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Full text of "Subversive influences in riots, looting, and burning. Hearings, Ninetieth Congress, first [-second] session"

HARVARD COLLEGE 
LIBRARY 




GIFT OF THE 

GOVERNMENT 
OF THE UNITED STATES 



SUBVERSIVE INRUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, 
AND BURNING 

PART 2 



DhPOSiltD h-i THE 
UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT 

JUN 2\ 1968 

HEARINGS 

BEFORE THE 

COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES 
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 

NINETIETH CONGRESS 

FIRST SESSION 



OCTOBER 31 AND NOVEMBER 1, 1967 
(INCLUDING INDEX) 



Printed for the use of the 
Committee on Un-American Activities 




U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 
88-083 WASHINGTON : 1968 



For sale by the Sup erintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Ofllce 
Washington, D.C. 20402 - Price 65 cents 



COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES 
United States House of Representatives 

EDWIN E. WILLIS, Louisiana, Chairman 
WILLIAM M. TUCK, Virginia JOHN M. ASHBROOK, Ohio 

JOE R. POOL, Texas DEL CLAWSON, California 

RICHARD H. ICHORD, Missouri RICHARD L. ROUDEBUSH, Indiana 

JOHN C. CULVER, Iowa ALBERT W. WATSON, South Carolina 

Francis J. McNamara, Director 
Chester D. Smith, General Counsel 
Alfred M. Nittle, Counsel 

n 



CONTENTS 



October 31, 1967 : Testimony of— Pag« 

Adolph W. Hart 929 

Francis J. McNamara (statement) 964 

Afternoon session : 

Herbert Romerstein 978 

November 1, 1967 : Testimony of — 

Raymond Wood 1031 

Herbert Romerstein (resumed) 1048 

Appendix — Progressive Labor Movement Pre-Convention Discussion 

Bulletin #2 1099 

Index i 

m 



The House Committee on Un-American Activities is a standing 
committee of the House of Representatives, constituted as such by the 
rules of the House, adopted pursuant to Article I, section 5, of the 
Constitution of the United States which authorizes the House to de- 
termine the rules of its proceedings. 

RULES ADOPTED BY THE 90TH CONGRESS 

House Resolution 7, January 10, 1967 

RESOLUTION 

Resolved, That the Rules of the House of Representatives of the Eighty-ninth 
Congress, together with all applicable provisions of the Legislative Reorganiza- 
tion Act of 1946, as amended, be, and they are hereby, adopted as the Rules of 
the House of Representatives of the Ninetieth Congress * * * 

* * * -M :i! if ip 

Rule X 

STANDING COMMITTEES 

1. There shall be elected by the House, at the commencement of each Congress, 
******* 

(r) Committee on Un-American Activities, to consist of nine Members. 
******* 

Rule XI 

POWERS AND DUTIES OF COMMITTEES 
******* 

18. Committee on Un-American Activities. 

(a) Un-American activities. 

(b) The Committee on Un-American Activities, as a whole or by subcommittee, 
is authorized to make from time to time investigations of (1) the extent, charac- 
ter, and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the United States, (2) 
the diffusion within the United States of subversive and un-American propaganda 
that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origin and attacks the 
principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitution, and (3) 
all other questions in relation thereto that would aid Congress in any necessary 
remedial legislation. 

The Committee on Un-American Activities shall report to the House (or to the 
Clerk of the House if the House is not in session ) the results of any such investi- 
gation, together with such recommendations as it deems advisable. 

For the purpose of any such investigation, the Committee on Un-American 
Activities, or any subcommittee thereof, is authorized to sit and act at such times 
and places within the United States, whether or not the House is sitting, has 
recessed, or has adjourned, to hold such hearings, to require the attendance of 
such witnesses and the production of such books, papers, and documents, and to 
take such testimony, as it deems necessary. Subpenas may be issued under the 
signature of the chairman of the committee or any subcommittee, or by any mem- 
ber designated by any such chairman, and may be served by any person desig- 
nated by any such chairman or member. 

******* 

27. To assist the House in appraising the administration of the laws and in 
developing such amendments or related legislation as it may deem necessary, 
each standing committee of the House shall exercise continuous watchfulness of 
the execution by the administrative agencies concerned of any laws, the subject 
matter of which is within the jurisdiction of such committee ; and, for that pur- 
pose, shall study all pertinent reports and data submitted to the House by the 
agencies in the executive branch of the Government. 

******* 

XV 



SYNOPSIS 

On October 31 and November 1, 1967, a subcommittee of the Com- 
mittee on Un-American Activities met in Room 311, Cannon House 
Office Building. Congressman Edwin E. Willis, chairman of the full 
committee, presided over the subcommittee composed of Representa- 
tives William M. Tuck, Richard H. Ichord, John M. Ashbrook, Albert 
W. Watson, and himself. 

The hearing concerned the Harlem, New York City, riot of July 
1964, the role of subversive elements in the riot, their agitational activ- 
ities preceding the riot, and also those carried out from the time the 
riot ended to the date of the hearing. 

The first witness was Detective Adolph W. Hart of the New York 
City Police Department. 

Detective Hart had been an undercover agent for the police de- 
partment in the Chinese Communist-oriented Progressive Labor Move- 
ment (PLM), since renamed the Progi-essive Labor Party (PLP). 

Detective Hart, a PLM member for several months prior to the 
Harlem riot of 1964, testified that he had attended classes in Marxism 
organized by PLM where he was also taught various urban guerrilla 
warfare tactics and methods of hampering riot-control forces. He 
became acquainted with William Epton, chairman of the Harlem 
chapter of the Progressive Labor Movement, through these classes. 

The witness told the subcommittee that he had become familiar with 
a printing companj^, Tri-Line Offset Co. Inc., which produced the 
official PLM magazine, Progressive Ldbor^ and other "leftist litera- 
ture," and was owned by three members of the Progressive Labor 
Movement. He stated that he wrote articles for Progressive Labor and 
for the PLM newspaper, Cludlenge. 

Mr. Hart identified various members of the Harlem Club of PLM 
and gave a chronological rundown of PLM meetings and agitational 
activities — including its formation of the Harlem Defense Council — 
leading to the 1964 Harlem riot. 

On the day the riot started, July 18, 1964, he attended a Harlem 
street-comer meeting held about 2 hours before the breakout of the 
riot and organized by Progressive Labor, The witness offered the 
transcript of remarks made at this rally by William Epton who, in a 
highly inflammatory speech, told the crowd of 300 that "we're going to 
have to kill a lot of these cops, a lot of these judges * * *." 

On July 19, the day after the riot started, the witness attended a 
meeting of the PLM-created Harlem Defense Council. At the meeting, 
which preceded the resumption of the rioting on that day, it was sug- 
gested that the group attempt to lure a police officer into a side street 
where he would be killed as a form of retaliation against the police 
department. At this same meeting, William McAdoo, a PLM member, 
told of plans to print a leaflet showing how to make a Molotov cock- 
tail with an empty soda bottle and a rag. 

923 



924 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Mr. Hart said that William Epton entered the room during the 
July 19 meeting and stated "that another riot should be organized on 
the Lower East Side, which would spread out the police force and 
keep them from suppressing the riot in the Harlem area." 

The witness offered a number of exhibits which related to his testi- 
mony concerning PLM and its role in the 1964 Harlem riot. Epton, he 
noted, had been indicted and convicted of "advocacy of criminal 
anarchy" and 11 other PLM members were convicted, along with 
Epton, on similar charges. 

Detective Hart, a Negro, was asked to comment on a claim by Wil- 
liam Epton that he spoke for the Negro people. He stated : 

I can only say that Epton and people like him speak only for a small disil- 
lusioned segment of un-American misfits — rabblerousers, who would like to see 
America fall into the hands of communism. 

The responsible black man today wants a change, but he has enough faith in 
this country to change it through the ballot, which he is doing every day. He has 
proven and continues to prove his loyalty to this covmtry — and in no uncertain 
terms^ — by this outstanding record in Vietnam. 

He realizes that it is no longer impossible to become a black sheriff, a black 
mayor, a black Supreme Court Justice, and that it is quite jwssible he can even 
be elected President in the not too distant future. 

The witness testified that he believed the July 18, 1964, Progressive 
Labor Movement-sponsored meeting was the "triggering device or the 
catalyst" which sparked the 1964 Harlem riot. 

TESTIMONY OF PHILLIP A. LUCE AND JUDITH WARDEN 

On October 24, 1967, the members of the House Committee on 
Un-American Activities had voted to make public certain portions of 
executive testimony of Mr. Phillip Abbott Luce and Miss Judith War- 
den received on June 8 and 9, 1965. Mr. Luce and Miss Warden had 
both been members of the Progressive Labor Party. Mr. Luce had been 
a member from approximately July 1964 until January 1965. Miss 
Warden, who had been an editor of Challenge^ official newspaper of 
PLP, joined a few months previous to Mr. Luce and also left the orga- 
nization in January 1965. 

The committee staff director read those portions of the Luce/Warden 
testimony which were relevant to the topic of the hearings, namely, the 
involvement of the Progressive Labor Party (formerly Progressive 
Labor Movement) in the 1964 Harlem riot. 

The earlier testimony of Mr. Luce and Miss Warden corroborated the 
testimony of Detective Hart in pinpointing PLM as the primai'y cata- 
lyst in helping to initiate and prolong the 1964 Harlem riot. 

TESTIMONY OF HERBERT ROMERSTEIN 

Li the afternoon session of the hearings of October 31, 1967, Herbert 
Romerstein, an investigator for the House (Committee on Un-American 
Activities, stated that he had conducted a background investigation 
into the events leading up to the Harlem riot. 

He noted that racial and antipolice agitation had taken place for 
many years in New York. This agitation, Mr. Romerstein observed, 
was — 

developed by the various organizations vpithin the Communist periphery — ^the 
Communist Party itself, as well as other organizations afiBliated with the Com- 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 925 

munist Party and, subsequently, organizations- of the Red Chiiiiese-oriented Com- 
munists, such as the Progressive Labor Party and organizations affiliated with it. 

Mr. Eomerstein declared that the Communist Party had very little 
success in gaining recruits among the Negro working class in the past. 
He added: 

But we have suddenly seen a new approach by the Communists. Rather than 
attempting to win over Negro workers whom they have been unsuccessful with, 
there is now an attempt to win over another segment of the Negro population, a 
segment which exists in every population, the juvenile delinquent and semi- 
criminal element. * * * 

The committee investigator introduced documents which showed 
"police brutality" agitation by the Communists, from 1948 on, in this 
country. He made specific references to Progressive Labor publications 
which were disseminated in the months prior to, during, and after the 
1964 Harlem riot. These publications deliberately framed police bru- 
tality incidents in propaganda form. The headlines : "POLICE WAR 
ON HARLEM," "COPS TRIGGER TWO MORE MURDERS," 
"COPS BEAT PICKETS IN THIRD ST. 'WAR,' " are indicative of 
the type of inflammatory literature which was distributed by PLM. 

The witness told of a rally of the Congress of Racial Equality 
(CORE) which was held shortly after, and only a few blocks away 
from, the PLM rally of July 18, 1964, the day the riot started. 

The CORE rally, aforementioned, actually serv^ed to bring a large 
crowd marching down to the police station in Harlem for a confronta- 
tion with the police. 

Mr. Romerstein told the subcommittee of the statement of rent strike 
leader, Jesse Gray, at a July 19, 1964, meeting of various Harlem-based 
militant organizations after the first night of rioting. The committee 
investigator stated : 

He called for a hundred skilled black revolutionaries who are ready to die to 
correct what he called the police brutality situation in Harlem. He said, "There 
is only one thing that can correct the situation, and that is guerrilla warfare." 

Jesse Gray was a fifth amendment witness before the Committee on 
Un-American Activities in 1960. He had been identified in sworn testi- 
mony as the former organizer for the Communist Party in Harlem. 

James Farmer, then CORE director, made a speech at this same 
meeting (which he repeated later the same day on WABC-TV) that 
he was eyewitness to a policeman in Harlem coldly shooting in the 
groin a Negro woman who had merely asked him for directions out of 
the riot area. He, Farmer, later admitted — long after his inflammatory 
statement had had its effect — that he had only been told of the incident 
which, after investigation, proved to have never taken place. 

Farmer's statement was quoted in a black nationalist magazine and 
was accepted as fact mitil months later when the statement was 
repudiated as nothing more than rumor. 

Mr. Romerstein disclosed that the Lower East Side Club of Progres- 
sive Labor refused to trigger another riot (during the Harlem dis- 
turbance) in their area of New York City "because they felt that they 
only had a small percentage of the juvenile delinquents * * *" on the 
Lower East Side. 

The committee investigator asserted that the Harlem 1964 riot was 
a classic pattern of a Communist-manipulated civil disorder. 

Mr. Romerstein offered for insertion into the record the criminal 



926 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

contempt citations against five members of the Progressive Labor 
Movement in New York County. 

The five PLM members refused to answer the questions of a New 
York City grand jury pertaining to the Harlem riot, even though the 
grand jury voted to confer immunity upon them for any crimes that 
might have been revealed by their testimony. 

TESTIMONY OF RAYMOND WOOD 

On November 1, 1967, subcommittee hearings resumed at 10 a.m., 
and the next witness, Detective Raymond Wood, a member of the 
New York City Police Department, was sworn in. 

In April 1964 Detective Wood, assigned to the Bronx section of 
New York City, had joined the Bronx chapter of the Congress of 
Racial Equality (CORE). 

He testified that in July 1964, following the riot, he, Herbert 
CaUender, leader of the Bronx CORE chapter, and John Valentine, 
a member of Bronx CORE, attempted to make a "citizen's" arrest 
on the mayor. The three were subsequently arrested. 

Detective Wood told of meeting, on December 14, 1964, Robert 
Collier, an ex-member of the Revolutionary Action Movement (RAM) . 

The witness revealed a conversation with Collier pertaining to 
the need to obtain a list of technical books for Major Ernesto "Che" 
Guevara, then a member of Castro's Cuban U.N. delegation. Mr. 
Wood agreed to help Collier obtain the books. 

Robert Collier told the witness that he was interested in forming 
a "Black Liberation Front." The foi-mer RAM member described 
how to use mortars on a police station and disclosed a plan to obtain 
arms from New York State armories. Collier also had a plan for 
an alliance with "French Liberation forces," a Canadian activist 
group, to obtain "plastique" explosives. 

The former RAM member also hoped to persuade the leadership 
of the all-Negro Freedom Now Party to become a "front organization 
for the Black Liberation Front." 

Mr. Wood detailed Collier's plan to blow up docks along the New 
York City waterfront and the Statue of Liberty. Plans were also 
discussed among members of the RAM front to blow up the Liberty 
Bell and the Washington Monument. 

The witness stated that Robert Collier, Walter Bowe, and Khaleel 
Sayyed were all convicted in the conspiracy, as fourth member, 
Michelle Duclos, turned "state's evidence" and was subsequently de- 
ported to Canada. 

The police detective concluded his testimony by saying that Robert 
Collier had formulated his plans to blow up the docks and national 
monuments in order to help create a situation of guerrilla warfare 
in the United States by showing young Negroes who wished to fi^ht 
that somebody was prepared to take positive violent action. Collier 
hoped that these young Negroes could be recruited for guerrilla warfare 
or for future riot activity. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 927 
TESTIMONT Or HERBERT ROMERSTEIN RESUMED 

Committee investigator Komerstein resumed his testimony con- 
cerning the 1964 Harlem riot on November 1, 1967. His testimony 
was centered around the postriot period of the 1964 riot and out- 
lined the activities of various organizations which have continued to 
foster discord among the races and whicih continue to circulate highly 
inflammatory literature designed to maintain a high degree of racial 
tension in the New York area. 

The committee investigator noted that "Progressive Labor contin- 
ued its agitational activity after the Harlem riot." He introduced 
several exhibits which graphically demonstrated the postriot propa- 
ganda activity of the Progressive Labor Movement. 

Mr. Romerstein testified briefly regarding the East Harlem dis- 
turbances in 1967. He recalled that the altercation was termed "minor" 
in terms of the number of participants and damage. 

Committee investigator Romerstein emphasized the point that a 
"relative handful" of people "trained and prepared to commit acts 
of violence can always be considerably more dangerous than a large 
mob that has no direction and that can be controlled by the police." 

Mr. Romerstein reported in his testimony on the activities of the 
Revolutionary Action Movement (RAM) in this country in order 
to further demonstrate how far a small handful of individuals, dedi- 
cated to violence, can go toward disrupting society. He cited the 
abortive plot by RAM members to assassinate moderate Negro leaders 
as one example of the determination of RAM members to disrupt 
American society. 

The witness described the backgrounds of certain RAM members 
in order to show that, for the most part, these individuals were highly 
educated — one member was an assistant principal of a school in New 
York City — and held "extremely good white-collar jobs." 

Mr. Romerstein noted that a Black Arts Theater in New York City 
had been a recipient of Federal poverty funds. The theater, discovered 
to have been a storage house for weapons, had once produced a play in- 
structing Negroes in methods of slaying white persons. 

The witness went on to cite example after example of continued or- 
ganizational propaganda activity in and around the Harlem area in 
the postriot period (July 1964 to the present day). He cited the 
examples of agitation of groups such as : 

SNCC (Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee), whose di- 
rector of international affairs, James Foreman, called for the various 
Afro- Asian U.N. delegations to put direct and indirect pressures on 
the U.S. Government to stop " 'unwarranted and brutal suppression' 
of Americain [sic] Negroes by police." 

Mau Mail Society, whose leader, Charles Morris, was quoted as say- 
ing Negro youth "must take machetes and destroy Uncle Toms" 
(Negroes friendly to whites) . 

Exhibits were entered on these and other groups which have been 
involved in racial agitation in the New York City area following the 
1964 Harlem riot. Mr. Romerstein emphasized that such racial agita- 
tion is currently taking place as it has over the past 4 years and 
longer. 

At the close of testimony into the Harlem riot, Chairman Willis 
stated : 



928 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

I do not believe there can be doubt in the mind of any reasonable person but 
that these activities tended to — and were designed to — inflame the community 
and arouse emotions to such an intense pitch that any number of incidents might 
have touched off a riot. 

The Progressive Labor Party, of course, was not the only subversive organiza- 
tion operating in the area. Other such groups took actions and distributed 
propaganda which inflamed the community. The most important role, however, 
was clearly played by the Progressive Labor Party. 

In my view, there is no doubt but that subversive elements played a major 
and probably the key role in precipitating the Harlem riot of July 1964. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND 

BURNING 

Part 2 



TUESDAY, OCTOBER 31, 1967 

United States House of Representatives, 

Subcommittee of the 
Committee on Un-American Activities, 

Washington^ D.C. 

PUBLIC hearings 

The subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities met, 
pursuant to call, at 10 a.m., in Room 311, Cannon House Office Building, 
Washington, D.C, Hon. Edwin E. Willis (chairman) presiding. 

(Subcommittee members: Representatives Edwin E. Willis, of 
Louisiana, chairman; William M. Tuck, of Virginia; Richard H. 
Ichord, of Missouri; John M. Ashbrook, of Ohio; and Albert W. 
Watson, of South Carolina ; also Jolm C. Culver, of Iowa, in absence 
of Mr. Willis.) 

Subcommittee members present: Representatives Willis, Tuck, 
Ichord, Ashbrook, and Watson. 

Staff members present: Francis J. McNamara, director; Chester D. 
Smith, general counsel; and Herbert Romerstein, investigator. 

The Chairman. The committee will come to order. 

Gentlemen, I respectfully request that there be no photographs taken 
in the room. 

Will you call the first witness ? 

The first witness this morning is Mr. Adolph W. Hart. 

Mr. Hart, will you please raise your right hand ? 

Do you solenmly swear that the testimony you are about to give the 
subcommittee is the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, 
so help you God ? 

Mr. Hart. I do. 

TESTIMONY OF ADOLPH W. HART 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, as the committee is aware, the hearings 
will cover the Harlem riot of 1964 and activities conducted by certam 
groups prior to, during, and after the riot. 

The riot broke out on July 18, 1964. It lasted 6 days. It resulted in 
1 death, 118 reported injuries, 465 arrests, and millions of dollars in 
property damage. 

It should be pointed out that notwithstanding the fact that there 

929 



930 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN TlIOTfe, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

are approximately 350,000 Negro residents of Harlem, less than 4,000 
of them participated in the riot. This is a little over 1 percent. The 
overwhelming majority did not participate in any of the violence 
occurring during those 6 days. 

Give us your full name, please. 

Mr. Hart. Adolph W. Hart. 

Mr. Smith. Where are you employed ? 

Mr. Hart. New York City Police Department. 

Mr. Smith. What is your rank ? 

Mr. Hart. I am a detective. 

Mr. Smith. Were you ever a member of the Progressive Labor 
Movement ? 

Mr. Hart. Yes, sir, I was. 

Mr. Smith. Did you join the Progressive Labor Movement with the 
knowledge and consent of your superiors ? 

Mr. Hart. Yes, sir, I did. 

Mr. Smith. When did you make your first contact in the Progres- 
sive Labor Movement ? 

Mr. Hart. On October 12, 1963, 1 attempted to make contact. How- 
ever, contact was not made until November 12, 1963. 

I made contact at the office of the Progressive Labor Movement at 
336 Lenox Avenue, New York City, where I then first met with Mr. 
William Epton. 

Mr. Smith. Who is William Epton ? 

Mr. Hart. He is chairman of the Harlem Progressive Labor Move- 
ment. He was later elected vice chairman to the national Progressive 
Labor 

Mr. Smith. Did Epton describe the Progressive Labor Movement to 
you at that time ? 

Mr. Hart. Yes, sir, he did. He said that the Progressive Labor 
Movement was the only organization of its kind that the white police 
didn't attack, because its members carried arms and they did not be- 
lieve in turning the other cheek when attacked. 

He also stated that only those whites that were willing to die for 
Negro freedom were allowed to join the ranlvs of the Progressive Labor 
Movement. 

Mr. Smith. Did you attend classes in Marxism ? 

Mr. Hart. Yes, sir, I did. He invited me to attend the first class in 
Marxism on November 14, 1963, which I attended at the Harlem Pro- 
gressive Labor office on Lenox Avenue. 

Mr. Smith. Who was the teacher ? 

Mr. Hart. The teacher was a man by the name of Mr. Isadore Begun. 

The Chairman. The general subject was Marxism, did you say? 

Mr. Hart. Pardon me, sir ? 

The Chairman. The general subject of the lecture was Marxism ? 

Mr. Hart. Marxism ; yes, sir. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, for the record, Isadore Begun in 1936 
was appointed New York State educational director of the Communist 
Party. From 1945 to 1950 he was chairnum of the Bronx County Com- 
munist Party. 

Was Epton present during this class ? 

Mr. Hart. Yes, sir, he was. 

Mr. Smith. "W^at were the classes about ? 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES EST RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 931 

Mr. Hart. They generally dealt along the lines of the bourgeois and 
proletariat elements and of the revolution according to Marxist theory. 

Oftentimes they would relate the Marxist revolution to that of thb 
Cuban revolution crisis. 

It was also at these meetings that they talked about guerrilla fight- 
ing and how to mobilize the people in the rural or country areas to 
come with them and, in the event of a confrontation or attempted 
takeover of the Government, to move in large cities, to strike in guer- 
rilla tactics, and pull back to the countryside, where they made 
friends — and to the hillside. 

Mr. Smith. Was there any reference to the Chinese Communist 
Party? 

Mr. Hart. Yes, sir. Both Begun and Epton stated that the Progres- 
sive Labor Movement followed the international position adhered to 
by the Chinese Communist Party, that of the violent overthrow of 
the Government as opposed to the more coexistence line of the 
Russians. 

Mr. Smith. Did you meet with Epton on November 22? 

Mr. Hart. Yes, sir. I met with Epton at the Progressive Labor 
headquarters. It was there he spoke about combatting and beating the 
police in various events — like the picket line, waj^s of throwing 
marbles under the hoofs of horses, sticking them with sharp instru- 
ments. 

Mr. Smith, Did you meet Epton again on November 27 ? 

Mr. Hart. Yes, I did. I met him at the Progressive Labor Move- 
ment. 

We both then went to the office of the Tri-Line Offset Printing 
Company,^ 146 West 67th Street in New York City, to arrange for 
some printing of various materials. 

Mr. SMrrn. What is Tri-Line? 

Mr. Hart. It is a printing company that produces the Progressive 
Labor magazine and puts out various leftist literature. 

Mr. Smith. I offer you a certificate of incorporation of the Tri-Line 
Offset Company, incorporated in the State of New York, and listing 
the incorporators therefor. I ask you if you can identify these indi- 
viduals. 

Mr. Hart. Yes, sir, I can. 

All are members of the Progressive Labor Movement. 

Mr. Smith. The first one is Michael Crenovich, Fred Jerome, and 
Nathaniel Barnett. You have identified all of these as members of the 
Progressive Labor Movement ? 

Mr. Hart. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I enter this certificate of incorporation 
of the Tri-Line Offset Co. as Hart Exhibit No. 1. 

The Chairman. Do you want to offer it ? 

The document will be received. 

(Document marked "Hart Exhibit No. 1" and retained in committee 
files.) 

Mr. Smith. Did you discuss joining Progressive Labor with 
Epton? 

Mr. Hart. Yes, I did. 



1 Correct name : "Tri-Llne Offset Co. Inc." 



932 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES EST RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

While attending Marxist classes on December 26, 1963, and Janu- 
ary 2, 1964, 1 was then encouraged by Mr. Epton to join the Progres- 
sive Labor Party, and I then did so. 

Mr. Smith. When did you attend your first official meeting of the 
Progressive Labor Movement ? 

Mr. Hakt. On January 17, 1964, 1 attended my first official meeting 
of the Harlem Club of the Progressive Labor Movement. It was held 
at 336 Lenox Avenue, New York City. 

Mr. Smith. Who were the active members of this club ? 

Mr. Hart. At this time it was William Epton; his wife, Beryl 
Epton ; Vivian Anderson ; and David Douglas. 

Douglas was the second in command under Epton in this group. 

Mr. Smith. Can you give us any description of Vivian Anderson 
that would help in identifying her ? 

Mr. Hart. She is a member. She was then a school teacher in the 
New York City school system. She was quite active in most leftist 
organizations during that time. 

Mr. Smith. By what name were you known within the Progressive 
Labor Movement ? 

Mr. Hart. By my own name, Adolph Hart. I was often called Abe 
as a nickname. 

Mr. Smith. Did you write some articles for the Progressive Labor 
newspaper, Challenge f 

Mr. Hart. Yes, I did. 

Mr. Smith. Wlio instructed you to write these articles ? 

Mr. Hart. Fred Jerome and William Epton. 

Mr. Smith. Were any of them printed ? 

Mr. Hart. Yes, sir. I had an article printed in the Progressive Labor 
magazine. I had another article printed in the Challenge newspaper. 

Mr. Smith. Did they instruct you how to write for Challengef 

Mr. Hart. Yes, sir. I was given instnictions by Mr. Fred Jerome 
on how to slant the news toward the leftist line. 

The lessons went on for 6 or 7 months. 

Mr. Smith. Did you attend meetings of the newspaper committee of 
the Progressive Labor ? 

Mr. Hart. Yes, sir, I did. 

Mr. Smith. Can you name some of the persons who were in attend- 
ance at the meetings of the newspaper committee ? 

Mr. Hart. There was William Epton, Fred Jerome, Vivian Ander- 
son, Otis Chestnut, David Douglas, and Judy Warden. 

Mr. Smith. Can you describe Otis Chestnut ? 

Mr. Hart. Yes, sir. He is a male Negro in his early 20's. He is quite 
active in the neighborhood. He published a small tabloid called the 
118th Street Block Association Weekly . 

He would visit at the headquarters often. He and Epton would go 
over the newspaper to decide what to go into it. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, with respect to Judy Warden just 
named — can you describe Judy Warden ? 

Mr. Hart. White female in her 20\s. I saw her at many Progressive 
Labor functions. 

Mr. Smith. Did you attend a forum of the Progressive Labor Mr)ve- 
ment on February 24, 1964 ? 

Mr. Hart. Yes, sir, I did. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES EST RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 933 

Mr, Smith. "Wlio was the speaker, and what was the subject? 

Mr, Hart. The speaker was Sue Warren. The subject revolved 
around the Sino-Soviet dispute. 

During this discussion Miss Warren supported the Chinese Com- 
munist position and said she had recently been to Red China. She also 
advocated the violent methods of changing the Government, as op- 
posed to the peaceful methods. 

Mr. Smith. Mr, Chairman, for the record at this point, with regard 
to Susan Warren 

The Chairman, Mr, Hart, you are doing splendidly. Would you 
talk directly into the mike just a little louder ? 

Mr. Hart. Yes, sir. 

Mr, Smith, Mr. Chairman, for the record, Susan Warren testified 
before the committee, part 1 of "Communist Training Operations" 
hearings, held July 21 and 22, 1959. 

Susan Warren's membership in the Communist Party is a matter of 
public record. In addition to the publicity given by the Daily Worker 
to her work for the party, the 1948 catalogue for the Jefferson School 
of Social Science records that Miss Warren, one of the teachers at the 
school, was a former educational director. New York County Com- 
mittee of the Communist Partj. 

Appearmg as a witness before the Committee on Un-American Ac- 
tivities on July 26, 1957, Miss Warren invoked the fii^st and fifth amend- 
ments, refusing to answer questions pertaining to her membership in, 
or her efforts on behalf of, the Communist Party. 

As an instructor at the Jefferson School in the late 19-10's and early 
1950's, Miss Warren taught such subjects as "Capitalism and the Class 
Struggle." 

In 1955 and in 1956 her subjects included "China, India, and 
Africa — New Role in World Politics," At the Marxist forum held in 
Adelphia Hall in early 1958, "Cliina" was again the subject of her 
lecture. 

In December of that year Miss Warren was scheduled to teach on the 
correct handling of contradictions among the people at The Faculty 
of Social Science, As a member of the teaching staff of The Faculty 
m 1959, Tlie Worker noted that Sue Warren would teach the "Chinese 
Communes," 

She lived in China over a year and a half in the early 1960's. 

Formerly editor and contributor to the Far East Spotlight and Far 
East Reporter. 

In the summer of 1967 Sue Warren was a member of the staff of the 
Free School of New York. 

Can you name some of those who were in attendance at the meeting 
you mentioned just a few moments a^o ? 

Mr. Hart. Yes, sir. It was William Epton and his wife. 

The Chairman. Will you spell the name of Epton ? 

Mr. Hart. E-p-t-o-n. 

The Chairman. Epton ? 

Mr. Hart. Yes, sir. 

David Douglas, Isadore Begim, Vivian Anderson, and Otis 
Chestnut. 

Mr. Smith. Did you attend a class in Marxism on March 9, 1964? 

Mr. Hart. Yes, I did. 



934 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Mr. Smith. Will you describe it to the committee ? 

Mr. Hakt. I would prefer to do that in executive session. 

Mr. Smith. Who was present ? 

Mr. Hart. Among those present were, again, Isadore Begun, who 
taught the course, William Ef)ton, Vivian Anderson, and David 
Douglas. 

Mr. Smith. Did Epton participate in the class discussion? 

Mr. Hart. Yes, sir, he did. Epton suggested that it would be worth- 
while for members of the Progressive Labor Movement to get in on 
the gromid floor of Malcolm X's new organization, which later be- 
came known as the Organization for Afro- American Unity. 

He also advised it would be necessary to learn how to handle fire- 
arms and to become quite proficient with them. 

He told me that I and another person named Harold Young, who 
had been attending some of the classes and meetings at Progressive 
Labor, would have to find a place somewhere in upstate New York 
to practice shooting firearms. 

He stated that myself and Young had firearms, that Progressive 
Labor would supply additional guns and ammunition for additional 
persons who wished to participate in shooting. 

Mr. Smith. Can you identify Harold Young ? 

Mr. Hart. Yes, sir. He is a male Negro in his late 20's who came up 
from either North or South Carolina during the summer months 
of 1963. 

Mr. Smith. Did you have a meeting or discussion with Epton on 
March 21, 1964? 

Mr. Hart. Yes, I did. I had a discussion at the Progressive Labor 
Movement with Mr. Epton, at which time he stated that the members 
of the Progressive Labor Movement wanted them to learn the art 
of self-defense and that of karate and that he had hired a teacher that 
he hoped would come down and teach us karate and judo. 

Mr. Smith. Did you attend a citywide meeting of Progressive Labor 
on March 28, 1964? 

Mr. Hart. Yes, sir. The meeting was held at 853 Broadway in New 
York City. 

Mr. Smith. How many delegates were present at this meeting? 

Mr. Hart. There were approximately 50. 

Mr. Smith. Were persons elected to the leadership of the Progres- 
sive Labor Movement in New York City at that meeting ? 

Mr. Hart. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Smith. Who was elected ? 

Mr. Hart. Milton Rosen was elected as chairman. William Epton 
was elected as vice chairman, Fred Jerome was elected as propaganda 
director, but later they decided to change the name to publicity di- 
rector. 

Mr. Smith. Can you name some others that were present at the 
meeting ? 

Mr. Hart. There was Mrs. Epton, Vivian Anderson, David Douglas, 
Harold Young, Alice Jerome — who was the mother of Fred Jerome — 
Milton Rosen, Steve Martinot, Michael Crenovich, Nat Barnett, and 
Levi Laub. 

Mr. Smith. Detective Hart, you earlier referred to a plan by Epton 
to have Progressive Labor members join Malcolm X's Organization 
for Afro-American Unity. 



SUBVERSIVE mFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 935 

Do you know of any relationship between Epton and Malcolm X ? 

Mr. Hart. Yes, sir. On April 2, 1964, I was assigned duties at the 
Progressive Labor office in Harlem, answering the telephones with 
Vivian Anderson. 

While I was there, I saw a letter from Malcolm X addressed to Mr. 
William Epton, in which Malcolm stated he hoped the two organiza- 
tions would work together in the near future. 

Mr. Smith. On April 8, 1964, did you attend a showing of the Viet 
Cong movie at Columbia University ? 

Mr. Haet. Yes, I did. 

Mr. Smith. Do you know who sponsored the meeting and the movie ? 

Mr. H[art. The Columbia University chapter of the Progressive 
Labor Movement. 

Mr. Smith. Did you have occasion to speak to David Douglas at 
this sho wmg of the movie ? 

Mr. Hart. Yes, sir, I did. 

During this conversation Douglas stated to me that himself and 
Otis Chestnut were going to organize a 1-day excursion someplace 
upstate to practice shooting firearms. 

I was invited to join them. I was told that there would be others 
there also. And Progressive Labor would again provide the gmis and 
additional anmiunition. 

Douglas promised to say more about it to me at a later date. 

Mr. Smith. Did you have a further discussion with Douglas about 
the matter on April 22, 1964 ? 

Mr. Hart. Yes, sir. 

We were at the office of the Progressive Labor Movement. David 
Douglas, Otis Chestnut, and I decided to meet on May 5 at the 
Harlem Progressive Labor Movement headquarters. From there we 
would go to Long Island to practice shooting and handling firearms. 
A contact would be available on Long Island to show us the place to 
shoot. I did not know the contact, nor c\in J know where he was. 

Chestnut stated he had brought a British 303-Enfield rifle from a 
mail-order firm, but had never had a chance to fire it. 

Subsequently, on May 5, the excursion was called off, because I 
was told that the contact out on the island had had a death in the 
family. 

Mr. Smith. Were you a member of the May 2nd Movement ? 

Mr. Hart, No, sir. 

Mr. Smith. Did you participate in any May 2nd Movement activity ? 

Mr. Hart. Yes, sir. I was on the defense squad. 

Mr. Smith. On April 30, 1964, did you attend a meeting of the de- 
fense squad for the May 2nd demonstration ? 

Mr. Hart. Yes, sir ; I did. 

The meeting was held in the apartment of Steve Martinot, at 414 
West 121st Street, Apartment 151. Approximately 30 to 35 people 
were in attendance, including Fred Jerome and Levi Laub. Jerome 
and Laub led the meeting. 

They decided that the group would be divided into six squads of 
from five to six persons each. 

Da\ad Douglas and another person were assigned to lead the strong- 
arm squad, to weed out what they called troublemakers. 

There were no incidents at the demonstration, however. The strong- 
arm squad, in the event of confrontation with the police, were to lead 

88-083 O— 68— pt. 2 2 



936 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

the others in the group to whatever actions they wanted to do. They 
would confront the police, and the other groups were to follow. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, for the record, prior testimony before 
this committee by Mr. Phillip Luce identified 10 of the 12 board mem- 
bers of the May 2nd Movement as members of the Progressive Labor 
Movement. 

Detective Hart, on May 19, 1964, did you have a discussion with 
one Jake Rosen? 

Mr. Hart. Yes, sir ; I did. 

Mr. Smith. Wlio is Jake Rosen ? 

Mr. Hart. He is known to me as a member of the Progressive Labor 
Movement. 

Mr. Smith. What was discussed with Rosen ? 

Mr. Hart. At this time Rosen showed me six smoke bombs, which 
he said were to be used against former Mississippi Governor Ross 
Barnett, who was scheduled to speak at City College that afternoon. 

However, after discussion with another person in Progi-essive Labor, 
it was decided that the smoke bombs were not to be used because of 
possible panic and injury to the students and that eggs were to be 
thrown instead. 

The Ross Barnett speech took place on May 21. On May 22 I was 
advised that the Progressive Labor Movement members did, in fact, 
throw eggs at Ross Barnett. 

Mr. Smith. They were not fearful of injury to Ross Barnett? 

Mr. Hart. No, sir. They were fearful of injury to the students and 
the possible blame being put on the Progressive Labor Movement. 

Mr. Smith. Did you attend a meeting of the citywide committee of 
Progressive Labor held on May 28, 1964 ? 

Mr. Hart. Yes, I did. 

Mr. Smith. Where was this meeting held ? 

Mr. Hart. At the home of Michael Crenovich, 225 Avenue C, New 
York City. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, for the record, Mike Crenovich, former 
member of the Communist Party, who took the fifth amendment on 
Communist Party membership oefore this conunittee in 1959, was 
identified by Phillip Luce in testunony before this committee as a 
member of the Progressive Labor Movement. 

Please tell us about this meeting. 

Mr. Hart. Present at the meeting, among others, were William Ep- 
ton, Milton Rosen, Fred Jerome, Steve Martinot, and Mike Crenovich. 

At the meeting it was decided by Milton Rosen that a campaign 
should be started against an organization in Brooklyn then called the 
Maccabees. 

The Maccabees were organized by orthodox Jews in Brooklyn to 
protect members of their commmiity against hoodlums and muggers, 
because there was insufficient police protection at that time. 

Members of the Maccabees, some of whom were Negroes, went 
through the areas at night in cars and would have radios to warn the 
police department of incidents that were taking place in various parts 
of the neighborhood. 

Although some of the membei-s of this group were Negi-oes, and the 
group was not in any way a vigilante group, there was some feeling 
against them on the part of the civil rights people. And, apparently. 
Progressive Labor wished to take advantage of this. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 937 

According to Milton Rosen, lie likened this group of orthodox Jews 
to the Birchites and said that something should be done to get the 
Negro leaders in the neighborhood aroused enough to hold a rally 
against the Maccabees, and stated specifically that the Reverend Mil- 
ton Galainison of Brooklyn should be contacted to help organize this 
meeting. This would possibly fan up anti-Semitism. 

Mr. Smith. On June 14, 1964, did you attend a Malcom X meeting 
at the Audubon Ballroom, 166th Street and Broadway in New York 
City? 

Mr. Hart. Yes, sir, I did. 

I attended this meeting under instructions of Fred Jerome of Pro- 
gressive Labor in order to do an article for Challenge, the newspaper. 

White people were not admitted to the meeting, so they decided to 
send a Negro Progressive Labor Movement meinber to cover it. 

Jerome instructed me to call him immediately after the meeting 
and tell him what Malcolm X had said. At the meeting Malcolm X 
attacked Elijah JMulianunad's moral character and stated that cer- 
tain members of the Muslim sect were involved in a plot to assassinate 
Malcolm. 

Malcolm then stated at tlie meeting he was to form a new revolu- 
tionary organization in approximately 2 weeks. He also stated that 
members of the tactical police force were tough, but that they could 
also be stopped by simple rifle bullets. 

Malcolm was surrounded by 10 guards at this time, all of whom were 
armed with rifles. 

Mr. Smith. Did you attend a street-comer meeting organized by 
Progressive Labor on July 18, 1964? 

Mr. Hart. Yes, sir. This meeting was held on 115th Street and Len- 
ox Avenue in New York City. 

Mr. Smith. What was the purpose of the meeting ? 

Mr. Hart. The meeting evolved generally around alleged police bru- 
tality in the neighborhood and, particularly at that time, the Gilligan 
shooting. 

Mr. IcHORD. How large a meeting was it, Mr. Counsel ? 

Mr. Hart. Approximately 250 to 300 pei-sons. 

Mr. Smith. Whsit did you do at the meeting? 

Mr. Hart. I was one of Epton's security guards. 

Mr. Smith, Did you hear Epton make any statements concerning 
killing cops and judges? 

Mr. Hart, Yes, sir, I did. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. Wliat were these statements ? 

Mr. Smith. I hand you the transcript of the speeches of William 
Epton at these meetings. Will you look at it and see if it is what you 
heard ? 

Mr. Hart. Yes, sir. Yes, it is. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I will read from page 4 of William 
Epton's speech of July 18, 1964, at 4 p.m. on Lenox Avenue and 115th 
Street : 

If we're going to be free, and we will not be fuUy free until we smash this state 
completely and totally. Destroy and set up a new state of our own choosing and 
our own liking. 

And in that process of smashing this state, we're going to have to kill a lot 
of these cops, a lot of these judges, and we'll have to go up against their army. 
We'll organize our own militia and our own army. If we don't do it brothers, 
you'll be subjugated ; we'll be kept in chains for another two or three hundred 
years. * * • 



938 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Mr. Ohairman, I enter these transcripts as Hart Exhibits 2 and 3. 

The Chairman. They will be so marked and received. 

(Documents marked "Hart Exhibits Nos. 2 and 3," respectively. See 
pp. 950-966.) 

Mr. Smith. Did you attend a meeting of the Harlem Defense Coun- 
cil on July 19, 1964? 

Mr. IcHORD. Mr. Counsel, before you go into that question, this meet- 
ing to which the witness has just referred was on July 18, 1964; is that 
correct, Detective Hart ? 

Mr. Hart. Yes, sir. 

Mr, IcHORD. This was a meeting consisting of approximately 250 
people. 

Before you leave that point, Mr. Counsel, I would like to have this 
meeting fixed in relation to the date of the Harlem riots. How far did 
this meeting precede the Harlem riots ? 

Mr. Smith. Just a couple of hours. 

Mr. IcHORD. You mean the riot started on July 18 ? 

Mr. Smith. Yes, sir. 

Mr. IcHORD. Thank you. Go ahead, 

Mr. Smith. Did you attend a meeting of the Harlem Defense Coun- 
cil on July 19, 1964? 

Mr. Hart. Yes, sir, I attended a meeting of this group, which was 
a front organization for the Progressive Labor Movement. 

The meeting was held at the offices of the Progressive Labor Move- 
ment, 336 Lenox Avenue in New York City. 

Mr. Smith. Can you describe the Harlem Defense Council? What 
was its function ? 

Mr. Hart. Yes, sir. 

Names had been taken at the previous meeting, and from this list 
of names one name was to be picked at random. This name picked at 
random, this person would then be made a block captain. 

He would then be trained to know everyone else on the list in his 
particular block and be able to mobilize them on a moment's notice for 
whatever situation would be at hand. 

Mr. Tuck, Did these people who attended the meeting, held 2 hours 
before the Harlem riot, participate in the Harlem riot ? Did the people 
who attended the meeting participate in the riot ? 

Mr. Smith. Did the people who attended the meeting participate in 
the riot ? 

Mr. Hart. Yes, sir, some of them. 

Mr. Smith. Who was the organizer of the Harlem Defense Council ? 

Mr. Hart. William Epton. 

Mr. Smith. Who was present at the meeting? 

Mr. Hart. Among others, there was William Epton, David Douglas, 
and Harold Young. 

Mr. Smith. What took place at this meeting? 

Mr. Hart. At the meeting it was suggested Oiey try to sucker a police 
officer off the main avenue, get him into a side street. They would have 
the block captains and the block committees kill him and then get back 
on the street and go about their business. 

No action was taken on this suggestion at the time, except that every- 
body agreed it was a good idea. 

Mr. Smith, What was the intended purpose of the killing? 



SUBVERSIVE ESTFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 939 

Mr. Hart. It was a form of retaliation against the police deparc- 
ment. 

At this time William McAdoo, a member of the Progressive Labor 
Movement, and two male Negroes talked about printing a leaflet on 
how to make a Molotov cocktail and to sign no name to the leaflet. 

Epton agreed that the leaflet was a good idea. He stated that Pro- 
gressive Labor could not print the leaflet because it could then be 
traced to the Progressive Labor typewriters or the printshop. 

"William McAdoo demonstrated at this time to the group with an 
empty soda bottle and rag, showing how to make a Molotov cocktail. 
Present while he demonstrated this were Pernella Wattley, Harold 
Young, and myself. 

Epton was not there during this demonstration. However, he en- 
tered the room a short while later and stated that another riot should 
be organized on the Lower East Side, which would spread out the 
police force and keep them from suppressing the riot in the Harlem 
area. 

After the meeting Epton stated to me that the Molotov cocktail 
leaflet was a good way of keeping things going until Saturday, when 
Epton intended to organize a march that would indeed keep the riots 
going. 

Mr. Smith. Do you have any identification of William McAdoo ? 

Mr. Hart. Yes, sir, I do ; a photograph here. 

Mr. Smith. You are pointing to William McAdoo ? 

Mr. Hart. McAdoo on the right side of Mr. Epton. 

(Photograph marked "Hart Exhibit No. 4" follows :) 

Hart Exhibit No. 4 




[No. 1, William McAdoo; No. 2, William Epton and No. 3, Conrad Lynn] 



940 SUBVERSIVE ESTFLUENCES EST RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Mr. AsHBROOK. Mr. Counsel, before you leave that point, could we 
determine when this incident regarding the "cop in the alley," so to 
speak, took place in relation to the so-called campaign against the 
Gilligan cop, which was very active in New York at that time ? 

Was that before or after the time the campaign against Gilligan 
began ? 

Mr. Hart. During that same period of time. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. This was going to be one of general retaliation 
against the Gilligan cop ? 

Mr. Hart. Yes, sir. 

Mr. AsHBRooK. I remember the leaflet circulated on "Gilligan the 
cop — wanted for murder." 

Mr. Hart. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Smith. Detective Hart, can you identify anyone else in this 
photograph ? 

Mr. Hart. Yes, sir. The one on the left of Mr. Epton is Conrad 
Lynn. 

Mr. Smith. Can you indicate what position he held ? 

Mr. Hart. Conrad Lynn was then the counsel for the Progressive 
Labor Movement at that time. 

Mr. Smith. Did you ever see copies of Eobert Williams' publica- 
tion, The Crusader? 

Mr. Hart, Yes, sir. I have received copies of such a publication dis- 
tributed by Progressive Labor to its members. 

This is a copy of the issue that I received [vol. 5, No. 4, May-June 
1964], which was then published by Robert Williams, who is in exile 
in Cuba. It states, in part, if I may read : 

The weapons of defense employed by Afroamerican freedom fighters must con- 
sist of a poor man's arsenal. Gasoline fire bombs (Molotov cocktails), lye or acid 
bombs (made by injecting lye or acid in the metal end of light bulbs) can be 
used extensively. During the night hours such weax)ons, thrown from roof tops, 
will make the streets imppossible [sic] for racist cops to patrol. H^nd grenades, 
bazookas, lights [sic] mortars, rocket launchers, machine guns and ammimition 
can be bought clandestinely from servicemen, anxious to make a fast dollar. 
* * * Gas tank on public vehicles can be choked up with sand. Sugar is also 
highly effective in gasoline lines. Long nails driven through boards and tacks 
with large heads are effective to slow the movement of traflSc on congested 
roads at night. This can cause havoc on turn-pikes. Derailing of trains causes 
panic. Explosive booby traps on police telephone boxes can be employed. High- 
powered sniper rifles are readily available. Armor piercing bullets will penetrate 
oil storage tanks from a distance. Phosphorus matches (kitchen matches) placed 
in air conditioning systems will cause delayed explosions which will destroy 
expensive buildings. Flame throwers can be manufactured at home. Combat 
experienced ex-service men can easily solve that problem. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I would like to receive this copy as Hart 
Exhibit No. 5. 

The Chairman. It may be so marked and received. 

(Document marked "Hart Exhibit No. 5" and retained in commit- 
tee files.) 

Mr. Smith. Did Progressive Labor and the Harlem Defense Coun- 
cil distribute inflammatory leaflets prior to or during the riot? 

Mr. Smith. Yes, sir, they did. 

Mr. Smith. Will you please describe some of these leaflets? 

Mr. Hart. This leaflet, entitled "Fight Back," accuses the police 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 941 

department of murdering a number of Negro and Puerto Rican 
people, including one Ralph Brazier. (Hart Exhibit No. 6) 

During the July 19, 1964, meeting Benny Brazier, brother of Ralph, 
made a speech saying his brother was murdered by a policeman and 
he himself had been injured in the eye by a policeman. 

During the William Epton case, in the testimony, Mr. Brazier ad- 
mitted that his eye was originally slashed by people he did not know 
on the street, and his brother was shot in the course of an altercation 
in which a friend of his brother was carrying a gun. 

This leaflet makes a claim that none of the victims were carrying 
guns. 

Another leaflet marked "Stop the Cops" accuses the police depart- 
ment of declaring war on Harlem, which is similar to what was said 
by William Epton on July 18, 1964. (Hart Exhibit No. 7) 

Another leaflet issued by the Progressive Labor entitled "Stop the 
Killer Cops Now !" shows Ku Klux Klan uniforms behind a New 
York City police officer. (Hart Exhibit No. 8) 

This is a Harlem Defense Council leaflet dated July 15, 1964 — but 
which was probably not issued until July 16, 1964. It describes the 
shooting of a 15-year-old Negro youth and accuses the police depart- 
ment of organizing a campaign of terror against our community. 

