goods, and transporting the goods halfway across 
the country— 'as cited by Mr. Younger — suggests the involvement of a 
professional burglar. 

On the other hand, most of the widespread, mass thievery which has 
occurred during rioting in recent years and which has involved per- 
sons who take advantage of the apparent availability of appliances, 
clothes, food, and so forth, would represent incidental, opportunistic, 
and impulsive forms of criminality and delinquency. 

They all have in common an mtention to engage in action which 
violates a law, some sort of actual behavior which constitutes a viola- 
tion, harmful consequences which have been forbidden by law, and 
several other technical characteristics of crime, such as the concurrence 
between criminal intent and criminal action, a causal relation between 
the action and the harmful consequences, and the existence of legal 
prohibitions and legally prescribed penalties for the behavior. There- 
fore, they are all, technically speaking, criminal or delinquent acts. 

Unlike the problems in the first two categories, those that we have 
referred to here as criminality and delinquency may not be sufficient 
in themselves to cause large-scale rioting. 

Professional criminals and amateur or incidental lawbreakers have 
been participating in recent rioting usually as opportunists who take 
advantage of momentary chaos and disorder to benefit in a compara- 
tively petty way. 

But sirhall-scale, localized disorders can be caused by organized 
criminals or gangs who plan to exploit the confusion by engaging in 
burglary; and such disorder also can be provoked by demonstrators 
who may deliberately violate local ordinances as symbolic protests 
against real or alleged injustices — ^^sometimes represented by the ordi- 
nances themselves — or real or alleged injustices committed by persons 
in positions of authority. 

Noteworthy characteristics of criminality and delinquency as related 
to urban rioting are : 

1. They can be provocative of small-scale riots. 

2. They are conducive to subversion — both in the near term and the 
long term. In the near-term situation they provide opportunity for 
subversive exploitation. In the long term, they depreciate respect for 
law and authority and thereby reduce community resistance to sub- 
versive influences. 

Mr. McNamara. What, Mr. Lerner, is the relation of urban disorga- 
nization and poverty, community conflict, and criminality — ^the first 
three subjects you mentioned — to "domestic subversion" and "foreign 
subversion," the two subjects which are of particular interest to the 
committee? 

Mr. Lerner. The first three subjects have two major kinds of sig- 
nificance for subversion : exploitability and fertility. 

The problems which are represented by those subjects can be ex- 
ploited by subversives. That is, they provide opportunities and instru- 
ments for subversive activity. The problems related to urban 
disorganization and poverty are not created by subversives ; but these 
problems themselves do create a tremendous degree of frustration and 
resentment which can be channeled by subversives into destructive acts 
such as those which we have experienced in the recent riots. 

32-955 O — 69 — pt. 1 7 i 



808 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

The racial discord — which is part of community conflict — in the 
same way can be channeled into acts of rioting, burning, looting — acts 
which do not resolve the discord, but instead aggravate it. 

Criminals and delinquents can be utilized as gangs to intensify and 
prolong rioting which has already begun — ^and at least theoretically 
can be used to help initiate a riot in an area which is already riot prone. 

On the other hand, even if professional subversives did not already 
exist, the kinds of problems which we have grouped under the first 
three categories would in themselves breed subversive activity. With- 
out any omer class of problems, we should expect that rioting would 
occur in this country periodically, either because of the resentments 
derived from urban disorganization and poverty or because of the 
resentments caused by various forms of community conflict — espe- 
cially the racial. 

And we should expect that among the participants in such riots there 
would be persons whose objectives were not limited to protest, to 
criminal opportunism, or to solution of poverty or conflict problems 
within the framework of existing institutions and legal procedures. 
Persons with subversive ^oals — ^bred in the deeply frustrating and 
embittering conditions which we have referred to — would emerge. 

Mr. McNamara. You have made quite frequent references to sub- 
version and subversives. What do you mean by those terms ? 

Mr. Lerner. Subversion is any activity which has as its objective the 
illegal displacement of pK)wer from one group to another ; the weaken- 
ing or destruction of the social, political, and economic institutions 
of a society; or the weakening or destruction of national cohesion 
through propaganda, military and industrial sabotage, or other eco- 
nomic or political measures. 

The aim of a subversive is not to solve problems, but to exacerbate 
and create problems; not to improve our institutions, but to destroy 
them ; not to arrive at consensus, but to cause disunity ; not to cure, but 
to control a society through illegal means. 

While Republicans and Democrats, conservatives and liberals, and 
the various interest groups which are represented by legal political 
organizations seek to win advantages for their respective groups, they 
compete for these advantages within existing political institutions 
and within conventional rules of the game. 

Debate, strikes, boycotts, legislation, price competition, and specific 
and workable programs of social and economic change are among the 
activities and products of legal political action. Among those who en- 
gage exclusively in legal political action, there apparently is no prob- 
lem of loyalty and allegiance to the Nation. But among tho^e who en- 
gage in subversion, the problem is disloyalty and loss of allegiance to 
our institutions. 

Subversion is political criminality. 

Mr. McNamara. What distinction do you make between domestic 
and foreign subversion ? 

Mr. Lerner. A domestic, or "benign" subversive is a person whose 
disloyalty, alienation, and illegal activity are directed against our 
national institutions, including our political structure and the incum- 
bents of power, but whose loyalty and allegiance to the Nation — as a 
people — are still intact. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 809 

He can say truthfully, "I pledge alle^ance to the flag of the United 
States and to the Republic for which it stands" ; and presumably he 
would help defend this country against attack from the outside. 

A foreign or "malignant" subversive, on the other hand, is a person 
who is uncommitted to the Nation and who may in fact be an agent of a 
foreign power with primary allegiance to that power. 

Although he may have been born in this country and may retain his 
citizenship, his allegiance to the Nation is minimal or nonexistent. 

In the first case we have a revolutionary who is genuinely interested 
in the well-being of the Nation, although he niay be mis^ided. In the 
secpnd case, we have a revolutionary who is uninterested m the welfare 
of the Nation and may be bent on weakening or destroying it so as to 
gain advantage for one or more other nations. 

Mr. McNamara. Why do you make a distinction between these two 
types of subversion and deal with them separately ? That is, the do- 
mestic and the foreign. 

Mr. Lerner. The distinction is made for the same reason that dis- 
tinctions are made among and within all of the five classes of problems 
which we have mentioned ; namely, that all are separate kinds of prob- 
lems and therefore may require different solutions, even though they 
may be related to one another in political discourse and action. 

Benign and malevolent subversiveness are closely related social and 
political diseases. But a remedy for the first may be the improvement of 
the operations of our society, while a remedy for the latter may be en- 
tirely different. If we cure or remove the benign, we may do so per- 
manently. If we remove the malignant, it will probably recur. 

A domestic subversive who theoretically seeks social justice, albeit 
through illegal means, is quite different from a foreign subversive 
who — functionally speaking — is an invader and who, in the early 
stages of the invasion, makes substantial use of the power of ideas 
rather than the force of arms and therefore should be treated accord- 
ingly- 

The former can be acting in good faith where the Nation as a whole 

is concerned. The latter is more likely to be an instrument of nations 
antagonistic to ours (although he is also likely to believe that he is 
merely enlisting their support) . 

Admittedly the distinction between these two types is crudely drawn. 
We should examine the nature of subversiveness much more closely 
than we have done customarily. We may find that the chances for 
rehabilitation of persons in various kinds and degrees of subversive- 
ness will vary. Domestic subversives probably would be more easily 
retrievable than the others. 

Mr. McNamara. Based on your studies, Mr. Lerner, what are the 
circumstances under which political rioting occurs ? 

Mr. Lerner. In answering that question, it is helpful to consider 
three subjects : the functions of government, how those functions are 
defined or interpreted by the persons governed, and organized ex- 
ploitation of real or alleged governmental inadequacies and injustices. 

Mr. McNamara. Would you explain each of those in turn, beginning 
with the first one you mentioned, the function of government. 

Mr. Lerner. Although there are many conceptions of the functions 
of government and how they should be performed, there are certain 



810 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

kinds of activities which are essential to the existence of a society^ and 
which normally are performed by the government in modern societies. 

Among these essential activities are : promulgation and enforcement 
of laws ; maintenance of internal and external security ; equilibration 
among conflicting interests when equitable settlements cannot be 
reached by the conflicting parties themselves ; devising and administer- 
ing programs for the economic, social, and medical health of the nation . 
and maintenance of enough of a sense of national unity and under- 
standing to permit the nation to operate as a unified system. 

Every citizen may be thought of as a party to an implied, quasi- 
contract with members of the government. In exchange for his vote 
and for the payment of his taxes he expects that a large number of 
functions and services — essential and nonessential — will be performed 
and that they will be performed with degrees of competence and 
justice which are greater than he could expect if he found it necessary 
to perform those functions alone or in the absence of government. 

Now most citizens may not think of the existence of an implied con- 
tract of this kind and may not express their conceptions of govern- 
mental functions in this way. But I believe that this statement is con- 
sistent with the positions which most citizens would take. 

Regardless of how we may prefer to express it, from a behavioral 
standpoint, the function of government is to meet the terms of the 
implied quasi-contract — as defined and interpreted by the citizen. 

Mr. McNamara. Would you explain what you mean by the defini- 
tion or interpretation of the function of the government, as distin- 
guished from the actual function ? 

Mr. Lerner. This definition or interpretation is usually quite vague 
and changing. It is based largely on feeling, sentiments, and incom- 
plete information. But it is especially significant because the attitudes 
which a person has toward the incumbents of government and — under 
some circumstances — the degree of allegiance which he has toward 
the government depends greatly on the way in which he appraises 
the competence and the justice with which governmental functions 
are performed. It is not the actual competence or the actual justice, 
but the way in which these qualities are perceived or understood that 
affects the attitude a person will take toward hi's government. 

One of the indispensable characteristics of American interpreta- 
tions of just and equitable performance of governmental functions is 
the idea that there is to be uniformity in the way that Government 
functions and services are applied. 

It is expected that all groups and individuals will be treated by the 
Government on the basis of the same standards. It is expected also 
that the benefits or the penalties which a person receives from the 
Government will depend on what he does rather than on which group 
he belongs to. 

Another indispensable characteristic of governmental justice as 
understood in this country is the idea that Government has some re- 
sponsibility for assuring that there is no gross inequity in distribution 
of goods, in social status, or in any other aspect of the society. 

Poverty, racial and ethnic prejudices, urban blight, educational de- 
ficiencies, crime and delinquency, for example, are regarded as con- 
cerns of the Government, although there are differences of opinion 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 811 

as to the extent to which these concerns should be occupying the Gov- 
ernment, rather than private organizations. 

Such characteristics of our American definitions of governmental 
functions appear prominently in discussions of causes and remedies 
of recent urban rioting, although they f reouently do not appear to be 
conspicuous in the thinking of those who nave been engaged at least 
vocally in the rioting. 

Mr. McNamara. And what about the third factor you mentioned, 
the exploitation of real or alleged inadequacies of government ? 

Mr. Lerner. Many persons in political life are inclined to take ad- 
vantage of the flexibility and the vulnerability of our conceptions of 
the Government. Through information management, one-sided argu- 
ments, demonstrations, and sometimes through fabrications, skillful 
efforts are made to influence the conception which the public has of 
the Government for partisan purposes. 

In recent years much of the partisan exploitation of alleged govern- 
mental inadequacies has been related to realistic problems — difficulties 
in enforcing school and housing integration; failure to eliminate de- 
plorable living conditions; failure to provide adequate educational 
and occupational opportunities; and other conditions for which au- 
thorities at all levels of government may be held responsible — at least 
in part. 

(However, I believe we should understand that no one alive today 
is actually responsible for the general social and economic conditions 
which have contributed to the riot-proneness of certain areas. We are 
all victims of the past. ) 

But associated with much of tlie rioting in the past few years, there 
has been a continual barrage of unrealistic charges regarding various 
local urban issues in the public communications media and in hand- 
bills and pamphlets circulated by political groups. 

A highly persistant and vitriolic kind of exploitation has occurred 
in the form of grossly exaggerated and sometimes wholly false charges. 
I am referring to such charges as police brutality, genocide, and mono- 
lithic opposition of the "white power structure" to racial justice. 

Mr, McNamara. How do people react to organized exploitation of 
the failure of governmental authority and power, either real or 
alleged ? 

Mr. Lerner. The most important determinant of this reaction is the 
set of basic attitudes and sentiments which people already have con- 
cerning the Government. 

But other conditions are also important. For example, the degree to 
which the negative sentiments expressed by the exploiters are con- 
sonant with the feelings of the people; the esteem in which the ex- 
ploiters are held by the people; the extent to which people feel 
deprived when they compare themselves with others ; et cetera. 

The latter condition is worth examining a bit. How does anyone 
know w^ien he has enough of anything that he values : security, health, 
love, food, clothing, housing, intelligence, wealth, and so forth ? 

Assuming that minimum physical requirements are met, there is 
really no absolute standard which one can apply. It is only through 
comparison with others that one can arrive at a judgment. Whom a 
person chooses as a standard, of course, is a vital decision. 



812 SUBVERSIVE ESTFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

An urban Negro in a low-income group in the U.S. is unlikely to 
compare himself with an urban Russian or an urban Chinese or, as 
indicated in the testimony yesterday afternoon, a man in Harlem 
ordinarily will not compare himself with one in Watts, and vice versa. 

Yet, if such a person were to appraise his standard of living against 
that of a Chinese, a Russian, or an average European, he might regard 
himself as relatively fortunate. But he is more likely to view himself 
with other near'by Negroes who have more than he or with nearby 
whites, many of whom may appear wealthy to him. And therefore he 
is likely to feel deprived and to be unaware or unmindful of the ex- 
istence of many thousands of American whites who are poorer than 
he is. 

This sense of comparative or relative deprivation which results from 
consistently unfavorable comparisons causes frustration, which in 
turn may lead to aggressive tendencies, especially when there are feel- 
ings of hopelessness and when there are organized efforts to incite 
negative tensions, emotions, and activity. The targets of aggression 
may be any person, organization, property, or symbol which can be 
associated with the frustration. A frustrated person may even attack 
himself — through self-depreciation, ulcers, alcoholism, drug addiction, 
or other forms of self-destruction, including suicide. 

The forms and directions of aggression which may occur are deter- 
mined by personal and situational factors. Propaganda, education, and 
also agitation bv political agents may provide stimulants and oppor- 
tunities for violent action such as that which takes place in riots. 
Under these circumstances, the targets of aggression are persons or 
symbols representing authorities or other persons who are in one way 
seen as responsible agents or as beneficiaries of the frustrating circum- 
stances. 

Mr. McNamara. Rioting is a group, rather than individual, action. 
What are the basic differences between individual and group behavior 
which affect rioting? 

Mr. Lerner. Authorities in the field of crowds, mobs, and riots have 
made a number of observations about differences between individual 
and group behavior which help to account for some aspects of public 
disturbances. 

Among the features of aggressive group action which are note- 
worthy for an understanding of recent urban rioting in the United 
States are: 

(a) weakening of customary restraints or inhibitions which 
ordinarily block illegal behavior and overtly aggressive action 
against authorities ; 

(b) moral support for aggressive action from other participants 
in the group ; 

(c) reinforced or increased power of the individual ; 

(d) intensification of the influence of what might be called 
negative or antisocial norms ; and so forth. 

Mr. McNamara. What are the characteristics of group behavior in a 
riot situation ? 

Mr. Lerner. Two ways of looking at this are the external view and 
the subjective view. 

Mr. McNamara. Would you explain each of these. What are the 
external characteristics? 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 813 

Mr. Lerner. External characteristics which are ordinarily cited by 
specialists in this field are : 

Mental homogeneity — that is, participants in the riots seem to be 
of a similar state of mind and attitude ; 

Emotionality — that is, deep and volatile emotions appear to be 
expressed ; 

Irrationality — there often appears to be little reason for the destruc- 
tive activity which a mob or rioters become engaged in ; 

Tendencies for growth — that is, crowds seem to accumulate to at- 
tract bystanders, and to grow rather quickly ; 

Spirals of emotion and agression — that is, there seems to be a pro- 
gression of incidents from mild disturbances to more intense ones, and 
this progression may be repeated. 

Mr. McNamara. What are the subjective characteristics? 

Mr. Lerner. Participants in riots are reported to be under tension 
which requires some kind of discharge. They are also sometimes seen as 
being in need of direction. 

Another characteristic is the feeling of anonymity : since most par- 
ticipants feel themselves as being part of a large group, they tend to 
identify closely with the crowds and the events around them and to 
believe that they themselves are not being given attention as individ- 
uals. Therefore, they believe that they can engage in acts anonymously. 

This characteristic leads to another one that is frequently mentioned, 
namely, decline in the sense of responsibility — this refers to the weak- 
ening of customary restraints and to the intensification of negative 
norms which we mentioned earlier; but it involves primarily the feel- 
ing that there is no personal accountability for any of the damage that 
is done. 

Another related characteristic is an impression of universality — the 
belief that everyone is doing it; that the feelings, attitudes, and ac- 
tions are shared by everyone. 

Regression is another trait which is mentioned — a tendency to revert 
to childish, infantile, and primitive feelings. 

Another characteristic is narrowing of perception — that is, the focus- 
ing of attention on one idea, one act, or a small number of incidents 
so that there is a loss of perspective. 

Mr. McNamara. What are the steps in the development of a riot 
from a psychological point of view ? How can these characteristics you 
have mentioned be used to stage a riot ? 

Mr. Lerner. First, we should refer to a propaganda stagfe or a pre- 
conditioning stage, or some such label — something which occurs prior 
to the riot itself and which extends over a protracted period. 

Mr. McNamara. Will you enlarge on that? What happens in this 
stage ? 

Mr. Lerner. This stage may take place over days, weeks, months, or 
years. It involves the dissemination of messages which are strongly 
opposed to authority, who may be characterized as incompetent, un- 
just, corrupt, or brutal. 

In recent years in urban areas these kinds of propaganda have 
taken the form of allegations regarding the evils of whites, the un- 
yielding opposition to blacks by the "white power structure," police 
brutality, genocide, and so forth. 



814 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

In addition to these kinds of negative and destructive propaganda, 
we have witnessed what could be a healthy encouragement of Negro 
consciousness and self -appreciation if it could be kept free of racism 
and divisiveness. 

On the other hand, there also have been some efforts to encourage 
civil and uncivil disobedience. The effects of these various positive 
and negative forms of propaganda and education are only partly 
understood and should be examined carefully by political leaders and 
social scientists so that we can learn to realize more benefit and to incur 
less damage from these activities. 

Mr. McNamara. After the propaganda stage, what is the next step 
in the development of a political riot ? 

Mr. Lerner. The next stage — it is actually almost concurrent with 
the first one — is a feeling of resentment over unjust deprivation, that 
is, over the real or imagined comparative deprivation that we referred 
to before. 

Normal dissatisfactions — as a result of propaganda — become deep- 
ened into great resentment and high levels of tension over real or 
imagined failures by authority to meet their terms of the implied 
contract between citizen and government. 

Mr. McNamara. What step or development follows that ? 

Mr. Lerner. Persons may assemble to observe some kind of alter- 
cation during an arrest or for some kind of demonstration. There 
usually are rumors — natural and synthetic — which heighten the ten- 
sion of the crowd. 

Demonstrations, speeches, sprinkling of agitative activity through- 
out the crowd, shouting of abuses against authority, exhortations 
toward violence, and sometimes corrective police action bring the level 
of tensions to a point almost necessitating violent discharge. The 
crowds wait for direction and for discharge of tension and are not 
placated by admonitions to be peaceful, even when these admonitions 
come from people to whom the crowds have been sympathetic and who 
have stirred them into this state of tension. 

Mr. McNamara. What follows the crowd crisis ? 

Mr. Lerner. What might be called the riot-inciting idea or inci- 
dent. 

Mr. McNamara. What do you mean by that ? 

Mr. Lerner. An incident, or an especially inflammatory statement, 
provides a spark which sets off large numbers of persons into destruc- 
tive activity. The riot-inciting event may be the shooting of a popular 
figure; the impact of a flying wedge of policemen on a trapped crowd ; 
the beginning of some minor but conspicuous damage which diverts 
the attention of the police or which cannot be controlled, and so 
forth. 

Mr. McNamara. Then what happens ? 

Mr. Lerner. The riot. External and internal characteristics such as 
those mentioned earlier are activated, and rioting occurs. 

Mr. McNamara. How would you explain this riot action from the 
psychological viewpoint ? 

Mr. Lerner. The riot has several kinds of sie:nificance to the par- 
ticipants. One of these is a physical and symbolic redress, or righting, 
of mjustice. That is, the damage, the looting, the burning, which are 
reflected by rioters give them feelings of at least partial punishment 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 815 

of authority for the supposed injustices which have incensed the crowd 
over an extended period of time and immediately prior to the riot. 

In the eyes of the participants, the authorities or the power holders 
and others identified with the established order have been guilty ; and 
the rioters have been victims. The damage symbolizes the punishment 
of the guilty. This drama of crime and punishment, because of its na- 
ture, also tends to increase the status of the participants in an imagi- 
nary power struggle. They feel they have demonstrated to themselves 
and to the world that they have more power than was expected and 
that they can exert greater control over authority than before. 

Mr. McNamara. Following the riot itself, what is the next stage 
or step ? 

Mr. Lerner. a political goal of the rioter either is achieved or not 
achieved ; and, where professional organizers are concerned, strategic 
and tactical plans are adjusted for new rounds of political action, 
which may or may not include demonstrations, riots, sabotage, or insur- 
gencies, but almost always involves a new propaganda and agitation 
program which takes into account the lessons and the results of the 
rioting. 

A political goal of the rioter ordinarily is an increase in legitimate 
power — actual or symbolic. That is, he seeks policies, representatives, 
or circumstances wliich are more responsive to his preferences, needs, 
and control than in the past ; and he wants this increased responsive- 
ness to be an accepted, unchallenged fact. 

He seeks representatives whom he believes will meet the terms of their 
implied contract more competently, and more justly than has been the 
case, on the basis of his opinions and standards. 

Where professional subversives are involved, especially what we have 
called foreign subversives, follow-through exploitation of the riot will 
occur irrespective of whether the kinds of political goals that I have 
just referred to have been achieved. They seek renewal and intensi- 
fication of community tensions, disorder, and confusion. Such efforts 
may be coordinated with other diverse efforts by foreign powers and 
their agents to gain advantage in international relations. 

These stages should be understood as general concepts which help 
describe much of the recent political rioting. Thev do not necessarily 
apply to all cases. It should be understood also that during political 
rioting of this kind, other action by opportunists can occur. For ex- 
ample, much of the looting is a iionpolitical accompaniment to the 
riots. Also, guerrilla units — one person or small groups — may take 
advantage oi the riot by sniping and by other speci^ized acts of theft, 
destruction, and terror. 

Mr. McNamara. Mr. Lerner, you have studied much of the avail- 
able open literature on the subject of political rioting. You have given 
it much thought; you have applied your knowledge of the social 
sciences to the matter. Based on these things, do you find evidence 
of subversion in political rioting ? 

Mr. Lerner. Yes. There is no question about it. 

It is a matter of routine knowledge among those who have given 
some careful attention to this subject. The existence of subversion in 
the political rioting of recent years already has been announced and 
documented by agencies which are responsible for surveillance over 
such matters, including congressional committees and the FBI. 



816 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

As an example of this I would like to quote from testimony of John 
Edgar Hoover, February 16, 1967, before a House Subcommittee on 
Appropriations : 

Communists and other subversives and extremists strive and labor ceaselessly 
to precipitate racial trouble and to take advantage of racial discord in this 
country. Such elements w^ere active in exploiting and aggravating the riots, for 
example, in Harlem, Watts, Cleveland, and Chicago. 

The question therefore is not whether there has been subversion in 
the rioting, but rather has the subversion been of such a nature and of 
such a degree that warrant new legislation, new enforcement measures, 
or reexamination of judicial interpretations? 

But even if we were to cast aside the official information such as 
that which I have just quoted and if we were to deal only with the 
information which is available in public news media and in the li- 
braries, there would be no question about the existence of subversion 
in recent urban rioting because the acts of many of the rioters — indi- 
vidually and collectively — are themselves subversive. 

All the rioting is criminal; some of it is conducive to subversion; 
and some of it constitutes what we have called domestic subversion. 

The question is, What has been the role of subversion in the rioting ? 
Now these acts may range from comparatively minor civil and uncivil 
disturbances which may be regarded as borderline cases between petty 
criminality and subversion — even though there is some controversy 
over their legitimacy — to the occasional open acknowledgement by 
participants that their intention is to bum down the entire Nation, to 
destroy the "white power structure," to set up a separate black nation 
by force, and so on. 

Mr. McNamara. In addition to the items you have mentioned, what 
further evidence do you find of subversion in political rioting ? 

Mr. Lerner. Leaders frequently and openly proclaim their inten- 
tions to foment a riot and to destroy the existing power structure or 
form of government, and they take credit for having instigated rioting 
and violence. 

The kinds of statements that I am referring to may be illustrated 
by the following: The first quotation that I have here is from the 
New York Times of July 26, 1967 : 

Stokely Carmichael was quoted by the Cuban news agency Prensa Latina 
today as saying that American Negroes were organizing urban guerrillas for "a 
fight to the death." 

According to the agency's account — 

And this is quoting Carmichael : '' 

"In Newark we applied war tactics of the guerrillas," he said. "We are pre- 
paring groups of urban guerrillas for our defense in the cities. The price of 
these rebellions is a high price that one must pay. This fight is not going to be 
a simple street meeting. It is going to be a fight to the death." 

He said he decided to come to Cuba because of the message of Che 
Guevara last April which "called on Ljitin-American revolutionaries 
to create two, three or more Vietnams." He said the leader was an 
"inspiration to American Negroes," and so on. 

There are dozens of such quotations here. 

Another example is from a recent speech by H. Rap Brown here in 
Washington, D.C. : 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 817 

We stand on the eve of a black revolution, brothers. Masses of our i)eople 
are in the streets. They are fighting tit for tat, tooth for tooth, a eye for an 
eye, and a life for a life. The rebellions that we see are merely dress rehearsals 
for the revolution that's to come. We better get ourselves some guns and pre- 
pare ourselves. I want to tell you why. I want to tell you why you have to be 
armed to win against this animal — and a hunky ain't nothin' but a animal. 
Plainfield, New Jersey, was the most successful, most successful rebellion rather, 
that had been held in America. * * ♦ Evil is evil ! Lyndon Johnson is evil. The 
only reason Goldwater lost the election was that he told the truth. He told niggers 
he hated them, Johnson fooled you, you runnin' around here thinkin' that a 
two-gun outlaw, a cracker from Texas was gonna love black people. Johnson 
is the most violent man going. He is killing black people in Vietnam and he's 
killing them in Detroit. 

The point here is that this kind of talk can whip up crowd feeling, 
as it presumably did in Cambridge. This is one form of subversion. 
It also, incidentally, could be judged as criminal libel. 

Mr. McNamara. In addition to these open proclamations, what other 
evidence have you found of subversiveness m political rioting? 

Mr. Lerner. There are definite patterns which are repeated over 
and over again in subversively manipulated riots and in their devel- 
opment, for example : 

The style and timing of many police brutality allegations have 
been identified by specialists on the riots as characteristic of certain 
subversive groups ; the poster entitled "Wanted for Murder" with the 
name and the picture of a policeman who has been made a temporary 
symbol of police brutality was used both in Harlem by the Harlem 
Defense Council, a subsidiary of the Progressive Labor Movement, 
during the 1964 riots and in Los Angeles ; tne stoning of firemen after 
fires have been set ; the organized chanting of slogans ; the references 
to genocide ; the distribution of inflammatory handbills by known sub- 
versive groups giving instructions on how to make Molotov cock- 
tails and on how to disrupt and to kill white persons; the actual be- 
havior of rioters in a manner consistent with these instructions ; and 
the use of youth and student groups as auxiliaries in ways which a 
number of subversive groups have done over the years. 

The frequent, systematic repetition of such standardized events, 
styles, and sequences in widely dispersed areas could not be accidental. 
For such events 'to have occurred just once would have required plan- 
ning, organizing, training, and preparing. 

Mr. McNamara. Is there any other evidence? 

Mr. Lerner. Yes. In some cases even long-range hopes and plans 
are stated orally or in writing. 

One of these statements which may be cited — this is quoted from 
The Crusader, monthly newsletter published by Robert F. Williams, 
February 1964 — describes a Negro revolution of the United States. 
Williams, the exiled leader of the Revolutionary Action Movement, is 
reported to have met Mao Tse-tung, Chou En-lai, and Lin Piao and 
to have worked with guerrilla warfare specialists in Peking and Ha- 
vana. Here is the excerpt : 

When massive violence comes, the USA will become a bedlam of confusion and 
chaos. The factory workers will he afraid to venture out on the streets to report 
to their jobs. The telephone workers and radio workers will be afraid to report 
All transportation will grind to a complete standstill. Stores will be destroyed 
and looted. Property will be damaged and expensive buildings will be reduced to 
ashes. Essential pipe lines will be severed and blown up and all manner of sabo- 
tage will occur. Violence and terror will spread like a firestorm. A clash will occur 



818 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

inside the armed forces. At U.S. military bases around the world local revolu- 
tionaries will side with Afro G.I.'s. Because of the vast area covered by the holo- 
caust, U.S. forces will be spread too thin for effective action. U.S. workers, who 
are caught on their jobs, will try to return home to protect their families. Trucks 
and trains will not move the necessary supplies to the big urban centers. The 
economy will fall into a state of chaos. 

This racist imi)erialist oppressor will not be brought to his knees, simply be- 
cause of the fighting ability and military power of Black Freedom Fighters and 
their allies inside the U.S., but because of the creation of economic, chaotic con- 
ditions, total disorganization, frustration of his essential and ultra vital organs 
of production, and adverse conditions created by the world wide liberation 
Struggle. Such a formidable enemy will fall prey to the new concept of revolu- 
tion because of his ultra modem and automated society and the lack of psycho- 
logical conditioning of his forces. Our people have already been conditioned by 
almost 400 years of violence, terror and hunger. 

The new concept of revolution defies military science and tactics. The new 
concept is lightning campaigns conducted in highly sensitive urban communities 
with the paralysis reaching the small communities and spreading to the farm 
areas. The old method of guerrilla warfare, as carried out from the hills and 
countryside, would be ineffective in a powerful country like the USA. Any such 
force would be wiped out in an hour. The new concept is to huddle as close to 
the enemy as possible so as to neutralize his modem and fierce weapons. The 
new concept creates conditions that involve the total community, whether they 
want to be involved or not. It sustains a state of confusion and destruction of 
property. It dislocates the organs of harmony and order and reduces central 
power to the level of a helpless, sprawling, octopus. During the hours of day 
sporadic rioting takes place and massive sniping. Night brings all out warfare, 
organized fighting and unlimited terror against the oppressor and his forces. 
Such a campaign will bring about an end to oppression and social injustice in the 
USA in less than 90 days and create the basis" for the implementation of the U.S. 
(Constitution with justice and equality for all people. 

Mr. McNamara. In addition to the statement of such plans, are there 
other elements which also provide evidence of subversion ? 

Mr. Lerner. Yes. There are usually standardized and grossly unfair 
attacks on forces or agencies of authority and law and order — police, 
city administration, security and defense agencies, et cetera. 

The agency attacked will depend on the location of the riot (ghetto 
area, university campus, et cetera) ; the nature of the rioters and 
audience (students, general population, Negroes, et cetera) ; and the 
immediate objective of the riot (violence to undermine local authority, 
to discredit National Government policy, domestic or foreign), et 
cetera. The Secretary of State or of Defense would not be a useful 
target in a ghetto, but they would be on a campus. On the other hand, 
the police are a natural titrget in slums, regardless of the racial com- 
position of the area. And it is a normal tactic of Communists and other 
subversives and insurgents to attack the police. As observed by 
J. Edgar Hoover: ' 

The riots and disorders of the past 3 years clearly highlight the success of this 
Communist smear campaign in ix)pularizing the cry of "police brutality" to the 
point where it has been accepted by many individuals having no affiliation with 
or sympathy for the Communist movement. 

We should bear in mind also that evidence of subversive involve- 
ment — both domestic and foreign — has been presented in detail by 
many specialists, including undercover agents and former partici- 
pants. The most recent example that I know of is a small book by 
Phillip A. Luce called Road to Revolution. Moreover, there have been 
a number of reports in the press — although it is difficult to establish 
their validity — that rightwing groups may have had a hand in some 
of the rioting such as that which occurred in Los Angeles and Detroit. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 819 

If this were true and if the groups involved had subversive objectives, 
this would constitute another form of domestic subversion in the recent 
rioting. 

But I believe we should be less concerned with the validity of reports 
of this kind or with the actual causal relationships between subversive 
activity and rioting and more concerned with the potentially destruc- 
tive aspects of subversive presence in rioting areas. 

Mr. McNamara. In discussing patterns which appear in political 
riots and which are evidence of subversive influence, Mr. Lerner, you 
mentioned the involvement of young people. It is true, is it not — and 
generally accepted — that youths are more easily aroused emotionally 
and stimulated to violent action, than are older persons? 

Mr. Lerner. Yes. Young people are more volatile and more emo- 
tional than older persons ; and this is true for both positive and nega- 
tive emotions. And insecure youngsters are more apt to act impulsively 
than comparatively secure youngsters. Resentful and unhappy young 
people can be stimulated to violent action with relative ease. 

Mr. McNamara. Would you also say, Mr. Lerner, that the type of 
youth who would be a member of a teenage gang would be less capable 
of making an objective analysis of some alleged injustice than would 
the average youth ? 

Mr. Lerner. Assuming that you refer to a member of a delinquent 
gang, I would say that a boy of that kind would be both less able and 
less willing to make an objective analysis of an alleged injustice than 
other, better adjusted youths. 

The gang member, because of his life experience, already has a 
strong disposition toward assuming injustices for two major reasons: 

He does not need proof of the existence of widespread injustice. His 
own life experience constitutes an enormous, unpardonable injustice to 
him. Therefore, his emotional structure and his beliefs are highly re- 
ceptive and congenial to any suggestion of injustice. He has firsthand 
evidence of injustice, and he is accustomed to episodes of anger and 
aggression. 

The second reason for the gang member's disposition to accept allega- 
tions of injustices with less objectivity than other persons is that, on 
the average, boys in delinquent gangs are less informed about public 
affairs outside of their own immediate experiences and less inclined 
toward careful weighing of facts than other boys of comparable age. 

Mr. McNamara. Is it also true, Mr. Lerner, that youths generally 
are much more open or susceptible to suggestion than are adults and 
have a stronger inclination toward physical outlooks or solutions to 
their problems than do adults ? 

Mr. Lerner. Yes. Youths are more suggestible and impressionable 
than adults. And even well-adjusted, privileged, and intelligent youths 
are generally not well informed about public affairs. 

Youths are more readily disposed to physical responses to frustra- 
tion and they tend to be more idealistic, more highly sympathetic to 
the imderdog, and more highly displeased over apparent deficiencies 
in the social structure than adults. 

All of these characteristics make youths a good target for propa- 
ganda by those who may wish to represent themselves as sincere, legiti- 
mate reformers or idealistic revolutionaries. 



820 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BXJRNING 

These qualities also make young people good recruits for auxiliary 
roles in demonstrations and riots. A high proportion of the partici- 
pants in recent urban riots have been youngsters; and many of these 
persons have been organized and trained to make Molotov cocktails 
and to perform other operations during riots. 

Mr. McNamara. Based on your studies, Mr. Lerner, would you have 
any recommendations for dealing with riot situations ? 

Mr. Lerner. Yes. I would divide them into emergency steps and 
long-term programs; and since these hearings, as well as the jurisdic- 
tion of this committee, are limited to inquiry into subversive activity, 
I would emphasize meaures here for dealing with that problem. 

Mr. McNamara. What immediate or emergency actions would you 
recommend ? 

Mr. Lerner. Emergency steps are those which should be taken im- 
mediately at the threat or outbreak of a riot. These include isolation of 
agitators and roundup of militant leaders. Ideally, known organizers 
and a^tators, as well as their associates, should be insulated from riot 
situations. 

Also emergency regulations should permit police to forbid public 
assembly temporarily during tense periods. Public accounts of riots 
have shown frequently that outbreaks of violence occurred only after 
rumors and inflammatory accusations against police have been made 
during crowd crises. 

At least twice during the New York riots, for example, outbreaks 
occurred after protest assemblies and demonstrations had raised crowd 
tensions to apparently unbearable levels. 

There must be a strong showing of competence and force whenever 
a crowd crisis seems to be emerging. The community also must be in- 
formed that police force will be used immediately during any at- 
tempted violence, and the police must execute their riot-control plans 
promptly, intelligently, and firmly. 

The j>olice must also make provisions for maintenance of control 
of force and control of communications. That is, special emergency 
provisions must be made for protection of stores which sell firearms, 
newspaper plants, television and radio stations, and arsenals. 

Steps of this kind may appear unnecessarily rigorous and repres- 
sive, but they are recognized as essential by persons who have observed 
or analyzed organized political rioting in various countries, including 
the United States. 

Mr. McNamara. In answering that last question, Mr. Lerner,- you 
made reference to rumors and the almost universal use of them in the 
course of recent riots in this country. I believe that Gordon W. Allport 
is recognized as one of the outstanding authorities in the sociological 
field on the subject of group or collective behavior; is that correct? 

Mr. Lerner. Yes. He is a distinguished social psychologist who has 
done fine work on rumor, prejudice, and related problems. 

Mr.McNAMARA. I have a quotation from a statement he made in 
1947. I am wondering if you would agree with it : "We may state as 
dependable law that no riot or lynching ever occurs without the aid 
of rumor." 

Would you agree with that statement? 

Mr. Lerner. I would have to think about it a little bit. Perhaps he 
was overstressing rumor or preoccupied with it, because the statement 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 821 

appears to exclude exceptions. The phrase, "no riot or lynching ever," 
sounds absolute and final. 

In one sense the statement probably can be defended on psychologi- 
cal grounds because, no matter what the facts are, a person tends to 
sharpen and distort them in order to give himself justification for 
violent behavior which is normally proscribed by conscience and by 
law. 

In that sense, I would say probably he was correct ; but I would pre- 
fer to state the law something like this : "Riots or lynchings ^nerally 
occur with the aid of rumor." This is related to the "riot-incitmg idea" 
which was mentioned as one of the events in a political riot sequence 
in our discussion today. In any case, there is ample evidence that 
rumors — especially concerning supposed misbehavior of police during 
arrests, questioning, or crowd control — ^have played a substantial part 
in igniting our recent riots. 

Mr. Tuck. Let us take a 5-minute recess. 

(Brief recess.) 

Mr. Tuck. The committee will come to order. 

Proceed, Mr. McNamara. 

Mr. McNamara. Based on your studies, Mr. Lemer, what long-term 
recommendations would you make for dealing with riot situations and 
potentials? 

Mr. Lerner. Among the long-term recommendations — and all of 
these must be regarded as tentative and as being offered by one citizen 
involved in a personal study of these matters and still in the study 
stage — are the following : 

This committee, I believe, should examine the feasibility of legisla- 
tion or other action which would accomplish or encourage these items : 

(1) Make ethnic "hate" activities a Federal offense; outlaw incite- 
ment propaganda directed against ethnic groups — racial, religious, or 
national. 

Legislation of this kind could be eq^uivalent to section 6 of the Race 
Relations Act of 1965 in Great Britam which reads as follows : 

Incitement to racial hatred. (1) A person shall be guilty of an offense under 
this section if, with intent to stir up hatred against any section of the public in 
Great Britain distinguished by colour, race, or ethnic or national origins — 

(a) he publishes or distributes written matter which is threatening, 
abusive or insulting ; or 

( b ) he uses in any public place or at any public meeting words which are 
threatening, abusive or insulting, 

being matters or words likely to stir up hatred against that section on grounds 
of colour, race, or ethnic or national origins. 

(2) Impose limited weapons control on those who have been engaged 
in subversive, as well as other criminal activity. The movement to- 
ward increased regulation in the distribution of arms is gaining sub- 
stantial support. There is at least as much basis for limited access to 
arms by subversives as by other criminals. 

(3) Formulate a set of civil duties which corresponds to civil rights. 
In every society rights imply duties, and the implied contract between 
the citizen and his government assumes both rights and duties. 

Those duties which Americans expect of themselves in exchange for 
their rights should be made explicit and should be incorporated in our 
Constitution. 



822 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

The terms of our vague, quasi-contract between government and citi- 
zen should be made somewhat more precise than they are now. One of 
the natural duties which should be made explicit is to uphold the legal 
system and to refrain from weakening it. Failures to discharge duties 
should be associated with suitable reduction of rights. 

(4) Renew consideration of the desirability of selectively and tem- 
porarily reducing rights to speech and assembly of subversives. In 1947, 
the U.S. President's Committee on Civil Rights strongly opposed "spe- 
cial" limitations on the rights of Communists and Fascists to speak 
and assemble. This is a quotation from the report of that committee : 

Our national past offers us two great touchstones to resolve the dilemma of 
maintaining the right to free expression and yet protecting our democracy against 
its enemies. One was offered by Jefferson in his first inaugural address : "If there 
be any among us who wish to dissolve the Union, or to change its republican form, 
let them stand undisturbed as monuments of the safety with which error of opin- 
ion may be tolerated where reason is left free to combat it." The second is the 
doctrine of "clear and present danger." This was laid down as a working prin- 
ciple by the Supreme Court in 1919 in Schenck v. United States in an opinion 
written by Justice Holmes. It says that no limitation of freedom of expression 
shall be made unless "the words are used in such circumstances and are of such 
a nature as to create a clear and present danger that they will bring about the 
substantive evils that Congress has a right to prevent." The next year in a dis- 
senting opinion in Schacfer v. United States Justice Brandeis added this in- 
valuable word of advice about the application of the doctrine : "Like many other 
rules for human conduct, it can be applied correctly only by the exercise of good 
judgment, and in the exercise of good judgment, calmness is, in time of deep feel- 
ing and on subjects which excite passion, as essential as fearlessness and honesty." 

The situation today is materially different from that of 1947. Today, 
I believe that reasonable, honest, and prudent men — who examine the 
evidence and who exercise good judgment and calmness — will conclude 
that the danger we face is sufficiently clear and present to warrant our 
imposing a selective, temporary reduction of the rights to speak and 
assemble. I feel that this point of view should be put to the test of a 
national referendum during the 1968 election. 

(5) Encourage Negro and white leaders who are committed to the 
solution of Negro and other poverty problems — rather than to un- 
yielding opposition to authority — to devise specific, workable programs 
for bringing the quality of Negro life in this country to an acceptable 
level, when compared with that of Caucasians. And in doing so empha- 
size that the programs should be for all economically disadvantaged 
Americans and that they should be based on standards which can be 
applied uniformly, without racial preference. 

Among the items which should be considered in programs of this sort 
are establishing of occupational training and opportunities outside of 
congested urban areas. Productive and continuous employment would 
give the poor and the young a big enough stake in our society to make 
them securely resistant to malicious and divi.sive propaganda and 
slogans. Dispersion of those in congested areas would diminish oppor- 
tunities of subversives to organize mob action by chronic dissidents. 

(6) Provide a program for rehabilitation of subversives and insur- 
gents along with the restrictions on them. This program should in- 
volve gradual restoration of rights as progress is made in rehabilita- 
tion, and it should include occupational training for riot participants. 

(7) Consider the advisability of broadening the mandate of this 
committee — or of broadening the interpretation of the current man- 



SUBVERSIVE ESTFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 823 

date — to encompass increased constructive action toward dealing with 
the conditions which create subversives in this country and toward re- 
habilitation of subversives. 

This committee, I believe, should be concerned with the general ques- 
tion of national cohesion, unity, and understanding because successful 
control of subversion requires both positive as well as repressive 
measures. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Tuck. Mr. Lerner, we commend you for your very exhaustive 
and scholarly study and dissertation on this subject. Thank you for 
coming before our committee and cooperating with us in this respect. 

1 am sure your statement and views in regard to these matters, to- 
gether with your recommendations, will be given careful consideration 
by the members of the committee in formulating plans as to what 
can be done under these conditions. 

I have taken from the statement that you have made some little 
time back in your testimony that you agree with a great many of us 
that civil disobedience is reallv subversive. 

Is that right? 

Mr. Lerner. Civil disobedience is by definition criminal or delin- 
quent when it violates law. It is subversive if the objective is to weaken 
or overturn the institutions or the Government of the country. 

Mr. Tuck. I recognize you can make a distinction between violating 
a law just for the purpose of testing the constitutionality of an act, 
but one who goes out and continues to engage in acts of civil disobedi- 
ence in violation of the law of the State, locality, or the Federal Gov- 
ernment, that is subversive under your definition ; is it not ? 

Mr. Lerner. Continual violations of law, whether we call that sub- 
versive or not I think is partly a matter of taste as to what kind of 
word we want to use. 

Mr. Tuck. You seem to find some more euphemistic term. After all 
it really amounts to subversion, does it not? 

Mr. Lerner. I am not inclined to look for a more euphemistic term. 
On the contrary, I have referred to it as criminality and delinquency 
and I think that is bad enough. 

Mr. Tuck. I think so, too. 