It says "there may not be many of us left at the rate the cops are 
murdering us." (Hart Exhibit No. 9) 

This is a Harlem Defense Council leaflet calling for mass demon- 
stration on July 25, 1964. This is the same demonstration referred to 
earlier. (Hart Exhibit No. 10) 

This is the famous "Wanted for Murder — Gilligan, the Cop" poster 
which was issued by the Harlem Defense Council and printed on the 
instruction of William Epton by the Tri-Line Offset printing shop. 
(HartExhibitNo.il) 

Here is a picture showing young people running through the streets 
during the riot carrying copies of this poster as they were attacking 
people and looting stores. (Hart Exhibit No. 12) 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I ask that the leaflets discussed by 
Detective Hart be marked as "Hart Exhibits 6 through 12" and be 
entered into the record at this point. 

The Chairman. They may be so marked and entered into the 
record. 

(Documents marked "Hart Exhibits Nos. 6 through 12," respec- 
tively. See pp. 957-963.) 

Mr. Smith. Was any further effort made to advise people of the 
making of Molotov cocktails ? 

Mr. Hakt. Yes, sir. This leaflet was distributed in Harlem. It was 
believed to be the leaflet referred to by William McAdoo and William 
Epton in their discussion of the Harlem Defense Council meeting. It 
gives instructions on how to make a Molotov cocktail. 

On July 21, 1964, I met with William Epton and discussed with 
him the making of the Molotov cocktail leaflet. That meeting was tape 
recorded, and the following conversation took place. 

I stated: " 'Sense me. Dig, what about the Molotov cocktail leaflet? 
We going to make it, or what ?" 

Epton answered: "Somebody else just told me that they're going 
to do it. It might be downtown." 



942 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

I asked : "You ain't going to put no name on it ?" 

He said, "No." 

I stated : "You ain't going to be that dumb. Good deal." 

He stated : "You know, I'll tell you something. This is the greatest 
thing that's happened in years." 

I said : "You mean the riot ? " 

He said : "Take it easy." 

He warned me not to say too much about it because the rooms could 
possibly be bugged. 

Mr. Smith. I ask that this leaflet and transcript of the tape record- 
ing be introduced as Hart Exhibits Nos. 13 and 13-A, respectively. 

The Chairman. It may be marked and received. 

(Documents marked "Hart Exhibits Nos. 13 and 18-A," respec- 
tively. Exhibit 13-A retained in committee files. Exhibit No. 13 ap- 
pears on p. 943.) 

Mr. Smith. When did you cease attending Progressive Labor meet- 
ings? 

Mr. Hart. About late September or early October 1964, when it was 
decided I would be a witness in a trial against William Epton. 

Mr. Smith. Was Bill Epton later indicted? 

Mr. Hart, Yes, sir, he was. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I wish at this point to offer the indict- 
ment of William Epton in New York, the People of the State of New 
York against William Epton, as Exhibit 14. 

(Document marked "Hart Exhibit No. 14" and retained in com- 
mittee files.) 

Mr. IcHORD. What were the charges in that indictment, Mr. Counsel ? 

Mr. Smith. I will read the charges. He was indicted for the follow- 
ing statement : 

"I see a couple of stooges in the audience. A couple of them came up to see me 
at my headquarters one day but I'll tell you about that some other time. But I see 
them in the audience and I'll tell them right now that we're going to have a 
demonstration and we don't say that it is going to be peaceful because the cops 
have declared war on the people of Harlem and ...*** no country or peo- 
ples in the world that have had war declared on them have not declared war on 
their enemy. They declared war on us and we should declare war on them and 
every time they kill one of us damn it, we'U kill one of them and we should 
start thinking that way right now ...*** preaching vi . . ence [sic] be- 
cause we had better stop talking about violence as a dirty word. 

* * * 

That shows you how this system is so interwoven, because you must under- 
stand ...*** When they set up a state, they set up all the apparatus to pro- 
tect and save that state. They set up the courts ; they set up the police ; they set 
up the army ; they set up an educational system ; they set up the newspaper ; 
they set up all the apparatuses to brainwash, and to keep up the subjugation. 
If were're going to be free, and we will not be fully free until we smash this 
state completely and totally. Destroy and set up a new state of our own choos- 
ing and our own liking. 

And in that process of smashing this state, we're going to have to kill a lot of 
these cops, a lot of these judges, and we'll have to go up against their army. 
We'll organize our own militia and our own army. If we don't do it brothers, 
you'll be subjugated ; we'll be kept in chains for another two or three hundred 
years. Think about it because no people in this world have ever achieved inde- 
pendence and freedom through the ballot or having it legislated to them. All peo- 
ple in this world who are free got their freedom through struggle and through 
revolution. That's the only way to gain freedom." 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 943 

Hart Exhibit No. 13 

Bulletin N«. 1^ July 196^ 

a^dnBHTDSHSS 
/-/ow TO make: a 

MOLOTOV COCKTAIL. 




INSTRUCTIONS: 
ANY EMPTY BOTTLE 

FILL WITH GASOLINE 
USE RAu AS WICK 
LIGHT HAG 



ANJy 






Epton was indicted and convicted for anarchy. 

The Chairman. Anarchy ? He was indicted for what ? 

Mr. Smith. Advocacy of criminal anarchy. 

Mr. Watson. So that we might have it all in proper context, when 
was he indicted and what was the sentence? And what is his present 
status ? 

Mr. Hart. I do not have that information at this time. 

Mr. Watson. Will comisel supply that ? 



944 SUBVERSIVE IKFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Mr. Smith. He was indicted July 1964, convicted in 1965. 

Mr. Watson. What is his present status ? 

Mr. Smith. He has served his sentence, and he is free now. 

Mr. Watson. Can the witness tell us now where this man Epton is 
today ? 

Mr. Hart. To my knowledge he is still in the New York City area. 

Mr. Smith. Were you then a witness at the Epton trial ? 

Mr. Hart. Yes, sir ; I was a witness. 

At this time Mr. Epton was convicted of criminal anarchy for his 
activities in the 1964 riot in New York. 

Mr. Smith. Were other members of the Progressive Labor Move- 
ment indicted and convicted as a result of the Harlem riot? 

Mr. Hart. Yes, sir. David Douglas, William McAdoo, Nathaniel 
Bamett, Vivian Anderson, Michael Crenovich, Levi Laub, Stefan 
Martinot, Robert Apter, Susan Karp, Jeremy Gellis, and Otis Chest- 
nut were also convicted. 

Mr. Smith. Detective Hart, William Epton claims to speak for the 
Negro people. As a Negro, would you care to comment on that ? 

Mr. Hart. I can only say that Epton and people like him speak 
only for a small disillusioned segment of un-American misfits — rabble- 
rousers, who would like to see America fall into the hands of com- 
munism. 

The responsible black man today wants a change, but he has enough 
faith in this country to change it through the ballot, which he is doing 
every day. He has proven and continues to prove his loyalty to this 
country — and in no uncertain terms — by this outstanding record in 
Vietnam. 

He realizes that it is no longer impossible to become a black sheriff, 
a black mayor, a black Supreme Court Justice, and that it is quite 
possible he can even be elected President in the not too distant future. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, that concludes the interrogation of this 
witness. 

The Chairman. Detective Hart, I want to take this opportunity 
not only to thank you for your testimony, but congratulate you for 
what is really extraordinary performance of duty, both as a citizen 
and police officer. 

You undertook the task of infiltrating an organization which, the 
evidence clearly indicates, is violence prone. Without intending any 
criticism, I would say that many Americans would not want to under- 
take such a mission. 

In addition to the inconvenience involved and the demands it made 
on your time, a considerable amount of personal danger was clearly 
involved in your work. That, however, did not deter you from per- 
forming it andj despite the possibility of reprisals, from testifying 
publicly — ^both m this hearing and elsewhere — about what you learned 
while on your assignment. 

Sir, you are a credit not only to the New York Police Department, 
but to your country. You have my thanks and the thanks of all mem- 
bers of the committee — particularly since you have taken time from 
your vacation to appear before the committee. 

We are extremely grateful to you. You are a credit to your country 
and to the police department. 

Mr. Hart. Thank you. 



SUBVERSIVE n^LUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 945 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, at this point, I request a lO-minute recess. 
Mr. IcHORD. Will the witness return ? I have some questions to ask 
the witness. 

The Chairman. Why don't we take a recess after the questions that 
might be addressed to him, Mr. Smith? Will that be all right? 
Mr. Smith. Yes, sir. 

Mr. IcHORD. Detective Hart, the committee has heard a great deal 
of testimony in regard to the activities of the Progressive Labor group 
over the past few years. 

I believe you indicated in your testimony that the Progressive Labor 
group in New York City was composed of, predominantly, Negroes. I 
believe that all of the other Progressive Labor groups that have been 
brought to the attention of the committee were not predominantly 
Negroes but, rather, predominantly whites. 

Did I misunderstand you? Would you say that the Progressive 
Labor group in New York City is composed predominantly of 
Negroes? 

Mr. Hart. The Harlem chapter is comprised predominantly of 
Negroes. 

Mr. IcHORD. You were speaking only of the Harlem chapter? 
Mr. Hart. Only of the Harlem chapter. 

Mr. IcHORD. Of course, it is always difficult to establish cause and 
effect, Detective Hart. I am sure that, as one who was right in the 
midst, so to speak, of the Harlem riots, that you would agree with the 
statement that the cause of the Harlem riots, the causes, were prob- 
ably many. Is that correct ? 

Mr. Hart. Yes, sir, I would. I could not pinpoint one. 
Mr. IcHORD. Of course, in order to create a not you have to have a 
^roup that is discontented. This discontent can be because of real or 
imagined events and conditions. 

Let me ask you this — and we can only deal in opinions. 
These riots occurred on July 18, 1964, and July 19, 1964. Did they 
occur after that period of time? How long a period did they last? 
Was it only a 2-day riot? 

Mr. Hart. As I recall, it was more like 6 days — 5 or 6 days. 
Mr. IcHORD. About 5 or 6 days ? 
Mr. Hart. Yes, sir. 

Mr. IcHORD. You testified about the activity of Mr. Epton and the 
Harlem Progressive Labor group. You testified about a meeting on 
July 18, 1964, and the riots occurring 2 hours after that Progressive 
Labor meeting, at which approximately 250 people attended. 

Is it your opinion that this meeting was the proximate cause 
of the riots ? 

Mr. Hart. That is a hard question. I wouldn't say it was the cause 
of it. It certainly helped the riots along. The idea was there. 

Mr. IcHORD. Of course, there are several causes of a riot. We all 
understand that. 
Mr. Hart. Yes, sir. 

Mr. IcHORD. Do you feel that the riots would have started on that 
day if it had not been for the meeting ? 
Mr. Hart. No, sir ; I don't believe so. 
Mr. IcHORD. That is all I have, Mr. Chairman. 
The Chairman. Mr. Ashbrook. 



946 SUBVERSIVE ESTFLTJENCES EST RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Mr. AsHBROOK. I want to add my words of congratulation to you 
to w'hat the chairman has said. 

I will say that in the years I have been on this committee, you are 
one of the best witnesses we have had. You have certainly given us 
more information on which we can follow our legislative purpose 
here. 

I congratulate you for coming here and for what you have told us. 

Along the lines of what Mr. Ichord mentioned, it is always hard to 
see the cause and effect completely tied together. You talked in terms 
of guerrilla warfare in the early part of your testimony, both as to 
the advocacy of guerrilla warfare — ^you later said that guerrilla war- 
fare tactics were being taught. 

At one later place you indicated, I think, that a man named Kosen 
advocated throwing smoke bombs at the Ross Barnett meeting. 

We did not really get your opinion as to whether or not some of the 
activities in the riots were a type of guerrilla warfare that was a 
direct followup to what had been advocated and taught by the Pro- 
gressive Labor Movement before the riot happened. 

In your opinion — and I guess all we can have is your opinion — 
once the riots started, regardless of how they started, were some of the 
events of the guerrilla warfare type planned in advance by the Pro- 
gressive Labor Party ? 

Mr. Hart. I would definitely say so. 

The mere fact of all the hit-and-run tactics — Molotov cocktails 
thrown at the police cars, which was done during the riots; sniper 
shooting from the rooftops; throwing of various missiles and runnmg 
away clown the side streets ; etc. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. Wliat they advocated, what they talked about in 
advance, of which you were a party, you testify from direct knowl- 
edge. You could not testify from direct knowledge about everybody on 
every rooftop. 

But, in your opinion, what happened was a logical followup of what 
they had advocated and trained themselves to do in advance. So when 
the spark was there and started, the guerrilla tactics which they had 
been talking about and instructing themselves in, then in fact became 
a reality. 

There was a connection in your opinion between what they had 
taught and advocated and what happened in the riots? 

Mr. Hart. Yes, sir, definitely. 

Mr. AsiiBROOK. I have one other question. 

You mentioned at one point that you had seen a letter from Mal- 
colm X. I think you quoted it as saying it was Malcolm's hope that 
Muslims and PLM could work together. 

Again, in your opinion or in your firsthand observations, was there 
any followup on that? Was there any of this so-called working to- 
gether which you state Malcolm at least advocated to Mr. Epton? 

Mr. Hart. Right now, to the best of my recollection, there were 
various letters exchanged between Malcolm X and William Epton. At 
one or two meetings there were joint sponsorships. At one particular 
meeting in the hotel the Progressive Labor Movement was supposed 
to show a Viet Cong movie. For some reason, the Muslims couldn't get 
a projector. The film was not shown. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 947 

Mr. AsHBROOK. You know of no pact or working agreement other 
than this general statement from Malcohn X that the two groups were 
together ? 

Mr. Hart. No, sir, I do not. 

Mr. AsHBRooK. There was no evidence in the days and months ahead 
that there was, in fact, a working relationship between the Muslims 
andPLM? 

Mr. Hart. Not to my knowledge. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. Thank you. 

Those are all the questions 1 have, ]VIr. Chairman. 

Again, I want to thank you for coming here. I think it is a very 
enlightening statement. 

The Chairman. Mr. Watson. 

Mr. Watson. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Hart, I also want to commend you, along with the chairman 
and other members, for the most valuable contribution you have made 
here this morning. We are all aware that it is not without personal 
sacrifice and, I should assume, some personal risk that you have ap- 
peared here. 

Mr. Hart, is the Progressive Labor Movement or the Harlem De- 
fense Council still in operation in New York City or Harlem ? 

Mr. Hart. The Progressive Labor Movement has been changed. The 
name has been changed. I believe it is now "Progressive Labor Party." 

The Chairman. What is the name ? 

Mr. Hart. As far as the Harlem Defense Council is concerned, I 
really have no idea whether it is in existence. I have had no contact 
since 1964. 

Mr. Watson. Can you tell me whether or not that was just a vehicle 
for the Progressive Labor Movement to help precipitate the riots ? 

Mr. Hart. Yes, sir ; they had various vehicles of that type and would 
put another name on it because they would ^et greater response. 

Mr. Watson. The pattern of the Progressive Labor Movement was 
to create or generate so-called legitimate front organizations, and they 
remained in the background and directed these other organizations? 

Mr. Hart. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Watson. That was the basic policy. 

You say the Progressive Labor Party is still in operation and main- 
tains offices in New York City ? 

Mr. Hart. Yes, sir, it does. 

Mr. Watson. Are you knowledgeable as to whether or not Epton 
and some of the other names that you have given here today have 
reaffiliated with the Progressive Labor Party or whether they are still 
active in it ? 

Mr. Hart. Epton, I can say, is active. As far as the others are con- 
cerned, I really don't know. 

Mr. Watson. Of course, if they are not active, I assume tharf/ others 
were there and espousing the same line as the original ones. 

Mr. HL^rt. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Watson. Just so we can nail it dowUj they teach the violent 
overthrow of the Government, instructions m karate and guerrilla 
warfare and Molotov cocktails, and such as that ? 

Mr. Hart. Yes, sir. 



948 SUBVERSIVE mrLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Mr. Watson. The principal thrust of their operation is to exploit 
any racial differences and also to exploit the antipolice feeluig on the 
part of so many people ? 

Mr. Hart. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Watson. Those two areas are the principal areas of operations ? 

Mr. Hart. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Watson. Additionally, too, I believe you said that Chestnut had 
a publication of his own, a neighborhood publication. 

Mr. Hart. Yes, sir ; he did. 

Mr. Watson. Is that continuing now ? 

Mr. Hart. I have no idea. 

Mr. Watson. That was in existence prior to his affiliation with the 
Progressive Labor Movement, or was that an offshoot of the affiliation ? 

Mr. Hart. To my knowledge, it was a publication prior to his affilia- 
tion with the organization. 

Mr. Watson. Are you aware of whether or not the Progressive La- 
bor Party has an organization at Columbia University ? You stated it 
did have an organization. 

Mr. Hart. Right now I have no idea. I know that it did. 

Mr. Watson. Now, you mentioned repeatedly some six or seven 
names. By restricting those as ones in attendance at various meetings, 
we are not to conclude that there were not other people there, that you 
just did not give the names ? 

Mr. Hart. Yes, sir ; there definitely were others. 

Mr. Watson. The principal modus operandi of the Progressive La- 
bor Movement was to give direction and impetus to these riots, but was 
to stay in the background as much as possible and not be identifi^ ? 

Mr. Hart. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Watson. Are you aware of the approximate circulation of Ro- 
bert Williams' The Crusader ? 

Mr. Hart. No, sir ; I really have no idea. 

Mr. Watson. Do you know whether or not after it enters this 
country if it is reproduced and circulated in additional numbers by 
Progressive Labor Movement or Revolutionary Action Movement? 

Mr. Hart. I have no idea, sir. 

Mr. Watson. Are you familiar with the RAM, the so-called Revolu- 
tionary Action Movement ? 

Mr. Hart. Partially. 

Mr. Watson. Do they have an operation in New York ? 

Mr. Hart. That I don't know, sir. 

Mr. Watson. Nailing it down just one more time — the question 
asked by Mr, Ichord and Mr. Ashbrook — although we cannot say that 
one particular thing caused a riot, can we not reduce it to this answer — 
that at least this meeting sponsored by the Progressive Labor Move- 
ment on July 18 was the triggering device or the catalyst which 
resulted in the riots ? 

Mr. Hart. In my opinion, definitely so. 

Mr. Watson. Thank you very much, 

Mr. Ichord. At that point, of course, tlie Progressive Labor group, 
headed by Epton, was apparently utilizing several tactics to whip up 
the crowds. 

What would you say was the most successful tactic used by the 
Progressive Labor group ? 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 949 

Mr. Hart. I would consider it the alleged police brutality. 

Mr. IcHORD. I observe in one of the photographs admitted into the 
record there is depicted several young men carrying five posters of 
the "Gilligan Cop Wanted for Murder." Would you say that was per- 
haps the mosit important individual device ? 

Apparently, that really whipped the crowd up considerably the way 
they are carrying posters. 

Mr. Hart. Yes, sir ; along with the police brutality stories. 

Mr. IcHORD. All efforts to take advantage of alleged police brutality ? 

Mr. Hart. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. Detective Hart, would you have any idea, within 
your knowledge, as to why the name was changed from the "Pro- 
gressive Labor Movement" to the "Progressive Labor Party" ? 

What is in my mind is that I wonder if the idea was to associate the 
movement closer to the political arena, changing it from "Movement" 
to "Party." 

Mr. Hart. I believe so. 

In conversation with Epton I was told that when the name of the 
party was changed from "Movement" to "Party" they would have an 
influx of bigger names and more political figures. 

How the changing of "Movement" to "Party" was supposed to do 
it, I don't know, but they would become more national. 

The Chairman. In that connection, do you know of any association 
between the National Conference for New Politics that was held in 
Chicago and the change of the name from "Movement" to "Party"? 

Mr. Hart. No. In October 1964 I didn't have too much affiliation 
with those 

The Chairman. The Chicago incident was considerably later. 

Now, I do not want to inject a political tone to the testimony. But 
did you hear, or were you aware of the fact, that there would be an 
effort made to sponsor candidates for public office in support of their 
operation ? 

Mr. Hart. Yes, sir. A number of times questions would come up 
about running party candidates for public office. 

One name was Genoveva Clemente. I believe she belonged to the 
East Side Club. They wanted to run her for local office. 

Mr. Tuck. Could you identify one that was mentioned in connection 
with the political aspect of this movement ? 

Mr. Hart. Not offhand, sir, I cannot. It would be in my reports. I 
would prefer to do that in executive session. 

Mr. Tuck. Could you indicate which office or offices were proposed to 
be offered the candidates ? 

Mr. Hart. Offhand I cannot say. 

Mr. Tuck. Was the name of Martin Luther King mentioned? 

Mr. Hart. Not for running for any office. 

Mr. Tuck. That is all. 

The Chairman. Now at this point, the committee will stand in 
recess for 10 minutes. 

(A brief recess was taken.) 

(Hart Exhibits Nos. 2 and 3 and Nos. 6-12 referred to on pp. 938 
and 941 follow:) 



950 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Hart Exhibit No. 2 

TRANSCRIPTION OF SPEECH BY BILL EPTON OF PROGRESSIVE LABOR MOVE- 
MENT ON JULY 13, 1964 at 4;00 PoMo , ON LENOX AVENUE AT II5TH STREET. 

"Thank you Brother Les <, = . (inaudible) will begin a 
campeiigh to organize a mass demonstration against the cops 
somewhere in this cityo As it stands now, many organizations 
are talking and planning of where this demonstration is going to 
take place and we're not saying it's going to be a peaceful demons- 
tration o 

I see a couple of stooges in the audienceo A couple of 
them came up to see me at my headquarters one day but I'll tell 
you about that some other timeo But I see them in the audience. 
and I'll tell them right now that we're going to have a demons- 
tration and we don't say that it is going to be peaceful because 
the cops have declared war on the people of Harlem and 00 „ 
(inaudible) no country or peoples in the world that have had war 
declared on them have not declared war on their enemy They 
declared war on us and we should declare war on them and eve'ry 
time they kill one of us damia it, we'll kill one of them and we 
should start thinking that way right now » .. (inaudible) preaching 
viooence because we had ''better, stop talking about violence as a 
dirty wordo There's two 000 (inaudible) I'll tell you all a 
couple more facts of what happened to the so-called Blood 
Brothers. 

The New York Times gave us that name <, ; (inaudible) 
anyone of my black brothers or sisters » I am a Blood Brother and 
I don't use that as a dirty nameo This "handerchief-head" 
correspondent, Junius Griffin, for the New York Times came to 
Harlem and wrote the story of four-hundred youths organized to 
kill white people o I say at least four-hundr,ed is pretty poor 
if they are organized, because if they can oi\ly account for two 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 951 

Hart Exhibit No. 2— Continued 

murders in the whole year, then that's a very poor organization. 
At any rate, Junius Griffin said that this organization, that this 

group is organized .o (inaudible) this blood, this so-called 
Blood Brothers and where did he get this information, and where 
did he go to get this information? He went to the corrupt 32nd 
Precinct to those corrupt cops and captain to get the source of 
information^ They told him about the Blood Brothers and all of 
us know that there ain't one cop that ever told the truth in his 
damn life. They are all gangsters and crooks and thieves and 
murderers o They never told the truth and no reason for us to 
believe that they're going to start telling the ti-uth now» 
Even their own children^ All of these children of all of these 
cops. You read about them in Long Island who are committing 
burglaries, who are committing crime because their more oo. 
(inaudible) fathers, are nothing but gangsters, and they are just 
like their gangsters fathers. They commit crimes, they're corrupt 
and they are little gangsters. They're gonna follow in the foot- 
steps of the big gangsters, their fathers, these corrupt policemen. 

These youngsters have been beaten . . the six youngsters 
that these mothers had, have been beaten down in the House of 
Detention. The mothers sent a letter to Anna Kross, the Com- 
missioner-, and told her that their „... (inaudible) that they 
protest the fact that their children are being beaten and tiwry 
are protesting the fact that their children are asking f5Dr 
medical attention, that they don't receive it. By the way, the 
dSctor in the House of Detention is a "junkie „•* That's right, 
hfe is a "junkie." The doctor in the House of Detention is a 
"junkie," and that's who supposed to be treating these kids. 
Anna Kross sent back a letter to these mothers and said it's 
not her responsibility ...(inaudible) each individual born has 
the responsibility for his cousin. So why does she have a job? 

-2- 
S8-083 O— 68— pt. 2 3 



952 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS^ LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Hart Exhibit No. 2 — Continued 
What is she doing there? Sounds just like IVlayor Wagner, He said 
he is not responsible for police crime « He is not responsible 
for police corruptiono He is not responsible for the mxirders 
of policemen ooo ( inaudible )« He is not responsible for these 
run down tenements oo„ (inaudible) He is not responsible oo« 
(inaudible) for bad traffic conditions » Not responsible for those 
mothers being beaten on 131st Street and Fifth Avenue, protesting 
for a street light » He is not responsible for anything that 
happens in this city. If he is not responsible, let's get him 
out of office and put someone there who is responsible. 

By the way brothers and sisters, on I31st Street and 
Fifth Avenue, where the mothers were protesting for a street 
light, in the basement of that school building there were one 
hundred cops armed in the basement of that school building and 
who were they armed for? They must have been armed to attack 
those little babies and the mothers who were demonstrating in 
the street o That's what they were armed foro That's the police 
who are out here to protect us« Our reporter for the "Challenge** 
newspaper went and asked the principal, how did he ai;^.ow these 
cops to be in the basement of this school armed? He told him, he 
■told the reporter that ooo, (inaudible) to let the cops down 
there. The reporter asked him don't you think it will have a 
bad effect on the children in the school to see cops armed in 
the basement of a school house, and he just shrugged his 
shoulders. 

That shows you how this system is so interwoven, because 
you must understand ,., (inaudible) When they set up a state, 
they set up all the apparatus to protect and save that state. 
They set up the courts; they set up the police; they set up the 
armyj they set up an educational system; they set up the 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 953 

Hart Exhibit No. 2 — Continued 
newspaper; they set up all the apparatuses to brainwash j and to 
keep up the subjugation^ If we're going to be free, and we will 
not be fully free until we smash this state completely and totally. 
Destroy and set up a new state of our own choosing and our own 
liking » 

And in that process of smashing this state, we're going 
tb have to kill a lot of these cops, a lot of these judges, and 
we'll have to go up against their army« We'll organize our own 
militia and our own armyo If we don't do it brothers, you'll 
be subjugated; we'll be kept in chains for another two or three 
htindi*ed years-. Think about it because no people in this world 
have ever achieved independence and freedom through the ballot 
or having it legislated to them. All people in this world who 
are free got their freedom through struggle and through revo- 
lution. That's the only way to gain freedom. 

The next speaker this afternoon will be the treasurer of 
the Mothers Defense Committee, who will tell you about the Mothers 
Defense Committee and will also tell you about her son, Mrs. Daniel 
Hamm. " 



954 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Hart Exhibit No. 3 

THE FOLLOWING IS A TRANSCRIPT OF A SPEECH MADE BY V/ILLIAM EFTON ON 
JULY 18, 196/., AT APPROXIMATELY 5:15 P.M. AT LENOX AVENUE AND II5TH 

STREET 

Th- ak you Mrs. Hamm. As you can see brothers and sisters 
that. tht:i> lothers, these mothers might have been just ordinary 
houses . trying to raise their children in this ghetto, but after 
thi. ai;.mi, and this is my experience, that we know black women 
can :. ve and that black women have .. (inaudible for 15 seconds) .. 
not or.]y for these kids' freedom but freedom for .«. (inaudible) .. 
not onl. here in Harlem, but in Mississippi and St. Augustine and 
Jackrn'/iviiie and Jaokaon, because It's all the sane wherever blaek > 
pecpl<i; are there* s oppression. Some of these black cops are under the 
impr-;s5iun that in following tkeit* dictates of their white masters 
that tney are going to be spared. Many Jews in Germany who supported 
Hitler also thought/vthey were going to be spared. When Hitler cane 
into power. „when Hitler came into power he destroyed six aillion 
Jews. The same thing will happen to all of you black cops. when these 
white fascists take over the government. That little tin badge that 
you have, and you can tell them I'm your brother, I'm like you, I 
have a blue uniform on. That blue uniform that you have on will show 
your red blood because they'll turn on you just like they turn 00 
your brothers and sisters on the street. This one to my right, th* 
policeman on my right in his plain clothes. To my left is a Puerto 
Rican policeman in plain clothes. I'm talking to him too. If he 
don't know the history of Puerto Rico and how the American imperialiSB 
killed and brutalized his people in Puerto Rico just like they did 
the black men in Africa, then he had better wake up because they will 
turn on him when they come into power and kill him and brutalise 
him just like they did Albizu Campos the great Puerto Rican leader. 
Just like they're doing to all black people, and he's not safe. So 
I tell him now and I tell my black brother on my right that they had 
better choose their sides. Because when the deal goes down, when 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 955 

Hart Exhibit No. 3 — Continued 
the deal is finished sister he will have to go too unless he chooses 
the right side. There is only one right side. That's our side. 
That's the cause of the people and what we demand and what we will 
get. What we will take. We will take our freedom. We will take it 
by any mean necessary and any means necessary as we know the beast 
that we e dealing with is that we have to create a revolution in 
this :o;-v r.ry and we will create a new government that is run by the 
peop .e. . .that is run by the black people and some of the poor white 
people who are catching hell too. Because there are a lot of poor 
white people who are catching hell and they don't know it yet but if 
thay dor. t Join with us when the deal goes dovm we don't have tine to 
wait for them. We are going to roll on, we are going to roll on to 
freedom and independence and liberation. Those who are ready to come 
with us and stand with us and join the Harlem Defense Council to help 
protect Ghe mothers and protect our streets and our neighborhoods 
they will give their money to these mothers who have joined together 
to save thsir sons. They will go back into their blocks and organize 
their blocks into defense committees so when the deal goes through 
they will be able to be in the street tens of thousands strong ready 
to face that man. And we know how to use weapons just like they 
know how to use weapons. And when the deal goes down we have to be 
ready to confront thera and beat them. I tell you brothers and sisters 
the message that we are carrying they will carry around Harlem on 
every corner every Saturday 3 = 00 to 6:00 P.M. to enlighten our people, 
to organize our people and to make our people aware of the fact of 
what is happening with these six youngsters and to make our people 
aware of the fact that in order for us to achieve our freedom and 
independence we must organize and fight this beast and destroy him. 
Next week we will probably be on llA-th Street and Eighth Avenue and 
from there we will go down Eighth Avenue and up Seventh Avenue and 
on and on until all of our people get the message. In order to be 
prepared for this demonstration that we are going to organize follow 
it in Challenge Newspaper because we will give you the details In 



956 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Hart Exhibit No. 3 — Continued 
the newspaper. We will tell you where we will be, how we will be, 
when we will be, and what methods we are going to use to stop these 
cops. That should be our slogan - Stop the cops. Our second slogan 
should be - ^rae the Harlem six - because they are the product of 
these cor' pt policemen » Stop the cops and free the Harlem six. 
That sho'ilJ ba our slogan. We should get into everybody's mind, into 
everyboay's heart in our community, that we have to stop the cops 
and T,here'll be no more Harlem sixes. We also have here, brothers and 
sisters, who just walked up, the picture I showed you here earlier. 
Billie Brazier, v/ho, what happened to him in the 32nd Pet, I don't 
know if Billie could say a few words, say a few words to you and t«ll 
you what happened to him in the 32nd Precinct. Billie Brazier. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 957 



Hart Exhibit No. 6 



r 



'yj 



L 





\\. 



y 



In school they say the cope are around to "protect" 
you. They say the copa are around to help you and they're on 
your side. But yesterday the cops tau^t the people a lesson 
ir. •Che stre©^ They taught us thpt they're here to shoot down 
15 year old boys in cold blood. They're here to beat us up 
when we protest their murders. 

This is not the first act of «urder by Murphy's copsi 
Maxinino, Solero, Rodriguez, Francisco Rodriguez Jr., Mrs. 
Caraen Sierra Montero.Willian Westbrock, and Ralph Braz^ier 
have all been shot and killed by trigger-happy patrolmen, 
within the lost eight months. 

None of the victims 77^3 carrying a gun. All of 
them were Negroes and Puerto Ricans. 

Ail the killer cops hav» bei^n cleared by the City, 
and May r Wagner has given Mui-phy a raise of 110,000 bloody 
dollarsi 

hOvv h/iiv/ (']Ofs£ tu^LCT- 



tsiD 



'V Cc'J:>\r^ .j.J\UU IT TPiK 






958 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 



Hart Exhibit No. 7 






Lr.Gt nisht police fro" ?!} over t ho city declared WJl ON HARLEM, 

A j.arg3 crovrd f NofTo people, protesting tho racist murder of 
15-year-cld Jnmcs Powell, de-ionstro.ted in front of the 28th iDreclnct , 
Nearly 50 demonctrntors "C'oire drag.^cd, bep.tcn, and arrested, as thoy 
attcmoted to enter the police otation to demand the arrest of murderer 
Lieutenant Thomas G-llllj^pji. 

The crowds r;ere shoved out o^ the block bi:t rorcroupcd around 
123 St. and ?th Ave. Tempers flared as the Tactical Police Force 
thrcateivd, abused and continued to push the peonle aroynd. 

Z'r . people fought b9.clc in the only vay they co\ild. Bottles, 
cans, stones and raolotov cocktails were hurled at the copo from the 
cjorners and the roof tops. 

The Gcsta-T-.o-llhe cops shot at and brutalized Innocent bystanders. 



oc 



ONE^ 



Next time (and It v/lll come) we, the people, must be better 

organized to deal ^vith the Onomy. 

Attend the funeral of Jpjces Powell ?t Levy & Delany Funeral Hore 
2250 7th Ave. at 8 p.m. tonight. 

Then come to a meeting at the tIARLEM PROGRESSIVE LABOR CLUB 
(see address. below) after the funeral services. Those of you who pro- 
test the war of genocide being wared on black people, should attend 
■C^ils rneetihg. 

ORGANIZED \m '.ULL .7INl 



Issuea by: hprlem ProTresnive ^abor Club 
336 Lenox Ave. (127 St.) 
FI 8-2254 



Read-CHALLENGEl 



^^ — 



l^i' <u^ 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 959 



Hart Exhibit No. 8 




JOIN THE MASS DEKONSTRATION SATURDAY, JULY 2S . Starting at 4 P.M. 
at 116th Street Lenox Ave. 



960 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 




Hart Exhibit No. 9 



HARLELI DEFENSE COUNCIL 

336 Lenox Ave . 
New York, N.Y. 



f^C /^ 



July 15,1964 



Dear Member; 

A number of events have taken plpce In and around our 
community In the l-ist couple of weeks that makes a meeting of 
our conmlttce extremely Important: 

1. The frame-up of the "Harlem Six" continues. 

2. Those youn.^sters are s-tlll being beaten In prison. 

3. Fre'die Frazlcr, 15 years old, was thro'vn back Into Jail 
desDlte the fact thpt he was out on ball. 

4. The police are contlnu tog their war against the people of 

Harlem — v/lth beatings, ffame-ups, and murders. 

5. Fcur youn,^ plrls, betv'een the ages of 14 and 16 were 
DubT)oenp3d by the District Attorney. to aonoar before 

a grand Jury. The purpose v;ag to Intlmldsto those young 
. glris Into signing false statements. 

6. A young (15 years old) Negro youth wa!=! shot to. death by 
an off duty cop this afternoon on East 76th Street. The 
cop shot the kid once. He fell to the ground. The cop 
then stood over him and fired two more shots into him, 
and then ho kicked the kid after he was dead. 

This Is only part of the story, brothers and sisters. 
There Is a lot more that Is not being told. 

You showed a particular Interest. and concern by sign- 
ing up to Join the Harlem Defense Council — an organization dedicat- 
ed to defending cur community . and our people. 

The Time for us to begin to act is NOWl If we do not 
stop this terror pgalnst our community there may not be many of 
us left at the rate the cops are murdering ug. 

C0J.1E TO TliE NEXT LffiETING OF THE HARLEM DEFENSE COUNCIL; 

WEDNESDAY - JULY 22ND AT 8 P.M. 

AT P. L.M. HEADQUARTERS' 336 LENOX- AVE, 

ALSO__COME TO OUR \VSSKLY STREET MEETING. THIS SATURDAY IT WILL BE 
HELD FROI/: 3 TO 6 ? ." . on 114 Street and LENOX AVENUE. 



Fraternally, 

3m Entnn ^ 



Bill Epton 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 961 



Hart Exhibit No. 10 

THE BLACK PEOPLE OF HARLEM have historically Been 
terrorized by the police dept. of New York. We have been 
brutalized, maimed and murdered by these police. We, the 
people of Harlem, in order to partly alleviate these conditions 



DEI^AND ^-^ 



1. The immediate arrest and prosecution of police Lf. Gilligan for first degreeffjjjLrffPr. •'■ KiciaiL 

2. That the City convene public grand juries to investigate police brutality against Negroes^ 
and Puerto Ricans in New York City. 

3. That the grand jury hearings not be closed until every person who has made application 
to appear as witnesses has been heard. 

4. That a transcript of the proceedings be made a matter of public record and that printed 
copies of the complete proceedings be made available to all citizens. 

5. That indictments be drawn up as a result of testimony of the above-mentioned witnesses 
to specific instances of police brutality; that these indictments be brought against both city 
officials and police officials who are responsible for police terror against Negroes and Puerto 
Ricanti in Now York City. 

6. Our constilutlonul rights to assemble and demonstrate peacefully without harassment, 
brutality, murder, and general terror from the police department It was the violation of our 
rights to assemble peacefully, by the brutal action of the police, which precipitated, the present 
crisis in Harlem. At the moment the people of Harlem are held in captivity by thousands of 
policemen fur the sole reason that they sought to peacefully assemble and protest the conditions 
of life in Hurlem. 

7. Our constitutional right to tiefend ourselves by any means necessary. 

8. That fair compensation should be made to all persons who suffered injuries and loss of 
income as a result ol police brutality; also compensation should be made to those people who 
were arrested and detained by the police and who therefore suffered a loss of income. 

9. The withdrawal of all police who are not regularly assigned to the precincts in Harlem. 

10. That the City uphold the right of all citizens who live in slum dwellings to withhold their 
rent until these dwellings are brought up to those standards met by the City Housing Code. 

THE MkSS DEimONSTRATION 

Up Lenox Ave. Saturday^ July 25fh 

4 P.M., at 116th Street and Lenox Avenue 

HARLEM DEFENSE COUNCIL 

336 Lenox Ave. FI 8-2254 



962 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 



Hart Exhibit No. 1 1 

WANTED 

FOR 
MURDER 




(.lU.IGAiN, THE COF 

iJciit. 'Diotiia^ <>illi^an o^'TTk' 11-th Divi.^oi 



HARLEM DEFENSE COUNCIL 

I i-n-i>2r>i 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 963 



Hart Exhibit No. 12 
[Life magazine, July 31, 1964, page 16] 




964 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

The Chairman. The committee will come to order. 

Proceed, Counsel. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, on June 8 and 9, 1965, Mr. Phillip Abbott 
Luce testified before this committee in executive session. Mr. Luce was 
a member of the Progressive Labor Party from approximately July 
1964 until January 1965. 

On the same dates Miss Judith Warden also testified before the 
committee in executive session. She was a member of the Progressive 
Labor Party from June 1964 until January 1965. 

The Chairman. And, unlike the previous witnesses, they were ide- 
ological members, were they not, of the PLM ? 

Mr. Smith. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. As I recall, Mr. Luce took part in the unlawful 
travel to Cuba. 

Mr. Smith. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. And testified before this committee very arrogantly, 
did he not ? 

Mr. Smith. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. I understand that he has had a change of heart and 
has been quite cooperative with this committee. Is that not true? 

Mr. Smith. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. His testimony to which you refer is along the lines 
of cooperative rather than antagonistic ? 

Mr. Smith. That is right. 

The Chairman. How do you wish to handle it ? 

Mr. Smith. On October 24, 1967, the committee voted to make pub- 
lic certain parts of their testimony which were pertinent to the present 
inquiry so that they could be made a part of this hearing record. 

With your permission, Mr. Chairman, I will now call Mr. McNa- 
mara, staff director of the committee, to the witness stand to read the 
responses these witnesses made to certain of the questions asked them 
during their appearance on June 8 and 9, 1965. 

Th Chairman. That will be followed. May I ask the general 
question : I take it, then, that probably the testimony to be read into 
the record will be fairly corroborative of Detective Hart, will it not, 
as to the Harlem riots ? 

Mr. Smith. Yes, sir. I suggest I read the questions and that Mr 
McNamara read the replies. 

He will start with an introductory statement. 

STATEMENT OF FRANCIS J. McNAMARA 

Mr. McNamara. This is the testimony of Phillip Luce on June 8 : 

* * * from the time I became acquainted with Progressive Labor through my 
stay in it, and certainly while I was a member of the national coordinating 
committee, it was constantly stressed that one of the key functions in the 
philosophy of Progressive Labor was direct confrontation of the power struc- 
ture, be it on the campuses as in the case of the May 2nd Movement, or the city 
streets as can be evidenced from the Harlem riots or the demonstrations in 
Times Square. 

The idea behind this is that if you can take young people and get them into 
the streets or get them demonstrating on a campus against the power structure 
and the police move in, in an attempt to break up the demonstration or arrest 
the students, and these studens are confronted with police power or the power 
of the campus administration, the students will then see the American Govern- 
ment in action and will fig'ht it back. Since Progressive Labor espouses a philo- 



SUBVERSIVE ESTFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 965 

sophical position of non-nonviolence, that is, violence when confronted with 
power, it was constantly contended that, if the younger people fight back against 
the police directly, this will begin to develop within them a revolutionary 
conscience and this conscience will ultimately be used in a revolutionary situation 
in this country. 

Mr. Smith. [Reads :] 

Where does the "police brutality" come in again? Will you elaborate on that — 
that it would give an opportunity to fight back against it, that the state is being 
oppressive? 

Mr. McNamara. [Reads :] 

It certainly would. I think the best example of that would not only be in 
numerous leaflets put out by the organization such as the one which 
begins "Fight Police Brutality," but also the organizing by Progressive 
Labor of the Harlem Defense Council wherein karate is taught to the mem- 
bers, wherein members are told that if the police attempt to break up demon- 
strations or gatherings in Harlem, they will fight back ; the fact that numerous 
members of the Progressive Labor organization had been trained in karate ; the 
fact that last summer, prior to and following the Harlem riots, guns were shipped 
into New York City by members of Progressive Labor ; the fact that we were at 
one point broken up into small cadres of people to be trained in the use of guns 
and explosives ; the fact that members of Progressive Labor are prepared at this 
moment to go underground at the given signal to receive training abroad in the 
use of spy techniques and explosive techniques, the use of guns, and so on and so 
forth. 

So it is not just a philosophical contention on the part of the Progressive Party 
that a revolution is necessary, but they have taken action in that area. 

Regarding police brutality or actually regarding the Harlem Defense Council 
of which I spoke earlier : in Challenge, the paper of the Progressive Labor Move- 
ment, issue of April 27, 1965, on the front page is a picture of the new head- 
quarters of the Harlem Defense Council where it says, "Youth Learn Self-De- 
fense." The picture shows the name of the "Harlem Defence Council" in the 
windows. It has a raised fist underneath the word, "Self Defence" 

The Chairman. Do I understand the words "self-defense" in that 
respect are used m the context of aggressive action if necessary? 

Mr. McNamara. That would be my interpretation based on this 
testimony, Mr. Chairman. [Continues reading :] 

and beside that it says, "KETSUGO DOJO H.D.C.," meaning Harlem De- 
fense Council. KETSUGO is a karate te'-m. DOJO means the place where karate 
is taught. So they are actively teaching karate now, and this picture here ad- 
vertises that fact. 

******* 
Challenge, the copy of which was passed out earlier referring to police terror 
in Harlem [issue of July 25, 1964], was certainly a key to the continuation of 
the riots in Harlem. The other thing that Progressive Labor did to keep the 
rioting going in Harlem was the issuance of a i)Oster. The poster was approxi- 
mately the same size as this newspaper printed by the Tri-Line Offset Com- 
pany. The "Wanted for Murder — Gilligan, the Cop" ix)ster, thousands of which 
were distributed throughout Harlem, was one of the keys used by really the 
mobs in the street. A picture in Life magazine following the Harlem riots showed 
a number of young rioters marching down the street carrying this poster of 
"Wanted for Murder" 

The Chairman. That is a remarkable parallel to the testimony of 
Detective Hart. 

Mr. McNamara. [Continues reading :] 

A real insight is given into the role of Progressive Labor in the Harlem riots 
in material published by Progressive Labor itself. In October of 1964 there 
was a meeting of the national coordinating committee of the Progressive Labor 
Movement, the minutes of which were published for exclusive use of the mem- 
bership in Pre-Convention Discussion Bulletin #2. These minutes were pub- 
lished under the title "The Black Liberation Struggle and the Right to Revolu- 
tion." In this Mr. William McAdoo, who was at that time a leader of the Harlem 



966 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Defense Ck)uncil and whose name appears on the "Wanted for Murder" poster, 
was speaking and he says in part, and I quote : 

"and I would like for that reason to talk about Harlem — the period from the 
18th of July to the 25th of July. In that period we made a lot of mistakes, and 
we did a lot of things that were correct. We gained a small victory and a big 
defeat. The main reason was because there was no concept of the relationship of 
forces there. We had the opportunity to bring multitudes of i)eople close to ust— 
not just in Harlem" 

The Chairman. Who is saying this ? 

Mr. McNamara. This is a statement by William McAdoo which ap- 
pears in an offioi al document. 

The Chairman. The identification was made by the previous wit- 
ness on a photograph ? 

Mr. McNamara. That is right. 

These words are from the official document of the Progressive Labor 
Party. [Continues reading :] 

"We had the opportunity to bring multitudes of people close to us — ^not just 
in Harlem, but in Bedford- Stuyvesant, Jamaica, etc. Had we had the program, 
and skill in organizing. We failed. The unity committee joined with the ruling 
class and opposed us — but there were people who wanted to line up with us — ^to 
come down and demonstrate with us. * * *" 

A little further on he says : "We didn't organize at that moment — and the idea 
of organizing at such movement" [this word, apparently, should be "moment"] 
"is alien to the left. They" — meaning the left — "accepted it as a riot, and not a 
rebellion. They helped strip it of any justification and dignity. We didn't get the 
support we needed and could have gotten even from the East Side Club. * * *" 

Now regarding this help from the East Side Club, at that time, it was proposed 
that during the Harlem riots the Progressive Labor Club on the East Side create 
demonstrations of violent nature in order to pull the police down from Harlem, 
have to cope with what was going on in the East Side. Alice Jerome, the mother 
of Fred Jerome and the leader of the East Side Club, goes on to say in this same 
Pre-Oonvention Discussion Bulletin, at the same meeting of the national coordi- 
nating committee, in regard to the demonstrations in the Lower East Side, the 
following : 

"There was a time when we could have gone along with and participated in and 
helped to stimulate a much more widespread uprising on the lower east side, as 
part of our expression of support and solidarity to what was going on in Harlem, 
and we didn't do it, and we very consciously didn't do it. We tried to evaluate 
our position in the community, as to who would go with us and who wouldn't, 
and we felt that the main support for the anti-police uprising that was imminant 
[sic] on 3rd street where we were having our street meetings were not the Puerto 
Rican people of that community — we knew the kids very well, who belonged to a 
couple of gangs on the east side, who came to our meeting with their stickballs 
bats and everything, really ready for action — we did not go ahead. We said to 
them, we're going to give as much support as possible to Harlem, but we're not 
going to make it a provocation. They went along with it. We can analyze 
this — did we just chicken out? Why didn't we go ahead with it — was it because 
we were just scared, because we weren't ready to give enough support to Harlem? 
Were we correct in feeling that we didn't have enough of the community with 
us, to really carry on something that would have been significant? We felt that 
we could not carry an action through with any kind of success or value, other 
than a blood bath." 

Mr. Smith. [Reads:] 

What does Progressive Labor do when it is confronted with a situation where 
it looks like they are going to have a peaceful rally on the street? 

Mr. MoNamara. [Reads:] 

It would vary. From the Lower East Side I have spoken at uteetings where 
police who were in the vicinity were constantly challenged to attempt to come 
over and try to break it up. I have spoken at meetings in the Lower East Side 
where people have been told to buy a shotgun and if the police attempt to enter 
their homes, to open fixe on the police. Certainly the demonstrations in Times 



SUBVERSIVE INFLTJENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 967 

Square show that when a peaceful demonstration can be turned into a violent 
demonstration which will give publicity to the Progressive Labor Party or to 
the May 2nd Movement, any means will be used to create that violence. 

Generally, however, at least at the moment, Progressive Labor is so tied up 
in legal cases, Bill Epton being under indictment for criminal anarchy and a 
number of people in New York being under indictment for criminal contempt, the 
meetings that they are holding now have calmed down considerably. 

Mr. Watson. I understand that this is the testimony of Phillip 
Luce, and perhaps it is inappropriate for me to interrupt here, but 
when you make reference to East Side Club, and so forth, or rather 
the witness did, is it your understanding that he is referring to youth 
groups, or is he referring to the East Side Club of the Progressive 
Labor Movement, or what ? 

Mr. MgNamara. He is referring, Mr. Watson, as other sections of his 
testimony make very clear, to the East Side Club of the Progressive 
Labor Party. It was another unit of the Progressive Labor Party. 

Mr. Watson. Thank you. 

Mr. Smith. [Reads:] 

Will you tell us very briefly what are the subsidiaries or affiliates of the 
Progressive Labor Movement? I am not talking about the clubs, and so forth, 
but the instruments. Can you name those and tell us what their purpose and 
function are? 

Mr. McNamara. [Eeads:] 

Yes, sir. The front groups of the Progressive Labor Party would include the 
May 2nd Movement, of which we spoke yesterday ; the Student Committee for 
Travel to Cuba, which was a group formed by Progressive Labor with the in- 
tent of sending those people to Cuba in violation of 1185(b) U.S.C. 22, I think, 
or 22 U.S.C. ; the Harlem Defense Councils, of which we spoke some yesterday, 
which are self-defense, so-called, groups formed in Harlem, and the most 
recent one is the Committee to End. Resistance — the Committee to Defend Re- 
sistance to Ghetto Life. 

Mr. Smith. [Reads:] 

You better do that again. 

Mr. MoNamara. [Reads :] 

Committee to Defend Resistance to Ghetto Life, which goes under the call 
letters CBRGE, C-E-R-G-E. 

Another outfit was formed on the West Coast for a while called COBRA, 
C-0-B-R-A, which was the Committee on Black Revolutionary Action. I do not 
believe that is still in existence, however. There are smaller groups such as the 
Integrated Workers Organization on the Lower East Side. 

I want to say also a Puerto Rican group was formed in Brooklyn, the name 
of which I don't know. 



Mr. Smith, [Reads:] 

How about the Tri-Line Offset Company? You mentioned that as publishing 
two of the papers. 

Mr. McNamara. [Reads:] 

Yes, sir. The Tri-Line Publishing Company is controlled by Progressive Labor 
and it was set up to do the printing for the organization. 

Mr. Smith. [Reads:] 

And the Mothers Defense Committee, is that connected with the PLM? 

88-083 O — 68— pt. 2 4 



968 SUBVERSIVE ESTFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Mr. McNamara. [Eeads:] 

Yes. 

Mr. Smith. [Reads:] 

In what fashion? 

Mr. McNamara. [Reads:] 

It is a less obvious front group than the rest of them. It was formed in an 
attempt to supposedly raise money for the defense of a group of six young men 
arrested in Harlem for the murder of a white storekeeper. However, the Mothers 
Defense Committee has raised little money and, instead, put up a strong propa- 
ganda barrage against the police tactics in Harlem. 



Mr. Smith. [Reads:] 

Mr. Luce, while on that subject, let me ask you a very practical question. Tell 
us whether or not the interest and efforts in connection with the Negroes of 
PLM, as you understood them and saw them first-hand, was actually to help the 
lot of the Negro people, or was it to use them as an instrumentality of the basic 
effort of the organization to overthrow this Government and start a new govern- 
ment and a new country? 

Mr. McNamara. [Reads:] 

Progressive Labor has done very little in any attempt to help any minority 
group. It was offered at one time within the Movement by some of the younger 
people that it would be a value if the Movement attempted to do such things as 
set up nursery schools in the Lower East Side, would attempt to show people 
how to paint their houses, and so on and so forth, a practical work program. 

This never came into operation, the major reason being that Progressive Labor 
is not interested in piecemeal type of work among the minority groups, but 
instead is interested in attempting to propagandize them to the point where they 
will attempt either self-defense against policemen on the block or will attempl 
to take some type of anarchistic action against the power structure. 

Progressive Labor, for all of its talk of the socialist good, has yet to produce 
one example of a practical attempt to help any minority group in the city of 
New York. Instead, it has constantly harangued — especially the black people in 
Harlem — to attempt to get them in a position where they will try a revolt or 
where, as in the case of the past summer when riots took place, to stretch them 
out, to continue them going for as long as possible. 

Mr. Smith. [Reads :] 

Would you tell us what was the influence of PLM on the Harlem riots of the 
summer of 1964? First, tell us when they occurred, and the movements of the 
PLM. 

Mr. McNamara. [Reads :] 

The Harlem riots occurred in July of 1964, and the influence of Progressive 
Labor on the riots was difficult, if not impossible, to directly and correctly assess. 
Progressive Lajbor certainly did not start the riots as some of the newspapei'S in 
New York have implied. This gives Progressive Labor much more credit than is 
due it. 

However, it was known in the Progressive Labor circles, as it was known 
throughout the city, that, as a matter of fact, prior to the riots, most anything 
could kick off a full-scale blood bath in Harlem the past summer and probably 
this summer, too. 

When a policeman named Gilligan shot a young 14-year-old boy, this was the 
key. While Progressive Lahor did not provide the key, it did everything possible 
to inflame the people in an attempt to get them to riot against the police. The day 
following, or 2 days following, the shooting of the young man by patrolman Gil- 
ligan, Bill Epton, the Harlem leader of Progressive Labor, gave a speech in Har- 
lem, which the police in New York City have recorded a portion of and which has 
been printed in the press in New York City, which was an extremely violent 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 969 

speech, informing the people that he knew the policemen were in the crowd, but 
that he wanted them to know that they might have to be killed and, as a matter 
of fact, I think he said, "Before this thing is over, we are going to have to kill 
some judges, too." 

It was an extremely violent speech which again helped to work the people up 
into a position where violence would certainly take place. 

The Chairman. That is the very speech to which Detective Hart re- 
ferred. Is that correct ? 

Mr. McNamara. That is correct, Mr. Chairman. [Continues read- 
ing:] 

Once this violence took place in Harlem, and once the people were on the streets 
again in a state of general anarchy, where there was no leadership at all being 
provided them, then Progressive Labor did everything possible to keep the riots 
going. They published the "Wanted for Murder — Gilligan, the Cop" poster which 
I showed you yesterday. They published the extremely inflammatory issue of 
Challenge called Police Terror. They called on Bill Epton to attempt to march 
in Harlem, a direct violation of police orders. 

They gave lessons in how to disrupt the police from moving down the street. 
Members of Progressive Labor at that point gave instructions on Molotov cock- 
tails and their use. Progressive Labor, through its front group, the Harlem De- 
fense Council, explained to its members how it was possible to throw bricks, 
garbage, and so forth, from the rooftops of buildings to injure police. 

While the riots cannot certainly be blamed on Progressive Labor, and it only 
inflates their position to contend that they were started by Progressive Labor, 
there is absolutely no doubt in my mind that, once the riots began. Bill Epton 
and the other members of Progressive Labor did everything possible to keep 
the riots going and, in keeping the riots going, to serve two purposes : One, to 
fight the police, to get people to give them direction in their battle against the 
police ; and, secondly, to attempt to place Bill Epton in a leadership position 
in the Harlem community, to tell the people of Harlem that Progressive Labor 
was the only organization willing to fight cops, and to attempt to get Progres- 
sive Labor in the leadership within the area. 

In this regard, I think an important thing to mention here is that the Harlem 
Defense Councils formed by Progressive Labor prior to the Harlem riots — and 
I say this on the word of Bill Epton, who spoke to me concerning it — were 
formed with specifically the idea of getting the i)eople, block by block in Harlem, 
to form self-defense groups based on Robert Williams' contention that if white 
policemen come into a black block and attempt to intimidate any of the people 
the people should be prepared to fight back with any means available. 

Bill Epton told me that at that point there was an attempt on the part of him- 
self and other members of Progressive Labor to use the various junkies in the 
various blocks, the narcotic addicts on the block, since they know the most people, 
so that the minute trouble happens, let's say four or five blocks away, a junkie 
might know it and he was in the position to go to all the people and to tell them 
to get the word spread as quickly as possible. 

I also know that there was no question that the oflSce machinery used in the 
Progressive Labor office in Harlem and some downtown, much of it was stolen 
machinery which was brought to Epton by, again, the local junkies in the neigh- 
borhood, typewriters, and so on and so forth. 

Epton used the machines up there and brought some downtown, also. 

Mr. Smith. [Reads:] 

I think you told us yesterday Epton was a member of the national executive 
board or committee. 

Mr. McNamara. [Reads:] 

Yes, sir ; he, at that time, was a member of the national. 

Mr. Smith. [Reads:] 

Of PLM. 



970 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Mr. McNamara.. [Keads:] 

Yes, the coordinating committee. Now, if I am not mistaken, he is one of the 
elected cochairmen of the Progressive Labor Party. 

******* 

Mr. Smith. [Reads:] 

Mr. Luce, would you tell us whether or not what you told us a moment ago 
was stated by Mr. Epton, whether that conforms to the beliefs of PLM and its 
teachings about police brutality and violence and liilling and the need for vio- 
lent revolution and its present desirability? 

Mr. McNamara. [Eeads:] 

I don't understand the question. 

Mr. Smith. [Reads:] 

You stated what Epton said a little while ago, including, as you said, killing 
judges and police. 

Mr. MgNamara. [Reads:] 

Yes. That was a very clear statement, I think, of the logical conclusions of 
"State and Revolution." 

Mr. Smith. [Reads :] 

In other words, he was not on an excursion of his own when he made that 
speech, he was speaking more or less for PLM, as you understood its doctrine. 

Mr. McNamara. [Reads :] 

Yes, sir. At that time, the comments I heard in Progressive Labor regarding 
the speech varied. On the one hand privately people were saying things like, 
"Wow, that is the way it should be," but publicly, people were then saying 
things such as, "He never said it," "We don't really believe in that." 

Certainly underlying all this was the contention in most members' minds of 
the Progressive Labor that this is what has to be done. 

******* 

Could I expand on that and give an example of what happened in Harlem, 
which was certainly on a much wider scale and what would happen at Times 
Square? 

First of all, the organization would set up such a group as the Harlem Defense 
Council with the specific idea of preparing the people in the neighborhood 
to go out and fight the police if the police "invaded their neighborhood." 

Secondly, practice would be given to various hard-core members of Progressive 
Labor : practice in karate in order that they could go up against the police ; 
practice in gun use, which was done on Long Island last summer to various 
members of the Harlem Progressive Labor Club prior to the riots ; practice 
in teaching some members of the Harlem Defense Councils and Progressive 
Labor Club in Harlem the use of Molotov cocktails. 

Then when it became evident that it became possible to create ttie scene 
in Harlem, Bill Epton gave a speech in Harlem which I mentioned earlier, 
and. I have in front of me now a portion of that speech which I think will 
clarify this expressly. I quote, and this is Mr. Epton speaking in Harlem — 

(Here he quotes a paragraph of the speech which has already been 
read into the record.) 

Continuing, Mr. Luce testified : [Mr. McNamara continues reading :] 

After a few speeches like this, you have got the people pretty riled up. Then 
when they go in the streets, the practice and the theory and the karate training 
and the use of guns and Molotov cocktails begins to pay off for Progressive 
Labor. 

******* 

the influence of the Progressive Movement among the workers has been almost 
nonexistent 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 971 

PL's biggest influence has been in tbe black community and in the anarchist 
student element. The only workers that the PL has reached are those workers 
in the PL who become workers and it is a fetish. PL really believes in the 
workers, but they can't reach them, and their whole concept is that they go 
along with Robert Williams to the degree that the black i)eople may lead the 
revolution because of the fact that it might be possible through the black 
ghettos such as Harlem, and so on and so forth, to create such tumult in this 
country, blowing up the subways and just making New York City an absolute 
armed camp, that while this was going on another group could possibly take 
power. 

Again, this is all very vague and not outlined at all. 

Mr. Smith. At this point the Chairman asked the following 
question : 

To your knowledge, did anyone in the Progressive Labor Movement have con- 
tact with the Canadian blonde and the two or three men from New York City 
who had plotted to blow up the Washington Monument and Liberty Bell, and so 
forth? 

Mr. McNamara. [Reads :] 

Some of us had seen the woman, but I don't think there was any extended 
relationship with the young men. One of them who went to Cuba this past sum- 
mer, Robert CoUier, had been to the Progressive Labor oflfice on occasion. I had 
spoken with him, and he had been to Harlem and talked with Bill Epton; he 
was not a member, however, of Progressive Labor. 

The other two were not members of Progressive Labor. As a matter of fact, 
I only knew Bowe [Walter Bowe] through an outside source, and the other fellow 
I never heard of, so there was very little contact with them in Progressive Labor. 

This is the strangest thing. This is one of the reasons I think that Progressive 
Labor is somewhat of an indication of what has been happening. For the first 
time in many years in this country, we are suddenly faced with a myriad of 
groups springing up — RAM, Black Liberation Front, Progressive Labor, Youth 
Against War and Fascism, May 2nd group, and so on and so forth — all of these 
groups are suddenly springing up, some of which have connections with, let's 
say, the international Communist movement, but others of which are based on 
a misunderstanding or a rapid reading of Leninism and which have very few 
international contacts, if any. 

It is a new thing insofar as they are not easily identifiable in the old references 
of Communist or within the reference of the Internal Security Act. 

Mr. Smith. The following will be the testimony of Miss Warden, 
Judith Anne Warden. 

The Chairman. Before you go into that, may I ask a question? 

Mr. McNamara, you noticed my question to Detective Hart as to the 
reason, within his opinion or knowledge, for the change of the name 
from the Progressive Labor Movement to Progressive Labor Party 
and whether the latter had more political connotations than formerly. 

Do you have any comment? Could you elaborate on that? 

Mr. McNamara. Only, Mr. Chairman, it would be my estimate that 
your thinking on the subject, confirmed by Mr. Hart, would be ac- 
curate, that these Communist groups usually do like to put forth candi- 
dates for public office whenever they can. 

For this reason, the name "Party" is more appropriate and more 
acceptable to the public than a word like "Movement." 

Mr. Watson. Mr. Chairman? 

The Chairman. Mr. Watson. 

Mr. Watson. I think the record should show at this time the dates 
of membership of Phillip Luce in the Progressive Labor Movement. 

Do you have that information? 

Mr. McNamara. The counsel read that into the record. 

Mr. Luce, I believe, was July 1&64 to January 1965. 



972 SUBVERSIVE mELUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Miss Warden, I know she left about the same time, January 1965. 
I believe she was in the [Progressive Labor] Movement a few months 
before Mr. Luce, if I recall correctly. 

Mr. Watson. The testimony of the earlier witness identified, as I 
recall, one Judith Warden. 

Mr. McNamara. It is her testimony [of June 8, 1965] that is about 
to be read now, Mr. Watson. 

Mr. Watson. That is right. I do not recall the earlier witness men- 
tioning the name of Phillip Luce. 

Does counsel recall whether or not he was mentioned ? 

Mr. McNamara. His activity, Mr. Watson, was primarily in the 
Harlem Club of Progressive Labor. For that reason he did not have 
contact with Mr. Luce. 

Mr. Tuck. As I recall him, Mr. Luce broke with the Progressive 
Labor Movement some years ago, and shortly thereafter came before 
this committee and made a very elaborate statement. Is that correct? 

Mr. McNamara. That is correct, Mr. Tuck. He broke in January 
1965. He has testified three or four times in executive session before the 
committee, and then also publicly last year in the hearings on the Pool 
bill. 

Mr. Tuck. He is the same individual who testified as a very hostile 
witness in the Cuban hearings that we held in 1963, I believe it was. 

Mr. McNamara. That is correct, Mr. Tuck. He was one of the orga- 
nizers of one of those student trips to Cuba. 

Mr. Watson. At that time, when he organized that trip, apparently 
he was not a member of the Progressive Labor Movement. 

Mr. McNamara. He had not yet joined the organization. He oper- 
ated on the fringes of it, more or less, for some time before formally 
going in. 

Mr. Watson. He was the same party that wrote the book Road to 
Revohition^ as I recall the name. 

Mr. McNamara. That is correct. 

The Chairman. Now proceed with the testimony of Judith Warden. 

Mr. Smith. [Keads:] 

Miss Warden, now we are getting around to you where we were before — 
about your efforts in the publication of the weekly Challenge. 

Mr. McNamara. [Beads:] 

Yes, sir. 

Mr. Smith. [Eeads:] 

That is the weekly of the Progressive Labor Movement, is that right? 

Mr. McNamara. [Reads:] 

Yes. 

Mr. Smith. [Reads:] 

When did you first get connected with that, and tell us what you can about it 
and then get into the role that it played in respect to fomenting resistance to 
authority of whatever kind and the invocation of force, confrontation, and police 
brutality. 

Mr. McNamara. [Reads:] 

The first issue of Challenge was published on June 11, 1964. I got involved in 
it near the middle of May 1964, at which time I was introduced to Fred Jerome, 
who was supposed to be, and was, the editor of Challenge. He asked me if I 



STJBVERSn^E rNTFLUENCES EST RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 973 

wanted to work on it on a part-time basis. I at that time had not joined Pro- 
gressive Labor Movement, but I had newspaper experience. 



So I said that I would help them out with it. It turned out that although they 
had assembled a staff, none of the people on the original staff had had any 
newspaper experience. Mr. Jerome and I put out the first several issues of 
Challenge together, and he asked me to become a full-time paid member of the 
staff, which I did. 

At the first meeting I attended concerning Challenge, Mr. Jerome said that 
the national coordinating committee of Progressive Labor felt that there was a 
great need for a newspaper in New York City that would emphasize the issue of 
police brutality, publicize it, expose it. This has been the main theme in Challenge 
from its inception up to the present. I think, to give you an idea of what 
Challenge is like, it might be possible for me to read some of the main headlines 
in it. This will also give you an idea of some of the issues covered in Challenge. 

The first issue, the headline was "Police War on Harlem" in big red type. The 
bottom half of the newspaper had a blown-up head shot of a Negro with a patch 
over his eye, and according to the newspaper, this man had had his eye gouged 
out by a policeman's billy club several weeks before. 

Mr. Smith. [Reads:] 

Do you know whether or not he had had his eye gouged out? 

Mr. MoNamara. [Reads:] 

I never met the man ; I can't say for sure. There seemed to be enough evidence 
though from non-PL people that the man had had his eye gouged out. However, 
the story in Challenge said that he was beaten in the police station while his eye 
was hanging out of the socket. He was not taken to the hospital, I believe, until 
18 hours after the eye had been damaged. I don't know whether this part of it 
is true or not. Now it seems incredible, but at that time it seemed quite credible. 
Here is a small picture of it. 

The second issue, published on June 20, said, "While City Hall Sleeps : Rats 
Menace Tenants," and at the bottom it has another headline saying, "Harlem 
Fights Police BrutaJity." 

On June 27 Challenge has a headline "Harlem Teenagers Beaten in Prison, 
Mothers Lead Rally to Save Sons." A subhead on the front page also says, "New 
Eviction Racket." 

The fourth issue, published on July 4, says, "Big Week for Murphy's Mob, 
Cops Trigger Two More Murders," Murphy being the police commissioner in 
New York. 

Mr. Smith. [Reads:] 

What is that on the back of No. 4? 

Mr. McNamara. [Reads :] 

Yes, I forgot to mention this. Challenge is published in English and Spanish. 
Most of the Spanish articles are translations from the English. Page 8 and page 7 
are in Spanish, 

The sixth issue, published on July 18, bears the headline "New Slumlord is 
City Hall"— "Third St. Organizes for Self Defense" — "Shakespeare Gets Work- 
ers' Welcome." The top headline is "Murphy's Cops Murder Again." 

This is the general tone of it. 

The issue that did the most work on the police brutality was one that was 
published during the Harlem riots. There were 10,000 of these that were run 
off as a special 12-page issue of Challenge. Ten thousand of these, or very close 
to ten thousand, did get out in circulation. The headline is "Demonstrate Sat- 
urday, July 25th, to Protest POLICE TERROR." On the front page it has a big 
picture showing a cop with a billy club beating over a Negro man's head; the 
Negro man is lying on the ground. The subtitle on the front page picture is 
"Harlem Fights Back." 



974 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES EST RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Mr. Smith. [Keads :] 

The photographer there, was he someone who was taking pictures particularly 
for Challenffe, or was he just a news photographer from whom you got the 
picture? 

Mr. MoNamara. [Reads:] 

No, he was employed by Challenge. 

Mr. Smith. [Reads :] 

What is his name, Velasquez ? 

Mr. McNamara. [Reads :] 

His name in Challenge is Velasquez. 

Mr. Smith. [Reads :] 

Where did you find him? 

Mr. McNamara. [Reads:] 

He was the son of the cartoonist who for some years, 3 or 4 years, has done 
cartoon work for the Progressive Labor magazine and did cartoons for Challenge. 
His name is Korf . 

There are several sections in the lead editorial in this issue which are in- 
teresting, to give you a notion of what Challenge wants and what it is urging : 

"Fifteen-year-old James Powell was not the first, nor the last to be gunned 
down in cold blood by New York's killer-cops. He was, perhaps, the most obvious 
case of police murder. 

"The rebellion sparked by his murder will not end soon — in fact, indications 
are that it is spreading throughout the City. The vision of half a million — or a 
million — angry black men and wom^n, supported by allies in the Puerto Rican 
and other working class communities, standing up to their oppressors, is haunting 
the ruling class. People have already begun to speak of 'guerrilla warfare' and 
'revolutionaries' ." 

The last section of this editorial reads : 

"It's not easy to fight bullets. But it's not impossible either. We should have 
learned a few things from the events of the past weeks : 

"We can see more clearly who the phonies are. 

"We can see that the whole power structure trembles when the people stand up 
and fight back. 

"We can see that we can't win this war for freedom in one day or one night 
or one week. It takes careful planning, and it takes organization. 

"What scares them most is the thought that the people of Harlem are orga- 
nizing an army for their own defense. And that is just what must be done ! 

"Anybody can stand on a corner and talk. But it was real blood — not words — 
that came out of James Powell when that 'butcher in blue' shot him dead. TODAY 
is the time to act — to organize." 

Then it urges people to "JOIN the Harlem Defense Council." It says : "ORGA- 
NIZE your block. 

"SUPPORT the march and demonstration Saturday, July 25 * * *." 

The last paragraph reads : "Let no one plead for 'peace' while our chil- 
dren are being murdered in the streets. This is not the hour to 'stay home' 
from the freedom fight." 

Mr. Smith. [Reads :] 

Who wrote that? 

Mr. McNamara. [Reads :] 

This is not a signed editorial. The majority of editorials, in fact all of the 
editorials practically up until the time Fred Jerome left Challenge, were written 
by Fred Jerome. 

The Chairman. Do we have any identification of Fred Jerome? 

Mr. McNamara. Fred Jerome, Mr. Chairman, is the son of Victor 
Jeremy Jerome, who for many years was often described as one of 
the cultural commissars of the Communist Party. He is generally 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 975 

credited with playing a major role, if not the major role, in planning 
and masterminding the Communist infiltration of the moving picture 
industry 15, or rather 20 or 25, years ago. 

The Chairman. Yes. I recall him now. 

Mr. McNamara. Apparently there has been a split in the family. 
Jerome died a few years ago, that is, V. J. Jerome. Testimony received 
before this committee indicates that his son, Fred, and Alice Jerome, 
his wife, switched over from the CP to the Progressive Labor Party 
even before he died. 

Continuing Miss Warden's testimony : 

The center fold of this issue of Challenge has four pages of horror pictures, 
as it were. All of these pictures show policemen brutalizing Negroes, has com- 
parisons between the Harlem riots and. the Warsaw ghettos. 

Mr. Smith. [Reads :] 

Did you ever talk to this photographer about the taking of his pictures? 

Mr. McNamara. [Reads :] 

Yes. 

Mr. Smith. [Reads :] 

Did he receive any instructions as to just what he should try to get, and 
was the application of his pictures to the purposes of Challenge discussed with 
him? 

Mr. McNamara. [Reads :] 

I don't remember any particular occasion when he was urged to take pictures 
showing the most offensive acts of "police brutality," however, it was certainly 
his understanding that this was the case ; this is what he was supposed to do. 
In various circumstances when he was asked to take a picture of a certain thing, 
he was told exactly what we wanted. This is standard procedure. 

Mr. Smith. [Reads :] 

Now have you given us a general idea of the function of Challenge in respect 
to the Progressive Labor Movement? 

Mr. McNamara. [Reads :] 

Let me mention some of the things that Challenge deals with besides "police 
brutality." It deals with tenant-landlord conflicts, particularly in the Puerto 
Rican or Negro ghettos in New York City. It is always talking about having 
to get rid of the two-legged rats and the four-legged rats. 

Mr. Smith. [Reads :] 

What are the two-legged rats ? 

Mr. McNamara. [Reads :] 

This refers to i>eople like Mayor Wagner, Police CJommissioner Murphy, 
Screvane [Paul Screvane, president of the NYC Council]. 

Another big area of stress in Challenge is the area of labor. The Progressive 
Labor Party takes a fairly radical stand on unions in this country. It says 
unions are not any good, they are not doing anything for the working class, 
they are all sell-out unions to the imperialist of the working class. In that 
context it has written a number of articles against the ILA, the ILGWU, 
and Dubinsky. It has also done a lot of work on the situation of the railroads 
in New York City. 

Mr. Smith. [Reads:] 

Now do you feel that we have got a fair picture of Challenge's function? 

Mr. McNamara. [Reads :] 

There are two more things that it covers. 



976 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Mr. Smith. [Reads:] 

All right. 

Mr. McNamara. [Reads :] 

One of them is that Challenge lately has given a great deal of space to the 
various legal entanglements of the Progressive Labor Party, and these are nu- 
merous. The other thing is that it carries every week a column of foreign nevps 
covering the national liberation movements and news from socialist countries. 
This material comes mostly from Hsin Hua, which is the New China News 
Agency. 

Challenge is printed by the Tri-Line Offset Company. Fred Jerome, who is on 
the national coordinating committee of Progressive Labor, was up until recently 
the editor of Challenge; Walter Linder is now the editor of Challenge. Walter 
Linder is also the head of the Unemployed Railroad Workers Council. 

Selma Sparks is the feature editor of Challenge. Mark Shapiro is one of the 
reporters. Alejandro Figueroa is the reporter for the Puerto Rican community. 
He was very active at one time with Albizu Campos, and I do not know whether 
this is true or not, but he told me he was the guard for Albizu Campos at one 
point. 

Mr. Chairman, I might interject that Albizu Campos, who died a 
few years ago, was the leader of the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party, 
which is the organization that tried to assassinate President Truman 
a number of years back and also shot up the House of Representatives 
and injured a number of its Members. [Continues reading:] 

Elsa Martinez is also on Challenge, covering Puerto Rican affairs. She is a 
member of the Lower East Side Club of Progressive Labor. Roger Taus at the 
time that I was working on Challenge was also working on Challenge. He has 
been transferred over to the editorship of the Free Student. 

Challenge is sold primarily on a neighborhood basis. That means that the 
people in the neighborhood clubs of the Progressive Labor Movement get out on 
the street corner, walk up and down the street, and sell Challenge. They also will 
go door to door in the apartment buildings and sell it. There are about 100 to 
120 that are sold every week on newsstands. Challenge is also sold every week 
in the garment center. I think its circulation is about 2,200 to 2,500 now. A great 
deal of its circulation comes from subscribers. 

The Progressive Labor Party has another newspaper similar to Challenge on 
the West Coast and the name of that is Spark. I do not know that much of the 
details of its circulation or how it is printed or anything. 

******* 

Mr. Smith. [Reads:] 

Were there also neighborhood clubs? That is what you named first, neighbor- 
hoods, which I called geographical locations. What are the functions of the 
clubs generally and in particular the college clubs and neighborhood ones ; 
how do they fit into this? 

Mr. McNamara. [Reads :] 

The neighborhood clubs are basically in charge of such things as selling Chal- 
lenge, selling the Progressive Labor magazine. Many of them devote a lot of their 
time to organizing rent strike activities within the neighborhood, trying to inter- 
fere with tenant-landlord problems. The members are also sni)posed to keep their 
eyes and ears open to see what is going on in the neighborhood and then report 
these stories to Challenge. 

Mr. Smith. [Reads:] 

In that regard what are their instructions, who do they look for, what is the 
purpose of the membership and the club? 

Mr. McNamara. [Reads:] 

Of course the key things to look for in terms of Challenge are any incidents 
of "police brutality" that they might come across, any tenant-landlord problem 
that could turn into a real crisis situation within the neighborhood. Let me give 
you an example of that. On the Lower East Side on East Third Street there is 
a landlord who has been involved over the past couple of years in various con- 



SUBVERSIVE rNTFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 977 

flicts with some of the Puerto Rican people in the neighborhood. Last summer 
just before the Harlem riots there was an incident wherein he apparently prac- 
tically beat to death this Puerto Rican man who lived on the block. 

Challenge picked up this story and of course made it into a big crisis. Also the 
neighborhood club down there got involved in the situation and started having 
street meetings and giving fairly incendiary-type speeches about this man. There 
was a picket line one Saturday night on East Third Street right across the street 
from the building which he owned, at which there were about 25 or 30 young 
people in the Progressive Labor Movement who were picketing. Unfortunately the 
Progressive Labor Movement was not able to draw in any of the neighborhood 
people on that picket line, it was just the Progressive Labor people picketing; 
no Puerto Ricans, no Negroes in the neighborhood picketing. 

This was going on for about 2 or 3 days and was an extremely tense situation 
in the neighborhood, a great deal of very strong feeling on the part of Puerto 
Rican people down there against this landlord. The Integrated Workers Club, 
which is the official name of the Lower East Side Club, took advantage of this 
and did quite a bit to inflame these feelings. They passed out leaflets and, as I 
said, had these street meetings. All this culminated in his building being burned 
down ; the first floor of the building was completely burned out. 

Mr. Smith. The following is the testimony of Judith Warden on 
June 9. 

Miss Warden makes an opening statement. 
Mr. McNamara. [Reads :] 

I would like to make a comment on that question of Harlem Defense Councils. 
It is stated in Challenge the purpose of the Harlem Defense Councils. There is 
another brief quote I would like to give you concerning the role of the neighbor- 
hood clubs in such things as rent strikes, what they hope to do. 

Mr. Smith. [Reads :] 

Could you characterize it? We have only got about 10 minutes. We want to 
cover many things. Is it possible to summarize it and characterize what was said 
there, giving us the reference? 

Mr. McNamaba. [Reads:] 

Let me just skip the one on the Harlem Defense Councils then and give you 
the one on the tenants question. 

Mr. Smith. [Reads :] 

Give us the document and page and date. 

Mr. McNamara. [Reads :] 

This is page 5 of Challenge, volume 1, No. 3 [June 27, 1964] : 

"The idea is to form a tenants' committee in every building, and then to unite 
these committees with their own elected representatives into a neighborhood 
council. This council could then carry on neighborhood-wide rent strikes, hold 
demonstrations, run candidates, or even block the streets, to get the tenants' 
rights." 

Then on the block committees, one of the purposes is when a jroliceman arrests 
a citizen, the people on the block are then supposed to come out and rescue that 
citizen from the police officers. In this quoted Challenge [page 3], it says, "The 
possibility of self-defense in such cases" — of violence for the purpose of self- 
defense — "is not excluded." 

It is interesting to note, I think, that within the last 2 weeks there have been 
three incidents in the Bronx wherein people on the block have taken, through 
violence, a prisoner away from police officers. 

So although PL may not have done this or led the people in doing this, they 
have spread the idea around so that it is catching. 

Mr. Smfph. Mr. Chairman, that concludes Mr. McNamara's presen- 
tation. 

Mr. Tuck. Mr. McNamara, do you have any information of your 
own as to whether or not any of these pictures were rigged, or were 
they true pictures ? 



978 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Mr. MoNamara. It is my understanding from talking with Mr. 
Luce and Miss Warden in the past, and with other people who have 
been in similar movements, that what they try to do is alwa.^s, of course, 
to avoid photographing the provocative action, the brutality, the force 
that a citizen will use against a policeman, but then to get the justified 
reaction in most cases of the policeman who is trying to carry out his 
assigned duty and place a person under arrest. 

Mr. Tuck. The effect of that is a rigged picture, because it does not 
present the full facts ? 

Mr. McNamara. That is true. It is true the thing actually happened, 
but it is carefully staged to create a misleading impression. 

Mr. Watson. In that connection, Mr. McNamara, without impugn- 
ing anyone or any publication, they get a lot of help in advertising the 
reaction of the police, rather than provocation on the part of the citi- 
zen, from legitimate publications. 

I recall one magazine. I never saw such inflammatory pictures in all 
my life as the pictures I saw in that magazine. The chairman has seen 
them, where a young Negro boy is shot down, and the blood is flowing 
on the street, the policeman carrying a billy club, and what-have-you. 

So I think they are getting a lot of encouragement from legitimate 
sources, rather than their fabricated sources. 

May I ask one question ? 

The Chairman. Go ahead. 

Mr. Watson. You referred to Roger Taus, at least the testimony re- 
ferred to Roger Taus, as leaving the staff of Challenge and now being 
the editor of the Free Student. Are you knowledgeable, Mr. McNa- 
mara, as to who publishes that and the extent of its publication? 

Mr. MoNamara. Free Student was the official publication of the May 
2nd Movement. It is now out of existence. That organization, the May 
2nd Movement, is defunct as well. 

Mr. Taus, as I recall, edited Free Student while it was being pub- 
lished. It is no longer published. 

The Chairman. The committee will stand in recess until 2 :80. 

(Whereupon, at 12 :10 p.m., Tuesday, October 31, 1967, the committee 
recessed, to reconvene at 2 :30 p.m., the same day.) 

AFTERNOON SESSION— TUESDAY, OCTOBER 31, 1967 

(The subcommittee reconvened at 2 :30 p.m., Hon. Edwin E. Willis, 
chairman, presiding.) 

(Subcommittee members present : Representatives Willis, Ashbrook, 
and Watson.) 

The Chairman. Our first witness this afternoon will be Mr. Herbert 
Romerstein. 

Please raise your right hand, Mr. Romerstein. Do you solemnly 
swear the testimony you give before this committee will be the truth, 
the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God ? 

Mr. Romerstein. I do. 

The Chairman. Proceed. 

TESTIMONY OF HERBERT ROMERSTEIN 

Mr. Smith. Ple^ise state your name. 
Mr. Romerstein. Herbert Romerstein. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 979 

Mr. Smith. Where are you employed ? 

Mr. RoMEKSTEiN. I am an investigator for the House Committee 
on Un-American Activities. 

Mr. Smith, How long have you been working in this field? 

Mr. RoMERSTEiN. I liave been working in the general field since 
1950, but I have been with this committee for about 21^ years. 

Mr. Smith. Have you conducted a background investigation into 
the events leading up to the Harlem riot of 1964 and subsequent 
activities ? 

Mr. RoMERSTEiN. Yes, sir, I have. 

Mr. Smith, Has racial and antipolice agitation taken place for 
many years in New York ? 

Mr. Romerstein. Yes, sir; and much of this agitation has been de- 
veloped by the various organizations within the Communist peri- 
phery — the Communist Party itself, as well as other organizations 
affiliated with the Communist Party and, subsequently, organizations 
of the Red Chinese-oriented Communists, such as the Progressive 
Labor Party and organizations affiliated with it. 

Mr. Smith. Can you describe some of the agitation that took place 
immediately after the shooting of James Powell on July 16, 1964, 
which helped stir up the community ? 

Mr. Romerstein. Well, sir, might I go back a little bit and describe 
some of the climate of opinion that had been created over a period of 
time, over a period of years, that helped set the stage for the 1964 
events. The Communist Party, U.S.A., for many, many years has had 
an interest in gaining recruits in the Negro community. This commit- 
tee issued a report a number of years ago concerning this and pointed 
out that the Communist Party was extremely unsuccessful in its at- 
tempts to penetrate the Negro community. 

The Chairman, May I say that I am proud to say as chairman of 
this committee that it is a compliment to the colored race that they 
have been able to resist and not fall for all this effort to infiltrate and 
to entice them into the line of the Communists, It is wonderful that so 
few have fallen for that. Of course, in the white race you have some 
bad apples in the barrel, too. 

I would say that one, Stokely Carmichael, in my opinion, is just a 
troublemaking militant Communist, He says what he wants in America 
is Castro-type communism and he would like to have actual guerrilla 
warfare, revolutionary warfare. He is completely no good. But I com- 
pliment the colored race for resisting the effort to agitate and infiltrate. 

(At this point Mr. Tuck entered the hearing room.) 

Mr. Romerstein. Well, sir, in watching the attempts of the Com- 
munists over the years to gain recruits amon^ Negroes, it was inter- 
esting to see that they always stressed winning the Negro working 
class. They have never made any kind of inroads among Negro 
workers. The few Negroes they got over a period of time, over the 
years, have often been Negro intellectuals and college students, and 
very few of those, and then they never held them very long. Only a 
tiny handful of Negroes remain in the Communist Party once they 
get in. But we have suddenly seen a new approach by the Communists. 
Rather than attempting to win over Negro workers whom they have 
been unsuccessful with, there is now an attempt to win over another 
segment of the Negro population, a segment which exists in every 
population, the juvenile delinquent and semicriminal element. These 



980 SUBVERSIVE INELTTENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

people are not workers because they will not work. They live in the 
community in a different way. 

As I said, this type of element exists in every society, and the Com- 
munists have found it possible to utilize these people in the riots that 
the Communists would like to have develop. 

As the counsel pointed out this morning, of approximately 400,000 
people living in the Harlem area, only about 1 percent were partici- 
pants at all in the riot. That is, despite the opportunities available for 
looting and burning and anything else that anybody wanted to do, be- 
cause police could not cope with everything at once. 

The Chairman. And that 1 percent is of the type you just described ? 

Mr. RoMERSTEiN. Yes, sir. Many of those arrested were juvenile 
delinquents or people with criminal records who took advantage of 
the opportunity to attack the police or loot. But the bulk of the Negro 
people weren't at all involved in this and were apart from it. 

But even to reach this element of the community it was necessary for 
a propaganda campaign to be conducted over the years. Since the 
obvious enemy of the semicriminal or the juvenile delinquent is a 
policeman, the policeman became the target of most of the agitation 
that was conducted. The policeman was the visible representative of 
the white power structure, but he was also the man who actually made 
the arrest when the criminal action took place. 

This is an earlier document, this goes back to 1948 when Benjamin 
J. Davis, an official of the Communist Party, was a member of the 
city council of New York, an elected representative. At that time he 
took advantage of his position in the city council to issue this booklet 
entitled "Lynching Northern Style, POLICE BRUTALITY," giving 
alleged cases of police brutality against persons who had been arrested 
for various crimes. 

(Document marked "Romerstein Exhibit No. 1" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. RoMERSTEiN. Taking it up to a more recent date : in 1963, within 
a period of 6 or 7 months before the Harlem riot, two Puerto Ricans 
who had been arrested by the police in Harlem were shot as a result of 
attempting to disarm the police officers in the police car. The Progi'es- 
sive Labor Party put out a leaflet in which they said this : 

Police brutality in New York's Negro and Puerto Riean neighborhoods is a 
day by day, night by night, hour by hour, fact of life. This brutality is no accident. 
It is systematic brutality, organized at police headquarters and sanctioned by 
Wagner the "liberal," the "reformer," the "friend of the people." * * * 

It goes on later : 

Police terror is a system — not an accident 

Wagner's cops — who are also Rockefellers and Kennedy's cops — are engaged 
in a systematic, organized attempt to intimidate New York's Negro and Puerto 
Rican workers. Wagner fears the Negro and Puerto Riean people's struggle 
because their struggle threatens him and the landlords, the business interests, the 
big money that he represents. 

This refers to Mayor Robert Wagner, Governor Rockefeller, and 
President John F. Kennedy. 

Within this one leaflet is the basic concept, the police are deliberately 
brutal. They want to hurt people and they are tlie representative of 
the white structure. When you hit that blue uniform you are hitting 
the entire Government of the United States. It doesn't matter what 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 981 

sort of government it is ; whether it is liberal, conservative, or what, 
whether it is Mayor Wagner, Governor Kockefeller, or President 
John F. Kennedy ; these are all the enemy and the policeman was the 
visible example of that. 

(Document marked "Romerstein Exhibit No. 2" appears on p. 982.) 
Mr. Romerstein. In connection with the same shooting of these two 
people, a group called the East Harlem Tenants Council headed by 
Ted Velez, who has been involved in many of these demonstrations, 
issued leaflets and statements saying basically the same thing — ^that the 
police are deliberately murdering Puerto Rican people and that demon- 
strations should be conducted against the police department. 

The Progressive Labor Party magazine, which also bears the name 
Progressive Labor ^ in its issue of March 1964, had a headline to an 
article written by Fred Jerome, who was identified this morning at 
the hearing, entitled "Cops Kill Again in Harlem.]' This refers to a 
Puerto Rican who had been shot by the police while carrying out a 
criminal act. 

The Communists in this way attempt to identify themselves as the 
defenders of the petty criminal who gets in trouble with the police 
and try to create a climate of opinion that says that the police are 
the enemies of society and the petty criminal is the friend of society, 
or part of society. 

When the newspaper Challenge was published in June of 1964, 
before the riot, the first headline that they printed, and they printed 
it in red, was "POLICE WAR ON HARLEM," trying to create an 
impression that the fight was not between the police and the criminals 
but between the police and the ordinary citizens of Harlem. 

As we pointed out before, they were not successful in winning over 
the ordinary citizens of Harlem,'but they were able to inflame a certain 
segment of the population that was prepared to engage in antipolice 
activity. 

Once again, on July 4, 1964, within a few weeks before the riots, 
"COPS TRIGGER TWO MORE ^lURDERS." Again on July 11, 
"COPS BEAT PICKETS IN THIRD ST. 'WAR.'" 

The cops are always wrong. The cops are always picking on in- 
nocent people, according to the Communists, and they attempt to 
infiltrate the society against the police. 

Might I suggest, sir, that perhaps these particular issues of Chal- 
lenge might be further examined. They are rather classic examples 
of this type of propaganda. 

Mr. Watson. Mr. Chairman, may we ask the witness at this point, 
earlier I believe someone stated that they probably had a subscription 
of around 2,000 or 2^500 to Challenge^ whatever this thing is. I be- 
lieve it was the testimony given by Mr. McNamara. Do you know 
how many they actually print and circulate? I assume that the sub- 
scription list would include primarily the paying subscribers. Do you 
know how many of these they actually circulate ? 

Mr. Romerstein. No, sir. I think the indication was that that was 
the actual print order, 2,500 to 3,000, except in the one big issue, which 
is this one of July 25, 1964, where 10,000 were printed. When they 
say subscriptions, many of them are given out free on the streets or 
sold on the streets in an attempt to disseminate them. Of course, it was 



982 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

ROMERSTEIN EXHIBIT No. 2 

' ; • ■ 'y '. ■•, .'.■■-.• 

On Friday night, Novonbor tho Wth^ Viotar RoAri^ups, 26, wad Maximlno 
Soloro, 34, vroro killed •• by How lork PoUop Patrplsan Arlie Bdjmindoon, 
in tho back Boat of hln patrol oar, bolow tho OTOfpaae at 96tb Street 
and Rivorsido Drivo, Bdmtmdson and hi •• partner, Rondald Ullson, naturally, ■ 
wore tho only "wltnosaoB*" Tha polioo fairy t^lo that ono of tho young 
Puorto Ricans pullod a gun doos not explain why it ima* aa tho polioo 
olaim, "unfortunato but nooossary" for Bdmundaon to puoqp two aluga into 
BOTH tho men he klllod. 

-' Police brutality in Now York' a Nogro and Puerto Rloan nolghborhoods la a 

} day by day, night by night, hour by hour, faot of Ufa* Thla brutality 

is no accident. It la systomatio brutality, organliod at Polioo hoad- 
f quarters and sanotlonod by Ttignor tho "liberal," tho ■roforaor,* the 
' "friond of the pooplo," ' Lot any one v.-ho doubte thla aak irtiy Hbgnor'o 
oops charge horaoa Into olvll rights domonstratora but not into demon- 
strations of John Blrohora or oountor-revolutionary Cubanaj why oops 
walk two abreast in Harlom and in the Bast Side and In the Waat Sldoj 
vk-hy tho oops fool froo to stop any Negro or Puorto Rloan oitison at 
any plaoo, at any hour, for any reason. 

The answer is oloar boyond dispute i Tho double nurdor of Viotor Rodriguez ■ 
and Maximino Soloro is the result of a oanqpaign of police torror dosignod 
to keop Nogro and Pv^orto Rloan workera from fighting against tho corrupt 
political and social forcos that exploit them In garment awoatshope, and 
back breaking manual labor, that force them to live in rat infested, roach 
\, riddon tenements, and at tha same time, want thorn to aooept these oonditions 
\)l '' '~"-4q si 1 once. 

V&.gnor»s oops - who aro also Rookofollors and Konnody'e cops - are ongagorf 
in a systematic, organized attempt to intiiaidato How York's Nogro and Puerto 
Rloan v/orkcrs. Vifegnor foare tho Negro and Puorto Rloan people's strugglo 
bccauso their struggle threatona him and tho landlords, tho businesa intorcats, 
tho big money that he rcprosonta* 



I \ 



' c Dr r .■ nd : 

1. THE DISTRICT ATTORNEY INDICT EDMUNE60N FOB MURDER and let his guilt or 
Innocence be decided by a Jury. If Justice la not obtained in this case, 
the Puerto Ricans will be left with no protection In this city. Where 
will tney find a police force to defend them from the cops? 

2. A FULL I!JV«STICSATION OF POLICE BRUTALITY and police exceasea by a 
coiimlttee of Negro and Puerto Rican workers IN PUBLIC. 

Issued by: Viest Side Progressive Labor Club, 68 W. 106 St. 



SUBVERSIVE mTLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 983 

not merely the issues of the pap)er, but the leajflets as well, which dis- 
seminated the same line. This issue came out during the riots. This 
actually was distributed during the riots and contains the first riot 
pictures that were taken at that time. 

It contains the specific picture that was described in the testimony 
of Miss Warden. The policeman appears to be attacking the man on 
the ground. But the policeman is not swinging his club at the man on 
the ground. The policeman was running and a man tripped and fell 
in front of him. The policeman attempted to stop himself from falling 
on the man and simply swung around. The picture indicated, or it 
looked like the policeman was swinging his club at the man when he was 
not doing any such thing. He was trymg to keep himself from falling. 
The policeman's club is past the man himself and he could not be 
swinging at the man on the ground. But the impression given by 
Progressive Labor is that this is an example of a policeman deliber- 
ately clubbing a man who is lying on the ground. 

There have been instances in the past of pictures taken by newsreel 
cameramen and then cropped to give a totally different impression, 
taking one frame out of a newsreel shot and giving a completely dif- 
ferent picture of the situation than would actually be the case. 

Mr. Watson. In just casually glancing at one of these publications, 
Saturday, July 4, 1964, they even point out in comparing capitalism 
and socialism, the author of this says, under "Capitalism": "Every- 
body hates a cop." Under "Socialism" : "Policemen will carry no guns." 
They will be friends of the people. 

I assume that that is generally the line they carry forward to ad- 
vance their revolutionary principles. 

Mr. RoMERSTEiN. Yes, sir. Although of course the policemen in Red 
China do carry guns. 

Mr. Watson. But the publishers of this aren't interested in telling 
anybody the truth, are they ? They are only interested in resorting to 
any means, lies or anything else, to advance their cause, and that is 
violent overthrow of this Government and agitation of various ex- 
plosive situations. 

Mr. RoMERSTEiN. Yes, sir ; Detective Hart testified this morning he 
was given specific instructions by Fred Jerome to slant all stories he 
wrote to push the line that Progressive Labor wanted to push. 

This newspaper, in effect, is not a newspaper as we know it, a paper 
giving the news. It is a propaganda organ to create a climate of opin- 
ion, to leave the readers with certain impressions that may not be true, 
but nevertheless will leave them with a hatred for the police or hatred 
for the power structure. 

I think in the copy you are now reading, sir, there is a picture on 
the previous page of a man with a bandage on his eye. 
Mr. Watson. Yes. 

Mr. RoMERSTEiN. That is Mr. Benny Brazier. If you just read the 
captions under the picture you get the impression that bandage was 
there because the police beat him up, when in fact he testified during 
the Epton trial he was slashed by an unknown person on the street 
and the bandage covered a slash that a razor put near his eye. 

Mr. Watson. And the police did not do this, but someone on the 
street? 

Mr. RoMERSTEiN. Ycs, sir. But the impression left by the newspaper 
Challenge is that this is another example of the police beating an in- 
nocent man. 

88-083 O— 68— pt. 2 5 



984 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Mr. Watson. There is no question about it. It states, "Latest Vic- 
tim" — "New Victims of Murphy's Mob," and I guess Murphy was the 
police commissioner. 

Mr. RoMERSTEiN. He was police commissioner at that time. 

Mr. Tuck. I notice a cartoon labeled "Bull Murphy." I remember 
when they ha^ some kind of difficulty in Alabama that there was a 
"Bull" Connor. This shows the method or tactics they pursue are the 
same throughout the country. 

Mr. RoMERSTEiN. This was essentially the precrowd phase, the dis- 
seminating of material throughout the community that would create 
a climate of opinion that would allow a riot to take place. Under cer- 
tain circumstances a crowd would gather and a riot would take place. 
The incident that, of course, triggered off the 1964 riot was the shooting 
of a Negro boy by a police officer. 

Now an extensive investigation was conducted concerning this inci- 
dent by a grand jury of New York County, and a report was prepared 
by the district attorney's office of New York County concerning the 
shooting incident. If I may, I would like to read a few excerpts : 

At approximately 9:30 on the morning of July 16, 1964, James Powell, a 
fifteen year old boy, was shot to death by Lieutenant Thomas Gilligan, a New 
York City police oflBcer. The oflBce of the District Attorney of New York County 
immediately commenced an investigation. An exhaustive search for all possible 
witnesses was conducted. 

On July 21st the second July Grand Jury began hearing evidence * * *, 

It goes on to state : 

The grand jury now has concluded that, on the basis of the evidence and the 
applicable rules of law. Lieutenant Gilligan is not criminally liable for the kill- 
ing of young Powell. In view of that determination and in light of the great 
public interest evinced in the case, the District Attorney's oflSce has prepared this 
report, summarizing in detail what has been learned in the course of the investi- 
gation. Appended hereto is a statement of the controlling legal principles. 

In this report the district attorney's office summarized the evidence 
and concludes that this was a justifiable homicide. The 15-year-old boy 
was approaching the officer with a knife, refused to cease and desist, 
refused to drop the knife, and the officer was compelled to shoot in self- 
defense. 

(Document marked "Eomerstein Exhibit No. 3." See pp. 1006- 
1019.) 

Mr. RoMERSTEiN. Coiucideutally, at this time the Progressive Labor 
Movement had asked for a permit to hold a street-corner rally. They 
asked for the pennit the day before the shooting. They told the police 
department that the purpose of the rally was to discuss the civil rights 
bill and its amendments. The application was signed by David Douglas 
and asked for a street comer 

Mr. AsHBROOK. Is that the same Douglas referred to this morning 
by Detective Hart ? 

Mr. RoMERSTEiN. Yes, sir; it is. The street corner that they requested 
was 115th Street and Lenox Avenue, for the 18th of July 1964. 

Now we had some testimony this morning concerning tlie speeches 
of William Epton at this rally. There were some excerpts put into the 
record concerning the speech of Epton. I would like to point to one 
more excerpt that is rather interesting. 