I don't see much difference between criminality and subversiveness 
except that subversiveness implies overthrowing the form of our Gov-, 
ernment, whereas criminality carries with it only the connota.tion of 
the violation of the laws for the convenience of the individual. 

How would you describe the conduct of a person or a group who 
congregate in front of a person's place of business or congregate on a 
principal street of a city in such a fashion as to impede and hamper 
and harass the public in transacting their business in the ordinary 
course of trade or in pursuing their chosen avocation ? 

Mr. Lerner. Presumably that kind of activity is opposed to the 
local ordinances. If it is, then it is what I call criminal and/or 
delinquent. 

Mr. Tuck. What would you caII a program such as is being espoused 
now by certain individuals, of bringing a group of people here to the 
Capital of the United States, the seat of the Government of the LTnited 
States, to engage in some sort of activity described by those individuals 
as disruption, supposedly meaning the distruption of the activities of 

32-955 O — 69 — pt. 1 8 



824 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

the civilians of the city and also disruption of the activities of the 
Government of the United States ? 

Mr. Lerner. Again a question is, would the program be in violation 
of the law. If yes, it would be criminal and delinquent. 

If no, that raises still another question, and that is, what is the 
motive. If the motive, for example, is to overthrow the Government 
or to weaken the structure of the Government to the point where it 
can be overthrown, then you can begin to speak in terms of an incip- 
ient subversiveness. One key to a solution of this definition and clas- 
sification problem is whether or not w^hat is being done is consistent 
with, or opposed to, local ordinances. Another key is motive. Still 
another is effect. 

Mr. Tuck. Intent is generally one of the principles of law. I am 
just a country lawyer, but the act generally carries with it intent. 

If the effect of what this organization proposes to do is to disrupt 
the Government of the United States in time of war — and we are cer- 
tainly in a limited war, in a national emergency — then it seems to me 
that that would border on the traitorous. 

Mr. Lerner. In sentiment I agree with you, if an intent of that 
organization is to interfere with the conduct of the war to our dis- 
advantage. 

I feel that any such activity, if the purpose is to disrupt the Govern- 
ment during time of war and to compromise the national interest in 
relation to an adversary, borders on something that is traitorous or 
subversive. 

I would say my attitude is consistent with yours, Mr. Chairman, as to 
how we should feel about these things; and I would examine intent, 
action, and effect in such cases before passing judgment. 

Mr. Tuck. Thank you, sir. I am glad we agree. 

I also notice a statement you made in regard to an emergency au- 
thority. You understand the function of this committee is not passing 
of any social or economic legislation. 

We are interested, of course, in the solution of the social and eco- 
nomic problems that disturb the people of this country at this time. 
Nevertheless, it is the function of this committee, certainly to a large 
extent, to deal with subversive activities and activities destined to 
thwart the Government in its functions. 

I notice you mention emergency authority. I take it from what you 
said that you believe in the use of whatever force necessary by the 
police to suppress this lawlessness and to require these people to 
adhere strictly to the law ? 

Mr. Lerner. I would say very definitely yes, although I W(Ould say 
this reluctantly. Whatever force necessary should be used quickly, 
firmly, and intelligently. But better yet, circumstances which make 
force necessary should be prevented by other methods if possible. 

Mr. Tuck. I do not believe in using more force than is necessary. I 
do not believe in police beating up some individual after he has 
already subdued him. But you do agree with me that it would be 
helpful in these instances if the police would use whatever force is 
necessary to subdue a person who is enaged in an unlawful activity ? 

Mr. Lerner. Yes, sir. That is a function of the police. 

Mr. Tuck. The gentleman from Missouri. 

Mr. IciioRD. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES EST RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 825 

Mr. Lemer, Mr. McNamara asked you the question, how do you 
explain the riots from a psychological viewpoint. Part of your reply 
was that, in the eyes of the participants, the authorities have been 
guilty, the participants have been the victims, and the damage sym- 
bolizes the punishment of the authorities. 

I wonder if that is very descriptive of a great many of the riots 
the Nation experienced this summer in that a great part, if not a 
majority, of the damage was inflicted upon Negro property itself ? 

Mr. Lerner. I think that is an interesting question. 

I would like to comment, before we get to the Negro aspect of it, on 
whether there are other features of the summer riots which indicate 
that for certain kinds of participants the damage did not symbolize 
punishment of the guilty. To the extent that subversives were in- 
volved, for example, you might question whether they felt that we were 
punishing anybody who was really guilty. 

But even an outright cynic or a psychopath, lacking in conscience, 
would need some kind of justifying cause or excuse — valid or invalid — 
to motivate large numbers of persons to engage in rioting. It might 
seem that some people do not need an excuse, but only an opportunity. 
Yet, except in rare cases, we would find that they do have an excuse — 
often an irrational, irrelevant, and highly personal one, but neverthe- 
less one which would cause tension. My point is that the mass of the 
rioters would need some justification for themselves to behave that 
way. And the damage — destruction, theft, loss of life, loss of dignity, 
and so on — signifies a redress of real or imagined injustice, however 
vaguely the injustice may be understood ; and therefore inflicting that 
damage helps to discharge tension. 

As for the damage inflicted on Negroes or on Negroes' property, we 
should understand that middle-class and wealthy Negroes are a symbol 
of authority and an object of aggression to lower-class Negroes just 
as whites are. -^ 

An illustration of the negative feelings which poor Negroes some- 
times have toward middle-class and wealthy Negroes occurred during 
the rioting in Detroit this summer, when it was reported that a rioter 
threatened a well-dressed Negro standing nearby : "We will get you 
rich niggers next." 

This example demonstrates that a person who has been compara- 
tively deprived, a person who believes himself to be socially or eco- 
nomically disadvantaged relative to others, can feel deeply hostile 
toward them. Because they seem to be favored beneficiaries, they 
symbolize to him the social order that has been evil or guilty as far 
as he is concerned. 

The fact that they possess more than he constitutes evidence of this 
guilt in his thinking. You might say this does not really make sense. 
But psychologically and emotionally it does make sense. We resent 
people who have more than we have irrespective of what group they 
belong to. We tend to think of them as being guilty because they have 
more. Poor whites sometimes feel this way about middle-class and rich 
whites. Among Negroes the negative feelings may be compounded and 
intensified by racial overtones, as expressed by terms like "Whitey" 
and "Uncle Tom." 



826 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Mr. IcHORD. To them then a great many of the authorities are the 
Negroes themselves in position of authority, Negro policemen, for 
example ? 

Mr. Lerner. I did not understand the question. 

Mr. loHORD. To them the authorities are the Negroes themselves ? 

Mr. Lerner. Partly speaking. 

Mr. IcHORD. For example, a Negro policeman ? 

Mr. IjErner. Yes. The object of their aggression and the symbol of 
their authority partly is the advantaged Negro community, including 
Negro policemen. 

Mr. IcHORD. I have heard many speakers say and have read many 
times that the Negro riots are the result of a himdred years of depriva- 
tion and discrimination. You indicated that you partially subscribe 
to that theory when I believe you said at one time to a great extent we 
are victims of the past. 

Don't you think this is somewhat oversimplifying the matter ; that 
is, in terms of relativity, the Negro today, even in the urban ghetto, 
is much better off politically, economically, and socially than he was 
25 or 50 years ago or for that matter at any time in the history of the 
United States? 

Mr. Lerner. It is true that it would be an oversimplification to state 
that the riots are just the result of generations of disadvantage or 
to state that we are victims of the past and nothing more. Apparently 
there is some misunderstanding because I said that w^e were not respon- 
sible for the acts of previous generations. 

I do not feel that it is valid or constructive to say that the problem 
we face today is simply a result of what has happened over the last 
hundred years, or 350 years. The problem is what is happening now^ in 
this generation. Certainly Negroes are much better off today than 
they were a hundred years ago. They are much better off today than 
Negroes and whites in other countries, or some whites in this country, 
for that matter. 

I am reminded of a statement attributed to Dick Gregory by Life 
magazine recently : 

At a national conference of Black Power leaders held in Newark after the 
riots there, Dick Gregory * * ♦ summed up in one word the direction of the 
1967 riots. If asked what they wanted, Negroes, he recommended, should reply, 
"Nothing." Gregory explained : "How in the hell are you going to make a list 
of 400 years of them misusing you?" 

But it would be unrealistic and almost meaningless to think of com- 
pensation for the deprivations of past generations. Other groups be- 
sides Negroes also could make lists of past deprivations and grievances. 
What would we do about the white Anglo-Saxon Protestants in the 
Appalachia and other descendants of the early settlers whose stand- 
ards of living are lower than that of urban Negroes? What would we 
do about the families who lost 780,000 in the war wliich freed the 
Negroes? What would we do about southerners who were economic 
and social victims of that war and its aftermath and who sometimes 
even today are regarded as social inferiors by some persons in the 
North? A complete social and liistorical accounting would include 
a fantastic inventory. This sort of thinking would lead to impossibly 
complex, impractical, and meaningless tradeoffs. We can try to ar- 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 827 

rive at equitable settlements only within the framework of living 
generations. 

The point I was making earlier was that Negroes compare them- 
selves with those who are immediately contiguous with them. People 
in Watts do not compare themselves with those in Harlem or in Cuba, 
but with those in Bel Air or some other community nearby. 

This comparison results in a sense of deprivation that brings about 
feelings of resentment and aggression. 

When I said that we are all victims of the past I meant that the 
entire community — all of us, white, blacks, everyone — are victims of 
our history. None of us has created the circumstances, the prejudices, 
the attitudes, and the values which constrain us, although we can in- 
fluence them. 

Therefore, none of us can be held wholly responsible for the situa- 
tion. No one is really guilty. All of us are products of our heritage. 
I would say that the best that each generation can be expected to do 
is to make a determined ejffort to provide dignified social treatment 
and sufficient oppKjrtunities for satisfactory education, employment, 
and quality of life for everyone and to base compensation for work on 
uniformly applied standards of performance rather than group mem- 
bership, except where physically and mentally handicapped persons 
are concerned. And I do not know of any scientific evidence that 
Negroes are a physically or mentally handicapped race. 

Mr. IcHORD. I am very much interested in 5^our long-term recom- 
mendations and particularly in regard to making "hate activities" a 
Federal offense. Of course, you realize that in this field we do encounter 
serious constitutional difficulties. That is, under our system of govern- 
ment the responsibility for enforcing most of our criminal laws has 
rested with local units of government, and to a great extent I think this 
has been the genius of the Federal system, the idea, the principle that 
government works better the closer it is to the people. 

It is true that rioting has been widespread. It is a serious national 
problem. But aren't we going to be to a great extent modifying our 
system of government if we enact detailed Federal laws making this 
type of activity a criminal offense? 

Mr. Lerner. Sir, it is my opinion that the answer is "no." As foi 
legal tradition, our legal and political tradition is an outgrowth of that 
of Great Britain, which has been noted for its liberality and its concern 
for individual rights. 

If it can be done there and it is consistent- with their tradition, it 
seems to me it would not be inconsistent with ours. You have intro- 
duced another point, that is, the question of whether legislation of 
this kind should be Federal or State in scope. 

I believe that the hate-incitement propaganda such as that which we 
have discussed is serious enough, very clearly serious enough since it 
is a national problem, to make this a Federal offense. 

We consider something like counterfeiting a Federal offense. Print- 
ing, possession, or distribution of counterfeit money or possession of 
plates is each subject to Federal penalties of 15 years' imprisonment. 
If instead someone prints, speaks, or otherwise manufactures and dis- 
tributes hate propaganda, this kind of currency — counterfeit ideas de- 
signed to divide and destroy — is much more seriously threatening and 



828 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

damaging to our national cohesion, unity, and health than counterfeit 
money is. 

Accordingly, if our system of legal control and remedies is to be 
rational, effective, and equitable, we should have Federal cognizance 
and regulation in the field of hate propaganda ; and we should impose 
penalties which are at least as great here as for counterfeiting. 

Mr. IcHORD. Don't you think that we have overlooked the respon- 
sibility of local units of government which have the prime responsi- 
bility; the enforcement of law, the keeping of law and order, is the 
responsibility of police, your district attorneys, your city councils, 
your State and other local units of government. 

I know in my home State there were considerable rumors this sum- 
mer of a riot going to occur in the city of St. Louis. As a matter of 
fact, I had one civil rights leader call me, quite concerned about being 
approached by one of Carmichael's cohorts who tried to persuade him 
that he could achieve fame by becoming another Carmichael. 

There were considerable rumors of riots going to occur in St. Louis. 
But the Governor of the State stepped in and made it very clear by 
a very w^ell-publicized announcement that he would meet force witifi 
force and that disobedience of the laws would not be tolerated in the 
State of Missouri. 

The riot situation or the propensity to riot disappeared overnight. 
I am wondering if we have not been directing too much attention to 
the responsibility of the Federal Government in this field, and not to 
the responsibilities of the local units of government. 

Mr. Lerner. From a broad perspective, sir, I believe I am not really 
qualified to answer that question so well as you are since I believe you 
have been observing both State and Federal action against crime and 
subversion more closely than I. 

I can only speak in terms of personal preference. Since that prefer- 
ence is not a strong one and since I do not believe it is an issue here as 
I understand it, I would simply say I feel it should be a Federal of- 
fense and that I do not feel that we are overemphasizing the role of 
the Federal Government. 

But this is a personal opinion. 

I am much more concerned with the substance of the recommenda- 
tion apart from its implementation on a Federal versus a local level. 
Although I am here to respond to your questions, sir, I am curious and, 
if I may, I would like to ask why this is an issue ? 

Mr. IcnoRD. Of course, it is a matter of personal feeling. 

By philosophy I have long been concerned about the movement of 
power from our local units of government to the Federal Government. 
This is the reason for my thinking alon^ this line. 

I am not naive enough to think that m our 50 States at all times you 
are going to have fair and just enforcement of the law. But I am 
optimistic enough to think that at least a majority of the time in the 
50 States, in the majority of the 50 States, you are going to have fair 
and just enforcement of the laws. 

When we move all responsibilities to the Federal Government there 
may be a time when we might have a Federal Government which is 
not a fair and just government and then we are really in trouble. 

That simply is the — perhaps I am oversimplifying it — reason for 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 829 

my concern about the Federal Government assuming broad responsi- 
bilities in the field of keeping peace and order. 

Mr. Lerner. Sir, I understand and appreciate your explanation. 

My comment, therefore, is that if we get to the point where our 
differences or discussions concern whether this kind of law should be a 
Federal law or State law, we would have made great progress. 

First we would have to reach agreement on the question of whether 
we are going to have any law like that. 

Mr. IcHORD. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. McNamara. Mr. Chairman, I have one more question. 

Mr. Tuck. We have a roll call. We can't remain here very long. 

Mr. McNamara. Mr. Lemer, when Mr. Younger was testifying 
yesterday and outlining the steps he would take if he wanted to start 
a riot, he said that he would not go to a city where no progress had 
been made but, on the contrary, he would select one where there had 
been definite improvement of the lot of the Negro. He did mention the 
fact that this might sound surprising to many people. 

I have here a quotation from a study of the Los Angeles Watts riot 
made by some professors of the University of California Depart- 
ment of Sociology and based on what they found it would seem that 
they would agree with Mr. Younger. This is a quotation from their 
report: 

Our data contradict the common notion that those persons who are the most 
deprived will sense the greatest frustrations and express the highest levels of 
discontent. Instead, they support the other common contention that those most 
aggrieved are those who have begun to overcome traditional barriers but who are 
impatient with the yet-existing constraints placed upon them. This point of view 
is well expressed by Pettee : 

[They quote George S. Pettee, The Process of Revolution.] 
"The consciousness of repression leads to discontent only when it is felt unnec- 
essary. This is the reason why a rising class, which is actually becoming con- 
stantly better off objectively, generally rebels most readily, and why the most 
severe repression has so often failed to cause a revolution." 

Would you care to comment on that finding as it is related to the 
view of Mr. Younger? 

Mr. Lbrner. That point of view has been expressed very widely by 
social scientists in recent months as one, explanation for the fact that, 
even though there has been objective improvement in the lot of the 
Negro, there has been a tremendous amount of overt, violent 
aggression. 

I think that there is a great deal of soundness to it. It is consistent, 
by the way, with a classic study in sociology which was done in a differ- 
ent field but which expresses a similar principle, a study which was 
published under the title of "The American Soldier." 

This was large-scale studies of soldiers' attitudes on a wide variety 
of subjects. It was observed regularly that the adjustment to military 
life, feelings about military service, attitudes toward promotion, and 
other characteristics seemed to depend to a significant extent on the 
comparisons which soldiers made with others. Their standards, expec- 
tations, and aspirations seemed to arise from these comparisons. 

For example, Air Corps personnel, whose opportunities for promo- 
tion were substantially greater than those of men in the ground forces, 
nevertheless were more critical of promotion policy than the latter. 



830 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Men in the Air Corps, when comparing themselves with others, ap- 
parently learned to be more highly sensitive to promotions and more 
expectant of them than ground forces personnel. 

(Similarly, it may be reasoned, in recent years Negroes have begun 
to expect more, have been more likely to compare themselves with 
whites, and therefore have experienced greater impatience and resent- 
ment than before.) 

An idea that has been expressed several times during this session, the 
idea that was referred to as relative or comparative deprivation and 
which was brought up during the discussion with Mr. Ichord, was de- 
veloped and used by analysts in that study to explain many of the 
findings. 

However, I think one other point ought to be made about this. To 
those concerned with constructive remedies, simply referring to com- 
parative deprivation does not explain sufficiently the rise in Negro and 
other urban violence. And this is not just a question of the impatience of 
those who have recently begun to taste a change for the better. Nor is 
it simply discontent over what may be felt to be unnecessary repression, 

I think other important elements also are involved. I am not com- 
pletely clear on what these are, but I think the situation should be 
looked at very carefully. For example^ I believe it would be highly 
dangerous to ignore the needs of youth m slums — of all races. In terms 
of job opportunities their lot is worsening, not improving. It would 
be at least equally dangerous to ignore the divisive influences of the 
very small groups of professional agitators and revolutionaries, a num^ 
ber of whom obscure and aggravate the problems with intensification 
of race hatred. And it would be disastrous to overlook the potential 
insurgency implications and the coordination with groups in other 
countries. 

We cannot simply dismiss such matters and say that Negroes have 
more freedom than before, that they have had a taste of the good life, 
and that they want more. Some of that may be true. But we must look 
at the situation more carefully than this, both as scientists and as law- 
makers. 

Mr. Tuck. Mr. Lerner, I might say I share fully the views expressed 
by the gentleman from Missouri to the effect that the responsibility 
for the enforcement of law and suppression of lawlessness rests entirely 
with the locality and the States. The Federal Government has no 
business whatsoever in that area. 

I am also concerned about another one of the long-range recom- 
mendations with respect to this British law. I am afraid that that 
might depend on what I like to think of as our freedom of s'peech. 

The Virginia Bill of Rights, which has been incorporated into the 
Constitution of the United States, says that freedom of the press is one 
of the bulwarks of liberty and therefore all men have a right to speak 
and publish their sentiments on all subjects, being responsible only for 
the abuse of that right. 

Of course, I think it is possible to draw a law dealing with the in- 
citation to riot by someone. Certainly if someone who would be guilty 
of preaching hate would be violating some law to preach hate, I am 
afraid that might impinge on our constitutional liberties. 

Mr. IcHORD. What the chairman is saying — the English under their 
parliamentary system of government can pass such laws very easily; 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 831 

but under the constitutional form of government which we have, where 
you run up against the first amendment rights, freedom of speech, it 
IS extremely difficult to draw an effective law within the meaning of 
the Constitution. 

Mr. Tuck. Even if it were desirable it would not be constitutional. 

Mr. Lerner. Mr. Chairman, I agree that the question should be 
asked in the context of our form of government rather than the par- 
liamentary form and suggest that we ask it and at least one other 
question that was mentioned during the recommendations, in the form 
of a referendum to the Nation. This step certainly would be consistent 
with our tradition and practices. 

Let the people decide whether the situation today is dangerous 
enough, whether the kinds of things we are talking about are in them- 
selves intrinsically dangerous enough, to warrant such laws and such 
limitations, if you will, of freedom of speech. 

We already limit other abuses of speech such as obscenity, libel, and 
contempt. In fact, in criminal libel, even the truth is not always a de- 
fense. And the Supreme Court at one time upheld an Illinois law 
against hate activity in a case involving a white supremacist. There- 
fore, it may be feasible to draw up a constitutional and effective statute 
on ethnic incitement. 

Let us put at least two of the questions which we have raised here 
— (a) legislative control of ethnic hate activities and ^b) emergency 
curtailment of rights by those engaged in subversion — m the form of 
referenda or in the form of an equivalent mechanism for expressing 
the will of the electorate. 

Mr. Tuck. We thank you very much. 

We have a roll call. The committee will stand in recess to meet again 
on the call of the chairman. 

(Whereupon, at 12:15 p.m., Thursday, October 26, 1967, the sub- 
committee recessed, subject to the call of the Chair.) 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, 
AND BURNING 

Part 1 



TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 28, 1967 

United States House of Representatives, 

SuBCOMMrrrEE of the 
Committee on Un-American Activities, 

Washington, D.C. 

PUBLIC HEARINGS 

The subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities met, 
pursuant to recess, at 10 a.m., in Room 311, Cannon House Office Build- 
ing, Washington, D.C, Hon. Edwin E. Willis (chairman) presiding. 

(Subcommittee members: Representatives Edwin E. Willis, of 
Louisiana, chairman; William M. Tuck, of Virginia; Richard H. 
Ichord, of Missouri ; John M, Ashbrook, of Ohio ; and Albert W. Wat- 
son, of South Carolina ; also John C, Culver, of Iowa, in absence of 
Mr. Willis.) 

Subcommittee members present : Representatives Willis, Tuck, and 
Ichord. 

Staff members present : Francis J. McNamara, director ; Chester D. 
Smith, general counsel ; Alfred M. Nittle, counsel ; Donald T. Appell, 
chief investigator ; and William A. Wheeler, investigator. 

The Chairman. The subcommittee will come to order. 

Mayor, will you please stand? 

Do you solemnly swear the testimony you are about to give will be 
the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God ? 

Mayor Yorty. I do. 

The Chairman. Proceed. 

TESTIMONY OF HON. SAM YORTY, MAYOR OF 
LOS ANGELES, CALIF.^ 

Mr. McNamara. Will you state your full name, address, and occupa- 
tion for the record, please ? 
Mayor Yorty. Sam Yorty, Los Angeles, California. 
Mr. McNamara. You are the mayor of Los Angeles ? 
Mayor Yorty. I am. 

1 Mayor Yorty, because of other commitments, was unable to testify during the initial 
phase of the committee's hearings in October. However, because he, like Mr. Evelle J. 
Younger, Mr. Adrian H. Jones, and Mr. Herman D. Lerner, was asked to testify as an 
authority on the subject of subversive Influences In rioting, his testimony is included in 
part 1 of the hearings. 

833 



834 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

The Chairman. Let the record show, as everyone here knows, that 
Mr. Yorty was for a long time a distinguished Member of the House 
from California. 

Mayor Yorty. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

The Chairman. I worked hand in glove with him for years and 
years. I look back with pleasure to those years. 

By the way, Mayor, where is Norris Poulson? He was also a col- 
league of ours. 

Mayor Yorty. Norris Poulson ? 

The Chairman* Yes. 

' Mayor Yorty. He is living down at La Jolla. Unfortunately, he had 
some kind of injury to his voice, and it never cleared up. So, he has a 
very difficult time speaking. Otherwise, he is fine. 

The Chairman. All right, Mr. McNamara. 

Mr. McNamara. Will you give the committee a brief resume of your 
background, please. Mayor? 

Mayor Yorty. Yes. By profession, an attorney at law. . 

I first served in the California Legislature way back in 1936-1940. 

I was an intelligence officer in the Air Force in 1942 to 1945 and 
again in the California Legislature in 1949 and a Member of Congress 
in 1950 to 1954 and mayor of Los Angeles since 1961. 

Mr. McNamara. You referred, Mr. Mayor, to your service in the 
California Legislature in the 1930's. Did your duties in the legislature 
at that time develop in you any particular interest in the subject of 
communism ? 

Mayor Yorty. Yes. Those were the days of, I think, one of the most 
successful united front periods of the Communist Party, U.S.A. They 
had succeeded in infiltrating very heavily into at least one department 
of the State government, the Relief Department. It was so bad that 
I created the first State committee to investigate Un-American Activ- 
ities by my resolution ; of course, the legislature created it but it was my 
resolution, in 1939. 

I was appointed chairman of the committee, and for 2 years we con- 
ducted a rather vigorous investigation which ultimately resulted in 
just abolishing the agency. It was so badly infiltrated we could not 
clean it out. We abolished it and turned the administration of relief 
over to the counties of the State rather than the State. Of course, I 
wrote a report in 1940 of our activities which I will be happy to let you 
have for the committee. 

The Chairman. The report will be received for our files. 

(Document marked "Yorty Exhibit No. 1" and retained in com- 
mittee files.) ^ 

Mr. McNamara. The committee in which you played a leading role 
in organizing. Mayor Yorty, is still existing ; is that not correct ? 

Mayor Yorty. It exists now as a. senate committee, but when I was 
chairman it was a committee of the State assembly. After I left the 
legislature, it became a State senate committee and it has gone on and 
continued its work ; yes. 

Mr. McNamara. Ever since those days in the thirties, have you 
maintained a more than casual interest in the subject of communism? 

Mayor Yorty. Yes. I have maintained an interest in their activities. 
They have certainly maintained an interest in mine. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES EST RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 835 

Mr. McNamara. I would like to state for the record, Mr. Chairman, 
that the committee, as you know, originally hoped to have Mayor 
Yorty testify in the initial phase of our hearings along with Mr. 
Adrian H. Jones, Mr. Herman D. Lerner, and Mr. Evelle J. Younger, 
who testified as authorities on the subject of rioting in general. Un- 
fortunately, Mayor Yorty 'had other commitments at that time and 
could not appear. This is 'the first day on which we have had hearings 
since then that he was free to testify before the committee. 

Mayor Yorty, as mayor of one of the largest cities in the country, 
what, in your opinion, are some of the underlying factors which have 
caused the riots which we have seen take place'in the last few years? 

Mayor Yorty. I would think, Mr. Chairman, that it would be very 
hard in a relative order to name all the factors. But, because of the 
scope of this committee's hearing, I think that it would not be helpful 
to you to dwell at length on the social causes, such as discrimination, 
and upon some of the difficulties suffered by the minority people in 
the economic field, and so forth. 

But I think for this committee I would certainly say that one of the 
factors is the constant repetition of subversive propaganda, the agita- 
tion, and propaganda conducted bj^ the Communist Party within the 
framework of their historic objective to break down the respect for 
government, certainly for law and order, and to personalize, as they 
always do, this objective mainly in the police officer. 

Mr. McNamara. Based on your experience, Mr, Mayor, do you 
believe that these riots which have taken place have been spontaneous 
or planned ? 

Mayor Yorty. I think that there are some of both. I think that there 
has been a broad propaganda campaign to create the right atmosphere 
for a violent opposition to law and order. 

(At this point, Mr. Ashbrook entered the hearing room.) 

The Chairman. What you say with reference to your State, Mayor, 
that what happened in Watts is what occurred with reference to New 
York City— Harlem. An atmosphere certainly was created which was 
ripe for riots. By "created," I mean created by subversive elements. 

Mayor Yorty. I believe that. I think that the propaganda over the 
years has been so constant and at times very effective, at times not quite 
so effective, but over the years it has-been effective so that you create 
an atmosphere where a riot may break out spontaneously, m appear- 
ance, but actually where there has been a great gi'oundwork laid for it. 

I also think there are some riots where subversive forces have ac- 
tually planned, perhaps only a demonstration as far as the general 
participants know, but where subversive elements would plan incidents 
that they would hope would spark a riot. 

Incidentally, at this point, Mr. Chairman, perhaps you would be 
interested in this little folder which we put out in Los Angeles, entitled 
"The Big Lie." This is just a short history of the charge of police 
brutality, mainly in our community, but also nationally. The charge, of 
course, is contained in Communist publications such as The Worker 
and, on the West Coast, the People's World. 

The first one we have listed here, but certainly not the first one where 
the charge has ever been made, is in 1946, called "Police terrorism." 
It says, "Negro is brutally beaten while shopping with family." Now, 



836 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

that is 21 years ago that this was published on the West Coast in the 
People's World. 

Then I think it is interesting to skip up here to a later one, 1964, in 
The Worker. It says, "Police Brutality to Be Detroit Election Issue." 

Then again in 1965, in The Worker., "Negro Lad Is Latest Victim 
in Detroit of Trigger-Happy Cop." 

So, for 21 years, by this little record that we have developed, we have 
had this agitation against the police department to inflame the people 
against the police. 

I think this is part of the background of things that are happening 
in the country today. We have enough of these folders for all the 
members of the committee and the press, if they are interested. 

Mr. McNamara. Mr. Chairman, I would like to request that the 
Mayor Yorty report, "The Big Lie," which he has just described, be 
accepted for the hearing record as Yorty Exhibit No. 2. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. Do you have copies ? 

Mayor Yorty. Yes, sir. 

(Document marked "Yorty Exhibit No. 2" follows :) 



YoRTY Exhibit No. 2 




Inn' -^ 






P-- " Murphy;^ 









Ges,«- 






Charges traded cmzTA coi^ 
•^^^^'i^y^ probes are launched 




and 
-;age 



*''*'' 'Wore «,r^r^ 




iTxU 



'~-":'t.~-^^--' LA., 






(837) 



Oakland cops cry 
'^^ Communist plot' 

■Red' score v^;o bury, 
p,,„„4v,rqesofbrutol.tY 

^i^«l.l>nita/,ty 



i^//. 



838 



YoRTY Exhibit No. 2 — ^Continued 



WHILE PROTECTING YOU 

197 police officers were mur- 
dered by criminals in the United 
States between 1960 and 1964. 

57 police officers were mur- 
dered by criminals in 1964. 

The number of policemen 
murdered annually in the line of 
duty has DOUBLED since 1960. 

18,000 police officers were 
attacked while enforcing the law 
in 1964, or ONE OUT OF EVERY 
10 POLICEMEN IN THE NATION. 

7,738 policemen were phys- 
ically injured in these attacks, or 
ONE OUT OF EVERY 24. 
IN LOS ANGELES 




13 officers have been mur- 
dered in the line of duty in the 
past 13 years, 4 OF THEM IN 
THE LAST 2V2 YEARS. 

In 1964, 592 officers were 
attacked in Los Angeles, or ONE 
OUT OF EVERY 9. 

Since 1952, attacks on Los 
Angeles police officers have IN- 
CREASED 284%, with almost 
similar increases indicated in all 
other large cities. 

The foregoing are facts ob- 
tained from the Federal Bureau 
of Investigation, the Department 
of Justice, and the Los Angeles 
Police Department. 

There are other facts which 
the police officers must accept 
in the course of protecting the 
public. 

Verbal abuse of the police is 
a fact. 



Attacks by self-seeking indi- 
viduals and groups are a fact. 

Citizen apathy is a fact. 

Citizens "not wanting to get 
involved" is a fact. 

Unrealistic paroles of con- 
victed criminals are a fact. (Of 
the 13 policeofficers killed in the 
line of duty in Los Angeles, 8 
were murdered by convicts on 
active parole.) 

Overly technical Supreme 
Court decisions reversing convic- 
tions of even confessed crimin- 
als are a fact. 

And, there is another fact that 
law enforcement agencies must 
accept. 

The police of our nation have 
long been a prime target of the 
Communist Party. 

When Lenin set forth the prin- 
ciples of the Communist revolu- 
tion, dwelling primarily on the 
need to destroy law enforcement 
throughout the world, he recog- 
nized that governments can only 
be overthrown if respect for law 
enforcement is first impaired. 

Writing in "State and Revolu- 
tion" in 1917 (copyright 1932- 
International Publishers, New 
York) Lenin stated: 

"To destroy officialdom imme- 
diately, everywhere, completely 
...to reduce all officialdom to 
naught. ..is the direct and urgent 
task of the revolutionary prole- 
tariat." 

Following this doctrine, the 
Communist Party has continued 
to deal with mass emotional ap- 
peal. Capitalizing on the resist- 
ance of some people to any disci- 
pline, the Communist press has 
seized upon the propoganda- 
loaded phrase... POLICE BRU- 
TALITY, and has led many unsus- 



pecting dupes into helping to 
carry out the Party's poisonous 
program. 

Ignoring Budapest, Warsaw, 
Prague, and other places where 
Communist police have mur- 
dered and imprisoned countless 
innocent victims, the Communist 
press in this country attempts to 
twist every arrest into an act of 
American "police brutality." 
The deceptive and constantly re- 
peated cry is the same in every 
non-Communist country— the 
"Big Lie" technique they have 
used so effectively throughout 
their history. 

ACCORDING TO U.S. NEWS 
(SEPTEMBER 6. 1965): 

In Berkeley in 1964, student 
demonstrators at the University 
of California staged disorders in 
defiance of university authorities 
3nd police. A student "Police 
Brutality Committee" began 
grinding out propaganda before 
the first arrest. Students were 
primed to start chanting "Police 
Brutality" as soon as officers ar- 
rived on the scene. 

"Students were instructed to 
go to the university hospital and 
report injuries. One police official 
reported: 'When the physician on 
duty asked several what they 
were doing there, they replied 
that they didn't know— they were 
there because they were toJd to 
report to the hospital.'" 

"At other hospitals, attend- 
ants treated 'victims' for hoarse- 
ness and headaches and sent 
them home — while five highway 
patrolmen were undergoing 
treatment for actual injuries re- 
ceived at the hands of the rioters. 
One patrolman was hospitalized 
for a week." 



839 



YoRTY Exhibit No. 2 — Continued 



An official of the International 
Association of Police Chiefs, 
Charles E. Moore, told the Senate 
Internal Security Subcommittee 
that the demonstrations at 
Berkeley were a classic example 
of techniques used by Commu- 
nists to "destroy the public con- 
fidence in the police— when they 
destroy the symbol of authority 
and of the laws, you bring about 
anarchy." 

As long ago as May, 1941, the 
Daily Peoples World carried a 
story attacking the Los Angeles 
Police Department for "brutal- 
ity" and "picket line crashing" 
during some strikes. The story 
reported that a "delegation" 
called on then Mayor Fletcher 
Bowron to protest these alleged 
actions by police. 

The delegation included a 
number of persons identified in 
House Un-American Activities 
Committee fiearings as Commu- 
nists, and I or members of nurr>- 
erous organizations cited by that 
and other investigating commit- 
tees as Communist or Commu- 
nist-front organizations. 




The communist press in the 
United States is constantly seiz- 
ing upon the arrests of any mem- 
ber of a minority group as mate- 
rial for headline attacks on the 
police. After the initial stories, 
they follow up with emotional 
appeals, "committees for jus- 
tice" for whoever the arrestee 
may be. They then arrange com- 
munity protest meetings, etc. 

It is important to note that a 
search of back issues of commu- 
nist papers in this country failed 
to turn up a single report of po- 
lice officers being killed in the 
line of duty. 

The obvious question arises: 
Is every charge of "police bru- 
tality" inspired by the commu- 
nists? The answer is "no," but 
the communist distort, magnify 
and seize upon every such 
charge, valid or not, in order to 
carry on their propaganda war 
against our protectors. Of course, 
every police department in the 
country receives some val id com- 
plaints of police misconduct 
made by sincere citizens. The 
Los Angeles Police Department 
itself metes out harsh discipline 
to officers found guilty of any 
misconduct. So does the County 
Sheriff's Department. Seven 
deputy sheriffs were recently dis- 
charged for alleged mistreat- 
ment of some prisoners who- 
were charged with injuring a fel- 
low deputy. 

The true facts are ignored by 
the .communists and malcon- 
tents. Their concern is with util- 
izing charges to cause a maxi- 
mum corrosive effect on both 
public opinion and the law en- 
forcement agencies. The impor- 
tant thing to them is that through 



a constant barrage of attacks and 
repetition of claims, the public's 
confidence in their police may 
be impaired, and the officers' 
morale damaged. These are the 
ends toward which they work, 
and in which they are too often 
unintentionally aided by indivi- 
duals and groups whose motives 
are honest, but whose facts are 
wrong. 

The effect on the pol ice officer, 
the citizen's first line of defense 
against criminal elements, has 
been demoralizing. 

Captain William Beall of the 
Berkeley Police said: "A police- 
man dreads the moment when 
someone will yell 'brutality.' 
That charge robs him of his dig- 
nity. It takes away everything 
he is trying to do — what he 
believes in." 

In Washington, D.C. on August 
26, 1965, Senate Democratic 
Leader Mike Mansfield decried 
the "loose charge of police bru- 
tality" and stated, "The police 
are not privileged to take sides 
or discriminate as among laws. 
Their job is to uphold the laws 
and, on the whole, they do an 
excellent job." 

Statements like the. foregoing 
made by one of the nation's lead- 
ing lawmakers; expressions of 
confidence from those who im- 
plement those laws; and a sprin- 
kling of posters and bumper 
stickers announcing "Suport 
Your Local Police" are not 
enough to overcome deleterious 
effects of the waves of anti-police 
propaganda which have been 
flooding the country in recent 
years. 

The destructive nature of this 



32-955 O — 69 — pt. 1- 



840 



YoRTY Exhibit No. 2 — Continued 



propaganda must be understood 
by the public-, understood and 
recognized for what it is; and 
what it is intended to accomplish. 
The list of results is impressive. 
For example: 

Police departments every- 
where are finding is almost im- 
possible to recruit men for what 
appears to be a thankless job. 
Resignations are becoming more 
frequent, and fewer experienced 
men are continuing on the job 
after reaching minimum retire- 
ment requirements. 

Police "brutality" is being 
blamed for almost every riot and 
violent demonstration. This was 
particularly true of Los Angeles 
in 1965, where an attempt by 
State Highway Patrol officers to 
arrest a man for alleged drunken 
driving touched off a riot. Al- 
though the man whose arrest 
caused the riot pleaded guilty to 
the drunk-driving charge, the 
communist press here and 
abroad used the riot to hammer 
away at asserted "police brutal- 
ity." The Communist line called 
for pinning the blame for the riot 
on the police instead of the law- 
less elements who attacked 
policemen, firemen, and their 
fellow citizens while burning and 
stealing their property. 

Police personnel whose efforts 
are needed to enforce the laws 
are being forced to spend count- 
less hours reporting, investigat- 
ing or answering charges of "mis- 
conduct"— most of them base- 
less. Many of the complaints boil 
down to a "hard stare" from an 
officer, or "the officer's tone of 
voice." 

Courts, sitting in judgment 
on even the most brutal and 



hardened criminals; child kill- 
ers, rapists, narcotic peddlers, 
seem to go out of their way to 
take note of the slightest hint of 
even technical mistakes by the 
police. 

Officials everywhere are con- 
cerned that the quality of law 
enforcement will decline in the 
face of these continued attacks 
on the person, character and ef- 
fectiveness of police officers. 
Deputy Commissioner Joseph G. 
Martin of New York City said; 
"The eager, dedicated young po- 
liceman starts out at a trot. Then 
this kind of thing slows him down 
to a walk. Finally you find him 
dragging his feet — he doesn't 
know where he stands, so he does 
nothing." 

This may be a little exagger- 
ated—but the danger that it can 
become literally factual is in- 
creasing. Toa policeman, EVERY 
arrest presents a danger either 
to his person or his character. 
The physical danger he accepts 
as part of the job, but he should 
not be subjected to thoughtless 
ridicule and public indifference 
toward his efforts to do his job. 

And, although a concentrated 
attempt is being made to make 
the people believe otherwise, the 
Los Angeles Police Department 
has the machinery to see that the 
police officer does his job prop- 
erly. Complaints are exhaustively 
investigated, by the department 
itself, sometimes by the District 
Attorney or the F.B.I. Verified 
cases, including "discourteous 
language" and "hard stares," as 
well as those alleging "excessive 
force," are dealt with according 
to the severity of the incident. 




To all well administered police 
departments, self-examination, 
self-disciplining and self-correc- 
tion are a never-ending pursuit. 
In order to enforce the law, they 
know that their own record must 
be kept clean, and although they 
use every method to keep it so, 
blemishes occur. The real ones 
they cut away; the imagined and 
manufactured ones are a prob- 
lem for all citizens. We must help 
in the search for truth and the 
exposure of falsity. 



841 



YoRTY Exhibit No. 2 — Continued 



Reports from everywhere show 
that crime is continuing to in- 
crease at an alarming rate. In 
order to keep up with it, the po- 
lice departments of the world 
must seek more and better men. 
Better methods are developed 
by better men. It is an evolution- 
ary cycle, with the hoped-for end 
result being more and better pro- 
tection for the citizen. Under at- 
tack from the criminal and from, 
those who would destroy their 
dignity and character, the law 
enforcement officers neverthe- 
less doggedly provide the public 
with protection of their persons 
and property. They provide the 
first line of defense of our con- 
stitutional rights. 

If we are to expect and accept 
that protection, we must also ac- 
cept our responsibility to those 
who protect us' This responsibil- 
ity entails an awareness of the 
problems and dangers our law 
enforcement officers face every 
day and night on our behalf. 

It calls for our confidence in 
them; in their ability and deter- 
mination to enforce the law with- 
out discrimination or prejudice; 
and in their tireless efforts to dis- 
cipline themselves in the face of 
constant, often planned, provo- 
cation. 

Above all, we must be alert to 
the fact that manufactured 
charges and the "Big Lie" are not 
only a real danger to our system 
of law enforcement, but a very 
real threat to the free world. 

SAM YORTY, MAYOR 
City of Los Angeles 



8 >artll-WED., MAR.?. 1966 IW> flngtlrt WmW 3* 

Yorty Strikes Back at 
Criticism by Lawyer 

Points Out That Defense Attorney's View 
Differs From That of Enforcement Officials 

BT GENE BLAKE 



Mayor Samuel W. Yorty 
itruck back Tuesday at 
noted attorney Joseph A. 
Ball, who had assailed the 
mayor for his criticism of 
recent court decisions in 
criminal cases. 

■Mr. Ball does not have 
the responsibility for en- 
forcing the laws in an ur- 
ban center so he is not an 
authority on our law en- 
forcement problems," Yor- 
ty said. 

'A defense attorney is 
not apt to have the same 
attitude toward unwar^ 
ranted technical reversals' 
as those ot us who have t5 
enforce the laws' ~ 

Yorty said riall, a past 
president of the State Bar 
and chairman of the 
American Civil Liberties 
Union lawyers division 
here, 'defends accused 
persons before the judges 
whoe* decisions he seeks 
to defend by attacking me 
penonally." 



Ball sa'j Monday that 
Yorty's assertions the deci- 
sions are contributing to 
increased crime are 'ab- 
surd." 

The Long Beach attor- 
ney also said Yorty's 'irre- 
sponsible remarks" are un- 
just, not based on fact or 
reason and are undermhi- 
Ing public confidence in 
the courts. 

But Yorty said Ball ap- 
parently agrees with his 
position relative to "many 
of the decisions reversing 
convictions of confessed 
criminals on technicalities 
where there has been no 
miscarriage of justice.* 

This referred to Ball's 
view of the Dorado case, 
which held confessions in- 
admissible if the defen- 
dant had not been warned 
of his right to counsel and 
to remain silent 

Ball said that while he 
agrees with the fairness of 
the procedure as being a 



'prophyUctlc against coer- 
cion,* h* does not beltev* 
It to be a matter of consti- 
tutional right requiring 
reversals. 

"Some of the decisions 
which have caused the 
most difficulty," Yorty 
pointed out, 'were split de- 
cisions with the justices 
themselves divided and 
critical of each others' opi- 
nions." 

Criminal t rials Yorty 
rpiti»ra,t<Kl «hniilri h> m 
search for truth and not a 
game in wh ich lawvers for 

fiiiltv ■ rriminaH nhlfljn 

technical reversals of con- 
virtinns 

"The puhlif ha. « riyht 
to be interested in the ad- 
mLnistraUon of iiintlc^ ' hn 
said. 'It is not a privaM 
preserve for criminal law- 



OlA^'*^- ^ 



i 




842 



YoRTY Exhibit No. 2 — Continued 





, J •OS-ACf 
PAID 



Mayor Yorty 
Reports 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 843 

Mayor Yorty. I am sure if one had more time you could go back to 
the early statements of Lenin — I have forgotten the exact quote, but I 
think he said the police are the last bulwark of the bourgeoisie, and 
the application of the propaganda against the police department fol- 
lows strictly party lines. 

Mr. Tuck. Mayor Yorty, have you found that the decision of the 
courts and several Federal laws in respect to law enforcement have had 
a tendency to impede or hamper the police in the enforcement of the 
law? 

Mayor Yorty. We are very handicapped, not by any laws that you 
have passed, but by the reinterpretation, really the rewriting of the 
Constitution by the United States Supreme Court, in the exclusionary 
rule of evidence, the rules of search and seizure, registration of known 
criminals, and so forth; law enforcement has become increasingly 
diiRcult. 

The young police officer in many cases is very uncertain as to what 
his rights are in enforcing a law. We are sort of in a transitory period 
where we are going to have to get some settled rules so that the police 
officer will known what his rights are and what the citizen's rights 
are and not be so unc^irtain as to just what he can do. 

Mr. McNamara. Mr. Mayor, you have referred to the earlier works 
of Lenin where he emphasized the necessity of smashing the state 
machinery. 

(At this point, Mr. Watson entered the hearing room.) 

Mr. McNamara. He referred specifically to the police as a part of 
the state machinery which the Communists and the workers must 
smash. I believe you mentioned, did you not, that the work you had in 
mind was "Stat-e and Revolution" ; is that correct? 

Mayor Yorty. No, but I think that quote is from that one, about 1917. 

Mr. McNamara. I think it is of interest, Mr. Chairman, that in 
addition to his "State and Revolution'' statement, Lenin in 1902, in 
"What Is To Be Done," made the following statement. He complained 
about the fact that the Russian workers "as yet display so little 
revolutionary activity in connection with the brutal way in which the 
police maltreat the people." 

Then he went on to say of the Communist, "he must be able to group 
all these manifestations" — that is, manifestations of tyranny and op- 
pression — "into a single picture of police violence and capitalist 
exploitation." 

These quotations certainly verify the statement made by Mayor 
Yorty to the effect that these headlines and the agitation which has 
been carried on in this country throughout the years in various cities 
by Communist elements go back to the basic teachings of Ivenin. 

Mayor Yorty. That is correct. I know myself of no period in our 
history where the campaign against the police has been quite as effec- 
tive as it is today. 

I notice, Mr. Chairman, that before a House Appropriations Sub- 
committee, John Edgar Hoover said on February 16, 1967 : 

The cumulative effect of almost 50 years of Communist Party activity in the 
United States cannot be minimized, for it has contributed to disrupting race rela- 
tions in this country and has exerted an insidious influence on the life and times 
of our Nation. As a prime example, for years it has been Communist policy to 
charge "police brutality" in a calculated campaign to discredit law enforcement 



844 SUBVERSIVE D^TLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

and tx) accentuate racial issues. The riots and disorders of the past 3 years clearly 
highlight the success of this Communist smear campaign in popularizing the cry 
of "police brutality" to the point where it has been accepted by many individuals 
having no aflBliation with or sympathy for the Communist movement. 

So, we have a pretty good authority there, I would say, certainly the 
best in the world, on the effectiveness of this campaign against the 
police. 

Another statement before the Appropriations Subcommittee, which 
I am certain that you all recall, was made by Mr. Hoover on February 
10, 1966. He said : 

At a still higher level, the national headquarters of the party, on August 15, 
1965, instructed the southern California party district to prepare articles concern- 
ing the riots for early publication in The Worker, an east coast Communist news- 
paper. Special efforts were to be made to play up the "police brutality" angle. 
Major portions of subsequent issues of The Worker and People's World, a west 
coast Communist newspaper, were devoted to the uprising in Los Angeles and its 
aftermath. Each article faithfully followed the line set by party headquarters. 

Mr. McNamara. Mayor Yorty, were police brutality charges made in 
your city during the Watts riot ? 

Mayor Yorty. Yes. An attempt was made, of cx)urse, to blame the 
police for the rioting. This led to my unpleasant confrontation with 
Dr. Martin Luther King. We had always welcomed him to our city on 
previous occasions and tried to work with him in the field of civil 
rights. But, during the aftermath of the rioting, he rushed out to Los 
Angeles and in a private meeting wuth some of his aides and our chief 
of police, Mr. William Parker, he began to blame the police for the 
rioting. 

I pointed out t;0 him that the police department of Los Angeles is 
run by a civilian commission ; they are actually the head of the depart- 
ment. I also pointed out to him that three of the five members were from 
minority ^oups and, also, that one of the persons at the meeting with 
Dr. Martin Luther King was the father of a member of the police 
commission. 

But he persisted in arguing that the police were to blame for the 
rioting. Then he went out and got before the cameras and newspapers 
and made that same charge. I felt it necessary to answer that charge 
and to tell him that it was very unfair for him to come out to Los 
Angeles and try to blame the police for the rioting. 

Mr. McNamara. Your exhibit. Mayor, and various items that we 
have read in the Communist press over the years indicate that many 
charges of brutality have been made against the police in Los Angeles, 
as in the case of other cities. 

Will you tell the committee whether or not any police officei-s in Los 
Angeles, since you have been mayor, have been dismissed for brutality ? 

Mayor Yorty. I don't know of any case where an officer has had to 
be dismissed for brutality. 

We, of course, investigate every charge that is made to us of police 
brutality, first within the department, and then I have instructed our 
civilian police commission that if people are not satisfied with the 
action of the department that they can ask the commission to hold a 
hearing. 

I think the best example of the big lie teclinique was the case where 
one of the newspapers in Los Angeles, not a Communist newspaper, 
but one that circulates only in the Negro area, had a picture of two 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 845 

little girls who looked like twins on the front page with an inflam- 
matory story saying that they had befen arrested in front of their class- 
mates and dragged out, I think handcuffed, in front of their class. I 
made an investigation of this myself, and it wasn't at all true. 

I won't bore you with a lot of details that are not necessary to make 
the point, but the little girls had been, through some good police work 
identifying people, had been in a restaurant, were brought into the 
principal's office, and they were asked if they had been in the restau- 
rant and they said "yes" and that their brother, and so forth, was there. 
So, the police went and got the brother, and he took the police to where 
he had thrown out a billfold, and mainly a passport, which was what 
was worrying the victims — they were Mexican citizens and they had 
lost their passports. 

The story was so different from that which appeared in the paper 
that I ordered — not ordered, but I told the police commission that I 
felt that they should hold a hearing on this matter so that the public 
could get the truth. Those who were involved in making these charges 
themselves requested that we not hold the hearing. This is rather 
typical. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. I think you make the point in your report — isn't the 
key factor here that the people who are making these charges don't 
care about the truth ? Time and time again they make these accusations 
and allegations and the facts might be totally contrary to what you are 
saying. . 

Here you are in a position as a responsible public official having to 
investigate every charge and every allegation. Don't you come to the 
conclusion, as most of us do, that these people do not care about the 
truth ? The truth is not in them, and it is an attempt to rile up the pub- 
lic, to play on the humanitarian instincts of good and right-thinking 
people, but when you get down to it they don't care about the truth. 

Mayor Yorty. I think yes ; you are correct. There are many people 
who make these charges whose motives are to discredit the police 
department and to carry on the so-called Communist struggle cam- 
paign, creating every struggle that they can so that in a cumulative 
way they break down respect for the law enforcement officials and, of 
course, eventually they hope to break down the ability of our Govern- 
ment to operate. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. You have a high standard as a public official, and 
they don't have the same standard. And you are fighting an uphill 
battle with your standards, trying to compete in the minds of the pub- 
lic and public opinion when they don't have the same standard and 
they don't mind using lies, smears, and everything else. 

It is a terrible battle in every one of our cities that you and other 
mayors have to wage, and we certainly commiserate with your prob- 
lem. We recognize what it is. 

Mayor Yorty. You are right. 

Getting back to the specific case of the two little girls, for instance, 
I am sure that the facts of the case were never published, so that the 
public got only one side. Unfortunately, the nature of news is that it is 
usually negative. The bizarre makes more news than the everyday hard 
work of law enforcement. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. Isn't it also the fact that when a charge is made you 
never fully convince everybody it is not true ? There are always going 



846 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

to be some people who think there was some substance to it and if you 
add enough of these over a period of time the big lie technique, as you 
say, is successful. 

Mayor Yorty. It is successful. There is a tendency on the part of 
most people who do not understand subversive agitation or propa- 
ganda, to say, "Well, where there is smoke, there must be some fire." 

Mr. AsHBROOK. Yes. 

Mayor Yorty. And the subversives keep up such a drumfire of these 
charges that there is no chance for the truth ever to catch up, and 
innocent people are misled. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. This is what this committee continually runs into. 
And the American people, to their credit, think from the high stajid- 
ards that you do and they cannot possibly contemplate that there are 
people who do not operate on the principles of truth^ and so forth. 

Mayor Yorty. I think you have made a very important point, 
Congressman. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. You have the problem ; we have the same problem. 
The average good American just does not want to think that there are 
people in their midst who subvert, lie, deceive. 

Mayor Yorty. They simply do not understand communism or the 
Communist Party and the way it operates and, of course, your job has 
been made increasingly difficult over the years. 

We badly need now for people to understand the Communist Party 
and its apparatus. They are not getting the information, and I think 
that for the protection of our country they must get it. I certainly feel 
that the inquiry that you are conducting now is of extreme importance 
because perhaps you can dramatize the issue enough to get some atten- 
tion to it. 

The Chairman. Yes, Mayor, but, as you may suspect, I was just told 
this morning that there are certain elements in the press, which should 
know better, who are lambasting the committee for conducting these 
very hearings. 

Mayor Yorty. Well, of course, that is to be expected 

The Chairman. I told them on TV this morning : They don't want 
any part of me; I don't want any part of them. They don't like me; 
I detest them. There is nothing we can do that will ever be right in 
their eyes. 

Mayor Yorty. The public has been conditioned to feel that the 
charge of communism is some kind of smear on innocent people. Now. 
if you call a Communist a Communist, that is immediately called 
McCarthyism, and ever since the days of Senator McCarthy this has 
been the first cry that goes up. ^ 

So, the public, I don't think, is capable of differentiating between 
a charge that a Communist is a Communist and a charge that some- 
body who is not a Communist may be a radical, and there is a vast 
difference, of course. But we have to overcome that, and I think your 
committee through the methods that you employ can, with the per- 
sistent hard work that you have to do, overcome it. 

I think under your predecessor, Tad Walter, we came a long ways 
because of the care yon have used in protecting witnesses against loose 
charges. But there has been, there is no question about it, an atmosphere 
in the country that when you say a Communist is a Communist or that 
a certain demonstnition was planned by the Communists and carried 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 847 

out by them, then you immediately have to say, "Well, I am not saying 
that everybody in the parade or in the demonstration was a Com- 
munist," because otherwise they will accuse you of saying everyone 
was a Communist when the innocent dupes in many cases are not; they 
are just used. 

I do think the time has come when this committee needs ix) do the 
very job that you are doing. 

There is another thing that disturbs me. The constant effort to get a 
detente with Russia in the international field seems to more or less 
paralyze the executive branch of the Government in their exposure and 
combating of domestic Communists. 

So, we find Premier Kosygin constantly berating the United States, 
calling us imperialists and other names, but no retort of a similar mag- 
nitude from our side. So, it is a one-sided deal in the international field 
in our constant hope that Russia will help us get out of the Vietnam 
war if we are just nice to them. 

I think all of these things are having a cumulative effect of condi- 
tioning our people until they have lost their understanding of the true 
effectiveness of Communist agitation and propaganda. 

Mr. McNamara. Mayor Yorty, would it be correct to summarize 
your answer to my last question — when we were discussing police bru- 
tality — by saying that many charges have been made against police 
in Los Angeles, that these have all been investigated and, to your 
knowledge, not a single policeman has been dismissed because of a veri- 
fication of charges of brutality against him ? 

Mayor Yorty. I wouldn't want to go so far as to say that no police- 
man has ever been guilty of brutality, and if we catch one we certainly 
fire him. But I know of none as a result of rioting in 1965. 

I will say because of the way we select our police officers, the training 
they have, the restraints we use on them, that the major problem is 
brutality to police on the part of citizen groups. 

Mr. McNamara. Mr. Mayor, on the same point, I would like to quote 
a paragraph from a release made by your office on May 27, 1966, and 
ask you if you would like to make any comment on it, and this is rela- 
tive to the spreading of police brutality charges and constant agitation 
against the police : 

"In Los Angeles, where the hate-spreaders have been most active, attacks on 
police officers have increased 284% since 19.52, and 13 have been murdered in the 
line of duty. Now, the Progressive Labor Party handbill" — 

You were referring to a handbill put out by the Peking Communist- 
oriented Progressive Labor Party at the time — 

"calls for ALL police to be 'wiped out.' Just where does the right of free speech 
begin and end?" the Mayor asked. 

Would you car© to make a further comment on that statement you 
made in 1966? 

Mayor Yorty. Only to say that I think it is just as true in 1967. This 
is a very serious question, especially the delineation between the area 
of free speech and the area of actually inciting riot and insurgency. 

Of course. Chief William Parker and I went before our State legis- 
lature and tried to get the legislature to enact a law making it a crime 
to incite to riot. We did that because under our State laws we had no 
authority at the local level. The field had been preempted. 



848 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

We went up to the legislature with a draft of a State law that we felt 
would be helpful to us and helpful to the situation. We got a law pro- 
hibiting inciting to riot, but after a couple of amendments it was 
useless. The amendments said that we had to prove intent to cause 
a riot and also that there had to be not only a clear and present danger 
but the legislature added the word "immediate." So you had to prove 
an intent to cause a riot and immediate danger. 

We know of no way to prove immediate danger unless the riot 
ensues, and if the riot ensues we don't need the act. We have other 
statutes governing riots, and so forth. 

I do have an interesting report here from our city attorney analyz- 
ing this legislation as proposed and as finally enacted that might be 
useful to people in some other cities and States who are interested in 
this problem. It is from the very able attorney in the city of Los An- 
geles, Mr. Amebergh. 

(Document marked "Yorty Exhibit No. 3" and retained in com- 
mittee files.) 

Mr. McNamara. Would it be your recommendation, Mr. Mayor, that 
this should be handled on the local — city or State — ^level or the Federal 
level? Would you recommend Federal legislation in this area? 

Mayor YoRnr. I think you have to take whatever action you can at 
every level. I don*t think trying to maintain law and order is just a 
matter for any one level of government. If we had authority at the 
city level to enact the legislation as we proposed to the legislature, I 
am sure that our city council would do it. We don't have the authority 
so we go to the State. Of course, where people move across State lines, 
then you have the basis, I think, for Federal legislation. 

Mr. McNamara. It is my understanding, Mayor, that you had 
planned to introduce as an exhibit a publication entitled Day of Pro- 
test^ Night of Violence, published by the ACLU,^ in reference to this 
general matter we have been discussing in reference to Los Angeles. 

Mayor Yorty. Yes. This is a publication put out after the Presi- 
dent appeared in Los Angeles and where I feel you had what I would 
call a manipulated mob that turned into — whether I would want to 
term that a riot or not, I am not sure, but it was very close to it. 

Mr. McNamara. That was on June 23d of this year? 

Mayor Yorty. When the President appeared in the city of Los An- 
geles. Of course, some elements of the manipulated riot were certainly 
present. The police permit for the so-called parade was issued to a per- 
son who has been identified as a Communist. 

The police commission actually did not want to issue the oermit 
because it felt that we were opening the door to the very sorjt of thing 
that happened. The city attorney ruled that we had to issue the 
permit ; we had no choice. 

Mr. McNamara. This permit, Mr. Mayor, was issued for a parade in 
front of the hotel, is that right, where the President was speaking? 

Mayor Yorty. It was to start in a park. They had authority to come 
up to the hotel. I have forgotten whether they were under that permit 
permitted to come in front of the hotel. I believe they were; yes. 

Mr. McNamara. The purpose of this parade and demonstration was 
to protest the war in Vietnam ; is that correct ? 

Mayor Yorty. That was the stated purpose; yes. But I would say 
that again j^ou have to look in the background. The war in Vietnam 

'American Civil Liberties Union of Soutliern California report (July 1967). 



SUBVERSIVE ESTFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 849 

just happens to be the current issue that the Communists use to try to 
cause citizens to confront policemen and to defy them. 

I would say in the real background is the Communist Party's move- 
ments to attempt to break down law and order. Of course, as far as the 
war in Vietnam goes, that is the current issue that I think has been the 
most successful of any that they have been able to use in the past. They 
have created a highly emotional situation. They are far more effective 
now than they were, sayj in 1940. In 1940, the slogans were about the 
same. The peace delegations were the same and the same motivation. 

But in 1940, of course, they were accusing the allies of conducting an 
imperialist war, Britain and France on May Day 1940, Flag Day, when 
Paris surrendered. But in those days, of course, Russia was an ally of 
Hitler. So, the allies were the imperialists, and Roosevelt was called 
all kinds of names. ; 

Strangely enough, in California, in that year, a peace delegation was 
also formed, as is being formed now, and Roosevelt was denounced in 
about the same way that President Johnson is now being denounced by 
the peace delegation formed. 

I notice in my report written in 1940 1 said : 

The Communists are today finding themselves exposed by their necessary 
fidelity to the rapidly changing whims of Comrade Stalin, Czar of all the Com- 
munists. In California, upon finding themselves in this position, and thus im- 
able to continue to work as Democrats, they were recently forced to arrange 
for the filing of an independent slate of Democratic Convention delegates, nomi- 
nally pledged to Lieutenant Governor Ellis E. Patterson — ^a slate which used as 
its slogan one borrowed directly and totally from an oflBcial Communist May 
Day pamphlet which said in part : 

"We, the working people, must promote the building of a new mass party of 
the people — a broad peace party that will fight for us — only through such an anti- 
imperialist people's front and party — can we best advance our fight for JOBS, 
SECURITY, DEMOCRACY, AND PEACE." 

That was in 1940. 

I think in 1940 their propaganda and their peace slate would have 
been more successful except for the fact that we were not actually 
fighting. So, today, because we are fighting in Vietnam, they are more 
effective. 

I was very much surprised the other day to read an account of a 
statement in the Strike for Peace ^ in which this woman said that the 
demonstrations and the dissent here in the United States are a second 
front. Certainly, that is true, but I am surprised that she would 
say it. 

Mr. McNamara. I might point out. Mayor, that the Vietnam 
Courier, which is published in Hanoi, has made the same statement, 
that there are two fronts against the United States todaj^, one in Viet- 
nam and the other one here in our cities, and it was referring specifical- 
ly to the riots. 

But going back to this demonstration in Los Angeles on June 23d 
of this year, is it your recollection that the person who applied for 
the permit for that parade was Don Healey ? 

Mayor Yorty. That is correct. He is the former husband of one of 
the leaders of the Communist Party in California, Dorothy Healey, an 
openly admitted Communist over the years. 

Don Healey, back in the days of the united fronts, when they in- 
filtrated the Democratic Party in California, in 1936 and 1940, was 



850 SUBVEKSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

the head of Labor's Nonpartisan League. It was quite a bit later be- 
fore he was identified as a Communist. 

Mr. McNamara. In reference to this publication, would you care 
to describe for the committee, Mr. Mayor, its general content ? 

Mayor Yorty. It is a highly inflammatory account of what hap- 
pened on June 23d, attempting, of course, to put the whole blame on 
the police for the violence that ensued. I do have this copy with me, 
Mr. McNamara, if the committee would like to look at it. 

Mr. McNamara. We would like to have it. 

(Document marked "Yorty Exhibit No. 4" and retained in com- 
mittee files.) 

Mr. McNamara. Can you tell me this, Mayor? This demonstration 
was primarily and allegedly a demonstration against the war in Viet- 
nam. 

Does this book w^hich you have just turned over to the committee 
emphasize or accentuate the racial issue ? 

Mayor Yorty. I would say, on the whole, it is not so much the racial 
issue in that publication. It is an attempt to involve a broader spectrum 
of the public against the police. 

The police also told me that they felt that as they tried to get the 
crowd back, to move them back so they could not carry out the threat 
of rushing into the hotel where the President was, and so forth, that 
they felt that the hard-core manipulators of the mob probably were at 
the back holding the mob in toward the police so that the dupes were 
more in the front and therefore could say the police used force on 
them and they could not get out. 

They didn't know that the manipulators were blocking them in so 
they could not get out and forcing them against the police officers. 

Mr. McNamara. Am I correct in my recollection. Mayor, that what 
happened on this occasion was that a permit had been granted for 
this group — I believe it was some 10,000 people all told that turned 
out — to parade past the hotel where the President was speaking and 
that when they reached the hotel, instead of continuing on the march, 
some elements in the front stopped short, creating a ganging-up of 
all these demonstrators in front of the hotel, and then, because this 
was in violation of the permit, the police werQ directed to disperse the 
crowd ? It was then, as you say, that the police have indicated to you 
that the hard-core agitators got behind the crowd so that they could 
not be dispersed by the police. This, of course, led to clashes. 

Mayor Yorty. Of course, I feel myself from the very inception of 
the planning of this demonstration that the Communists involved in it 
and the hard-core subversives were hoping to manipulate the mob so 
as to cause violence. Of course, I don't have to tell the members of 
this conmiittee this is their constant purpose. It is part of what they 
call the struggle movement. 

The best description of struggle movements I have seen in a long 
time is i'n the book called Viet Cong, written by a man named Pike ^ 
who worked for .our Embassy, I think, in Saigon, who made a great 
study of the Viet Cong. He points out in the early days of the Com- 
munist struggle movement they would try to get the people even to 
protest like t^e location of a school or the location of a post office or 



^ Douglas Pike, Viet Cong: The Organization and Techniques of the National Liberation 
Front of South Vietnam (Cambridge : MIT Press, 1966). 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 851 

something like that because, to the Communists, any attempt to orga- 
nize the people and to take part in any kind of cause that results in a 
struggle against authority is useful for their purposes. 

I think this is one thmg that our people don't understand, when 
you say that the Communists are involved in something, say, like the 
erection of a public building in a city and it may be where they can 
make a cry that you are destroying a park or something like that. To 
the general public it sounds a bit absurd to say there is a subversive 
influence in this, but they don't understand the Communist theory of 
the struggle. It is any kind of dispute that the Communists can get 
in and infiltrate and make contacts and cause confrontations with the 
Government where people can be called corrupt. Anything that dis- 
credits authority, they will do. 

We have a constant series of struggles in this country, all the time 
conducted, of course, in most cases by legitimate and sincere people 
who will never understand that they have become part of the struggle. 

Mr, McNamara. There was a direct confrontation, am I right, on 
June 23 in Los Angeles on the occasion of this demonstration we have 
just referred to? 

Mayor Yorty. Yes ; to protect the President and enforce the law, the 
police had to resort to some physical force. 

Mr. McNamara. Is it not a fact, Mayor, that the demonstration on 
that day was sponsored and organized by the Peace Action Council ? 

Mayor Yorty. That is correct. 

Mr. McNamara. Mr. Chairman, I would like to state for the record 
that the chairman of the Peace Action Council is Irving Samoff, who 
was a witness before this committee on September 5, 1958, and who 
invoked the fifth amendment in response to various questions concern- 
ing Communist Party membership and activity. 

The committee in its report on the Southern California District of 
the Communist Party identified SamoflF as a member of the district 
council. Communist Party, Southern California District. It also indi- 
cated that he had been active in earlier years in various Communist 
youth organizations, American Youth for Democracy, the Labor Youth 
League, and so forth. He attended conventions, as a delegate, of the 
Southern California District of the Communist Party. 

Mayor Yorty. I notice, Mr. McNamara, that in my same report — I 
gave you a copy of that 1940 report, didn't I ? 

Mr. McNamara. Yes. 

Mayor Yorty. That there is one reference here to the Communists 
trying to organize the Negro citizens. It is a quote that I made from a 
Communist Party Manual on Organization. This is their own docu- 
ment. It says : 

Who are the allies of the American working class? The Open Letter, adopted 
by the Central Committee in July, 1933, very clearly answers this question. 

Their open letter says : 

The main task of the Party in its work among agrarian toilers is, above all, the 
organization of the agricultural wage workers, organizing them into the trade 
unions and the Party, organizing and leading strikes of the agricultural workers 
for better wages and working conditions. Such strikes, in many places, have 
already played an important part in the development of the farmers' move- 
ment. * ♦ * 

The other important ally of the American proletariat is the mass of 13,000,000 
Negro people * * ♦. 



852 SUBVERSIVE mFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

The Party can stand at the head of the national revolutionary struggle of the 
Negro masses against American imperialism only if it energetically carries 
through the following tasks : 

"The Party must mobilize the masses for the struggle for equal rights of the 
Negroes and for the right of self-determination for the N^roes in the Black 
Belt. * * *" 

I think this is a good example of where the Communists try to take 
advantage of a movement in the country, and they call it a struggle, 
infiltrate and then turn it into a confrontation between the Govern- 
ment and the people in a manner where they can manipulate it and 
help the Communist Party. 

. I think it is rather apparent that over the long years the Negro 
people did not prove very susceptible to Communist propaganda and 
a^tation and showed a high degree of resistance, which certainly most 
still do. That is obvious from the fine performance of the Negro sol- 
diers in Vietnam ; it is really excellent. 

But I do think that in the civil rights movement today there is a 
growing success on the part of the Communist apparatus to manipulate 
some of the organizations. I think the places visited by some of the 
so-called leaders of Negro organizations recently would indicate more 
success than they have achieved in the past, the Communists have 
achieved, in influencing some segments of the Negro people. 

Now, Wallace Terry, who is a writer for Time magazine, and a 
Negro, recently referred to some of these people, in a statement he 
made in Los Angeles, as self-appointed leaders without constituencies, 
and was very critical of them. 

Mr, McNamara. Do you have any comment to make, Mayor, on the 
manner in which some of these self-appointed leaders have been built 
up? 

Mayor Yorty. Yes. 

It is the feeling of Negro leaders — real Negro leaders like Wallace 
Terry — ^that these highly inflammable agitators have been given more 
attention than their following warrants. This has a tendency to build 
them up. 

Mr. McNamara. It was interesting, Mr. Mayor, that you quoted 
from the Manual on Organization. I would just like to state for the 
record that that document. The Communist Party — A Manual on 
Organization^ was written by a man named J. Peters, and published 
by Workers Library Publishers, a Communist Party publishing house, 
in July 1935. 

This was really a handbook for Communist units and cells through- 
out the country, widely sold, studied, and distributed in Communist 
circles. , 

J. Peters, the man who wrote this book, had numerous aliases — 
Alexander Stevens, Isador Boorstein, Alexander Goldberg, E. Gold- 
berger, Steve Lapin, Steven Lapur, Steve Miller, J. V. Peters, Jack 
Roberts. And in 1948 Whittaker Chambers identified Peters as the 
head of the Communist underground in this country ; and in the fol- 
lowing year, on May 9, 1949, Peters left the United States voluntarily 
under the threat of deportation. 

It is generally recognized now that he was the "C.I. Rep" or the 
representative of the Comintern, the Communist International, in 
this country for a period of many years, bossing the Communist Party 
for Moscow. 



StJBVERSIVE mrLTJENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 853 

In his Manual on Organization, in addition to the quote you used, 
Mr. Mayor, on the subject of agitating the masses and the racial issue, 
he made specific reference on various occasions to "police brutality" 
as an issue. Here is one quote. He is talking about party discipline and 
the need for it and he wrote : 

Let us take an example from the class struggle. The District Committee 
decides that a demonstration should be held against police terror and gives 
directives to the Sections to mobilize the whole membership to get the greatest 
possible number of workers to the demonstration. ♦ * * 

And another quotation — ^where he is talking about shop units of the 
Communist Party, and he says : 

The Shop Units must convince the workers of the necessity for organizing 
unions, of the necessity for united struggle for better conditions, for freedom of 
organization (union recognition), for equal rights for Negroes, against police 
terror * * *. 

Then he harps on the issue of the "police terror." 

Finally, again, in speaking of party street units, he says that they 
must agitate and get the workers to react "to every issue." Naming the 
issues, he refers to problems of unemployment, the high cost of living, 
sanitarj conditions, and so on. Then he makes a specific reference again 
to "police brutality" as one of them. 

So, going back to 1935, the Communist Party, in an official manual 
or handbook for all its members, was emphasizing the issue of police 
brutality as something that all Communists should agitate on. 

Mayor Yorty. There is another point in reference to the Communist 
Party that I am sure the committee knows, but I think this quote is 
interesting because of its origin. It is from the History of the Commu- 
nist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks). This was their official 
historv or their coming to power. A quote from it says : 

In oppvsition to the Menshevik and Socialist-Revolutionary policy of defending 
the bourgeois fatherland, the Bolsheviks advanced the policy of "the defeat of 
one's otvn government in the imperialist war." This meant voting against war 
credits, forming illegal revolutionary organizations in the armed forces, support- 
ing fraternization among the soldiers at the front, organizing revolutionary ac- 
tions of the workers and peasants against the war, and turning these actions 
into an uprising against one's own imperialist government. * ♦ * Lenin held 
that the policy of working for the defeat of one's own imperialist government 
must be pursued not only by the Russian revolutionaries, but by the revolutionary 
parties of the working class in all the belligerent countries. 

• •«•♦*• 

The Bolshevik Party was the only proletarian party which remained faithful 
to the cause of Socialism and internationalism and which organized civil war 
against its own imperialist government. * * * 

I think that quote is interesting because we see the party directed 
by the Communists today working against their own government in a 
war, working for our defeat, and placing the same label on our war, 
"imperialist." 

Mr. McNamara. Mayor, in addition to the subject of legislation, 
antiriot legislation, which you have previously mentioned, would you 
have any other recommendations that you would make to help solve the 
situation, this problem of rioting and violence ? 

Mayor Yorty. Would you repeat that, Mr. McNamara ? 

Mr. McNamara. In addition to the recommendation of antiriot leg- 
islation, would you have any others you would make to help solve the 
problem of rioting and the use of riots in the cities? 



854 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Mayor Yorty. I think that antiriot legislation is one factor of a 
much bigger problem, and that is the problem that I believe Senator 
McClellan and his committee is now investigating, and that is the 
restricting of the ability of law enforcement agencies to do their job 
because of some of the decisions of the United States Supreme Court, 
based mainly on the exclusionary rule and followed by Escobedo and 
some of the decisions that have made the job of the police officer ex- 
tremely difficult and, I think and I believe most mayors would say, 
have weighted the scales a little bit too much in favor of the criminal, 
forgetting the rights of the victim. 

Anything that makes law enforcement as difficult as these decisions 
make it certainly plays into the hands of the criminal element and 
those who do not respect the rights of other people. 

(At this point, Mr. Ashbrook left the hearing room.) 

Mr. McNamara. Mr. Chairman, that completes the staff interroga- 
tion of Mayor Yorty. 

The Chairman. Mayor, this committee is extremely grateful to you 
for your interest in the subject of its investigation and for the great 
contribution which you have made to its success. I know that you have 
been in the forefront of this subject, that your city was victimized in 
part by this subversive onslaught against its institutions, and you 
yourself were booed and had to suffer all kinds of insults, I know. 

We appreciate your appearance. 

Mayor Yorty. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

I have some other quotes that I did not put in the record, but if you 
would like to have them I will just leave them with you, that I think 
are of historical interest and will put the problem in a little better 
perspective. 

Mr. Tuck. I would like to associate myself with the chairman's re- 
marks and to commend the mayor for the manner in which he has 
conducted the office to which he has been elevated. 

Mayor Yorty. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Watson. Mr. Chairman, may I also thank Mayor Yorty for 
coming here and contributing as much as he has to the hearings. 

I, frankly, am distressed. Mayor. I don't know what we are going 
to do to counteract the so-called big lies, such highly inflammatory and 
deceptive publications as the one which you gave to us today. We can 
have a Rap Brown or Carmichael appear and we can have the com- 
mittee room full and overflowing from the chandeliers. 

I am sure the American people are disturbed about hearing your 
side of the picture, hearing from a responsible official. Somehow or 
another, we do not see any evidence of much interest on the jpart of the 
people. I am not condemning the press. As you say, the public demands 
the grotesque, and they demand the negative rather than the positive of 
these things. I am sure the press is just reflecting the attitude of the 
public. But I am disturbed. 

I am encouraged that you say that we are making a little headway. 
Frankly, I think it is mighty slow. 

Do you have any suggestions other than what you have made here 
as to how we might counteract this big lie in such publications as 
this and the apparent apathy on the part of the public and the press 
in hearing from a responsible citizen as a mayor of the great city of 
Los Angeles, when we will have a corporal's guard here. But when 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 855 

such an insane man as Brown or Carmichael appears, then we will 
have this room overflowing. How do you counteract this ? 

Mayor Yorty. Of course, Mr. Watson, part of this fits into the 
same frame of reference relative to some of these decisions of our 
highest Court. 

When I was chairman of the committee in California, if a witness 
refused to answer a question we could file a contempt charge against 
him, and we successfully prosecuted probably a couple of dozen 
people. 

The Chairman. Didn't the courts finally undercut that practice? 

Mayor Yorty. If I were chairman of the committee today, we 
couldn't be as effective because the witnesses would simply do like they 
do before you, take the fifth amendment. That is why I think the pub- 
lic does not have the same interest in the work of your committee be- 
cause you are so stymied when a witness can sit down and say "fifth 
amendment" and that is the end of the interrogation. 

We badly need correction of some of the procedures if the Congress 
is to get the facts before the people. If this committee could get the 
facts to the people, the interest would be much greater. When they read 
a series of questions and the answer is "fifth amendment," that is not 
very interesting reading. 

Mr. Watson. Mr. Mayor, what have you done to try to counteract 
this particular publication right here. Day of Protest^ Night of Vio- 
lence^ published here with the most incendiary, most inflammatory 
pictures I have ever seen, obviously taken with that in mind by pho- 
tographers specifically for that purpose ? 

What have you done officially to try to counteract this particular 
publication? 

Mayor Yorty. Our city council decided to conduct an investigation 
itself, but so far the investigation is not effective because some of 
our police officers have been sued for damages and the city attorney 
does not think that we should require them to testify before the city 
council until the lawsuits are settled. So, that is one phase of our ef- 
fort to combat the big lie, 

I myself constantly talk about it before our citizens. I must say the 
vast majority of the people of Los Angeles are strongly behind our 
police department. We think it is a very fine police department. We 
think we have a very good chief. 

But you still, of course, have the elements to deal with that have 
a deliberate purpose in defying police officers, causing mobs to con- 
front them. There is constant subversive agitation and propaganda. 
Unfortunately, we have to say it is more effective today than I have 
ever seen it. 

Mr. Watson. When the man applied for the permit to conduct 
this parade which resulted in this publication, plus other unfortunate 
incidents, did the city announce publicly that this man was a Com- 
munist, an admitted Communist ? 

Mayor Yorty. No; I don't recall that that was done by the city, as 
such. 

Mr. Watson. The city granted the license. 

Mayor Yorty. Yes. We did not want to grant it, and the police com- 
mission did not want to grant it. 

Mr. Watson. But the city attorney said you had to grant it. 



32-955 O— 69— pt. 1 10 



856 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Mayor Yorty. Yes. So then I asked that the city attorney draft a 
new ordinance giving us a little more control over the so-called parades. 
He drafted it. T sent it to the city council. Of course, the leftwing 
elements, some not so leftwing, accused me of trying to stifle free 
speech and dissent, and so forth, which is not our purpose at all. 

We do feel that the general public should have greater control over 
who parades, where and when they parade. We think that the public 
safety should give us the right to have reasonable control. We are not 
trying to stop all parades, as they accuse us, or stifle free speech, but 
we are trying to provide some reasonable regulation. 

Mr. Watson. Even if you published the fact that the man who had 
applied for a permit was a Communist, he would still have had his 
followers there, I am sure. 

It is the purpose of this committee, and we are discussing amend- 
ments to the Internal Security Act today on the floor, if we could 
just let the American people know who head up these things and then 
if the American people or some of them are going to be stupid enough 
to go over and follow these Communists, then that is their responsibil- 
ity* 

But I would encourage you, in the absence of any legal prohibition, 

that in the future, and you have real problems in California — we don't 
have any problems in South Carolina at all — I guess we will be having 
them but we are just country boys down there and we are not sophisti- 
cated enough for these attacks — but I believe it would help if you would 
publicize the fact that the permit has been granted and was granted to 
"X Jones," an admitted Communist, and give his background and 
affiliation and then if the people want to run behind this Commie, they 
can do it. 

I appreciate your testimony. 

Mayor Yorty. Your reports are truly helpful, very factual and 
helpful to those of us who read them. Unfortunately, the subversive 
propaganda drums away every day, in very clever ways, coming 
from strange sources, while your reports tend to get a one-day notice 
in the media and that is the end of it. 

So, we badly need your constant counteraction to the subversive 
propaganda, an explanation from here of who these people are and 
what they are doing. If it could be more continuous, I think it would 
be more effective. 

Mr. IcHORD. Mr. Chairman. 

The Chairman. Mr. Ichord. 

Mr. IcHORD. I, too, want to join with my colleagues in thanking 
Mayor Yorty for his very excellent testimony. ^ 

I do have one question I would like to ask the the mayor. 

Mayor, many Americans and several people in the press appear to be 
looking for a simple and single causation factor for the riots that re- 
cently occurred in our cities. 

Bearing in mind that the subject of this investigation is the extent of 
subversive influence, at least in agitating the riots, in dealing with the 
causation factors, and I may be departing from the purview of our 
jurisdiction, would you not say that the causation factors are multiple? 

Mayor Yorty. Of course, that is perfectly obvious. 

Mr. IcHORD. But your position is that in view of the material which 
you have illustrated in your report and which you have handed to the 
committee, such activity could not help but have some influence. 



SUBVERSIVE nTFLXJENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 857 

Mayor Yortt. I think that is certainly one of the factors. I am cer- 
tain it is. 

Mr. IcHORD. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Watson. Mr. Chairman, may 1 pursue that line of questioning 
just a step further ? 

The Chairman. Certainly. 

Mr. Watson. I am aware that there are many causative factors here, 
but most of the causative factors have been with us throughout the , 
years. Is that not correct? In fact, the situations with many of our 
minority groups have been worse in former years than they are today. 
Is that not a correct statement ? 

Mayor Yorty. Well, answering only from the standpoint of Los 
Angeles, I think that some of the factors are different. 

I think involved in some of this, of course, is the tremendous migra- 
tion to our urban centers, where you have new people coming into your 
city who are not even accustomed to urban living. They are not 
equipped for the kind of jobs that are now available m urban centers. 
I think this is somewhat of a new factor in being aggravated. 

Mr. IcHORD. If the gentleman will yield at that point, certainly in 
the case of the Watts riots you could not point to economic deprivation 
as being a primary causative factor, because it has been pointed out 
that the average income of the Watts district is much higher, and was 
much higher at the time of the riots, than the average income of many 
of our own congressional districts. 

Mayor Yorty. This might be, and no doubt is, true of those who 
are employed. But you have a great number of people there who are 
not employed. 

Mr. Ichord. You have a high unemployed percentage ? 

Mayor Yorty. Yes. It is very hard to keep an accurate count be- 
cause that south central area of Los Angeles is a corridor. A lot of 
new j>eople come in and only go through there. Some of them have 
stopped seeking employment. I am not sure that our figures are en- 
tirely accurate. We are trying now to get more accurate fibres. This, 
of course, creates part of the atmosphere where agitation can be 
more effective. 

Mr. Ichord. I am very well acquainted with your problem because 
I do come from the St. Louis area and we do have a similar influx of 
new people although not to the extent that I think you have in Los 
Angeles. 

Mr. Tuck. Mayor, did I understand you in the other part of your 
testimony to say that the riots ensued almost immediately following 
the parade? 

Mayor Yorty. Well, I don't think you could say when the parade 
stopped and the rioting started except when they got to the hotel where 
the President was, I feel myself this became the manipulative type of 
situation where plans had been made in advance by subversives to cause 
a confrontation with the police, which was their main objective, and 
they succeeded. 

Mr. Tuck. Any person in his right mind would not want to impinge 
on the constitutional rights of anyone to assemble in a peaceful demon- 
stration, but when it is known in advance that these demonstrations 
may well serve as a catalyst to set off a riotous condition that results in 
murder, looting and burning, and other violations of the law, it seems 



858 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING • 

to me some steps should be taken to prevent people from having those 
permits. 

Mayor Yorty. I agree. 

Mr. Tuck. So far as I am concerned, I don't think it is right to 
permit those demonstrations that will cost the Government money for 
the people to demonstrate or that will result in bloodshed. 

The Chairman. Especially when we know in advance that the 
demonstration is for the sake of troublemaking. 

Mayor Yorty. Well, it is a sad day in our country 

The Chairman. Demonstration for the sake of making trouble and 
demonstration for the purpose of redressing a wrong are two different 
things. 

Mr. Tuck. That is right. 

Mayor Yorty. Well, when the President of the United States can't 
come to your city without the most elaborate precautions and the strip- 
ping of other areas of the city to provide police to protect him, it is a 
pretty sad day in the country. 

The same thing, I understand, happened to Secretary Rusk in New 
York the other day. 

I think the public of the United States is ready to do something 
about it if we can provide the means of control that are reasonable. 

The Chairman. Our problem is how can we let them know. Here we 
are this morning. We have been at these hearings now for a long time. 
I don't want to take the press to task because you can't win that 
way. They want a raucous hearing before this committee in order 
to lambaste us for throwing witnesses out. But when we have a 
hearing with people of intelligence and dedicated public servants such 
as yourself, who describe these abhorrent conditions, then what? 
Tomorrow morning you will not see this reported, undoubtedly. 

Mayor Yorty. Well, we shall see. 

Mr. Watson. May I ask one further question along the same lines 
that we were interrogating on a moment ago ? 

While some of these causative factors have been in existence for 
many years, I will agree with you that we have some new ones, such 
as the migration of these minority groups into the urban areas. But 
do you not agree, sir, that there is more effort on the local, State, and 
national level today to eliminate some of the economic and sociological 
causative factors than there has ever been in the past 100 years of this 
country ? 

Mayor Yorty. That statement is not refutable ; there is no question 
about that. 

Mr. Watson. So we would have to say that the rioting or we would 
have to conclude, I think reasonably, that the rioting and the other 
conditions that we have had during recent years would more nearly 
be the result of the Communist agitation in these particular areas, 
rather than just blaming it on the sociological and other factors 
which have been in existence for many years. 

Mayor Yorty. Well, I think that the Communist factor is more 
effective than it has been before and partly because of the movement 
of people into the urban centers and the conditions with which they 
are confronted there. There is no question about it that when vou have 
people who are not really part of the American economy, they have 
no training for a job that is available to them and they arc simply 



SUBVERSIVE INTLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 859 

put on relief, that they are certainly more subject to subversion than 
a person who has training and has a job. Now, the kinds of jobs that 
untrained people can do in the Los Angeles area are disappearing. 

Mr. Watson. They are all over the country, are they not ? 

Mayor Yorty. So you have an aggravation of the problem. You 
have tremendous want ads looking for employees. 

Mr. Watson. There is no genuine interest on the part of the Com- 
munist agitator or manipulator of this unfortunate circumstance to 
improve the lot of these people, but rather to cause disunity and un- 
rest and a general breakdown in law and order. 

Mayor Yorty. The purpose of the subversive is always to exploit 
any situation that he can find. That' is not only true in our cities; 
that is true in the Middle East; that is true everj^ place. 

The public has no idea of the success of the international Com- 
munist Party in the world today. There is not a conflict, even in 
Nigeria, where they have moved in with a group at Lagos to help 
them against Biaffra, at the same time they tell the Biaffrans that we 
have refused help to them, that they have the situation confused, 
both sides hate us: Biaffra because we don't help them and Lagos 
because they are getting help by the Russian Communists. They move 
in every place in this world that they can create more confusion, the 
more opportunity for their kind of propaganda to make Communist 
incursions. 

The Chairman. Thank you again. Mayor Yorty. 

Mayor Yorty. I was pleased to be here. 

* * * 4> * * * 

(Whereupon, at 12 noon, Tuesday, November 28, 1967, the subcom- 
mittee recessed, to reconvene at 10 a.m., Wednesday, November 29, 
1967.) 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND 

BURNING 

Part 1 



TUESDAY, OCTOBER 31, 1967 

United States House op Representatives, 

subcommtttee op the 
Committee on Un-American Activities, 

Washington, D.C. 

PUBLIC hearings 

The subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities met, 
pursuant to call, at 10:00 a.m., in Room 311, Cannon House Office 
Building, Washington, D.C, Hon. Edwin E. Willis (chairman) 
presiding. 

(Subcommittee members: Representatives Edwin E. Willis, of 
Louisiana, chairman; William M. Tuck, of Virginia; Richard H. 
Ichord, of Missouri; John M. Ashbrook, of Ohio; and Albert W. 
Watson, of South Carolina ; also John C. Culver, of Iowa, in absence 
of Mr. Willis.) 

Subcommittee members present: Representatives Willis, Tuck, 
Ichord, Ashbrook, and Watson. 

Staff members present : Francis J. McNamara, director ; Chester D. 
Smith, general counsel ; and Herbert Romerstein, investigator. 

The CiiAiRMAN. The committee will come to order. 
******* 

The Chairman. Mr. Mehaffey, please raise you right hand.^ 

Do you solemnly swear that the testimony you give this committee 
will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help 
you God? 

Mr. Mehaffey. I do. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, before he starts his testimony I have 
a few documents I would like to introduce. 

The Chairman. All right. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, in preparation for these hearings the 
staff has prepared a compilation of statements by foreign Communist 
powers and organizations on the recent riots in this country. Inasmuch 
as there are groups in this country which have been involved in the 
riots and which take orders from these powers, or openly adulate them 
and hold them up as models, it is believed these statements are relevant 
to this inquiry. 

* Testimony of other witnesses wlio testified prior to Mr. Mebaffey's appearance on this 
date Is printed in part 2 of these hearings. 