While Epton was speaking he suddenly noticed in the audience a 
New York City detective who had interviewed him at one time and had 
identified himself as a detective, Detective John Rivera. He turned 
to him and said : 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 985 

To my left is a Puerto Rican policeman in plain clothes. I'm talking to him too. 
If he don't know the history of Puerto Rico and how the American imperialism 
killed and brutalized his people in Puerto Rico just like they did the black men in 
Africa, then he had better wake up because they will turn on him when they come 
into power and kill him and brutalize him just like they did Albizu Campos, the 
great Puerto Rican leader, just like they're doing to all black people, and he's 
not safe. So I tell him now and I tell my black brother on my right that they 
had better choose their sides. Because when the deal goes down, when the deal 
is finished, sister, he will have to go too unless he chooses the right side. There is 
only one right side. That's our side. That's the cause of the people and what we 
demand and what we will get. What we will take. We will take our freedom. We 
will take it by any means necessary and any means necessary as we know the 
beast that we are dealing with is that we have to create a revolution in this 
country and we will create a new government that is run by the people . . . that is 
run by the black people and some of the poor white people who are catching hell 
too. * * * 

He goes on to say : 

We are going to roll on, we are going to roll on to freedom and independence 
and liberation. Those who are ready to come with us and stand with us and 
join the Harlem Defense Council to help protect the mothers and protect our 
streets and our neighborhoods they will give their money to these mothers who 
have joined together to save their sons. * * * 

He was trying to create the situation where even the policemen 
present at the rally were to hear his propaganda and decide that they 
did not want to support the side of the bad guys, so to speak, the 
police, but to join his side. 

Of course none of the policemen took that position. He was unaware 
of the fact that one of his own security guards was a police officer. 
Detective Hart, who testified this morning. But every opportunity these 
people have they try to divide a community. They try to create attitudes 
on the part of the community against the police and against the 
power structure. They continued to put out issues of the Progressive 
Labor newspaper. Challenge^ attacking the police, saying that the 
police were responsible for the riots, and so on. 

One of the rather interesting things in the testimony of Detective 
Hart this morning was that William Epton said to him that the only 
white people that will be permitted to join Progressive Labor were 
those who were ready to fight and die for Negro freedom, or their 
interpretation of Negro freedom . 

When the riot took place the white members of the Progressive 
Labor stayed downtown. They didn't show up. William Epton was 
out on the streets because he was black, but Fred Jerome, who was 
the editor of Challenge and one of the leaders of Progressive Labor, 
sat downtown and wrote editorials in which he said things like : 

I advocate precisely that the people disturb the peace — disturb the peace 
of the fat, phony politicians and their gestapo storm of troopers [sic] who run this 
City for Con Edison, Metropolitan Life, Columbia University and the other 
slumlords and bosses. 

I propose that every working man and woman, Afro- American, Puerto Rican, 
and those white workers who believe in equal justice, select one day and on 
that day stay home from work, and gather in one mass demonstration on 
a Harlem street comer to demand an end to the present police state. 

And when Murphy's uniformed goons attack the crowd with gas and guns, 
let us not run and let us not pray — let us fight back. If they destroy or injure 
life, let us answer back in kind. [Challenge, August 1, 1964, p, 4] 

(August 1, 1964, issue of Challenge marked "Komerstein Exhibit 
No, 4," Pages 1 and 4 follow :) 



986 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 



ROMERSTEIN EXHIBIT No. 4 

NEGRO LEADERS: PEACE AT ANY PRICE 



See P. 5 




Mc ■ tfei Power Stricture 



RALLIES BANNED 
IN HARLEM :; 



WHAT THEY CAN NEe RESTRAIN 

By Fred Jerome, Editor 

/ hold that a Utile rebellion now and then is a good 
thing, and as necessary in the political world as storms 
m Che physical —Thomas Jeflferson in a letter to James 

Alung with several other officers of the lYo^essive Labor Move- 
meni, this week 1 was haiided a restraining order by the New York 
City PoUce, telling nie I may not, among other things, "induce or 
persuade...activilies...which...wiJI or are likely to.. .induce ci\il rebel 
lion and the overthrow of lawful government." 

This order is based on Section 161 of the Penal I.aw of New York 
Slate which states that any person who "by word of mouth or writ- 
ing advocates, advises or leaches the., necessity of overthrowing... 
organized govemmeni" i» guilty of a crime. 

In last week's CHALLKNCE; we said that the big-money boys 
downtown were running scared ("They have seen the writing on the 
blood-stained walls of Harlem"). We said they would do just about 
anything to stop the people from "getting out of hand." Bui we hon- 
estly did not believe that they would move so quickly to destroy 
their own Constitution and principles of Free Speech and Free 
Assembly. 
So.ebody upstairs must have pushed the panic button. 

Do these Jokers really believe they can lock up ideas in a prison? 
Do they recJly think that their "orders' and "laws" can stand In the 
••y of history? 

TTicy say I may not "Induce dvll rebellion and the overthrow of 
lawftil govemmenL" Just where is this "lawful govcmment"? 

Is that govemmeni "lawful" which shoots down a 15-year-old black 
American and tticn fires into unarmed crowds protesting the murder? 

Is that govemmeni "lawful* which guns down Jay Jenkins on a 
Harlem rooftop because he allegedly is throwing bricks, and then 
Aapds idly by while hundreds of howling white fascists throw bricks 
•nd bottles at civil rights pickets? 

Is that governiTtent "lawful" whosepolioe shoot and kill MaximiiK) 
Solero. Victor Rodriguez, Francisco Rodriguez Jr. , William Westbrook 
Michale O'Brien, Mrs. Sierra Montero, and Ralph Brazier— all within 
eight months— and whose Mayor then proclaims, absoluteconfidence" 
in the Police Commissioner? 

Is thai government "lavvful" which gouges out Frank Stafford's 
eye and then arrests him for "assaulting" the police? 

Is thalgoverrunent"lawful"whichsavagely beats Harlem teenagers 
tn Its police prednds.threaleningtoshootthem If they don't "confess." 
ana then puts theni in prison, aenits them lawyers uf their own 
choice, and beats them !>otne nK)re in jail? 

Is that government "lawful" which protects the slurrUords who 
grab their rents while the tenants "live" In a stale of war with tens 
of thousands of rats and roaches? 

lb that goverriment "lawful" which will not provide jobs for ten 
miUion able-bodied ini-n and women, and tht-n iclls thi- big rail- 
road (and other) monopolies thai it's perfetlly alriehl for them u> 
lay off SO.OOU more workers? 

Is that Kovernnieui 'lawful" which arri-sls and coiuids civil 
rights workers in Albany, (ic^rgia on trumpt-d up "(x-rjury" charges, 
but will not arrest, let alum' cotivicl. a single southern racist for 
the bomb kilhng of six Birmingham children. f<.r the shooting down 



Harlem PLM Leader Arrested 




BILL EPTON SHOWN ADDRESSING THE JULY 18 RALLY AT IIS ST 
AND LENOX AVE WHERE HE ALLEGEDLY SAID IT WOULD BE NEC- 
ESSARY TO KILL con EPTON HAS CALLS) THE CHARGES LIES. 

(Scr tlory. |i 3) 

, K-;:..:,;-: ;>:;:::::■;::; ;:^^<::^■i ::;:»■:■: ;•:■:■::■:■: ^:■:■v.^ilX.:«.^.:.^^::^«ss^L:S;^;^^ 

(>( William M.M)ri in /Mahama. or for Ihe reCTnl Mis 
of thrtt ci\.'il rights workers? 

lb Ihal guveriimenl "lawful" which s«ndb planes and Iroops to 
drop flojtung napalm bombii and poison chemicals <.)n the peasant 

(Continued on K4) 



tissippl murder 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 987 



RoMERSTEiN EXHIBIT No. 4 — Continued 



I fT^rn*'** t*Mr Hwar 



1.-^ 



CHAl.LESr.E. 



* fight '*» ulumloriti 

* Fiffhl an.* f/po.r fj 
A'f or» htmykt nnii pan' 
«d racketeer t 

'Fight rAo*' «'*o J 
urd^r v^rkxmg peopie i 

* f\0kl /or equal np 



nrihnin, luff CO 



. and 



^fot 



« — rtcfwg paoptr age 

•Ab<nealt. Ikv 
wk*rt tht workiity 
toriM. thf potxTf. r„HTl.. and Ihr .nttr. g.,rfr%menl on mefy I'Vft 
FOR A NEW HAV OF Uhh' WITH NO EXPi.OlTATIOS OF MAN 
BY MAS- FOR SOCIALISM 



r all— a 9ho>i 






> hgkl for 



Editorial 



continuMl from pAfr 1 ) 
vtlUfBi oT Vtel Nam whrrr Ihr people mrr nghllng for Ihdr rmdomY 
"Hte only govcminenl lh«l 1 rerogntoe. . - ts ihal pow thai nteb- 
Itehca iDrikv In ttir land, wer Ihat whhrti tatabUaha ln)uitk«.* 
Hrtiry David Tbon>wi ipoke thow words on Ortober 30. 1869. aod 
I acrec Now M men pul ui both In )all— U Ibry dan. 

Or prrbapa thry would rnlhcr Imprtoon vnt wflh Abraham 
UiwoJD who MkL In hU Am Inauforat addrm on Mairh 4. 1001. 
"Tlilt country, wtth lU Insdtutlona. brtongv to (he people wtto In- 
haMi It WVneviT ihey ihall grow weary ollhe raMlng govcrnmem. 
Uwy can enerctae th<dr t-oncllrullonal ri^l of amending II. or their 
rrvotattonary ri^l lo dA«n*rTnbeT or ovenhrow (I." 

In another tpeertt on Jan. 12. IMA. Lincoln tald: 'Any people 
anywherr being Inclined hikI having (he power have (he rtghl lo 
hse up and ihakf off the ekMlng government, and form a nrw one 
thut KiltB them better Titia ij a mo«1 valuable, r mo« sacred right — 
a right whk-h we hope and bHlrve U lo liberate Ihe world.' 

U he were aJlve today, the rtdhunter» would comt wtth an av 
alaiMrhe of reatralnlng order* lo thul the miKilh of ihU Lincoln char- 
aclet, BM wdl a» another bearded radlrat to whom ftome of thcae 
phony Mayors, and Govemorfl. and Prvldenta tometlnMi pretend 
lo pray. 

I wUI go furthur I will tay 'thai whenever any form of govcnv 
a>eni haoma deMmclive. It to the righl of Ihe people (■■ alter or to 
■DolMh II. and lo Inatlhiie new gownmenl. laytnic it* foundaUon* on 
•uch prtMipte*. and organizing lU p«iweT» in suih forms. a» to Ibem 
shall •rem motf likely to efffl their aaicty and bupplneaa.* WHmI kirtd 
of tn)itw1lun will Ihey luue tu illetve the Dei larali<>r> of IrtdependenceT 
li^ riw anyone thinks 1 am hiding behind guoles to avoid proae- 
mtloa 1 will *hkle* no more: 

I urge und wtll corUlnue to urge and Htlem(>t to induce arMi per^ 
suiftde puhltc demo net rations in the streets of Harlem— on Lenoa 
Avenue, and on Seventh HJtd Elgth Avenue* between 135 Street and 
146 ftreel— until Gilligan Is publlrl> tried for murder and Murphy 
isdiamksMd 

I iMlvotale preciaely thai the people dttfurb ihe peore^-dlslurb the 
peare of the fat, phony polilk-turai ar>d Ihelr gevtapo storm of trouper* 
who run (his Oty for Con BdUon. Metropolttan Life. Columbia 
University and Ihe other slumlords and bosse*. 

I propose thai evcr^ working man and woman. Afro American. 
Puerto Rkan. and thoae white workers who be)lr\« in equul )u«tlre. 
•elect one day and on that day stay home from work, and gather In 
one mnn dmionatratlon on a Harlem street comee lo dnnand an 
end lo the prcaeni polkv state. 

Aad when Murphy's uniformed goons attack the crowd wtth gaa 
aad guna, let us fK>l r^n and let us not pray- M us Aghl bac^L If 
they deatroy or injure life, let us anawer back In kind. 

IMi li not a propoaal for wild and racklcu rk>ts in which the 
UDer-cDpa will be able lo massacre the people. No II wUI lake care- 
fed plinntnc and H will Uke organbation— through such group* a« 
*e teflMlMeme CwKlL 

iM a* tuitte arttf organise oar force* Id Harlem, to Bedford 
Rocheater. in Birmingham. In every 
In the country, and let u» work lo lhr< 
end once und for .ill (his rul Ihroal *y*lem where one m 
—or one ntoitopoty— exploHs a thousand others. L^ tisjoin in repli 
Ing Ibe prccent state run by and for the biK money Niys. with a n 
oar rt» by and for Ihe working men and womert. 
T*ere,la no lawluf gtnrernment In thl* couolry loday. Only 



PHOTOGRAPHER 

QUESTION: WHATISYOUB 
ATTITUDE TOWARD THE 
POLICE AFTER THE MUR 
DER OF JAMES POWELL? 






by 



I and the govcm- 
mem ol&aais. This murder of 
James Powdl was definitely an 
an of police brutality or legal 
kxed murder The police are 
dictated by Murphy and com- 
pany (o further the annihilation 
ul (he black people of New 
York Ctly and apply tbe'Qnal 
•oluUon' to the Negro problem. 
T^ih atl o( murder has lefl 
me personaiy »iih great < 
tempt for the puw 

Bkhard jMk 

odent the police 
are Instructed ^ 

erMlre aUscnry 

Thstr mtaue a 

every human beln^ The que*- 

Uon Is who shall guard the 
guards, and where shall we 
placi- our guards'* 






okiUoo will ealAUkh one If that is civil rebdllc 

Bioal of K. 
nam. Mr Wagner. Mr Hogarv Mr. Larkin and aU of y. 

tbsR who pull the puppeu' strings. I beheve I have violated 

two-fan realralnlng order 

I dMJIenge you lo )aU these words If vimi cannot, then yo 
rvcr )afl tne. I challenge ytni (o realaln lhe«e thought*. If yoi 

■ot. then you can never reslTMln me 



Who Said That? 

"If New York had a whole systtm of laws I con- 
sitlered unjust, I'd probably be out there breaking 
tbem." 

N.\. Police Commissioner Hull" Murphy. 

quoted in the NY Po*t of .Juiy 26. 1964. p. 22. 






murder of 
>es Howell 
burned me up tven the police 
in (he srnaller t*land-i do not 
art a* these 'very well trained' 
.4rm!. xflhr law here Tbepolict: 
have been lo Bchvol lo learn 
|udo, aOd they're supposed lo 



with ihe.r hond« 
tf ihe>' ianiH>i do U 



: Iha 



■ tola 
Hlrrh 
rights 
The 
shoul. 
ly ad 




lwfARKSX»lJl.lTSHIP: 






will be control 
led eventually. Jusi another of 
fkcuU whlte-washtng wlQ not do 
this tirT>e This killing points 
up the need lor people to or 



dvU 

The 

should be total- 
ly schooled. 

require 

hould be 

least two 

yean of academy work to bring 

the best men Into the position 

a rev of public rcaponslbilty. if ttec- 

<ke the e*sary l\>llae shouM not be 

allowed lo carry their guns 

>nd after duty hours, and 

o tune while they are In 



George Koefl. HI^^H 

artist: t:\'«ry ^^H^ '^*V 

one should be^^^T ■ 
very corKemed ^^Hf^lPi S 
about the sad ^^K . I 

isiic slaying of^^^L ^| 

boy b> Ihe sad- 'W * W 



with 4 QlaUofts for disarrr 
men wtth guru. Had liltlf ■ 
my Powell been while— he'd 



Give Them Arpege 



^ ttapk 



The foUowiDg oddnn was deiWered thia week by 
Mayor Robert F. Wagner before the l\>Utkal As»o> 
datlon of Youth (PAY). Tbi* is a 'noD-proftt,* ed- 
ucationaJ organizatloo oompoaed of childrcD of pol- 
iticians. In fact, it waa formerly called Children of 
Politiaana (COP), but it* name was changed for pub- 
Uc relations purpoaeft. 

The president of PAY, Linda Bird Johnson, open- 
ed the meeting. She staled that Mayor Wagner was a 
national figure of some renown and noted that her 
father had once paid him the ultimate compUmenl by 
calling him *a profeaslooal horae thkl'' She thai Intro- 
diinfHJ the Mayor to speak on "Hie An of Public Speak- 
ing ■ 

'The rule of thumb for pubUc speakins is 'Avoid th^ 
Issue,' or 'What you don't say can't hurt you.' Kcnembcr. 
a wtfU-plactxl cIicIm.' is wonii a ibousand words. 

"Now let s gei dowTi t«» ctifies. When called upon to 
speak lu the public in a 'crisis' situation, you may fre- 
quently discover that you have nothing lo say (at least 
nothing you want the peopli> to hear). 

"For example, last week I dehvered m> notorious... 
kafT... famous nme-p<iint !>peech to the people of New York. 
The situation was sticky in e\ery respect. You see, I've 
been mayor of New York rK>wforl2long years. And TU 
tell you quite frankly that it just doesn't give me the old 
kick It used to. 1 feel I've reached the time of life when a 
man of my stature would fit in well In national drclea. 
"Well, early last week^ I was Jtist stopping by for a 
beach party with Franco when this mess exploded back 
here. Believe me, it really threw a wrench in the works. 
"In any case. It was time lo speak to the dty. Try to 
understand, children, the stickiness of the stniatloa. The 
people were attacking the police, the police, (getting emo- 
tional ) the defenders of I^w and Oriier, the defenders of 
Our Way of life, the defenders of Our Property. (He 
pauses to collect himself). I'm sorry children, I rarely 
get so upeeL It's just tiial this wbolesubjed hits me right 
where I live— in my career. 

* But, back to the speech. Now remember our rule of 
thumb, children. [X> I spend time dwelling on police 
brutality? Of course not Law and Order Is the problem, 
I say. V^'here would those poor colored people be without 
Law and Order"!* In just ten short years. Law and Order 
has given them the school integratioo decision and the 
Civil Rights Bill. That may not ha\'e changed anything, 
but it sure is handy for speeches. ((Tbuckles happily) 
"Incase there are stiU a few laggards left at the end of 
the speech. I set up a Shidy Commission which will 
resolve the problemofpoUcebrutalityatsomefuture date. 
There is no crisis so severe, no emergericy so crttlcal, that 
you can't set up a S^idy Commission to stall for time. IT 
that isn't enough, set up two Study C<>mmissions. Then set 
up a Study Commission to study the Study Commissions. 
Remember, never do today what you have no Intention of 
doing tomorrow. 

"But always promise them action. Promise them lots of 
action. Then promise them still more action. Then promise 
ihem Immediate action Then promise them reaction. If 
that won't work, promise them anything, but give them 
Arpege. Heh, heh. 

"Anyway kaff. 1 finally call on 'CJod, the Father of us 
air to help us. This may shock you now, but when you 
get into office, you will understand the usefulness of call- 
ing on Him in public occasionally. 

"One word about the delivery of your talk. Try to 
sound as if'you care.' This has always been hard for me, 
but constant practice helps you get the hang of tt." 



988 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

But Fred Jerome did not go up to Harlem during the riots. He was 
downtown writing editorials. 

Mr. Watson. Isn't that normal for the operation of the Communist 
organization ? They do not want to be identified out in the forefront ; 
they would rather have a front organization ; they would rather pull 
the strings, but let the other people get out and face the guns, plus 
additionally, I think, they are cowards. Isn't it basically the operation 
not to be publicly identified in the leadership of these riots ? 

Mr. RoMERSTEiN. In this case they did both. They set up their front 
organization, Harlem Defense Council, to bear the brunt of the activ- 
ity, but some of the activity was conducted in the name of Progressive 
Labor. 

William Epton was chosen to be the fall guy, so to speak. Wliile 
the white leaders of Progressive Labor made the decisions, William 
Epton, who did have a fairly hi^h office in the organization, was the 
man who was set up to go to jail when the criminal acts took place. 
The white leaders, Fred Jerome and Milton Rosen, made sure that 
their tracks were covered and that they were not arrested or tried for 
their activities in connection with the riot. 

Other organizations also took an active part in the demonstrations. 
The question was asked this morning whether the particular action of 
the Progressive Labor Movement was the trigger. I think that there 
were two phases. There was a rally of the Progressive Labor Move- 
ment which set the tone and worked up a crowd. When that rally 
ended another rally took place a few blocks down the street, a rally 
of the Congress of Racial Equality. A speaker at that rally, a Negro 
minister, later told the Nmn York Times that if he had known what 
would happen he would never have gotten up on the soap box. The 
Negro minister urged the crowd to march on the police precinct, which 
they did. 

They confronted the cops, who stood there not taking any action 
against them until missiles began flying through the air and hitting 
cops. Then the orders were given to clear the streets. This was the 
first violent incident that night, the night of the 18th, that took place 
during the riot. But I think it took place because of the two previous 
phases, the Epton speeches at the Progressive Labor rally and the 
subsequent CORE rally that physically took the people down to the 
police station to confront the police department. 

Mr. Watson. Do you know whether or not those who participated in 
the Progressive Labor rally earlier that afternoon were also involved 
in the CORE rally? 

Mr. RoMERSTEiN. Sir, some people who were present at the Progres- 
sive Labor rally were at the CORE rally. One ended and the other 
started. It was a consecutive situation. The final step was the confron- 
tation with the police. 

There was an additional factor. It was extremely hot that night, 
following a number of hot nights. People were out on the streets. It 
made it a little bit easier for them to gather a crowd and to create a 
situation where the crowd became unruly in the face of the police de- 
partment outside of police headquarters. 

The next day, on the 19th, a meeting was held at Mt. Morris Presby- 
terian Church, called by a number of organizations, including the 
Community Council on Housing, which is headed by Jesse Gray, who 
has been in Washington in recent months in demonstrations. It was 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 989 

at this rally at this church that Jesse Gray made his famous statement 
about needing a hundred black freedom fighters. 

(Leaflet advertising rally marked "Eomerstein Exhibit No. 5" 
appears on p. 990.) 

Mr. AsHBROOK. Famous or infamous. 

Mr. RoMERSTEiN. I think infamous is a better definition of the state- 
ment. 

He called for a hundred slrilled black revolutionaries who are ready 
to die to correct what he called the police brutality situation in Harlem. 
He said, "There is only one thing that can correct the situation, and 
that is guerrilla warfare." 

"VVTiile at the same meeting James Farmer, who was at that time the 
head of CORE, got up and made a speech. This is an excerpt from a 
tape recording that was rerecorded from a television broadcast. This is 
James Farmer : 

Fellow Freedom Fighters — Sit down please — ^hold it. Now brothers I think the 
time has come when people in Harlem have got to unite. We cannot afford this 
division and this warfare among ourselves. What I saw last night. I saw the 
cops who were united, and I .saw black men and women running this way, that 
way, the other way, undecided which way they were going. I saw New York night 
of Birmingham horror. Now, a Negro woman walked up to the cops last night, I 
was there for 5iA hours walking the streets. A Negro woman walked up to the 
cops and said : "Help me get a taxi so that I can go home." A policeman drew 
his revolver and shot her in the groin. She wound up in Harlem Hospital. Yes, 
CORE field secretarj' Louis Smith took her into an ambulance and took her to 
Harlem Hospital. Now, hold it just a minute. Now wait. Brothers, I hear your 
anger. You have a right to be angry. But let me tell you the whole story. What 
was happening there. Do you know that the police went into a grocery store 
and beat up people who were merely customers of the store. Nobody was throwing 
anything. Men, women and children. We have the badge numbers of these 
policemen. 

He then repeated the same statement on a television program on 
the same day on the WABC-TV program. On page 1 the New York 
Times^ July 20, 1964, quoted him as saying, "I saw a woman who 
walked up to the police and asked them for their assistance in getting a 
taxicab so that she might go home. This woman was shot in the groin 
and is now in Plarlem Hospital." 

Harlem Hospital reported, according to the Times^ that there was 
not a single woman shot in the groin admitted to the hospital. There 
were two women with superficial leg wounds, but the^e were not the 
people apparently referred to by James Farmer. 

A comprehensive book on the Harlem riot, entitled RACE RIOTS — 
New York WGJ^^ by Shapiro and Sullivan, pointed out that Farmer 
charged police brutality and then espoused rumors and exaggerated 
falsehoods as firsthand knowledge. He later admitted that he was only 
told the incident he had related and had not, after all, been an eye- 
witness. 

They pomted to this incident, the alleged shooting of this woman, 
as one of the incidents that Farmer later admitted he didn't observe, 
although he said he did. Apparently the incident never took place. 

Now in an emotion-charged atmosphere — and this was an emotion- 
charged atmosphere ; the riot had gone on for a full day by this time — 
I suppose Mr. Fanner's blood was at a boil as was many other people's 
there. It is this kind of inflammatory statement, perhaps made with 
the best of intentions, that angers a crowd and gets them into a situ- 
ation where they fight police. 



990 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 



ROMERSTEIN EXHIBIT No. 5 




U 0, i 



.-^ ... — 



35' 








3 CHILDREN MURDERED IN 2 WEEKS BY POLICE 
POLICE WHIPPDIG PEOPLE'S HERDS FOR MO RBISOM ALL OVER HiUUJM 

THE POLICE ^^"T NOT BE PEHMITT ^ TO TAKE THE UW INTO THEIR OWN H/INDS 

Your Son» Daughter, Sister, Brother May Ba leoctl 
Will Thoor Be Beaten Beyond Recognition By The Police? 
HARLEM IS NOk' AN ARMED CAMPl I 

ALL OUT FOR MASS RALLY 

Mi KiOYvis Prifsbuterian Church 
122 Sf.J> Mt, horns ParU West 

TODAY, SUNDAY, TULY 19, 4 Pli 

WE DEMAND: 1. Coimalssloner HurRiy'a Reslgnatioo 



2. Indict Lt. QilUgen for Mnrdar 

3. Remove Armed Forces frcai Harlea 

SPEAKERS 



JSSSE GRAY, Harlem Rent Strike Leader PERCY StrTTON, 11th Aae«A>lyMa XLeot 



REV. RICHARD HILDEBRAND, President 
NY NAACP 

HDLAII JACK, District Leader, ll^th AD 
And Other Leaders 



LLOYD DICKERSCN, AssaMblyaan and 
Dlstnot Leader of lltb AD 

REV. MILTCN J. OlLAMISaN, School 
Boycott Leader 



Zk«ued by Ccwru'<--*7' C- -> l ot Housing 
6 East 117 Street 



/-J 



SUBVERSIVE ESTFLXJENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 991 

The black nationalist magazine, Liherator, of September 1964 [page 
4] went on to print the same story. It said : 

A lady in distress asks, "Please, oflBcer, help me get a taxi so that I can go 

home." The cop does not answer but shoots her in the groin. * * * 

This became a well-known story. The fact that it didn't happen did 
not matter too much. It was widely believed to have happened and this 
was sufficient. Farmer later admitted he did not have knowledge of 
this incident, but took the word of those who had advised him that 
the incident had taken place. But according to the quoted statement 
we have, he said, "I was there." 

The Chairman. And we have no proof if that is true? 
Mr. KoMERSTEiN. No, sir. His original statement is that he was there 
and saw the incident. 

Mr. Watson. That didn't make any difference. He had already 
accomplished his objective of agitating the people. A later repudiation 
of that would have no effect on the reaction he received at the time he 
made it before the crowd. 

Mr. RoMERSTEiN. No, sir; and the repudiation took place months 
later, when cooler heads prevailed and the riot was over ; yes, sir. 

Mr. Watson. Have you ever observed or heard of any of the CORE 
officials, James Farmer or anyone else, denouncing the agitation of 
Jesse Gray calling for a hundred thousand guerrilla fighters and the 
denunciations of the police by Bill Epton? Have you ever heard of 
James Farmer or anybody else repudiating or denouncing those state- 
ments and urging that the people keep their cool, so to speak? 

Mr. RoMERSTEiN. Not at the early stage of the riot. At the early stage 
of the riot they allowed these statements to be made without challenge. 
Toward the end of the riot, that is the next Saturday, the 25th of July, 
when William Epton attempted a march through Harlem to attempt 
to keep the riot going — by that time Mr. Farmer and other officials of 
CORE and other organizations condemned this march and said it 
would only lead to more bloodshed. 

During the opening hours of the riot, during the first few days of the 
riot, they said nothing that would indicate they were interested in 
moderating the situation. 

The Chairman. By the way, do you have any knowledge of who 
this Jesse Gray was ? 

Mr. RoMERSTEiN. He was a previous witness before this committee 
in 1960 and took the fifth amendment concerning former membership 
in the Communist Party. 

The Chairman. Tliat is a matter of record by this committee ? 
Mr. RoMERSTEiN. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Watson. Also recently during your illness. Judge, he led the 
rat brigade when they moved into the House of Representatives. He 
was the one agitating in the balcony. I did not know him, but he was 
identified by one of the Members on the floor. He is a professional 
militant rabble-rouser, according to all the information we get. 

Mr. RoMERSTEiN. Ycs, sir. As a matter of fact, the attempted march 
by William Epton on the 25th, or attempting to organize this march, 
the Harlem Defense Council issued a leaflet describing how the march 
will take place ; it will move along Lenox Avenue, and so on. It says : 

Tonight at 6 p.m. there will be a mass demonstration at the United Nations 
to present to the Hiunan Rights Commission of the United Nations the case of 



992 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

terrorism and genocide committed against black Americans, and the case of or- 
ganized police brutality that is rampant in the United States. The domonstration 
[sic] will be at 42nd Street and First Avenue. For further information caU Com- 
munity Council on Housing, 6 East 117 Street. 

(Document marked "Komerstein Exhibit No. 6." See p. 993.) 

This is Jesse Gray's organization, which showed an association at 
that time during the riot between the Progressive Labor people, who 
were organizing the July 25 march, and the Jesse Gray demonstration 
at the United Nations asking the U.N. to intervene and prevent the 
cops from "committing genocide" against the Negro people in Harlem. 
It is a pretty grotesque concept, but I guess it meant something to them. 

At the same time, leaflets were distributed in Brooklyn, this one 
entitled "KOP KILLERS," cop with a "k" instead of a "c," apparently 
to imply the Ku Klux Klan, "STRIKE IN BROOKLYN!" 

"1. Remove Murphy as police boss. 2. Jail Gilligan now and prose- 
cute him for murder. 3. Take the gims away from New York police." 
This is the type of agitation. 

(Document marked "Romerstein Exhibit No. Y." See p. 994.) 

A similar riot did in fact take place in the Bedford-Stuyvesant 
section of Brooklyn to coincide with the riot in Harlem. 

Other posters similar to the "Gilligan Wanted for Murder" poster, 
or in the same format as the "Gilligan Wanted for Murder" poster, 
were issued: "aTTEMPTED political ASSASSINATION of BILL 
EPTON," but til© words "attempted political" are small. From a 
distance it looks like the assassination of Bill Epton, which also helped 
to create that kind of climate of opinion. 

(Document marked "Romerstein Exhibit No. 8." See page 995.) 

This leaflet, "KILLER COP IS SUING US?" saying that Lieu- 
tenant Gilligan was suing the Progressive Labor Movement for the 
type of statements that it had made concerning him. 

Mr. Watson. If he had sued he wouldn't have found 15 cents in 
the whole kit and caboodle of the Progressive Labor Movement. None 
were reputable, responsible people, were they ? 

Mr. Romerstein. They may not have any money individually, nor 
do any of them have responsible jobs, but there appears to be a 
good deal of money floating around in Progressive Labor circles. 
We have received testimony from Phillip Abbott Luce that money 
would come in spurts. At times none of them would have money, and 
then at times leaders would be walking around with stacks of hundred 
dollar bills. He concluded there must be some angel putting up money 
for this type of activity. 

Tliey also have some expensive printing equipment. They maintain 
offices in the city of New York and other cities in the country far 
beyond what an organization of their size could afford under normal 
circumstances. 

(Document marked "Romerstein Exhibit No. 9." See p. 996. Exhibits 
6, 7, 8, and 9 follow:) 



SUBVERSIVE rNELUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 993 



ROMERSTEIN EXHIBIT No. 6 




Tho event cf the l<igt tno d^yg hare shovm that If we are not 
orfTF.nlzed vt -re Just n mob nnd are not In a position to properly 
derl with '''.'^ cnocjy. 

ORGANIZE APARTMENTl 
BY APARTMENT, HOUSE 




^ 



J 



¥ 



'SE 



The Harlem Defense Council calla on all black people of HaBlem to 
oet UD Bloc>: Comnitteofl ''1th the purpose of defending erch and evorjr 
block In Hrrlcm from the cops. 

/I 



/ 



mOS DEMGNSTRATIQ 



Each home and each block tTu<it be oo orgnnlred thrt on Saturday, 
July 25th, W3 will bo able to have an orr^anlzed march. 

The ncblllratlo n will stnY't on 116th Stroot and Lenox Avenue at 
4P.U. 0\ir objective will be the 32nd Pet. on 135th Street between 
7th PTid 8t.h Avenues . 

Afl the !Jarch mover u-> Lenox Avenue each Block Cantaln will haV* 
his block re^dy to Join nr, >"0 nnni hli block. 

For furth-r Infonnrtlon ^^nd -"ddltlonal InGtructlone contnct: 

HA:Li:M rSFENSE COUNCIL 
33*: Lonox Ave. 
?I .8-2254 



TONIGHT AT r p.!u. THE ^£ .711.1 3S A MASS DEMONSTRATIOM AT THE UNITED- 
NATIONS TO PRESENT TO TilE HIT.IAN RIGHTS COIiMISSION OF THE UNITED NATIOH* 
THE CASE OF TERRORISM Al^D^GSMOCIDE COCilTTED AGAINST BLACK AMERICANS, 
AND THE CASE OF CRGANIZED POLICE BRUTALITY THAT 18 RAMPANT IN THE 
UNITED STATES. THE DOMONSTRATION ./ILL BE AT 42nd STREET AND ITRflT 
AVENUE. FOR FUR! 



lTHEa|b|F'< 

m 



ORMATION CALL COKMJNITY COUNCIL ON HOUSING 
y .^ 6 EAST 117 Street FI .8-9100 



.Vfl 



v*ii 



994 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 



ROMERSTEIN EXHIBIT No. 7 





f STRIKE /N BROOKLYN /-■■ 



Yovng Negro MorkerB ^therinc Tor n r^Uy against polioe terror at 
Nostrand AvanuD and Fulton Street vera gunnad doMn by Murphjria 

killers. 



Dedf ord-S tuyvesantf like Harlani, la now an ocOTplod territory. 
BANES OF POLICE stalk the connunlty. 

POLICE TERROR is ta^^d by Wagner aa preserving "law and order. * 
12 YEAI6 CF WACSS^Vha're produced the Xollowlng: 
any big city in tho oorsttry. 



1. LOWEST WAQE3 \i 

2. M/iSSrVE SLU>6. 

3. B^!OR^C7l5 UKBanCYSKm and thousands on Helfare. 
h. 5EC3^a-.TED SCH0OI3. 

5. GBCWING PQLIOB DRim.LITT. 



mmn 



WA(1BCR*S HAILIBO OT "DOL^ MURPHY* oncoura09a further lauLessneaa and 
torror. Wa9iar*8 law and order means more Bilsary and opprMsioA. 



»««««#««*« 



WE DEMAND 



1. RBOVS MORPHY aa polioe boas. 

2. JAIL QIUJQAN NQH and prosecote hln for mwdar. 

3. TAKE TUB OOMS AMAT fTcn N«m York polioe. 

lu BFBAL tb* atir sli trUk law and tte no-kniMk law. 

5. VrXB AIX dUJD JMX miKDKB opao to tha pitfillo. 

6. moVE /XL BflnuHlnRM TBOOFEBS tron Dedford«a tn r»— aut IWI 

BROOKLYM-'J>ROGRESSlVE LABOR CLUB. 

Hoplcliis Atmoa (near Tfglrtni) 
>829^ FX 8.22A 






:^r 



>? ; 






■ •'.^J 



SUBVERSIVE 



INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 995 



ROMERSTEIN EXHIBIT No. 8 



ATTEMPTED POLITICAL 

ASSASSINATION 



OF 



BILL 
EPTON 




HE DARED FIGHT BACK 

HE STOOD UP TO TO6 MAM 

NOW-STANDUPFORHIM! 

DEFEND BILL EPTON NOW 

Harlem Defense Council 

336 Lenox Ave. Fl 8-2254 



996 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

ROMERSTEIN EXHIBIT No. 9 



KILLER COP IS 
SUING US? 



Police Lieut Thomas R GUligan, who shot 
down 15 year-old James Powell in cold blood 
last July 18th, is suing us because we exposed 
him in our WANTED FORMURDER poster. The 
five and one-half million dollar law suit ia directed 
against the Harlem Defense Council, Jesse Gray, 
CORE, the Progressive Labor Movement, Bill 
E^ton, the printing company which printed the 
poster, and other important civil rights leaders. 
Gilligan is being represented by Roy Cohn who 
was the top aide of the late fascist Sen. McCarthy. 

BEHIND- THE-SCENE SPONSORS 

There Is no doubt that Mayor Wagner and his 
bosses are behind this suit The Mayor is out for 
revenge against those who exposed him last sum- 
mer, and he wishes to discredit those who will 
oppose his re-election. To this end, the Mayor has 
undoubtedly instructed the District Attorney lo 
p r o^at CMBigan* tarwyw wtSh top Mcrd idrBoci 



tion of New York State. 

JUSTICE IS A RICH WHITE COLOR 

The all-white, fixed, rich man's grand jury, 
which compiled theserecords, has been inconstant 
session since last Aug^ust 3rd, supposedly "inves- 
tigating" the Harlem "riots." As a follow-up blow 
in his political campaign, Wagner has instructed 
Hogan to use this Grand Jury to bring down 
"inciting to riot' indictments against some of the 
persons and organizations named in the Gilligan 
suit In fact, these indictments have been prepared 
for some time now. They are sitting on the D.A-'s 
desk. Mayor Wagner has arranged that they be 
handed down three to six months before election 
during his campaign for re-election. He hopes 
(through these frame-ups) to divert attention from 
his responsibility for police atrocities and worsen- 
ing living conditions in Harlem and Bedford- 
Stuyvesant 

Wagfner has vowed an open political and "legEil" 
attack on eJl civil rights forces in Harlem and in 
the City*at large He has arranged for virtual 
police occupation of Harlem and Bedford-Stoy- 
vesant this summer and continuing through the 
election, in order to deal with political forces 
which oppose him. The effects ofthis police occup- 
ation are already being felt. There has been a 
steady increase of police terror and intimidation 
In Harlem and Bedford- Stuyvesant during the 
past few months. 




THEMLRFHY SHAM 

The Mayor convienently paid off Murphy (with 
a rich man's position) for a job 'well done', and 
removed him from the political picture in order to 
improve liis election image. He then arranged for a 
leak to the press, suggesting that he had forced 
Murphy' resignation over the civilian review 
issue. This Is a sly attempt to fool or confuse the 
black people of Harlem and Bedford- Stuyvesant 
as to the Mayor's real stand. Last summer's 
outrages, and the continuation ofpolice terror and 
occupation of Hturlem and Bedford-Stuyvesant 
this summer, put the lie to the Mayor's pretenses. 
It is proof that Murphy was following the Mayor's 
instructions and that these instructions are still 
in force. „ 

GOVERNMENT BY GANGSTERS 

Gilligan is a key pawn in Wagner's political 
game. So is Screvane. Screvane's acceptance of a 
$50,000 parking meter bribe was hushed up when 
the Mayor, through the D.A.'s office, arranged a 
"cop out" for the informer in return for 'clearing' 
Screvane. The Mayor is once again demonstrating 
that he Is at home in the company of thieves and 
murderers who aid his ambitious drive for greater 
political power. 

If the Wagner-Gilligan slate Is put back Into 
office in November, a thousand Gilligans will 
Kill again. GILLIGAN IS STILL WANTED 
FORMURDERl 



Harlem Defense Council 
107 West 116 St. Harlem USA 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 997 

Mr. EoMERSTEiN". Subsequent to the riot, but related to the riot situa- 
tion, as was pointed out in the testimony of Phillip Luce that was put 
into the record this morning, the Progressive Labor Movement na- 
tional leadership had a meeting to evaluate what had happened dur- 
ing the riot. 

I believe the key point in this, once again as pointed out, was that 
they wanted to carry the riot down to the Lower East Side. They 
expected their own Lower East Side Club to trigger another riot to 
pull the cops out of Harlem. The Lower East Side Club of the Pro- 
gressive Labor refused to do so, because they felt that they only had 
a small percentage of the juvenile delinquents and they didn't have 
enough to make a significant demonstration in that area, and to do so 
would have resulted m the cops coming in and wiping them out. They 
were not prepared for a blood bath. They were only prepared to do it 
if it were a successful provocation that would result in a real riot on 
Lower East Side and pull the cops out of Harlem. When they felt this 
would not be successful, they didn't do it. There was a certain amount 
of friction within Progressive Labor ranks because of the inability of 
the Lower East Side Club to do this for them. 

There is also another interesting aspect of this. That is the fact 
that some of the Negro members who were involved in the riot, and 
so on, were beginning to wake up to the fact that the white leaders 
were sitting downtown safe and sound. One of those who raised the 
problem was William McAdoo, who complained that the organization 
was a white-run organization. While the Negroes were out in the 
streets, the whites were running it. He suggested the setting up of a 
separate black, black Chinese-oriented Communist group, probably 
with himself heading it, that would carry out these activities and take 
the responsibility for them. 

Milton Rosen, the Progressive Labor leader, refused. They set up 
black organizations to work in Harlem, but they must be under the 
direction of the Progressive Labor Movement. In other words, Rosen 
and his group were to make the ultimate decisions. 

These Communists who call other Negro people "Uncle Toms" were 
constantly taking orders from the white Progressive Labor leaders 
downtown. They were never off the hook ; they were never allowed to 
make the decisions for themselves. 

Other groups also got into the act issuing leaflets of an inflamma- 
tory nature. Youth Against War and Fascism, which is one of the 
Trotskyite Communist youth groups, gave out leaflets in Harlem dur- 
ing the riot. 

(Leaflet marked "Romerstein Exhibit No. 10." See p. 998.) 

A group called Harlem Parents Committee gave out inflammatory 
leaflets. 

(Leaflet marked "Romerstein Exhibit No. 11." See p. 999.) 

The Movement for the Independence of Puerto Rico [Movimiento 
Pro Independencia de Puerto Rico], which is the Castroite Puerto 
Rican group, also gave out leaflets. 

This one has a very similar format to the Progressive Labor and 
Harlem Defense Council anti-Gilligan leaflets. It has a cartoon show- 
ing the policemen, with Mayor Wagner, and Police Commissioner 
Murphy in the back of them, deliberately shooting Puerto Ricans. 

(Document marked "Romerstein Exhibit No. 12." See p. 1000.) 

One ^oup that was set up during the riot was called the Harlem 
Solidarity Committee. It included the Progressive Labor Movement ; 
Jesse Gray ; Youth Against War and Fascism ; the Spartacist, which 



998 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

is another Trotskyite Communist splinter group ; and Daniel Watts, 
the editor of Liberator magazine, which is a black nationalist maga- 
zine of pro-Communist orientation. 

(Press release of Harlem Solidarity Committee marked "Romerstein 
Exhibit No. 13." See p. 1001. Exhibits Nos. 10-13 follow :) 



ROMERSTEIN EXHIBIT No. 10 

WHO KILLED 
JAMES POWELL^^ 



Janc8 Powell - 15 years old.' I - a 
ninth grado atudont - Is doadl Hit 
Ufa waa cut ahort tiy a policonan'a 
bullot. He is dead- while the r»- 
clst who Insulted him and the trl^- 
gor-happy cop who shot hln are set 
free. 



Jaaes Powell was killed hjr: 

* A R ACIST COP who says It was his duty to protect a white 
racist building a\q>orlnteiidant and shoot a flfteoi year old 
Black youth to death. 



James Powell was killed V 

* A tA^CIST-rm FPU CI 'OttO t1^ raorults aaa tralna paopl* 
ioT hrutallk/. knf decent hdoaar being would quit befor* tvo 
weeks on tha foroe - a gai^ ot storm trooper*. 



B* Powell waa killed tgr: 



s fOUTIC^ aOMie wha pralaa low'a K.r.K. la U«a ani aaOl 
on tbaoto >M ^iov«ber*, and Mar polltlelaoanwbo Barely look 
tha other way after aaofa killing. 



Jamas Powell waa killed tgri 

'I ■•, 

^amOHA-IBX BOetgES , who o^^tlis •weatshopa, banka, aad storaa 
and pay the police that prota^Ttbe rich aiul harasa the poor. 
They use the taotlc of divide and rule. 

Their nevapapara preach racism to try to pit 
the white workers against their Blaok 'brotbara. 
They *-^»^* inwnt scare stories, mi^nify "^""^ 
iDoldantt with huge headUnaa, and abed phoaay 
taara about ■aubway vlolsnoe'. Bat thay narrar aa^ 
wfaara the continuoua Tiolenoa ooosa froa - frosi 
tha raolst oop tha* they try to daplot •• ■ 
•rlotlB*. 

their police foroes enf oroa thalr imolai ayata* 
throx^ioat tha ooustry by kllili^ and arraatlag 
the poor peopla whoo tha boaaaa hare di lia u te 
dasparation. Sia polloa are glT«n tha im\ at 
a«rlk»-br«aksr in tha a«r«gcl« tor if H>| <• *< 
tarrorlslng pMpIa Into fa«r at p r ote c t. 

Jama ?oh«U waa tba lataat o&aoalW In the wmr vt tha boaasi asalaat 
tha worksra a:^: wataplo^ad, young aad old, Xlaok aaA «ld.t«. fk* oalr 
way to t\4tA agalsH thia war on tha ■ assaa la 

ganlsatlao to 



-^'/f 



TfJCTTH A(VW^ WAR ^ITO T13CISH BOX 3lT Old Ghelsen 3t«tlon 

!*•« York 11, N.T. 



SUBVERSIVE INELUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 999 



ROMERSTEIN EXHIBIT No. 1 1 



TO THE PEOPLE OF HARLEM ; 

THE HARLEM PARENTS COMMITTEE ASKS — 

1. HOT MUCH LONGER WILL IE ALT.0V7 QT? 'UI//E2 TO m 1^'^:::^?^ i^TO KILLED? 

2. HOW IIAHY IDRE SOUS WILL DLL— O-ClJJi- Da7;,I, TOL;:-^J.OW j?. TriS JSTJCT DAYt 

3. WHAT LiUST m. DO? 




^^^ of hMALmi\ 



WE MOST GO TO CITY HALL — — — — WE MUST DEMAND — — — — 

1, TH2 hied: ATE SIjSIBNSICIT AlTD INDICTIIiTT OF LT, GILLIGAN 

2, THE ILflEDIATE ni S'JISSAL OF CCl nil 3 STOKER IMIPHY 

3, THE liJEDIATE ESTABLISHIiENT OF A CIVILIA1.I REVIE.7 BOARD 
CH0S2W BY THE PEOPLE 

WE HOST KEEP COIUNG AITD COMING UNTIL HARLEM IS A RESPECTED COHIIDNITY 



WE HEAR MR. LYNCH IS "SORRY*" 

WE TOO ARE 3DRRY FOR: 

JAIES P017ELL 

lEDGAT. EVERS 

THE BIRl.iINGHAL' CHILDREN 

OllR 3 IlSSIilG PEOPLE IN IHSSISSIPPI 

Ei'METT TILL 

REV. KLUNDER 



JOIN US 
AT 

CITY HALL 
NOW 



3-083 0—68 — pt. 2- 



1000 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

ROMERSTEIN EXHIBIT No. 12 

''tL CRIMEN DEL TUNEL" 

Los Asesinos Tienen Que Ser Ajusticiados: 




Movimiento Pro INDEPENDENCIA 



DE PUERTO RICO 

•IX 274 NFW YORK 24 N 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 1001 

ROMERSTEIN EXHIBIT No. 13 

81-633 r^Uygg for rplorr.e J^turdav. July 2^ 

DfiiBBnd the reaoval of the rioting cops fron Harlem! 

flupi>ort *iie rl?ht of the cl-i3'..n3 of the g^fttto to defond thaneelv-sl 

Anr.c'jncenrnt of a gfment center rally in support of the citlzent of 
ill rlem « f.l Bodford-Stuyvessnt «?Rli.st police terror. 

TnradPY r-oun. July <^.B ct the iJV -omftr of 2i't\ St. (nd 8th Avo. 

SPEAKERS will in'-iudt: 

Milton iloean - chalmen of Progressive Labor Movtnont 
Key Mtrtin - chttlTiMr. of Youth Ageinot 'Wer and ?Ba''ian 
Jessie Cray - Harlem r^nt strike lecdtr 
Juiae-3 Robert sun - editxjr ol' the LLirttn.i8t 
Conrfid Lynn - noted ''Ivi.l rights tvttomey 
plus otherr. 

spofjronED by tj-.p .1 .hi.-2.-: scLii . paTY co:*iim2 

t'upoor^cr.'; incl'jido: 

Brooklyn <"lvil Rights Defense Conn. 
Coiiiaitt«i: for Peace Orggnization -Ereo 
Jecsie Gray 

Progrcaaive Lfbor Movement 
SDfcrt£.cist 

Youth Against War end FosclBm 
Dan Uctts, editor of Liberfator 
for more in forma titm, // »^^ 



1002 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

In the course of the investigation of the Harlem riots, about a dozen 
members of Progressive Labor were brought before the grand jury 
to answer questions concerning their role during the riots and infor- 
mation that they might have concerning the activities that Progressive 
Labor has taken. 

They refused to answer the questions, although they were granted 
immunity. They have since been convicted of contempt of the grand 
jury. Some are serving jail sentences, some are still out on appeal. 

The Supreme Court heard the case of the first group that went up on 
appeal and upheld the conviction. Some of the testimony that mem- 
bers of Progressive Labor refused to answer was this one to William 
McAdoo, which is contained in the indictment : 

Q. Mr. McAdoo, during the July riots in New York County, were you present 
at the oflSces of the Progressive Labor Movement, on Lenox Avenue, and did you 
at that time demonstrate how a Molotov cocktail is made ? 

A. I refuse to answer that question under the same grounds. 

He had already been granted immunity. Had he answered "yes," he 
could not be prosecuted for his role in that particular act. He felt it 
necessary to protect the organization by refusing to answer. This was 
not a fifth amendment situation. There was no criminal proceeding that 
could be taken against him. He had immunity, but to protect the orga- 
nization he was prepared to go to jail for contempt of the grand jury. 

Other members of the Progressive Labor group had similar type 
questions asked of them and questions relating to the publication of 
the various inflammatory leaflets. They once again refused to answer 
and were convicted of contempt of the grand jury. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, permission is requested to accept these 
documents. 

The Chairman. In order to determine the pertinency of the refusal 
or the invocation of the fifth amendment, will you read a sample of 
questions that they refused to answer in addition to the one you just 
read? 

Mr. RoMERSTEiN. Yes, sir. 

This was a question to David Douglas : 

Mr. Douglas, did you agree and conspire with William Epton to incite further 
rioting in New York County during July of this year? 

His answer to this, after being granted immunity, was : 

As I said before, Mr. Phillips, I think this hearing is illegal and unconstitu- 
tional. I have seen what reports 

The Chairman. We have heard tliat said so often. 

Mr. RoMERSTEiN. Yes, sir; this is to a grand jury instead of to the 
committee. 

The Chairman. In other words, they accused the grand jury of 
being an unconstitutional assembly. 

Mr. RoMERSTEiN. Yes, sir. That was the case of Douglas. 

The Chairman. That is a good one. 

Mr. RoMERSTEiN. Similar questions were asked of other members. 
For example, at one point Vivian Anderson was asked a question and 
she decided she didn't like the question at all. She said: "I am not 
goin^ to answer any more questions except as tliey pertain to my 
position and conduct in office * * *." 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 1 003 

That is in connection with her position as a teacher. She simply 
refused to answer questions related to the activities during the riots. 
She was asked : "Did you and William Epton agree to incite further 
riots in New York County in January of this year?" She said, "I 
refuse to answer." 

The Chairman. That was before a grand jury ? 

Mr. RoMERSTEiN. Yes, sir. These are excerpts from the grand jury 
minutes that were placed in the indictment of these people. 

The Chairman. So that is part of the indictment. 

Mr. KoMERSTEiN. Yes, sir; this is in the indictment, a matter of 
record. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, permission is requested to accept these 
documents referred to by Mr. Romerstein. 

The Chairman. They will be received in evidence and marked re- 
spectively in the order of their reference by the witness. 

(Documents marked "Romerstein Exhibits Nos. 14— A through 
14-E," respectively. See pp. 1020-1030.) 

Mr. Watson. Mr. Chairman, may I at this point ask the witness 
whether or not he knows of any group or organization other than 
the Progressive Labor Movement and/or organization under its di- 
rection which either called a meeting or circulated inflammatory leaf- 
lets prior to and during the riots which occurred in July of 1964 in 
Harlem ? 

Mr. Romerstein. Well, sir, the most inflammatory leaflets were put 
out by Progressive Labor. But other inflammatory leaflets were put 
out by CORE. Of course, CORE did hold that meeting immediately 
prior to the confrontation with the police. 

Leaflets were given out, and some of them I have introduced, by 
the various Trotsky organizations. Youth Against War and Fascism, 
Jesse Gray's leaflet saying the police are engaged in an act of genocide 
against the Negro people. All these leaflets were distributed during 
the riot and helped create an inflammatory situation that helped keep 
the riots going. 

(CORE leaflet marked "Romerstein Exhibit No. 15" appears on p. 
1004:) 

Mr. Watson. Could we assume, or conclude from the publications 
that jou have inserted in the record and that you have given the 
committee here, that the main thrust came from the Progressive Labor 
Movement and/or its affiliated groups ? 

Mr. Romerstein. Yes, sir. There is no question about that. Pro- 
gressive Labor was the prime mover in these activities. Even the ac- 
tivities of some of these other groups were coordinated with Progres- 
sive Labor and in cooperation with Progressive Labor. Epton took 
the lead ; he took the responsibility for organizing much of the demon- 
strations that went on and getting material printed, and so on. 

Mr, Watson. What subsequently occurred during the riots fol- 
lowed the pattern or the plan as outlined earlier by Bill Epton and 
the Progressive Labor Movement. Whether or not it was directed by 
them, did it follow the pattern and the plan that they established ? 

Mr. Romerstein. Yes, sir. It followed the type of activity that they 
were advocating, and had been advocating for many months prior to 
the riot. We received testimony from Detective Hart that actual train- 
ing was given in the use of Molotov cocktails. Attempts were made to 
train people in the use of weapons. These actions did in fact take place 
during the riots. Molotov cocktails were thrown at the police. There 



1004 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

ROMERSTEIN EXHIBIT No. 1 5 






1 Pol,C£M5N VJHO Hm/£ SHC-r 
hM>^ K'l LEO B6 RPPRMSWbEb 

•top Pounce oftic'rls^nd 
p-oft A Ovu-IAM Review 0o/^«D 

WILL B& Mfl^'^ 



WILL G£ HELD /^^ ^^^ ^^^^" 
OFFICE - sol \A/. 'c^^ ST, 

ST. NiCHr. /i-S /U£WU£5y 

5rAV ^W'^"' '^'^ STo^f3 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 1 005 

was sniping from rooftops and throwing of missiles at the police from 
rooftops, as Progressive Labor advocated. 

Last week the committee heard the testimony of the sociologist, Mr. 
Jones. This riot went through those same phases that he outlined : The 
precrowd phase of organizing and creating a climate of opinion 
against the police ; the crowd phase, a hot night, people began to gather 
just to get out of their hot apartments and out on the streets. An inci- 
dent takes place, such as the shooting of the Powell boy, and the next 
day the crowd is worked up in a direct confrontation with the police. 

Mr. Watson. In other words, the Harlem riot followed exactly the 
criteria laid down by the witness, Mr, Jones, specialist in this field, 
of a Communist-manipulated riot ? 

Mr. RoMERSTEiN. Yes, sir. I would say it was a classic pattern. 

Mr. Watson. Thank you, sir. 

The Chairman. I have one more question, sir. These documents that 
you have introduced and which are very meaningful, I take it they 
are not all the documents that could be produced by you on the sub- 
ject, but it is, rather, a sampling coming from a greater volume if 
they were all here ? 

Mr. RoMERSTEiN. Yes, sir. We have collected a tremendous amount 
of material of this type that had been disseminated during that time. 
We picked out sample copies for presentation. 

The Chairman. Thank you very much. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, that concludes the presentation of Mr. 
Romerstein. 

The Chairman. I wish to thank you ever so much. Not^ only are jou 
a credit to your country, but you are a credit to this committee as an in- 
vestigator. I compliment you and thank you very much. 

Mr. RoMERSTEiN. Thank you, sir. 

4: * * * * * * I 

The Chairman. Off the record, gentlemen. 

There is a quorum call going on. I think I will try to make it. 

The committee will stand in recess for 20 minutes. 

(Brief recess.) 

The Chairman. The committee will be in recess until 10 o'clock 
tomorrow morning. 

(Wliereupon, at 4:50 p.m., Tuesday, October 31, 1967, the commit- 
tee recessed, to reconvene at 10 a.m., Wednesday, November 1, 1967.) 

(Romerstein Exhibit No. 3, introduced on p. 984, and Exhibits Nos. 
14-A through 14-E, introduced on p. 1003, follow :) 

iThe testimony of the n«xt witness, Robert H. Mehaffey, is printed in part 1 of these 
beatrlnigs. See p. 863. 



1006 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

ROMERSTEIN EXHIBIT No. 3 

REPORT BY DISTRICT ATTORNEY 
OF NEW YORK COUNTY 



At approximately 9:30 on the morning of July 16, 1964, James 



Powell, a fifteen year old boy, was shot to death by Lieutenaint Thomas 
Gilligan, a New York City police officer. The office of the District 
Attorney of New York County immediately commenced an investigation. 
An exhaustive search for all possible witnesses was conducted. 

J" On July 21st the Second July Grand Jury began hearing evidence 
presented by Assistant District Attorney Alexander Herman, Chief 
of the Homicide Bureau, and Assistant District Attorney Martin J. 
Heneghan. The jury held fifteexi sessions and heaid forty-five witnesses 
Under the law, the testimony of these v/itnesses before the grand jury 
is secret. However, all known witnesses, including these referred 
to the office by various organizations, were interviewed by members 
of the District Attorney's staff. 

The igrand jury now has concluded that, on the basis of the 
evidence and the applicable rales of law. Lieutenant Gilligan is not 
criminally liable for the killing of yojng Powell. In view of that 
determination and in light of the great public interest evinced in the 
case, the District Attorney's office has prepared this report, summarizing; 
in detail what has been learned in the course of the investigation. 
Appended hereto is a statement of the controlling legal principles. 

The Scene and the Incident Preceding the Shooting 



Although there was disagreement among many of the witnesses 
with respect to the details of the shooting itself, there was substantial , 
agreement concerning the essential facts of the incident which preceded 
the encounter of James Powell and Lieutenant Gilligan. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 1007 
RoMERSTEiN EXHIBIT No. 3 — Continued 
At about 9:15 on the morning of July 16, 1964, the superintendent 

of 215 East 76th Street and three other buildings on the block, had 
commenced his morning task of watering the flowers and plants in 
front of No. 211 and the two trees in front of No. 215. Across the 
street on the south side of the bbck, and somewhat east of No. 215, is 
the Robert Wagner Junior High School. As was common, a number of 
the summer session students — estimates ranged up to one hundred--were 
standing about on both sides of the street, leaning against cars, or 
sitting on stoops. Whether intentionally or not, the superintendent 
wet a few of the children who were in the immediate vicinity. Some of 
the youngsters then began throwing garbage can covers and bottles. 
One boy came at the superintendent with a lid in one hand and a bottle 
in the other. Dropping the hose, and running into No. 215, the 
superintendent was hit in the shoulder by the bottle, while the cover 
broke one of the panes of the outer door of the building. 

No. 215 is an apartment building. Two steps, a total of ten aoid 
one-half inches in height, lead to the stoop landing, which is four feet 
three and one-half inches deep and four feet nine inches wide; another 
step leads to the outer door. On each side of the landing is a wall two 
feet four and one-half inches high topped by a railing two feet high. 
From the building line to the curb is a distance of fifteen feet two 
inches. On the west side of the stoop at No. 215 is a television service 
store and on the east side a cleaning store. Parked in front of the 
building that moraing was the service truck of the TV store, and 
behind the truck a passenger car. 



_ ll 



1008 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

. RoMERSTEiN EXHIBIT No. 3 — Continued 

Medical and ballistics evidence 
! 

An autopsy was performed by a Deputy Chief Medical Examiner, 

Examination of the body showed that Powell was 5 feet 6 1/2 inches tall 
and weighed 122 pounds. He had been struck by two bullets. One bullet 
entered the lower part of the right forearm, just above the back of the 
wrist and came out the other side. This bullet then pierced the 
deceased's chest above the right nipple, and came to rest in the left 
lung. Death as a result of this wound alone would have followed anytime 
within minutes to a half hour. The other bullet entered just above the 
navel to the left of center, and emerged at the opposite point in the 
back, having pierced the abdomen and a major vein. This wound could 
likewise have been fatal. There was no evidence on the body of smoke, 
flame or powder marks, thus indicating that both bullets must have 
jl travelled more than a foot and a half before striking Powell. 

A ballistics expert examined Powell's clothing in the hospital. 
There were no powder bums or scorch marks on the clothing, and, 
therefore, in his opinion, the gun must have been farther than two feet 
from Powell's body when fired. A survey was made of the hallway of 
No. 215. Lodged in the jamb of the inner door, forty inches above the 
floor, was a deformed . 38 caliber bullet. This bullet had first pierced 
a glass panel of the outer door, thirty-five inches above the floor. Thus, 
j the bullet had been travelling at an upward angle. The position of the 
bullet and the depth of its penetration in the jamb, as well as the size 
and shape of the hole in the outer pane, nullified any possibility that it 
had first passed through Powell's body before reaching the hallway. 
The absence of any impact marks on the newly cemented sidewalk negated 
any possibility that Powell had been shot in the abdomen while lying on 
the ground. 

li 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 1009 
RoMERSTEiN EXHIBIT No. 3 — Continued 
Two of the bullets were too deformed for comparison. But 

ballistics tests of the bullet lodged in the chest proved that it had 
been fired from Gilligan's gun which, when examined, contained 
six cartridges, three discharged and three live. 

The following day Gilligan was examined hy a doctor, after 
having received first aid the day before at Roosevelt Hospital, where 
a splint had been applied to his right hand and forearm. The doctor 
diagnosed the injury as abrasion of the right upper forearnn, superficial 
Loss of skin on the right upper forearm, contusion and sprain of right 
land and wrist, and recurrence of a previous sacroiliac injurj' resulting 
in a severe twisting of the back. The tissues of the right arm gave 
evidence of a sharp blow on the lateral margin of the right hand and 
'o rearm. 
Students 



Fifteen teenagers, eight girls and seven boys, were questioned. 
Almost all had been friends of Powell, or had known kim by name or 
sight; all, except one, were summer session students at the school. 

Two boys, friends of the deceased, described his actions shortly 
breceding his encounter with Lieutenant Gilligsin. That morning they 
lad travelled with Powell from, their homes in a housing project in the 
Bronx to the school. Powsll showed them two knives, one with a red 
landle, the other black- handled, and let each of them keep one for him. 
\fter the superintendent had fled into the building, Powell r;rossed to the 
school side of the street a.nd, according to the boy who had it, demanded 
he red-handled knife, stating, "I am going to cut that ***. " The boy 
baid he pretended not to have the knife. After some argument, Powell 
ipproached the other boy who said Powell asked for the black-handled 
cnife, adding that he would be right back. The ooy gave him the knife 



1010 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

RoMERSTEiN EXHIBIT No. 3 — Continued 
and, shortly thereafter, Powell was seen crossing the street, opening 

and closing the blade. A girl, who was following behind him, stated 

Powell told her that he was going to talk to the man. Pleading with him 

not to go, because there was liable to be trouble, she said she grabbed | 

at him in an unsuccessful attempt to restrain himi. 

The recitals of what occurred at this point differ. The girl, 

who v/as following Powell and who had now stationed herself near the 

stoop, stated that he walked up the steps of No. 215, opened the door all 

the way, at which time Gilligan, coming from the direction of the TV 

store, stopped in front of the building, and, still on the sidewalk, shouted 

to Powell, causing him to turn around. Three students agreed with this 

account. But three other students claimed that Gilligan was already on 

the stoop facing the street, when Powell approached the building. Another 

three youngsters reported that both were on the sidewalk, facing each 

other in an east-west direction, when the shooting started. And, finally, 

two girls were positive that Gilligan followed Powell out of the building 

before he shot him. 

In any event, several students recalled that the girl by the stoop 

yelled to Powell that the man had a gun. According to her, Powell, having 

turned around, then raised both hands whereupon Gilligan walked up the 

stoop and, approximately a foot and a half away from Powell, pushed 

his right hand. A boy, standing on the school side of the street said- he 

also saw Gilligan grab at Powell's right hand, while others claimed that 

i he turned the boy around so as to face him. A number of the students 

I recounted that Powell was either waving or raising his arms, and one saii^ 

he was flinging them as if to strike at the officer. None saw a knife in 

I Powell's hand at this point, although one boy said he might have had a beeir 

can in his hand, and one girl claimed that in fact he was holding a beer can 
I 
I -5- 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 1011 

RoMERSTEiN EXHIBIT No. 3 — Continued 
in his right hand. Two students later saw a knife lying m the street 

near the curb. 

Regardless of the nature of the encounter or the position of Powell 

and Gilligan, it was undisputed that a shot was soon fired. According to 

the girl by the stoop, the officer held his gun at waist level and fired 

one shot, causing Powell to fall to the sidev/alk. Seven students only 

heard the first shot, their attention having been diverted, or their view 

having been blocked hj other people or the parked vehicles; seven 

others simply stated that the officer fired a snot. One of the latter 

group expressly noted tliat the officer pointed the gun at Powell's right 

hand and then fired. 

Almost all the students agreed that Powell fell after the fiist shot. 
According to the most frequent account, after Powell fell to the sidewalk 
on his hands and knees, the officer, still on the steps, pointed the gun 
down and fired two more shots at Powell's back. Tv/o youngsters said 
Powell had first dropped to his knees clutching his abdomen. One girl 
was certain that Powell was lying on his back when Gilligan fired the 
final two shots down at him. Altogether, ten students reported that 
Gilligan fired two shots at Powell when he was down en the ground after 
having fallen from the first shot. But one of these witnesses was shown 
photographs of the hallway, proving a bullet had pierced a window of 
the outer door and had lodged in the jamb of the inner door. After 
looking at the photograph he said he was not sure of what he had seen. 
Upon further reflection he admitted that, in fact, he had not seen the 
shooting at all. 

Of those who claimed to have seen the shooting, some acknowledged 
that their view was obstructed by the truck parked in front of No, 215, 
or by other children; some heard but did not see the last two shots; 

-6- 



1012 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

RoMERSTEiN EXHIBIT No. 3 — Continued 
others admitted running for cover when the shooting started. All agreed 

that after the first shot there was a pause, then two shots m succession, 
and, finally, Powell lay flat on his stomach, body parallel with the curb, 
head towards Third Avenue, while Gilligan stood over hitn holding the gun 
pointed at the body. Many of the students claimed that Gilligan then either 
nudged or pushed or kicked Powell over onto his back. But when Powell's 
two friends, who had been holding the knives for him, ran over from the 
opposite side of the street, after having heard the three shots, Powell was 
still face down and Gilligan stood over him rubbing his fingers. The boy 
who had given Powell the knife asked Gilligan why he had shot him. 
Gilligan replied, "This is why, " taking from his pocket a badge which he 
pinned to his shirt. Asked why he didn't call an ambulance, Gilligan said 
that Powell was his prisoner and directed the boy to call the ambulance. 
The boy, who had refused to give Powell the red -handled knife, heard 
Gilligan say that Powell had tried to kill him and that he had a knife under 
him. 

Adults 



Various aspects of the events, prior to, during and subsequent to the 
shooting, were observed by eight passersby, two store owners, two 
neighborhood workmen, five teachers, and a priest. According to one of 
the owners of the TV store, Gilligan came in with a radio to be fixed and 
isked what was going on in the street. Told that the young people were just 
icting up, Gilligan remarked that he did not want to get involved in anything, 
:hat he wanted to have his radio fixed and leave. The shopkeeper saw the 
iTouths start throwing garbage can covers and soda bottles. There was a 
;rash and he saw the superintendent run into the building. Gilligan then ran 
put the door. 

-7- 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 1013 
RoMERSTEiN EXHIBIT No. 3 — Continued 
Seven other people, a couple walking by the building, a practical 

nurse standing on the other side of the street, a truck driver walking to 
work, a bus driver on his way from work, the cleaning store owner, and 
a teacher looking out a third story school window, stated that Powell 
had run, leaped or swaggered onto the stoop, heading towards the 
entrance to number 215, Some saw Powell enter the building. Gilligan 
appeared from the direction of the TV store and, according to most 
versions, was standing on the sidewalk somewhere near the stoop when 
Powell started back down the stoop towards the street. Gilligan, according 
to the man in the television store, shouted, "Stop". Extending his left 
hand, he said, "I'm a lieutenant, drop it"; in his right hand he held a 
gun. Standing in the entrance way of the store, the owner looked to the 
doorway of the building and saw the head and shoulders of someone coming 
out in a crouched position, clenced hand raised to shoulder level. A bus 
driver standing near No. 209 said that Powell had a knife in his right hand 
and was moving off the stoop towards the officer, who was on the sidewalk 
facing the building. He related that Gilligan, holding a badge in his open 
palm, had shouted, "Stop, "I'm a cop". An air conditioning mechanic, 
whose truck was halted by traffic about three buildings west of No. 215, 
heard someone shout, "Stop and drop it". From his elevated cab, he then 
saw Powell standing with one foot on the sidewalk and one foot on the bottoiii 
step of the stoop. Facing Powell, about two or three feet away was Gilliga;i. 
A knife in his right hand, the boy paused, raised it to about head level 
away from his body, and started to come down with it, striking at Gilligan. 
There was a shot. Powell started to slump but came up again. He raised 
the knife and again swung at Gilligan. There was another shot. Traffic 
started to move, and the witness drove away towards Second Avenue. 
A workman on a scaffold four buildings east of No, 215 looked in the directibn 



1014 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

RoMERSTEiN EXHIBIT No. 3 — Continued 
of the building after the first shot. According to his version, Powell was 

moving rapidly and coming dovra from the stoop but still on the landing 
while Gilligan was on the sidewalk in front of the TV store. In his right 
hand Gilligan held some object and his left hand was partially outstretched 
Powell, with his hands raised and fists clenched, also held an object 
in his hand. As he then climed up the rope of the scaffold to safety, he 
heard two more shots. 

Other witnesses differed concerning the positions of Gilligan and 
Powell. A truck driver, who was standing in front of the cleaning store 
insisted that Gilligan had followed Powell into the building and that they 
were both still in the hallway when the three shots were fired. Two 
witnesses maintained that one or all three shots were fired from the 
street into the hallway, while one passerby said Gilligan was in front of the 
TV store window when he fired toward the door. A teacher who was stand ng 
by a fourth story window when the first shot was fired thought that Gilligan 
was facing the street and Powell the building when the next two shots were 
fired. 

All the witnesses who heard three shots, except one, agreed that 
the first shot was followed by a pause and then two shots in succession. 
All, who had seen Powell fall to the sidewalk, recalled that he did not 
reach the ground until all three shots had been fired. Powell lay on the 
sidewalk face down, while Gilligan stood over him, pointing his gun ai 
him. The TV man heard the officer tell Powell not to move. Two 
teachers, looking from the third and fourth floor windows, respectively, 
claimed that Gilligan then pushed Powell over onto his back. A man 
standing by the cleaning store maintained, however, that an ambulance 
attendant turned over the body, and a man who had been working in a 
nearby building said that a clergyman and a police officer turned Powell 

-9- 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 1015 
RoMERSTEiN EXHIBIT No. 3 — Continued 
over onto his back. But the priest who arrived on the scene stated that 

Powell was already on his back when he arrived. Two men heard 
Gilligan say that there was a knife under the boy. They also noticed 
a badge hanging from Gilligan 's pants pocket. 

Two other witnesses saw a knife in the street after the shooting. 
A young school teacher who lives in the neighborhood noticed a knife 
blade lying next to Powell's thigh, between his body and the stoop. While 
standing there she saw someone kick the knife toward the curb. A teache i 
who ran out of the school after the shooting saw a knife lying in the 
gutter about ten feet from Powell. The blade was open. He picked it 
up, closed it, and gave it to a police officer. Powell's young friend 
later identified this knife as the black-handled knife he had received from 
Powell and returned to him just before the shooting. 
Police officers 

Several uniformed police officers arrived at the scene approximately 
9:30. Two saw Powell lying face down with his left arm partly under his 
head. One of them turned Powell over in an attempt to administer first 
aid. The other officer was handed the black-handled knife by a teacher. 
Now in the District Attorney's custody, this knife, open, measures eight 
and seven-eighths inches. Its single blade is three and one -half inches 
long. 
Statement of Lieutenant Gilligan 

Lieutenant Gilligan is thirty-seven years old, has been a policeman 
for seventeen years. He is six feet, two inches tall, and weighs about tw(^ 
hundred pounds. Questioned extensively. Lieutenant Gilligan gave the 
following version of the events. July 16th was his day off. His radio 
having gone dead that morning, he decided to take it to the Jadco TV 
Service Company, located at 215 East 76th Street in the precinct where 



■10- 



88-083 O— 68— pt. 2- 



1016 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

RoMERSTEiN EXHIBIT No. 3 — Continued 
he formerly worked. Arriving at about 9:9^0 or 9:25 a. m, , he noticed 

two groups of youngsters standing around a man who was hosing the 
sidewalk. Upon entering the store, he was told that there had been 
some trouble earlier and that the police had been called. 

Suddenly, Gilligan heard the sound of breaJcing glass and saw 
people running in the street. Dropping the hose, the superintendent ran 
into the building. A boy, following behind, threw a bottle and garbage 
can cover at the man and ran away. Gilligan then stepped outside and 
spotted Powell running around the front of the parked service truck 
tov/ards the building, yelling, "Hit him, hit him, hit him. " In his right 
hand, held close to his chest, was an open knife, blade pointed down. 
Powell ran towards the hallway. Gilligan, removing his badge from his 
left trouser pocket and his revolver from his right pocket, moved to a 
point in front of the stoop, facing the building entr-ance. By this time 
Powell was just inside the hallway at the outer door. Holding the 
shield in his outstretched hand in front of him, Gilligan said, "I'm a 
j police lieutenant. Come out and drop it. " Looking over his shoulder, 
Powell glanced from the badge to the gun. Gilligan repeated the warning. 
Powell turned, raised the knife in front of his chest and lunged at the 
officer. Pointing the gun to his left, Gilligan fired a warning shot into the 
building and again told him to stop. Powell, now close to the edge of 
the stoop landing, struck at the officer with the knife. Gilligan flocked it 
with his right hand, which still held the gun, and attempted to push Powell 
back, but the knife scraped along his arm causing it to bleed and later to 
swell. Powell was bent back but again struck with the knife. This time 
Gilligan, who claims to be an expert shot, pointed his gun slightly upward^ 
and fired at the raised hand, seeking to dislodge the knife. But Powell, 
still above the officer on the stoop, again lunged forward, knife hand 



■II- 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 1017 
RoMERSTEiN EXHIBIT No. 3 — Continued 
pumping. Gilligan stepped back and fired into the boy's midsection. 

Powell staggered and collapsed onto the sidewalk, face down. The 
knife lay nearby. Gilligan backed around onto the stoop, holding the 
gun down by his side. 

APPLICABLE LAW 

1. The killing of one human being by another is a criminal 
homicide, unless the act is "justifiable" or otherwise excused by law. 

2. Deadly force is justifiable if used in self-defense, whether 
by a private citizen or a police officer. The theory of self-defense 
may be termed, "reasonably apparent necessity": deadly force is 
justified if the slayer has a reasonable basis, in all the circumstances, 
for believing at the moment of the slaying that such force is necessary 
to prevent imminent, grave personal injury to himself. 

If James Powell did not attack Lt. Gilligan, or attacked him but 
without a dangerous weapon, and Gilligan had no reason for believing 
that he was in imminent danger, the shooting was not justified as self- 
defense. If Powell attacked Gilligan with a knife, but there was a 
reasonable alternative to shooting, Gilligan was obliged to make every 
effort, consistent with his own safety, to avoid the danger before using 
fatal force. He could shoot without retreating, however, if it was 
reasonable to believe at the moment of the attack that retreat was 
impossible or would have increased the danger. This is so even if, upon 
subsequent reflection, it appears that such belief was mistaken, and 
there was an opportunity to retreat without increasing the danger. 

3. Deadly force is justifiable not only under the law of self-defense 
but also under certain principles governing the use of force by a police 
officer in the performance of his duties. 

-12- 



1018 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 
ROMERSTEIN EXHIBIT No. 3 — Continued 
At all times, a New York City policeman is required to carry his 

service revolver, and bound to protect life and property, prevent crime, 

and arrest offenders. If, while "off duty", Gilligan observed a public 

disturbance, he was obliged to intercede, and could arrest any person 

on reasonable grounds for believing that he was committing a crime or 

offense in the officer's presence. Homicide is justifiable when committed 

by a police officer in attempting lawfully to apprehend a person for a 

crime a-^tuaily committed, when the circumstances are such that one 

would have reasonable cause for believing that the crime was a felony, 
and that deadly force is necessary to apprehend the suspect. Assault 

with a knife, and assaulting a police officer with intent to resist lawful 

IJ 

ii arrest, are felonies. 

|i 

Therefore, if Gilligan was acting as a police officer, and lawfully 
attempting to apprehend Powell for some crime or offense committed in 
his presence, such as possession of a knife with intent to use it unlawfully 
upon another, or disorderly conduct, and Powell resisted arrest by 
assaulting Gilligan in any manner, this assault was a felony; if Powell 
assaulted Gilligan with a dangerous weapon, a separate felony was 
committed. The officer was then entitled to use deadly force to apprehend 
Powell, but only if he had a reasonable basis for believing that such force 
was necessary. 

4. The presumption of innocence applies in the grand jury room. 
The grand jury ought to find an indictment only when all the evidence 
before them, taken together, is such as in their judgment would, if 
unexplained or uncontradicted, warrant a conviction by a trial jury by a 
verdict of guilty beyond a reasonable doubt. The grand jury should consider 
all the evidence, and where there appear irreconcilable discrepancies, 
j the grand jury should resolve issues of credibility. 



-13- 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 1019 
RoMERSTEiN EXHIBIT No. 3— Continued 
Thus, no indictment could be found against Lt. Gilligan unless 
at least twelve of the grand jurors concluded that a petit jury would be 
persuaded by the evidence that, beyond a reasonable doubt, the killing 
was unjustified. 



-14- 



1 020 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

ROMERSTEIN EXHIBIT NO. 14— A 

CRIMINAL COURT OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK 
COUNTY OF NEW YORK 

The People of the State of New York 

against 

WiixiAM MoAdoo, defendant 

BE IT REMEMBERED that I, Frank S. Hogan, the District Attorney of 
the County of New York, by this information accuse the above-named defendant 
of the crime of CRIMINAL CONTEMPT, committed as follows: 

The Second Grand Jury of the County of New York for the August, 1964 
Term continued, having been duly and properly impanelled, has been conducting 
an investigation to determine whether violations of the Penal Law relating 
to conspiracy to incite a riot had occurred. 

On September 14, 1964, the above-named defendant appeared as a witness 
before said Second Grand Jury for the August, 1964 Term continued and was 
duly sworn and was advised that the Grand Jury had voted to confer immunity 
upon him for any crimes that might be revealed by his testimony. Thereafter 
the defendant, William McAdoo, testified on a number of occasions. 

On September 30, 1964, the Second Grand Jury for the August, 19M Term 
continued, in due form of law, its aforesaid investigation to determine whether 
violations of the Penal Law relating to conspiracy to incite a riot had occurred. 

The above-named defendant was recalled as a witness, on September 30, 
1964, in the County of New York, and testified before said Grand Jury under 
oath after being advised that the Grand Jury had previously voted to confer 
immunity upon htm for any crimes that might be revealed by his testimony 
and that said immunity was still in effect. 

Thereupon the defendant, on September 30, 1964, contumaciously and unlaw- 
fully refused, before said Grand Jury, to answer a legal and proper interrogatory 
of the said Grand Jury as the following testimony demonstrates : 

Q. Mr. McAdoo, when did you become a member of the Labor Movement, 
if you did become a member of the Labor Movement? 

A. I am going to refuse to answer that question, under the Fifth Amend- 
ment. 

Q. Mr. McAdoo. I think the last time you were here I advised you that 
the grand jury had voted to confer immunity upon you for any crimes 
which your testimony disclosed. Do you recall that? 

A. I recall the conferral of immxmity. 

Q. And I advised you at that time that when the foreman directs you 
to answer a question that immunity is conferred upon you for crimes 
that your testimony discloses, but does not give you immunity for any 
I)erjury or contempt which your testimony might disclose. 

A. I understand that. 

Mr. Phillips : You understand. And I ask the Foreman to direct you to 
answer that question. 

The Foreman: I so direct you. 

The Witness : And again I refuse on the same grounds. 

SECOND COUNT: 

AND I, THE DISTRICT ATTORNEY AFORESAID, by this information, 
further accuse the said defendant of the crime of CRIMINAL CONTEMPT, 
committed as follows : 

The Second Grand Jury of the County of New York for the August, 1964 
Term continued, having been duly and properly impanelled, has been conducting 
an investigation to determine whether violations of the Penal Law relating to 
conspiracy to incite a riot had occurred. 

On September 14, 1964, the above-named defendant appeared as a witness 
before said Second Grand Jury for the August, 1964 Term continued and was 
duly sworn and was advised that the Grand Jury had voted to confer immunity 
upon him for any crimes that might be revealed by his testimony. Thereafter the 
defendant, William McAdoo, testified on a number of occasions. 

On September 30, 1964, the Second Grand Jury for the August, 1964 Term 
continued, in due fonn of law, its aforesaid investigation to determine whether 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 1 021 

violations of the Penal Law relating to conspiracy to incite a riot had occurred. 

The above-named defendant was recalled as a witness, on September 30, 1964, 
in the County of New York, and testified before said Grand Jury under oath 
after being advised that the Grand Jury had previously voted to confer immunity 
upon him for any crimes that might be revealed by his testimony and that said 
immunity was still in effect. 

Thereupon the defendant, on September 30, 1964, contumaciously and unlaw- 
fully refused, before said Grand Jury, to answer a legal and proper interrogatory 
of the said Grand Jury as the following testimony demonstrates: 

Q. Mr. McAdoo, during the July riots in New York County, were you 
present at the oflBces of the Progressive Labor Movement, on Lenox Avenue, 
and did you at that time demonstrate how a Molotov cocktail is made? 

A. I refuse to answer that question under the same grounds. 

Mr. Phillips : I respectfully request that the Foreman direct you to 
answer. 

The FoBEMAN : I so direct. 

The Witness : And again I refuse to answer that question. 

THIRD COUNT: 

AND I, THE DISTRICT ATTORNEY AFORESAID, by this information, 
further accuse the said defendant of the crime of CRIMINAL CONTEMPT, 
committed as follows : 

The Second Grand Jury of the County of New York for the August, 1964 Term 
continued, having been duly and properly impanelled, has been conducting an 
investigation to determine whether violations of the Penal Law relating to con- 
spiracy to incite a riot had occurred. 

On September 14, 1964, the above-named defendant appeared as a witness 
before said Second Grand Jury for the August, 1964 Term continued and was 
duly sworn and was advised that the Grand Jury had voted to confer immunity 
upon him for any crimes that might be revealed by his testimony. Thereafter 
the defendant, William McAdoo, testified on a number of occasions. 

On September 30, 1964, the Second Grand Jury for the August, 1964 Term 
continued, in due form of law, its aforesaid investigation to determine whether 
violations of the Penal Law relatinij to conspiracy to incite a riot had occurred. 

The above-named defendant was recalled as a witness, on September 30, 1964, 
in the County of New York, and testified before said Grand Jury under oath 
after being advised that the Grand Jury had previously voted to confer im- 
munity upon him for any crimes that might be revealed by his testimony and 
that said immunity was still in effect. 

Thereupon the defendant, on September 30, 1964, contumaciously and unlaw- 
fully refused, before said Grand Jury, to answer a legal and proper interroga- 
tory of the said Grand Jury as the following testimony demonstrates: 

Q. Mr. McAdoo, I show you Grand Jury Exhibit No. 15, which is a leaflet 
which says : Harlem Freedom Fighters. How to make a Molotov cocktail. 
I ask you whether you have ever seen that document before? 

A, I refuse to answer that question on the same grounds. 

Mr. Phillips : Mr. Foreman, I respectfully request that this witness be 
directed to answer that question. 

The Foreman : I direct you to answer that question. 

The Witness : And again I refuse to answer on the same ground. 

FOURTH COUNT: 

AND I, THE DISTRICT ATTORNEY AFORESAID, by this information, 
further accuse the said defendant of the crime of CRIMINAL CONTEMPT, 
committed as follows : 

The Second Grand Jury of the County of New York for the August, 1964 Term 
continued, having been duly and properly impanelled, has been conducting an 
investigation to determine whether violations of the Penal Law relating to con- 
spiracy to incite a riot had occurred. 

On September 14, 1964, the above-named defendant appeared as a witness 
before said Second Grand Jury for the August, 1964 Term continued and was 
duly sworn and was advised that the Grand Jury had voted to confer immunity 
upon him for any crimes that might be revealed by his testimony. Thereafter 
the defendant, William McAdoo, testified on a number of occasions. 



1 022 SUBVERSIVE INELUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

On September 30, 1964, the Second Grand Jury for the August, 1964 Term 
continued, in due form of law, its aforesaid investigation to determine whether 
violations of the Penal Law relating to conspiracy to incite a riot had occurred. 

The above-named defendant was recalled as a witness, on September 30, 1964, 
in the County of New York, and testified before said Grand Jury under oath after 
being advised that the Grand Jury had previously voted to confer immunity upon 
him for any crimes that might be revealed by his testimony and that said im- 
munity was still in effect. 

Thereupon the defendant, on September 30, 1964. contumaciously and unlaw- 
fully refused, before said Grand Jury, to answer a legal and proper interrogatory 
of the said Grand Jury as the following testimony demonstrates : 

Q. During the July riots in New York County did you and William Epton 
agree to incite further riot? 

A. I refuse to answer that question under the Fifth Amendment. 
Mr. Phillips : I respectfully request that this witness be directed to 
answer that question. 
The Foreman : I so direct you. 

The Witness : I continue to refuse to answer under the same grounds. 

Frank S. Hogan, 

District Attorney. 

ROMERSTEIN EXHIBIT NO. 14-B 

CRIMINAL COURT OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK 

COUNTY OF NEW YORK 

The People of the State of New York 

against 

David Douglas, defendant 

BE IT REMEMBERED that I, FRANK S. HOGAN, the District Attorney 
of the County of New York, by this information accuse the above-named defendant 
of the crime of CRIMINAL CONTEMPT, committed as follows : 

The Second Grand Jury of the County of New York for the August, 1964 Term 
continued, having been duly and properly impanelled, has been conducting an 
investigation to determine whether violations of the Penal Law relating to 
conspiracy to incite a riot had occurred. 

On August 31, 1964, the above-named defendant appeared as a witness before 
said Second Grand Jury for the August, 1964 term continued and was duly 
sworn and was advised that the Grand Jury had voted to confer immunity upon 
him for any crimes that might be revealed by his testimony. Thereafter the 
defendant, David Douglas, testified on a number of occasions. 

On September 30, 1964, the Second Grand Jury for the August, 1964 Term con- 
tinued, in due form of law, its aforesaid investigation to determine whether vio- 
lations of the Penal Law relating to conspiracy to incite a riot had occurred. 

The above-named defendant was recalled as a witness, on September 30, 1964, 
in the County of New York, and testified before said Grand Jury under oath, after 
being advised that the Grand Jury had previously voted to confer immunity 
upon him for any crimes that might be revealed by his testimony and that said 
immunity was still in effect. 

Thereupon the defendant, on September 30, 1964 contumaciously and unlaw- 
fully refused, before said Grand Jury, to answer a legal and proper interrogatory 
of said Grand Jury as the following testimony demonstrates. 

Mr. Phillips: Will you read back the previous question. (Question read: 
Mr. Douglas, did you agree and conspire with William Epton to incite 
further rioting in New York County during July of this year?) 

Q. Yes or no, Mr. Douglas? 

A. As I said before, Mr, Phillips, I think this hearing is illegal and uncon- 
stitutional. I have seen what reports have been handed down by the F.B.I. , 
by Commissioner Murphy, and I refuse to answer any questions before this 
hearing in the future and now. 

Mr. Phillips : Mr. Foreman, I respectfully request that this witness be 
directed to answer that question. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 1 023 

The FoBEMAN : I so direct. 

The Witness : I refuse to answer. 

SECOND COUNT: 

AND I, THE DISTRICT ATTORNEiY AFORESAID, by this information, fur- 
ther accuse the said defendant of the crime of CRIMINAL CONTEMPT, com- 
mitted as follows : 

The Second Grand Jury of the Coimty of New York for the August, 1964 Term 
continued, having been duly and properly impanelled, has been conducting an 
investigation to determine whether violations of the Penal Law relating to con- 
spiracy to incite a riot had occurred. 

On August 31, 1964, the above named defendant appeared as a witness before 
said Second Grand Jury for the August, 1964 Term continued and was duly 
sworn and was advised that the Grand Jury had voted to confer immunity upon 
him for any crimes that might be revealed by his testimony. Thereafter the 
defendant, David Douglas, testified on a number of occasions. 

On September 30, 1964, the Second Grand Jury for the August, 1964 Term con- 
tinued, in due form of law, its aforesaid investigation to determine whether vio- 
lations of the Penal Law relating to conspiracy to incite a riot had occurred. 

The above-named defendant was recalled as a witness, on September 30, 1964, 
in the County of New York, and testified before said Grand Jury under oath, 
after being advised that the Grand Jury had previously voted to confer im- 
munity upon him for any crimes that might be revealed by his testimony and that 
said immunity was still in effect 

Thereupon the defendant, on September 30, 1964 contumaciously and unlaw- 
fully refused, before said Grand Jury, to answer a legal and proper interrogatory 
of said Grand Jury as the following testimony demonstrates : 

Q. During the July riots in New York County did you discuss the manu- 
facture of Molotov cocktails with other members of the Progressive Labor 
Movement? 

A. As I said before, Mr. Phillii>s and this grand jury, after hearing the 
reports — 

Q. There is a question before you, Mr. Douglas. 

A. I am answering the question the way I know now, and if you would 
allow me to answer, and quit interrupting, I will continue to answer. As 
I said before, these questions you are asking in the past, and these you are 
asking now, it seems to me that you have no case. You are completely 
harassing these witnesses, myself and others. This is like an inquisition, 
and I say you have no grounds to continue this hearing. I refuse to answer 
any further questions. 

Q. Mr. Witness, it is not your determination whether this grand jury has 
evidence before it, to ask these questions. * * ♦ 

A. You cannot tell me what I have the right to do, Mr. Phillips. I know 
my rights, and I make use of them. 

Mr. Phillips : Mrs. Stenographer, would you read the last question. 
(Question read : * * *) 

The Witness : I answered the question. I did before. 

Mr. Phillips : I respectfully request that he be directed to answer that 
question. 

The Foreman : I so direct you. 

The Witness : I have answered the question and I ask the reporter to read 
it. 

THIRD COUNT: 

AND I, THE DISTRICT ATTORNEY AFORESAID, by this information, fur- 
ther accuse the said defendant of the crime of CRIMINAL CONTEMPT, com- 
mitted as follows : 

The Second Grand Jury of the County of New York for the August, 1964 
Term continued, having been duly and properly impanelled, has been conducting 
an investigation to determine whether violations of the Penal Law relating to 
conspiracy to incite a riot had occurred. 

On August 31, 1964, the above-named defendant appeared as a witness before 
said Second Grand Jury for the August 1964 Term continued and was duly sworn 
and was advised that the Grand Jury had voted to confer immunity upon him 
for any crimes that might be revealed by his testimony. Thereafter the defendant, 
David Douglas, testified on a number of occasions. 



1 024 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

On September 30, 1964, the Second Grand Jury for the Avigust, 1964 Term 
continued, in due form of law, its aforesaid investigation to determine whether 
violations of the Penal Law i-elating to conspiracy to incite a riot had occurred. 

The above-named defendant was recalled as a witness, on September 30, 1964, 
in the County of New York, and testified before said Grand Jury under oath, 
after being advised that the Grand Jury had previously voted to confer immunity 
upon him for any crimes that might be revealed by his testimony and that said 
immunity was still in effect. 

Thereupon the defendant, on September 30, 1964 contumaciously and unlaw- 
fully refused, before said Grand Jury, to answer a legal and proper interroga- 
tory of said Grand Jury as the following testimony demonstrates : 

Q. Subsequent to your appearance here, have you discussed your testi- 
mony with other members of the Progressive Labor Movement, namely, 
William Epton, William Anderson, Abraham Hart, Harold Young? 

A. As I said before, Mr. Phillips, you have no grounds to continue this 
hearing. 

Mr. Phillips : I respectfully request the foreman to direct you to answer 
that question. 

The Foreman : I direct you to answer. 

The Witness : I have answered. You have no grounds to continue this 
hearing. You are harassing the witnesses. * * * 

FOURTH COUNT: 

AND I, THE DISTRICT ATTORNEY AFORESAID, by this information, fur- 
ther accuse the said defendant of the crime of CRIMINAL CONTEMPT, com- 
mitted as follows : 

The Second Grand Jury of the County of New York for the August, 1964 Term 
continued, having been duly and properly impanelled, has been conducting an 
investigation to determine whether violations of the Penal Law relating to 
conspiracy to incite a riot had occurred. 

On August 31, 1964, the above-named defendant appeared as a witness before 
said Second Grand Jury for the August, 1964 Term continued and was duly 
sworn and was advised that the Grand Jury had voted to confer immunity upon 
him for any crimes that might be revealed by his testimony. Thereafter the 
defendant, David Douglas, testified on a number of occasions. 

On September 30, 1964, the Second Grand Jury for the August, 1964 Term con- 
tinued, in due form of law, its aforesaid investigation to determine whether 
violations of the Penal Law relating to conspiracy to incite a riot had occurred. 

The above-named defendant was recalled as a witness, on September 30, 1964, 
in the County of New York, and testified before said Grand Jury under oath, 
after being advised that the Grand Jury had previously voted to confer im- 
munity upon him for any crimes that might be revealed by his testimony and 
that said immunity was still in effect. 

Thereupon the defendant, on September 30, 1964, contumaciously and unlaw- 
fully refused, before said Grand Jury, to answer a legal and proper interroga- 
tory of said Grand Jury as the following testimony demonstrates : 

Q. Mr. Douglas, I show you Grand Jury Exhibit No. 8. It is a leaflet 
which says "Stop the Cops" on it. Did you prepare that document? 

A. As I said before, Mr. Phillips, all the information which I have given 
in the past, if it isn't enough for you to prosecute the witnesses, it is no 
point in continuing, and I consider these hearings pure harassment. 

Mr. Phillips : I respectfully request the witness be directed to answer 
that question. 

The Foreman : I direct you to answer the question. 

The Witness : I have answered the question. 

Frank S. Hogan, 
District Attorney. 



SUBVERSIVE INTLUENCES EST RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 1 025 
RoMEaiSTEiN Exhibit No. 14— C 

CRIMINAL COURT OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK 
COUNTY OF NEW YORK 

The People of the State of New Yokk 

against 

Vivian Anderson, defendant 

BE IT REMEMBERED that I, FRANK S. HOGAN, the District Attorney of 
the County of New York, by this information accuse the above-mentioned de- 
fendant of the crime of CRIMINAL CONTEMPT, committed as follows : 

The Second Grand Jury of the County of New York for the August, 1964 Term 
continued, having been duly and properly impanelled, has been conducting sua 
investigation to determine whether violations of the Penal Law relating to 
conspiracy to incite a riot had occurred. 

On September 23, 1964, the above-named defendant appeared as a witness 
before said Second Grand Jury for the August, 1964 Term continued and was 
sworn, and testified under a general waiver of unmunity. 

On September 30, 1964, the Second Grand Jury for the August, 1964 Term 
continued, in due form of law, its aforesaid investigation to determine whether 
violations of the Penal Law relating to conspiracy to incite a riot had occurred. 

The above-named defendant was recalled as a witness, on September 30, 1964, 
in the County of New York, and testified before said Grand Jury \mder oath, 
being advised that the Grand Jury had voted to confer immunity upon her for 
any crimes that might be revealed by her testimony. 

Thereupon the defendant, on said September 30, 1964, contumaciously and un- 
lawfully refused, before the said Grand Jury to answer a legal and proper in- 
terrogatory of the said Grand Jury as the following testimony demonstrates : 

Q You don't recall, was it around that time? 

A I don't remember. There was a lot of leaflets. 

Q How many have you participated in ? 

A Mr. Phillips you asked me the same questions before. 

Q I don't recall your answer. 

A I am not going to answer any more questions except as they pertain to 
my position and conduct in office * * *. 
******* 

Mr. Phillips : I would like to ask the Foreman to direct you to answer the 
question. Will the stenographer read the question. 

(The question was read) . 

The Foreman : I direct you to answer the question. 

The Witness : I refuse to answer. 

SECOND COUNT: 

AND I, THE DISTRICT ATTORNEY AFORESAID, by this information, 
further accuse the said defendant of the crime of CRIMINAL CONTEMPT, com- 
mitted as follows : 

The Second Grand Jury of the County of New York for the August, 1964 Term 
continued, having been duly and properly impanelled, has been conducting an 
investigation to determine whether violations of the Penal Law relating to con- 
spiracy to incite a riot had occurred. 

On September 23, 1964, the above-named defendant appeared as a witness be- 
fore said Second Grand Jury for the August, 1964 Term continued and was 
sworn, and testified imder a general waiver of immunity. 

On September 30, 1964, the Second Grand Jury for the August, 1964 Term con- 
tinued, in due form of law, its aforesaid investigation to determine whether 
violations of the Penal Law relating to conspiracy to incite a riot had occurred. 

The above-named defendant was recalled as a witness, on September 30, 1964, 
in the County of New York, and testified before said Grand Jury under oath, 
being advised that the Grand Jury had voted to confer immunity upon her for any 
crimes that might be revealed by her testimony. 



1 026 SUBVERSIVE mPLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Thereupon the defendant, on said September 30, 1964, contumaciously and un- 
lawfully refused, before the said Grand Jury, to answer a legal and proper inter- 
rogatory of the said Grand Jury as the following testimony demonstrates : 

Q Did you and William Epton agree to incite further riots in New York 
County in January of this year? 

A I refuse to answer. 

Mr. Phillips : Mr. Foreman, I respectfully request that the witness be 
directed to answer the question. 

The Foreman : You are so directed. 

The Witness : I refuse to answer. 

THIRD COUNT : 

AND I, THE DISTRICT ATTORNEY AFORESAID, by this information, fur- 
ther accuse the said defendant of the crime of CRIMINAL CONTEMPT, com- 
mitted as follows : 

The Second Grand Jury of the County of New York for the August, 1964 Term 
continued, having been duly and properly impanelled, has been conducting an 
investigation to determine whether violations of the Penal Law relating to con- 
spiracy to incite a riot had occurred. 

On September 23, 1964, the above-named defendant appeared as a witness 
before said Second Grand Jury for the August, 1964 Term continued and was 
sworn, and testified under a general waiver of immunity. 

On September 30, 1964, the Second Grand Jury for the August, 1964 Term 
continued, in due form of law, its aforesaid investigation to determine whether 
violations of the Penal Law relating to conspiracy to incite a riot had occurred. 

The above-named defendant was recalled as a witness, on September 30, 1964, 
in the County of New York, and testified before said Grand Jury under oath, 
being advised that the Grand Jury had voted to confer immunity upon her for 
any crimes that might be revealed by her testimony. 

Thereupon the defendant, on said September 30, 1964, contumaciously and 
unlawfully refused, before the said Grand Jury, to answer a legal and proper 
interrogatory of the said Grand Jury as the following testimony demonstrates : 

Q Were you present in the oflBce of the Progressive Labor Movement in 
July of this year with William Epton and discussed with him and another 
individual the possession of forty Molotov cocktails? 

A Is that the question ? 

Q Yes. 

A I refuse to answer. 

Mr. Phillips : I respectfully request that the witness be directed to 
answer. 

The Foreman : I direct you to answer. 

The Witness : I refuse to answer. 