861 



862 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Is permission granted to make these statements a part of the hear- 
ing record as Conmiittee Exhibit No. 1 ? 

The Chairman. Without objection they will be included. 

(Dociunent marked "Committee Exhibit No. 1." See pp. 863-878.) 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, the staff has also compiled statements 
raade by the FBI and its Director, Mr. J. Edgar Hoover, during the 
I>ast 6 years on the subject of Communist activity in the area of racial 
agitation. Because the FBI has a network of informants within Com- 
munist and other subversive organizations and is in a better position 
to know what these organizations are doing than any other agency 
of Government, and because these statements are relevant to this 
inquiry, permission is requested to make this compilation a part of 
the record. 

The Chairman. That compilation will be mad© a part of the record. 

(Document marked "Committee Exhibit No. 2." See pp. 878-883.) 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, in connection with Mr. Mehaffey's tes- 
timony, investigation and research which have been carried out by 
staff in connection with this inquiry have revealed that certain or- 
ganizations as such have been directly involved in riots and racial 
incidents involving violence; that individual leaders and members of 
other organizations have played a role in certain of the riots; and, 
finally, that certain organizations and/or their leaders have been 
engaged in the dissemination of inflammatory racial propaganda and 
agitation which, expert testimony has indicated, may well contribute 
to the outbreak of riots. 

Because some of these organizations are relatively new and others are 
small and little known, the subcommittee has agreed that staff docu- 
ments containing basic data about these organizations and also state- 
ments which they or their recognized leaders have made concerning 
riots, the use of violence, and related issues should be made a part of 
the record. 

The purpose is to make the record clear. When facts are presented 
about these organizations and individuals in these hearings, the gen- 
eral nature of the groups will be known and understood. It is em- 
phasized that these documents are not intended to convey any more 
than they actually say. Some of these organizations, as the documents 
make clear, are openly Communist and subversive. Others have been 
cited as Communist and/or subversive by official agencies. Still others 
have not. In such cases, the inclusion of these documents in the record 
is not to be interpreted as a committee finding or implication that the 
organization is Communist or subversive. 

Permission is requested at this time to enter these documents, to be 
presented by Mr. Mehaffey, into the record. 

The Chairman. PermivSsion is granted. 

Mr. Smith. It was originally planned that all tJiese exhibits would 
be placed in the record before receipt of testimony concerning the 
Harlem riot of 1964 and racial aoitation in New York City prior 
to and since the riot. A number of factors prevented this being done. 
Therefore, it is requested that these exhibits be placed in the record 
before the testimony of Detective Hart and immediately following 
that of those witnesses who testified as authorities on the subject of 
rioting. 

The Chairman. The request is granted. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 863 

TESTIMONY OF ROBERT H. MEHAFFEY 

The Chairman. At this point, Mr. Mehaffey, just in a thumbnail 
sketch form, can you read highlight excerpts from some of the staff 
documents referred to by counsel which you are now submitting for 
the record ? 

(Documents marked "Committee Exhibit No. 3." See pp. 884-922.) 

Mr. Mehaffey. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Smith. Give the reporter your full name. 

Mr. Mehaffey. Robert H. Mehaffey. 

Mr. Smith. Where are you employed ? 

Mr. Mehaffey. I am employed with the House Committee on Un- 
American Activities as research consultant. 

Mr. Smith. Will you proceed. 

Mr. Mehaffey. Thank you. 

(At this point, Mr. Mehaffey read excerpts from Committee Exhibit 
No. 3, the staff pap>ers on the Communist Party, U.S.A., the W. E. B. 
DuBois Clubs of America, and the Progressive Labor Party. As he 
finished the excerpts from the document on the Progressive Labor 
Party, the following exchange took place :) 

The Chairman. Off the record, gentlemen. 

There is a quorum call going on. I think I will try to make it. 

The committee will stand in recess for 20 minutes. 

(Brief recess) 

The Chairman. The committee will be in recess until 10 o'clock 
tomorrow morning. 

(Whereupon, at 4 :50 p.m., Tuesday, October 31, 1967, the committee 
was recessed, to reconvene at 10:00 a.m., Wednesday, November 1, 
1967.) 

(Committee Exhibits Nos. 1 through 3 follow :) 

CJoMMiTTEE Exhibit No. 1 

INTERNATIONAL COMMUNIST STATEMENTS ON RACIAL AGITATION 
AND RIOTS IN THE UNITED STATES 

E\)reign Communist parties and capitals, in statements and commentaries 
broadcast to all parts of the world and published in international and national 
Communist journals, have not only welcomed and supported the racial riots in 
this country, but have made it clear that it is their desire that additional riots 
take place — a message that will not be lost on their U.S. followers. 

They have described the "so-called riots" as justified "insurrections" and 
"rebellions," as "revolutionary violence" which is a part of the class struggle 
in this country and the worldwide struggle against U.S. imperialism. 

They have placed full blame for the riots on the United States Grovemment. 
They portray the riots as "massacres" in which Negroes are "murdered" and 
numerous "atrocities" are committed against them by the police and military 
forces called in to restore order. The riot cities are "battlefields" in the "limited 
war" of "genocide" being waged by the U.S. Government against Negroes in this 
country. 

The statements of Moscow, Peking, Hanoi, and Havana quoted in this exhibit, 
as well as similar statements made by these and other Communist capitals 
not reproduced herein, have a number of obvious purposes : 

1. To discredit the United States everywhere by creating the impression that 
the Negroes in this country are so brutally treated and oppressed that, unable 
to tolerate conditions any longer, they have risen in rebellion against the 
Grovemment ; 

2. To make it clear to Communists in all parts of the world that, in whatever 
way possible, they are to publicize, support, and promote individuals and orga- 



864 SUBVEESIVE ESTFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

nizations in the U.S. engaging in racial agitation and the instigation of rioting; 

3. To convey the message to U.S. Communists that they themselves should do all 
they can to promote the outbreak of riots which, for obvious reasons, are be- 
lieved to assist in the accomplishment of Communist objectives both here and 
abroad ; 

4. To convince civil rights organizations and activists, and Negroes in general, 
that Negroes in this country cannot achieve full equality unless the United 
States ends the war in Vietnam, i.e., pulls out of Vietnam and permits the Com- 
munists to take over that country ; 

5. To the degree that these statements reach Negroes in the United States, 
they are clearly designed to arouse hatred, resentment, and enmity against the 
Government and create a willingness to riot in the future against an allegedly 
coldblooded, oppressive regime that is making a calculated effort to wipe out 
the Negroes in the United States. 

The Soviet Union 

moscow radio. english language commentary to south asia on the watts 
riot. august 16. 1965: 

"The residents of the Negro ghetto [Watts] staged a peaceful campaign against 
segregation a few days ago. The racists tried terror to impede them. ♦ * • 
This small civil war * * * has witnessed the local and federal administrations 
taking the side of the racists. Tens of thousands of police and national guards- 
men, reinforced by regular troops are taking action against the Negroes. 

• **«*«* 

"It is remarkable that the massacre in Los Angeles took place exactly two 
weeks after Congress passed a bill on Negro voting. ♦ * ♦ The bullets, bayonets, 
and teargas used ♦ ♦ ♦ is eloquent disproval of the fairy tale about race har- 
mony for which the present American administration is allegedly fighting. ♦ * • 
These events have proved that the struggle for equality cannot be won by dem- 
onstrations and singing of psalms alone." 

MOSCOW RADIO ON WATTS RIOT, AUGUST 16, 1965: 

"The Los Angeles events have further demolished the fairytale of freedom 
and democracy in the United States. For the Negro population ♦ ♦ ♦ these prin- 
ciples meant thousands of arrests, hundreds of wounded, and dozens of mur- 
dered people. ♦ * * The population, cut off from the rest of the world, is facing 
hunger. Police and National Guardsmen are combing the ruined streets. Acting 
on the hysterical command of the City Police Chief Parker, they go on arresting, 
arresting, arresting. ♦ ♦ * The bloodstained events in Los Angeles began six days 
ago with a peaceful demonstration against racial discrimination. No one stopped 
the racists when they attacked the demonstrators. But the full force of the strong- 
est military power of the capitalist world was brought to bear on the Negroes of 
Los Angeles when in their despair they took up arms.. ♦ * * 

"The word 'ghetto' often occurs in reports from Los Angeles, sometimes in 
conjunction with the term 'Warsaw.' Many people are reminded of the events 
linked to rising of the population of the Jewish ghetto in the Polish capital 
occupied by the Nazis. The Nazis quelled this rising with bestial and methodical 
cruelty. 

******* 
"the soldier who disperses a Negro demonstration is being morally prepared for 
killing people in Vietnam or the Dominican Republic. • ♦ ♦ report's from Los 
Angeles stress that the behavior of U.S. soldiers in the city's Negro quarters is 
reminiscent of their action in Santo Domingo. * * ♦ It is no accident that Viet- 
nam, Santo Domingo, and the American city of Los Angeles are joined in one 
line, the line of the fight against the common foe, American imperialism." 

TASS INTERNATIONAL SERVICE. AUGUST 17. 1965: 

"News coming from" Los Angeles shows that the actions of the Negro popula- 
tion of that city have been suppressed by the most ruthless means. 

• *****« 
"politicians accentuate individual cases of 'violence' by the Negro population ♦ • • 

"Despite the demagogic statements of U.S. oflBcials • ♦ ♦ the Negroes still 
remain in the vise of inequality in all spheres of life. ♦ * • What is happening 
in fact is that Negroes from rural areas, particularly from the southern states, 



SUBVliRSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 865 

• • * pour into the big cities in search of a better life * ♦ *. But in the city 
ghettos they find the same hopelessness * * *. 

♦ ♦♦*•** 

"The bloody events in Los Angeles, just as last year's events in Harlem, have a 
common basis * ♦ ♦ the absence of radical action by the government to restore 
the elementary rights of the Negro population; that is, such measures which 
are not in the interests of the monopolies. 

"The demands for change in the status of the Negro population in America 
keep rising, and where this movement encounters most reactionary forms of 
official resistance ♦. ♦ • it takes violent forms. • • ♦" 

MOSCOW RADIO BROADCAST TO U.S. TROOPS IN VIETNAM, MAY 17. 196T: 

"The American FBI and the CIA sent a secret letter to the commander of the 
American occupation forces in South Vietnam which dealt with the alleged 
unreliability of Negro soldiers and proposed measures to strengthen controls 
over them. ♦ * * In the United States itself, a new movement against racial 
discrimination has started • * • Negro soldiers serving in the U.S. Army will 
not be indifferent to this. • • • American Negro soldiers are fully aware of all 
this and they themselves are subjected to racial discrimination * • *. 

"• ♦ ♦ General William Westmoreland ♦ • * issued an order for Negro sol- 
diers to be thrown into the most dangerous areas and to use them for cover for 
the white soldiers. Because of his orders, the Negroes are sent to parachute troop 
detachments, which suffer the greatest losses in the Vietnam jungle. • • • 

"Perhaps there are some Negro soldiers listening to this program. If so, do 
they ask themselves in whose interests they have to rot in the Vietnam 
jungles ♦ • ♦? For the interests of those who lynch their fathers and brothers 
in America ♦ • • The Negro soldiers must not betray their ideals and their 
hopes for freedom and equal rights. And it is exactly this that the Vietnamese 
patriots are fighting for. They are fighting the same Yankee racists against whom 
today the black ghettos of Ajnerica are rising in their just struggle." 

MOSCOW RADIO BROADCAST TO SOUTH ASIA, JULY 2S. 1967: 

"America has never seen the likes of it before and America is * * * accus- 
tomed to racial disturbances. Real battles are raging in the streets of American 
cities. • * • 

"The United States is actually on the brink of civil war. ♦ ♦ * Earlier it was 
the South that was the citadel of racism. Now Negroes are beaten up and 
killed in the North too. ♦ ♦ • the full power of the police and the army, tanks 
and armored cars, is thrown against the unarmed Negroes. 

"American racism is celebrating a gory victory. It is suppressing, killing, 
beating up, arresting, and imprisoning. ♦ ♦ ♦ 

"The Negro movement is growing in scope and vigor * * *, Experience has 
shown them that only by fighting can they accomplish anything. In Newark * * * 
there was a national conference by representatives of the Negro movement. • • ♦ 
The conference decided to set up a single center to coordinate and unite the move- 
ment for Negro rights. ♦ ♦ ♦ Rap Brown, one of the delegates, said : There are 
three forms of genocide in the United States today. There is the genocide toward 
the Negro children in Mississippi * ♦ ♦. Then there is the police genocide * * *. 
Finally, there is the war in Vietnam. * * ♦ American imperialist circles are now 
waging two race wars — one against the Negroes at home, the other against 
Asians in Vietnam. * * ♦" 

MOSCOW DOMESTIC RADIO COMMENTARY ON NEWARK RIOT, JULY 25, 1967: 

"The long, hot summer of Negro demonstrations ♦ * ♦ is now at its height. ♦ • ♦ 
there was an explosion in Newarif. For six days the unarmed Negro population 
of the city, rising in despair to the din of police shooting ♦ ♦ ♦ tried to force 
the federal authorities in Washington to listen to them. The response of the 
authorities was that dozens of Negroes were killed, hundreds wounded, and 
thousands arrested. * * ♦ the wave of despair and anger spread throughout the 
country * * ♦. The rising in the Negro ghetto of Newark spread to New Bruns- 
wick. Plainfield, Minneapolis, Birmingham, and finally reached the country's 
largest cities. New York and Detroit. * * *" 



866 SUBVERSIVE rNFLUENCES IN" RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BTTRNING 

AN ARTICLE IN NEW TIMES (MOSCOW) OF AUGUST 16, 1967. TITLED "REAPING THE 
WHIRLWIND," AND WRITTEN BY HARRY FREEMAN, A U.S. CITIZEN AND TASS 
CORRESPONDENT IN THE U.S., STATED: 

"Last year there were insurrections in Negro ghettos of thirty-eight cities 
across the United States. ♦ * * 

******* 
"By cutting funds for the ghettos, they made slum insurrections inevitable, and 
they were prepared to use force at home just as they were using it abroad * * *. 

*«****• 
"As the world knows, there were major ghetto insurrections in Detroit, Michi- 
gan, and in Newark; New Jersey. * ♦ * The guardians of American 'law and 
order' were ruthless in suppressing the ghetto insurrections in these two cities. 

******* 
"the entire struggle of the embittered black slum dwellers across the land has 
assumed a new character. * * * It bears the heat of dynamite. * ♦ * the rulers 
of the United States * ♦ * find themselves engaging in a thus far 'limited war' 
to suppress black people at home ♦ * *. The battlefields and potential battle- 
fields at home may be less numerous than in Vietnam, but surely suflicient to 
cause concern to Washington strategists as they try to calculate in what cities 
and in what numbers army troops may be required to supplement reservists 
and police. 

"No one can gauge precisely the power of the social dynamite stored in the 
country's ghettos : no one can surely predict how far the 'limited war' on the 
home front will escalate. What is clear is that the country is in the midst of an 
internal crisis of major proportions. 

* * * * * * * ' 

"young and new leaders in the struggle, such as Stokely Carmichael and H. Rap 
Brown of the Student Non- Violent Co-ordinating Committee, clearly welcome 
the insurrections * * *." ^ 

Communist China 

On August 12, 1963, there was held in Peking, China, "The Rally of People 
From All Walks of Life in Peking Opposing U.S. Imperialism and Supporting the 
American Negroes' Struggle Against Racial Discrimination." 

Four, days earlier, on August 8, while receiving a group of visitors from Africa, 
Mao Tse-tung, at the request of Robert Williams (who was then visiting Peking 
with his wife), made a statement on the theme of the above-mentioned rally. 

EXCERPTS FROM MAO TSE-TVNG'S STATEMENT WHICH WAS READ AT THE RALLY 
FOLLOW: 

"An American Negro leader now taking refuge in Cuba, Mr. Robert Wil- 
liams, * * • has twice this year asked me for a statement in support of the 
American Negroes' struggle against racial discrimination. On behalf of the 
Chinese people, I wish to take this opportunity to express our resolute support 
for the American Negroes in their struggle against racial discrimination and for 
freedom and equal rights. 

******* 

"The American Negroes are awakening and their resistance is growing stronger 
and stronger. * * * 

******* 
"A gigantic and vigorous nationwide struggle is going on in nearly every city and 
state, and the struggle is mounting. ♦ ♦ * the struggle of the American Negroes 
is a manifestation of sharpening class struggle and sharpening national struggle 
within the United States * ♦ * 

"I call on the workers, peasants, revolutionary intellectuals, enlightened ele- 
ments of the bourgeoisie and other enlightened persons of all colours in the 
world, whether white, black, yellow or brown, to unite • * * and support the 
American Negroes in their struggle against racial discrimination. In the final 
analysis, national struggle is a matter of class struggle. * * * I am firmly con- 
vinced that, with the support of more than 90 per cent of the people of the world, 
the American Negroes will be victorious in their just struggle. ♦ ♦ ♦" 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 867 

EXCERPTS FROM OTHER SPEECHES AT THE AUGUST 12, 1963, RALLY: 

Liu Ning-I, representative of the People's Organizations of China and president 
of the All-China Federation of Trade Unions : 

"The current struggle of the American Negroes which started in Birmingham 
is a great revolutionary struggle * * * for the liberation of the Negroes. ♦ ♦ * it 
shows that the American Negroes have discovered a correct path in their struggle, 
that is. the path of unity and resolute struggle against the reactionary ruling 
class. * * • Just as Robert Williams, a leader of the American Negroes in exile 
in Cuba, has said, 'The stranglehold of oppression cannot be loosened by a plea 
to the oppressors' conscience. Social change in something as fundamental as racist 
oppression involves violence. You cannot have progress here without violence 
and upheaval.' Casting away their illusions about the reactionary ruling class, 
the broad masses of Negroes have moved from the courts to the streets and carried 
on resolute struggles. Here lies the real hope of the liberation of the American 
Negroes. Robert Williams said, 'The future belongs to today's oppressed and I 
shall be witness to that future in the liberation of the Afro-American.' * * * 

• *«»••• 
"The struggle of the American Negroes against racial oppression and for free- 
dom and equal rights is a component part of the revolutionary struggle of the 
oppressed peoples and nations the world over. This revolutionary struggle spring- 
ing ap in the heartland of U.S. imperialism is of very great significance to the 
common struggle of the people of the world against imperialism headed by U.S. 
imperialism, and gives a powerful support to the fighting peoples of different 
countries, * * * 

• *••*•• 

'In our common struggle we shall for ever give each other encouragement and 
support. ♦ * * By relying on their firm unity and resolute struggle * * ♦and on 
the sympathy and support of the world's people, our American Negro brothers 
will certainly win great victory in their just struggle ♦ * * 

"People of the whole world, unite ! Stop the U.S. imperialists' fascist crime 
of persecuting and suppressing the American Negroes ! 

"Long live the victory of the American Negroes' struggle against racial 
oppression !" 

Frank Coe,^ "An American Friend Living in Peking" : 

"All the American people will be happy over this great meeting * * * to sup- 
port the struggle of the American Negroes. 

"All our people will likewise be grateful for Chairman Mao Tse-tung's his- 
toric statement on this struggle. This is the first time a world leader • ♦ ♦ has 
called on the people of all countries to unite against • ♦ * U.S. imperialism and 
to support the American Negroes in their struggle against it. * ♦ * it is also 
the first time that Chairman Mao Tse-tung has personally issued a statement of 
this kind. ♦ • ♦ 



1 A former official of the U.S. Treasury Department and of the United Nations who was 
identified as a member of a Soviet espionage ring composed of Government employees In the 
sworn testimony of Elizabeth Bentley before this committee on July 31, 1948. 

On Aug. 13, 1948, Frank Coe appeared as a witness before this committee and denied that 
he had ever been a member of the Communist Party or that he belonged to a Soviet espionage 
group. 

Coe subsequently, however, appeared as a witness during four hearings conducted by 
Senate investigating committees. At all four hearings he invoked the fifth amendment in 
refusing to answer questions pertaining to Communist Party membership. At three of the 
hearings he also refused, on the same grounds, to answer questions regarding espionage 
activities. 

On Dec. 3, 1952, 2 days after the first of these appearances, he was dismissed as 
secretary of the United Nations International Monetary Fund. On June 5, 1953, in testi- 
mony before the Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations, Coe denied that he was then 
engaged in espionage activities and that he had been engaged in espionage on Dec. 2. 1952. 
When questioned about espionage on Dec. 1, 1952, and a period of time preceding that 
date, Coe invoked the fifth amendment. He also Invoked the fifth amendment when the com- 
mittee asked if he was under orders of the Communist Party. 

On May 15, 1956. he testified before a Senate committee that Elizabeth Bentley's charges 
had been false, but invoked the fifth amendment when questioned about past or present 
membership in the Communist Party. 

After the Supreme Court decision in the Kent-Briehl case. Coe was issued a passport on 
July 31, 1958 (the State Department had denied him one in 1951). 

He went to Red China later that year and has resided there since that time. 



868 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

"The movement of the U.S. Negroes against racial discrimination is neces- 
sarily a part of the world-wide united front against U.S. imperialism * ♦ *. The 
vigor and power of this movement in the United States is yet another proof 
that this international united front is inevitable. This united front is bound to 
achieve victory. 

"People of the whole world, unite to support the American Negro people in 
their struggle against racial discrimination ! 

"People of the whole world, unite to overthrow the common enemy, U.S. 
imperialism !" 

Anna Louise Strong,^ recorded speech on behalf of herself and the following 
three Americans and one Canadian living and working in China : 

Talitha Oerlach, China Welfare Institute, Shanghai ; 

Dr. George Hatem (Ma Hai-teh) , for 30 years in China's Puiblic Health Service ; 

Bertha Hinton, Peking Institute of Foreign Languages ; 

Doris Nielsen, "wartime progressive member" of the Canadian Parliament: 

"We want to bear witness that we, Americans, living, working and traveling ex- 
tensively in China, have seen for ourselves how widely the Chinese people ♦ * ♦ 
are Interested in the American Negroes' struggle for Freedom and give it their 
full support. * * * 

"Second, we wish to inform the American Negroes that China herself is an 
example that shows that racial discrimination and inequality can be abolished 



"the experience of the Chinese people suggests that the American Negroes will 
not gain the full benefits under the present social system in America. ♦ ♦ * So, 

* * * we think and hope you also realize that final victory cannot be won until 
you overthrow the monopoly capitalism of America, your final enemy, and also 
the enemy of the American people and of the i)eople of the world. 

******* 

"This Negro struggle is not yet the American Revolution but may spark it. 
As more and more of the American working class and progressives join to sup- 
port the Negro movement for 'Freedom Now', this may win a new birth of free- 
dom for all exploited Americans and reinforce the anti-imperialist struggles of 
the world." 

MESSAGE ADOPTED AT THE AUGUST 12. 1963, RALLY: 

"The struggle waged by the more than 19 million American Negroes is an 
entirely just one. It enjoys the sympathy and support of the Chinese people 

♦ * • The Chinese people deeply admire their American Negro brothers for their 
dauntless and indomitable spirit and most resolutely support their just demands. 



* Anna Louise Strong has been identified as a member of the Communist Party by several 
witnesses in testimony before this committee. She was also Identified as the representative 
from the CPUSA to the Soviet News Agency Tass in the early 1930 s. 

The Senate Internal Security Sulxrommlttee, after extensive hearings, issued a report on 
the Institute of Pacific Relations In 1952. It stated that Miss Strong had also been a collab- 
orator with agents of the Soviet intelligence apparatus. 

Miss Strong went to Russia in 1921 for the American Friends Relief Mission.^ She became 
a correspondent for Hearst magazines and the North American Newspaper Alliance, travel- 
ing widely in Russia, China, and Central Europe. In 1930 she founded the Moscow Daily 
News, the first English language newspaper in Moscow. 

In 1949 she was arrested by the 'Soviets on spy charges and deported from the U.S.S.R. 
In 1955 the Soviet Government cleared her of these charges and said that she had been 
framed by former Russian police chief Lavrenti Beria. 

In June 1955 Miss Strong, then a resident of California, applied for a passport. The State 
Department refused her application. In 1958 she was granted a passport after the Supreme 
Court ruled that the Secretary of State could not withhold passports because of "beliefs or 
associations." Congress, it said, "has made no such provision in explicit terms ; and absent 
one, the Secretary may not employ that standard to restrict the citizens' right of free 
movement." 

Miss Strong has been a resident of Communist China since 1958. Although she is now 
over 80 years old, she was reported to have joined the Red Guards, China's revolutionary 
youth movement, in 1966. Chinese leaders honor her as a veteran revolutionary. Mao 
Tse-tung himself was host at a special banquet on her 80th birthday. 

As for years in the past, she is presently serving as foreign correspondent in Peking for 
the National Guardian and publishing "Letter from China," which is mailed to the United 
States. 



SUBVERSIVE mrLtTENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTmO, AND BURNING 869 

"The struggle of the American Negroes is not an isolated one. Their struggle is 
closely linked with the struggle of ♦ ♦ * the whole world against imperialism 
headed by the United States and these struggles are inspiring and supporting each 
other. We are firmly convinced that, as long as they close their ranks and perse- 
vere in the struggle, our Negro brothers and sisters in the United States will 
triumph no matter how arduous the struggle and how tortuous the path may 
be. • * *" 

PEOPLE'S DAILY (PEKING) EDITORIAL. AUGUST 12, 1963: 

"Today, the people from all walks of life in the Chinese capital will hold a 
grand rally in support of the American Negroes' just struggle against racial 
discrimination. * * * 

******* 
"The U.S. Negroes' struggle ♦ • • cannot but be a severe struggle against the 
U.S. monopoly groups' brutal exploitation and reactionary rule. 

******* 
"The American Negro people's struggle for equal rights is an inseparable part 
of the revolutionary struggle of the oppressed jieoples and nations throughout 
the world. Every success in the American Negroes' movement provides vigorous 
support and inspiration for the revolutionary movement of the people in other 
parts of the world. The revolutionary people everywhere firmly stand on the 
side of the American Negroes and evaluate highly their just struggle. The struggle 
of our American Negro brothers will be extremely arduous and they still may 
meet various kinds of setbacks. But as Chairman Mao Tse-tung points out in his 
statement : '. . . with the support of more than 90 per cent of the people of the 
world, the American Negroes will be victorious in their just struggle. The evil 
system of colonialism and imperialism grew up along with the enslavement of 
Negroes and the trade in Negroes, and it wUl surely come to its end with the 
thorough emancipation of the black people.' " 

SECOND PEKING "RALLY OF PEOPLE": 

A second "Rally of People from All Walks of Life in Peking Opposing U.S. 
Imperialism and Supporting the American Negroes' Struggle Against Racial Dis- 
crimination" was held in Peking on October 10, 1963. Excerpts from speeches at 
this rally follow : 

Robert Williams, "An American Negro Leader" ; 

"The government of the U.S.A. is the world's greatest hypocrite. * * ♦ It has 
forfeited its right to even exist on the face of the earth * * * 

******* 
"Patriots and friends, it fills my heart with joy for so many of us to join 
together in a common cause against a common enemy. * * * 

******* 

"U.S. racism is a cancerous sore that threatens the well-being of humanity. 
It can only be removed and a cure effected by a surgical operation performed by 
the great masses of the world. * * * The government of the U.S.A. is an enemy 
to all the world. Freedom in the U.S.A. is a farce. * * * 

"In the name of the African captives of racist America, I thank you for your 
support of a common struggle against a common enemy. Again, I thank Chairman 
Mao for his appeal for universal support of our struggle. Patriots, in unity and 
solidarity with our oppressed brothers, let our battle cry be heard around the 
world : Freedom ! Freedom ! Freedom now or Death !" 

Kuo Mo-Jo, chairman of the China Peace C<WQmittee : 

"Aa Mr. [Robert] Williams points out, it is high time for the American Negroes 
to take action. • * ♦ 

"We are glad to see that the struggle of the American Negroes is developing 
with full speed. * • ♦ The struggle of the American Negroes is a comix>nent part 
of the American people's revolutionary struggle, and of the world-wide struggle of 
the oppressed peoples and nations against. imperialism and for emancipation. The 
struggle of our American Negro brothers strikes at U.S. imi)erialism from the 
heartland of this common enemy of the people of the world. Every victory they 
win supports and inspires the revolutionary movements of the people of all coun- 
tries. Similarly, the struggles of the people of the world against imperialism 



870 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

headed by the United States, gives powerful support to the struggle of the 
American Negroes. * * * We are deeply concerned for the revolutionary struggle 
of the American Negroes and the American people, and vpe regard their struggle 
as our own, their victory our victory. We solemnly reiterate here that the 650 
million Chinese people will always support the struggle of the American Negroes 
and the American people as a whole, until they win the final victory." 

MESSAGE TO AMERICAN NEGROES ADOPTED AT THE OCTOBER 10, 1963. PEKING 
RALLY: 

"People from all walks of life in Peking are gathered * * * to pledge resolute 
support to American Negro brothers and sisters in their struggle against U.S. 
imperialist racial discrimination and for freedom and equal rights. * * * The 
Freedom March on Washington on August 28 * ♦ * marks a new upsurge in the 
American Negroes' struggle. * ♦ * 

* * * * * * * 

"The American Negroes' struggle is an integral part of the revolutionary strug- 
gle of the American people and of the liberation struggle of all oppressed nations 
and peoples. * * * The Chinese people will always stand by their American Negro 
brothers and sisters as well as the American people as a whole in the fight against 
U.S. imi>erialism * * *." 

On August 8, 1964, a rally was held in Peking to celebrate the first anniversary 
©f Mao Tse-tung's statement in support of American Negroes. 

EXCERPTS FROM SPEECHES MADE AT THIS RALLY FOLLOW: 

Frank Coe: 

"Comrade chairman, comrades, and friends: One year ago today Comrade 
Mao Tse-tung issued his historic statement calling upon the people of the world 
to unit and * * * support the American Negroes in their struggle * * *. The 
statement was * * * widely circulated among the American Negroes, despite 
the efforts of the U.S. capitalist press to suppress it * ♦ * By now almost every 
national liberaition struggle in the world has declared that the struggle of the 
Afro-Americans is part of its own cause. So have all the Marxist-Leninist parties 
and groups in the world. * * * Negro leaders are reaching out to form links with 
the national liberation struggles throughout the world. * * * 

******* 
"Afro-Americans are beginning to talk more and more about armed self- 
defense, * * * about guerrilla warfare, and civil war. Why not armed self- 
defense? * * ♦ 

"The U.S. Marxist-Leninists advocate armed self-defense ; black nationalist 
organizations advocate it and are gaining ground. Some of the leaders liken the 
stand of nonviolence to that of Khrushchev, and the stand of the more militant 
leaders to that of Mao Tse-tung. Negro intellectuals are saying that the tactics 
of nonviolence are not sufficient * * *. These local leaders are tending to the 
view that violence must be met with violence (applause) . 

******* 

"These 20 million people, battering down the walls of U.S. imperalism from 
within, are a great support for every people's struggle in the world. * ♦ ♦ 
******* 

"Speaking for the people of the United States of America, whether white, 
black, red, brown, or yellow, I wish to say to this rally in Peking : We the 
American people oppose and condemn the aggression of the U.S. Government 
against the DRV. ♦ ♦ » support the North Vietnamese people * * *. We want 
the Vietnamese people to win and we are sure they will ♦ * * 

"Soon there will be no (Negro people?) willing to serve as cannonfodder ♦ * • 

"We, the American people of all colors, are grateful for the support the 
Chinese people have given to the struggle of our Afro-American people. * • ♦ 

"We thank the people of Peking for organizing this splendid rally of support 
and for your confidence in our victory (applause). Long live the heroic American 
Negro people ! Victory for their struggle (applause) ! 

******* 

"Finally, on behalf of all the American people, I wish to thank Chairman Mao 
Tse-tung for the statement he issued one year ago declaring the support of the 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 871 

Chinese people for the struggle of the American Negro i)eople and calling on all 
of the people of the world to do likewise. * * *" 

Kuo Chien, secretary of the China Women's Federation : 

"We i)eople of all circles in the nation's capital are holding a rally to support 
the American Negroes' just struggle against racial discrimination and commem- 
orate the first anniversary of the publication of Chairman Mao's statement. * * * 
in the name of 650 million Chinese people, I solemnly declare that we shall 
always — unswervingly and resolutely — support and thoroughly carry out this 
great caU of Chairman Mao's (applause). * * * We pay high tribute and pledge* 
resolute support to the American Negro brothers who i)ersist in their heroic 
struggle • • ♦." 

PEKING RADIO COMMENT ON WATTS RIOT, AUGUST 16, 1965: 

"Leaflets distributed by the demonstrating Negroes * * * linked up their 
struggle * * • with the battle fought by the other oppressed peoples of the 
world against U.S. aggression. One leaflet reads in part: 'After years of frame- 
ups, brutalities, and intimidations, the black i>eople are throwing off control of 
the same rulers who are making war on people throughout the world — in 
Vietnam, the Dominican Republic, and the Congo.' " 

PEKING RADIO COMMENT (ENGLISH LANGUAGE) ON WATTS RIOT. AUGUST 16, 1965: 

"The struggle of the Negro people in Los Angeles and other places in the 
United States is a veritable revolutionary movement, and, like the revolutionary 
movement of other peoples, the struggle of the American Negroes will be crowned 
with victory, says the PEOPLE'S DAILY commentator today. 

* * • • * * * 

"The Chinese i>eople firmly support the just struggle of their American Negro 
brothers and strongly protest against the atrocities of the U.S. ruling circles 
against them. * * ♦ On the surface the Negro question is a national question. 
But as Chairman Mao Tse-tung said : 'In the final analysis, a national struggle 
is a question of class struggle.' * * * Class contradictions between the Negroes 
and the monopolist groups are irreconciliable [sic]. * * * 

"One new characteristic of the Los Angeles struggle is that the Negro masses 
link their struggle against the domestic reactionary iwlicies of the Johnson 
Administration with their struggle against its policy of aggression abroad. * * • 

"The American Negroes know full well that they are not alone in their struggle. 
The anti-U.S. forces throughout the world are on their side and fight shoulder to 
shoulder with them. * ♦ ♦" 

PEKING RADIO COMMENT ON THE WATTS RIOT, AUGUST 17. 1965: 

"The dauntless Negroes • * * in Los Angeles are continuing their heroic 
fight • • * against large numbers of police and national guard who had been 
brought in to carry out cruel suppression * * ♦. 

"The struggle 'has given some Negroes a feeling of importance and power they 
never had before,' he said. 

******* 
"In the Negro district, 15,000 national guardsmen and police kept up the bloody 
suppression against the Negroes. * ♦ ♦ 

"These national guardsmen and police are now slaughtering innoc'ent in- 
habitants. * • • 

******* 
"One of the salient features of the present Negro fight is that from the very 
beginning of their fight, they took up arms in resistance. They seized guns from 
the racist arms dealers, * * * hit back at the racists and killed racists and 
killed racists armymen and police. Thousands of Negroes have stood in the van 
on this tumultuous fight. This shows that the Negroes hate to the bone the class 
oppression and the social system of discrimination." 



32-955 O— 69— pt. 1 11 



872 SUBVEESIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 
PEOPLE'S DAILY, EDITORIAL ON THE WATTS RIOT, AUGUST 19, 1965: 

" 'more and more American Negroes are coming to realize * * • that th'ey must 
meet counterrevolutionary violence with revolutionary violence' • * * 

"The editorial points out that the American Negroes' sitruggle against racial 
discrimination is an inseparable part of the worldvs^ide revolutionary struggle 
of the oppressed nations and people. * * * 

"The editorial says that 'the 20 million American Negroes * * * have become 
an important revolutionary force in the United States that cannot be over- 
looked. * * *♦ 

"It notes that the American Negroes have, since the beginning of this year, 
taken an active part in the widespread struggle in the United States against 
the U.S. Government aggression in Vietnam. 'This important development rn 
the Negro movement in the United States marks a great advance in the revolu- 
tionary level of the American Negroes' struggle for emancipation.' 

"Two years ago Chairman Mao Tse-tung said in his statement in support of 
the just struggle of the American Negroes : 'The fascist atrocities committed by 
the U. S. imperialists against the Negro people have laid bare the true nature 
of the so-called democracy and freedom in the United States and revealed the 
inner link between the reactionary policies pursued by the U.S. government at 
home and its policies of aggression abroad.' 

" '* * ♦ The African people and the other peace- and justice-loving people of 
the world must join the Negroes * * * in resolutely carrying through to the 
end the struggle against the U.S. imperialist iwlicies * * * The bond which links 
the American Negroes with the revolutionary people in other countries in their 
common struggle wdU be strengthened as the Negro movement grows in the 
United States.' " 

On March 3, 1966, all Peking newspapers featured the statement which Wil- 
liam Epton, vice president of the Progressive Labor Party, had made before the 
New York State Supreme Court on January 27 before being sentenced to 1 year 
in prison following his conviction of conspiracy to riot, advocacy of criminal 
anarchy, and conspiracy to advocate criminal anarchy. 

Epton's quoted statement read in part as follows : 

"It is imperative that the student, intellectual, and worker unite to stay the 
hand of the government before it is too late ; and in the same light — the black 
people must organize themselves to struggle for their right to self-determination 
and for their liberation. I say here, openly and publicly, that the black people 
will not walk into the concentration camps, the furnaces, and the gas chambers. 
We would sooner die fighting first before we allow this to happen to us. 
******* 

"When the future equivalent of the Nuremberg trials take place, it will not 
be Bill Epton who will be standing in the docket. It will be the Johnsons, the 
McNamaras, the Bundys, the Rusks, the war-mad industrialists who make war 
for profit and their agents who will be tried for crimes against humanity." 

PEOPLE'S DAILY EDITORIAL. MARCH 4, 1966, ON THE ABOVE-QUOTED EPTON 
SPEECH : 

"The speech of William Epton, vice president of the U.S. Progressive Labor 
Party, before the U.S. court * * *. He ruthlessly exposed and condemned the 
U.S. ruling group * * *. In his uprightness one sees the heroic mettle and militant 
spirit of a revolutionary. 

"The U.S. * ♦ ♦ want to strangle the revolutionary struggle of the people with 
their police, courts, and prisons. * * * 

"Comrade Ma'o Tse-tung has said : 'To start a war, the U.S. reactionaries must 
first attack the American people. They are already attacking the American 
people ♦ * *. The people of the United States should stand up and resist the 
attacks of the U.S. reactionaries. ♦ * * The persecution of William Epton * • » 
will bring about more violent resistance struggle among the American people. 
• ♦*•••♦ 

"The persecution of Epton is ♦ * ♦ a mark of the stepped up fascistlzation by 
the American rulers. * ♦ * the enemy of the American people * ♦ * is none other 
than the Johnson administration. More and more American people have come to 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 873 

know this. They are rising up to resist the attacks of the American reaction- 
aries * * *. Epton has put it well : we would sooner die fighting than walking 
into the concentration camps, the furnaces, and the gas chambers. * * * Keep 
up the tight, courageous Americans ! The people the world over * * * will be on 
your side and will fight to the end against the common enemy — U.S. imperialism. 

• * >)■*** * 

"Just as Epton has pointed out, the day will come when the U.S. ruling group 
will be tried by the American people and brought to the gallows by them." 

"BREAKING THE FETTERS OF 'NON-VIOLENCE.' " ARTICLE PUBLISHED IN AUGUST 
5, 1966, ISSUE OF PEKING REVIEW: 

"the American Negro struggle * * ♦ is breaking away from the doctrine of 'non- 
violence' ♦ * * and is embarking upon the path of opposing counter-revolutionary 
violence with revolutionary violence. * * * 

"The slogan 'black power' which reflects the growing militancy of the Xegro 
people was raised for the first time ♦ * * when a Negro 'freedom march" was 
staged * ♦ * 

"The high militancy of the American Negroes has also found expression in 
the recent changes of leadership and policies of a number of important Negro 
organizations. The Student Non-Violent Co-ordinating Committee, which had 
been active in organizing Negro struggles in the south, changed its leadership 
in May to a more militant one which openly calls for armed self-defence. * * ♦ 
the Congress of Racial Equality * * * adopted a resolution announcing an end 
to 'non-violence' * * *. 'The philosophy of non-violence is dying.' 

"It is reported that the ranks of the Negro armed self-defence organizations 
are rapidly swelling. The Deacons for Defence and Justice formed last year 
has now established 50 to 60 branches in five southern states. The Revolutionary 
Action Movement which has its headquarters in Philadelphia is now also active 
in New York, Chicago, Detroit and other industrial centres in the north. * * * 
However, the history of the American Negro struggle shows that violent sup- 
pression by the ruling circles can only hasten the new awakening of the Negro 
masses and make more people realize that their sole hope is to meet violence 
with violence." 

On August 8, 1966, a rally was held in Peking to mark the third anniversary 
of Mao Tse-tung's 1963 message in support of American Negroes. The rally was 
reportedly attended by Premier Chou En-lai and Vice-Premier Chen Yi and 
10,000 Chinese people. A message to Robert Williams from William Epton, vice 
president of the Progressive Labor Party, was read at the rally. AVilliams was one 
of the rally speakers, as was another American, Sidney Rittenberg. 

EXCERPTS AND SUMMARIES FROM RALLY SPEECHES AND STATEMENTS, AS PUB- 
LISHED IN THE PEKING REVIEW, AUGUST 12, 1966, FOLLOW: 

William Epton's message : 
" 'The black people in the U.S.A. are in the midst of their struggle to achieve 
their self-determination and liberation. We, at the same time, offer our resolute 
support to the heroic Vietnamese people who are waging a militant armed 
struggle against U.S. imperialism to win their .self-determination. We salute 
the Chinese i)eople for giving leadership to the world revolutionary movement 
against U.S. imperialism, and revisionism led by the Soviet Union. We join 
hands with you on this occasion with the knowledge that the world revolutionary 
movement will be victorious over U.S. imperialism and its revisionist colla- 
borators.' " 

Sidney Rittenberg,^ summary of speech : 



^ Foreign correspondent in Peliing for The Worker in the late 1950's and early 1960's. 
Although Rittenberg was dropped from The Worker'8 list of foreign correspondents after 
1962, he continues to reside in Communist China. 

Chinese Communist publications and broadcasts describe him as "an American journalist" 
and "an American friend" living in China when commenting on his frequent speeches to 
various rallies in Peking. 

Several of his speeches have been broadcast in English by Radio Peking ; Peking Review 
has reported and summarized others. 

Rittenberg has openly proclaimed his admiration for communism — Chinese style — and 
has expressed the hope that "imperialism will be smashed all over the world and the cause 
of socialism and communism will be victorious." 

In a speech to a rally on Apr. 10, 1967, Rittenberg "-wished Chairman Mao a long life, 
because, he said, 'only his teachings can guide the revolutionaries of all countries to rebel 
against the old world and to carry the world revolution through to the end ♦ • ♦.' " 



874 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

"Chairman Mao's brilliant analysis of the national struggle * * * 
has opened the way for the rise of the black freedom struggle to a new stage ♦ ♦ *. 
He noted that the American Negro people are abandoning the false doctrine 
of 'non-violence' for slogans of 'meet counter-revolutionary violence with revolu- 
tionary violence.' He also said that they are increasingly identifying their fight 
with the Champion of Liberation, Mao Tse-tung, and the Gosi)el of Freedom, Mao 
Tse-tung's thought." 

" * * *, [a Red Chinese newspaper] said, the American Negro masses have not 
only come to realize the need to win power but also to understand that power 
has to be seized by means of violence. ♦ • •" 

Kuo Mo- jo speech : 

"The Chinese people hail the heroic struggle of their American Negro brothers ! 

******* 

"The facts have proved that the exploited and oppressed American Negro people 
are the most staunch and most reliable revolutionary force in the United States. 

• **•**• 
"Chairman Mao has said that the fascist atrocities of the U.S. imperialists 

against the Negro people have exposed the true nature of the so-called American 
democracy * * *. Like all reactionary ruling classes in history, the reactionary 
U.S. ruling clique has all along relied on violence to maintain its rule. Therefore, 
it is inevitable that the American Negro people should use violence to resist the 
reactionary U.S. ruling clique. * * * 

* * • * • * • 
"By striking hard at U.S. imperialism in the battlefield, the Vietnamese people 
have rendered powerful support to the struggle of the American Negro people. 
Similarly, by fighting against U.S. imperialist racial discrimination, the American 
Negro people have in turn given important support to the Vietnamese people's 
struggle against U.S. aggression ♦ * *. In the past three years, our American 
N^ro brothers have firmly opposed U.S. imperialism's expansion of its war of 
aggression against Vietnam by refusing to enlist and burning draft cards * * *. 
They have done a good thing, and the right thing too ! We are deeply convinced 
that * * * our American N^^o brothers * * * will surely rise in still more 
vigorous action and push their struggle against tyranny to a new high in order 
to support the Vietnamese people in their struggle against U.S. aggression * ♦ • 
In the struggle * * * against U.S. imperialism, the Soviet revisionist leading 
clique is playing the role of number one accomplice to U.S. imperialism ♦ ♦ *. It 
has never supported our American Negro brothers * . * * it absurdly describes 
the correct stand of supporting the national-liberation movement as 'substituting 
a racial point of view for the -point of view of class struggle.' * * * and conse- 
quently gives support to U.S. tniperialism's reactionary internal policy. Not only 
does it serve as an accomplice of U.S. imperialism in the latter's expansion of the 
war of aggression, but it has at the same time placed itself in the shameful 
position of helping U.S. imperialism attack the American people and the American 
Negroes. 

"In the excellent revolutionary situation ♦ * ♦ it is our primary task at present 
to form the broadest and most genuine international united front against U.S. 
imperialism. This front includes the broad masses of the American Negroes and 
the American people • * • "' 

******* 

"The Chinese people are friendly to the American people. * * • the most 
reliable friend of the American Negro people. In your struggle, you will always 
receive infinite sympathy and active support from the Chinese people. * * •" 

STATEMENT SUPPORTING AMERICAN NEGRO PEOPLE'S STRUGGLE ADOPTED AT 
THE RALLY: 

"The American Negroes' struggle has begun to take the road of using revolu- 
tionary violence against counter-revolutionary violence. * * ♦ The American 
Negroes' struggle has been ever more closely linked up with the American people's 
movement against the U.S. imperialist war of aggression against Vietnam. This 
constitutes a powerful support to the Vietnamese people's struggle against U.S. 



SUBVERSIVE mrLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNINQ 875 

aggression * • * as well as to the anti-U.S. struggle of the people of the whole 
world. 

**♦♦«*♦ 
"The American Negroes' struggle is by no means isolated. They will for ever 
receive boundless sympathy and resolute support from the 700 million Chinese 
people * * *" 

PEKING RADIO BROADCAST, JULY 28, 1967: 

"By its ferocity and its ruthless methods in suppressing the Negro movement, 
the Johnson administration has given a profound lesson to more and more Afro- 
Americans by negative example. This has greatly hastened their awakening. On 
the day Johnson made his speech, H. Rap Brown, a young Negro leader who has 
stood out prominently in the current struggle, forcefully and pointedly replied to 
Johnson's threats when he gave a press conference and attended a mass meeting 
in Washington. Brown said that 'the black man has the immutable will to be free 
and has no recourse but to rebel.' He stressed that 'violence is necessary' and 
that the black people must get their guns because the white rulers 'don't respect 
nothing but guns. . . .' His militant speech reflects the determination of the 
awakening Afro-American masses to rebel." 

PEKING RADIO EDITORIAL COMMENT IN ENGLISH ON DETROIT RIOT, JULY 30, 1967: 

"The swift and vigorous spread of the Afro-American people's armed struggle 
against racial oppression has thrown the White House into complete confusion. 
This proves to the hilt that the US ruling circles who appear to be formidable 
are no more than a paper tiger. • * *" 

"The roaring flames in Detroit have scared the US ruling circles. • • *" 

"It is not the fighting Afro-Americans who are afraid of the US ruling circles ; 
it is the US ruling circles who are afraid of the Afro-American masses • * *. 

******* 

"More and more Afro-Americans have embarked on the road of combatting 
counterrevolutionary violence with revolutionary violence. This is what the US 
gangsters fear most * * * If the people in the United States unite, the revo- 
lutionary people of the world unite, and together wage a common struggle, the 
handful of reactionaries in the United States will be completely isolated and 
besieged ring upon ring by the masses of the people thus accelerating the doom 
of US imi>erialism." 

PEKING RADIO BROADCAST, AUGUST 1, 1967: 

"stooges like Martin Luther King issued statements publicly supporting the 
Johnson administration's violence against the Afro-Americans. This at once 
unmasked these champions of 'nonviolence' for what they really are — opponents 
of the revolutionary violence of the oppressed and i^pporters of the counter- 
revolutionary violence of the oppressors. 

******* 
"However, the level of political awareness of the Afro-American masses is 
daily rising and they have come to realize more clearly than ever the need to re- 
sist violence with violence. * * * Neither the US ruling circle's violent suppres- 
sion nor the humbug of 'nonviolence' preached by Martin Luther King and his 
ilk can prevent the Afro-American masses from taking the road of struggle by 
violence and promoting the Afro- American movement" 

PEKING RADIO BROADCAST, AUGUST 2, 1967: 

"Lyndon Johnson * * * made a speech on 27 July calling for the intensified 
suppression of the armed struggle of Afro- Americans * * * and asked the Afro- 
Americans to be 'law-abiding' and 'responsible' and to 'share in America's 
prosperity.' 

"But what kind of stuff is American law? Friendrich [sic] Engels pointed out 
long ago that bourgeois law is a 'whip' against the proletariat. * * * To the 
Afro-Americans, such laws mean that they must put up with the privation of 
monopoly capitalism * * *. The broad sections of Afro-Americans and working 
people in the United States must destroy such laws and smash the state apparatus 



876 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

of monopoly capital if they are to free themselves and win liberation. The Afro- 
Americans have torn up Johnson's '(farce)' and bravely taken up arms to 
struggle against racial oppression. Their rebellion is justifie<l and they have done 
well, very well. 

"Johnson clamored to stop the 'violence' * ♦ ♦. His bluster about stopping the 
'violence' means that they are allowed to wantonly massacre the Afro-American 
masses while the latter should not resist. * * * 

* • * * * * • 
"The broad masses of Afro-Americans will * * * be fully aware that in order 
to achieve complete liberation, the monstrous imperialist system must be wholly 
and thoroughly overthrown." 

PEKING REVIEW. AUGUST 4, 1967. COMMENT ON DETROIT RIOT: 

"Beginning early July 23, several thousand Afro-Americans in Detroit, the 
fifth largest city in the United States, mounted a stirring armed struggle against 
fascist police violence. * * * 

* * * • * « • 

"Inspired by the militant heroism of Detroit's Afro-Americans * * * Black 
Americans in other cities and states also rose in armed rebellion. * * * 

"The powerful, surging Afro-American armed struggle against racial oppres- 
sion is of great significance * * * to the struggle of the people of the world 
against U.S. imperialism. The raging flames of the Afro-American struggle were 
ignited at a time when U.S. imperialism faces an impasse in its war of aggres- 
sion against Vietnam and when the struggle of the people the world over against 
U.S. imperia'lism and its running dogs is pressing ahead powerfully. Fighting 
Afro-Americans are dealing telling blows at U.S. imperialism from within the 
United States, smashing down the reactionary power structure's so-called 'law 
and order' and paralysing and causing confusion in more than a dozen cities. 
Because this rising armed struggle against oppression is battering fiercely at 
U.S. imperialism's rule at home, it will inevitably weaken U.S. imperialist aggres- 
sion abroad and aggravate its already insurmountable difficulties. The struggle 
of the Afro- American masses will not only give tremendous impetus to the revo- 
lutionary struggle of the entire American people; it will provide powerful sup- 
port for the struggles of the people of the world against U.S. imperialism, 
especially for the Vietnamese people in their war of resistance against U.S. 
aggression and for national salvation." 

PEKING RADIO COMMENT ON SUMMER 1967 RIOTS. AUGUST 5, 1967: 

"A vigorous Afro-American struggle against racial oppression has swept 
the length and breadth of the United States this summer. ♦ * * 

"The massive armed resistance that broke out in Newark and Detroit * * * 
has added a brilliant new page to the annals of the Afro-American people's 
struggle for liberation. 

******* 
"The Afro-Americans have begun to realize * * * that they simply cannot 
get anywhere by adopting the 'nonviolent' means * * *. 

"Meanwhile, the Afro- Americans have broken the shackles of bourgeois legality 
and morals. * * * 

* * * * * * \ * 
"their struggle will certainly grow ever stronger and win final victory. Just 
as Chairman Mao Tse-tung has pointed out, 'With the support of more than 90 
percent of the people of the world, the Afro-Americans will be victorious in their 
Just struggle. The evil system of colonialism and imperialism * * * will surely 
come to its end with the complete emancipation of the black people.' " 

PEKING RADIO, AUGUST 9, 1967, BROADCAST OF EXCERPTS FROM ARTICLE WRITTEN 
BY THE RED GUARDS AT THE INSTITUTE OF DIPLOMACY: 

"The heroic Afro-Americans have taken up arms and rebelled. The raging 
flames of their struggle * * * were warmly hailed by revolutionary people the 
world over. 

"Four years ago, Chairman Mao Tse-tung, the great leader of the people of the 
world, made the 'statement supporting the American Negroes * * *.' Chairman 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 877 

Mao scientifically analyzed the development of the Afro-Americans' struggle and 
pointed out the road of their struggle. This brilliant work of historic signif- 
icance has dealt a fatal blow to the US * ♦ *. Chairman Mao pointed out : 'In the 
final analysis, national struggle is a matter of class struggle.' 
"This brilliant truth has been incontestably home out ♦ * *. 

"The struggle of the Afro-Americans is powerfully supported by the anti-U.S. 
imperialist struggle of the peoples of the world. Victory will belong to the Afro- 
Americans. Let the imperialists and their apologists of all shades and hues lament 
in the midst of the song of triumph of the AfroTAmericans." 

Cuba 

havana radio broadcast, august 16, 1965, by sergio altisar : 

"Los Angeles continues to be the pivotal center of the rebellion of the Negro 
masses * * *. When * * ♦ the police used the most brutal repressive measures, 
the insurrectional wave, like an uncontrollable fire, extended to other cities 
and districts ♦ * *. The police terror employed by both local and federal authori- 
ties recalls the worse periods of the pogroms and anti-Negro slaughters in the 
so-called U.S. Dixieland. 

"Despite the threats by President Johnson and the murderous actions of the 
military and police riflemen, the movement of Negro rebellion has gone on the 
march * * *." 

SPEECH BY FIDEL CASTRO TO THE FIRST CONFERENCE OF THE LATIN AMERICAN 
SOLIDARITY ORGANIZATION (LASO), BROADCAST BY HAVANA RADIO. AUGUST 
11, 1967: 

"However, it is untrue that they [U.S. Negro movement] have no pr(^ram. 
* * * the Negro sector * * ♦ has devoted its energies to defend itself, to resist, 
and to struggle. ♦ * * From this Negro segment * * * will merge [sic] the revo- 
lutionary movement in the United States. * ♦ * from the Negro segment will 
surge the revolutionary vanguard within the United States. Around this revolu- 
tionary movement — which does not emerge as a result of race problems, but from 
social problems — * ♦ * in US society, from this oppressed segment, the revolu- 
tionary movement will emerge. ♦ * * a vanguard of a struggle called someday to 
liberate all of US society. * ♦ ♦ we must reject * ♦ ♦ this attempt of presenting 
the Negro movement in the United States as a racist problem. * * * we believe 
that the revolutionary movement throughout the world should give Stokely 
utmost support ♦ ♦ *. Our solidarity can * * ♦ aid to protect Stokely's life. 

"This iilternationalism is not proclaimed. It is practiced. The US Negroes 
are * * * resisting with weapons I * ♦ * taking up arms to defend their 
rights. * * *" 

HAVANA RADIO, AUGUST 25, 1967, BROADCAST, TEXT OF RESOLUTION ADOPTED 
AT THE LASO CONFERENCE. THE RESOLUTION READ IN PART: 

"in the new phase of the struggle of the Negro people symbolized in the rebellions 
in the ghettos by the citizens of Watts, Selma, Chicago, Harlem, and more 
recently Newark and Detroit, leaders have arisen who know how to interpret 
correctly the anxieties, inclinations, and aspirations of the Afro-American 
people; * * * the relations of the U.S. Negro movement with the national libera- 
tion struggles in Asia, Africa, and Latin America have been raised to a higher 
level * * * during the events * ♦ * in Newark and Detroit, the Negro masses have 
responded * * * practically converting these cities into battlefields * * * the 
struggle of the U.S. Negro is part of the struggle of all the U.S. people against 
the U.S. imperialist government and is tied * * * to the struggle of all the 
peoples of Africa, Asia, and Latin America against Yankee imperialism, which, 
in fact, establishes the necessity and the advisability of forming a militant 
solidarity movement between the Afro-American people and the peoples of the 
three continents : 

"The peoples of * * * the First LASO Conference, fully support the struggle 
of the U.S. Negro * * ♦ and urge them to answer the racist violence of the 
U.S. * * ♦ with stepped-up direct revolutionary action * * *. 



878 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

"They resolve, further, to proclaim 10 August a day of solidarity with the 
N^To people of the United States, in memory of the rebellious evaits begun by 
the U.S. Negro population in the streets of "Watts on 18 August 1965, which 
marked a change in the strat^y of the struggle of the U.S. Negro, abandoning 
peaceful forms of protest in favor of violent, armed demonstrations against 
Imperialist oppression and discrimination." 

North Vietnam 

vietnam courier, officla.l newspaper of cobimunist government op 
north vietnam, article entitled "second front against u.s. imperial- 
ism," issue of august 29, 1966: 

"The first front against U.S. imperialism is Vietnam. 
"The second front lies in the United States. 

"There live in the U.S. 20 million Afro-Americans. They are oppressed, ex- 
ploited and treated with contempt like slaves. * * * 

"The Vietnamese people's fight against the U.S. aggressors, for national 
salvation, has brought a great influence to bear upon the Afro-ALmericans who 
have realized that they have the same enemy as the Vienamese people — U.S. 
imperialism — and that to achieve freedom and equality they must oppose revolu- 
tionary violence to counter-revolutionary violence, just as the Vietnamese are 
doing. No wonder they sympathize with the Vietnamese people and from non- 
violence they have begun using violence for self-defense. * * * 

"Another important thing is that the Afro-Americans combine their struggle 
against racial discrimination with that against the U.S. war in Vietnam. 
******* 

"These two combined movements of the Afro-Americans and white Americans 
are a tremendous force which is the second front against U.S. imperialism. ♦ * * 

"Attacked on both fronts, the U.S. imperialists will certainly be defeated and 
victory will surely belong to the American and Vietnamese peoples." 



(Committee Exhibit No. 2 
FBI STATEMENTS ON COMMUNIST RACIAL AGITATION 

J. EDGAR HOOVER— HOUSE APPROPRIATIONS SUBCOMMITTEE TESTIMONY, BIARCH 
6. 1961: 

"Communist propaganda has always been quick to seize on problems of minority 
groups. Instances involving the Negro race have been prime targets in this 
barrage. 

"The sit-in demonstrations in the South were a made-to-order issue which the 
Party fully exploited to further its own ends. The Communists first showed an 
interest in the demonstrations in late February 1960 when James E. Jackson and 
Joseph North, national Communist Party functionaries, traveled to Richmond, 
Va., and wrote articles for The Worker, an east coast Communist weekly news- 
paper, concerning demonstrations then in progress in Richmond. 

"Also during early March 1960, Daniel Rubin, national youth director of the 
Communist Party, U.S.A., visited college campuses in Richmond to obtain state- 
ments from students in connection with the demonstrations. 

"The Communist Party strategy was not to openly advocate picketing, in- 
asmuch as this would tend to expose its members, but rather to get behind the 
movement by urging college students to take the initiative. 

"The importance which the Communist Party, U.S.A., has placed on these 
demonstrations was sharply brought into focus when Benjamin Dwvis, the 
Party's national secretary, told the Party in March 1960 that these demonstra- 
tions were considerd the next best thing to 'proletarian revolution.' " 

J. EDGAR HOOVER— HOUSE APPROPRIATIONS SUBCOMMITTEE TESTIMONY, JANU- 
ARY 24, 1962: 

"Since its inception the Communist Party, U.S.A., has been alert to capitalize 
on every possible issue or event which could be used to exploit the American 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES EST RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 879 

Negro iB furtherance of party aims. In its efforts to influence the American 
Negro, the party attempts to infiltrate the l^itimate Negro organizations for the 
purpose of stirring up racial prejudice and hatred. In this way, the party strikes 
a blow at our democratic form of government by attempting to influence public 
opinion throughout the world against the United States." 

FBI ANNUAL REPORT FOR 1963: 

"Throughout the 1963 fiscal year the Communist Party, USA, circulated tons 
of propaganda on the race issue. This pictured the Party as the great champion 
of Negroes and other minority groups. Actually, the Party is not in the least bit 
concerned with helping the Negro or any other minority — it merely hopes to en- 
snare those persons who are naive enough to accept the communists for their 
claims instead of their deeds." 

J. EDGAR HOOVER— HOUSE APPROPRIATIONS SUBCOMMITTEE TESTIMONY, JANU- 
ARY 29, 1964: 

"Turning to the subject of Communist interest in Negro activities, the approxi- 
mate 20 million Negroes in the United States today constitute the largest and 
most important racial target of the Communist Party, U.S.A. The infiltration, 
exploitation, and control of the Negro population has long been a party goal and 
is one of its principal goals today. 

"In this drive, Negroes have, over the years, been subjected to intensive and 
■extensive Communist agitation and propaganda. The Communist Party has al- 
ways depicted itself to Negroes as the champion of social protest and the leader 
in the struggle for racial equality. But the truth of the matter is that the Com- 
munist Party is not motivated by any honest desire to better the status or condi- 
tion of the Negro in this country, but strives only to exploit what are often legiti- 
mate Negro complaints and grievances for the advancement of Communist ob- 
jectives. Controversial or potentially controversial racial issues are deliberately 
and avidly seized upon by Communists for the fullest possible exploitation. 
Racial incidents are magnified and dramatized by Communists in an effort to gen- 
erate racial tensions. As a result, such campaigns are actually utilized as a step- 
pingstone to extend Communist influence among the Negroes. 

"Communists, through their worldwide Communist propaganda apparatus, 
transmit propaganda regarding selected instances of racial inequity and in- 
justice to every part of the world. They do not confine themselves to facts but 
resort to distortion, exaggeration, and the big lie. 

"Communists thus capitalize on the adverse propaganda effect that reports of 
discrimination and oppression in the United States can produce in the eyes of the 
rest of the world, particularly among the African and Asian peoples ; that is, the 
idea that this country is against equal rights for all races. 

"The Communist Party is attempting to use the Negro movement, as it does 
everything else, to promote its own interest rather than the welfare of those to 
whom it directs its agitation and propaganda. It may collect funds ostensibly 
In behalf of Negro activities, hold discussions on civil rights at all levels, and 
increase its coverage of Negro affairs in its publications, but behind all of this 
effort is its clear-cut primary interest in promoting communism. 

"The party is continually searching for new avenues in order to expand its 
influence among the N^roes. In particular, it has sought ways and means to 
exploit the militant forces of the Negro civil rights movement. 

"The number of Communist Party recruits which may be attracted from the 
large Negro racial group in this Nation is not the important thing. The old 
Communist principle still holds: 'Communism must be built with non-Commu- 
nist hands.' 

"We do know that Communist influence does exist in the Negro movement and 
it is this influence which is vitally important. It can be the means through which 
large masses are caused to lose perspective on the issues involved and, without 
realizing it, succumb to the party's propaganda lures. 

"The Communists look upon students as potential sympathizers, supporters, 
and contributors to the party's cause. Nor are they unmindful of the rich oppor- 
tunity for infiltration presented by unwary racial and nationality groups. 

"This is especially true of the intense civil rights movement within the United 
States — for America's 20 million Negroes and the countless other citizens who 
share their objectives in the current struggle are a priority target for Commu- 



880 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

nist propaganda and exploitation. Every organization engaged in this struggle 
must constantly remain alert to this vital fact, for, once under Communist domi- 
nation, all freedoms and rights are lost" 

FBI ANNUAL REPORT FOR 1964: 

"The Party waged a constant effort in the fiscal year 1964 to exploit the civil 
/ights issue. During the August 28, 1963, March on Washington, communists and 
Party sympathizers sought to involve themselves in every aspect of this demon- 
stration. Although attempting to conceal their communist connections, approxi- 
mately 200 Party members actually participated in the March. 

"Other recent racial demonstrations have attracted communists, usually in a 
hidden role, and the legitimate leaders of these activities have been hard pressed 
to keep them out and minimize their influence. 

"The FBI does not investigate the legitimate activities of civil rights groups, 
but from an intelligence standpoint it is concerned with determining the extent 
of possible communist infiltration of these organizations." 

J. EDGAR HOOVER— HOUSE APPROPRIATIONS SUBCOMMITTEE TESTIMONY. MARCH 

4. 1965: 

"The ever-increasing evidences of racial unrest in the country during the past 
year have witnessed a parallel in the increased emphasis being placed by the 
Communist Party, U.S.A. on the Negro question and the racial movement gen- 
erally. There are clear-cut evidences that the party has not only been 'talk- 
ing,' but also has been directing and urging the increased participation by its 
adherents in the racial movement. As in any similar party effort at infiltration, 
where there is participation there is influence in varying degrees. 

"These party efforts, though embellished with high-sounding expressions by 
party leaders, claiming a sincere interest in the Negro and his problems, are, in 
reality, just another of the great deceptions practiced by the party through the 
years. Theirs is only a single aim ; namely, the gaining of Communist objectives 
looking toward the ultimate goal of the spread of communism throughout the 
United States. The racial unrest, then, offers the party a ready-made springboard 
from which it is able to project its strategy and tactics. 

"The past year found the party devoting maximum attention to its efforts to 
influence civil rights developments. Always alert to exploit discontent and pro- 
mote disorder, the party continued to regard the civil rights issue as one facet 
of the class struggle within the capitalist system. With this Marxist-Leninist 
analysis as a guide, the party has as an objective the use of the civil rights issue 
to create a Negro-labor coalition which it would dominate to advance the cause 
of communism in the United States. As in the words of the party's general secre- 
tary, Gus Hall, 'Jim Crow can be dealt with only by dealing with capitalism.' 

"The party's involvement in the racial situation is intended to also serve in 
the all-important task of recruitment. In early June 1964, the party's national 
headquarters proposed that headquarters be opened in major cities for the pur- 
pose of holding forums. The objective, as explained by a party functionary, is to 
organize special study groups to teach 'socialism' and thus make it possible for 
the party to recruit members from among civil rights fighters." 

FBI ANNUAL REPORT FOR 1965: 

"The communists have been much encouraged by the current wave of social 
unrest in the United States. They view this situation as the development of a 
climate favorable to their operations and are constantly probing to exploit areas 
of discord. It is a rare civil rights activity, whether it be a voter's Registration 
drive, a demonstration, march or picket, that does not attract communists to 
some degree. 

* * * * * * ' * 

"In general, legitimate civil rights organizations have been successful in ex- 
cluding communists, although a few have received covert counseling from them 
and have even accepted them as member.s. The Communist Party is not satisfied 
with this situation and is continually striving to infiltrate the civil rights move- 
ment at every level." 

J. EDGAR HOOVER— HOUSE APPROPRIATIONS SUBCOMMITTEE TESTIMONY, FEB- 
RUARY 10, 1966: 

"The party's national office in early 1965 informed all of its districts that the 
party planned to spend, during 1965, $10,000 for wages, travel, and literature 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 881 

distribution in the South. This was said to represent a modest increase over 
1964. Party activities in the South are financed through what is termed a 'South- 
ern solidarity assessment,' which is an involuntary assessment of 1 month's dues 
payable each December. 

• *****• 

"The increasing frequency of meetings of party functionaries at the highest 
levels to mold its designs on the Negro question is illustrative of the escalation 
of Communist efforts to influence the civil rights movement. W^hereas the party's 
national Negro commission was almost dormant 2 to 3 years ago, 1965 witnessed 
several key meetings by this highest body in the party devoted to racial matters. 

"At its meeting on March 20-21, 1965, labeled a 'milestone' by party National 
Vice Chairman Henry Winston, the general consensus was that the party in- 
crease its efforts to lure support from all segments of society. Party general 
secretary Gus Hall emphasized that the party must pursue its efforts to merge 
the struggles of the Negroes and the working class in order to reach its goal of 
gaining influence among the masses. 

"Just a month later, on April 23, 1965, the Negro commission again met and 
passed a number of proposals which were immediately adopted by the Thirty's 
national committee. These dealt with the party's far-reaching and penetrative 
plans for exploiting the racial situation, as follows : 

1. Each party district is to establish committees to work with the leadership 
and to organize the party's activities in the South. 

2. Perman<^nt assignments should be made in areas of concentration for the 
recruiting of party members with each party district working on plans to 
recruit young Negroes. 

3. The party's role in relation to the labor movement should be one of stimu- 
lating the idea of organizing the unorganized workers in the South. 

4. The party leadership should prepare an informational catalog on the South 
for the use of other groups. 

5. The struggle for civil rights must be kept in motion. 

6. The party must raise substantial amounts of money from SeptemlxT to 
December 1965, to be controlled by the Negro commission for work in the 
South. 

"Another key item stressed during the April 23, 1965, meeting was to have 
party contacts with the principal civil rights organizations working in the 
South, including the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee and the South- 
ern Christian Leadership Conference, as well as with other groups which supply 
medical and legal aid in the South. 

"To efl'ect a channel of communication between the party and civil rights 
workers, it was stressed that the party become better organized by meeting 
with indi\Tdnals going to the South for temporary work in the civil rights field 
and having them report back to the party about their experiences. 

"At another meeting of the Negro commission held on June 23, 1965, a leading 
party functionary equated the struggle of Negroes for first-class citizenship as 
consistent with Marxist-Leninist doctrines. Another party leader suggested that 
the Communist Party, U.S.A. focus its attention on every educational .system 
in the United States where discrimination is practiced and urged that Negro 
youth be drawn into the 'socialist struggle' (Communist struggle). 

"These activities show the clear-cut designs of the party to exploit to its 
fullest the racial situation, including using it as a steppingstone for member- 
ship recruitment. 

"That Communists are not giving more lipservice to the dictates of their mas- 
ters is clearly evidenced in an examination of the many racial activities such as 
demonstrations, pickets, boycotts, and the like, which have taken place in the re- 
cent past. There is hardly an activity in this area that does not have a Commu- 
nist element present. The degree of Communist participation and influence will, of 
course, vary from activity to activity but almost always there will be found the 
Communist at work. We also find party leaders arrogantly proclaiming the in- 
volvement of their 'slaves' to Communist dicta. In May 1965, Party leader Gtis 
Hall proclaimed that the Communist movement is making progress in the civil 
rights field. In June 1965, when it became public knowledge that Communists 
were active in lengthy demonstrations in Chicago, 111., relating to a school segre- 
gation protest, two party leaders, Claude Lightfoot and James West, issued pub- 
lic statements verifying the presence of Communists in these demonstrations. 



SS2 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

"The riots in Los Angeles, Oalif., which took place during the period August 
11-14, 1965, provided the Clommunist Party, U.S.A. and other subversives with the 
means to further blacken the reputation of the United States and to attempt to 
fan the flame of discontent among the American people. 

"That the CJommunists had an ulterior motive in this action was clearly dem- 
onstrated in the remarks of one party functionary who placed the entire blame 
for the uprising on the white people and proposed to his party underlings that 
they take advantage of such riots wherever they occur since riots will eventually 
lead the United States to socialism. 

"At a still higher level, the national headquarters of the party, on August 15, 
1965, instructed the southern Oalifornia party district to prepare articles con- 
cerning the riots for early publication in The Worker, an east coast Communist 
newspaper. Special efforts were to be made to play up the 'police brutality' angle. 
Major portions of subsequent issues of The Worker and People's World, a west 
coast Communist newspaper, were devoted to the uprising in Los Angeles and its 
aftermath. Each article faithfully followed the line set by party headquarters. 

"Despite the expressed good intentions of those legitimately concerned with 
the civil rights movement, their efforts to keep Communists out have been 
less than totally effective. This is amply illustrated by the Communist involve- 
ment in racial activities which are often sponsored by groups with well-mean- 
ing intentions. Then, too, we find the extreme militants, such as the Student- 
Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, whose leadership has proclaimed that they 
will accept Communists within their ranks. 

******* 

"A widespread underestimation of the menace which the party presents to 
the internal security of the United States is just the impression the party de- 
sires to present. The ability of the party to seize upon items of discontent and 
to fan the sparks of civil disobedience into actual strife presents a clear and 
present danger." 

FBI ANNUAL REPORT FOR 1966: 

"Exploitation of racial unrest in the United States continues to be a major 
program of the Communists. During the year, the Party issued numerous 
directives through its National Negro Commission instructing members to par- 
ticipate in the civil rights movement and to be alert to the provocation of mili- 
tant action among Negroes." 

STATEMENT BY J. EDGAR HOOVER TO SENATE INTERNAL SECURITY SUBCOM- 
MITTEE CONCERNING THE 18TH NATIONAL CONVENTION OF THE COMMUNIST 
PARTY. U.S.A., JUNE 22-26, 1966: 

"The resolution on the Negro question was presented to the convention by 
Claude Lightfoot, Chicago party leader. He suggested that the party must ele- 
vate its role as the initiator of civil rights struggles and come forward in its 
own name as 'the best fighter' for Negro rights in this country. Following 
Lightfoot's report, which was adopted, other speakers commented on the need 
for training Negro women for leadership in the Communist Party and the neces- 
sity for the party to take more direct action In the Negro struggle and to de- 
vote more attention to 'police brutality' in Negro communities. 

"The Communist Party is acutely embarrassed by Its failure to adequately 
recruit among Negroes. To their everlasting credit, the vast majority of Negroes 
have recognized the falsity of communism and turned It down. They know 
that communism does not mean a better life for them, economically, politically, 
or socially. 

"Nevertheless, the party has long been attempting to exploit the civil rights 
movement. The 18th national convention signifies that the party will step forward 
even more boldly, hoping to infiltrate and influence civil rights organizations. The 
party wants to link work among Negroes more directly with the class struggle — 
to turn the civil rights area into a hatchery for communism. 

"Part of the convention's appeal to the Negro can be seen in the party's selec- 
tion of oldtlme party leader, Henry Winston, a Negro, as national chairman. 
The Worker quoted Winston as noting the significant precedent of electing a 
Negro national chairman of a party 'that is becoming a major political force in 
this country.' " 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 883 

J. EDGAR HOOVER— HOUSE APPROPRIATIONS SUBCOMMITTEE TESTIMONY, FEB- 
RUARY 16, 1967: 

"With the continuing increase of racial unrest and activities relating to the 
civil rights movement in this country during the past year, there has been a 
pronounced increase of activities by the Communist Party — U.S.A. concerning 
the Negro question and the racial movement generally. 

"The emphasis given to the Negro question at the Communist Party's 18th 
national convention held in June 1966, at New York City, illustrates the party's 
increased involvement in the racial movement. Claude Liffhtfoot, the party's 
vice-chairman, presented the resolution on the Negro question to the convention 
calling for the broadest linking of the civil rights struggle with the struggle 
for peace. He emphasized that the Communist Party must be known as the 'best 
fighter' for Negro rights in the United States. 

"Although the Communist Party has always been active in the field of civil 
rights, it has done very little in its own name. Based on the action taken at the 
convention, the keynote now is that the Party will boldly step forward and 
lead its own movement for civil rights as well as for infiltrating into all civil 
rights struggles and joinipg with more militant elements. 

"For the most part, legitimate civil rights organizations have rejected the 
Communists' efforts to penetrate them. However, there have been some segments 
of these groups that covertly seek Communist advice and direction and in some 
instances accept Communists within their organizations. 

•*••••♦ 

"The riots and disturbances of recent years have given Communists a golden 
opportunity to emphasize the Marxist concept of the 'class struggle' by identi- 
fying the Negro and other minority group problems with it. Communists seek 
to advance the cause of communism by injecting themselves into racial situa- 
tions and in exploiting them (1) to intensify the frictions between Negroes and 
whites to 'prove' that the discrimination against minorities is an inherent 
defect of the capitalist system, (2) to foster domestic disunity by dividing 
Negroes and whites into antagonistic, warring factions, (3) to undermine and 
destroy established authority, (4) to incite Negro hostility toward law and 
order, (5) to encourage and foment further racial strife and riotous activity, 
and (6) to portray the Communist movement as the 'champion' of social 
protest and the only force capable of ameliorating the conditions of the Negroes 
and the oppressed. 

"The cumulative effect of almost 50 years of Communist Party activity in 
the United States cannot be minimized, for it has contributed to disrupting race 
relations in this country and has exerted an insidious influence on the life and 
times of our Nation. As a prime example, for years it has been Communist policy 
to charge 'police brutality' in a calculated campaign to discredit law enforce- 
ment and to accentuate racial issues. The riots and disorders of the i>ast 3 years 
clearly highlight the success of this Communist smear campaign in popularizing 
the cry of 'i)olice brutality' to the point where it has been accepted by many 
individuals having no aflSliation with or sympathy for the Communist movement. 

"The net result of agitation and propaganda by Communist and other sub- 
versive and extremist elements has been to create a climate of conflict between 
the races in this country and to poison the atmosphere." 

FBI ANNUAL REPORT FOR 1967: 

"Merging the struggle for civil rights with the Vietnam war protest move- 
ment occupied much of the Communist Party's efforts during the fiscal year. 
Speaking before the National Committee, CPUSA, in December, 1966, National 
Chairman Henry Winston suggested that white backlash was a weapon of the 
monopolists and the ultraright to conceal their drive against the rights of 
Negroes. West Coast Party leader Roscoe Proctor, writing in the March, 1967, 
issue of Political Affairs, embraced civil rights extremists by calling for 
Marxist-Leninists to provide more 'flesh and bone' to the inflammatory slogans 
of Black Power groups. He called for Party programs and guidelines around 
which the black masses could be mobilized in day-to-day struggles to improve 
their conditions of life." 

[Italics supplied in all of above FBI statements.] 



884 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Committee Exhibit No. 3 

(Organizational Background Material) 

COMMUNIST PARTY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 

23 West 26th Street, New York, N.Y. 
Origin: 

September 1919 at convention in Chicago. 

Purpose: 

As the arm of the Soviet Union inside the United States, It is committed to 
the overthrow of our democratic institutions. 

Organization: 

12,000 members. 
Key Leaders: 

Ous Hall — general secretary 
Henry Winston — national chairman 
80-member national committee 

The current chairman of the Negro Commission is Claude Lightfoot, formerly 
of Chicago, now New York. 

Publications: (Circulation) 

The Worker — semiweekly East Coast Communist newspaper 14, 718 

People's World — weekly West Coast Communist newspaper 9, 628 

Political Affairs — monthly theoretical journal 4, 550 

Freedomway8—qua.TteTly Marxist Negro review 7, 000 

Labor Today — ^bimonthly trade union magazine 2, 380 

Jewish Currents — monthly Jewish magazine 4,300 

American Dialog — bimonthly Communist cultural magazine. 

Statements: 

On Octoji)er 22, 1967, the Communist Party's official newspaper, The Worker, 
reported that during the past week "an extraordinary meeting of over 80 leading 
Communists" called by the party's Negro Affairs Commission had endorsed a 
statement supporting Negro violence. The meeting, in effect, approved a new 
Communist Party line regarding Negroes and rioting which included the follow- 
ing statement: 

"We as Marxists have always affirmed that oppressed people have the 
right to forcibly overthrow an oppressive regime when the channels for 
democratic change are closed to them. This right is affirmed in the Declara- 
tion of Independence. Therefore there can be no question of the right of 
black people in the U.S. to use violence to achieve change." 

It appears that the main reason for the adoption of this statement was the 
fact that the official softer line the party had been following on the Negro ques- 
tion during recent years had placed it in a disadvantageous position, in com- 
petition with other Communist parties, from the viewpoint of influencing and 
recruiting members from black nationalist and ultramilitant civil rights orga- 
nizations and from the violence- and riot-prone minority Negro element. 

The party's former declared position of supporting full integration and reject- 
ing violence had, in effect, placed it in the iwsition of rejecting, rebuking, and con- 
tradicting those organizations and elements which had the greatest ^tential for 
furthering the Communist aim of disrupting and weakening the United States. 
If the Communist Party were to capitalize on the riots, it had no choice but to 
reverse its official position on the question of "civil rights." 

From its earliest years until 1959 the Communist Party had propounded the 
"Black Belt" theory regarding American Negroes. It was Stalin's position that 
Negroes were a people apart from whites in this country and that a separate 
republic ^ould be set up for them in the South. 

This position proved a serious hindrance to the party's recruiting and propa- 
ganda activities among Negroes, who rightly considered themselves as American 
as any white man and had no desire to secede from the United States. 

Repeated appeals to Moscow by U.S. party leaders for a change in the line 
went unheeded. Stalin refused to let the party change its position on this subject. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES EST RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 885 

When Khrushcliev took power some years after Stalin's death, however, and 
instituted his de-iStalinization program, a change was effected. 

Khrushchev and other Soviet leaders undoubtedly perceived that a Com- 
munist Party claim that it believed in complete integration and full equality 
for Negroes in the United States would provide it with a much better recruiting 
potential than its former segregationist line had. Moreover, Khrushchev, unlike 
Stalin, could approve a reversal in the U.S. Communist Party line without 
admitting a past error on his part. Finally, in rejecting the "Black Belt" position, 
Khrushchev would be finding a Stalinist policy in error and would thus be fur- 
thering his aim of discrediting Stalin with U.S. Communists. 

Therefore, in 1959, at its 17th National Convention, the Communist Party 
adopted a new line on the Negro question. It abandoned its advocacy of a separate 
Negro republic. It proclaimed that it stood for full integration and civil rights 
for Negroes. 

Pursuing its new line, the Communist Party became increasingly active in the 
civil rights movement (see Committee Exhibit No. 2, statements of J. Edgar 
Hoover on this subject). Despite the outbreak of riots in 1964 and 1965, the 
party held to its integration and nonviolence position. At its 18th National Con- 
vention in June 1966, it adopted a resolution on "The Negro Question" which 
proclaimed that the Communist Party disassociated itself from those "in and out- 
side of the Negro liberation movement, who maintain that only through violence 
can progress be made in the achievement of equal rights, or who call for acts 
of terrorism." 

Despite this proclaimed repudiation of violence, the party gave backhanded 
support to the riots once they had started. It justified the rioters' use of violence 
by claiming that they were merely reacting to "police brutality" and that they 
had the right to take up arms in "self-defense." The party completely absolved 
the rioters of blame for their violence and placed full responsibility for the 
rioting, looting, and burning on the local, State, and the Federal Governments. 
During recent years, Communist Party statements have more and more 
strongly — though indirectly — supported the radical revolutionary tactics of the 
black militants. Wary of openly advocating, violence by Communists because of 
the Smith Act prosecutions of the last decade, the party has used various devices 
for communicating its support of rioting. One of these is "historic parallel" — the 
device of quoting an historical figure on the necessity of violence and equating 
the events of his time with conditions today. The recently published book by 
Herbert Aptheker, the party's leading theoretican, utilizes this device. In review- 
ing this book, A Documentary History of the Negro People in the United States, 
the Communist magazine, Freedomways, praised Aptheker for having "bril- 
liantly placed the necessary dynamite charges and, wisely, let those who made 
the history light the fuses." 

The 1967 riots apparently convinced the Communist Party that, in order 
to capitalize on them fully, it would have to reject the oflScial repudiation of 
violence it had reiterated as recently as its 1966 convention. Its October 1967 
statement was careful not to say that the Communist Party advocated violence 
but only expressed its Marxist belief that "oppressed people have the right to 
forcibly overthrow an oppressive regime * * *." 

The following statements by the Communist Party and its leaders exemplify 
the recent development of the party line on racial matters and demonstrate how 
in the past few years the Communist Party has more and more openly sui>ported 
militancy and violence. 

GUS HALL, THE WORKER. MAT 1. 1960, P. 12: 

"To all Members and Friends of the Communist Party. Comrades : '■ 

******* 
"Thia situation demands from all of us greater initiative, activity and leader- 
ship. We must be first * * * in the sitdowns, on the picketlines, in the peace 
marches and meetings and in election struggle." 

JAMES E. JACKSON, WORLD MARXIST REVIEW, SEPTEMBER 1963, PP. 35, 36: 

"the freedom struggle of the Negro people is a specialised part of the general 
struggle of the working class against deprivation and class exploitation and 
oppression. 

******* 



886 SUBVERSIVE INFLTJENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

"the freedom struggle of the Negro people reinforces the struggle against the 
exploiting class of the white capitalists * * *. 

* ****** 
"the presence of so large a proportion of Negroes, so especially motivated 
to militancy, in the American working-class can be likened to the addition of 
manganese to iron ore ; when the two elements are united and fused * * * the 
metal * * ♦ acquires a new quality, * * * the quality of pure steel. 

******* 
"veterans of the Civil Rights Revolution, will be fighting partisans of social 
progress all down the line. * * * 

"From its earliest days the Communist Party of the U.S. has given major 
attention to the struggle for the economic, political and social equality of the 
Negro people. * * * 

"At its Sixte^ith Convention in 1957, the Communist Party clearly jwinted out 
that the main line of march of the Negro people's movement was that of opposition 
to all forms of separatist "solutions" to the question of their oppression and 
toward full and complete integration in the life of the nation. * * ♦ 

"Events have fully confirmed the major theoretical and programmatic reso- 
lution on the Negro question which our Party adopted at its Seventeenth Conven- 
tion in December, 1959. In this resolution we stated : 

" '♦ * * The bonds of Negro oppression can and must be shattered. 

* * * Victory on this sector would open the way to rapid developments 
along the whole front for radical social advancement of the entire nation.' 

"our Party exposes the diversionists, adventurists, provocateurs, and opponents 
of Negro-white unity who seek to poach uiwn and disrupt the Negro people's 
freedom movement. 

******* 
"'The struggles (of the Negro people) in the South to rid our land of the 
shackles on freedom are giving an injection of new strength to all our democratic 
institutions. * * *' " 

GUS HALL. THE WORKER, JANUARY 5, 1964, P. 9: 

"The civil right revolution has become the central arena in the struggle for a 
democratic America." 

The "watchword is : 'Be satisfied with what you have gained — slow down.' It is 
designed to destroy the militancy of the movement * * *." 

GUS HALL, ST. LOUIS POST-DISPATCH, JANUARY 12, 1964, P. 4: 

"Communist party leaders in the United States 'consult with and advise' top 
Negro leaders in their civil rights campaigns. * * * 

" 'We are not the active leaders, but members of the Communist party are 
very active in all the Negro organizations' engaged in the civil rights 
struggle * * *." 

JAMES E. JACKSON. THE WORKER, APRIL 21, 1964, P. 2: 

"The Negro freedom struggle has come now to the point where there can be no 
vision of peace in the land until its ♦ * * demands are fully attained. * * * The 
struggle will rise to embrace ever higher revolutionary actions * * *," 

THE WORKER, MAY 10, 1964, P. 8: 

"The civil rights revolution has put the torch to the combustible material 
gathering for decades in our cities' slums and segregated schools. 

"The flames of rebellion have lit up the running sores of our cities. ♦ ♦ *" 

THE WORKER, JULY 21, 1964, P. 1; 

"There is no doubt that enraged and frustrated youngsters resorted to throw- 
ing ibottles and bricks in resistance to the police assaults. There may have been 
even some smashing of store windows and some looting in a misguided attempt 
to avenge the racial brutality of the police." 

JAMES E. JACKSON, THE WORKER, JULY 21, 1964. PP. 1, 7: 

"VIOLENCE ROCKED Harlem over last weekend. And as usual, it was the 
residents of Harlem who were on the receiving end of the murderous assault 



SXJBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 887 

upon the oommvuuty, and as usual it was the erstwhile 'defenders of law and 
order,' the police, who shed the Negro people's blood and took the lives of those 
who died in the encounter. 

"The week-end of violence in Harlem was the latest in an unrelieved campaign 
of 30 years of violence 0i7ain«< Harlem. • • •" 

GUS HALL. THE WORKER. AUGUST 4, 1964, P. g: 

" 'It [the Communist Party] constantly strives for greater unity of Negro- 

and whites [sic] Americans as the prime prerequisite to victory in this — 
fight ♦ • *.'" 

THE WORKER. AUGUST 9, 1964, P. 3: 

In the wake of the Harlem riots of 1964 : 

"The Communist Party affirmed its confidence that 'a united people, Negro and 
white, can peacefully and democratically compel elimination of the evils of the 
ghettos' * * *." 

JOHNPITTMAN, NEW TIMES, OCTOBER 7, 1964, PP. 11, 12: 

"The Negro population, constituting about 10 per cent of the U.S. total, haa 
now risen resolutely to fight for its rights * * * Gus Hall, U.S. Communist 
Party spokesman, addressing a rally in New York, warned that the struggle in 
Mississippi was 'a critical battle to save U.S. democracy. * * *' 

"♦ * * The shadow of Mississippi hangs ominously over the United States. * * * 
The entire apparatus of coercion — police, courts, jails and even armed forces — 
is being used against demonstrators. 

"Entire generations of the iwlice and judges and jurors in this country have 
been reared and indoctrinated with racist mythology concerning the 'innate in- 
feriority' and 'criminality' of Negroes. This is the real ideological background 
of the recent clashes in New York, Philadelphia and other cities. ♦ * * in every 
so-called 'riot' * ♦ * the combatants are not the Negro community versus the 
white community, but the ghetto versus the police ; * * * every one is triggered 
by police action. 

« * O * * IK * 

"A great people's coalition against racism, war and fascism is called for to 
clear the Freedom Road, the American Communist Party has said. Such a 
coalition is not only possible but a national necessity * ♦ *." 

RESOLUTIONS OF THE 18TH NATIONAL CONVENTION, CPUSA, JUNE 1966, PP. 38, 41: 

"with the passage of time, experience will show that the full power of the 
Negro people can be guaranteed only in a socialist society. * * *" 

"We do not identify ourselves with the nationalism which breeds separatism 
* * * this could only end in the defeat of the hopes and aspirations of the 
Negro people." 