FOURTH COUNT: 

AND I, THE DISTRICT ATTORNEY AFORESAID, by this information, 
further accuse the said defendant of the crime of CRIMINAL CONTEMPT, 
committed as follows : 

The Second Grand Jury of the County of New York for the August, 1964 Term 
continued, having been duly and properly impanelled, has been conducting an 
investigation to determine whether violations of the Penal Law relating to con- 
spiracy to incite a riot had occurred. 

On September 23, 1964, the above-named defendant appeared as a witness be- 
fore said Second Grand Jury for the August, 1964 Term continued and was 
sworn, and testified under a general waiver of immunity. 

On September 30, 1964, the Second Grand Jury for the August, 1964 Term con- 
tinued, in due form of law, its aforesaid investigation to determine whether vio- 
lations of the Penal Law relating to conspiracy to incite a riot had occurred. 

The above-named defendant was recalled as a witness, on September 30, 1964, 
in the County of New York, and testified before said Grand Jury under oath, 
being advised that the Grand Jury had voted to confer immunity upon her for 
any crimes that might be revealed by her testimony. 

Thereupon the defendant, on said September 30, 1964, contumaciously and 
unlawfully refused, before the said Grand Jury, to answer a legal and proper 
interrogatory of the said Grand Jury as the following testimony demonstrates : 



SUBVERSIVE ZNTLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 1 027 

Q. Did you hear William Epton discuss the purchase of firearms for use 
at the Progressive Labor Movement? 
A. I refuse to answer. 

Mr. Phillips : I request that the witness be directed to answer. 
The Foreman : You are so directed. 
The Witness : I refuse. 

Fbank S. Hoqan, 

District Attorney. 

ROMEBSTEIN EXHIBIT NO. 14-D 

CRIMINAL COURT OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK 
COUNTY OF NEW YORK 

The People of the State of New Yoek 

against 

Michael Crenovich, defendant 

BE IT REMEMBERED that I, FRANK S. HOGAN, the District Attorney 
of the County of New York, by this information accuse the above-mentioned 
defendant of the crime of CRIMINAXi CONTEMPT, committed as follows : 

The Second Grand Jury of the County of New York for the August, 1964 
Term continued having been duly and properly impanelled, has been conduct- 
ing an investigation to determine whether violations of the Penal Law relating 
to conspiracy to incite a riot has occurred. 

On September 14, 1964, the above-named defendant appeared as a witness 
before said Second Grand Jury for the August, 1964 Term continued and was 
duly sworn and was advised that the Granu Jury had voted to confer immunity 
upon him for any crimes that might be revealed by his testimony. 

On September 23, 1964, the Second Grand Jury for the August, 1964 Term 
continued, in due form of law, its aforesaid investigation to determine whether 
violations of the Penal Law relating to conspiracy to incite a riot had occurred. 

The above-named defendant was recalled as a witness, on September 23, 
1964, in the County of New York, and testified before said Grand Jury under 
oath, being advised that the Grand Jury had previously voted to confer immunity 
uix)n him for any crimes that might be revealed by his testimony and that 
said immunity was still In effect. 

Thereupon the defendant, on said September 23, 1964, contumaciously and 
unlawfully refused, before the said Grand Jury, to answer a legal and proper 
interrogatory of the said Grand Jury, as the following testimony demonstrates : 

Q. Are you a member of the Progressive Labor Movement? 

A. Well the 

Q. Yes or no, Mr. Crenovich? What is the problem? 

A. There is a problem, the problem is when you served with — me with 
the subpoena to — for the records of the corporation, you refused to say 
what was being investigated, what was the — what you were trying to 
investigate, and to this date I am — I am in a the dark in that respect There- 
fore, it — even when discussing or trying to get advice from counsel, it 
is diflBcult to determine what 

Q. It is not difficult at all, Mr. Crenovich, you are here as a witness, and 
not as a defendant. You serve no criminal probability with what you say 
here providing it is the truth and your answers are not contemptuous. 
Therefore there is no problem you are — your only duty here is to tell the 
truth, it doesn't make any difference to you what this grand jury is 
investigating, you are required here to ask — answer all proper and legal 
questions. 

A. I'll decline to answer that question. 

Mr. Phillips : Mr. Foreman, I respectfully request that the foreman, 
that the witness be directed to answer that question. 

The Foreman : I direct you to answer the question. 

The Witness : The answer is the same, I decline to answer that question. 

By Mr. Phillips : 

Q. On what grounds? 



1 028 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

A. On the grounds of possible self-incrimination, and possible — not know- 
ing what the investigation is about, and — ^basically on those grounds. 

SECOND COUNT: 

AND I, THE DISTRICT ATTORNEY AFORESAID, by this information, 
further accuse the said defendant of the crime of CRIMINAL CONTEMPT, 
committed as follows : 

The Second Grand Jury of the County of New York for the Augusit, 1964 
Term continued having been duly and properly impanelled, has been conducting 
an investigation to determine whether violations of the Penal Law relating to 
conspiracy to incite a riot has occurred. 

On September 14, 1964, the above-named defendant appeared as a witness 
before said Second Grand Jury for the August, 1964 Term continued and was 
duly sworn and was advised that the Grand Jury had voted to confer immun- 
ity upon him for any crimes that might be revealed by his testimony. 

On September 23, 1964, the Second Grand Jury for the August, 1964 Term 
continued, in due form of law, its aforesaid investigation to determine whether 
violations of the Penal Law relating to conspiracy to incite a riot had occurred. 

The above-named defendant was recalled as a witness, on September 23, 
1964, in the County of New York, and testified before said Grand Jury under 
oath, being advised that the Grand Jury had previously voted to confer im- 
munity upon him for any crimes that might be revealed by his testimony and 
that said immunity was still in effect. 

Thereupon the defendant, on said September 23, 1964, contumaciously and 
unlawfully refused, before the said Grand Jury, to answer a legal and proper 
interrogatory of the said Grand Jury, as the folowing testimony demonstrates : 

Q Mr. Crenovich, you just told us that there were four people who were 
employees of your corporation when this was produced, what four people 
did you have in mind when you said that there were four people employed? 

A I am going to decline to answer again. 

Mr. Phillips : Mr. Foreman, I request — respectfully request the wit- 
ness be directed to answer. 

The Foreman : I so direct you. 

The Witness : I — my answer is the same. 

THIRD COUNT: 

AND I, THE DISTRICT ATTORNEY AFORESAID, by this information, 
further accuse the said defendant of the crime of CRIMINAL CONTEMPT, 
committed as follows : 

The Second Grand Jury of the County of New York for the August, 1964 Term 
continued having been duly and properly impanelled, has been conducting an 
investigation to determine whether violations of the Penal Law relating to con- 
STpiracy to incite a riot has occurred. 

On September 14, 1964, the above-named defendant appeared as a witness 
before said Second Grand Jury for the August, 1964 Term continued and was 
duly sworn and was advised that the Grand Jury had voted to confer immunity 
upon him for any crimes that might be revealed by his testimony. 

On September 23, 1964, the Second Grand Jury for the August, 1964 Term con- 
tinued, in due form of law, its aforesaid investigation to determine ^whether 
violations of the Penal Law relating to conspiracy to incite a riot had occurred. 

The above-named defendant was recalled as a witness, on September 23, 1964, 
in the County of New York, and testified before said Grand Jury under oath, 
being advised that the Grand Jury had previously voted to confer immunity upon 
him for any crimes that might be revealed by his testimony and that said im- 
munity was still in effect. 

Thereupon the defendant, on said September 23, 1964, contumaciously and un- 
lawfully refused, before the said Grand Jury, to answer a legal and proper in- 
terrogatory of the said Grand Jury, as the following testimony demonstrates : 

Q Who else do you know at the Harlem Defense Council V 
A I have to decline to answer that questioii also. 

Mr. Phillips : Mr. Assistant Foreman, I respectfully request that this wit- 
ness be directed to answer that question. 
Assistant Foreman : I hereby request you to answer that question. 
Mr. Phillips: Would you direct him, Mr. Assistant Foreman? 

Assistant Foreman : I direct you to 

The WITNESS : I decline to answer that question. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 1 029 

FOURTH COUNT: 

AND, I, THE DISTRICT ATTORNEY AFORESAID, by this information, fur- 
ther accuse the said defendant of the crime of CRIMINAL CONTEMPT, com- 
mitted as follows : 

The Second Grand Jury of the County of New York for the August, 1964 Term 
continued having beeen duly and properly impanelled, has been conducting an 
investigation to determine whether violations of the Penal Law relating to con- 
spiracy to incite a riot has occurred. 

On September 14, 1964, the above-named defendant appeared as a witness 
before said Second Grand Jury for the August, 1964 Term continued and was 
duly sworn and was advised that the Grand Jury had voted to confer immunity 
upon him for any crimes that might be revealed by his testimony. 

On September 23, 1964, the Second Grand Jury for the August, 1964 Term 
continued, in due form of law, its aforesaid investigation to determine whether 
violations of the Penal Law relating to conspiracy to incite a riot had occurred. 

The above-named defendant was recalled as a witness, on September 23, 19^, 
in the County of New York, and testified before said Grand Jury under oath, 
being advised that the Grand Jury had previously voted to confer immunity upon 
him for any crimes that might be revealed by his testimony and that said im- 
munity was still in effect. 

Thereupon the defendant, on said September 23, 1964, contumaciously and 
unlawfully refused, before the said Grand Jury, to answer a legal and proper 
interrogatory of the said Grand Jury, as the following testimony demonstrates : 

Q How much money do you carry as a usual course? 

A Maybe $50. 

Q Now, I ask you, is there anytime since January 1, 1964 that you had on 
your person more than $5,000 in cash? 

A I don't remember. 

Q Yes or no? 

A I don't remember. 

Mr. Phillips : Mr. Assistant Foreman, I respectfully request that the 
witness be directed to answer that question. 

Assistant Foreman : I direct you to answer that question. 

The Witness : I cannot remember. Respectf viUy, my answer is, I cannot 
remember. 

FIFTH COUNT: 

AND I, THE DISTRICT ATTORNEY AFORESAID, by this information, 
further accuse the said defendant of the crime of PERJURY IN THE SECOND 
DEGREE, committed as follows: 

The above-named defendant, in the County of New York, September 23, 1964, 
on an occasion upon which an oath was required by law and was necessary for 
the ends of public justice and might lawfully be administered, appeared as a 
witness, before the Second Grand Jury of the County of New York for the 
August, 1964 Term continued, in a proceeding entitled The People of the State 
of New York against John Doe, which proceeding was then and there actually 
pending before the said Grand Jury, and, after being sworn by the foreman of 
the said Grand Jury, who had authority to administer the oath, testified as 
follows : 

That he. Michael Crenovich. did not recall whom he spoke to at the Harlem 
Defense Counsel [sic] about ordering the printing of the poster, "Wanted for 
Murder, Gilligan the cop." 

The aforesaid testimony and statements made by the defendant upon said 
proceeding were false and were so made and sworn to by the defendant wilfully 
and with the knowledge at the time they were false. 

In fact : 

The defendant knew that William Epton of the Harlem Defense Counsel [sic] 
had ordered the printing of the poster, "Wanted for Murder, Gilligan the cop." 

Feank S. Hogan, 
District Attorney. 



1 030 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES EST RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

RoMEaiSTEiN Exhibit No. 14-E 

CRIMINAL COURT OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK 
COUNTY OF NEW YORK 

The People of the State of New Yoek 

agamst 

Nathaniel Baknett, defendant 

BE IT REMEMBERED that I, FRANK S. HOGAN, the District Attorney of 
the County of New York, by this information accuse the above-mentioned de- 
fendant of the crime of CRIMINAL CONTEMPT, committed as follows : 

On September 23, 1964, the Second Grand Jury of the County of New York for 
the August, 1964 Term, having been duly and properly impanelled, was con- 
ducting an investigation to determine whether violations of the Penal Law 
relating to conspiracy to incite a riot bad occurred. 

On that date and pursuant to that investigation, the above-named defendant 
was called as a witness before that Grand Jury, in the County of New York, was 
duly sworn, and was advised that the Grand Jury had voted to confer immunity 
upon Mm from prosecution for any crimes that might be revealed by his 
testimony. 

Whereupon, the defendant contumaciously and vmlawf ully refused to answer a 
legal and proper interrogatory as the following testimony demonstrates : 

Q. "Mr. Barnett, where were you during the riots here in New York City 
in July of this year?" 

A. "Upon advice of Counsel I'd like to take the fifth amendment and — on 
the grounds it may tend to incriminate me, * * *" 

Q. "Mr. Foreman, I respectfully request that you direct the witness to 
answer that question." 

The Foreman : "I so direct you." 

A. "Again, I would like, upon advice of counsel, take the fifth ammend- 
ment." [sic] 

Q. "Mr. Barnett, do you realize that when you refuse to answer the ques- 
tion after the foreman has directed you to answer that question that you 
commit a contempt of Court, which is a misdemeanor puuishable by one 
year imprisonment and a $500 fine?" 

A. "I do understand that." 

Q. "You realize that?" 

A. "I do." 

Q. "Your counsel has told you — " 

A. "That's right." 

Q. "And you stiU persist?" 

A. "That's right." 

Frank S. Hogan, 
District Attorney. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND 

BURNING 

Part 2 



WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 1, 1967 

United States House of Representatives, 

Subcommittee of the 
Committee on Un-American Activities, 

Washington^ D.C. 

PUBLIC HEARINGS 

The suboommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities met, 
pursuant to recess, at 10 a.m., in Eoom 311, Cannon House Office Build- 
mg, Washing^ton, D.C, Hon. Edwin E. Willis (chairman) presiding. 

(Subcommittee members : Representatives Edwin E. Willis, of Lou- 
isiana, chairman ; William M. Tuck, of Virginia ; Richard H. Ichord, 
of Missouri ; John M. Ashbrook, of Ohio ; and Albert W. Watson, of 
South Carolina; also John C. Culver, of Iowa, in absence of Mr. 
Willis.) 

(Subcommittee members present : Representatives Willis, Tuck, and 
Ashbrook.) 

Staff members present: Francis J. MdNTamara, director; Chester 
D. Smith, general counsel; Alfred M. Nittle, counsel; and Donald 
T. Appell, chief investigator. 

The Chairman. The subcommittee will come to order. 

Mr. Wood, will you please raise your right hand ? 

Do you solemnly swear, sir, that the testimony you are about to give 
will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help 
you God ? 

Mr. Wood. I do. 

The Chairman. Again I ask the press, please refrain from taking 
photographs. I would like their cooperation. I know that I will receive 
it. Proceed. 

TESTIMONY OF RAYMOND WOOD 

Mr. Smith. Please state your name ? 

Mr. Wood. My name is Raymond Wood. 

Mr. Smith. Where are you employed, Mr. Wood ? 

Mr. Wood. I am a member of the New York City Police Department. 

Mr. Smith. Wliat is your rank in the police department ? 

Mr. Wood. I am a detective. 

Mr, Smith, To what part of the city were you assigned ? 

Mr, Wood. I was assigned to the Bronx. 

1031 

88-083 O — 68 — pt. 2 8 



1032 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES EST RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Mr. Smith. Were you invited to join the Congress of Racial 
Equality ? 

Mr. Wood. Yes, sir ; in April of 1964, 1 was invited to join the Bronx 
chapter of the Congress of Racial Equality. 

Mr. SMrrH. Did you attend a citywide Congress of Racial Equal- 
ity sit-in demonstration on May 11, 1964? 

Mr. Wood. Yes, sir, I did. I was assigned as one of the members of 
the Bronx chapter to sit in on this particular demonstration. 

The Chairman. And I suppose you joined with the knowledge of 
your superiors ? 

Mr. Wood. Yes, sir, I did. 

The Chairman. Probably at their suggestion ? 

Mr. Wood. Pardon, sir? 

The Chairman. Probably at their suggestion ? 

Mr. Wood. Yes, sir ; that is correct. 

The Chairman. Thank you very much. Go on. 

Mr. Smith. Where was the sit-in demonstration held ? 

Mr. Wood. The sit-in demonstration was held at the Plumbers Local 
Union Number 2. It was on 14th Street and Union Square, New 
York City. 

Mr. Smith. What was the purpose of the sit-in ? 

Mr. Wood. The purpose of the sit-in was to insure the hiring of 
minority group apprentices so that they may be employed as mem- 
bers of this particular local. 

Mr. Smith. Was one of the organizers of this demonstration 
Blyden Jackson ? 

Mr. Wood. Yes, sir. Blyden Jackson was one of the organizers, along 
with Herbert Callender from the Bronx chapter of the Congress of 
Racial Equality. 

Mr. Smith. Was he a member of CORE ? 

Mr. Wood. Yes, sir: he was the chairman of the East River chapter 
of CORE. 

Mr. Smith. Detective Wood, I show you the Spring- Summer 1967 
issue of a publication entitled Party Ajfairs^ a publication of the 
Communist Party of the United States of America, which on page 
9 thereof contains a picture of the Communist Party contingent at 
the Spring Peace Mobilization march in New York in 1967. 

Can you identify anyone in this picture ? 

Mr. Wood. Yes, sir ; I recognize Blyden Jackson. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, permission is requested to enter into 
the record as Exhibit 1 the face page and page 9 of the stated publi- 
cation. 

The Chairman. Permission is granted. 

(Document marked "Wood Exhibit No. 1." The photograph men- 
tioned appears on p. 1033.) 

Mr. Smith. In July 1964 did you participate with other members 
of the Bronx chapter CORE in an attempt to make a "citizen's" 
arrest of Mayor Robert Wagner of New York? 

Mr. Wood. Yes, sir, I did. Actually there were three of us who 
participated in this particular venture. One was Herb Callender, 
chairman of the Bronx CORE, and John Valentine was housing 
chairman of the Bronx chapter of CORE, and myself. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 1033 



Oi 



a 



C/2 



a. 




1 034 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES EST RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Upon legal counsel received by Mr. Callender, we were informed 
that the best way that the Bronx chapter could redress its grievances 
would be to make a civilian arrest upon the mayor. We went down 
to the mayor's office and attempted a "citizen's" arrest, and at that 
time Mr. Callender was arrested by the New York City Police 
Department. 

Mr. Smith. Were you arrested as a result of this attempt ? 

Mr. Wood. Yes, sir, I was. 

Mr. Smith. What activities were you engaged in during the Harlem 
riot of 1964? 

Mr. Wood. Well, sir, actually I was told by CORE to act as a liai- 
son between the various CORE chapters. Our particular purpose was 
to coordinate demonstrations carried on throughout the city of New 
York during these particular riots. The purpose of this committee 
was twofold. Number one, it was to draw the New York City police- 
men out of the Harlem riot area and, secondly, it was to, an attempt 
to weaken the powers of the New York City Police Department by 
dispersing its forces. 

Mr. Smith. In addition to CORE, were you affiliated with the 
Freedom Now Party ? 

Mr. Wood. Yes, sir, I was. 

Mr. Smith. Did you subsequently meet a man named Robert 
Collier? 

Mr. Wood. Yes, I did. 

Mr. Smith. How did you make contact with him ? 

Mr. Wood. On December 14, 1964, 1 attended a rally upon the sug- 
gestion of my superiors at the Manhattan Center, which is located 
on 34th Street in New York City. While I was there I met Mr. Paul 
Boutelle, who invited me to take a seat with him during this particu- 
lar rally. At the conclusion of the rally I was invited by Mr. Boutelle 
to meet one Robert Collier. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, for the record, Paul Boutelle is a mem- 
ber of the Socialist Workers Party and has been designated as their 
candidate for Vice President of the United States in 1968. 

Permission is requested to introduce into the record as Exhibit 2 
an article by Mr. Paul Boutelle in the Socialist Workers Party official 
publication. The Militant^ for Monday, May 24, 1965, titled, 'Why I 
Joined the Socialist Workers Party.' 

The Chairman. Permission is so granted. 

(Document marked "Wood Exhibit No. 2," appears on pp. 1035 and 
1036.) 

Mr. Smith. Could you describe Freedom Now Party for us? 

Mr. Wood. According t<) Mr. BoutellCj the Freedom Now Party's 
central headquarters was located in Detroit, Michigan. The purpose of 
this particular organization, it was to serve as a political organiza- 
tion whereby so-called members who felt that they had no means of 
getting into the regular course or the regular stream of political life 
in America, this would be their means of getting into the stream. 

Mr. Smith. Did you have any further contact with Collier? 

Mr. Wood. Yes, sir, I did. I met Mr. Collier again on December 15, 
1964, at a local rallying point or ballroom up in Harlem. The name 
of it is the Renaissance Ballroom. While I was there, Mr. Collier 
spotted me as I was coming in the door, and we had a brief conversa- 
tion. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, ANP BURNING 1035 



Wood Exhibit No. 2 



THE MILITANT 



A iiarlcm Rights Fighter's Doc hion 






^e: 



— r-at*% 



at^^^ « 



By Paul Boutcllc 

Since I havo now decided to 
bcromo part of the inU?malionnI 
c^icialist movement, T feel that 
briefly oiiUlninR my polilUol de- 
volopnienl may help oUicn* to 
see that a world Boeiulist revolu- 
tion will free all mankind from 
many of ilic ills that now infest 
the world 

I was bom 30 years ago in Har- 
tem Hospital, New York City. My 
formal criucalion W05 In the local 
elementary schoob until 1»50, 
when I attended Commerce Hi(!h 
School for one year. At U»e a^e 
of 16, after ten borinR years of 
gchoot. I quit. 1 have no reams 
ot this lime over that decision. 
When I started to acquire a real 
education in my early twenties, 
I did not have tliat much insidious 
brainwashing to get out of my 
tnind. 

The curric.iluin of the public 
schools I attended Included such 
racist (Teins as "Little hiack Sam- 
bo," "Dirk and Jane" wllh their 
wlutc middlir-cla.'s .suburban back- 
jtround, a white raci.st slavemaslcr 
"George Wa.shinKlon" who I was 
told is tJic fatlier of "our" country 
and freed his slaves in his will. 
Also I was tauRht to sin*! the 
Standard insidious nonsense, "My 
Country 'Tis of Thee," "America 
the Beautiful," "Tlie Slar Spanalcd 
Banner" and to ri-"Cile that vicious 
lie. "The Pledge of AllcKianoe" 
about "liberty and ju.-ilire for all." 
To dissect and analyze the so- 
called system of citucnllon in 
America, which actually Is a .sys- 
tem of mass indtxrliination. would 
be a va.sl book in itself. Lot il suf- 
fice to s.iy that I discovered that 
the main functions of tlie Ameri- 
can school system, the entire mass 
media of cimmiumcation, the 
world ot enlerlainnient and Ihe 
Chunhe.t ure the It.Mhing "f the 
unholy trinity "Christianity, Cain- 
talism and Caucisiaiu.sm," and at- 
tempting to persuade all Ameri- 
cans to judne overytlUng from 
those points of view 

My godfather introduced me to 
.^ine of the works of J A. Hogers 




P.\tIL iiOV.yAA.E. Horn 30 
years a^o in llarleni. Altendi-d 
pulilic schools until a;;c of 16. 
Wuriieil at many occupiition.s 
inrliiilifi;,' InieU driver, (jardon- 
cr and salcsmHii: now employed 
u.s call driver. .Spent pa.st seven 
years slud.vint; different idcol- 
ni,'ics sinil orKnniz.itions rlaini- 
\ng lo liiive answers to prnli- 
lenis of contemporary society. 
Aclive sinre I9«3 in tr.vine lo 
ori^ani/i- I'rreduin Now Party. 
Married and father of 9-year- 
nld son. 

-on African and AfroAjnerie.-m hi;^ 
tory when 1 was around 12, but 
I did n'>l really begin to delve 
InU) it scrioiisly until my early 
twentt^-s. 

It was only during the last seven 
jt-ars (hat 1 be^^an to acquire an 
awareness of tlie true history of 
Afrir:»it-s and Afro-Americans, 
knowled;:e i>f the world ui g*'nci-al 
and the hist«)ry of otlior olhiiic 
Cruujts that make up tlie iiiunan 
famdy. 

My first awakening was a na- 
tionalist awakening, a feoiing oi 
pride in being uiack and a feeling 
of revulsion aiid hatred at what 



this capitalist raci.st syKleni did 
and is doing to p<-<iple of coli>r 
throiii^houl the world. Around 
1!>57 1 began lisl^'iiing li» inon^ 
loihi .oi Afri.-.in .,i,.l Afr..-.\,„,.r- 
ir.in ■|«-.-.ki-r% In.rn Maleolni X lo 
till- lion ii-ligioii-. Iilaek ii.ili-inal 

l.sis 

I t<-ll Ihen, as t do ni>w. thai 
I.I.I. 1> II ,li..iialiMi i: n,He.«iry !.. 
Ilie 111 lilliy ih'veliipiiieiU of niy 
i.L-..|ili We first have lo re^pcil, 
hi»noi-. know and love ourselves 
:is li'iinan l>rings before we can 
cslalilish a lieaUhy relalii'nship 
v/ilh mhers. The ratisl nili is of 
Ihe Weslein woild reali/e that us 
l"n« as black pn.ple feel inferior 
lo whiles and are kept igneranl 
of lli'ir true history, the status 
quo can easily be maintained and 
black ix'ople kept enslaved. Any 
moveuieiit among blacks from the 
ConBo to Harlem to recognize 
themselves as human beings and 
to strive to Control thcm.vlvoscco- 
nomiialiy. ctiltiirally. politically or 
olherwi.so is detrimental to the 
United States government and all 
oilier ruling classes of the Western 
world 

Hnwi-ver. black n.'itionalism is a 
U-miH.r.iry pha.se in tlie devclop- 
iiirni of black pel. pie as human 
Ix-int-N in the v.ist .1. tiKMHiU.OlM) 
I><.i>|ilo of various ethnic groups 
tlial .iiittabil this planet. i.Iack na- 
tionalism CUD he detiinieiital un- 
der ini)»roi»er leadership anri with- 
out a class iiDdersiandiiig of so- 
ciety. All that glitters is not gold, 
and onie of those that yell black 
naltonalisiii can be masquerading 
under a false front when they 
clauii an interest in the suffering 
black ma.s.ses. 

Ill I "Wis the Chinese spoke of 
three ly|ies of nationalism in one 
of their replies to Ru.ssia during 
the Sino-Sovict dispute --- prog- 
r.-ssive. reactionary .-mil chauvin- 
i.lir ii.ili.Mialisni Hw latter two 
.'ii*e wh.-it black pci>plc have to he 
wary of. 1 realized that as im- 
portant .IS black nation:ili-:m and 
tlie study of African an,i .'Vfro- 
American history are, it is diffi- 
cult, without a liroad outlook of 
the world as a whole, the histc les 



1036 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTINQ, AND BURNING 



Wood Exhibit No. 2 — Continued 



of olIiiT ethnic (;n>»|>s, the history 
and dcvc)opnicnl f»f rlassfs, vcji- 
gions, scienrc, to (rnly undcrstniid 
the world .'oicl di-volop effeilive 
means for rli,in;;inR Iho r.lnti:s t|iio 
for the hcllcrmenl of the tip- 
pressed peoples. 

My sejirch for under;:tnn(iing 
went into invest ij'idin); many pliil- 
osophies. ri'lirions an, I different 
historieal r>oints of view. 1 was 
hmkinf: fur the ideology or phil- 
o.sophy that h;\<l a truly universal 
outlook and Ihni would be not 
only a guide for under.slandinK hut 
a (?uide for action lo bring .ibout 
chance. 

In socialism I know tliat 1 have 
found it. Dialectical maleriahsin 
I l)olie\'c lo be the bes( frame of 
reference to judge myself, my peo* 
■pic, people in cenernl and the 
whole world of nature and nil 
of its manifestations The truth is 
being revealed to me more find 
more every day of tlie necessity 
for a socialist rcvolulion utilizing 
the tools of Marxism lo free all 
mankind from cultural, ethnic, 
political and economic tyranny. 

I believe that Malcolm X was 
moving in a direelion whrrh would 
have greatly aided the stmCKle of 
Afro-American-; for tot:d rio.-inci- 
pation. I had the plea aire of hear- 
ing him for seven years, and of 
watching his gradual change dur- 
ing the year before his tra/jic 
death. He developed away from 
the too-easy explanation that peo- 
ple with less pigmentation in their 
skins arc the cau.se of the world's 
probl<;ms, to the point where he 
realized that this vicious system 
m.ikcs devils out of most of the 
people who live in it, black and 
while. 

Dialectical materialism explains 
the fad that whites have the un- 
holy distinction of being the per- 
petrators of oppression over a 
400-yenr period. It also explains 
the non white clas.'^-eonscious re- 
volt taking place in the world 
and the (act tlwt the class con- 
tradictions in while society will 
cause white workers and op- 
pressed whites to .sec that they 
liave a stake in building n better 
world. 

It shows how we can build a 
world where people arc no longer 
alienated from themselves, from 
nature and from their political 
and economic Instilulions; a world 



wlu'ie we can ho masters of our 
own destiny, knowing our past, 
owning our |)rc.sent, consciou..ly 
pl.uiniiig our future, and facing 
problems other tlian race, religion, 
class and economic insecurit.y 



Viitpil Republican 

In in.ie as a political novice I 
voted a straight Republican ticket 
and in 19.'>7 1 became a menilwr 
of the NAACP. By the time of the 
1900 elections I had acquired 
enough awareness to realize that 
there wasn't cny real difference 
between Kennedy and Nixon. 
'Hiroiigh rneeling pt'titioners of the 
Socialist Workers Parly, reading 
their literature and attcmlinB 
meetings, I changed from a poten- 
tial non-voter that year to a voter 
for the piesidcntinl ticket of the 
SWr. I did not join any political 
party, but from 19G0 onward I 
began lo survey the political 
groups and tendencies, both radi- 
cal and reformist. Political science 
and economics became two of my 
main interests. 

In l!l«:) 1 heard William Worthy, 
AJro-Av)t:r'icnn journ.'ilist, publi- 
cise the idea of an all-biuek po- 
lilic;il parly .md T war: favor.iblc 
toward it. i'roiu Ihe lall of l'J('3 
until early lUSS I was active in 
trying lo build a Freedom Now 
Parly .iifiong black peopnT" T 'feel 
that a political organization truly 
repre.'.cniinf; the needs and inter- 
ests of AfrcvAinericans can be 
very instrumenial in getting Ihem 
interested and involved in politics. 
Political education ' other than 
what the establishment offers Is 
vital to the stniggle for black 
frceiloin. 

Because capitalism is anti black 
and anti-working cla.ss, it offers no 
prospect for freedom individually 
or collectively for oppressed black 
peoples and workers of all nation- 
alities. A Freedom Now Party 
promoting the intcrcsto of the 
black masses who are predomi* 
nanlly workers will have to l)e in 
conflict with the capitalist system 
and the rulers of the system. My 
recent experiences have forced me 
to conclude that it is premature 
at this time for a Freedom Now 
Party to achieve mass growth. 
But in the near future I hope to 
be active with other Afro-Ameri- 
cans In creating a mass, class- 



conseioi 
people. 



political part;. t,l black 



Arretted Twice 

During the .'-ummer of )9G4 I 
was arrested twice as t atlempled 
lo speak at public meetings in 
Ilarhin to express my political 
views and win supjiort for my 
campaign as Freedom Now Parly 
candidate for the .State Senate 
from the 2!st di.strict. The arrests 
were the result of the ban on cer- 
tain groups and individuals .speak- 
ing in Harlem after the •'disturb- 
ances" last .Tuly. 1 won my cases 
in court and now have a lawsuit 
against the City of New York for 



After ohierving different social- 
ist and communist organizations, 
.such as the Communist Party, So- 
cialist Party, .Socialist Labor Par- 
ty, Progressive Labor Movement 
and Socialist Workers Party, and 
after becoming acquainted with 
their literature, past record and 
future plans, I have chosen the 
Socialist Workers Party as the 
parly Ix-st suited to unite revolu- 
tionary Americans with opprcs,sed 
peoples throughout the world. 

I have read many wtirks by 
Leon Trotsky and SWP members, 
and have learned that the SWP 
has a consistent record of engag- 
ing in Independent class politics. 
Is the Marxist organization that 
has developed the best analysis 
of black nationalL-OTi, and has l>een 
from the start a firm supporter 
of efforts to build an independent 
black political party. I feel that 
participating in its rants will en- 
hance both my political under- 
standing and activiUes. 

When I embarked on tlie end- 
less search for truth, I realized 
it would mean investigating var- 
ied philosophies, with the possi- 
bility of my rejecting all of them 
and developing my own criteria 
to judge the world and all that is 
part of it. I am proud to say that 
my present thoughts and actions 
are nil the result of my fret'ly in- 
vestigating ideas and thinking for 
myself. My proudest possession 
has always been ownership of my 
mind. Now that I am associated 
with other minds that have simi- 
lar ideas about change and meth- 
ods for change, I feel very con- 
fident and optimistic about the 
future. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 1 037 

Mr. Collier explained that he had a little difficulty and he was 
trying to get some books up from Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. He 
said that he had met one Che Guevara at the U.N. the other night and 
Mr. Guevara had asked him to obtain some books so that they could 
be transmitted to Cuba. 

Now the books in question were books pertaining to ventilation, 
electrical maintenance, mechanical drawings, arithmetic books, books 
more or less of a technical nature. 

The next day I met Mr. Collier and I took him over to the down- 
town chapter of CORE, which I explained the previous night that, 
being a member of CORE, I had access to various publications or 
books which might be of interest to him. He agreed to accompany me 
over to the downtown chapter of CORE, and ^ye started to look 
through the books and we made some various selections. We took some 
of the books back to his house and the rest of the books I took up to a 
friend of mine's house. 

Mr. Smith. Did you at that time know who Che Guevara was? 

Mr. Wood. Yes, sir; he was one of the revolutionary leaders in 
Cuba. 

Mr. Smith, Did you have any further discussion with Collier sub- 
sequent to this event ? 

Mr. Wood. Yes, sir. I had a rather long, lengthy discussion with 
Mr. Collier, in which he explained that although he wasn't a mem- 
ber of CORE he had been a member of RAM, which is the Revolu- 
tionary Action Movement. Mr. Collier exj^lained that he was tired of 
RAM. He said it was ineffectual and inactive at the time, and since he 
described himself as an "activist," which I might add is defined as 
one who is a doer, more so than just a supporter, he said that he had 
plans of starting some sort of movement known as the Black Libera- 
tion Front. 

He said that he had attended a Cuban seminar at the North Viet- 
namese Embassy in Cuba. He said while he was there he had been 
trained by a North Viet Cong major in the art of handling explosives 
and guerrilla warfare. He said that he wanted to organize a similar 
group within the United States. This would be composed of young 
men known as the Black Militia, whereby they could remain on stand- 
by alert in case of any worldwide revolution by members of the revolu- 
tionary forces. 

His particular group. Black Militia, of the Black Liberation Front, 
would be on standby. 

He then described how he was taught by this particular North Viet- 
namese major to make Molotov cocktails. 'He went into great detail on 
how to use a mortar. He said that the Viet Cong has a method of walk- 
ing-in the mortars, whereby, for example, he said if we were to attack 
a local police station during a reveille or some sort of large demonstra- 
tion, we could send our first round into the center of the group. This 
is called firing for effect. After that we could systematically, north, 
east, south, and west, walk-in each mortar shell so that it could obtain 
the maximum effect of fragmentation upon each individual within this 
particular group. 

He then described how he was going to do it. He had made plans 
whereby we could attack New York State armories in order to obtain 
arms. He was thinking of starting some sort of extensive demolition 



1 038 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES EST RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

work on United States ground and air installations, destroying run- 
ways. 

He then made another suggestion that possibly the White House and 
Congress could be bombed from the air. 

Last, but not least, which was of particular interest to us, he men- 
tioned how he could lob a few grenades into a local police station. 

Mr. Smith. Did he make any statement as to organization of teams 
to accomplish this work ? 

Mr. Wood. Will you repeat the question, sir ? 

Mr. Smith. Did he make any statement respecting organization of 
teams to accomplish this work ? 

Mr. Wood. Yes, sir. He made mention that our particular organiza- 
tion, which was to be known as the Northern Area of the Black Libera- 
tion Front — our primary concern during any time of social unrest was 
to make some sort of liaison with members of the French Liberation 
forces, which is an activist group in Canada. He was mentioning that 
we could contact them in order to obtain explosives and be more or less 
taught in the handling of these high explosives, or plastique as they 
call it in Canada. 

Mr. Smith. Did he make any specific statement as to how he would 
destroy America ? 

Mr. Wood. Well, he did mention that he was thinking of attacking 
outside of these bases ; I can't really recall any specific instance of how 
he was going to go about it, other than the way I have explained. 

Mr. Smith. Did Collier discuss the Freedom Now Party in New 
York? 

Mr. Wood. Yes, sir, he did. Bob Collier, to my understanding, had 
no use for Mr. Boutelle. He claimed that Mr. Boutelle was too passive, 
and so forth. However, he did say that Mr. Boutelle could serve his 
particular purpose in the organization by using the Freedom Now 
Party as a front organization for the Black Liberation Front and 
thereby giving it some aura of legitimacy. 

Mr. Smith. Did you attend a meeting at the home of Robert Collier 
on January 19, 1965 ? 

Mr. Wood. Yes, sir, I did. 

Mr. Smith. Will you describe what took place at the meeting? 

Mr. Wood. At this particular meeting I was introduced to one 
Walter Bowe and one Khaleel Sayyed. Mr. Collier had mentioned that 
these two men were coming down and that perhaps we could discuss 
some area where we could finally get the Black Liberation Front 
underway. 

Mr. Smith. Was this the first time you met the last two you named, 
Walter Bowe and Sayyed ? 

Mr. Wood. Yes, sir ; this was the first time I met them.. During this 
particular meeting I remember distinctly Mr. Bowe— we had men- 
tioned a particular target whereby we could inflict some sort of morale 
damage upon the United States. Bob Collier and myself had been 
discussing means whereby we could start some sort of demolition. 

There was some mention of blowing up docks along the New York 
City waterfront. However, when Mr. Bowe came, he said he had been 
paying particular attention to the Statue of Liberty. He said that 
this would be an excellent way whereby we could really hurt America. 



SUBVERSIVE ESTFLUENCES m RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 1 039 

Mr. Smith, Did you have another meeting with Collier on January 
22, 1965, and were other persons present ? 

Mr. Wood. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Smith. Did you visit the Statue of Liberty at the suggestion of 
Collier? 

Mr. Wood. Yes, sir. On January 24 I took a trip out to the Statue 
of Liberty. I might explain that at that particular time I took an 
empty shopping bag to more or less test the security precautions at 
the Statue of Liberty. The bag was empty. I managed to get past the 
guard and walk straight up to the Statue of Liberty's head. 

Mr. Smith. Will you describe the purpose of the January meeting, 
January 22, 1965, where these other people were present? 

Mr. Wood. I believe it was the January 24 meeting; after I had left 
the Statue of Liberty, I came back to Mr. Boutelle's house, which is on 
105th Street on Central Park West, and there I met Bob Collier. I 
told Bob Collier that this particular plan could be carried off easily. 
I explained to him the lax security situation. Then he mentioned that 
he was going to make a phone call to a Michelle. He did not mention 
her last name. He said that this Michelle was an employee at the Em- 
bassy. He said that although he couldn't pay for the stuff that we 
would need in order to do the job on the Statue of Liberty, he said 
that he would be able to get the materials from Michelle. 

Mr. Smith. Did you understand what embassy was involved? 

Mr. Wood. I believe that he intimated it was the Cuban Embassy 
that she was working in. 

Mr. Smith. Here in the United States ? 

Mr. Wood. No, sir; this was in Montreal, Canada. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. Did this turn out later to be Michelle Duclos, the 
one that was arrested and indicted ? 

Mr. Wood. No, sir. She came at a later stage. This was one Michelle 
Saunier. 

Mr. Smith. Will you describe for us the purpose of your visiting the 
Statue of Liberty with this shopping bag ? 

Mr. Wood. Yes, sir; the purpose was mainly to test the security 
precautions at the Statue of Liberty. It was one way in which we 
could find out at that particular time whether it would be a feasible 
plan and whether it could actually be carried out. There was some fear, 
I have to admit, by the four of us that it would be very possible that 
upon trying to get into the Statue itself that we would be stopped and 
frisked and our persons would be searched. 

So, in order to dispel this fear, we had to try actually to see if any- 
thing would happen like that. 

Mr. Smith. Would you tell us whether or not there was any involve- 
ment with the American Nazi Party in this connection ? 

Mr. Wood. Yes, sir ; after I had returned to Mr. Boutelle's house — 
correction, after I had gone to Mr. Boutelle's house. Bob Collier no- 
ticed a copy of the stormtrooper lying on the floor. He picked the copy 
up and said, "We might be able to make use of these fellows." He was 
talking about attacking the American Nazi Party and more or less 
"wasting," which is a slang term for killing, some of these members. 

Mr. Smith. Did he indicate what would be the purpose of that? 

Mr. Wood. Well, it would prove as a testing ground for the effective- 
ness of the Black Liberation Front per se. He more or less felt they 



1 040 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

were expendable, and possibly we could gain some valuable experi- 
ence by "wasting" them. 

Mr. Smith. On January 26, 1965, did you have another meeting at 
Collier's home ? 

Mr. Wood. Yes, sir, I did. At this particular meeting Bob Collier, 
Walter Bowe, and Khaleel Sayyed, as well as myself, were present. 
Walter Bowe made specific mention of how we could plant the explo- 
sives in order to completely destroy the Statue of Liberty. He said that 
he had a means of entry whereby we could snap a lock which was con- 
tained on a small trapdoor leading into the head of the statue. He 
said we could break the latch on this particular door and go right in 
and plant the explosives. 

Bob Collier also mentioned a means of tamping the explosion. By 
tamping, which is a technical term, the way he explained it, it is a 
means whereby you take the explosive and pack it with sandbags, so 
rather than get an explosion you get an implosion which would cause 
extensive damage to the interior of the statue. 

(At this point Mr. Ichord entered the hearing room.) 

Mr. Smith. Did Collier indicate where explosives were to be ob- 
tained ? 

Mr. Wood. Yes, sir ; he mentioned he was going to get them from this 
^irl Michelle. At this point Khaleel Sayyed interrupted and said, "Who 
IS this Michelle ? I have been hearing Michelle. I don't know who she 
is." Bob Collier explained she was his babe in Canada. She was an 
activist and she had been dropping plastic explosives into mailboxes. 

Mr. Smith. In Canada ? 

Mr. Wood. Yes, sir, in Montreal, Canada. He said she was okay. 

Mr. Smith. How did he propose getting these explosives into the 
country ? 

Mr. Wood. This presented quite a problem. Number one, we were 

foing to rent a car and we were going to take the car and tear out the 
ack seat portion and pack the explosives around the rear of the car. 
We were also considering taking empty gas cans and filling them half- 
way with explosives, putting a false bottom on it, and filling the rest 
of it up with gasoline. 

Of course this particular point really was discussed. It was of great 
concern because we were worrying about how we could actually get 
the explosives back in the United States without being detected. 

At one point Bob Collier mentioned that if the members of the 
border patrol, or whoever was stationed there in order to search the 
vehicles, made an attempt to search his particular vehicle, he would 
"waste" them on the spot. 

Of course, Walter Bowe broke in and said immediately, "No, Bob, 
I think you had better take the bust," which means allow yourself to 
be arrested, "because we may have to use you at a later time." 

Mr. Smith. What did he say to do in the event you were arrested ? 

Mr. Wood. Well, in the event we were arrested, then of course we 
would have to play it as if these were our particular explosives. We 
would take the full responsibility for trying to smuggle this con- 
traband into the United States. 

Secondly, Bowe was also concerned about getting pistols. At that 
particular time Ave sat down and said we are going to need some sort 
of firearms. I suggested we also bring pistols back. I think Walter 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 1 041 

Bowe wanted a Luger, and I an "MM" ; Khaleel Sayyed wanted a .45 
and a couple of rifles. 

Mr. Smith. Were there any other national shrines to be included 
in this plot ? 

Mr. Wood. Yes, sir. During this discussion we also went into plans 
whereby we could also blow up the Liberty Bell in Philadelphia, 
Pennsylvania, as well as the Washington Monument here in Wash- 
ington, D.C. We went at great length into how we could deploy our 
forces more or less to do specific jobs. We knew that we had four 
of us readily available. All we had to do was get two more members. 

Now, Walter Bowe and myself, we were to blow up the Liberty Bell. 
The means we were going to blow up the Liberty Bell would be by 
entering the hall, taking four or five sticks of wrapped dynamite, 
lighting the fuse, tossing it under the bell, and of course run. The car 
would be waiting outside, and we would go across the bridge to 
Camden, New Jersey. 

As far as the Washington Monument was concerned. Bob Collier 
said he knew a fellow named Doug — I don't know his last name — 
who was living in Washington. Walter Bowe suggested another person 
whom I would prefer to mention at a later time. He would l)e able 
to team up with this fellow named Doug and they would be able to 
destroy the Washington Monument. 

Mr. Smith. Did you go to Canada with Collier? 

Mr. Wood. Yes, sir, I did. 

Mr. Smith. Would you describe that trip, please ? 

Mr. Wood. Well, on January 29, 1965, Bob Collier and I rented a 
vehicle. We proceeded to Canada. "When we arrived in Canada, we 
went to the home of one Michelle Saunier. I can't remember her ad- 
dress, but while we were there, Michelle Saunier said she would try to 
help us in order to locate the dynamite — as she termed it at that partic- 
ular time she said the "stuff," she would try to locate the stuff ; once 
she made contact, she would let us know. We explained to her we 
didn't have enough money. She said she didn't believe that would be 
a problem. AVe had breakfast that morning. Michelle Saunier left. She 
came back and asked us to describe in detail what we wanted. We told 
her for our particular job which we had in mind we needed about 30 
pomids of plastic explosives, we needed about 10 blasting caps, 6 feet 
of primer cord. 

We told her that this was going to be a verj- big job, one that would 
have worldwide notoriety, and she would be proud of herself for help- 
ing us in this particular case. Michelle Saunier then went out and said 
that we would have to wait until the next morning, which would be 
January 31. 

During the evening of January 31 we were joined by one Michelle 
Duclos. She came in and Bob began to explain exactly what we needed. 
She said perhaps she might be able to help us. 

Michelle Duclos described herself as an activist. She said her hus- 
band was a member of the FLN, which had engaged in a fight with 
the French o^-er Algeria. She said she was strongly pro-French Cana- 
dian and she wished to see French Canada separated from Great 
Britain. 

She also described that she was a staff member of some sort of TV 
program. I think she was a TV program director, somethuig like that. 



1 042 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

in Montreal. However, she also acted on the side as a prostitute. She 
said she would go down to the U.N. in New York City and more or 
less enlist girls to cany on various acts of prostitution in order to 
solicit or elicit information from the U.N. personnel. 

Mr. Smith. Did she indicate or was there any information to you 
that she misused these connections with the U.N. personnel ? 

Mr. Wood. Well, she wanted to take these interludes with these dip- 
lomats and perhapys blackmail them at a later time so that she could 
obtain money and their aid during discussions concerning the separa- 
tion of French Canada from Canada proper. 

Mr. Smith. Did you bring the explosives down with you at the time ? 

Mr. Wood. No, sir. At the time Miss Duclos was unable to obtain 
the explosives. She apologized to us. She said, "Don't worry, I will 
have them down there on or about February 15, 1965." 

Of course. Bob Collier and I were quite disappointed. We left the 
next day, I believe February the 2d. 

Mr. Smith. Did she actually make the attempt to bring the explo- 
sives in ? 

Mr. Wood. Not at that particular time. On February 2 Bob Collier 
and I met with Khaleel Sayyed and Walter Bowe and we explained to 
the two of them that we were unable to obtain the explosives at that 
particular time. However, Michelle would bring the explosives down 
on February 15. Bob Collier made some remarks about distributing 
leaflets to let everyone know that the Black Liberation Front was an 
operation — this was an operation by the Black Liberation Front. 

This was, of course, rejected by Walter Bowe who felt that the Black 
Liberation Front should remain anonymous and that ultimately — if 
we were to print any leaflets, ultimately we would be detected by mem- 
bers of the New York City Police Department. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. May I ask a question at this point ? 

During the Algerian-French crisis there was a group of people who 
became expert in the use of plastic explosives. Was the use of plastic 
explosives ever discussed by Miss Duclos or any people in the French 
Lioeration Movement ? 

Mr. Wood. Yes, sir, that particular question was brought up time 
and time again. There was quite a bit of discussion on the use oi plas- 
tique. She described it as being an extremely safe type of explosives. 
She said that possibly this would be the only type of explosive that 
they would actually deal with. However, she said it was quite expensive 
and that bringing it in from France would be very difficult due to the 
cost of this particular type of explosive. 

I do recall very vividly she said this was the only type explosive 
she would consider using. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. It is my understanding it is far more effective and 
far more dangerous and easier to use by amateurs. 

Mr. Wood. That is true. I am not an expert, but the little I do know 
about it, according to her explanation, is that it can be carried. There 
is no danger of detonation other than by blasting cap. 

Mr. Smith. That is right. 

Did you ever get any indication while you were in Canada as to 
where she was going to obtain these explosives ? From whom ? 

Mr. Wood. She didn't mention anyone's name. However, she did say 
that she had friends who were ready, willing, and able to aid in any 
operation which would be carried on in the United States. She kept 
asking Bob Collier, "WTiat type of operation is this ? When is it coming 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 1 043 

off?" He said, "I am sorry, I can't tell you that. I will tell you when 
this particular operation does come off it will be a blast that can be 
heard around the world." Those were his words. 

Mr. Smith. Did Michelle Duclos ever come into New York with the 
explosives ? 

Mr. Wood. Yes, sir. On February 16 I received a phone call at 
approximately 1 o'clock in the a.m. It was Miss Duclos. It was from 
Miss Duclos, rather. She explained she was here in New York and 
she had the "stuff." She asked me to meet her down at a little hotel 
on 112th Street. I told her I would be down there as fast as I could. 
I jumped into a cab and went down to this location. Miss Duclos was 
very excited. She said she had 'been trailed from Canada into the 
United States by someone and she said they had tried to follow her. 
She went up a one-way street, and the car followed right behind her. 
Then she panicked and got rid of the dynamite in a lot. She didn't 
know the location, but it was later identified as the Riverdale section 
of the Bronx. She said that she marked on a wall near there where 
she had left the dynamite. She asked me, if possible, to contact Bob 
Collier, take him up there, and pick up the dynamite. 