JAMES E. JACKSON, POLITICAL AFFAIRS. SEPTEMBER 1966, P. 9: 

"The flaming struggle for Negro freedom which rages these days in the streets 
of the great cities * * * is a part of the revolutionary processes which are rend- 
ing the old social system beyond repair. This ongoing struggle * * * will open 
the way to bringing into being a new order — socialism." 

HENRY WINSTON, "NEGRO-WHITE UNITY: KEY TO— FULL EQUALITY, NEGRO REP- 
RESENTATION, ECONOMIC ADVANCE OF LABOR, BLACK AND WHITE," A 
PAMPHLET. FEBRUARY 1967, PP. 14, 23: 

"The two concepts— labor solidarity and the alliance of labor and the Negro 
people — constitute the cornerstone of the struggle * * * This is how our Party 
places the question. It is this approach which gives substance to the strug- 
gle * ♦ ♦." 

."In our view ♦ * » the concept of 'black power' means that * * * the Negro 
people must win their full equality. ♦ ♦ ♦ 
"This does not mean that black will go it alone and white will go it alone. * * *" 



32-955 O — 69— pt. 1 12 



888 SUBVERSrVB mrLUENCES m riots, looting, and BURNINa 

THE NATIONAL COMMITTEE OF THE CPUSA, HENRT WINSTON AND GUS HALL. THE 
WORKER. JUNE 18. 1967, PP. 6, 7: 

An Open Letter to President Johnson : 
"What may well be the longest, hottest and bloodiest summer has already begun. 

"WE CHARGE * ♦ * conspiracy is afoot in our land to provoke and slaughter 
militant Negroes * • *. 

m * * • * * * 

"THE FORCES OF GOVERNMENT ARE MAKING 1967 THE YEAR OF 
THE CLUB. 

"WE CHARGE the stage was set for this mailed fist policy by * * * your 
major stress on the need for beefing up our police forces everywhere primarily 
to suppress our exploding Negro ghettos. 

• • * * • ' ' • • 

"The evidence revealing the conspiracy to unleash the forces of racism and 
reaction * * * against the Negro people is as overwhelming as it is menacing." 

THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF ILLINOIS. CLAUDE LIGHTFOOT. CHAIRMAN. AND JACK 
KLING. SECRETARY, ISSUED THE FOLLOWING DEMANDS ON JULY 2S, 1967: 

"Immediate withdrawal of all armed racist police and troops from all Negro 
communities, and the establishment of local self -police forces in the communities. 

"Immediate freedom for all those arrested in the racist terror, including Rap 
Brown, chairman of the Student Non- Violent Coordinating Committee. 

"Immediate arrest and trial of any police oflScer accused of racist activity or 
the use of racist language ; purging of all members of the John Birch Society 
and all other racist organizations from the ranks of the police and the Army. 

"Immediate launching of a $10 billion crash program, to be controlled and 
administered by residents of the ghetto, for the rehabilitation of the slums and 
the employment of every man or woman who desires a job. 

"Immediate withdrawal of all U.S. troops from the soil of Vietnam, an end 
to the draft and the release of all drafted Americans for the building of our 
country as a place decent for everybody to live." 

PAUL ROBESON, "THE POWER OF NEGRO ACTION" POLITICAL AFFAIRS. AUGUST 
1967. PP. 43. 46: 

"To live in freedom one must be prepared to die to achieve it * * *. He who is 
not prepared to face the trials of battle will never lead to a triumph. * • • 

• *••••• 

"Mass action — in political life and elsewhere — is Negro power in motion ; and 
it is the way to win. . . ." 

GUS HALL. THE WORKER. OCTOBER 22. 1967, P. 3: 

" 'Can we win the struggle by saying it (racism) is wrong, a sin, or against 
the principles of brotherhood? Such arguments are helpful but not enough to be 
effective developments. 

" 'The role of mutual and parallel self-interest is the most effective way. 
Through it we can become vanguards — if we apply leverage. 

" 'Militant struggle by a united Negro people is not a contradiction to finding 
areas of parallel struggle.' " 

JAMES JACKSON. U.S. NEGROES IN BATTLE: FROM LITTLE ROCK TO WATTS (A 
DIARY OF EVENTS— 1957-1965), PROGRESS PUBUSHERS. MOSCOW. 1967, PP. 5. 6, 
104, 107. 148: ^ 

"It is recognized by freedom-loving peoples the world over, that the freedom 
movement of the American Negro people is objectively part of the national-demo- 
cratic revolution againS't colonialism and neo-colonialism which the peoples of 
Asia, Africa and Latin America are waging against imperialsm wth the support 
and soldarity of all progressives and working people, and the socialist nations. 
"A sector of the world front against colonialism and imperialism, the Negro 
freedom movement has a special, unique importance because it is that part of 
the anti-colonial front that lies within the very inner chambers of the citadel 
of world imperialism — ^the United States of America. * * * Negroes are largely 
a proletarian people and constitute an imiwrtant percentage of the total working 
class of the country. Therefore the Negro democratic struggle is not merely 
allied to but increasingly tends to merge with, combine with, the general class 
struggle. ♦ ♦ ♦" 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 889 

"The reality of their experience Is conditioning Negro youth 'in New York 
City and in Jackson, Miss., to view police and law enforcement oflBcers not as 
protectors, but as adversaries who are zealous in seeking to maintain the racial 
status quo as are the most ardent segregationists'. 

"It is evident that three things must be done at once in respect to the violence 
that was visited upon Harlem by Murphy's Gestapo: 

1. End the police occupation of Harlem at once. • • ♦ 

2. Police Commissioner Murphy must be promptly replaced * * ♦. 

3. The citizens board of review ♦ * ♦ must be established with adequate 
authority." 

"The Communists are and always will be partisans at the side of the oppressed 
people in battle for justice, equality and the implementation of their Constitu- 
tional liberties. The Communists do not advocate, and never have advocated, the 
resort to acts of Individual terror, vengeance or violence. ♦ * *" 

"the young generation, especially, of the Negro people have gained a wide ex- 
perience with the CLASS nature of the capitalist STATE and how its police and 
court system defends its privilege and power. ♦ • * They seek a progressive 
alternative to capitalism. Now, as at no other time In its history, the Communist 
Party of the U.S.A. has the opportunity and duty to disclose the socialist 
alternative to the young generation, to bring to the Negro militants the science 
of Marxism-Leninism to help illumine the way to lasting victory for the masses 
In the struggle for freedom, equality and Justice." 



w. E. B. Dubois clubs of America (dca) 

18531/2 McAllister, San Francisco, Calif, (first natl. office— 1964-1966) 

180 N. Waeker Drive, Chicago, 111. (second natl. office — 1966-1967) 

34 West 17th Street, New York, N.Y. (third natl. office— Sept. 1967) 

Origin: 

Founding convention was held June 1^21, 1964, in San Francisco, Calif. 
Purpose: 

FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover has stated that the W.E.B. DuBoIs Clubs of 
America were "spawned" by the Communist Party ; that they were formed by 
mandate of Gus Hall, the party's general secretary, after top party leaders 
decided in October 1963 that the party should take additional measures to attract 
young Americans. Hall "ordered the formation of a Marxist-oriented youth 
organization to attract non-Communists as the first step toward their eventual 
recruitment Into the party." ^ 

On March 2, 1906, then Attorney General Nicholas deB. Katzenbach petitioned 
the Subversive Activities Control Board to Issue an order requiring the W.E.B. 
DuBois Clubs of America (DCA) to register as a Communist front organization 
as required by the Subversive Activities Control Act of 1950. In support of his 
petition, the Attorney General stated : 

"From Its inception, DCA [DuBoIs Clubs of America] has been and Is substan- 
tially directed, dominated and controlled by the Communist Party and has been 
and Is primarily operated for the purpose of giving aid and support to the Com- 
munist Party. * • ♦" 

In support of this statement, the Attorney General cited a number of facts 
in his petition. Including the following, about the DuBoIs Clubs, their origin, 
and activities : 

Communist Party members and officers were assigned by the Communist 
Party to attend the foomding convention of the DuBois Clubs ; 

These people directed the activities of the DCA founding convention; 

A substantial number of i)ersons who have been active In the management, 
direction, and supervision of the DuBoIs Clubs have also been active In tlie 
management, direction, and supervision — and also as representatives of — the 
Communist Party ; 

The Commimlst Party has given the DCA financial and other support; 

The Communist Party has furnished speakers and lecturers for DCA meetings 
and other functions ; 



1 Testimony of J. Edgar Hoover, House Appropriations Subcommittee, Mar. 4, 1965. 



890 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNINO 

The Communist Party has conducted classes in Marxism for DCA members^ 
and has supplied DCA with literature for the education of its members in 
Marxism-Leninism. 

Gus Hall, general secretary of the CPUS A, acknowledged the relationship 
between the party and DCA in an interview in Moscow in August 1966, He 
stated — 

"we have the closest relations with the 'DuBois Clubs' since they take 
the Marxist positions. This organization has become a real fighting van- 
guard of the youth movement." 

Oroanization: 

25-30 chapters ; approximately 300 members. 
Key Leaders: 

Phil Davis, DCA's first chairman (1964-1965), is known, to have attended a 
Communist Party recruiting school in October 1962. 

Franklin Alexander was elected DCA chairman in 1966. His membership in 
the Communist Party was revealed in February 1967 by J. Edgar Hoover. 

Jarvis Tyner, the newly elected national chairman of DCA, was appointed 
to the National Committee of the CPUSA at the party's 18th National 
Convention in June 1966. 

Other key leaders of DCA who were appointed to the NationaJ Committee 
of the Communist Party at the 18th National Convention include: Bettina- 
Aptheker, Carl Bloice, Robert Duggan, Michael Eisencher, Peggy Goldman, 
Matthew Eallinan, Donald Hamnwrquist, and Robert Eeisler. 

Other DCA leaders such as Jim Kennedy, its Southwest coordinator, made a 
public announcement of his Communist Party membership in a letter which, 
was printed in the November 18, 1965, issue of Lobo, a publication at the Uni- 
versity of New Mexico. 

Carl Bloice, DCA publications director, as a delegate from DCA participated 
in the "World Forum of Solidarity of Youth and Students in the Fight for 
National Independence and Liberation and for Peace," held in Moscow Septem- 
ber 16-24, 1964. The forum was sponsored by the World Federation of Demo- 
cratic Youth and the Council of Soviet Youth Organizations. 

DCA International Secretary Mike Myerson and DCA'er Harold Supriano 
attended the World Peace Congress in Helsinki in July 1965. At the congress, 
Myerson, Supriano, Chris Koch, a radio announcer for WBAI, and Richard Ward, 
a freelance writer living in Paris, sought out members of the North Vietnam. 
Peace Committee and requested permission to visit North Vietnam. An invita- 
tion from the North Vietnamese was extended, and the four spent the last week 
of Au^st and the first week of September in North Vietnam. Myerson was made 
an honorary nephew of Ho Chi Minh and since his return to the United States 
has sported a Viet Cong cap and carried a Viet Cong flag at demonstrations 
protesting the war in Vietnam. 

Publications: 

Publication of periodicals for national distribution by DGA has been erratic 
for at least the past year. 

Spur — newsletter of the W.E.B. DuBois Clubs of America 

Insurgent — bimonthly national magazine of DCA 

Dimensions — national theoretical journal of DCA 

Various local DCA groups have intermittently published newsletters of their 
own. N 

The Organizer — monthly newsletter of the Midwest Region of DCA 

Struggle — weekly information bulletin of the DuBois Conmiunity Action 
Movement in Chicago 

The Encounter — Chicago DCA 

Avanti — Detroit DCA 

The Activist— New York DCA 

Activities: 

(1) has collaborated with the Free Speech Movement at the University of 
California and urged club members throughout the Nation to support FSM. 
through demonstrations and protest letters ; 

(2) has organized marches and rallies protesting alleged "police brutality"; 

(3) has organized demonstrations to protest the war in Vietnam; 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 891 

<4) has supported antiwar demonstrations sponsored by other Communist 
and "New Left" groups ; 

•<5) sponsored a national youth conference at Washington, D. C, August 27-28, 
1966, for "jobs, peace and freedom" ; 

(6) leaders visited Soviet Union and North Vietnam ; 

'(7) published propaganda praising socialism (communism) ; supporting 
North Vietnam and foreign policy of the Soviet Union ; inciting hatred for 
all uniformed authority and instilling a suspicion of the motives of the 
United States Government in both foreign and domestic policies. 

Statements: 

Openly "Socialist" (Communist) 

spur. august 25, 1965. p. 3: 

"Our goal then, to fight now to eliminate the most blatant forms of brutality 
and poverty as part of a long struggle for an America free of exploitation — a 
Socialist America." 

DIMENSIONS, SPRING 1966, PP. IV, 4, 20: 

"Radical social change, socialism, is believed to be the necessary culmination 
of the struggles of working people to overcome the myriad problems which are 
daily produced by a system organized to their disadvantage. * * *" 

"When racism has been decisively defeated in America, the logical next step 
will be the establishment of a party of the workers, black and white, North 
and South, which can bring a Socialist America." 

"The American movement awaits its Brecht, its Sequieros. The time Is 
ripening • * *." 

THE WORKER. JUNE 25, 1967, P. 3: 

" 'We are a socialist organization * * *,' one [DCA] member said. 
"Another member said, 'We have not been socialist enough . , . Our Marxist 
■education has declined.' " 

On Violence 

dca flyer "poverty, frustration. death": 

"We are not in favor of violence ; we do not condone what is happening in 
Watts, but * * * the condition in Watts is our fault. * ♦ *" 

On the Police 

spur. august 25, 1965, p. 1: 

"the Watts district ♦ * * was the battle ground for a class war. * * * When 
they battled the Los Angeles police department, they took on one of the most 
brutal instruments of racism." 

SPUR. OCTOBER 1966, P. 5: 

"Several DuBois clubs have taken the lead in the fight against police brutality 
in their communities (Watts, Philadelphia, Chicago). * * * We strongly support 
the right of people to protect and defend themselves from police bru- 
tality. * • ♦" 

THE WORKER. JUNE 25, 1967, P. 3 : 

" 'There is a campaign under way • * * to use police brutality against those 
who oppose the war in Vietnam. * * •' " 

"DuBois clubs have themselves been the victims repeatedly of police bru- 
tality * * *." 

On Civil Rights 

the worker. september 10. 1967, p. 9: 

"the 'membership of the DuBois Club is committed to building an interracial 
movement against war, racism and poverty • * * we must prove it is possible 
to find common ground between Negro youth and white youth.' " 



892 SUBVERSIVE ESTFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

On Riots 

jarvis tyner, the worker. september 12, 1967. p. 5: 

President "Johnson's answer to the rebellions in America's cities was geno- 
cide * ♦ ♦." 

PEOPLE'S WORLD, SEPTEMBER 23, 1967, P. 9 : 

DCA's third annual convention resolution on black liberation declares the 
DuBois Club will: 

******* 

"Move in support of the Negro community at times of intensified attack, such 
as Newark and Detroit, to mobilize protest against the genocidal practices of 
the police." 

"THE FffiE THIS TIME," A PUBLICATION OF THE LOS ANGELES DCA, WAS DEVOTED 
TO THE WATTS RIOTS. THE FOLLOWING QUOTATIONS ARE FROM THAT 
PAMPHLET : 

" '* * * Does one need to he Negro to be thrilled about the South Los Angeles 
V prising r DR. HERBERT APTHEKER, People's World Testimonial Banquet, 
Statler-Hilton Hotel in Los Angeles, October 12, 1965" 

"Some phrases have been around for a long time, like 'police brutality.' The 
way to get rid of these words is to get rid of brutal police. 'Poverty', 'Oppres- 
sion', 'White Power Structure', are all cliches, but are facts of life for millions 
of Americans today." 

"we maintain that what occurred in Los Angeles last August was not a 'riot', 
but a spontaneous insurgence of thousands of angry, oppressed people. • * *"^ 

"Thus it is left to us, the conscious people, the victims, and the potential vic- 
tims, to combine our bodies and minds in order to stop this hideous machine from 
crushing us all. * * * 

"If we, the people, are to enforce democracy we must take heed of the words 
of that great freedom fighter, Frederick Douglass, 'The whole history of human 
progress shows that all concessions have been won in earnest struggle. If there 
is no struggle, there is no progress. Power concedes nothing without demand. It 
never did and it never will.' 

"The Negro revolt will eventually do more to bring true democracy to these 
United States than any other single factor in the life of the nation. When the 
masses of whites realize this and. further recognize that the Negro revolt is 
expressing the needs and demands of ail working people, then we can combine 
and accomplish these demands." 



Origin: 



FREED0MWA78 
799 Broadway, New York, N.Y. 10003 



Freedomways Associates, Inc., publisher, incorporated February 28, 1961 
First issue appeared spring 1961 

Purpose: 

Quarterly review of the "Negro freedom movement" by which the CJommunist 
Party hopes "to indoctrinate more Negroes with Marxist dogma." (J. Edgar 
Hoover, FBI Annual Report for 1961, p. 26) 

Organization: 

Freedomways Associates, Inc., was Incorporated by : 

Henry O. May field 

Dorothy Bumham, wife of Hyman Lumer, a member of the National Com- 
mittee of the CPUSA and associate editor of the party's theoretical journal 
Political Affairs 

Cyril Philip, a known Communist 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTESTG, AND BURNING 893 

Orioinal Editorial Board: 
Shirley Graham DuBois — identified as Communist Party member by Louis 

Budenz 
W. Alphaeus Hunton — identified as Communist Party member by Louis Budenz 
Esther Jackscm — wife of the Communist Party leader James E. Jackson 
A few other known Communist Party members and leaders who have served 
on Freedomtcays editorial board are Oeorge B. Murphy, Jr., J. H. O'Dell, and 
Augusta Strong, wife of The Worker columnist and known Communist, Joseph 
North. 

Articles have been contributed to Freedomways by such well-known Com- 
munists as William Patterson, Ben Davis, W.E.B. DuBois, James E. Jackson, 
Herbert Aptheker, Carl Bloice, Claudia Jones, John Pittman, Anne Braden, and 
Paul Roheson. 

Circulation: 

Total copies printed : 7,000 
Statements which exemplify freedomways' basic position on social 
matters: 

A review of Herbert Aptheker's book, A Documentary Historu of the Negro 
People in the United States, praised the veteran Communist theoretician as hav- 
ing "brilliantly placed the necessary dynamite charges and, wisely, let those who 
made the history light the fuses." 

It states that Henry Highland Garnett's Call to Rebellion is "a masterpiece of 
revolutionary exhortation.'' "The bitter-sweet deeds of Nat Turner * * * and 
other men of revolution" are seen as examples of Negro builders of history who 
had "the will to resist * * * and the willingness to engage in creative and often 
violent social struggle * * *." [Emphasis added.] (Freedomways, Winter 1963, 
pp. 109, 110) 

"The struggle for freedom in our country today is a struggle against a native 
totalitarianism * * ♦. That is why our Freedom Movement cannot afford to fail 
in meeting the challenges which confront us today." (J. H. O'Dell, "A Special 
Variety of Colonialism," Freedomways, Winter 1967, p. 15) 

The riot which erupted in Newark, N. J., on July 12, 1967, was seen by Freedom- 
ways as "the scene of yet another massacre of the poorest of black Americans 
• * * a deadly pogrom, an urban lynching designed to terrorize and cower the 
slum-dwellers ♦ * ♦. 

* * 4i * * » • 

"Newark and Plainfield, New Jersey, point to the need for united action * * * 
to put an end to the police terror that reigns over the Negro communities from 
one end of the country to the other. * * ♦ there must be launched a movement 
to stop police brutality and to put an end to the use of National Guardsmen * * *. 
Among other things, such an anti-police brutality program should call for : 
placing the Negro community out of bouads to white police and uniformed 
National Guardsmen * ♦ *." 

Detroit was seen as "a class confrontation" in what Freedomways called "the 
spreading battles for freedom." "The flames of Detroit should serve to light 
up a great truth : It's that time, America. Grant Negroes freedom and equality 
or invite catastrophe!" (Freedomumys, Vol. 7, No. 3, Summer 1967, editorial: 
197-198) 

In the same 1967 issue (p. 279) Freedomways called the following statement a 
"PROPHECY" : 

"Watts means that the time for stalling and demogogic promises and good- 
will platitudes has run out. It has come down to this : either wipe out the 
conditions that produce the slums or the slums will wipe out the cities." 
(NEGROES IN BATTLE: FROM LITTLE ROCK TO WATTS. By James E. 
Jackson — Publishers New Press, 23 West 26th Street, New York City.) 



894 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

PROGRESSIVE LABOR PARTY 

132 Nassau Street, Room 622, New York, N.Y, 
ORiam: 

January 1962. (originally established as the Progressive Labor Movement, 
vs^hich changed its name to Progressive Labor Party in April 1965) 

The Progressive Labor Party (PLP) grew out of a faction within the Com- 
raunist Party, U.S.A. (OPUSA). The PLP was established by Milton Rosen and 
Iilortimer Scheer, who were expelled from iwsitions of leadership in the 
orthodox Communist Party because of disagreement with CPUSA's strategy and 
tactics. The CPUSA has described Rosen and Scheer as organizers of active 
opposition to OPUSA strategies within the party ever since the party's 17th Na- 
tional Convention held in December 1959. Condemnation by the CPUSA Na- 
tional Committee and loss of party offices in August 1961 failed to deter Rosen 
from "secret factional activities" which included conducting meetings and 
recruiting members to the faction from various parts of the country, according 
to the CPUSA. The CPUSA claimed that the Rosen group had admitted at a 
party hearing to holding a faction meeting on December 2-3, 1961. The expulsion 
of Rosen and three other party members was announced in The Worker of Jan- 
uary 7, 1962 ; the ousting of Scheer and five others in the Buffalo area had been 
reported in The Worker of December 31, 1961. 

Purpose'. 

The PLP Is an avow'edly revolutionary Communist organization which ag- 
gressively and militantly strives to destroy the democratic form of government 
in the United State.? and replace it with a socialist one based on the principles 
of Marxism-Leninism. The PLP supports the ultrarevolutionary Chinese and Al- 
banian Communists in their dispute with the less militant Russian Communists. 
"This organization has publicly encouraged the use of force and violence as a means 
of attaining its Communist totalitarian goals. PLP literature is replete with 
statements supporting the violent revolutionary overthrow of the U.S. Govern- 
ment. 

Organization-. 

200-300 members. (PLP claimed a membership of 1,500 in 1965.) 
Directed by a 20-member national committee. 

Composed of various national commissions, Including one called Black 
liiberatlon. 

Offices and mailing addresses: (national headquarters listed above) 
P.O. Box 158, Cambridge, Mass. 
P.O. Box 7814, Chicago, HI. 
45 Moscow Road, Flat 9, London, W. 2, England. 
P.O. Box 19724, Los Angeles, Oallf. 
3382 18th Street, San Francisco, Calif. 
2929 16th Sti'eet, San Francisco, Calif. 
G.P.O. Box 808, Brooklyn, N.Y. 
336 Lenox Avenue, New York, N.Y. 
1 Union Square West, Room 617, New York, N.Y. 
225 West 100th Street, New York, N.Y. 
P.O. Box 208, Church Street Station, New York, N.Y. 
345 Alexander Street, Apt. #19, Rochester, N.Y. 
P.O. Box 223, Greenbelt, Md. n 

Front groups : ( All of the following are now defunct:) 
Harlfem Defense Coiancil 
Mothers' Defense Committee 

Committee to Defend Resistance to Ghetto Life ( OERGE ) 
Student Committee for Travel to Cuba ( SOTC) 
May 2nd Movement (M2M) 

Publisher of PLP literature : _ _ _ ____ _ _^ ^ 

Tri-Line Offset Co. Inc. (owned by identified members oFthe PLP) 

Key Leaders: 

Milton RoRcn — president (former CPUSA New York State committeeman and 
CPUSA New York State labor secretary) 



SUBVERSIVE INrLXTENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNINQ 895 

Mortimer Scheer— vice president (former CPUS A New York State committee- 
man and chairman of the Communist Party of Erie County ) 
WiUiam Epton — ^vice president (former CPUSA member) 

Publications: 
Progressive Labor (national bimonthly magazine) 
Challenge (East Coast monthly newspaper) 
Spark (West Coast monthly newspaper) 

World Revolution (national quarterly digest of revolutionary periodicals) 
Marxist Leninist Quarterly (published during 1963 and 1964 — no longer pub- 
lished — merged with Progressive Labor in 1965) 

Activities: 
The PLP or its front groups have — 

(1) strongly condenmed the capitalist economic system of the United States 
and have continually agitated against it by exploiting such issues as in- 
adequate housing, unemployment, unequal employment opportunities, 
poverty, discrimination, corruption, and alleged indifference of employers 
and trade union leaders toward the workers ; 

(2) waged an intensive and deceitful propaganda campaign against United 
States military involvement in South Vietnam ; 

(3) promoted the solicitation of money and medical aid for the Communist 
Viet Cong; 

(4) prepared, published, and distributed propaganda aimed at i)ersuading 
young men to avoid service in the Armed Forces ; 

(5) attempted to exploit Negro unrest through — 

(a) organized agitation in urban ghettos, and 

(b) preparation, publication, and distribution of inflammatory literature 
calling for violence; 

(6) prepared, published, and distributed literature creating hate and distrust 
of law enforcement officers and has disseminated propaganda falsely charg- 
ing police brutality ; and 

(7) arranged for the travel of American youths to a Communist coimtry where 
they would be assisted in the development of Marxist-Leninist ideology 
and revolutionary organization. 

Statements: 

Openly Communist 

plp "constitution," progressive labor, may-june 1965, p. 5: 

"To win, we will have to work closely together, disciplined by the urgency of 
the goal before us ; we will have to study and leam to utilize our communist 
principles and the science of Marxism-Leninism to evaluate honestly our own 
strengths and weaknesses and those of the enemy at each new stage of the 
campaign. 

"As communists we cannot tolerate in ourselves or in our comrades any form of 
racism, or male supremacism. * • •" 

PLP STATEMENT, AUGUST 16, 1966, PROGRESSIVE LABOR. OCTOBER-NOVEMBER 
1966. P. 2: 

"We are communists. We are proud of it. * • *" 

EDITORIAL, PROGRESSIVE LABOR, NOVEMBER-DECEMBER 1964, P. 19: 

"We still ascribe to the view that the major goal for communists in the United 
States is to build a revolutionary party necessary for winning socialism. ♦ * *" 

MILTON ROSEN SPEECH BEFORE NEW LEFT CLUB AT UNIVERSITY OF NORTH 
CAROLINA DECEMBER 3. 1962. AS PUBLISHED IN THE DAILY TAR HEEL, DECEM- 
BER 5. 1962, PROGRESSIVE LABOR, JANUARY 1963, P. 12: 

" 'We American Communists are few in number and the stakes are high, * * • 
but if we are to take advantage of the state of discontent and the injustices in 
the U.S., we must press the socialistic movement at all costs. We must maintain 
the outlook of smashing the ruling party.* " 



896 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTINiG^; AND BURNING 

WILUAM EPTON SPEECH BEFORE RECEIVING SENTENCE IN A NEW YORK COURT 
FOR A CONVICTION OF CRIMINAL ANARCHY ON JANUARY 27, 1966, "WE ACCUSE" 
(PLP PAMPHLET PUBLISHED FEBRUARY 1M6), P. U: 

"We as communists, will fight against fascism as we have always done — no 
matter how it disguises itself. * * *" 

REVOLUTIONARY VIOLENCE 

"BLACK LIBERATION" (RESOLUTION ADOPTED BY PLP FOUNDING CONVENTION, 
APRIL 15-18. 1965), PROGRESSIVE LABOR, MAY-JUNE 1965, P. 27: 

"A principle task of the PLP is to strive to train black and white Marxist- 
Leninist revolutionary leadership to play a vanguard role. ♦ ♦ ♦ 

"While we will not be strait-jacketed by mechanical formulations, we will be 
guided by the tested revolutionary principles of Marxism-Leninism. * ♦ *" 

"PLP NATIONAL COMMITTEE STATEMENT," MAY DAY 1967, PROGRESSIVE LABOR, 
JULY-AUGUST 1967, P. 1: 

"For our people to go onto the offensive and fulfill the aspirations of millions of 
U.S. workers, Black and white, students and intellectuals and other sections of 
the people whose interests run counter to U.S. imperialism's aims, the involve- 
ment of U.S. workers is essential ; to secure a revolutionary base and to success- 
fully wage revolutionary struggle to defeat U.S. imperialism means that U.S. 
workers must participate actively and lead in the struggle. 

******* 
"In the spirit of this May Day we pledge our continuing faith in the U.S. 
workingclass and to the triumph of revolutionary socialism in the USA. Our 
party is founded on the class outlook of Marxism-Leninism which is proving its 
invincibility all over the world. The banner of revolution is triumphing over 
counter-revolution. Marxism-Leninism will defeat U.S. imperialism * * *" 

"BLACK LIBERATION— NOW!" (BOOKLET PUBLISHED BY BLACK LIBERATION COM- 
MISSION PLP), 1967, PP. 23, 24: 

"We all know that this system of U.S. imperialism cannot solve the problems fac- 
ing the Black people of this country, or the working class in general. ♦ * ♦ 

"We must replace this system with one that will truly represent us as a na- 
tional group and as members of the working class. * • * A system that is run 
by us. * ♦ * And finally, a system where racism will be smashed and destroyed. 
THIS SYSTEM WE CALL SOCIALISM! 

"ORGANIZE ! 

"The U.S. ruling class is not going to give this to us. The only way we are go- 
ing to get it is to take it. ♦ ♦ *" 

"ROAD TO REVOLUTION— THE OUTLOOK OF THE PROGRESSIVE LABOR MOVEMENT" 
(PLM PAMPHLET PUBLISHED NOVEMBER 1964— "A BASIC POLICY DECLARATION 
OF THE PLM, ISSUED AROUND MARCH, 1963."), PP. 119, 120: 

"We envision no easy transition to socialism. ♦ ♦ ♦ Naturally, communists 
would welcome a peaceful transition to socialism, and do all in their power to 
compel the ruling class to surrender peacefully. However, to date, nothing in- 
dicates that the U.S. imperialists would even remotely contemplate this even- 
tuality under any set of circumstances. * * *" 

FRED JEROME, EDITORIAL, "WHAT THEY CAN NEVER RESTRAIN." CBALLENGE. 
AUGUST 1, 1964, P. 4: 

"I will go furthur [sic]. I will say 'that whenever any form of government be- 
comes destructive ... it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to 
institute new government, laying its foundations on such principles, and organiz- 
ing its powers in such forms, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their 
safety and happiness.' * * * 

"In case anyone thinks I am hiding behind quotes to avoid prosecution, I will 
'hide' no more : 

"I urge and will continue to urge and attempt to induce and persuade public 
•demonstrations in the streets of Harlem * ♦ ♦. 

"I advocate precisely that the people disturb the peace ♦ * *. 



SUBVERSIVE ESTFLUENCES m RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BtJRNINQ 897 

"There is no lawful government in this country today. Only a revolution will 
•establish one, If that 18 civil rebellion, let us make th« most of it." 

EDITORIAL. "ARMED SELF-DEFENSE," CBAlfLESGE, APRIL 6, 1965, P. 4: 

"It is a foregone conclusion that no oppressor can be overcome with a non- 
violent appeal to his non-existant [sic] morality, 

* • « * « « • 

"Non-violence is fine when the enemy is unarmed and non-violent also. When 
the enemy is a master at violence and filled with generations of hate, you dare 
mot turn the other cheek because you can be certain he will blow that one away, 
too." 

Peking Oriented 
editorial, progressive labor. november-december 1964, p. 19: 

"Regarding the position of the Soviet Union in its ideological attack on the 
Peoples' Republic of China, the Progressive Labor Movement has continually 
stated that we believe that China, some communist parties, and others have 
fought for a correct Marxist-Leninist position. We believe that the Chinese 
and others have prevented the Soviet leaders from engulfing the interpatlonal 
communist and revolutionary movement with revisionism. We are gtrongly 
opposed to the attempt of the Soviet Union to split the international move- 
ment ♦ ♦ ♦" 

EDITORIAL, MARXIST LENINIST QUARTERLY, VOL. 1, NO. 2 (UNDATED— DISTRIB- 
UTED AUGUST 1963), PP. 20, 21: 

"U.S. imperialism realizes that in several decades a socialist China vrill be 
the world's greatest power. * • • the Chinese people and their party have been 
steeled in four decades of war, civil .war, revolution, and national reconstruc- 
tion." 

"U.S. WORKERS REQUIRE REVOLUTIONARY THEORY: STAT1EMENT OF THE NA- 
TIONAL COORDINATING COMMITTEE OP THE PROGRESSIVE LABOR MOVE- 
MENT," MARXIST LENINIST QUARTERLY, VOL, H, NO, 1 (UNDATED— DISTRIB- 
UTED MARCH 1964), P. 44: 

"It is true that the Chinese are conducting a vigorous struggle for Marxism- 
Leninism in the international movement, but only after and because the Soviet 
leaders opened the assault on Marxism-Leninism. » ♦ • The Chinese have 
made great efforts to prevent the splitting of the international movement. At 
the beginning, their position was not put forward as a drive against the Khru- 
shchev leadership of the international movement, but as an effort to persuade 
those who had departed from Marxist-Leninist ideas. * • •" 

"THE PLOT AGAINST BLACK AMERICA" (PAMPHLET PUBUSHED BY HARLEM 
BRANCH. PLP), SEPTEMBER 1966, P. 3: 

"China operates by revolutionary example and not by dictation to other 
peoples who are fighting for th«r liberation. It is China's exemplary and prin- 
cipled opposition to U.S. imperialism which serves as an inspiration to national 
liberation struggles all over the world. • • • 

« * • • » ■ • /.■ • 

"China has proved to the oppressed people of the world that a correct revolu- 
tionary ideology and a well disciplined political organization, uniting the whole 
people against the common enemy, are indispensable to a successful revolu- 
tion. * ♦ *" 

Statements on Riots — General 

"the plot against black america." p. «: 

"The events of the past two years put the lie to imperialism's plot to kill 
tohitey myth. From July 18, 19d4 to July 23, 1966, there have been no less than 
20 uprisings in ghettos across America. • * • Absolutely no attacks have been 
made on white communities adjacent to the ghettos which have risen in re- 
bellion. * * • The uprisings have been defensive in character and have taken 
place only within the boundaries of the ghettos. Black people have defended 
their families and homes against racist attacks mounted inside the ghettos 
by imperialism's cops and soldiers. * • *" 

"BLACK LIBERATION— NOW I" (BOOKLET), P. 1: 

"The threats are rising. Recent events and news stories clearly show that the 
United States Government and its State, county and city administrations in the 



898 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

large northern Industrial areaa are preparing a reign of terror against the Afro- 
American people this summer. They are deliberately planning to start a so- 
called 'race war.' In fact, they have not waited for the summer — they have 
already started their attacks in Jackson (Miss.), Houston, Cleveland and other 
cities." 

"STUDENTS AND THE GHETTO REBELLIONS" (PLP LEAFLET DISTRIBUTED DURING 
SUMMER OF 1967), P. 1: 

"Each of these rebellions teas launched in response to the deteriorating condi- 
tions of life withi/n ghetto communities — and was sparked hy vicious a/nd re- 
peated police attacks. These attacks constitute a campaign of terror directed 
against Black people in order to stem their increasing militancy." 

EDrrORLA.L. CHALLENGE, AUGUST 1967, P. 2: 

"Even as rebellions continue to erupt in the oppressed ghettos across the 
country, those forces who directed the use of troops to kill scores of innocent 
people have announced that 'investigations' will begin to find the 'causes' and 
'culprits' involved. 

"THE PEOPLE OF THE GHETTO WILL NOT BE FOOLED by this baloney. 
They know who charges them exorbitant rents, overcharges them for food and 
clothing, and steals their low wages with fantastic interest rates. It's definitely 
NOT militant people's leaders or communists." 

Statements on July 1954 New York Riot 
editorla.l. challenge, july 25, 1964, pp. 1, 5: 

"The big-money boys downtown are running scared. They have seen the 
writing on the bloodstained walls of Harlem. 

"War is nothing new to the people of Harlepi : • • • But this time the people 
are organizing to fight back — that is new. 

******* 
"We advocate and work for a people's revolution to establish socialism • • *. 

******* 
"This is not the hour to 'stay home' from the freedom fight" 

"HARLEM UNITE: LET US DEFEND OURSELVES I" (HARLEM PLM LEAFLET DIS- 
TRIBUTED DURING JULY 1964 RIOT), PP. 1, 4: 

"They are tightening the screws on Harlem. 

"The police, the press, the politicians and all the other agents of the white 
power structure have launched a campaign of terror and slander against the 
500,000 black people in this community • • •. 

* * * * * • * 

"BUT WE HAVE THE POWER TO STOP THEM. HALF A MILLION 
BLACK PEOPLE IN HARLEM CAN LET THEM KNOW WE WILL NOT BE 
TERRORIZED, WE WILL CONTINUE FIGHTING FOR OUR FREEDOM— 
AND WE WILL DEFEND OURSELVES. 

• •*•*** 

"AND IF THIS GOVERNMENT WILL NOT PROTECT US, OR CANNOT 
PROTECT US, THEN WE MUST GET A GOVERNMENT THAT GA^." 

LISA ARMAND, EDITORIAL. 'BEHIND THE RIOTS,' CHALLENGE, AUGUST 1, 1964. P. 5 : 

"Do the Afro-American people — from Harlem, Bedford-Stuyvesant, Roches- 
ter, Mississippi, Birmingham, Atlanta, Florida, California and points north, 
east, south and west fight for freedom? 

"They do and they will and they will be joined by others and nothing will 
stop them \mtil they have it. 

******* 
"The struggles of the people are a 'lash-back' against exploitation and op- 
pression. * * ♦" 

BILL EPTON, FRED JEROME, AND MILTON ROSEN, "ARMED POLICE TERROR," 
PROGRESSIVE LABOR. JULY-AUGUST 1964, P. 3: 

"The recent police riots in Harlem, Bedford-Stuyvesant and Rochester have 
thrown the fear of God into the money magnets [sic] that rule the country. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES EST RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 899 

The power structure has now seen black people rebel against the brutality of 
the police. The precepts of non violence have been thrown out and violence has 
swept the black ghettos of two major New York cities. Black people in New York 
have been forced into the streets to defend themselves against the police and 
slum conditions. 

• *••••• 

"The people of Harlem began to talk of 'revolution* and 'guerilla warfare.' " 



SOCIALIST V70RKERS PARTY 

873 BsoADWAY, New Yoek, N.Y. 10003 
Origin: 

The Socialist Workers Party (SWP), largest and oldest U.S. Trotskyist orga- 
nization, originated at the Sixth World Congress of the Communist International 
in Moscow, U.S.S.R., during the summer of 1928. 

While attending the congress, U.S. Communist leader James P. Cannon became 
converted to the ideas of Leon Trotsky, who had broken with Stalin and who was 
now expounding his own doctrine of worldwide "permanent" revolution, as op- 
posed to Stalin's line of primary emphasis on building and defending the Soviet 
Union as the basis for the world Communist movement 

Upon his return to the United States, Cannon became active in promoting the 
Trotskyist position within the Communist Party. This led to the expulsion of 
Cannon and a small group of his followers from the Communist Party on 
October 27, 1928. 

On November 15, 1928, the expellees brought out the first issue of their news^ 
paper. The Militant, which has since served as the oflBcial organ of the SWP. 

On May 17-19, 1929, Cannon and his followers organized the Communist 
League of Ajnerica (Opposition). This group, the first Trotskyist Communist 
organization in the United States, was the first in a progression that led to the 
formation of the SWP on January 1, 1938. 

Purpose: 

The SWP is an avowedly Trotskyist Communist group that stands for "a new 
radiealization of the working class" leading to "a revolution that will end the 
alien rule of the Government of Money and establis h a n ew government of the 
people — a Workers and Farmers Government" The SWP espouses the "interna- 
tional solidarity of the working class" and supports the principles of the Fourth 
International, founded under Trotsky's guidance in 1938 with SWP participa- 
tion, although the SWP dissolved its formal ties with the International when the 
Voorhis Act was passed in October 1940. The SWP opposes the "bureaucratic" 
leadership of the Soviet Union, but defends the U.S.S.R. as a Communist state. 
In the Sino-Soviet controversy, the SWP has expressed critical preference for 
the more militantly revolutionary stance of the Communist Chinese leadership. 

Organization: 

Approximately 600 members. 

Directed by a national chairman, a national committee of indeterminate 
membership, and a i>olitical committee. 

Addresses * 

873 Broadway, New York, N.Y. 10003 (national office) 

1702 E. 4th Street Los Angeles, Calif. 90033 

3737 Woodward Avenue, Detroit, Mich. 48201 

295 Huntington Avenue, Room 307, Boston, Mass. 02139 

S02 B. Oanal Street, Room 204, Chicago, 111. 60606 

8601 Bndld Avenue, Cleveland, Ohio 44106 

P.O. Box 2640, Denver, Colo. 80201 

704 Hennepin Avenue, Hall 240, Minneapolis, Minn. 65403 

Box 361, Newark, N.J. 07101 

2003 Milvia, Berkeley, Calif. 94704 

P.O. Box 8412, Philadelphia, Pa. 19101 

1733 Waller, San Francisco, Calif. 94117 

5257 University Way, Seattle, Wash. 98105 

Contact in St Louis, Mo. : Dick Clarke, EVergreen 9-2895 



900 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Youth section : 

Young Socialist Alliance (YSA) 
Educational groups : 

Militant Labor Forums 

Friday Night Socialist Forums 

West Coast Vacation School 

Political support groups : 

Socialist VTorkers Campaign Committee 
Young Socialists for Halstead and Boutelle 
Afro-Americans for Halstead and Boutelle 

Foreign issues propaganda groups : 
Alexander Defense Committee 

Fair Play for Cuba Committee (Greater Los Angeles) 
Anti-Vietnam war propaganda publication : Bring the Troops Home Now 
Newsletter 

Defense groups; 

Committee to Aid the Bloomington Students 

Committee to Defend the Rights of Pfc. Howard Petrick 

Committee to Oppose the Deportation of Joseph Johnson 

Publishing house : 
Merit Publishers ( formerly Pioneer Publishers ) 

Key Leaders: 

James P. Cannon — founder and national chairman 

Fred Halstead — member, national committee 

Robert Himmel — member, national committee 

Nat Weinstein — member, national committee 

Farrell Dobbs — national secretary 

Edward Shaw — organizational secretary 

Joseph Hansen — editor, The Militant 

Tom Kerry — editor, International Socialist Review 

Frank Lovell — Michigan chairman 

Theodore Edwards — California chairman 

Peter Camejo — California organizer 

Jack Barnes — New York organizer 

Joel Britton — Chicago organizer 

Paul Boutelle — 1968 SWP vice presidential candidate 

Publications: 

The Militant (national weekly newspaper) 

Intetmational Socialist Review (theoretical quarterly) 

The October 9, 1967, issue of The Militant includes a statement of ownership 
which reveals a total circulation of 5302» including a total of 5071 paid circulation 
and 231 distributed free, these figures applying to the single issue that was 
nearest the date of filing. 

The January-February 1967 issue of International Socialist Review includes 
a statement of ownership which reveals a total paid circulation of 2749 and a 
total free distribution of 1430, with a total distribution of 4179 copies of the 
issue nearest the date of filing. 

Activities: 

The Socialist Workers Party in recent years has — 

(1) engaged in political action and propaganda, running its own candidates 
for major public oflSces and urging the development of a truly class-based 
political movement to counter the influence of the regular political parties 
in the United States ; 

(2) collaborated with such groups as the Constitutional Liberties Information 
Center and the Los Angeles Committee for Protection of Foreign Born in 
attacking government security programs ; 

(3) participated In the drive to abolish the House Committee on Un-Americam 
Activities and Senate Internal Security Subcommittee; 

(4) demonstrated and propagandized In support of Communist Cuba ; 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 901 

(5) projmgandized for the release from prision of convicted atom spy Morton 
Sobell ; 

(6) agitated against the Vietnam war, both by itself and in collaboration 
with such groups as the National Mobilization Committee, Student Mobil- 
ization Committee, and Fifth Avenue Vietnam Peace Parade Committee ; 

(7) supported organizations — such as the Committee to Defend the Rights of 
Pfc. Howard Petrick and the Fort Hood Three Defense Committee — which 
promote agitation against the Vietnam war within the Armed Forces ; 

(8) publicized the doctrines and pronouncements of the late Malcolm X and 
his Organization of Afro-American Unity ; 

(9) attempted to stimulate anti-Vietnam sentiment among Negroes through 
involvement with such organizations as Afro-Americans Against the War 
in Vietnam, founded by SWP member Paul Boutelle ; 

(10) supported the activities of the Freedom Now' Party in New York and 
Detroit as a means to the creation of a class-based all-black political move- 
ment ; and 

(11) disseminated inflammatory propaganda against so-called "racist cops" 
and "police brutality." 