Mr. Smith. When were the arrests made in this case? 

Mr. Wood. Well, sir, I immediately contacted my superiors. They 
informed me to pick up Bob Collier and to go up to this particular 
location. I did so. 

On the way up there Bob Collier was very jubilant. He said, "I 
knew Michelle would come through for me. I knew. Now when we 
get this stuff, I made a little diagram in my notebook here," and he 
showed me this diagram. It was the platform that Walter Bowe had 
mentioned. He said, "I will take this stuff and we will put it up here 
and we will tamp it right in the head and we will blow the whole 
head off." He said, "We shouldn't have any problems at all." 

Then he began to go on about how the BlacK Liberation Front was 
going to be recognized by everyone and how the Black Liberation 
Front would be feared. 

Mr. Smith. "VNTio was arrested in connection with this plot? 

Mr. Wood. Actually after we had arrived at this particular location. 
Bob Collier went into the lot and I described where the dynamite 
was situated. He went and picked up the dynamite and handed it to 
me. I then handed it back to him. We walked to the car. At that time 
we were placed under arrest by members of the New York City 
Police Department and the Federal Bureau of Investigation. 

Mr, Smith. Wlio was arrested ? 

Mr. Wood. Bob Collier and myself. I understand later on Walter 
Bowe and Khaleel Sayyed, as well as Michelle Duclos, were all picked 

up. . . „ 

Mr. Smith. Did Michelle Duclos turn states evidence ? 

Mr. Wood. Yes, sir, she did. 

Mr. Smith. What happened to her subsequent to her testimony? 

Mr. Wood. To my understanding, Michelle Duclos was subsequently 
deported to Canada. I believe she is working in France at this time. 

Mr. Smith. Were any of the defendants convicted in this plot? 

Mr. Wood. Yes, sir. Kobert Collier, Walter Bowe, and Khaleel 
Sayyed were all convicted of conspiracy. 

Mr. Smith. Have they served their sentences ? 

Mr. Wood. To my understanding they have served their sentences 
and they are now out. 



1 044 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES EST RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Mr. Smith. At this point permission is requested to introduce into 
the record a clipping from the New York Times of July 9, 1967, show- 
ing tha4^ Robert Collier, who was the head of the New York organiza- 
tion called a Committee for a Tompkins Square Community Center, 
which was formed by Negro, Puerto Rican, and hippy leaders, has re- 
ceived the use of a city building to carry on his activities. 

The Chairman. Permission is granted. 

(Document marked "Wood Exhibit No. 3" follows:) 



Wood Exhibit No. 3 



THE NEW YORK TIMES. SUN DA Y. JULY 9. 1967 



Tompkins Sq. to Git 
Community Center 
With the City's AH 



A neifljiborliood committee in 
the East Village hat won per- 
iniMion from the city to convert 
a gymnasium that has been 
used to store civilian defense 
equipmei^ into a community 
center. 

Thp group, the Committee for 
a Tompkins Square Community 
Center, was formed several 
weeks ago by some of the Ne 
gro, Puerto Rican and hippie 
leaders and representatives of 
various nationsJ factions in the 



The square has been a center 
of controversy follAring the 
arrests of 38 nippies in a clash 
with policemen in the park 
Memorial Day. 

The ^mnasium is in a build- 
ing at Ml East 9th Street that 
is used by the Department of 
Welfare as a training center 
and an employment and rehab- 
iliutioo center. The 14-story 
building was formerly a settle- 
ment house. 

Clear Out EqoipaMat 

Last week Welfare Commis- 
skmer Mitchell L Ginsberg and 



Heckscker inspected the gym- 
nasium and an unused swim- 
ming pool in the building with 
repnssBtatlves from the oon- 
mittec. Th^ agreed to place 
the gynmasium at the coaml^ 
tec's disposal for a center and 
the Wetfare Department began 
clearing out the civilian defense 
equipment 
CommisskHier Ginsberg said 



the question of using several 
offices for the community center 
was still under consideration. 
The offices are used for classes 
during the day and the com- 
mittee inquired whether they 
could be used at night 

The committee gathered more 
than 4,000 signatures on peti- 
tions that were given to Mafor 
Lindsay a few weeks ago when 
be was in the neighborhood at 
the dedication of the East Vil- 
lage Towers housing project 
'A Clear Necessity' 

Robert Collier, the 30-year- 
old chairman of the committee, 
said the "community center 
was a cMr necessity for the 
area anMtaany organizatioos 
and people have pledged their 
support and will be volunteer- 
ing their time, services and 
equipment to help establisb H." 

Commissioner Heckscher said 
in an interview that be was 
"impressed with the determined 
group" and the concept of uich 
a center "in such an unusual 
community with so much 
talent" nugbt be valuable. He 
said that his department woukl 
provide short-term custodial 
service for the gymnasium, 
which he said had "a fine, 
large, flexible space." 

He said his department had 
esthnated the cost of repairing 
the pool at more than SISOXKW. 



Parks Conunissk»er August He said the pool was "quite 



snail and lacked proper facil- 
ities," but added that if the 
community can craate a s«c- 
ocasful center his department 
would then consider ways to 
raise the necessary funds. "The 
pool Is still an open question." 
be said, noting that his depart* 
ment plans to put a portable 
wading pool in the n ei g libor - 
hood in the next few wean. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 1045 

Mr. Smith. Wliat was the overall x^urpose of blowing up the Statue 
of Liberty and the carrying out of the various other activities dis- 
cussed with Collier? 

Mr. Wood. The primary purpose of course was to cause the United 
States embarrassment. Secondly, it would be described as gaining 
recognition for the Black Liberation Front as a vehicle for Mr. Col- 
lier's aims. He felt that the Black Liberation Front should be an 
organization to be reckoned with and that it should be able to carry 
out future assignments after the destruction of our national shrmes. 
These things were to help create a situation of guerrilla warfare in the 
United States. They would mobilize young Negroes who wished to 
fight by showing them that somebody is prepared to take positive 
violent action, and while Collier talked about these things he was also 
attempting to recruit young people into his group who would be used 
for guerrilla warfare or for riot activity in the future. At one point, 
he stated that when the next riot takes place it's not gonna be some- 
thing with the cops breaking heads, we're gonna have our chance to 
break heads. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, this concludes the interrogation of this 
witness. 

The Chairman. Detective Wood, yesterday when Detective Hart 
had completed his testimony, I congratulated him for extraordinary 
performance of duty both as a citizen and as a police officer. I want 
to take this opportunity to state for the record that, in my view^ — and 
I am sure in the view of all members of this subcommittee — what I 
said to Detective Hart certainly applies equally to you. In penetrating, 
as you did, a group of ultraradical, revolutionary, hate- America 
types, you certainly stuck your neck out. Moreover, in my view, you 
certainly must have played it smart to remain in the group, apparently 
as a loyal member, until the right moment came to break up their 
shocking plot. 

Your action, the evidence indicates, saved some of this country's 
most precious monuments from destruction. For all this America is 
indebted to you. 

Like Detective Hart, you are indeed not only a credit to the New 
York Police Department, but to your country. 

Again I congratulate you and thank you for appearing before the 
committee, even though it meant giving up a part of your vacation 
to be here. 

Mr. Wood. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

The Chairjman. I wish we had more like you. 

Mr. Wood. Thank you. 

The Chairman. Governor Tuck, have you any questions? 

Mr. Tuck:. I have no questions. 

The Chairman. Mr, Ashbrook ? 

Mr, AsHBROOK. Detective Wood, you very clearly pointed out the 
plans which are laid by many of these people, and in the particular 
case you indicated there was the ability to get the explosives to carry 
out their plans. We have heard a lot of testimony on the threats, plan- 
ning the use of weapons. 

You even mentioned mortars here today. Central to any success in 
this type of plan would have to be the ability to acquire the weapons. 
I excluded the dynamite you have already mentioned. 



1046 SUBVERSIVE INELUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Was there any indication from these people how they would acquire 
firearms, whether they be small or whether they would be mortar? 
There is no use talking about weapons, how you are going to use them, 
training, demonstration, if you don't have the physical ability to 
acquire the weapons. Was there any indication where they would get 
the weapons ? 

Mr. Wood. Bob Collier mentioned attacking various State armories 
throughout the United States, not only in New York, during the par- 
ticular time — well, let us say, after the "revolution" had started. Bob 
Collier felt that various contingents of the Black Liberation Front, 
north, east, south, and west, could attack various State armories and 
thereby acquire some of the National Guard's heavy and light fire- 
power. 

Walter Bowe also made mention of attacking or robbing various gun 
stores to obtain pistols. He felt that this would be an excellent source 
of supply. Then, of course, we were going to buy some outright 
wherever we could find them. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. At any of the meetings that you attended were there 
weapons evidenced? I assume when they talked about the use of 
mortar they didn't have a mortar there to demonstrate, but were there 
ever any weapons present at the meetings you attended ? 

Mr. Wood. Yes, sir, there were weapons. Bob Collier had in his 
possession at the time of his arrest and during the time I met with 
him at his apartment, he had a carbine which could be converted 
into a semiautomatic weapon. I remember going over to Walter Bowe's 
house one night and he was showing an unidentified Negro male 
the use of a P-38 gun which is an extremely heavy weapon as far 
as a pistol is concerned. 

Khaleel Sayyed intimated to me that he had in his possession various 
rifles. So there was a nucleus, more or less, of firepower that could, of 
course, be converted to illegal means at a later time. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. It would be fair to say there was not any great 
concentration of weaponry they had available ? 

Mr. Wood. No, sir ; there was no stockpile at that particular time. 
Of course, the general consensus was that after we had completed 
this particular operation, of course we would be getting — we were 
hoping on getting formal recognition by outside groups. There was 
some mention of bringing contraband in from France, notably more 
explosives, and possibly some firearms. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. Was there ever mention of bringing weapons from 
Cuba? 

Mr. Wood. I don't remember their mentioning bringing any weapons 
from Cuba. Of course this was a possibility in my opinion. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. A last question. 

It is always hard to clearly demonstrate cause and effect. You 
certainly can give an opinion, however. There was talk of weapons. 
There was the demonstration on how they would be used. Would it 
be your opinion that these people, when pressed at the proper time, 
would use the weapons? In other words, I am saying, do you think 
it was idle talk or do you think they really intended to use these 
weapons in some kind of insurrection or riot or anything that might 
work to their advantage ? 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 1 047 

Mr. Wood. Yes, sir; in my opinion this was a definite possibility. 
As I stated previously, Mr. Collier had mentioned "wasting" various 
border patrol members on the way to and from Ca,nada if need be, 
if we ran into any trouble. 

I don't believe Walter Bowe, Sayyed, or Robert Collier would have 
hesitated one instant if they were ever in a predicament in which 
they would be forced to use these weapons. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. Thank you very much. 

The Chairman. Detective Wood, was it ever suggested that you 
use false names or aliases? 

Mr. Wood. Sir, when I first started the assignment in April, I sug- 
gested that perhaps I change my name, not really change it, but just 
put an addition on to it, so instead of using the name Wood, I used 
the name Woodall. This is the name I used and traveled under during 
my tenure undercover. 

Mr. Tuck. Were you enrolled as a member of the organization under 
your own name ? 

Mr. Wood. No, sir. I was enrolled or I became a member under the 
name of Woodall. 

Mr. IcHORD. Mr. Chairman. 

The Chairman. Mr. Ichord. 

Mr. IcHORD. Detective Wood, these incidents about which you have 
testified occurred after the Harlem riots. To your knowledge, was there 
any connection of this group with the Epton group and the Progres- 
sive Labor Movement in Harlem ? 

Mr. Wood. Do you mean between the Black Liberation Front and the 
PLM? 

Mr. Ichord. Yes. 

Mr. Wood. Well, I remember Bob Collier mentioned he had been a 
member of RAM at one time. He did make mention that he thought 
the PLM handled the Harlem riots all wrong. He said that Bill Epton 
had been ineffectual. He said that actually the PLM members, rather 
than sitting back and wasting a very good opportunity to aid in this 
particular unrest, that they should have been more active. However, 
they simply talked and talked and no one did anything as far as 
actually firing weapons and starting a general uprising, something 
along revolutionary lines. He was quite upset with Bill Epton as to his 
failure to materialize these particular goals. 

Mr. IcHORD. Do you know whether or not he was a participant in 
the Harlem riots ? 

Mr. Wood. In all honesty, I really couldn't say. I met Bob Collier 
in July and he made no mention to me at any time that he was in- 
volved. If I am not mistaken, I think Bob Collier may have been in 
Cuba during the time of the riots. 

Mr. IcHORD. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

The Chairman. All right. Proceed. 

Mr. Wood. Thank you very much, sir. 

The Chairman. The committee will stand in recess for 5 minutes. 

(A brief recess was taken.) 

The Chairman. The subcommittee will come to order. 

Proceed. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, at the time of the testimony received by 
this committee on October 25 and 26, Mr. Whitney M. Young, Jr., of the 

88-083 O — 68 — pt. 2 ^9 



1 048 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

National Urban League, Inc., could not appear in person. However, 
the committee has received a statement from Mr. Young and permis- 
sion is requested to include this statement in the record following 
that of Mr. Asa Spaulding. 

The Chairman. Permission is granted to insert that statement at the 
point indicated. 

Call your next witness. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Romerstein, will you take the chair, please ? 

TESTIMONY OF HERBERT ROMERSTEIN— Resumed 

The Chairman. Mr. Eomerstein, you have been sworn and this will 
be considered a continuation of your testimony. 

Mr. Romerstein. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Romerstein, yesterday you testified as to what your 
investigation showed as to the agitation or activities of the Communist 
Party, Progressive Labor, and other organizations respecting the pre- 
riot and the riot situation in Harlem in 1964. 1 will ask you about the 
postriot situation. Did your investigation indicate a continuing effort 
on the part of the Communist Party and the Progressive Labor Move- 
ment after the riot and, if so, how long did this last? And what are 
the activities of these two groups to the present date? 

Mr. Romerstein. Yes, sir. The activities continued after the riot and 
continue to the present date. If I might, sir 

The Chairman. By PLM? 

Mr. Romerstein. By PLM and the Communist Party, sir. 

If I might go back a little bit to some of the discussion yesterday 
and tie it in. The Communist Party, as well as the Progressive Labor, 
issued extremely inflammatory publications during the riot period in 
1964. 

This is a front page photostat of a front page of The Worker^ the 
Communist Party's biweekly newspaper, where the main headline 
read: "Murphy's Gestapo Cops Occupy Harlem, Beat and Kill in 
Hysterical Rage." The picture on the front page is of Jesse Gray, who 
is wearing a bandage on his face and has said he had an altercation 
with the police. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. What date is that ? 

Mr. Romerstein. The issue of July 21, 1964. 

The Chairman. This was after the riot ? 

Mr. Romerstein. Well, it was actually issued during the ^iot. That 
would have been a midweek edition. It would have been out Tuesday 
of that week, which is the 21st. The riot continued until almost the 
next weekend. It was during the riot that it was distributed. 

(Document marked "Romerstein Exhibit No. 16" appears on p. 
1049.) 

Mr. Romerstein. To go back to the question that Governor Tuck 
raised yesterday concerning the relationship between the various 
groups, sir, we find two parallel developments. We have the Pro- 
gressive Labor people who are a splinter Communist Party group, 
many of tlie leaders having come out of the Communist Party itself, 
setting up their own Communist organization with Chinese Com- 
munist oriental ion, as opposed to the official Communist Party, U.S.A., 
with Moscow orientation. Each one sets up its own fronts. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 1049 



ROMERSTEIN EXHIBIT No. 1 6 



Murphy's Gestapo Cops 
Occupy Harlem, Beat and 
Kill in Hysterical Rage 



I he 

yjsmm 



By T. R. BASSETT uid MIKE DAVIDOW 
RARI^M to as acqied eui^ 

E^ery 30-30 feet onf &e*« frroups of «t««nin9 hoik of whom w«ri' not involved i 
The rwidents of Harlem, the overwhe! -hHmeTed |«)l(re. with bulfrint- arms 

C( the KKlctenU uf itm^ider. *ii. 

ttMted nol bke Amrrlcsn ciii- 

temtoi}. Thu wm> brutal ii> l' 
- «hown in the indite 



ihtK 



by 



lh« police on SaturtUy nlsnt jnd 
uuuidc Ihi luiwnl bocnc it Ihi? 
bigbt Of tbc servvM. 

Polic« CuOUT^iwiODcr Mi<-tia(-l 
J. Uurp^iy has appolra f'>r 
"calm" but. as Jama r«nncT. 
naiimaj diivrtu; o( CORK and 



pointed 



fablislt^d twie« we«kly, Tuesday and Sunday 

?«i KXIX— No. 2W -C " Joiy 21. 1914 Z^r^^^ 



acntmnatrl) baaic 

iJiamcful otatUi 



Tti»rrm Ii*s nol aUri» thr 
ntAt^y M itw bJoodj' wvdtcnd, 
tMii :)•• «vm gnratar rliinpii »• 



' '1 


P 


r 


PIPP^V,.. ,^ 


■l^^1 


M 


i 


«««i 


9 


1 


1 


H 


nswt ':• *r .. 


" ■>-'"* '•">■ •" 


Ui Mt.i ■«> 


t'<r-^vr■Tu■>^ CAl^n. 



Hit 



T^r hri 



hiPiic uf u :3-.- 



I JsmM Powtli **bt> wa* 4 

luti U) fufnmcr Mh(>ol. by l.tC^ 
tniarl Th<>ma« R Cllll(an. • 
rariai cop, (rt wll thf aec-jmui.* 
tlon (rf-yp*" "* WKplnftvc rw*t" 
mCsl unaitiit a rvwrupi and -iv-.r 
btarlnc 0ntic* ton* in Har!*iT» 
Thl< p"lnt »■»> madr rm!>t..^ 
li. allv ;it a ntws conlercmr !.^' 

Hidtfbrand pr«»Kl«n( <•( 



M« 



N\AC*P 

Htldcbranii vtalrd Ihat "thi- 
vv4enr*> dtd m>t bcetn lad ni|hl . 
aid irtrr>'»ed thi*! 11 "» t**» «"«• 
pt.wtim of fommuniiy Miwnt- 
n.fnl rooird In Uck of rwpis ' 

j^oc Gray, Harlem rent utrikr 
M-Nder. \\Vi (ace bruu«d and vt-vA- 
\yn from a beatin« by police u»» 



pntnt#d lo 'he hundreds i. 



Murphy's Gestapo Cops 



(Oaoltosad rn« »•«« II 



He called for i 

■nam Gflll. 



of Ueu. 



btark people of Harten Bcrc(iUi( 
tAWitrds tha dlffotry %■« all want". 
Hr blJdlMl tbr police Defiart* 
Bwni for "tacUckl errors." 

Number one, be uid wax (h« 
'waiter lechntquc". whkti is to 
beat every TM»e ta rtjht Thi. 
u no accidenl ll 1» dona und^r 
tnrtrucliunj by the police c»-.ti- 
mi>->it(nfr tn beai all bUck pe^k- 
pie." Yuurjc declared. 

Ted Vel«. a Puerto RicSn 
«aid UMt Ihrar Puvrto Ibcan* 
b«d been killed hy .poUre lo ihc 
put Uirar morUhi. 

arr oi'cupiad by Murphv'i 
1 po4ire wfao mtend to rr- 
«)Mii in UarJem votil we vtop 
telkinc aboui jt and b<«in tr> lu 
declared 
forttfed applause sr«eted 



CaauiM 



He placad ihc rnpucttlblHti 
ro( xtki disl.irl.ani.e- m. ih« 
Police Ocpartmaot H« obirrved 
thai i( tlier« had been no thoot- 
in( (ft the ^well boy there 
would have bcm no rajjy with 
i:. en-iuinf ira^u coiu«()uenc«a. 

Othu apvahcn included l>aiah 
Hoouuon. pres*dent of the Uar- 
Icni Parents Commlllee and Ed- 
wajd Mill! Davu. C«rverll« 
^kon^m a/id Harlan aiMat 

The moud as cxprcucd by the 
prots,! mwtinc and by the maa 
in tJ*e street in Harlem has and* 
one thwi< uonitslakably ctattr: 

■nu^ da> has pw««d when bru- 
klll N«gro«a and 



Thr da> nta p^^ 

P'Hice Dapwtmani 
ing ' lueir can wh 



Maym- Wacoar and MM Cit/ 
«l%scll have It «fibln *elr 
power to restore "calm." m Vbr- 
mar. Bayard Buatln a^ ettiar 



VeW when he aaid. 'Wr art- 






meetimi the BXayor should ra- 


••ainst the pottcv twvialily of i^^r 


turt, ,fl the mrat iflane ■ 


F>U(icc Deitanmant "' 


He deimanded "suipenslon and 


He caltrrt for removal of Com- 


arre«l for mgrder- o( U. GUJi- 


miscuiner Murphy and all ai>tr« 


Ran 


of Mayur Watmar. and for die- 


He stremed the tune has coma 


parMi of the hvlmcied polic* 


lor « Civilian llevte«' B'.ard 


aciuad 


The alwniative mil br wen 


Pc«y Swtton mM»e a plea for 


(nur*- explosive outbraak* with 


uniiv and diaripJine. -What 


each act of unpunuhed brutality 


army c\-cr won a ba^le unlvu 


*'> '*''^'' 



1050 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

So we don't have an interlocking relationship between the two net- 
works, but we have a parallel relationship. However, since many of 
the leaders of the Progressive Labor Movement, now Progressive Labor 
Party, such as Milton Rosen and William Epton, were former mem- 
bers of and officials of the Communist Party, U.S.A., they received 
their training in tactics in the Communist Party, U.S.A. We find a 
similar pattern of activity in their new roles as leaders of the Chinese- 
oriented Communist groups. 

Sometimes, however, the Chinese-oriented groups are much more 
militant, much more outspoken in their explanations of what they 
intend to do. Basically the operations are the same. It is just that the 
Communist Party, U.S.A., being somewhat more under the gun, so to 
speak, having gone through a series of trials for their activities, the 
Smith Act trials, they are a little more careful in their phraseology 
and more careful in their operations in an attempt to avoid prosecu- 
tion. The Progressive Labor Movement has been much more flam- 
boyant. 

The tenants group operation goes back many years. This is a copy 
of the internal magazine of the Communist Party in 1947 called 
Contact^ and issued by the National Organization and Education 
Commissions, Communist Party, U.S.A., which described at that time 
in 1947 in an article by John Lavin, who was Harlem organizational 
secretary of the Communist Party, the setting up of an organiza- 
tion called the United Harlem Tenants and Consumers Organization, 
which was designed for agitation in those days around the consumer 
and tenants issues. 

(Document marked "Romerstein Exhibit No. 17" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. RoMEESTEiN. The Worker of 8/15/1948 printed a front page 
picture of pickets of another consumer organization picketing against 
high food prices. So this was an area of agitation in those days ; and 
of course the agitation continues to date, both on the part of the official 
Communist Party, U.S.A., and the Chinese-oriented counterpart, the 
Progressive Labor Party. 

As I indicated before, the agitation does continue to this day. The 
Conmiunist Party, U.S.A., for example, this past summer issued this 
leaflet entitled "End Police Riots and Bloodshed on New York City 
Streets," the indication bein^ of course that the riots are police orga- 
nized. It is not anybody fighting with the police or trying to burn down 
buildings. It is the police going out and indiscriminately attacking the 
community, according to the Communists. 

Here is a description of the alleged situation in the New York and 
New Jersey area. It says "Ne^ro cabbie beaten by police. Guardsmen 
wreck ghetto homes." No indication of a riot going on and that the 
reason why guardsmen were going into homes was to root out snipers. 

Reg-ardins: New York, it savs, "Puerto Rican shot dead — Tactical 



-'to' 



say 



cops club Puerto Ricans," No indication that a real riot was going on 
and that only the timely intervention of the tactical police force and 
other factors were able to prevent this riot from l>ecoming one of our 
major riots. 

(Document marked "Romerstein Exhibit No. 18" follows:) 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 1051 



ROMERSTEIN EXHIBIT No. 18 



nC^ 



so>^J- 



^a 



NOW 



\cs 



NOW' 



End Police Riots and Bloodslied 

on Now Yorle City Streets 



What happened in Newark and Detroit can 
and will happen here unless emergency 
measures are taken at once. East Harlem 
is the first warning. There is no tinne to 
lose. 

Rotten slum conditions, no jobs, police 
brutality are the root cause of the ghetto 
rebellions - 

New Jersey - Negro cabbie beaten by 
police. Guardsmen 
wreck ghetto homes. 

New York - Puerto Rican shot dead - 
Tactical cops club Puerto 
Ricans; fling racist insults 
that incite community. 



New York is being torn apart by a too little, 
too late policy of the City Administration 
and by official police brutality. 



The only way to prevent bloodshed is to stop 
police brutality and take effective steps to 
provide decent jobs, schools and housing 
for the ghetto poor. 



The Mayor says he is doing all he can But 
if New York were hit by a tornado, epidemic 
or earthquake, we would get the money for 
the emergency. The emergency is here 
This city must ACT NOW! 



We demand that the Mayor call a special meeting of the City Council 
and take immediate steps to; 

• Abolish the anti-labor, racist Tactical Police Force. 

• Stop all police brutality. As a first step, disarm all oH-duty police. 
Remove white police from Black and Puerto Rican neighborhoods. 

• Provide jobs and job training at once for all unemployed at union pay 
rates. Start a crash program of renovations and build low rent 
housing, schools and hospitals. 

• Demand a return of Federal tax money. Billions are spent for an 
immoral war in Vietnam. New Yorkers pay $15 billion each year 
in Federal taxes: only $1 billion comes back for city use. 

WE NEED FEDERAL FUNDS, NOT FEDERAL TROOPS! 



People of New York! We who are white bear a 

speci.il responsibility in the present crisis. 
Hy allowing the oppression of the Negro and 
Puerto Rican people we have only hurt our- 
selves. We have let Big Business, the 
banks and real estate interests reap huge 
profits from slum housing and use the 
ghetto unemployed to lower wages for all 
workers 



The trade union inovemenl. in the interests 
of all the working people of New York, must 
end discrimination in membership, hiring 
and job upgrading. New York labor has the 
power to compel the Adnninistration to act 
in the present crisis. 

Our tax money now used to kill innocent 
people in Vietnam can provide jobs and 
build cities and homes fit to live in. 



WRITE OR WIRE THE MAYOR AND CITY COUNCIL TO TAKE IMMEDIATE ACTION AND HOLD PUBLIC HEARINGS! 



Isiued h>; COMMUNIST PARTY OF NEW YORK STATE. 33 Union Squ«ie Weit. New Yoik, NY, 10003 



1 052 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Mr. RoMERSTEiN. This is a book issued by James Jackson, who is one 
of the top leaders in the Communist Party, U.S.A., entitled U.S. 
Negroes in Battle: From Little Roch to Watts, in which he analyzes 
a number of the riots which have taken place, including the riot in 
New York in 1964. Many of these chapters in the book are articles 
he wrote at the time of the incident. 

Interestingly enough, the book was published by Progress Pub- 
lishers in Moscow in the year 1967. Progress Publishers is an official 
Soviet publishing house which publishes in foreign languages, in this 
case English, and was formerly called the Foreign Languages Pub- 
lishing House in Moscow. 

(Document marked "Romerstein Exhibit No. 19" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Tuck. Irrespective of whether or not they have an interlocking 
directorship, they do have a common allegiance. Most of them are or- 
ganized through agencies of the Communist Party; is that correct? 

Mr. Romerstein. Yes, sir, most of the fronts do have interlocking 
directorates with their parent body, the Communist Party. They are 
organized to carry out the work of the Communist Party. We have two 
separate Communist parties in existence, the official Communist Party 
and the Progressive Labor Party. They are rivals to some extent. There 
is no interlocking between their parallel organizational structure, but 
there is an interlocking between each party itself and its fronts. 

Now we have developed information about interlocking between the 
two Communist parties and various black nationalists and black 
power groups. But the two parties themselves do not interlock. 

The statement that was read by Mr. Mehaffey yesterday was ex- 
tremely interesting. The Communist Party is attempting to gain new 
inroads into the black power movement. They have discovered that 
there is a certain amount of pro-Peking orientation in the black 
power movement and they would like to win these people back to 
Moscow. The Communist Party, U.S.A., has now openly come out in 
favor of violence in cities, has now openly come out in favor of rioting, 
whereas usually the Communist Party is more circumspect and more 
careful how they phrase things. The latest directive says that people 
have a right to riot in the cities. 

Progressive Labor continued its agitational activity after the Har- 
lem riot. This is an issue of Challenge, April 27, 1965, that was 
referred to in the testimony of Mr. Luce that was put in the record 
yesterday. It contains a picture showing the headquarters of the Har- 
lem Defense Council, which was simultaneously the headquarters of 
the Harlem Progressive Labor Club with a sign "Self Defence," 
indicating they had a karate training school at their headquarters. 
The sign, "KETSUGO DO JO H.D.C." indicates this is a karate train- 
ing school of the Harlem Defense Council. 

(Document marked "Romerstein Exhibit No. 20" follows:) 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 1053 








z 


in" 


h 


O) 






s 








X 


r~ 


X 


<N 


(i] 


72 




h 


Z 


a 


w 


< 


H 


•^ 


a! 




u 


^ 


S 


•^ 





■^ 


oi 


o 




1 054 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Mr. RoMERSTEiN. Then, too, another shooting incident took place in 
Brooklyn which did not result in a riot. Progressive Labor tried once 
again to create that climate of opinion. They put out a "Wanted for 
Murder" poster, "Wanted for Murder, Liebowitz, the Cop." He had 
shot a man who was using a knife in a street altercation. 

(Document marked "Romerstein Exhibit No. 21." See p. 1055.) 

Mr. RoMERSTEnsr. One factor that we found and that we constantly 
find in much of this agitation is sometimes very subtle but sometimes 
very flagrant falsehoods, deliberate falsehoods, attempting to incite 
a riot situation. For example. Progressive Labor knew the truth — 
because they had sent Detective Hart to attend a meeting of the Mal- 
colm X organization, and Detective Hart had reported back to them 
that Malcolm X had stated that he had information that there was a 
plot against his life on the part of certain members of the Black 
Muslim organization which he had broken away from. 

Nevertheless, in the spring of 1967 Progressive Labor issued a leaf- 
let entitled "Democratic Circus Comes to Harlem," in which they state, 
"Malcolm was gunned down by bullets paid for by the C.I.A." 

(Document marked "Romerstein Exhibit No. 22." See pp. 1056, 
1057.) 

Mr. Romerstein. At a later date we find Stokely Carmichael telling 
an audience that Malcolm X was shot by white Cuban counterrevolu- 
tionaries in the payroll of the CLA.. 

The fact is that the men who assassinated him were identified as 
members of the Black Muslim organization and have been tried and 
convicted of murder. The case is now on appeal. 

We had one major altercation in the New York area this past sum- 
mer. This was the Puerto Rican riot situation in East Harlem. To a 
great extent, for a number of reasons, we have not had major disturb- 
ances in the New York area. This was a relatively minor disturbance 
compared to some of the riots which have taken place in other cities. 

I believe that one of the factors entering into the relative tranquility 
of New York was the fact that out of 16 summer weekends, it rained 14 
of them. In addition — and I believe that the New York City Police 
Department deser\^es a good deal of credit for this — the police depart- 
ment has developed a considerable amount of intelligence informa- 
tion concerning the people who might attempt to trigger off a riot. 
They have developed this information over a period of years, so that 
they are very close to the situation and they know what the problems 
will be. 

In addition, the community relations operations of the New 
York City Police Department have been developed to a very 
great extent. They are able to go to community leaders, phone commu- 
nity leaders when problems are developing, in order to quiet down a 
difficult situation. These I think are basically the factors, in addition to 
the fact that the tactical police force, which is a highly mobile, highly 
trained unit, is immediately moved in in any crisis situation and veiy 
often, by the use of the minimum force necessary to cope with the 
immediate situation, is able to prevent it from becoming a major prob- 
lem. 

However, this relatively minor skirmish in Harlem was immediately 
picked up by the columnists. And The Worker of July 30, 1967, head- 
lines, "Cops' Murderous Attack Told by Harlem Witness." 

(Document marked "Romerstein Exhibit No. 23." See p. 1058. Ex- 
hibits Nos. 21, 22, and 23 follow :) 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 1055 



ROMERSTEIN EXHIBIT No. 2 1 

WANTED 

FOR 
MURDER 




LIEBOWITZ,THE COP 

Ptl. Sheldon Liebotcitg of the Grand Ave. Precinct, 
teho murdered Nelion Erby, July 15, 1965 
— the Jirtt anniversary oj the murder of Jamet Powell, July 16, 1964 



Harlem Defense Council 
107 West 116 St. Harlem, U.S.A 



1056 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 



ROMERSTEIN EXHIBIT No. 22 




(The following is issued by the Harlem 
branch of the Progressive Labor Party, 
336 Lenox Avenue, FI 8-2254. It will ap- 
pear in the April issue of CHALLENGE. 
Call the above niunber or 924-8848 for 
the newstand nearest you that carries 
CHALLENGE.) 

The people of Harlem and the Black 
people in general correctly interpreted 
the denial of Adam Powell's seat as an- 
other racist act on the part of the Congress. 
They also correctly saw this racist act as 
another open attack on the Black people— 
but this is exactly what the U.S. govern- 
ment wanted them to know and to react to . 

In 1963 the government and its "uncle 
torn" lackeys pulled off the "march on 
Washington' ' to change the struggle of the 
Black people for their liberation to a 
meaningless "march" that sapped- up a 
lot of the energy of the people. Now, in 
1967 the government, its lackeys and some 
mis-guided civil rights workers plan to 
pull-off a "support Pqwell" campaign, 
whose purpose will be to again divert the 
struggle away from national liberation to 
one of supporting a man whose role has 
consistently been that of collaborator with 
U.S. imperialism. 

It was another Powell that the people 
of Harlem rallied around in 1963— his 
name was James and he was 16 years old 
and he was murdered by Thomas Gilligan, 
a New York cop. 

The people rightfully protested and 
demonstrated their support for young 
Jimmy. And as a result, many were shot 
down and brutally attacked by the police 
for their support. We didn't hear one word 
from the other Powell (Adam), and very 
little from the "civil rights leaders." 



Every day in the United States, both 
north and south. Black people are being 
murdered by the agents of the U.S. gov- 
ernment—either in blue uniforms of the 
police, hiding under white sheets or by 
"Justice" lynchings in the courts of this 
country. Every day our Black youth are 
being dragged from our homes to go into 
the U.S. army to kill and be killed in 
foreign wars (against other colored peo- 
ples), especially in Vietnam. Where is 
the mass protest on the part of these so- 
called leaders?" 

* Medgar Evers was shot to death'. 

* Malcolm X was shot to death right 
here in New York'. 

* Wharlest Jackson was just blown to 
bits in Natchez, Miss.'. 

These are only three of countless 
thousands. Where were the mass protest 
on the part of the so-called "leaders"? 
There were none, except for cynical state- 
ments to the press. We must therefore ask. 
Why? 

The answer is clear. Powell has worked 
w ithin this corrupt system and gotten rich 
olt 01 It . At the same time the condition 
of the vast majority of the Black people 
has gotten worse. Powell has been as 
corrupt as those thieves who denied him 
his seat. Therefore it is safe to come 
all out in his support,- because it is safe 
to defend crooks and gangsters rather 
than genuine militants. 

Malcolm X was a potential revolu- 
tionary and that makes a lot of difference '. 
No great rallies, money collections, and 
big speeches by the so-called civil rights 
"leaders," when Malcolm was gunned 
down by bullets paid for by the C.I. A. 
Only empty statements '. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 1057 



RoMERSTEiN EXHIBIT No. 22 — Continued 



THE FAKE MEREDITH CAMPAIGN 

The vast majority of the so-called 
"leaders" read the signs correctly that 
the people knew tliat Congress is racist 
and acted that way. They therefore knew 
that anyone who would run for Powell's 
seat in Congress would be labeled an 
"uncle torn" by the Black people. So, 
despite the fact that any one of them would 
give their right arm for Powell's seat they 
had to "bide their time" and wait for a 
better opportunity. James Meredith , who 
first came Into Harlem as a stooge for 
Robert Kennedy , could not resist the money 
that was dangled in front of him; he first 
accepted with great fanfare, and then de- 
clined with an equal amount of fanfare. The 
New York Times of March 13th, in an 
interview that covered almost three- 
quarters of a full page, attempted to make 
Meredith look and sound like a complete 
idiot, so obviously they were not going 
all-out to support him. Under pressure 
from the so-called "civil rights leaders" . 
he withdrew and left the field open to 
Powell. They wanted to save him for a 
better time. The government has suc- 
ceeded in doing just what it wanted to do. 
They were successful in making Powell 
and his seat in the house of Representa- 
. tives the major issue and news item in the 
Black communities . . . while Black youth 
are being drafted for Vietnam . . . while 
Black people are being murdered in this 
coxintry and the investigations of all of the 
other thieves in Washington become back 
page news. ^ 

Adam Powell becomes the 1967 Torsion 
of the "March on Washington." 

WHAT IS A LEADER? 
If these " leaders' ' want the Black people 
to rally around Powell then why doesn't 
he have a program for the people to identify 
with, rather than the silly slogan, "Keep 
the faith, baby"? If Powell is a "leader," 
let's put him to the test. Let him publicly 
denounce the racist and fascist war against 
the Vietnamese people. Let him tell Black 
youth not to go into the U.S. army. Let 



him come out in defense of the "Harlem 
Six, "framed-up and jailed these last three 
years. Let him investigate, or protest the 
countless acts of brutality and murder 
that occur in the 32nd precinct (three 
blocks from his church). Let him offer 
bills to jail the many slumlords in his 18th 
Congressional District. Yes, let him de- 
fend the interest of the Black people. This 
is the only criterion to judge '. 

To say that we must defend him because 
he is "Black," and that we must unite 
behind him because the "man" is out to 
get him, is a weak argument. Should 
we defend a Black dope pusher that poisons 
our children because he is Black and 
because the "man" is "out to get him"? 
Should we defend a stick-up killer— who 
robs us— because he is Black and the 
"man" is out to get him? Should we de- 
fend one of "our own" by saying, "why 
did they pick on him, he is just as crooked 
as the rest of them"? Yes, we always 
agree that the biggest crooks and gang- 
sters in this country sit in high offices 
in Washington. • 

But the point is: They ALL should be 
in jaill - \ ■" '' . 

NATIONAL LIBERATION " .' ' . 

But we, Black people fighting for our 
national liberation, have only one yard- 
stick to judge those that we will accept 
as our "leaders" and that is whether or 
not they have devoted their lives in the 
interest of our liberation, and have de- 
veloped programs and organizations to- 
wards that end. 

So there are important lessons to be 
learned from this circus that is taking 
place. We must learn to choose our own 
leaders from among the ranks of the peo- 
ple that will be beholden only to us— not 
to the Democratic or Republican parties. 
We must choose militant revolutionaries 
who will not sell themselves to U.S. im- 
perialism and who have only one thought, 
goal and desire— and that is for the 
national liberation of the Afro-American 
peoples of the United States. 



ISSUED BY THE HARLEM BRANCH OF THE PROGRESSIVE LABOR PARTY 
336 LENOX AVENUE - Fl 8-2254 



1058 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 



ROMERSTEIN EXHIBIT No. 23 



Page 12 



THE WORKER, SUXDAY, JULYJ01D87 



Cops' Murderous Attack 
Told by Harlem Witness 



By TIM WUEfcttR 

AJVGEL SIERRA v ■«.-; av. ..>,<■- 
witness )o the i-vi-til,.s !na; i'j:- 
iowt'ft tiv? mur<!i-i uT 25-.var- 
old Ri.-nal(io Iv.'j'Jrifii!".' ii'. t^a^' 
Harlem Suntio; 

Sierra, a rcsi 
borhood popui>,, , ■ 
Spanish Harlem, Uj\a: 'IMi V. .ik- 
er that the poi:cc, alter n.ivri, 
slain Kodriguei^. ;i''. f 
people dcmonsl-ra ! 
stret'l against Uk- nii 
Puerto Rican yf^ifh. 

Sierra \va^ staii'imR at Ktfith 

and Third Ave. S;,- ' -■" 

when he saw a crc ' 
street dcmon'itrr;tf/r' 
Third Ave. from 
•housing project v,hi : ■ 
was sIkA. 

He said, "I looked iluwii TiiiiU 
Ave. and coming toward me 
right up the middle r.f •-■- '■■■■•' 
was a crowd of 2(>'< 
Puerto Ritans. They 
attention to the Irallu . iTe.'v 
were mad. They shouted agairtst 
the police. 

"Then 1 saw the Tactical Po- 
lice come clrarging up from 
three directions. They just 
charged into the crowd. Ttiey 
beat people over the head. 

"I saw them knock one guy 
down and they .tust kept boating 
him i-nd kicking him. They were 
.shoutinjj iiUhy racist nam«s at 
the man as he lay on the 
ground. 

"The people were ju.st half a 
block away watch iiig the cops 
beat the man lying on the 
ground. A man started yellirui 
at the cops to stop beating thi' 
man, but the cops didn't stop, 
and more cops were cliargmg 
dowii the street toward .the 
people. .So the people siarte.l 
pt<tii>i» t!te cops wit*i e\ory- 
tlnng they could pick up. ix)t- 
tles. bricks, rocks and Kari>a«e 
can-s. " 

The police retreated under 
the barrage ol flying miisiles, 
rf>x;rouped and atiacKeri a«aui, 
Sierra said. This time the crow.i 
broke and ran. 



ne .said, "ran in 

1 the (■ Jp.s -.vere 

.-I foi' ^rid m 

> jtinp: 

ran,. 

■quad 

..■ .-..devvalk 

, were Iry- 

,,o\^n in "he 



AN'OTUEK ATT V< K 

Ins'ead of qii:- ti).,; 'ne i\-j,nr^ 
if ai:yi .', thi.s ve/ii"i' di.per';al 
)f t!ie erov\d sv 'nt.' raiiipasini; 
i^.l' •■ ^:. ■■!■:, ,i • !,■ ,1 i_.:r to Other 

■.OO'l 



the fir.sl 



n'.rk a!i 1 tireri ot being treated 
Ilk.- nirt hy the rop-i." 

-lenti;. 

, shot 
.... ,,.._ ,..:., .. ,..L J . .... .lurin? 

such a lime, generally place 
their hands agaiii.5l buildings 
and wait for the poUee to ap- 
proach. 

He said. "I put my hands 
against a buiHiiiK when the po- 
lice came up. but one fat cop 
gave me a push and sa^id. "Got 
the hell but of here. Got mov- 
ing.' ■■ 

RISING TERROR 

Mayor Lindsay has painted a 
picture of restrained police, but 



resident.'^ of the neighborhood 
report a sharp increase in po- 
lice harassment, arrests, racist 
insult.?, and ph.vsical attack. 
This attack is being carried out 
on a whole.scale basts in all sec- 
tors of East Harlem. 

Manuel Dones. 1809 Lexing- 
ton Ave. told mo: 

"Police will chase anybody 
!iii matter what you are doing. 
1 IK V a: -_' suspicious of every- 
;j')!iy. Last night I was stand- 
ing v'.at.ching a tire that broke 
out on the corner. The cops 
came toward me in a car. They 
were v.earing helmets and shoot- 
ing their guns out the windows. 
I turned around and started 
running end they chased after 
nic down the street. They came 
up On the sidewalk and almost 
ran mc down, but I ran behind 
a fire hydrant and jumped down 
an alley." 

Another youth, Eric Sanjurjo, 
told The Worker he and five 
friends were picked up by tJie 
police as they sat talking in a 
park at 115th St. and Third Ave. 

"They came up and told us 
to get moving," Sanjurjo said. 
"We said this was the park we 
always come to. They said, 'This 
park is private property.' When 
we Ined to reaion with them 
they .<aid, "You boys have mari- 
juana.' They put handcuffs on 
us and took us to the station. 
But we didii"; have marijuana 
They were lying. They just 
wanted to arrest u.h."_ 




SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 1 059 

Mr. RoMERSTEiN. Progressive Labor, in the latest issue of their news- 
paper Challenge, the issue of October 196Y, revealed something inter- 
esting. 

As pointed out, Challenge appears both in English and Spanish. 
This picture and caption do not appear in the English section of Chal- 
lenge newspaper, but only in the Spanish section. They show Dejesus, 
who is identified as a Progressive Labor Party member, out on the 
Greets during the demonstration, allegedly attempting to give aid to 
a young Puerto Rican who was shot by the police. The caption indi- 
cates that it was impossible for them to advance against the police 
at this point because of the shooting that was going on. So the three 
people you see, one of them identmed as Felipe Dejesus, are lying 
on the groimd in the picture. 

(Document marked "Romerstein Exhibit No. 24" follows :) 

ROMERSTEIN EXHIBIT No. 24 

[Challenge, October 1967, p. 8] 




Felipe Dejestis ( al eer.tro\ del PLP, trata de anxlllar ur 
Joven herldo por la Folic la durante la Febellon en El Ba- 
rrio, pero la talacera no les perrr.lte avanzar y el Joven 
mnere, BOSOTPOS «0 OLVIHAilOS; HO POIEVOS OLV I DAP. 

[Translation: Felipe Dejesus (center), of PLP, tries to aid a youth wounded 
by the police during the Rebellion in the Quarter, but the bullets do not 
permit them to advance, and the youth dies. WE SHALL NOT FORGET; 
WE CANNOT FORGET] 

Mr. Romerstein. Another person out on the streets during the 1967 
clashes in East Harlem was Ted Yelez, whom we ran across during 
the 1964 riots organizing demonstrations in the streets and making 
speeches at the United Nations offices, demanding that the United 
Nations intervene in the situation in the United States. 

Mr. Velez is one about whom we have a considerable amount of in- 
formation. But I think the most interesting thing at the moment is: 
on September 13, 1963, he was present in the hearing room of this 
committee during the hearings on the illegal traffic to Cuba and was 
one of those that had to be forcibly removed from the hearing room 
for trying to organize a demonstration during the hearing. 



1 060 SUBVERSIVE IKFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

An important factor in preventing the riots from becoming a major 
altercation was, as I said before, the community relations of the police 
department. Spanish-speaking Catholic priests in the area were con- 
tacted by the police and were able to organize a parade in the East 
Harlem area which calmed down the people; the priests went out 
among the people and calmed them down. 

The Catholic Standard of 8/10/67 carries a story about Police Com- 
missioner Howard R. Leary, the police commissioner of New York 
City, giving awards to a number of Catholic priests : Monsignor Robert 
J. Fox, coordinator of the Spanish Community Action in the New 
York archdiocese ; Fathers Raymond J. Byrne of St. Paul's Church, 
Vincent A. Resta of Holy Rosary Church, and Patrick J. Carroll of 
St. Luke's Church in the Bronx who had come into the Harlem area, 
and many of them worked for a long time in the East Harlem area 
and were able to make contact with the people and prevent the riot 
from becoming any more serious than it was. 

(Document marked "Romerstein Exhibit No. 25" follows :) 



ROMERSTEIN EXHIBIT No. 25 

[Catholic Standard, \\i^u%\ 10, 1967] 



]3 Priests Cited 
For Helping 
To Calm Riots 



NEW YORK mC) — Four 
* Catholic priests credited with 
calming, recent disorders |n 
the Harlem and Bronx sec- 
tions of New York received 
Operation Friends Awards 
from Police Commissioner 
Howard R. Leary. 

The awards sponsored by 
radio station WBNX are 
given monthly to a police 
officer and civilian who have 
helped promote better rela- 
tions between the^ police and 
the community. 

The honored priests are 
Msgr. Robert J. Fox, coordi- 



nator of Spanish Community 
Action in the New York arch- 
diocese; Fathers Raymond J. 
Byrne of St. Paul's Church, 
Vincent A. Resta of Holy 
Rosary Church and Patrick 
J. Carroll of St. Luke's 
Church in the Bronx. 

They have been active In 
•'Summer In The City." "a 
part of the war on poverty 
program, and involved in a 
year - round neighborhood 
community action program 
sponsored by the New York 
Institute For Human De- 
velopment. 

During recent disorders in 
Spanish Harlem, the priests 
si>onsored nightly processions 
•which brought out hundreds 
of people in peaceful demon- 
strations and which police 
said "did a great deal to calm 
the neighborhood." 



SUBVERSIVE INELUENCES EST RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 1 061 

Mr. EoMERSTEiN. One thing that Detective Wood indicated this 
morning is that many of these groups are dissatisfied with the activities 
of other groups. There is a rivalry going on. So, when the people from 
the Revolutionary Action Movement complained that Progressive 
Labor did not do enough, what they mean is, "How come you didn't 
burn down the whole city? If we were there we would have had the 
ability to really tear the place apart; you only had the small riot 
going." 

Progressive Labor replies, "Where were you when we were out in 
1964 in a real riot and you were not doing enough to help us at that 
time?" 

One of the most militant groups we have run across, although rela- 
tively small, has been an organization which has created many prob- 
lems. 

(At this point Mr. Watson entered the hearing room.) 

Mr. AsHBROOK. On that point quite often we hear it said because 
they are a small group they are not dangerous. Isn't this a most fal- 
lacious argument to be advanced? Doesn't your experience indicate 
it does not take 5,000 people, but only 10 or 15 terrorists can do a good 
job ? We hear that there are only 150 people ; this is really meaningless. 

Mr. EoMERSTEiN. Yes, sir; a relative handful of people who are 
trained and prepared to commit acts of violence can always be con- 
siderably more dangerous than a large mob that has no direction and 
that can be controlled by the police. The testimony of Detective Wood 
this morning related to a handful of people. Had their plans been 
carried out they would have destroyed the Statue of Liberty and the 
Liberty Bell and might have killed quite a number of people in their 
bombing of these shrines. Now they are a relatively small group of 
peoplCj but the damage that they can inflict can be a great deal. 

Durmg a riot situation the relative handful of people can be snipers, 
can be the throwers of Molotov cocktails. While the police are trying 
to cope with a large number of people on the streets, this handful can 
do a considerable amount of damage. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. I am glad you stated that because that needs to be 
reiterated all the time. You always hear, particularly if they are on 
campus or elsewhere, there are 35 million Democrats or 32 million 
Republicans or 50 Communists. You are not playing a numbers game 
here, because 200 revolutionaries may disrupt a city of 7 million. This 
needs to be reiterated time and time again because people pla^ a num- 
bers game and think because there are only a few it makes no difference. 
What we have developed in the last 2 days indicates that a handful 
of people bent on destruction have the capability of really wreaking 
havoc. 