Statements: 

Position on Negroes 

international socialist review, summer 1959, p. 82: 

"The Negroes, more than any others in this country, have reason and right to be 
revolutionary. 

"An honest workers* party of the new generation will recognize this revolu- 
tionary potential of the Negro struggle, and call for a fighting alliance of the 
Negro people and the labor movement in a common revolutionary struggle against 
the present social system." 

INTERNATIONAL SOCIALIST REVIEW. SUMMER 1962. P. 74: 

"the Negro movement * * ♦ is connected with the uprisings of the disinherited 
colored peoples in the colonial and semicolonial countries. The Negro demand for 
democratic rights is the most forcible and advanced expression to date within our 
own borders of this world-wide revolutionary process. This is understood, at 
least in part, by its most active participants who have been uplifted and 
strengthened by the Asian, African and Cuban revolutions." 

"FREEDOM NOW: NEW STAGE IN THE STRUGGLE FOR NEGRO EMANCIPATION" 
(SWP PAMPHLET PUBLISHED OCTOBER 1963), PP. 9. 10: 

"Negro socialists must bring forward, as an inspiration and guide for American 
Negroes, the example of Cuba where the overthrow of capitalism through the 
socialist revolution has uprooted discrimination and established genuine equality 
and fraternity of black and white citizens ninety miles from the Southern coastal 
states." 

Racial Violence 

the militant. may 18, 1964, p. 3: 

"Robert Vernon discussed the differences between the North and the South 
in terms of what tactics were appropriate. He pointed out that whereas the tactic 
of non-violence was appropriate in the opening stages of the struggle in the 
South, and had been effective in organizing mass movements there, it never was 
appropriate in the North." 

"THE REAL DIFFERENCES IN 1964: SOCIALIST WORKERS VS. DEMOCRATS AND 
REPUBLICANS" (SWP LEAFLET) : 

"We uphold the right to organized self-defense against racist attack and police 
brutality." 

GEORGE BREITMAN, "HOW A MINORITY CAN CHANGE SOCIETY" (PAMPHLET), 2ND 
EDITION, OCTOBER 1966, PP. 13, 16: 

"A minority, properly oriented and led, can go much farther than it has thus 
far gone to make the present system unworkable and intolerable. • * * [Some] 
give it the name of 'mass civil disobedience.' Whatever you call it, it has barely 
been utilized in America up to now. * * * 



902 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

"They [the slaves before the Civil War] continued, just as before, or more 
80, to run away by the thousands and tens of thousands, to commit sabotage and 
arson, and to engage in various forms of civil disobedience, self-defense and 
Insurrection, * * * Imagine what will happen when the Negro militants absorb 
this lesson from history and then consciously work out a strategy to fully utilize 
this process that is set in motion by the elemental desire of the masses to be free !" 

Haklem Riots, 1964 

the militant, july 27, 1964, p. 4: 

"The attempt by New York Mayor Robert F. Wagner's cops to repress the 
people of Harlem by brute force and open violence is not a sudden reflex. These 
police military tactics are well thought out and knovra in advance in top govern- 
mental circles. • * * 

" 'Leaders' who are interested solely in concessions within the capitalist sys- 
tem * * ♦ were worse than useless in the defense of Harlem against the police 
repression of the recent days. And they are worse than useless for organizing 
the revolutionary political struggle which is required to win justice, decent 
housing, jobs, and human dignity for the black working-class." 

THE MILITANT. JULY 27, 1964. P. 1: 

"Armed with nothing more than courage, bottles, bricks, bare fists, and oc- 
casional Molotov cocktails, Harlem's residents, provoked by years of savage bru- 
tality by New York's corrupt and racist cops, managed to fight the tactical riot 
force of the police to a stalemate in three days of demonstrations and open 
hostilities." 

THE MILITANT. AUGUST 24, 1964, P. 1: 

"The indictment of William Epton, Harlem spokesman for the Progressive 
Labor Movement, on trumped-up charges of 'criminal anarchy,' was denounced 
by Clifton DeBerry, Socialist Workers Party candidate for President, as 'part 
of a concerted drive by the New York City cops to establish a police state in 
Harlem.' " 

THE MILITANT. AUGUST 10, 1964, PP. 1, 2: 

"The Harlem, Bedf ord-Stuyvesant, Rochester encounters were not at all peace- 
ful. They were provoked by police violence and answered in kind. These justi- 
fiably vehement uprisings contained the shoots of civil and racial war. 

"* * * The cops [in Harlem] were attacked and fought in roving battles of 
urban guerrilla warfare. 

****** 41 

"These protests had a revolutionary edge and implication • * ♦. They were 
revolutionary defiances aimed at the overthrow of the whole rotten system that 
condemns them to such misery and brutality. It was anti-capitalist in effect, if 
not in consciousness. 

"* * * these July incidents have been rough, uncontrolled and uncontrollable, 
black nationalist in spirit, wholly proletarian in composition and revolutionary in 
tendency. 

******* 
"the New York uprisings give warning that the patience of the black masses 
penned in the ghettos is nearing exhaustion. They'd better look up from their 
Martinis and take notice of the Molotov cocktails that were tossed into the midst 
of the police battalions and at their patrol-wagons. * * *" 



WORKERS WORLD PARTY 

46 West 21st Street, New York, N.Y. 10010 
Origin: 

The Workers World Party (WWP) originaited on February 12, 1959, when five 
former members of the Socialist Workers Party National Committee — Sam Marcy 
(Ballan), Dorothy Flint, Jack Wilson, Ronald Jones, and Vincent Oopeland — 
Issued a "Final Statement" and left the SWP because of "irreconcilable" ideologi- 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 903 

-oal and strategic differences. The mlniority held that the SWP had become in- 
suflBciently revolutionary in outlook and program, that true "revolutionary Trot- 
skyism" had been abandoned in favor of "parliamentary reformism" and "people's 
front coalition." 

In March 1959, the first issue of Workers WorM appeared under the editorship 
of Vincent Copeland. The manager of this official Workers World Party news- 
paper was identified as Dorothy Ballan, wife of Sam Ballan (Marcy) and former 
-alternate member of the SWP National Committee. 

The formal organization of the group as a party appears to have taken place 
in April 1959 at a conference In Buffalo, N.Y., at which the new party's officers and 
national committee members were chosen. 

Purpose: 

The WWP proclaims itself a Trotskyist Communist organization working for 
the "revolutionary overthrow of American capitalism." Regarding itself as the 
true heir to the Trotskyist-Leninist doctrine, the WWP scorns both the OPUSA 
and the SWP as deviatlonist. Internationally, the WWP advocates "unoonditlonal 
defense" of the Soviet Union as a Communist state. The party's sympathies, how- 
ever, lie with the Communist Chinese, whom the WWP regards as the leaders of 
the international Communist revolutionary drive. 

Organization: 

Membership unknown. 

Directed by a national chairman, national committee of indeterminate member* 
ship, and political committee. 

Locations of known branches : 

New York City, N.Y. (national office ; address above) 
Buffalo, N.Y. 
Los Angeles, Calif, 
Seattle, Wash. 
Milwaukee, Wise. 

Youth section : 

Youth Against War and Fascism ( YAWF ) 
Key Leaders: 

Sam Marcy (real name Sam Ballan) — national chairman 

Vincent Copelwnd — editor. Workers World; member, national committee 

Dorothy Ballan — manager. Workers World; member, national committee 

James Boulton — leader, Milwaukee branch 

Fred Goldstein — New York organizer 

Publication: 

Workers World (national newspaper; twice monthly) 
Activities: 

The Workers World Party, by itself and through its youth section, Youth 
Against War and Fascism, has — 

(1) carried articles in Workers World implying that President Johnson was 
implicated In a rightist conspiracy to assassinate President Kennedy ; 

(2) supported the travel of a group of young people to Communist Cuba 
in 1963 ; 

(3) supported Conununist and ultranationallst organizations working to un- 
dermine the United States in Puerto Rico ; 

(4) accused the United States of aggression and genocide in Vietnam and 
advocated a Communist victory and the complete withdrawal of United 
States forces ; 

(5) supported and encouraged resistance to the draft and agitation against 
the Vietnam war within the Armed Forces ; 

(6) endorsed the concept of black power as a class weapon against white 
capitalist oppression ; 

<7) advocated armed "self-defense" organizations among Negroes as part 

of its inflammatory propaganda against "racist cops" ; 
<8) specifically endorsed the violent doctrines of Robert F. Williams and 

given circulation to his pronouncements ; 



32-955 — 69 — pt. 1 13 



904 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

(9) collaborated in Communist-serving united front activities with such orga- 
nizations as : 

Revolutionary Action Movement 

Monroe Defense Committee 

Movement for Puerto Rican Independence 

International War Crimes Tribunal 

Student Mobilization Committee 

Spring Mobilization Committee 

National Mobilization Committee 

Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee 

Fifth Avenue Vietnam Peace Parade Committee 

End the Draft Committee 

Veterans of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade 

Emergency Civil Liberties Committee 

Fort Hood Three Defense Committee 

W.E.B. DuBois Clubs of America 

Communist Party of the United States ; 

(10) participated in the violent and disruptive demonstrations during the 
August 1966 hearings of the House Committee on Un-American Activ- 
ities, boasting of the number of arrested YAWF members. 

Statements: 

Communist Revolution 

"mnal statement," febkuary 12, 1959: 

"We reject the bourgeois democratic illusion of the constitutional road to 
I)ower. And we want to prepare for the revolutionary overthrow of American 
capitalism. * * * " 

WORKERS WORLD. MARCH 1959, P. 1: * 

"Marxism has always taught that social convulsions, catastrophes, war and 
revolutions are the inevitable qualitative changes after the cumulative, quanti- 
tative growth of years if not decades of 'peaceful' development and sharpening 
of irrepressible class antagonisms. 

"Our task is to prepare the masses for these eventualities, not to sing them 
to sleep with pacifist luUabys. • * * We say : without a proletarian revolution, 
imperialist war is inevitable. That is the Leninist teaching on this subject and 
that teaching is stiU valid." 

WORKERS WORLD, JANUARY 9, 1964. P. 2: 

"The conclusion is inescapable. . . 

"Full equality eaniiot be achieved in thiis country without a socialist revolu- 
tion. And * * * it is the bounden duty of every friend of freedom to devote his 
life to the preparation an^ successful outcome of that event." 

WORKERS WORLD, APRtL 2, 1964, P. 2: 

"The triple revolution' — more than anything else — needs a fourth revolution, 
a revolution of the workers and the dispossessed and the oppressed — a proletarian 
revolution against the bourgeoisie." 

Wartime Allegiance to Communism 
workers world, march 1959. p. 2: 

"In any war of the imperialist countries against the Soviet UnioA, China or 
Eastern Europe — or any colonial countries— we stand firmly and unequivocally 
on their side, which is the side of the working class." 

Peking Oriented 

workers world. december 7, 1962. p. 1: 

"the Chinese Communist Party * * * is leading the revolutionary elements in 
the world [Communist] movement." 

WORKERS WORLD. JANUARY 20. 1967, P. 1: 

"The Chinese Communist Party has been the strongest, truest, and most de- 
voted of all the parties in the struggle for Marxism and socialism. ♦ ♦ ♦" 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 905 
Racial Violence 

WORKERS WORLD, JULY 26, 1963, P. 1: 

" 'Cambridge is different,' says many an observer. The smell of gunpowder 
pervades the entire atmosphere of this eastern shore community, where 4,000 
Black people have made a stand for freedom in a manner which has earned the 
admiration of freedom-loving people the world over." 

WORKERS WORLD, SEPTEMBER 27, 1963, P. 2: 

"Neither the vicious police nor the racist State Guard will lift a finger to pro- 
tect the Afro-American people. * * * Only the autonomous, independent armed 
bodies of the oppressed themselves can be depended upon to keep the peace and 
at the same time to enforce the rights that all citizens are supposed to possess. 

"♦ ♦ * Self-defense, like self-preservation, is a law of nature. And under the 
present conditions, that law must inevitably assert itself as a cUss law. 

"The right of self-defense will soon be exercised with the greatest energy and. 
on the broadest scale. * * *" 

WORKERS WORLD, JULY 2. 1964. P. 1 : 

"Only organized, armed self-defense by the masses themselves will stop the 
lynchers and the would-be lynchers. Only such action will end the terror for good. 
"The time to make this clear is NOW." 

WORKERS WORLD, JULY 30. 1964, P. 2: 

"Our slogan has always been to 'disarm the oppressor ; arm the oppressed.' 
The oppressed Black People are going to implement this slogan against the 
I)olice and police agents of the oppressor." 

WORKERS WORLD, SEPTEMBER 17. 1964. P. 2: 

"The issues of racism are not decided at the ballot box ; they are decided by 
who has the club, who has the gun, who has the rope, who has the armed power in 
his own person or that of his friends." 

WORKERS WORLD, JULY 'l5, 1965. P. 1: 

"The racial conflict is part of the global class conflict. * * ♦" 

Harlem Riots, 1964 
workers world, july 30, 1964, p. 2: 

"The people of Harlem have not yet taken up arms. But they have the full 
right to do so * * *. 

"It is certain that if not in New York, then * * * somewhere else, a section 
of the Black People will take to arms and their action will spread to other 
sections." 

WORKERS WORLD, JULY 30. 1964. P. 1: 

"The Black People themselves were heard from instead of the 'leaders.' They 
suffered long, endured much and were provoked by the thousand-and-first murder 
of the innocent to stand up and fight the oppressor with bare hands, bottles, and 
bricks." 

WORKERS WORLD, SEPTEMBER 17, 1964. P. 3: 

"But this time it was different. Daily police brutality, other cop shootings, had, 
along with other grievances, driven the Black People to a point where they 
could take no more. Gilligan's killing of James Powell was a spark in a huge train 
of dynamite which started to explode, car by car. 

"The Black People of New York and the whole U.S. began to fight back." 

WORKERS WORLD, NOVEMBER 12, 1964, P. 1: 

"This time it was the 'Police Board' who pinned a medal on the uniformed 
murderer and gave the green light to every sadistic cop in Harlem. 

'Police Board Absolves GilUgan; 

No Violation of Rules Found,' 

— says the latest headline. 

"To those familiar with the case, the ugly events of that July day recalled 
again with a terrible clearness the crude brutality with which the good-guy cops 
act when dealing with the poor. 



906 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

"In spite of the tremendous uprising in the black community which the kill- 
ing sparked, the authorities * • * officially okay the murder of the black 
schoolboy by the racist cop," 

YOUTH AGAINST WAR AND FASCISM 

58 West 25th Street, New York, N.Y. 10010 
Origin: 

Youth Against War and Fascism (YAWF) was founded early in 1962 as the 
Anti-Fascist Youth Committee. The August 10, 1962, issue of Workers World 
refers to "Youth Against War and Fascism (formerly the Anti-Fascist Youth 
Committee)." 

Purpose: 

YAWF operates as the youth arm and principal agitational force of the Work- 
ers World Party, a Trotskyist Communist splinter group whose leaders have 
declared for the "revolutionary overthrow of American capitalism." 

Organization: 

Membership unknown. 

Directed by a national chairman, national coordinator, and student co- 
ordinator. 

Locations of known branches : 

New York City, N.Y. (national office ; address above) 
City College of New York 
Brooklyn Collie 

Cleveland, Ohio (Committee Against War and Fascism, Box 91131, Cleve- 
land, Ohio 44101 ) 

Youngstown, Ohio (Committee Against War and Fascism, Box 75, Youngs- 
town, Ohio 44501) 

Buffalo, N.Y. ( address unknown ) 

Milwaukee, Wise, (address unkown) 

Front groups : 
Ad Hoc Committee on the Middle East 
Pvt. Stapp Defense Committee 
Committee for GI Rights 

Key Leaders: 

Key Martin — national chairman 

Maryann Weissimm — national coordinator 

Alex Chemowitz — student coordinator; president, CCNY chapter 

Joel Myers — leader, Buffalo chapter 

Deirdre Oriswold — Editor, The Partisan 

Publications: 

The Partisan (national magazine ; six issues per year) 
YAWF Newsletter (national ; issued irregularly) 

Activities: 

Youth Against War and Fascism has — 

(1) demonstrated in support of the Communist Chinese and in favor of their 
admission to membership in the United Nations ; 

(2) supported the travel of a group of young people to Cuba under Com- 
munist auspices in 1963 ; 

(3) accused the United States of aggression and genocide in Vietnam; 

(4) openly advocated a Communist victory in Vietnam; 

(5) encouraged both defiance of the draft and open agitation against the 
Vietnam war within the Armed Forces ; 

(6) attempted to stimulate anti-Vietnam sentiment among Negroes through 
participation in such groups as Blacks Against Negative Dying (BAND), 
founded and led by YAWF activist Ed Oquendo ; 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 907 

(7) participated in or otherwise supported the activities of such organizations 
as: 

W.E.B. DuBois Clubs of America 

Movement for Puerto Rican Independence 

Progressive Labor Party 

Student Committee for Travel to Cuba 

Spartacist League 

Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee 

Student Mobilization Committee 

National Mobilization Committee 

Revolutionary Action Movement 

(8) disseminated inflammatory propaganda against so-called "racist cops" 

in the middle of riot situations ; 

(9) demonstrated in support of those engaged in recent urban rioting; and 

(10) urged the necessity for armed "self-defense" groups among Negroes as the 
only hope for successful resistance to American oppression and racism. 

Statements: 

Harlem Riots, 1964 

reprint of yawf leaflet distributed in new york streets and at gar- 
ment center solidarity rally, workers world. july 30. 1964. p. 4: 

"This is not a riot. This is a genuine rebellion of the people against the 
monstrous conditions of existence. Everybody knew it was coming — long before 
last Saturday night and long before Thomas Gilligan killed James Powell. 

"It is a social convulsion against unbearable oppression. It is not peaceful and 
prayerful, it is true.* ♦ *"' 

"Who occupies Harlem and Bedford Stuyvesant, armed to the teeth? — ^The 
police. 

• •••••• 

"Who, then, is directly responsible for the violence? — The police. 

• •••••• 

"Write, phone, wire, demonstrate — tell Mayor Wagner to GEXT THE RACIST 

COPS OUT OF HARLEM." 

"WHO KILLED JAMES POWELL?" (UNDATED YAWF LEAFLET): 

"James Powell was killed by : 

A RACIST COP * * *. 
"James Powell was killed by: 

A FASCIST-TYPE POLICE FORCE that recruits and trains people for 

brutality. Any decent human being would quit before two weeks on the 

force — a gang of storm troopers. 

• . * * * * * * 

"James Powell was the latest casualty in the war of the bosses against the 
workers and unemployed, young and old. Black and white. The only way to fight 
against this war on the masses is independent mass organization to fiffht back.'"' 



SPARTACIST LEAGUE 

Box 1377, G.P.O., New York, N.Y. 10001 
Origin: 

The Spartacist League originated in 1960 as a small group of dissident members 
of the Socialist Workers Party (SWP) who, styling themselves the Revolu- 
tionary Tendency of the SWP, stood in substantial disagreement with the party's 
leadership on such basic policy questions as the proper approach to the Cuban 
revolution. After 3 years of trying to promote a more revolutionary line than 
that of the leadership, the group was expelled from the SWP in December 1963 
for alleged "disloyal attitudes." 

Under the leadership of James Robertson, the group, now referring to itself 
as the Spartacist Group or Spartacist Committee, brought out the first issue of 
its oflScial publication, Spartacist, dated February-March 1964, and proclaiming 
itself a bimonthly published by "supporters of the Revolutionary Tendency ex- 
pelled from the Socialist Workers Party." 



908 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Though dedicated initially to gaining readmission to the SWP, the Spartacists 
later shifted their emphasis to the development of an independent Trotskyist 
Ck)mmunist organization and adopted the new name of Revolutionary Committee 
of the Fourth International. With the June-July 1966 issue, Spartacist had 
become simply a "Bimonthly Organ of Revolutionary Marxism," all reference 
to the SWP having been dropped. 

Over the Labor Day weekend of September 2-4, 1966, a conference was held 
in Chicago, 111. At this conference, attended by a claimed 50 delegates and 
observers from various parts of the country, the Spartacist League was organized 
as a fully independent Trotskyist group and its chief oflBcers chosen. 

Purpose: 

The Spartacist League is a revolutionary organization which proclaims itself 
a "national section of the international Trotskyist movement" working for the 
"victory of the socialist revolution in the United States." In the Chinese-Soviet 
dispute, the Spartacists reject the Soviet approach to revolution in line with 
basic Trotskyist doctrine. But they also reject the Maoist approach because 
of its alleged substitution of "peasant-based guerilla warfare" for the correct 
line of the "vanguard role of the working class." 

Organization: 

60-80 members. 

Directed by a central committee of indeterminate membership; by at least 
two commissions (Negro and editorial) ; and by a political bureau. 

Regional addresses : 
Box 1377, G.P.O., New York, N.Y. 10001 (national office) 
Box 852, Main P.O., Berkeley, Calif. 94701 
Box 6(M4, Main P.O., Chicago, 111. 60680 
Box 8121, Gentilly Station, New Orleans, La. 70122 

Other known addresses : 

Box 8165, Univ. Station, Austin, Tex. 78712 

Box 3142, Univ. Station, Columbus, Ohio 43210 

Box 1021A, Detroit, Mich. 48232 

Box 3061, Eureka, Calif. 95501 

Box 18434, Eastwood Station, Houston, Tex. 77023 

Box 442, Ithaca, N.Y. 14851 

Box 4054, Terminal Annex, Los Angeles, Calif. 9(X)54 

Box 1827, Wm. Penn Annex, Philadelphia, Pa. 19105 

Affiliated group : 

Freedom Socialist Party of Washington [State] 

Key Leaders: 
James Robertson — national chairman ; editor, Spartacist 
Geoffrey White — West Coast editor, Spartacist 

Joseph Vetter (also known as Joseph Verret) — Southern editor, Spartacist 
Helen Janacefc— managing editor, Spartacist 
Paul Oaillard — member, central committee 
Albert Nelson — New York organizer 
Harry Turner — identified only as a "Spartacist leader" 

Publications: 

Sportacisf (national bimonthly) 

Espartaco (national Spanish-language bimonthly) 

Spartadst-West (occasionally issued publication of the Bay Area Spartacist 

League, Berkeley, Calif. ) 
Marxist Bulletin series (basic documents of Spartacists' official positions on 

such issues as expulsion from SWP, Cuban revolution, Negro questions, etc.) 

Activities: 

The Spartacist League has — 

(1) disseminated propaganda and participated in demonstrations designed 
to obstruct the Vietnam war effort ; 

(2) openly advocated a Communist victory in Vietnam ; 

(3) disseminated inflammatory propaganda against so-called "racist cops" 
and "police brutality" during riot situations ; 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTESTG, AND BURNING 909 

(4) advocated the creation of a mass Negro-oriented organization, not as a 
concession to black power, which the Spartacists regard as divisive, but 
as a part of the broader proletarian front ; 

(5) disseminated propaganda designed si)ecifically to convey the idea that the 
Vietnam war is a racist war of oppression against colored people by the 
U.S. imperialists ; and 

(6) urged the development of the organizational concepts of the rent strike 
and tenants councils into a block-by-block armed Negro "self-defense" 
network. 

Statements: 

Communist Revolution 

sp art agist, february-march 1964, pp. 2, 12: 

"We frankly state in advance that the purpose of our action is to further a revolu- 
tionary regroupment of forces within this country such that a Leninist vanguard 
party of the working class will emerge. * * *" 

"The theory of the Permanent Revolution, which is basic to our movement, 
declares that in the modem world the bourgeois-democratic revolution cannot 
be completed except through the victory and extension of the proletarian revolu- 
tion * * *." 

SPARTACIST, ELECTION SUPPLEMENT, OCTOBER 1964, P. 3: 

"* * * Marxists emphasize the self-defense of the Negroes in the South, and 
look to them, ultimately in league with the white workers under a Bolshevik 
program, to accomplish a real shattering of the racist system, North and South." 

"THESES ON BUILDING THE REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENT IN THE U.S.— TASKS OF 
THE SPARTACIST LEAGUE" (SPARTACIST PRE-CONFERENCE DISCUSSION BUL- 
LETIN, JULY 1966, P. 1) : 

"The Spartacist League is based on the principles embodied in the decisions 
of the first four Congresses of the Communist International, the resolutions and 
dociiments agreed to by the 1938 Founding Conference of the Fourth Interna- 
tional and the International resolution on perspectives adopted by the Interna- 
tional Committee of the Fourth International Conference of April 1966. We 
recognize that these materials are the indispensible [sic] documentary codifica- 
tion of the Communist movement internationally and are fundamental to the 
revolutionary tasks of the SL." 

SPARTACIST. NOVEMBER-DECEMBER 1966, PP. 11, 13: 

"The Spartacist League of the U.S. is a revolutionary organization which, as 
part of the international revolutionary movement, is committed to the task 
of building the party which will lead the working class to the victory of the 
socialist revolution in the United States. 

• **•*** 

"The Spartacist League * * ♦ [is] a national section of the international Trot- 
skyist movement * * *." 

Position on Negroes 

R. S. FRASER, "FOR THE MATERIALIST CONCEPTION OF THE NEGRO QUESTION," 
MARXIST BULLETIN NO. 5. P. 26: 

"The dual nature of the Negro struggle arises from the fact that a whole people 
regardless of class distinction are the victims of discrimination. This problem 
of a whole people can be solved only through the proletarian revolution, under 
the leadership of the working class. * * *" 

"DRAFT TASKS & PERSPECTIVES OF THE SPARTACIST LEAGUE" (SPARTACIST PRE- 
CONFERENCE DISCUSSION BULLETIN, JULY 1966), P. 18: 

"The only realistic program for black Americans is Communism." 

Racial Violepjce 

spartacist, july-august 1964, p. 5: 

"The rent strike must te extended * * * because it, with its concommitant [sic] 
tenants councils, offers the best method so far devised to organize the community 
• * *. With the present level of mass consciousness, only the lack of exi)erienced 



910 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

organizers prevents virtually the whole of Harlem and the other New York 
ghettos from being organized into tenants councils right now. Moreover, block 
councils firmly based on building councils would offer a natural basis for the 
organization of self-defense. * • *" 

SP ART AGIST. MAY-JUNE 1965, P. 5: 

"The illusion of 'non-violence' spread by King and others is a criminal dis- 
arming ot black people, and is consistent with the role of these 'leaders' as agents 
of the power sitructure. The movement must scrap these illusions once and for 
all and begin to organize the N^ro people to defend themselves from violence. 

• • ♦»» 

SP ART AGIST, MAY-JUNE 1967, P. S4: 

"It is the duty of a revolutionary organization to intervene where possible to- 
give these outbursts [riots] political direction." 

Harlem Riots, 1964 

spartagist, january-february 1965, pp. 1, 5: 

"On this basis Spaktacist stated early in July '. . . the bourgeois state now 
prepares to fight openly in the streets through its police arm against the resur- 
gence of the struggle.' This prediction was strikingly confirmed on July 18 and 
the days that followed as wave after wave of armed, specially trained elite 
police — the Tactical Patrol Force — swept through Harlem indiscriminately beat- 
ing and terrorizing all who crossed their paths, when the mood of the ghetto 
made it clear that the killing of 15-year-old James Powell by an off-duty police 
officer would not go unprotested. 

• *•**** 

"James Robertson, Spaktacist editor, described the role of the cops in creating 
the riots and, in reference to attempts being made to blame the riots on Commu- 
nists, said that 'unfortunately there aren't many Reds in Harlem now — hut 
there will he!' " 



REVOLUTIONARY ACTION MOVEMENT (RAM) 

2811 W. Diamond Street, Philadelphia, Pa. 
Origin: 

Winter 1963 
Purpose: 

From the Ram Manifesto of 1964: "RAM was officially organized ♦ ♦ ♦ by 
Afro-Americans who favored Robert F. Williams and the concept of organized 
violence. * • * ONE PURPOSE — To free black people from the universal slave- 
master * • ♦. ONE AIM — To develop black people through struggle to the highest 
attainment possible. ONE DESTINY— To follow in the spirit of black revolu- 
tionaries * * * and to create a new world free of colonialism, racism, imperial- 
ism, exploitation, and national oppression." 

In hearings before the subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations, 
House of Representatives, on February 16, 1967, J. Edgar Hoover, Director of 
the FBI, described the Revolutionary Action Movement as "a Negro organiza- 
tion • • ♦ dedicated to the overthrow of the capitalist system in the United 
States, by violence if necessary, and its replacement by a socialist system 
oriented toward the Chinese Communist interpretation of Marxism-Leninism." 

Organization: 

Less than 50 

Precise membership figures cannot be stated owing to the clandestine nature 
of the organization. However, it should be noted that RAM does not seek mass 
membership. Instead, it operates on the principle of a tight-knit, highly selective 
inner circle of leaders who accomplish their aims through infiltration and sub- 
version of other Afro- American groups, through fronts, and through use of Negro 
teenage gangs schooled in urban guerrilla warfare. 

RAM has units in Philadelphia (home base), Boston, Cleveland, Chicago, 
Detroit, and New York City. 

There are three levels of membership in the RAM organization: (1) field 
organizers, (2) active members, and (3) associate members. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 911 

Fronts : 

Afro-Ameriean Youth Council 
Afro- American Student Movement 
Jamaica (N.Y.) Rifle and Pistol Club 
Black Guard ^ 

RAM is afl31iated with the United Black Brotherhood in Cleveland. 

Key Leaders: 

Robert F. Williams — chairman-in-exile (also self -proclaimed "Premier of the 

African-American-Government-in-Exile") 
Maxwell Curtis Stanford, Jr. — field chairman 

Publication: 

BLACK AMERICA 

"Black America is the theoretical journal of RAM — Revolutionary Action 
Movement, Black 'Libera tion Front of the U.S.A.. 

"It's [sic] purpose is to bring clarity and give direction in revohitionary strug- 
gle. To help build revolutionary nationalist leadership. 

"To present a revolutionary program of national liberation and self-deter- 
mination for the African captives enslaved in the racist United States of 
America. 

"To forge a revolutionary unity among peoples of African decent and to give 
a new international spirit to Pan- Africanism. 

"To unite Black America with the Bandung world (Asia, Africa and Latin 
America ) . 

"To fight for the liberation of oppressed i>eoples everywhere. 

"Our message ot [sic] the Black peoples of the world : UNITE or PERISH — 
WE WILL WIN." (BLACK AMERICA, Summer-Fall 1965, p. 2) 

Activitieb: 

Revolutionary Action Movement members have — 

(1) been charged with the planned cyaniiie poisoning of up to 1,500 policemen 
and top city ofllcials in Philadelphia ; 

(2) been indicted for conspiracy to murder moderate Negro leaders in 
the United States, conspiracy to advocate anarchy and "overthrow of or- 
ganized government by the assassination of executive officers of the 
government" ; 

(3) stored arms and ammunition in anticipation of the violent U.S. revolution 
which is to be accomplished according to a well-organized plan of urban 
guerrilla warfare ; 

(4) sent "greeting" to the NLF of Soiith Vietnam and have called for a united 
front against "racist U.S. imperialism." 

■Statements: 

ram manifesto quoted in monthly review, may 1964, p. 6, 7: 

"we are at war with white America. * * * 

• *•♦•♦♦ 

^'RAM's philosophy is one of the world black revolution or world revolution of 
oppressed peoples rising up against their former slavemasters. * * *" 

ROBERT F. WILLIAMS, THE CRUSADER, MARCH 1965, P. 5: 

"As a representative if [sic] the Revolutionary Action Movement, I am here 
[Hanoi, North Vietnam] to give support to the Vietnamese people in their strug- 
gle against U.S. imperialist aggression. ♦ * ♦" 

ROBERT F. WILLIAMS. HAVANA RADIO FREE DIXIE BROADCAST. DECEMBER 18, 1965 : 

''The U.S. Government is a racist government. * * ♦ The only protection our 
■oppressed people can expect in racist America is that which we render ourselves. 
The only justice we can expect is on-the-spot justice : an eye for an eye and 
-a tooth for a tooth. 



1 One of the more recent fronts of the Revolutionary Action Movement is the Black 
Ouard which is self-described in Its "Black Guard Organizers Manual" as "a black youth 
«roup dedicated to black power, black unity and self-defense • • • [andl is the forerunner 
'Of a black liberation army." 



912 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

"My brothers and sisters, the coming summer is going to be violent and bloody. 
* * * Let our people organize, arm, unite, and prepare for a war of survival 
and liberation! * * * Put the torch to the racist strongholds of the cities and 
remember the forests. * ♦ *" 

ROBERT F. WILLIAMS, THE CRUSADER, JULY 1967, PP.2, 3: 

"The racist power structure [in America] hoped to head off the long hot sum- 
mer of Afro-American rebellion * * * The battle of Newark should be a lesson 
to the oppressor that his tactic of vicious repression is not an answer to the 
black man's thrust for human dignity. * * * Our response * * * is a clarion call 
to * * * Black America to UNITE OR PERISH ! MOBILIZE FOR PEOPLE'S 
V7AR BECAUSE AMERICA IS THE BLACK MAN'S BATTLEGROUND !" 

"BLACK GUARD ORGANIZERS MANUAL," DATED OCTOBER 23, 1967: 

"THE BLACK GUARD IS A BLACK YOUTH GROUP DEDICATED TO 
BLACK POWER, BLACK UNITY AND SELF-DEFENSE. THE BLACK 
GUARD RESOLVES ANY CONTRADICTION WHICH MAY ARISE IN CAR- 
RYING OUT VANGUARD DIRECTION, AND TO MOBILIZE AND LEAD 
THE MASSES. * * * THE BLACK GUARD IS THE FORERUNNER OF A 
BLACK LIBERATION ARMY." 

"When a Black Guard has achieved his third degree RAM star (usually two 
years) he will be qualified to govern any society, be in any guerrilla movement in 
the world, and will be prepared to lead the NEW WORLD." 



STUDENT NONVIOLENT COORDINATING COMMITTEE 
(also known as SNCC and SNICK) 

360 Nelson Street, SW., Atlanta, Ga. 30303 
Origin : 

April 1960 in Raleigh, N.C. 

Originally known as the Temporary Student Nonviolent Coordinating Com- 
mittee, SNOO, in the fall of 1960, met in Atlanta, Ga., elected its first slate of 
oflScers, and dropped the "temporary" from its name. Primary initiators in the 
founding of SNOC were Mrs. Ella J. Baker of Atlanta and Mrs. Anne Braden 
of Louisville, Ky. 

Purpose: 

SNCC's original claimed purpose was to bring about the integration of south- 
em "lunch counters and movie theaters." However, in the recent years, 'SNOC 
has deviated grossly from this primary purpose and has been in the forefront 
of a number of the more recent violent racial disturbances in the country. 

Organization: 

SNCC's national organization is headed by a chairman and a triumvirate com- 
posed of an executive secretary, communications director, and program director. 
While the chairman is the chief spokesman for the organization, the executive 
secretary handles all organizational matters and directs the internal operation. 
The position of chairman and his triumvirate are elective and are chosen an- 
nually to preside over an 80-man central committee (aU of whom ha^e voting 
privilege) and a 10-man "observer group" (without voting privilege.)' The na- 
tional organization employs a number of staff personnel and field organizers. 

Note: Friends of SNCC — an adjunct organization whose present director is 
Elizabeth Sutherland!. "Friends" was formed as a campusHoriented fundraising 
organization. 

Key Leaders: 

Hubert Oeriod (H.Rap) Broton — chairman (1967-to date) 

Stanley Wise — executive secretary 

Ethel Minor — communications director 

Ralph Featherstone — program director 

Stokely Carmichael — chairman (1966-67) 

John Lewis — chairman (1963-66) 

Charles McLaurin — chairman (1962-63) 

Cfiarles McDew — chairman (1961-62) 

Marion Barry, Jr. — chairman ( 1960-61 ) 



SUBVERSIVE ESTFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 913 

Publications: 

The Student Voice (published by The Student Voice, Inc. ) 
Activities: 

SNOO has— 

(1) aligned itself with the Havana-based Latin American Solidarity Organiza- 
tion (LASO), a Castro-led network of guerrilla fighters whose primary 
aim is to export revolution in Latin America and among the Negro popula- 
tion in America ; 

(2) openly assailed Zionism and accused the Israelis of committing atrocities 
against the Arabs ; 

(3) openly exhorted Negroes to refuse to be drafted into armed services of 
the U.S. ; 

(4) through its immediate past chairman, Stokely Carmichael, aligned itself 
organizationally with the so-called Black Liberation Movement of the U.S. 
and has called for the "overthrow" of the present government and the 
start of "the real Revolution" in the U.S.; 

(5) through its present chairman, H. Rap Brown, been indicted for inciting 
a riot in Cambridge, Maryland. 

Statements: 

H. RAP BROWN, SNCC CHAIRMAN, "WHO ARE THE REAL OUTLAWS?" (SNCC 
PAMPHLET JULY 1967), PP. 3. 5: 

"That government which makes laws that you and I are supposed to obey, 
without letting us be a part of that government ... is an illegal government. The 
men who pass those laws are outlaws ; the police who enforce those laws are 
outlaws and murderers. 

"It should be understandable that we, as black people, should adopt the atti- 
tude that we are neither morally nor legally bound to obey laws which were 
not made with our consent and which seek to keep us down and keep us in our 
place. * * * 

• •***** 

"We stand on the eve of a black revolution. These rebellions are but a dress 
rehensal [sic] for real revolution. ♦ * *" 

"ATLANTA'S BLACK PAPER," COMPILED BY ATLANTA PROJECT OF SNCC, 
AUGUST 25, 1966: 

"Saturday, August 20, 1966 

"At the street comer rally held right after the press conference, two squad cars 
with two black cops in each along with the paddy wagons pulled into the area. 
At the rally, Bill Ware [SNCC], told the people that the black cops represent the 
white power structure in the neighborhood and that the white power structure 
had sent them ♦ ♦ *. He told the people of Vine City [Atlanta] about how Black 
cops had beat him in the City Jail and how they are white men with black skins ; 
how they are as much our enemy as any white Klu-Klux Klansmen [sic]." 

STOKELY CARMICHAEL. GRAN MA, AUGUST 13, 1967: 

"To my fellow comrade Che, 

"The African-Americans inside the United States have a great deal of admira- 
tion for you. We eagerly await your writings in order to read them, digest them 
and plan our tactics based on them. 

"We want you to know, wherever you are, that you are an inspiration not only 
to the Blacks inside the U.S. but to the Liberation Struggle around the world. 
Please keep on fighting because by your fighting you are inspiring us. Do not 
despair, my comrade. 

"We will win 

Stokely Carmichael" 

" 'We are moving toward urban guerrilla warfare within the United 
States • » ♦.' " 



914 SUBVERSIVE rNFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

SOUTHERN STUDENT ORGANIZING COMMITTEE (SSOC) 

1703 Portland Avenue, Nashville, Tenn. 
P.O. Box 6403, Nashville, Tenn. 31212 
Tel. (615) 291-3537 
Origix: 

April 3-5, 1964 

Founded by former Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) 
"white community" organizers as a counterpart to SNOC. It was designed to 
work especially among white southern college students. 

Purpose: 

The proclaimed purpose of the 'Southern "Student. Organizing Committee is 
to maintain a liaison between widely' scattered activists in the "peace" and 
"civil rights" movements throughout the South through key representatives 
located on various southern college campuses. 

Organization: 

In the fall of 1966, SSOC became a membership organization and embarked 
on a campaign to form local chapters on various college campuses throughout 
the South. 

It now has an estimated 175 members with representatives on about 34 cam- 
puses throughout the South. 

SSOC is loosely coordinated though its central ofKce in Nashville and branch 
office in Atlanta, Ga. 

Key Leaders: 

Tom Gardner— chairman 

Alan Levin — vice chairman 

There are about 15 StafC personnel employed by the Nashville headquarters 
of SSOC. 

Publication: 

THE NEW SOUTH STUDENT (circulation, claimed 4,000) ; published month- 
ly October through May by SSOC of Nashville ; $1 for southern students, $3 for 
northern students and adults. 

Activities: 

On its own and in cooperation with other organizations has — 

(1) staged or taken part in various civil rights picket lines and demonstra- 
tions ; 

(2) supported the activities and demonstrations of various U.S. anti-Vietnam 
war organizations ; 

(3) SSOC chairman Tom Gardner, together with 41 other Americans, met 
with representatives of the North Vietnamese and the Viet Cong at a 
conference in Bratislava, Czechoslovakia, September 5-12, 1967; 

(4) supported the activities and demonstrations of the Student Nonviolent 
Coordinating Committee ; 

(5) supported the activities and demonstrations of, and is a fraternal organi- 
zation to, the Students for a Democratic Society. 



SOUTHERN CONFERENCE EDUCATIONAL FUND, INp. 

3210 West Broadway, Louisville, Ky. 
Origin: 

September 6, 1938 

The Southern Conference Educational Fund, Inc. (SCEF), initially functioned 
as the "educational wing" of the Southern Conference for Human Welfare 
(SCHW). The SCHW was cited by the Committee on Un-American Activities 
in 1947 as a Communist-front organization "which seeks to attract southern 
liberals on the basis of Its seeming interest in the problems of the South" al- 
though its "professed interest in southern welfare is simply an expedient for 
larger aims serving the Soviet Union and its subservient Communist Party 
in the United States." Public exposure as a Communist-front group caused the 
SCHW to suspend its operations in 1949; however, the SCEF continued as an 
independent organization and absorbed the remaining functions of the SCHW. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 915 

Operating as the successor of the SCHW, the SCEF maintained the same oflSce, 
telephone number, and principal officers of the SCHW. The SCEF also continued 
publishing SCHW's official organ, The Southern Patriot. 

Purpose: 

The SCEF purports to be an "interracial group" dedicated to ending "racial 
discrimination, poverty, and other injustices in the South." Its main effort 
at the present time is to "reach white Southerners and bring them into struggles 
for social justice, helping them to unite with black Southerners in meaningful 
joint action." 

Organization: 

Directed by a 60-member board of directors (SCEF is not a membership 
organization with the exception of those individuals who are members of the 
board.) 

The SCEF has 22 staff members, a 60-member advisory committee and a 
6-member medical advisory committee. 

Reported annual budget : $100,000 

Offices: (national headquarters listed above) 
150 Tenth Avenue North, Nashville, Tenn. 
799 Broadway, Suite 412, New York, N.Y. (Eastern office) 

SCEF Projects : 

(1) Southern Mountain Project & Mountain Education Program 

(2) Operation Open Debate 

(3) Grass-Roots Organizing Work (GROW) Project 

(4) Southern Peace Education Project 

(5) Anti-HUAC Project (SCEF operates as the southern regional office of 
the National Committee to Abolish the House Un-American Activities 
Committee, a Communist-front organization.) 

Affiliate : Friends of SCEF 
Key Leaders: 

Rev. Fred L. Shuttleaworth — president 

Carl Braden — executive director (member of SCEF staff since 1957) — identi- 
fied member of the Communist Party, U.S.A. 

Anne Braden — associate executive director and editor of Tihe Southern Patriot 
(member of SCEF staff since 1957) — identified member of the Communist 
Party, U.S.A. 

James A. Dombrowski — special consultant (recently retired as SCEF executive 
director; served as administrator for SCHW) — identified member of the 
Communist Party, U.S.A. ; denied identification under oath. 

Rev. WiUiam Howard Melish — assistant director — identified member of the 
Communist Party, U.S.A. 

Publication: 

The Southern Patriot (monthly tabloid newspaper published since 1942 — circu- 
lation [October 1966] : 9, 936) 

Activities: 

The SCEF has— 

(1) prepared and published propaganda aimed at undermining the capitalist 
system of the United States and has continually agitated against it by ex- 
ploiting such issues as poverty, racial discrimination, and unemployment ; 

(2) attempted to develop Negro and white unrest through organized agitation 
in small southern towns and rural areas ; 

(3) waged a deceitful campaign against congressional investigation of Com- 
munist activities in the United States ; 

(4) engaged in a program of agitation against United States military involve- 
ment in Vietnam ; and 

(5) maintained influence over certain militant Negro civil rights and "bla<* 
power" organizations and has rendered financial support to at least one 
of them. • 



916 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Statement: 

THE SOUTHERN PATRIOT (EDITORIAL), AUGUST 1967, PP. 1« 2: 

"Past movements for peaceful social change have failed partly because people 
in power have not wanted change and have used every device and every form 
of terror to crush such movements. * * * 

"But movements have also failed * * • because they have not been radical 
enough — radical in the sense of going to the root of what is wrong in our society 
and dealing with people's vital needs. They have failed too because sometimes 
people in these movements have lost their nerve at crucial moments. • • *" 



LIBERATOR 
Published by: Afro-American Research Institute, Inc. 
224 East 46th Street, New York City, N.Y. 10017 
Origin: 

January 1960 

Daniel H. Watts began publishing the LIBERATOR in 1960 in the name 
of a largely paper organization which he called the Liberation Committee for 
Africa. In 1963, Watts and Richard Gibson, one of the initiators of the Fair 
Play for Cuba Committee, incorporated the Afro-American Research Institute 
as the successor of Watts' "Liberation Committee." The institute has since 
served as the publisher of LIBERATOR magazine. 

Purpose: 

LIBERATOR magazine is self -described as the "intellectual voice for black 
nationalism and socialism" and the "voice of the Afro-American protest move- 
ment in the United States and the liberation movement of Africa." 

Organization: 

Other than the staff of the LIBERATOR, no organization exists in the sense 
of the word. 

Key Leaders: 
Daniel H. Watts — editor in chief 
Len Holt — Washington, D.C. 
BUI Mahoney — editor. Southern 
Richard Prioe — editor, West Coast 
Richard CHbsonr— editor, Africa, Asia, and Europe 
Clayton Riley — arts editor 

Staff: 
Evelyn B. Kalibala — secretary 
Tom Feelings and James Malone — illustrators 
Jwmes Connor — photographer 

Publication: 

Monthly. Subscription : $3 per year. 

LIBERATOR magazine has featured articles supporting "black arts" which 
show domination of blacks over whites and has endorsed the so-called N^^o 
Liberation Movement in America. It supports an anti-U.S. capitalist movement 
among Negroes to alter the present form of government and supports Negro 
extremist groups such as the Black Muslims, RAM, SNCC, and the all-Negro 
Freedom Now Party. 

LIBERATOR magazine opposes civil rights groups such as the NAACP and 
the Urban League and openly supports African-Marxist leaders such as Kwame 
Nkrumah, Sekou Toure, and Patrice Lumumba. 

LIBERATOR magazine, in addition to publishing and distributing its monthly 
publication, operates the Liberator Book Service which offers historical, sepa- 
ratist, and other Negro-oriented books and pamphlets written by a wide range 
of authors including Communists and black nationalists. 

Statements from Liberator Magazine: 

"Mrs. [Gloria H.] Richardson has shown the direction which must be fol- 
lowed, if the Movement is to be saved from destruction by its so-called friends. 
* * * She, and others like her, however, who are providing courageous and 
effective leadership will continue to be under growing pressure from the na- 



SUBVERSIVE ESTFLUENCES EST RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 917 

tional established civil rights groups * * *." (Editorial, "Mrs. Richardson's 
Revolt," vol. Ill, No. 11, November 1963, p. 1) 

"What is needed at this juncture is a truly national Liberation Front with 
a program aimed squarely at basic changes in our economic and social structure — 
e.g. a planned economy based on public ownership subject to the needs and will 
of the masses who will hold jwwer — which will make for rapid social advance, 
freedom and equality. 

******* 

"the prospects of victory for our Second Revolution are more than promising; 
and through it, perhaps, America can at last rejoin the human family." (James A. 
Kennedy, "Toward a National Liberation Front," voL III, No. 11, November 1963, 
pp. 19, 20) 

«'* * * Afro-America lacks adequate leaders. 'The acknowledged so-called 
"Negro leadership" serves as the white man's neutralizer of Black America's 
struggle. Therefore it will be removed by dedicated younger Black militants 
who are more responsive to the fundamental needs of the Black Masses.' * ♦ *" 
(Donald Freeman, "The Cleveland Story," vol. Ill, No. 6, June 1963, p. 18) 

"The white racist iwliceman in the Black ghetto does not represent law and 
order for Afro-Americans, he is merely the extension of the repressive economic, 
political and social system that is imposed on the ghetto by the white power 
structure. * * *" (Daniel H. Watts, editorial, "Genocide or Murder?" vol. V, 
No. 8, August 1965, p. 3) 

"The white power structure which had supported these negro anglo-saxons was 
calling in the chits. The house niggers responded by saying *we can't control the 
natives, they are not one of us. You (whites) must put down the rebellion. We tciU 
hack you up, as far behind you, as we can get.' * * ♦" (Daniel H. Watts, editorial, 
"Watts, L. A.,— The Nation's Shame," voL V, No. 9, September 1965, p. 3) 

"The cry is Black Power. Very curiously, of all the slogans that the so-called 
civil rights revolution has generated, to date, only the cry of Black power has 
instill [sic] fear in the hearts of big and little charlie. Why? Why suddenly, 
the most 'freedom' loving of whites, have been driven from the civil rights 
circles by the cry of Black power? Is it because after 350 years of struggle we 
have finally got to where the action is? Power ? Black Power? 

"Black power! Power to punish, Power to destroy, and above all Power to 
survive the most brutal system of oppression ever devised by man. • * • 

"Brothers and Sisters, Charlie's finger is on the panic button, let our Black 
Power help him push it, to hell. T.C.B." (Daniel H. Watts, editorial, "'Auda- 
cious' Black Power," vol. VI, No. 7, July 1966, p. 3) 



ACT 

Origin: 

March 1964 at a conference in Chester, Pa. 
Purpose: 

To support local "action groups" in civil rights activity "when their anti- 
discrimination projects are attacked and 'undercut by the standard civil rights 
organizations such as the NAACP ♦ * * and the Urban League.' " 

Organization: 

ACT leader Julius Hobson has stated that the group is "not a civil rights 
organization in the classical sense but a revolutionary one in the American 
tradition." 

Chapters were formed in Chicago, IlL; New York City; Chester, Pa.; and 
Washington, D.C. 

Key Leaders: 

Lawrence Landry — chairman 

Stanley Branche 

Gloria Richardson 

Julius Hobson 

John Wilson 

Jesse Oray 

Nahaz Rogers 



918 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 
ACTIVITIBS: 

ACT has — 

(1) planned nationwide school boycott in 1964 to protest de facto school 
segregation throughout the country ; 

(2) planned a nationwide boycott of California wines and fruits to protest a 
voter referendum on housing law. ACT took the position that the right to 
open occupancy should not be decided by popular vote ; 

(3) sponsored a 7-day rights offensive, May 24-30, 1965 ; 

(4) participated in the attempted "stall-in" at the 1964 New York World's 
Fair; 

(5 ) organized civil rights school boycotts, buying boycotts, etc. 

Statements: 

julius hobson, the evening star (washington, d.c.), as quoted in the 
congressional record. may 22, 1967, p. h5866: 

"^'You can't make Socialist promises within the Capitalist System." It won't 
work. I'm a Marxist "Socialist, not a Communist, but I don't have any illusions 
that I can change the system, although I think I can improve it.' " 

TBE EVENING STAR (WASHINGTON, D.C.), JULY 21, 1967, P. B-1: 

Hobson saw the Newark riot of 1967 as " 'the beginning of the new "Civil War" 
in the United States.' " 

JULIUS HOBSON, THE WASHINGTON POST, NOVEMBER 6, 1966, P. A-27: 

" 'We know what colonialism is right here at home,' he said. 'We don't have to 
go to Vietnam to impose the kind of freedom I've enjoyed here. ♦ • *' " 

NAHAZ ROGERS, THE MILITANT. APRIL 27, 1964, P. 1: 

" 'The old line of making the Negro revolution acceptable by the guidelines of 
dei)ortment and graciousness that are acceptable to the white community is gone. 
ACT will not function in a manner that is acceptable to white people. It will do 
things that are accaptable [sic] to Negroes.' " 



ORGANIZATION FOR BLACK POWER 
Origin: 

May 1965 at a conference in Washington, D.C 
Purpose:. 

To serve as a political action arm for ACT leaders. "Its aim is to gain political 
control of major U.S. cities through mobilization and control of the Negro 
residents." According to its literature, it " 'is part of the revolutionary struggle 
of people all over the world to liberate themselves from the determination of 
the United States to impose its way of life on the whole world and to build a new 
world free from exploitation.' " 

Organization: 

"Individuals connected with its founding represent various facets of the mili- 
tant Negro extremist community. The chairman of the organization is Jesse 
Gray. He is a former Harlem organizer for the Communist Party, USA." 

" 'Membership in the Organization for Black Power shall be of organizations and 
individuals who accept the perspective of Black Power and the discipline of the 
organization in the struggle for this power.'" (J. Edgar Hoover, Testimony be- 
fore Appropriations Subcommittee, February 10, 1966, pp. 256, 257.) 

Key Leaders: 

Jesse Orap — chairman 

Lawrence Landry — Chicago chairman 

Julius Hobson — member of steering committee 

Activities: 

At a meeting in Chicago in July 1965 a program was adopted which included 
the following points: 

(1) Dissemination of information on "fraudulent nature" of the poverty 
program ; 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 91^ 

(2) Institute a drive in every ghetto to stop all cooperation by the poor with 
poverty programs ; 

(3) Campaign to drive the "social work lobby" and their "Negro lackeys"^ 
from the ghettos ; 

(4) Refuse to continue discussions about poverty, civil rights, etc., with 
Government social workers ; 

(5) Create immediate programs to deal with Negro "Uncle Toms" ; 

(6) "Train the ix)or for a nationwide campaign designed to obstruct the 
status quo and to force the hand of those seeking to exploit * • * black 
people" ; 

(7) "Resolve that militant organizations will cooperate and work with any 
and all persons to achieve these goals and objectives." 



FREEDOM NOW PARTY 
81 B. 125th Street, Suite 207, New York, N.Y. 10035 
Tel. MO 2-0681 
Origin: 

August 28, 1963 (Call for a Freedom Now Party distributed in Washington,. 
D.C.) 

Purpose: 

Formed by former Communist Party member Conrad Lynn and Red China 
travel-ban violator William Worthy for the purpose of running an all-Negra 
slate of electors in the 1964 elections. 

Organization: 

Believed very small. 
Key Leaders: 

Conrad Lynn — national chairman 

Mrs. Pemella V. Wattley — corresponding secretary 

Rev. Albert Cleage — Michigan State chairman 

Peter Pierre — chairman, Brooklyn Freedom Now Party 

Publications: 

None 
Activities: 

The Freedom Now Party — 

(1) ran a small slate of candidates for State and local offices in 1964 in Michi- 
gan and New York, including Paul Boutelle, vice-presidential candidate 
of the Trotskyist Communists, as candidate for State Senator from 
Harlem ; 

(2) ran a total of 39 Negro candidates in 1964 for offices ranging from U.S. 
Senator to Wayne County drain commissioner. Single candidates were 
offered in New York, Connecticut, and California. Greatest strength was 
in Michigan. However, all Freedom Now Party candidates were soundly 
defeated. 



CONGRESS OF RACIAL EQUALITY (CORE) 
National Office, 135th Street and Seventh Avenue (Harlem), New York City, N.Y. 

Origin: 

Spring 1942 

Originally formed as the Committee of Racial Equality by James Farmer and 
Jim Robinson after they were reluctantly served in a white restaurant in Chicago. 
Farmer and Robinson, then working for the Fellowship of Reconciliation ( FOR ) , 
drew support from FOR members and picketed the restaurant until full inte- 
gration was achieved. 

Purpose: ' 

Originally considered one of the more "moderate" civil rights organizations, 
CORE, since the early 1960's, has gradually increased in militancy and has 

32-955 O — 69— pt. 1 14 



920 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

become increasingly separatist, black supremacist, and ideologically aligned with 
the so-called new left. 

Organization : 

CORE claims 80,000 members in 200 chapters. 

The organizational structure of CORE consists of a large advisory board and 
a slate of five oflScers under which an administrative staff, field staff, field secre- 
taries, and task force workers function. In addition a national action committee 
oversees the regional operations of the chapters and individual members. 

Key Leaders: 

Wilfred Vssery — national chairman 
Floyd B. McKissick — national director (1966 — to date) 
Lincoln O. Lynch — assoc. national director (1966 — to date) 
James L. Farmer — national director (1960-1966)^ 

Activities: 

In addition to organizing and sponsoring numerous civil rights rallies, dem- 
onstrations, and picket lines, CORE, its national leaders and its chapters, have — 

(1) exhorted Negroes to be ready to "kill for freedom;" (Lincoln O. Lynch) 

(2) taken a "Get out of Vietnam" war protest stand nationally and has par- 
ticipated at the chapter level in nearly every major anti-Vietnam war 
demonstration ; 

(3) attempted to unlawfully block traffic leading to the World's Pair in New 
York City in 1964 ; 

(4) attempted to make a "citizen's arrest" of N.Y. Mayor Robert Wagner 
immediately before the Harlem riot of 1964. 

Statements: 

FLOYD McKISSICK, THE NEW YORK TIMES MAGAZINE, OCTOBER 1, 1967, P. 101: 

" 'As long as the white man has all the power and money, nothing will happen 
because we have nothing. The only way to achieve meaningful change is to take 
power.' " [Emphasis added.] 

ROBERT CARSON (CHAIRMAN, BROOKLYN CORE), THE NEW YORK TIMES MAGAZINE, 
OCTOBER 1. 1967, P. 104: 

" 'We will work on our land by day and plan at night for that day when the 
Negroes and the black people wiU call us from our forced exile to lead the van- 
guard, to structure the change which must come about, if we members of the 
black race are to survive in this country.' " 

WILLARD D. DIXON, JR., EDITOR, THE BLACK DISPATCH, A CORE PUBLICATION FOR 
THE BALTIMORE TARGET CITY PROJECT, AS QUOTED IN THE BALTIMORE SUN, 
NOVEMBER 30. 1967, P. C-6: 

" 'The police will be barred completely from the ghetto or else suffer the ultimate 
penalty.' 

" 'The vigilantes will become the legitimate law enforcement agency in the 
black community' * * *." 

NATION OF ISLAM 

(also known as Muslim Mosque, Inc., and Black Muslims) 

National headquarters of the Nation of Islam is located at the Central Mosque 
in Chicago, 111. (5335 Greenwood Avenue, Chicago, 111.), and is the home of Elijah 
Muhammad (Poole), the "Messenger of Allah." 

Origin: 

1931 in Detroit, Michigan 

An ex-convict, W. D. Fard (also known as Ford) actually organized the sect 
with the help of Elijah Poole, a Georgia farm worker. Fard had been released 
from San Quentin Federal Prison after serving out the term of a narcotics con- 
viction. Fard left Detroit after his followers offered a human sacrifice in 1933. 
His whereabouts have been unknown since that time. Poole then began teaching 
that he was the messenger of Allah and that Fard was Allah who had come and 
gone. Poole served a prison term as a WWII draft evader. 



1 Farmer is currently chairman of CORE'S advisory board. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 921 

Purpose: 

Elijah Muhammad Poole claims to have discovered the lost Nation of Islam at 
the time Allah (Fard) instructed him to rescue the American Negro from his 
"enslavement" by Christianity and Western culture. The Black Muslims believe 
that the white man is the devil incarnate and integration with the white man 
is refused on this basis. 

In testimony before the Subcommittee of the House Committee on Appropria- 
tions on February 16, 1967, FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover stated that the Nation 
of Islam (NOI) was an "all-Negro, violently antigovemment and antiwhite 
organization." Mr. Hoover characterized the NOI as "a very real threat to the 
internal security of the Nation." 

Organization: 

About 70 mosques in as many cities with "an active membership of about 5,500." 

Key Leaders: 

Elijah Muhammad Poole — messenger of Allah 

Raymond X Sharrieff (real name Raymond Hatchett) — national commander 
of the Fruit of Islam and son-in-law of Elijah Muhammad 

Publication: 

Muhammad Speaks (published twice monthly) 

Published by Muhammad's Mosque # 2 

634 E. 79th Street, Chicago, lU. 60619 

Alternate address : 5335 S. Greenwood Avenue, Chicago, 111. 

Activities: 

The Nation of Islam (NOI), through its leadership and newspaper, consist- 
ently urged Negroes to refuse to be drafted into the armed services of the U.S. 
on grounds NOI members do not consider themselves U.S. citizens in the sense 
of the word. 

Statements: 

ELUAH MUHAMMAD, "BEWARE OF FALSE PROMISES, SEPARATION OR DEATH I" 
MUHAMMAD SPEAKS. JULY 5, 1963, P. 9: 

"You send armies of heavily-armed policemen to slay the unarmed so-called 
Negores [sic]. Does this act of murder of unarmed people show that you are brave 
or cowards? You, like your fathers, hate and despise your slaves, and you beat 
and murder them daily. And after such inhuman treatment you want them to 
love you so that you may carry out your evil doings on them without resistance." 

EDrrORLA.L, "CAPTIVE NATIONS WEEK," MUHAMMAD SPEAKS, AUGUST 2, 1963, P. 9: 

"Perhaps some sort of Nobel Prize for 'Hyi)ocrisy' should go to those lily-white 
souls who have the effrontery to conduct "Captive Nation's Week,' a memorial 
dedicated to concern for the eventual 'freeing' of other white souls said to be 
'enslaved' behind the Iron Curtain in the midst of the current race crisis," 

ELIJAH MUHAMMAD, "THE MUSLIM PROGRAM," MUHAMMAD SPEAKS, JUNE 4, 1965, 
PP. 23, 24: 

"We want the government of the United States to exempt our people from 
ALL taxation as long as we are deprived of equal justice under the laws of the 
land." 

"We believe that we who declared ourselves to be righteous Muslims, should 
not participate in wars which takes the lives of humans. We do not believe this 
nation should force us to take part in such wars, for we have nothing to gain 
from it unless Ajnerica agrees to give us the necessary territory wherein we 
may have something to fight for." 

ELIJAH MUHAMMAD, MUHAMMAD SPEAKS. JULY 9, 1965. P. 1: 

"I have warned you that the Catholic religion, which means the whole of 
Christianity, is one of the worst enemies of the so-called Negro in the world. 
"These people and their religion are so terrible and evil that the Bible (Revela- 
tions of John) gave them the name, while prophesying of them, as the 'beast.' 
The head of the church (Pope) is referred to as the 'dragon' who aided the 
'beast,' the ruler, (President of the United States) and gave him the knowledge 
of how to destroy the people. Rev. 13 :4." 



922 ST7BVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 
EUJAH MUHAMMAD, MUHAMMAD SPEAKS. JULY 30, 1965, P. 1: 

"Don't be deceived because you saw President Johnson, at his inaugural ball^ 
dancing with a black woman, a descendant of his great grandparents' slaves. 
Why didn't we see her husband dancing with the President's white wife?" 

EUJAH MUHAMMAD, MESSAGE TO THE BLACKMAN, P. 313: 

"Arthur R. Gottschalk, state senator, 8th district, Park Forest (111.), wrote 
our National Secretary, John All, asking him and my followers to disavow and 
repudiate pubUcly the truth Allah has revealed to me of the Caucasian race, 
the truth of them being real devils and our (the Black Nation's) open enemies. "^ 



INDEX 

INDIVIDUALS 

A 

Page 

Alexander, Franklin 890 

Ali, John . 922 

AUport, Gordon W 820 

Altisar, Sergio 877 

Aptheker, Bettina ■ 890 

Aptheker, Herbert 885, 892, 893 

Armand, Lisa , 898 

B 

Baker, EUa J -. 912 

Ballan, Dorothy (Mrs. Sam Ballan) 903 

Ballan, Sam (also known as Sam Marcy) __. 902, 903 

Barnes, Jack 900 

Barry, Marion, Jr. 912 

Bentlev, Elizabeth 867 

Beria, "Lavrenti — 868 

Bloice, Carl -.--- 890, 893 

Boulton, James 903 

Boutelle, Paul - 900, 919 

Bowron, Fletcher 839 

Braden, Anne (Mrs. Carl Braden) 893, 912, 916 

Braden, Carl 915 

Branche, Stanley. 917 

firandeis ( Louis D.) 822 

Breitman, George 901 

Briehl (Walter) 867 

Britton. Joel - ^— ^in MP 

Brown, H. Rap 719, 762, 

772, 774 776, '787, 816, 854, 855, 865, 866, 875, 888. 912, 913 
Brown, Herbert Geroid. (See Brown, H. Rap.) 

Budenz, Louis (Francis) 893 

Bundy 872 

Burnham, Dorothy ( Mrs. Hyman Lumer) 892 

C 

Calloway, Dwight ■ 743 

Camejo, Peter 900 

Cannon, James P 899, 900 

Carmichael, Stokely 762,774, 

776, 780-783, 787, 788, 816, 828, 854, 855, 866, 877, 912, 913 

Carson, Robert 920 

Castro, Fidel --,-- 877 

Chambers, Whittaker - 852 

Chen Yi ; 873 

Chernowitz, Alex --. 906 

Chou En-lai .- 817, 873 

Clarke, Dick _... . ^ 899 

Clay, Cassius (also known as Muhammad Ali) 744 

Cleage, Albert 919 

Coe, Frank - 867, 870 

Connor, James <--- 916 

Copeland, Vincent — - 902, 903 

t 



11 INDEX 

D Pas« 

Davis, Ben 893 

Davis, Benjamin 878 

Davis, PhU 890 

Deadwyler, Leonard 773 

Deadwyler, Mrs. (Leonard) 773 

DeBerry, Clifton 902 

Dixon, Willard D., Jr 920 

Dobbs, FarreU 900 

Dodd (Thomas J.) 737 

Dombrowski, James A 915 

Douglass, Frederick 892 

DuBois, Shirley Graham. (See Graham, Shirley.) 

DuBois, W. E. B 893 

Duggan, Robert 890 

Durelle, Yvon 736 

E 

Edwards, Theodore 900 

Eisencher, Michael 890 

Engels, Friedrich (Frederick) 875 * 

Epton, WiUiam 872, 873, 895, 896, 898, 902 

Evers, Medgar 760 

F 

Fard, W. D. (also known as W. D. Ford) 920, 921 

Farmer, James L 919, 920 

Featherstone, Ralph 912 

Feelings, Tom 916 

FUnt, Dorothy 902 

Ford, W. D. (See Fard, W. D.) 

Eraser, R. S 909 

Freeman, Donald 917 

Freeman, Harry 866 

G 

Gaillard, Paul 908 

Gardner, Tom 914 

Garnett, Henry Highland 893 

Gerlach, Talitha 868 

Gibson, Richard 916 

Gilligan, Thomas (R.) 905,907 

Goldman, Peggy 890 

Goldstein, Fred.. 903 

Goldwater (Barry) 817 

Gottschalk, Arthur R 922 

Graham, Shirley 893 

Gray, Jesse (Willard) 917, 918 

Gregory, Dick 826 

Griswold, Deirdre 906 

Guevara (Ernesto) "Che"_ 816,913 

H 

Hall, Gus 880,881,884-890 

Hallinan, Matthew 890 

Halstead, Fred 900 

Hammerquist, Donald 890 

Hansen, Joseph 900 

Hart (Adolph W.) 862 

Hatchett, Raymond. (See SharrieflF, Raymond X.) 

Hatem, George 868 

Healey, Don 727,849 

Healey, Dorothy 727, 849 

Heisler, Robert 890 

Himmel, Robert 900 

Hinton, Bertha 868 

Hitler (Adolf) _. 849 



* Spelled "Friendrich" in this reference. 



INDEX Ui 

Page 

Ho Chi Minh '. ----- 890 

Hobson, Julius 917, 918 

Holmes (Oliver Wendell) 822 

Holt, Len 916 

Hoover, John Edgar 725, 

816, 818, 843, 844, 878-880, 882, 883, 885, 889, 890, 892, 910, 918, 921 
Hunton, W. Alphaeus 893 

J 

Jackson, Esther (Mrs. James E. Jackson) 893 

Jackson, James E 878, 885-888, 893 

Janaeek, Helen 908 

Jefferson (Thomas) 822 

Jerome, Fred 896, 898 

Johnson, Joseph 900 

Johnson, Lyndon B 727, 

753, 754, 769, 774, 775, 817, 848-850, 871, 872, 875-877, 888, 

892 903 922 

Jones, Adrian H_ _.'____'_ 720, 721, 723, 790-802 (testimony), 833, 835 

Jones, Claudia 893 

Jones, Ronald 902 

E 

KaUbala, Evelyn B 916 

Katzenbach, Nicholas deB 889 

Kennedy, James A 917 

Kennedy, Jim 890 

Kennedy (John F.) 903 

Kent (Rockwell) 867 

Kerry, Tom 900 

Khrushchev (Nikita Sergeevich) 735, 780, 885, 897 

King, Martin Luther, Jr 726, 768, 844, 875, 910 

Kling, Jack 888 

Koch, Chris 890 

Kosygin ( Aleksei) 847 

KuoChien 871 

Kuo Mo-jo 869, 874 

L 

Landry, Lawrence 917, 918 

Lenin (V. L) 726,838,843 

Lerner, Herman D 723-725, 803-831 (testimony), 833, 835 

Leyin, Alan 914 

Lewis, John 912 

Lightfoot, Claude , 881-884, 888 

Lin, Piao 817 

Liu Ning-I 867 

Love, Edgar 758 

LoveU, Frank 900 

Luce, PhilUp A 818 

Lumer, Hyman 892 

Lumumba, Patrice 916 

Lynch, Lincoln O 920 

Lynn, Conrad 919 

M 

Mahoney, BiU 916 

Malone, James 916 

Mao Tse-tung . 817, 866-874, 876, 877 

Marcy, Sam. (See Ballan, Sam.) 

Martin, Key 906 

Mayfield, Henry O 892 

McCarthy (Eugene J.) 846 

McCleUan (John L.) 775, 854 



iv INDEX 

Page 

McDew, Charles 912 

McKissick, Floyd B 920 

McLaurin, Charles 912 

McNamara (Robert S.) 872 

Mehaffey, Robert H 728,861,862,863 (testimony) 

Melish, William Howard 915 

Minor, Ethel . 912 

Mitchell, Clarence 717, 750, 751-762 (testimony) 

Moore, Archie 716, 735-750 (testimony) 

Moore, Charles E 839 

Muhammad Ali. (See Clay, Cassius.) 

Murphy, George B., Jr 893 

Murphy (Michael J.) 889 

Myers, Joel 906 

Myerson, Mike (Michael) 890 

N 

Nelson, Albert 908 

Newman, I. DeQuincey 761 

Nielsen, Doris 868 

Nkrumah, Kwame 916 

North, Joseph 878,893 

O 

O'Dell, J. H 893 

Oquendo, Ed 906 

P 

Parker, WiUiam (H.) 844, 847, 864 

Parris, Guichard 768 

Patterson, Ellis E 849 

Patterson, William L 756,893 

Peters, J. (also known as Alexander Stevens; Blake; Isador Boorstein; 

Alexander Groldberg; R. Goldberger; Steve Lapur; Steve Miller; J. V. 

Peters; Jack Roberts) 852,853 

Petrick, Howard 900,901 

Pettee, George S 829 

Philip, Cyril 892 

Pierre, Peter 919 

Pike, Douglas 850 

Pittman, John 887, 893 

Poole, Elijah Muhammad 920, 921 

Poulson, Norris ^ 834 

Powell, James 774, 905, 907, 910 

Price, Richard 916 

Proctor, Roscoe i-_ 883 

Putnam, George 773 

R 

Randolph, A. Philip 768 

Richardson, Gloria H 916, 917 

Riley, Clayton i.__ 916 

Rittenberg, Sidney 873 

Robertson, James 907, 908, 910 

Bobeson, Paul 888, 893 

Robinson, Jim 919 

Rockne, Knute 771 

Rogers, Nahaz 917, 918 

Romney ( George) 775 

Roosevelt (Franklin Delano) 849 

Rosen, Milton 894, 895, 898 

Rubin, Daniel 878 

Rusk (Dean) _ _ , 858,872 



INDEX r 

S Page 

Sarnofif, Irving 727,851 

Schaefer 822" 

Scheer, Mortimer 894, 895 

Schenck 822 

Schwarz, Fred 737 

Sharrieff, Raymond X. (real name Raymond Hatchett) 921 

Shaw, Edward 900 

Shriver (Sargent) 744 

Shuttlesworth, Fred L 915 

Sobell, Morton 901 

Spaulding, Asa T 717, 718, 748, 762,763-767 (testimony)' 

Spaulding, C. C. (Charles Clinton) 766 

Stalin (Josef) _ 849,884,885 

Stanford, Maxwell Curtis, Jr 911 

Strong, Anna Louise 868 

Strong, Augusta (Mrs. Joseph North) 893 

Supriano, Harold 890* 

Sutherland, Elizabeth 912 

T 

Terry, Clark 737, 748 

Terry, Wallace 852 

Toure, Sekou 916 

Trotsky (Lev) Leon 89^ 

Tse-tung, Mao. (See Mao Tse-tung.) 

Turner, Harry 90S 

Turner, Nat 893 

Tyner, Jarvis _ _ _ 890, 892 

U 
Ussery, Wilfred 920 

V 

Vernon, Robert 901 

Verret, Joseph. (See Vetter, Joseph.) 

Vetter, Joseph (also known as Joseph Verret) 90S 

W 

Wagner, Robert F 902, 907, 920 

Walter (Franci» E.), Tad 84& 

Ward, Richard 890 

Ware, Bill 913 

Washington, Walter E 739 

Wattley, Pernella V___ ._ 919 

Watts, Daniel H 916,917 

Weaver, Robert C. 766 

Weinstein, Nat 900 

Weissman, Maryann 906 

West, James 881 

Westmoreland, William (C.) 865 

White, GeoflFrey 90& 

Wilkins, Roy 745,751,755-757,761, 76& 

Williams, Mrs. Robert 866 

WiUiams, Robert F 817, 866, 867, 869, 873, 903, 910-912 

WUson, Jack 902 

Wilson, John 917 

Winston, Henry 881-884, 887, 888 

Wise, Stanley 912 

Worthy, WUliam 919 



Yorty, Samuel W 725-728, 833-859 (testimony) 

Young, Whitney M., Jr.._ 718, 767-769 (statement) 

Younger, Evelle J 718-720, 769-790 (testimony) 



Vi INDEX 



ORGANIZATIONS 



A 

ABC. (See Any Boy Can.) Page 
ACLU. (See American Civil Liberties Union.) 

ACT 729, 917, 918 

Ad Hoc Committee on the Middle East (see also Youth Against War and 

Fascism) 906 

Afro-American Research Institute, Inc '. 916 

Afro-American Student Movement (see ako Revolutionary Action Move- 
ment) 911 

Afro-American Youth Council (see also Revolutionary Action Movement). 911 

Afro-Americans Against the War in Vietnam 901 

Afro-Americans for Halstead and Boutelle (see also Socialist Workers 

Party) 900 

Alexander Defense Committee (see also Socialist Workers Party) _._ 900 

All-China Federation of Trade Unions 867 

American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU): Southern California 848 

American Youth for Democracy 851 

Any Boy Can (ABC) 716, 738-745, 747, 750 

B 

BAND. (See Blacks Against Negative Dying.) 

Black Guard (see also Revolutionary Action Movement) 911, 912 

Black Muslims, (See Nation of Islam.) 

Black Panthers 784 

Blacks Against Negative Dying (BAND) 906 

C 

CERGE. (See Committee to Defend Resistance to Ghetto Life.) 
CIA. (See U.S. Government, Central Intelligence Agency.) 
CORE. (See Congress of Racial Equality.) 
CPUSA. (See Communist Party of the United States of America.) 

China Peace Committee 869 

China Women's Federation 871 

Civil Rights Congress 756 

Comintern. (See International, III.) 

Committee for GI Rights (see also Youth Against War and Fascism) 906 

Committee to Aid the Bloomington Students (see also Socialist Workers 

Party) 900 

•Committee to Defend Resistance to Ghetto Life (CERGE) (see also 

Progressive Labor Movement (PLM)) 894 

Committee to Defend the Rights of Pfc. Howard Petrick (see also Socialist 

Workers Party) 900 

Committee to Oppose the Deportation of Joseph Johnson (see also Socialist 

Workers Party) 900 

Communist League of America (Opposition) 899 

Communist Party, China 904 

Communist Party of the United States of America (CPUSA) 718, 726, 

734, 759, 768, 784, 834, 835, 843, 849, 853, 879-881, 883-890, 904 
National Structure: 

Central Committee i — 851 

National Committee 883, 888, 890, 894 

Negro Commission 882, 884 

National Conventions and Conferences: 

Sixteenth Convention (February 9-12, 1957, New York City)... 886 
Seventeenth Convention (December 10-13, 1959, New York 

City) 885, 886, 894 

Eighteenth Convention (June 22-26, 1966, New York City) 882, 

883, 887, 890 

States and Territories : Illinois 888 

Communist Party of the United States of America (Marxist-Leninist) 784 



INDEX VU 

Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) (originally formed as Committee of Page 

Racial Equality) 729,873,919,920 

Constitutional Liberties Information Center 900 

Council of Soviet Youth Organizations 890 

D 

DCA. {See W. E. B. DuBois Clubs of America.) 

Deacons for Defense and Justice, The 873 

Democratic Party (USA) : 

California 849 

E 

Emergency Civil Liberties Committee 904 

End the Draft Committee . . 904 

F 

FOR. {See Fellowship of Reconciliation.) 
FSM. (See Free Speech Movement.) 
Pair Play for Cuba Committee: 

Greater Los Angeles (Chapter) 900, 916 

Fellowship of Reconciliation (FOR) 919 

Fifth Avenue Vietnam Peace Parade Committee 901, 904 

Fort Hood Three Defense Committee 901, 904 

Free Speech Movement (FSM) 890 

Freedom Now Party 729, 901, 916, 919 

Freedom Sociahst Party of Washington (State) 908 

Freedomways Associates, Inc 892 

Friday Night Socialist For\ims {see also Socialist Workers Party) 900 

Friends of SCEF 915 

Friends of SNCC 912 

H 

Harlem Defense Council {see also Progressive Labor Movement) 817,894 

I 

International, III (Communist) (also known as Comintern) 852 

Sixth World Congress (July 17 to September 1, 1928, Moscow) 899 

International, IV (Trotskyite) 899,909 

International War Crimes Tribunal 904 

J 

Jamaica (N.Y.) Rifle and Pistol Club (see also Revolutionary Action 

Movement) 911 

John Birch Society 888 

K 

KPOL (Radio station, Los Angeles) 772 

KTLA (Television station, Los Angeles) 773 

L 

LASO. {See Latin American Solidarity Organization.) 

Labor Youth League 851 

Labor's Nonpartisan League 850 

Latin American Solidarity Organization (LASO) 913 

First Conference (July 31-August 10, 1967, Havana, Cuba) 877 

Liberation Committee for Africa 916 

Los Angeles Committee for Protection of Foreign Born 900 

Los Angeles Police Department 838^40, 891 

M 
M2M. {See May 2nd Movement.) 
May 2nd Movement (M2M) {see also Progressive Labor Movement 

(PLM)) - 894 

Merit Publishers (formerly Pioneer Publishers) 900 



Viii INDEX 

Page. 

Militant Labor Forums (see also Socialist Workers Party) 900 

Monroe Defense Committee 904 

Mothers' Defense Committee (see also Progressive Labor Movement 

(PLM)) 894 

Movement for Puerto Rican Independence 904, 907 

Muslim Mosque, Inc. (See Nation of Islam.) 

N 

NAACP. (See National Association for the Advancement of Colored 

People.) 
NOI. (See Nation of Islam.) 
Nation of Islam (NOI) (also known as Muslim Mosque, Inc.; and Black 

Muslims) 729, 745, 916, 920, 92 1 

National Association for the Advancement of Colored People ( NAACP) 717, 

751, 752, 754-758, 768, 772, 916, 917 

41st Convention, Boston, Mass., June 23, 1950 755 

Leadership Conference on Civil Rights 757 

National Maritime Union . 156 

National Mobilissation Committee. (See National Mobilization Committee 
To End the War in Vietnam. ) 

National Mobilization To End the War in Vietnam 901, 904, 907 

National Urban League, Inc 718,767-769 (Statement), 916, 917 

Public Relations Department 768 

New Left Club (University of North Carolina) 895 

North Vietnam Peace Committee 890 

O 

Organization for Black Power . 729, 918 

Organization of Afro-American Unity 901 



PLM. (See Progressive Labor Movement (or Party).) 
PLP. (See Progressive Labor Movement (or Party).) 

Peace Action Council ' 727, 851 

People's Organizations of China 867 

Pioneer Publishers 900 

Prensa Latina (Cuban news agency) 816 

Progressive Labor Movement (PLM) (or Party (PLP)) 729, 

817, 847, 872, 873, 894-898, 907 

Founding Convention (April 15-18, 1965) 896 

Harlem branch 897, 898 

National Coordinating Committee 897 

Pvt. Stapp Defense Committee (see also Youth Against War and Fascism) 906 

R 

RAM. (See Revolutionary Action Movement.) 

Rally of People Fom All Walks of Life in Peking Opposing U.S. Imperialism 
and Supporting the American Negroes' Struggle: 

First rally, August 12, 1963, Peking. China 866-869 

S'cond rally, October 10, 1963, Peking, China \- 869, 870 

Red Guards 868 

Republican Party: 

Republican Coordinating Committee 774 

Revolutionary Action Movement (RAM) 729, 

744, 745, 784, 817, 873, 904, 907, 910, 912, 916 
Revolutionary Committee of the Fourth International (see also Spartacist 

League) 908 

Revolutionary Tendency of the SWP (see also Spartacist League) 907 

S 

SCEF. (See Southern Conference Educational Fund, Inc.) 

SCHW. (See Southern Conference for Human Welfare.) 

SCTC. (See Student Committee for Travel to Cuba.) 



INDEX ix 

Page 

SNCC. (See Student Nonviolent ^Coordinating Committee^ 

SNICK. (See Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee.) 

SSDC. (See Southern Student Organizing Committee.) 

SWP. (See Socialist Workers Party.) 

Socialist Workers Campaign Committee (see also Socialist Workers Party) _ 900 

Socialist Workers Party (BWP) 729, 899-903, 907, 908 

National Committee 902, 903 

Young Socialist Alliance ( YSA) 900 

Southern Christian Leadership Conference 881 

Southern Conference Educational Fund, Inc. (SCEF) 729, 914, 915 

.Southern Conference for Human Welfare (SCHW) 914, 915 

.So\ithern Student Organizing Committee (SSOC) 729, 914 

•Spartacist Group or Committee (see also Spartacist League) 907 

.Spnrtacist League (formerly known as Revolutionary Tendency of the 
SWP; Spartacist Group or Committee; and Revolutionary Committee of 

the Fourth International) 729, 907-909 

iSpring Mobilization Committee. (See Spring Mobilization Committee To 
End the War in Vietnam.) 

.Spring Mobilization Committee To End the War in Vietnam 904 

.Student Committee for Travel to Cuba (SCTC) (see also Progressive Labor 

Movement (PLM)). 894, 907 

Student MohlirzatTon Committee. (See Student Mobilization To End the 
War in Vietnam. ) 

Student Mobilization To End the War in Vietnam 901, 904^ 907 

iStudent Mobilization Committee 901, 904, 907 

.Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (originally known as Tempo- 
rary Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee) (also known as 

SNCC and SNICK) 729, 866, 873, 881, 882, 888, 904, 907, 912-914 

Students for a Democratic Society 914, 916 

T 
Temporary Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee. (See Student 

Nonviolent Coordinating Committee. ) 
Tri-Line Offset Co. Inc 894 

U 

(UNESCO. (See United Nations, Educational, Scientific, and Cultural 

Organization.) 
X'SIA. (See U.S. Government, U.S. Information Agency.) 

Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, Government of 868 

lUnited Black Brotherhood (Cleveland) (see also Revolutionary Action 

Movement) 911 

H'. S. Government: 

Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) 865 

Defense, Department of: 

Army, Department of the 722 

Navy, Department of the: 

Office of Naval Research 723, 804. 805 

Federal Communications Commission (FCC) 771 

Justice Department 838 

Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) 838, 862, 865, 880 

Office of Economic Opportunity 743 

President's Committee on Civil Rights 822 

State Department 867, 868 

Subversive Activities Control Board 889 

Supreme Court 728, 775, 822, 831, 843, 854, 867, 868 

United States Information Agency ( USI A) 737 

Universijty of North Carolina 895 



Veterans of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade 904 

W 
WWP. (See Workers World Party.) 

W. E. B. DuBois Clubs of America (DC A) 729, 889-892, 904, 907 

Founding Convention, June 19-21, 1964, San Francisco, Calif 889 



X INDEX 

Page 

West Coast Vacation School {see also Socialist "Workers Tarty) 900 

Workers Library Publishers 852 

Workers World Party (WWP) 729, 902, 903, 906 

Youth Against War and Fascism (YAWF) (formerly known as the 

Anti- Fascist Youth Committee) 729, 903, 904, 906 

World Federation of Democratic Youth 890 

World Forum of Solidarity of Youth and Students in the Fight for 
National Independence and Liberation and for Peace (Moscow, 
September 16-24,1964) 890 

World Forum of Solidarity of Y'outh and Students in the Fight for National 
Independence and Liberation and for Peace (Moscow, September 16-24, 
1964). (See entry under World Federation of Democratic Youth.) 
World Peace Council: 

World Congress for Peace, National Independence and General Dis- 
armament (July 10-15, 1965, Helsinki, Finland) , 890 

Y 

YAWF. (iSee Workers World Party, Youth Against War and Fascism.) 
YSA. (See Socialist Workers Party, Young Socialist Alliance.) 
Young Socialist Alliance (YSA). (See entry under Socialist Workers Party.) 
Young Socialists for Halstead and Boutelle (see also Socialist Workers 

Party) 900 

Youth Against War and Fascism (YAWF). (See entry under Workers 

World Party.) 

PUBLICATIONS 

A 

Activist, The 890 

American Dialog 884 

Atlanta's Black Paper (compiled by Atlanta Project of SNCC) 913 

Avanti 890 

B 

Big Lie, The (pamphlet) 726, 835-842 

Black America 911 

Black Dispatch, The (CORE publication for Baltimore Target City 

Project) 920 

Black Guard Organizers Manual (October 23, 1967) 911, 912 

Black Liberation (Resolution adopted by PLP Founding Convention, 

April 15-18, 1965) 896 

Black Liberation— Now! (booklet) 896, 897 

Bring the Troops Home Now Newsletter 900 

C 

Call to Rebellion (Henry Highland Gamett) (book) 893 

Challenge (newspaper) 895 

Combating Subversively Manipulated Civil Disturbances 720, 802 

Communist Party — A Manual on Organization, The (J. Peters) 727, 851-853 

Crusader, The 817 

D 

Day of Protest, Night of Violence V_ 848, 855 

Dimensions (j ournal) 890 

Documentary History of the Negro People in the United States, A (Herbert 

Aptheker) (book) 885, 893 

Draft Tasks & Perspectives of the Spartacist League (Spartacist Precon- 

ference Discussion Bulletin, July 1966) 909 

E 

Encounter, The 890 

Espartaco 908 

F 

Fire This Time, The (pamphlet) 892 

Freedom Now: New Stage in the Struggle for Negro Emancipation 

(pamphlet) 901 

Freedomways (magazine) 729, 884, 885, 892, 893 



n^DEX 



H "Page 



Harlem Unite: Let Us Defend Ourselves! (Harlem PLM leaflet) 898 

History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks) (book)__ 853 
How a Minority Can Change Society (pamphlet) 901 



Insurgent (magazine) 890 

International Socialist Review . 900 

J 

Jewish Currents 884 



Labor Today (CPUSA trade union magazine) 884 

Letter from China 868 

Liberator (magazine) 729, 916 

Lobo (University of Mexico publication) 890 

M 

Marxist BuUetin 908 

Marxist Leninist Quarterly. {See Progressive Labor.) 

Militant, The 899,900 

Moscow Daily News 868 

Muhammad Speaks 921 

Muslim Program, The 921 

N 

National Guardian 868 

Negro- White Unity: Key to — Full Equality, Negro Representation, 

Economic Advance of Labor, Black and White (pamphlet) 887 

New South Student, The 914 

O 

Organizer, The. -- 890 



PLP National Committee Statement (May Day 1967) _ _ 896 

Partisan, The (magazine) 906 

Peking Review 873 

People's Daily, The (Peking, China) 871 

People's World 835,836,839,844,882, 884 

Pilot (oflftcial publication of the National Maritime Union) 756 

Plot Against Black America, The (pamphlet) __-- 897 

Political Affairs 883,884,892 

Process of Revolution, The (George S. Pettee) (book) 829 

Progressive Labor (magazine) 895 

R 

RAM Manifesto 911 

Road to Revolution (Phillip A. Luce) (book) _. 818 

Road to Revolution — The Outlook of the Progressive Labor Movement 

(pamphlet) 896 

S 

Southern Patriot, The 915 

Spark (newspaper) 895 

Spartacist__-. 907, 908, 910 

Spartacist-West 908 

Spur (newsletter of DCA) 890 

State and Revolution (Lenin) 838 

Strike for Peace 849 

Struggle 890 

Student Voice, The 913 

Students and the Ghetto Rebellions (PLP leaflet) 898 



Hi INDEX 



Theses on Building the Revolutionary Movement in the U.S. — Tasks of 

the Spartacist League (Spartacist Preconference Discussion Bulletin, ^"*® 
July 1966) 909 

U 

U.S. Negroes in Battle: From Little Rock to Watts (James E. Jackson) 

(book) 888,893 

U.S. Workers Require Revolutionary Theory: Statement of the National 

Coordinating Committee of the Progressive Labor Movement 897 



Viet Cong: The Organization and Techniques of the National Liberation 

Front of South Vietnam (Douglas Pike) 850 

Vietnam Courier (newspaper) 849, 878 

W 

We Accuse (PLP pamphlet) 896 

Who Are the Real Outlaws? (SNCC pamphlet) 913 

Who Killed James Powell? (YAWF leaflet) . 907 

Worker, The 835,836,844,873,878,882,884,894 

Workers World (newspaper) 903, 906 

World Revolution .._ 895 

Y 
YAWF Newsletter _ _ 906 

O 



I