Mr. RoMERSTEiN. Yes, sir. One of the concepts of the Communist 
organization is the concept of the lever. They actually discuss this in 
their own circles. A man may not be able to pick up a large rock, but by 
putting a lever under it he can move it quite a distance. 

We saw a very interesting example of this. This is somewhat off the 
topic of the riots in Harlem, but only about 10 days ago at Brooklyn 
College in New York Jeff Gordon, who was one of the very boisterous 
witnesses we had during the Pool bill hearings last year, brought in a 
group of about 15 people — this was a week ago last Friday — ^to Brook- 
lyn College to prevent the Navy recruiters from operating on campus. 



1 062 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Mr. Gordon refused to identify himself to one of the deans, would 
not say whether he was a student of the school, which in fact he was. 
The dean called the policemen and pretty soon a demonstration devel- 
oped. At one point at least a thousand young people were milling 
around the Brooklyn College campus. There were attempts to prevent 
the paddy wagon from moving Jeff Gordon away. Eventually 50 
people were ai*rested. A number of people were injured. There were 
attacks on the police. The police were compelled to use force in order 
to take their prisoners in and the school was tied up for days. They 
attempted a student strike, which not only disrupted the school for 
days, but prevented it from functioning as an educational institute. All 
of this because one Progressive Labor Party member was able to orga- 
nize a situation on campus, then inflame the students against the police. 

So, sometimes relatively few people can be extremely effective 
against the power structure if they can utilize other people to do their 
work for them. 

But the Revolutionary Action Movement is perhaps one of the most 
interesting of these organizations. If I may go into that, I know we 
have had in the record before information concerning this group, but 
just to round out the picture. The Revolutionary Action Movement 
was organized by Robert Williams, who was an exile in Cuba. Mr. 
Williams was involved in a racial demonstration in Monroe, North 
Carolina, in which he kidnaped a white couple and held them as 
hostages. He was subsequently indicted for kidnaping and fled to 
Cuba. This is an FBI "wanted" notice on Robert Williams. "Wanted 
by FBI, interstate flight — kidnaping, Robert Franklin Williams." 
They describe him as follows : 

CAUTION, Williams allegedly has possessed a large quantity of firearms, 
including a .45 caliber pistol which he carries in his car. He has previously 
been diagnosed as schizophrenic and has advocated and threatened violence. 
"Williams should be considered armed and extremely dangerous. 

He did get out of the dragnet set for him and escaped to Com- 
munist Cuba. He then made trips back and forth to Red China. He is 
now permanently living in Red China. 

(Document marked "Romerstein Exhibit No. 26" follows:) 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 1 063 

ROMERSTEIN EXHIBIT No. 26 



>A/anted by FBI 



INTERSTATE FLIOHT - KIDNAPING 

ROBERT FRANKLIN WILLIAMS 



ASES BOB "li-'ulAMS. ROBERT F WILLIAMS 





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DIRECTM 



Mr. RoMERSTEiN. In 1963 while he was visiting China, the New China 
News Agency issued the following statement on September 27, 1963, 
which is about 6 weeks before the assassination of President Kennedy. 
The statement said : 

The American Negro leader Robert Williams, now visiting China, today sent 
a message to the U.S. President Kennedy, protesting against the savage persecu- 
tion of American Negroes by U.S. racialists enjoying Kennedy's aid and comfort. 

The message reads : "From the Liberated People's Republic of China, staunch 
supporter of the Negro struggle for freedom, as a former official of the National 
Association for the Advancement of Colored People — 



88-083 O — 68 — pt. 



1 064 SUBVERSIVE INrLUENCES EST RIOTS, LOOTESTG, AND BURNING 

And might I interject lie was removed as an official because of his 
advocacy of violence. [Continues reading:] 

again I add my voice to the many peoples of the world who are protesting the 
savage persecution, murder and unjust imprisonment of Afro-Americans. The 
barbaric conduct of U.S. racists enjoying the aid and comfort of your govern- 
ment exposes your pious-sounding speeches as the vilest sort of hypocrisy. Is 
Birmingham indicative of the democracy the USA would like to export to Latin 
America, Asia and Africa? Let me remind you that these heathen racist crimes 
against black humanity shall be avenged." 

(Document marked "Komerstein Exhibit No. 2Y" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. RoMERSTEiN. Mr. Williams was also active before he fled the 
United States in the Fair Play for Cuba Committee and was deeply 
involved in many other leftist activities. While in Cuba he published 
a newsletter called The Crusader^ a copy of which was introduced yes- 
terday by Detective Hart. 

This is another issue of the same magazine which indicates "pub- 
lished in Cuba as a private publication," dated February 1964, wliich 
states : 

When massive violence comes, the USA will become a bedlam of confusion and 
chaos. The factory workers will be afraid to venture out on the streets to report 
to their jobs. The telephone workers and radio workers will be afraid to report. 
All transportation will grind to a complete standstill. Stores will be destroyed 
and looted. Property will be damaged and expensive buildings will be reduced 
to ashes. Essential pipe lines will be severed and blown up and all manner of 
sabotage will occur. Violence and terror will spread like a firestorm. * * * 

This was prior to any of the riots in our major cities — Williams 
anticipating these types of riots at that time. 

(Document marked "Romerstein Exhibit No. 28.") 

Mr. RoMERSTEiN. This is an issue of The Crusader now published in 
Red China. It is dated October 1966. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. Do you know how these come into the United States? 
Do they come in surreptitiously or through the front door ? 

Mr. RoMERSTEiN. Most of them are shipped to Canada where they 
are then mailed first class into the United States. In this issue in 1966 
he raises a new and interesting slogan. He says : 

The most noble cry to come out of racist Ajn erica since the Boston Tea Party 
is the cry : BURN BABY, BURN. It is a good starter for more than just fires. 
It is a point of origin for a mighty evolutionary process. 

He later says, 

Our objective must be to destroy the enemy and his property while saving 
our people. The brothers also must sharpen their marksmanship. Yes, BURN 
BABY, BURN, like the Boston Tea Party, is a good point of origin but in the 
final analysis the brutal oppressor must go and the cry KILL BABY, KILL must 
prevail. 

This is out of Red China and was distributed by the Revolutionary 
Action Movement in the U.S. 

(Document marked "Romerstein Exhibit No. 29." Excerpts from 
Exhibits 28 and 29 follow :) 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 1065 

ROMERSTEIN EXHIBIT No. 28 




^f)t 



xumotv 



MONTHLIJ NEIVSLEJTER 



ROBERT F. WILLIAMS, Publisher —IN EXILE— 
VOL. 5 — No. 2 FEBRUARY 1964 



(Excerpts firem "Revolution Without Violence?"] 



The present hope of Airoamericans to cure the mahgnant ills ot savage lacia; 
oppression, by so-called peaceful methods, approximates mild medication wherft 
surgery is needed. Turn-the-other-cheekism is tantamount to treating psycholics 
with homicidal tendancies by playing a childish game of "fag" or touch loot bull 
when a dose of elec.'rical shock is needed. 



Total integration means assimilation. Is the American society based upon the 
premise of nonviolence? No I It is an insensate and violent society. It is a society 
whose symbol is the marauding eagle. There is no place in the eagle's nest for 
a peace dove. The timid peace dove is the symbol that the liberals would have 
u.' adopt. Pacifism is alien to the American mode of life. Pacifism, adopted by 
a people already set aside from the mainstream of American life because of a 
blood and color differential, adds another distir.ci feature to broaden the discrim- 
inatory chism. If not in color, at least in social conduct, we must reflect similarities 
in order to become assimilated into North American society and its culture. The 
culj of nonviolence is a religion thai brings glory and gratification to latent 
machochists. 



Yes, we should all advocate peaceful and nonviolent demonstrations ir\ order 
to mobilize the masses of our people and to expose the true nature of U.S. 
racism to the world, but let us not be so naive as to believe that we can 
conduct a revolution without violence. Let us not be so asinine as to believe 
that we can appeal to the conscience of a brutal oppressor to the extent that 
he will voluntarily release our people from almost 400 years of shackles and the 
dark dungeon of slavery and misery. 



We must defend ourselves. We must fight back. We must reject the unwritten 
committment that so-called Negro leaders have made guaranteeing our brutal 
oppressors immunity from retribution for their henious acts of violence against our 
defenseless people. Not only must we defend ourselves violently, but we must 
do it collectively. We must condition ourselves for defense, both physically and 
psychologically. We n^ust become adept in the methods of massive defense. 

There are those mercenary Uncle Toms and masochists among us, whose 
missions are to demoralize our people and encourage them to reject the first law 
oj nature. They are quick to inform us that we cannol win any conflic; that may 
degenerate into a state of massive violence. Why do they not tell the racist 
op pressors that they ca nno t win? Why do they not tell them that they constitute 
a minority in the world? the faci is that the racists^are^lhe ones who will lo'se^ 
such a conflict. America is too sensitive to withstand such a shock. The oppressors 



1066 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 
RoMERSTEiN EXHIBIT No. 28 — Continued 

have more to lose than the dehumanized and oppressed in such a conflict. Our 
people have nothing to lose but their chains. 

We prefer peaceful negotiations, but our oppressors have proved to us thai 
they are not susceptible to such mild pressures for reform and thai they will 
utilize massive violence to a:tempt to contain our struggle. When massive violence 
comes, the USA will become a bedlam of confusion and chaos. The factory 
workers will be atraid to venture out on the streets to report to their jobs. The 
telephone workers and radio workers will be afraid to report. All fransportaiion 
will grind to a complete standstill. Stores wjll be destroyed and loolfed. Property 
will be damaged and expensive buildings will be reduced to ashes. Essential 
pipe lines will be severed and blown up and all manner of sabotage will occur. 
Violence and terror will spread like a firestorm. A clash will occur inside the 
armed forces. At U.S. military bases around the world local revolutionaries will 
side with Afro G. I.'s. Because of the vast area covered by the holocaust, US 
forces will be spread too thin for effective action. U.S. workers, who are caught 
or their jobs, will try tc return home to protecl their families. Trucks and trains 
will noi move the necessary supplies to the big urban centers. The economy will 
fall into ft state of chaos. 

This racist imperialist oppressor will not be brought to his knees, simply 
because of the fighting ability and military power of Black FreedoiTi Fighters and 
Iheir allies inside the U.S., but because of the creation of economic, chaotic 
condiiions, total disorganization, frustration of his essential and ultra vital organs 
of production, and adverse conditions created by the world wide liberation 
struggle. Such a formidable enemy will fall prey to the new concept of revolution 
because o: hii ultra modern and automated society and the lack Oi psychological 
conditioning of his forces. Our people have already been conditioned by almost 
400 years oi violence, terror and hunger. 

The new concept oi revolution defies military science and tactics The new 
concept is lightning campaigns conducted in highly sensitive urban communities 
with the paralysis reaching the small communities and spreading to the farm areas. 
The old method of guerrilla warfare, as carried out from the lulls and countryside, 
would be ineffective in a powerful country like the USA. Any such force would 
be wiped out in an hour. The new concept is to huddle as close to the enemy 
as possible so as to neutralize his modern and fierce weapons. The new concept 
creates conditions that involve the total community, whether they want to be 
involved or not. It sustains a state of confusion and destruction of property. It 
dislocates the organs of harmony and order and reduces central power to the 
level oi a helpless, sprawling, octopus. During the hours oi day sporadic rioting 
takes place and massive sniping. Night brings all out warfare, organized fighting 
and unlimited terror against the oppressor and his forces. Such a campaign will 
bring about an end to oppression and social injustice in the USA in less than 90 
days and create the basis for the implementation of the U.S. Constitution with 
justice and equality for all people. 

Of course, there would be great losses on the part of our people. How can 
we expect liberation without losses? Our people are already being admonished 
by the nonviolent forces to die for Freedom. We are being told to sacrafice our 
lives in situations of diminishing returns. If we must die, let us die in the only 
way that the oppressor will feel the weight of our death. Let us die in the tried 
and proven way of liberation. If we are going to talk about revolution, let us 
know wha; revolution means. # 



It is no longer a truism that our people cannot win such a struggle. The 
world has changed and the favor oi the situation has shifted to the sitle oi the 
A.roameiican. Those who cry that we cannot win ure ei her agents of the oppressor, 
latent masochists or ignorant of the new facts of life. We do not need paternal 
white "b!g daddies" for our friends now. What we need are some fighting 
John Browns. 

Our friends are growing throughout the world, while those of our oppressors 
are diminishing. It is important that we immediately create stronger ties with our 
brothers of Latin America, Asia and Africa. It is important that our people slop 
cooperating with our oppressor and exert more effort to expose his beastly ways 
to the peoples oi the world. Yes, we can win because our struggle is jus. and 
our .'riends are many. The hand writing is already on the wall. Victory is now 
within our reach LET US PREPARE TO SEIZE IT! 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 1067 

ROMERSTEIN EXHIBIT No. 29 





^^^ 



NEWSLETTER 



ROBERT F. WILLIAMS, Publisher - IN KXIIE - 
VOL. 8 — No. 1 OCTOBFK 19<)() 



CHINA'S mil ANMVKRSARY: AFRO-AMKRICANS RIJ'RKSKN TE1> 

The Chinese r*roletarian Cultural KevoluiiDn is biingint,' many progres- 
sive ihantJes to the new suciuty. It is establishing a new basis for world 
revolution. Hie colossal mass celebration of the 17th Anniversai;. 
People's Republic of China, compi ising one and a half million partM 
ipants, offers strong proof of th<' new emphasis on people's stru-Jt4!i' 
and universal solidarity on all anli-imperialist and anti-racist fronts. Fur 
the first time in its 17 year history, some foreign frefd'in f; b- 
also invited to speak lo the mammoth Annivers.iry rally. 




< hairman Mao looks on as Afro-.Vmtrican 
addri'ssts 171h Anniv«'rsar.\ Rall\ 



1068 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

RoMERSTEiN EXHIBIT No. 29 — Continued 

[Excerpts from Robert Williams speech as printed in October 1966 issue of 

The Crusader] 

SfEECH OF ROBERT F. WILLIAMS: 

Comrades, Revolutionaries and Friends: 

In the name of all the revolutionary American people, and especially 
in the nanie of the brutally oppressed and victimized Afro-American 
freedom fighters, I salute our glorious Chinese brothers and the might> 
Chinese People's Republic on this historical 17th Anniversary. To salute 
our glorious Chinese brothers and the mighty Chinese People's Repvibiic 
is to pay tribute to its great architect, liberator, helmsman and universal 
leader and teacher, whose thought is transforming the whole world. On 
this great National Day. revolutionaries throughout the world reuli?."* 
more than ever how much we are indebted to the architect of pe«^pl<' s 
warfare, the immortal leader and teacher, Chairnlan Mao Tse-tung. 



We call upon our opFMressed people to further inten.sify the batth; and 
to coordinate their revolutionary activity with the liberation forcet; of 
Asia. Latin America, Africa and the justice and peace loving peoples 
of all races throughout the world. We do not seek F>eace and fr.>iernity 
with the devil and a favored lackey status in his hell. Instead we ^eek 
his resolute and total destruction and the glorious heritage of a Peo- 
ple's World. Contrary to what some cynics would have us believe, our 
vicious enetny is not invincible. Chairman Mao has said, he is "a paper 
tiger" and our people have come to realize this incontrovertible truth. 
And the thunder of BLACK POWER echoes throughout the land, while 
U.S. imperialist tyrants, armed with horrible death weapons, tremble 
from the terrifying shock of a confrontation with wretched and angry 
masses, armed with a common household match and a bottle of gasoline. 

(Excerpts from editorial comments by Robert F. Williams in same issue) 
USA: THE IMPENDING CRISIS 



The nearer imperialist America comes to her doom the more fcrociou.s 
she will become. Yes, she will become ever more aggressive ;»nd brutal 
with her butcher's knife. The Alro-American, due to his pro.ximity 
to the raging, wounded and doomed beast, will bear the full brunt 
of its savage ferocity. There will be no margin left to even hope 
for the faintest possibility of reconciliation. All means and lines of 
communications will be severed. Integration will be a dead word of the 
past. The watchword will be do-or-die. Mass violence is coming to the 
Afro-American, whether he wants it or is prepared for it or not. The 
only possible salvation for our people is a strong united front, total 
organization and a total mobilization for black power. Our people must 
become fully armed, solidly organized and psychologically prepared for 
one of the most unorthodox and bloody wars in the history of the world. 
There can be no love or mercy for the brutal savage enemy. There 
can be no hesitation on the part of our fighters to kill or be killed. 
Such a violent and destructive conflict will not be a conflict of choice 
but will be thrust uf>on us by a savage, callous, spiteful, racist, impe- 
rialist and doomed devil. 

Racist and imj>erialiHt America will soon be besieged from the four 
corners of the world while the mainland itself becomes engulfed by a 
horrible fire storm sweeping away the last vestiges of a barbaric slavoc- 
racy. Afro-Americans must understand that the U.S. racial conflict 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 1069 

RoMERSTEiN EXHIBIT No. 29 — Continued 

is a sector of the world-wide struggle against the world devil. The 
sworn and proven enemy of the black people of racist America's pocket- 
sized colonial ghettoes is the common enemy of peace and justice loving 
people throughout the world. The Afro-American cannot afford to 
harbor any reservations as to the final solution to the present oppres- 
sive status-quo. Four hundred years of relentless racial tyranny and 
injustice can leave no illusions as to the intransigent nature of the 
stone hearted brute. The man must go. Afro-Americans must be done 
with him and stretch out their hands in unity with their struggling 
brothers throughout the world. There is pressing need for an inter- 
national liberation front to sp>eed the doom of the world's devil. U.S. 
imperialism. 



LIE DOWN WITH THE DEVIL AND DIE 



In Watts, in Cleveland, Chicago. Detroit, New York, Atlanta, Grenada 
and a zillion other places too numerous to mention, the story is the .same. 
Charlie is out to lay a whammy on black- people who seek elementary 
human rights. How can a brutish society, harboring and abetting vicious 
beasts who savagely brutalize m.ore babies for attempting to attend "free 
world"' public schools, truly be interested in protecting and fostering 
"democratic institutions" in Uncle Tom Ky's occupied Vietnam? What 
does whitey devil mean when he so hypocritically brays about freedom 
and democracy? Governments, like men. must be judged by deeds rather 
than pious sounding deceptive words and slogans. In raci.st America, in 
the year 1966, before the eyes of a disbelieving world, almost 200 year.-, 
after a black man first died in a white man's war for freedom and in- 
dependence, black babies are maimed and mauled by while savages f«)r 
executing the implementation of a so-called civil rights bill. In almost 
the same breath whitey filibusters another civil rights bill in a show of 
white power and a flagrant rejection of the Afro-American's demiind lor 
luiman rights. 

A 200 years truth looms graphic.nlly before us. This cold truth is the 
hard fact that the only constant and inalienable right accorded black men 
by racist America is the right to die for the white man's freedom to 
continue oppressing colored humanity. The white man's concept ut 
democracy is the right to practice genocide and dehumiinization nyaioia 
black people without retribution. 



KILL BABY, KILL 



We could try to reason with Charlie a thousand >ears and he would 
never concede the fact that colored people have the right to engage in 
any form of violence not sanctioned and supervised by the white god- 
man of the earth. Charlie's kept nigras, the Uncle Toms, would sell 
their mammies into hell's brothels just to be the errand boys and 
'•resp>onsible" pimps in the boss's ghetto slave camps. In this type of 
situation reason is dead. Those who "peacefully"' submit are also dead. 
Violence is the only medium of communication between an intransigent 
brutal oppressor and the ever suffering oppressed. The most noble cry 



1 070 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES EN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 



RoMERSTEiN EXHIBIT No. 29 — Continued 

to come out of racist America since th^e Boston Tea Party is the cry: 
BURN" BABY, BURN. It is a good starter for more than just fires. It 
IS a ix)int of origin for a mighty evolutionary process. 



Yes, our glorious youth are concerned with saving black life; this is 
why they are willing to die. Yes, they* are truly concerned, for it is 
written that there is no greater love than that of one who will lay down 
his life for a friend. The cry. BURN BABY. BURN will do more to 
transform racist America than all the love and, nonviolence in the Vf^ld. 
My greatest concern is that too many of our people are being killedf arid 
injured due to the lack of organization and the experience of urban 
combat. This weakness must be overcome. / Our objective must be to 
destroy the enemy and his property while saving our people. The 
brothers also must sharpen their mark.vmanship. Yes. BURN BABY. 
BURN, like the Boston Tea Party, is a good point of origin but in the 
final analysis the brutal opprestor must go and the cry KILL BABY. 
KILL must prevail. 



Mr. RoMERSTEiN. The field secretary of the Revolutionary Action 
Movement, Max Stanford, writing in an issue of their publication 
BLACK AMERICA in the fall of 1964, said that : 

In order to free ourselves mentally, we must Icnow the power black people have 
in this country. 

These powers are, one, the power to stop the machinery of government — that is, 
the power to cause chaos, and make the situation such that nothing runs. Two, 
is the power to hurt the economy. With black people creating mass chaos — espe- 
cially in the major urban areas in the North— and disrupting the agricultural 
setup in the South, the economy of the oppressor would come to almost a stand- 
still. Three, is the power of unleashing violence. This is the power that black 
people have to tear up "Charlie's" house — 

Charlie is a colloquial term for white man frequently found in black 
nationalist literature. [Continues reading:] 

This is something that probably every Asian, African, and Latin American rev- 
olutionary wished he could do. But this goody is left to the AfroAmerican. 

The Chairman. Mr. Romerstein, I have an impression that RAM 
recognizes this man Robert Williams as a leader. Is that your 
information ? 

Mr. Romerstein. Yes, sir. The issue of the official RAM publication 
BLACK AMERICA for the summer and fall of 1965 prints the pic- 
ture of Robert Williams and says, "Robert Franklin Williams — chair- 
man-in-Exile of the Revolutionary Action Movement ; Premier of the 
African-american govemment-in-exile." He also has elected himself 
premier. 

(Document marked "Romerstein Exhibit No. 30" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Watson. Mr. Romerstein, do you know whether or not RAM 
has complete diagrams of the utilities, and so forth, in New York City 
and Chicago ? And of course we recognize the danger of having such 
information in the hajids of irresponsible, violent people as that. Do 
you know whether they have? I nave heard they nave. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 1071 

Mr. RoMERSTBiN. Sir, I do not have the answei' to that question. 

Mr. Watson, You do not? 

Mr. RoMERSTEiN. No, sir. But the same issue of BLACK AMERICA 
that printed the picture of Robert Williams has a very interesting 
statement in the light of later developments in New York. It says: 
"As the struggle becomes more intense, a Mau-Mau of a political form 
will probably have political ambitions which the house mggers, (uncle 
toms) " — this is a term they use for responsible Negroes wno are part 
of our society — "and the public racist will be unable to fulfill." Re- 
garding the new Mau Mau organization : "It will probably assassinate 
racist leaders and house niggers who don't follow its line. The cry in 
the black community will be 'Liberation or Death !' " 

In the summer of 1967, lY members of the Revolutionary Action 
Movement, including Max Stanford, were arrested in New York and 
Philadelphia for plotting the assassination of Whitney Young and 
Roy Wilkins, Whitney Yoimg of the Urban League and Roy Wilkins 
of the NAACP. That trial is still pending. One of the prime leaders 
in the group that was arrested was a man named Ferguson. 

In 1963 there were demonstrations conducted at the site of a co- 
operative housing project in Jamaica, which is called Rochdale Vil- 
lage. This cooperative housing development has as part of its program 
that at least 20 percent of the apartments must be filled by Negroes. The 
housing development itself is in the middle of a large Negro com- 
munity; the immediate surrounding area of the development is one- 
family Negro-owned homes. There is a great deal of contact between 
the residents of Rochdale and the surrounding Negro community ; both 
the Negroes in Rochdale and white people are in such contact. 

There were demonstrations against the building of this housing 
development. This is an article from the AmsterdaTn News in New 
York, December Y, 1968 [page 29] . It says : 

All 120 demonstrators arrested at the Rochdale Village summer agitation for 
jobs won freedom by last week as Queens Supreme Court Judge Joseph M. 
Conroy likened them to "the patriots of the Boston Tea Party" and dismissed 
indictments against the remaining nine. 

It states : 

The dismissal of the nine indicted persons Nov. 26, followed the refusal of 
the grand jury to indict the other 111 on November 22. These nine were the 
crane climbers charged with trespass — 

They had climbed on a crane to prevent work on the buildings. 
[Continues reading :] 

Among them is Herman B. Ferguson, who is the vanguard of the movement. 

Four years later Herman Ferguson was in the vanguard of the 
Revolutionary Action Movement in their plot to assassinate moderate 
Negro leaders. 

Mr. Watson. You should not be surprised that the activity 
has increased when we have a member of the judiciary refer to them 
as great patriots, and so forth. That is just adding fuel to the fire 
and encouraging them. 

Mr. RoMERSTEiN. Ycs, sir. 

(Document marked "Romerstein Exhibit No. 31," follows :) 



1072 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 



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SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 1 073 

Mr. KoMERSTEiN. May I point out that Mr. Ferguson is assistant 
principal of a New York City school. A number of the EAM people 
arrested in connection with this plot were not of the working class by 
any stretch of the imagination but intellectuals, people who held ex- 
tremely good white-collar jobs. 

Mr. Watson. So he was involved in this demonstration and all of 
that. So far as you know, had he been denied proper housing and job 
opportunities, and so forth, this man Ferguson ? 

Mr. RoMERSTEiN. No, sir. He has not. He has risen to assistant 
principal of a school in New York City. He has been given a great 
deal of opportunity. 

The indictment of the KAM leaders resulted in a broad united 
front being formed to support them. And a demonstration was sched- 
uled to take place in Harlem on August 27, 1967, but was called off 
because it was one of the weekends that it rained, and the rain just 
came down and it was impossible for them to hold a demonstration. 
But the list of scheduled speakers to defend RAM is rather interest- 
ing : Bill Epton of Progressive Labor ; Paul Boutelle of the Socialist 
Workers Party, who was mentioned this morning by Detective Wood 
as the man who put him in touch with Robert Collier; Jesse Gray; 
LeRoi Jones, who is currently on trial in New Jersey for his con- 
nection with the riot in Newark. 

(Document marked "Romerstein Exhibit No. 32," appears on p. 
1074.) 

Mr. Watson. LeRoi is the one that wrote that play to teach the 
colored man how to kill the white man ? 

Mr. Romerstein. Yes, sir. He has written more than one on that 
theme and has written a number of poems also indicating the same 
type of thinking. 

Mr. Watson. The Government provided resources for production 
of that play? 

Mr. Romerstein. Yes, sir; the Black Arts Theater in New York 
was a recipient of poverty funds. This was a theater organized by 
LeRoi Jones. He was actually the recipient of those funds. However, 
those funds have since been cut off. 

Mr. Watson. Certainly LeRoi and his art production never in- 
tended to encourage responsible citizenship on the part of people, 
did it? 

Mr. Romerstein. No, sir. As a matter of fact, at one point the police 
were forced to raid the premises of the Black Arts Theater while they 
were chasing somebody who had gunned down a RAM member. There 
was a split within the RAM movement which resulted in a shooting 
altercation between members of RAM. The police, in trying to appre- 
hend the culprits, entered the premises of the Black Arts Theater 
where they confiscated a number of weapons. So this theater was also 
a storage house for weapons that were being used. 

But the poverty program did cancel out the funds to this particular 
group. However, when Jones was arrested in Newark this past sum- 
mer, arrested with him there were people in this car allegedly firing 
weapons out of the window. The car was stopped and Jones and a 
Charles McCray, also listed as a speaker at this meeting, were ar- 
rested. Mr. McCray is an employee of the poverty program in New- 
ark, New Jersey. He is presently accountant for the United Com- 
munity Corporation, the OEO agency in Newark. 



1074 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 



ROMERSTEIN EXHIBIT No. 32 



SUPPORT AND DEFEND 
■ TRESEVENTEENI! 

% Seventeen Afrlcan-AmerlcanB have b'^en falsely accused 
of plottlni^ to kill other African- Americans . The Ja- 
maica Flfle and Pi.Ttol Club, cf whi'^h some of the Se- 
venteen are members, has been falsely charged with 
being a front organization for a "Terrorist Group.'' 
The SevFnteen are beln^; framed. The racist press 
has trleu and convicted tiie .Jeventeen before the 
trial. 

T^EMEM?e^rrieTRhW£UP OF TWl HARLEM 9ix/ 

Thiis ycHv the Harlem '.omrnunl "y has been stripped of 
Its Conpreosman. Miihamnif^d All was convicted because 
he refused to kill his Vletnaner,e brothers, and Hlack 
people flirhtlnp; thp oppression rC the phetto are be- 
ing ruthlessly I'rprensed. 

liH\T£ T6 Slop ^^Cl^TG6MOaT)£ ACAIMH 
guAc+i. PEOPLE- 



ATTEND TME 





yNfDATAOC.27 

5 to & py\ 
Top of MT MoRRiS ?^AI?K ftT 112^ 



Partial List o/' Srealf^rr-. 
Floyd M'^KIsnlci^ i.l 1 1 lipton 

Lerol Joneg Tai'l "o'ltelle 

Jesse Gray Mae Hal lory 

Charles Mc'ray i-^ueen toother 

Osfr.Ieran AiJIfuml 



I.eslle Campbell 
Jim Hauphton 
I^wls Mlcheaux 
Gilbert l«\nka 



Sponsored by: The f31ack United Action I'^ront 

1^9 West l,-?^-t»i :.;t. - Rm. /| - 666-07^-7 
With Co-Sponnorship of The Dlaok feople's Parliament 



SUBVERSIVE ESTFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 1 075 

Mr. Watson. Of course they canceled the funds, terminated giving 
funds to them, but the cast had already been assembled, and the play 
had already been produced. Audiences had seen it on numbers of 
occasions, had they not ? 

Mr. RoMERSTEiN. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Watson. This is like locking the bam after the horse is already 
out. 

Mr. RoMERSTEiN. Not only did audiences see the play, but white 
people were barred from the audience of this federally paid for theater. 

Mr. Watson. I am sure they should have been barred. If they had 
gotten in there with that kind of atmosphere and emotion, they may 
have been killed right there on the spot. Of course, people are not 
worried about that. 

Mr. RoMERSTEiN. In the course of the attempt of E.AM to defend 
itself against charges, numerous leaflets were issued. Once again we 
find the same example of consistent falsehoods, consistent lies in order 
to inflame the situation. Now, this is a RAM leaflet describing the 
arrest of their leaders. It says this: 

The New York police department and Philadelphia police department are 
almost totally controlled hy the John Birch Society, Minutcmen and American 
Nazi Party. * * * 

This will come as a big shock to all the members of both police 
departments. It goes on in that vein, one lie after another. 

(Document marked "Romerstein Exhibit No. 33" appears on pp. 
1076,1077.) 

Mr. Romerstein. A meeting took place on a street corner in Brook- 
lyn, at Fulton Street in Brooklyn on August 13, 1967, once again to 
defend the RAM people who were arrested. Among the speaker were 
Mae Mallory, who had been arrested with Robert Williams in the 
Monroe, North Carolina, kidnaping case ; Paul Boutelle of the Socialist 
Workers Party — we have run across him before in the testimony of 
Detective Wood — and Herman Ferguson, the key man in the New 
York RAM organization that was responsible for organizing the 
group. 

Mr. Watson. Do you know whether or not the Mae MaUory was 
related to the rapist Mallory in Washington that the Supreme Court 
gave a special commendation to and released him so he could go out 
and commit another rape? 

Mr. Romerstein. Sir, I have never seen any such indication. I 
have no knowledge of that. 

This is a leaflet that was issued in Harlem with no signature during 
this past summer. Our investigation revealed that it was in fact paid 
for and designed by Progressive Labor, and William Epton spe- 
cifically had been involved in the printing of this leaflet. 

It prints the picture of four people and says, "HAVE YOU SEEN 
THESE PEOPLE?" It reads : 

danger, black MILITANTS BEWARE ! ! ! ! ! THE FOUR PEOPLE PIC- 
TURED AT THE TOP OF THIS PAGE ARE AGENTS WORKING FOR 
UNCLE SAM. THESE PEOPLE WERE DIRECTLY RESPONSIBLE FOR 
THE ARRESTS OF OUR 17 BROTHERS AND SISTERS IN QUEENS, N.Y., 
ON THE WILKINS-YOUNG ASSASSINATION SET-UP. 



1076 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 




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SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES EST RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 1 077 

ROMERSTEIN EXHIBIT No. 34 

"WAVE YOU SEEN THESE PEOPLE? 





llcKINLBY WELCH 



DON/.U) DUNCAN 



KWARD BOdlXrVS, JR. 



DANGER 

BUCK HIUTANTS BBWARE!!!!! 

TOH; four PBCPLE pictured at tub top or this page AKE agents working tor UMCLK SAM. THESE PECPtii 
WERE DIRECTLY RESPONSIBLE FOR THE ARRESTS OF OUR 17 BROTHERS AND SISTERS IN flPEENS, N.T., CN TUS 
WILKINS-IOLTNC ASSASSINATION SOT-UP. 

RgADIt.G FiiOM LEFT TC RIGHT VE KNOW TlUTt 

HC DNLEY iJELCH WAS ONCll IN THE BLACK PANTHER PAOTT OP HK<I TORK. RE HAS INFILTRATED MINT 
CROUPS AND ORGANIZATIONS. HE WAS AN ACTIVE KKKBES OP THE JAMAICA RIFLE AND PlbTOL CLUB, INC. 

THIS NBCRESS HAS BKEH SBBi IN 1BE COHPAHY OF WELCH AND DUMCAN. HJiR NAME IS NOT KNOWN BS 
BSPSCIAUT COOL WITH HSR. 

EDWA-iD HOWLCT'TE. JR. WAS THE BDOKIE COP ASSIGNED TO INTILTRATB THE JARAICA KJFLE AND PISTOL 
CLUB, INC., THREE fSABS AGO, HE BBCAHE TRZ nCB-PRSSIDKNT OF THIS CLUB, A KEKRES OF T"S BCIRD 
OF DIRSCTORS, AND THE LEADER OF THE JUNIOR DIVISION OF THE KIFLE CLUB. HE WAS BCRN IN RICHNOND 
VIRGINIA U TSARS AGO. HB IS 5' lOj" TALL AND H» WCGHS 170 LBS. HB SE.WED T^H FIVS liARS IN ' 
T!iE U.S.A. AIR FORCE AND HE WAS STAnCNED IN CRESBLAJiD DURING A PART OF HIS TC^7i OP DUTY HE 
HAS RELATIVES IN «JEBNS AND BROOKLYN, N.T. THIS MAN IS SJCTRatELT DANGEROUS TC ALL BLACK PEOPLE. 

RatajBEHj:: THESJE 4 PSOPLa ARE SXTRBELI DANCBROUS: I J ! J 

PASS THIS INPOPJUTICN ON WHERE IT WILL DO 30RB REAL COODIJll WATCH OUT!': 38 COCL;;; 



B E COOL 

Then it goes on to name these people. Then it says : 

REMEMBER!!! THESE 4 PEOPLE ARE EXTREMELY DANGEROUS ! ! ! ! ! 
PASS THIS INFORMATION ON WHERE IT WILL DO SOME REAL 
GOOD ! ! ! ! WATCH OUT ! ! ! BE COOL ! ! ! 

And then again in big letters, "BE COOL." 

I interpret this, sir, as a call to do away with these four people that 
they believe will be the witnesses against them. I don't know whether 
they are correct in this assmnption, but at least they believe these are 
the witnesses, and I believe this is a call to do away with these people. 

So I think the chairman's statement earlier concerning the Detec- 
tives Wood and Hart, that they did in fact get into groups which are 
potentially dangerous, the groups that they got into are obviously 
quite well prepared to commit very serious acts of violence against 
those people that they believe are turning information over to the Gov- 
ernment against them. 

(Document marked "Romerstein Exhibit No. 34" follows:) 



1 078 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 
RoMERSTEiN EXHIBIT No. 33 — Continued 



f»^T' V' >?'!'^'q, y"»T»A"7~f""'"«"!P» 



Lefky Probe Finds Minutemen Full of lawmen 



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Jmc to up»>« thpm 1 









I 



RAM 



Mr. RoMERSTEiN. A demonstration took place on June 1, 1966, in 
Washin^on at the time that the President of the United States called 
the White House conference on civil rights. A number of the more 
boisterous black nationalist militant groups disrupted the White 
House conference. One of these groups was a busload of people, ap- 
proximately 30 persons, who came down from New York. The bus was 
paid for by Jesse Gray's Community Council on Housing. The leaders 
of the group or the people who headed the group in the bus were 
Jesse Gray, Maxine Green, who at that point was the secretary of 
Jesse Gray, and Maxwell Stanford, who was the field secretary of the 
Revolutionary Action Movement. Miss Green is now a member of the 
board of directors of a group called the Neighborhood Backstreet 
Youth. 

In August 1967 when Jesse Gray came down to Washin^on carry- 
ing rats to demonstrate against the House of Representatives, one of 



SUBVERSIVE INFLXJENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 1 079 

the members of the group demonstrating with him advised the press 
that the demonstrators represented two organizations, Harlem Back- 
street Youth and Housing Action Team. He said Harlem Backstreet 
Youth is supported by the Office of Economic Opportunity. 

The New York Times reported on August 8, 1967, that the Office of 
Economic Opportunity stated that $10,633 of Federal money had been 
given to the Harlem Backstreet Youth which Miss Green was a direc- 
tor of. It was later ascertained that Miss Green's close associate and 
former employer, Jesse Gray, had been put on the payroll of this 
organization at $50 a day as a consultant. 

(Document marked "Romerstein Exhibit No. 35" and retained in 
committee files.) 

In 1964 Jesse Gray and Maxine Green went to Chicago where they 
met with the leaders of an organization called ACT, which I believe 
we have a background on which will be submitted for the record. 
This is one of the militant black nationalist groups that functions on 
a nationwide basis, but primarily in Chicago. 

While in Chicago they participated with the ACT members in 
organizing a street-comer meeting without a permit. They were ar- 
rested. The following persons were arrested : Marion Barry, Stanley 
Branch, Jesse Gray, Maxine Green, and Lawrence Landry, who was 
the leader of ACT. 

Also in 1964, in August, Mr. Landry and other members of ACT 
came from Chicago and visited the home of Maxine Green in New 
York. So there was a close association between these groups. 

In addition, the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee also 
got into the act in defense of the RAM people who were arrested in 
the assassination plot. H. Rap Brown pledged at the black power 
conference in Newark that he would undertake to raise the funds that 
were necessary to support the RAM members who were arrested. 

On August 6, 1967, he came into New York and made a speech on 
a street comer in Queens organized by the Friends of the Sixteen 
Accused. There is a variation on the number 16 and 17 because 16 
were arrested in New York and Max Stanford was arrested in 
Philadelphia. 

In the course of this speech he made on the street corner Rap Brown 
said the following : 

America has made that infinitely clear, that the only thing we respect is armed 
forces — Plainfield, New Jersey. The only reason that Plainfield was successful — 
and it is the most successful rebellion today, was only one tragedy, the honky cop. 

May I interject at this point, sir, that the policeman that was mur- 
dered in Plainfield during the riot had gone out on a police call to 
intercept a gi^oup of white youths who were going to throw Molotov 
cocktails into the homes of Negroes. He succeeded in intercepting 
this group and turned them back and sent them home when he was 
attacked from the rear by the Negro riot group and was beaten to 
death and shots were fired into his body. 

Rap Brown goes on to say : 

And the reason that they are successful was because they were armed and the 
honky pointed it out every time he talked. He said them niggers got 46 weapons 
over there. We ain't going to take 'em — we can't do that, we're going to negotiate. 
They control their community — control your community is important. * * * 



88-083 O— 68— pt. : 



1 080 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Then later in the same speech he went back to this theme and he 
said that — 

the only example of true control will be the time when we were in Plainfield, 
when they had the weapon, and that stands for me, that before you could 
address yourself to controlling internally you would have to keep the external 
forces off. And the only way you could do that is to arm yourself. 

The only reason, in case you didn't know — the only reason that the National 
Guardsmen, State troopers, and the honky cops didn't go into Plainfield and 
shoot up everybody was because the brothers had 46 automatic weapons. Each 
one of them shoot 9,000 times and chunk bricks for a half hour. And I don't 
care if they control it today — they controlled that community and they did it 
because they were armed. So it seems to me, brothers, you may have to begin 
to adjust yourself on how we can control our community, because, as I said 
before, the man is escalating his war against blacks. He is escalating — he is 
stepping up his move to get black people and he's gonna get everybody in that 

lir>p ♦ ^ ^ 

So, we have had this kind of agitation by SNCC people as well as 
the other groups in New York City. 

Mr, Watson. Mr. Eomerstein, do you know the sentence Max Stan- 
ford received when he was indicted for the attempts to destroy the 
Statue of Liberty and also the Washington Monument ? 

Mr. RoMERSTEiN. No, sir. Stanford was not one of the defendants 
in that group. 

Mr. Watson. He was not? 

Mr. Eomerstein. No, sir. He was a defendant in the assassination 
plot against T^Hiitney Young and Eoy Wilkins. 

Mr. Watson. So we can get it in context, '\Yliitney Young and Eoy 
Wilkins are responsible Negro leaders. They are Negroes, are they 
not? 

Mr. Eomerstein. Yes, sir, they are Negroes. 

Mr. Watson. Eap Brown, of course, and his group organized a 
group to provide bond money and lawyers and everything else to 
defend these people who plotted to kill their own Negroes? 

Mr. Eomerstein. Yes, sir; and they plotted to kill them pursuant 
to previous statements by EAM that it would be necessary to kill the 
people that they call "house niggers," that is, tliose Negroes who are 
part, of the community and are responsible and respected in the 
community. 

The Chairman. At this point, in the light of Eap Brown's actions, 
don't you think that SNCC should change their name by calling 
themselves the Nonstudent Violence Coordinating Committee? 

Mr. Eomerstein. Yes, sir. I think that might be a suggestion. This 
is typical, though, of these types of movements, to have names which 
are directly contradictory to what they are planning to do. 

The Viet Cong in South Vietnam call themselves the National 
Liberation Front Avhen in fact they want to enslave the people. 

This is a copy of the publication of the Communist International 
Union of Students from Prague, Czechoslovakia, dated Summer 1067, 
and it i-eports the following : 

The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (NCC) [sic] has made 
an appeal to Afro-Asian delegations of the United Nations for help against "un- 
warranted and brutal suppression" of Americain tsicl Negroes by police. 

Mr. James Foreman, SNCC's director of international affairs, said: "This 
is an appeal in the form of direct and indirect pressure on the United States 
Government." 

The appeal was made following the recent brutal attack on Negro communi- 
ties by police in several states of the country. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 1 081 

Of course this has reference to the riot situation when police had to 
move in and quell the riots. We have had before in 1964 and now again 
this attempt to create a situation at the United Nations where perhaps 
the U.N. will move in and investigate the situation in the United 
States. In particular this was an appeal to the Afro- Asian delegation 
to move this issue into the United Nations. 

(Document marked "Romerstein Exhibit No. 36" appears on pp. 
1082,1083.) 

Mr. Romerstein. Another group that has been involved in the de- 
fense of the RAM people is a group that actually calls itself the Mau 
Mau Society. This is headed by a man — well, his real name is Charles 
Morris. Wlien he was a Black Muslim he was called Charles 37X. He 
now calls himself Charles Kenyatta after Jomo Kenyatta, the former 
head of the Mau Mau in Kenya, now head of the Government in 
Kenya. 

Charles Morris has a long record of arrests and convictions for var- 
ious criminal activities, including a sentence of 5 to 7 years for rob- 
bery. He had a case involving impairing the morals of a minor. He 
got a discharge from the United States Army for AWOL and escaped 
from confinement and so on. 

(Document marked "Romerstein Exhibit No. 37" follows:) 

Romerstein Exhibit No. 37 

The arrest record from the Police Department of the City of New York revealed 
the following concerning Charles Morris : 



Date of Arrest 


Place of Arrest 


Charge 


Disposition 


X 7-2-37 

X 11-9-38 __ __ 


Raleigh, 

N.C.S.Pr. 
Burlington, N.C- 
Raleigh, N.C__. 
USDS Camp 

Rodon, Ga. 

Bronx 


Ilonsebreak 

Larc[eny]. 

Larceny __ 


8 Mos. 

90 days. 
5-7 yrs. 
Disch. 

Dismissed. 


X 


Robbery 


X 12/22/44 

4/29/57___ 


Att. Aslt 

Att. Mutiny 

Disrespect officer 

AWOL 

Escape confinement. 

1897 PL [Penal Law] 
[carrying and use of 
dangerous weapons]. 

Impairing Morals 

1851 PL [Penal Law] 
Asslt. 3rd [resisting 
public officer in per- 
formance of his 
duty]. 


11/28/59 


Bronx.- 


D.O.R. [Dis- 


X 4/29/65 


Manh 


charged on 
own recogni- 
zance]. 
[ Reduced to dis- 






orderly con- 
duct]. 



1082 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 



ROMERSTEIN EXHIBIT No. 36 



SO^^f^ 



No. 13 — 14, 1867 



ne\A/s 
service 



Union Internationale des Etudianti 



lUS OBSERVES DAY 
OF SOLIDARITY WITH 
SOUTH AFRICAN PEOPLE'S 
STRUGGLE 

A wave of protests hits South 
Korea 

lUS representative visits 
Turkey 

Students condemn Israeli 
aggression 

An appeal against repression 
of American Negroes 

Education and culture 

New officers 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 1083 



RoMERSTEiN EXHIBIT No. 36 — Continued 



AN APPEAL AGAINST SUPPRESSION 
OF AMERICAN NEGROES 



The Student Nonviolent 
Coordinating Committee 
(NCC) has mdde an appeal 
to Afro-Asian delegations 
of the United Nations for 
help against "unwarranted 
and brutal suppression" of 
Americaln Negroes by police. 

Mr. James Foreman, SNCC's 
director of international 



affairs, said: "This Is an 
appeal in the form of direct 
and indirect pressure on the 
United States Government." 

The appeal was made 
following the recent brutal 
attack on Negro communities 
by police in several states 
of the eountry. 



Published by tbe International Union of Students, Vocelova 3, Prague 2 
Czechoslovakia. 



1 084 SUBVERSIVE mELUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Mr. RoMERSTEiN. This is from a statement that Charles Kenyatta, 
real name Charles Morris, made on June 22, 1967, to a group of re- 
porters who were standing outside the courthouse during the arraign- 
ment of the RAM people w'ho were arrested in connection with that 
case. 

He was asked, "Is there a Revolutionary Action Movement in this 
comitry ? " He answered, "There is no one organization planning rev- 
olution. The entire country is in a revoluntionary period now." He was 
asked what he thought of the plot to assassinate Roy Wilkins and 
Wliitney Young. He said, "Roy Wilkins can't go among his own 
people now. Wliitney Young can't go among his own people now. 
It would be a waste of time to kill them." 

He was asked, "Wliat about Martin Luther King?" 

"The people are beginning to accept Martin Luther King since he 
has changed." 

He was asked about riots. He said, "There is no such thing as riots." 

Mr. AsHBRooK. What people do you think he meant there ? 

Mr. RoMERSTEiN. I think he was referring to the people who thought 
the way he did, the black nationalists. All of these groups, the Com- 
munists and black nationalists, have a tendency to speak of themselves 
as if they represented the majority of the American people. In fact, 
they represent a very tiny minority. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. What is the date on this ? 

Mr. RoMERSTEiN". This is June 22, 1967. 

He was asked about riots. He said, "There is no such thing as riots. 
A revolution is when what's at top has to go to the bottom." He was 
asked, "Do you believe in assassination ? Do you think it is necessary ?" 
He said, "You use any means necessary." 

He was asked, "Is assassination necessary ?" 

He answered, "How did Stalin get to the top ? How did Mao Tse- 
tung get to the top ? Long live Mao Tse-tung. People in the country 
are scared of revolution and they do anything to suppress it." 

He was asked, "Do the Mau Mau possess weapons f 

He replied, "The only way to gain freedom is tlirough the barrel 
of a gun," which is a paraphrase of a Mao Tse-tmig quote that power 
comes out of the barrel of a gun. 

They asked, "Did you say that Negro youth must take the macliete 
and slay moderate NegTo leaders?" — because Charles Kenyatta fre- 
quently runs around the streets wearing a machete. 

He said, "They must take machetes and destroy Uncle Toms. When 
the Government does not represent the people, the people must rise 
up and oveithrow the Government." 

He was asked, "Do you personally know the RAM people that were 
arrested?" He said, "Do I personally know them, they are my 
brothers." 

This is a picture taken during the April 15 Spring Mobilization 
[against the war in Vietnam] demonstration in New York. This was 
of a group called the Black United Action Front which led a dem- 
onstration away from the main line of march and eventually got 
into an altercation with the police. Pictured in the demonstration 
and walking side by side are James Haugbton, William Epton of 
the Progressive Labor Movement, both wearing dark glasses, and 
Charles Kenyatta dressed in a helmet liner and uniform of sorts. 
At this point he did not have his machete with him, 

(Photograph marked "Romerstein Exhibit No. 38" follows:) 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 1085 

ROMERSTEIN EXHIBIT No. 38 




[No. 1, James Haughton; No. 2, William Epton; and No. 3, Charles Kenyatta] 



Mr. RoMERSTEiN. During the black power conference in Newark he 
and his other members carried their machetes. It was his group that 
invaded a press conference during the black power conference and beat 
up some of the white reporters that were present. 

Here he was walking together with Bill Epton. He has been closely 
associated with Epton and the Progressive Labor people in some of 
these activities. 

This is another poster that was put up on walls in Harlem, "Charles 
Kenyatta." It says, "Let's Use Black Force Now!" It is headed Mau 
Mau Society. 

It carries a picture that purports to be Lyndon Johnson. It quotes 
Johnson as saying "Niggers ain't dy'n fast 'nuff in Viet Nam ! But 
we'll do better m the Mid-East!" The answer, "IF, 'WE' LET 
HIM ! ! !" The implication being, of course, that there was some con- 
nection between the Middle East war between Israel and the Arab 
countries and the war in Vietnam — and this was opposing both. That 
Lyndon Johnson is deliberately trying to kill black people, and Arabs, 
in the case of the Middle East war. Once again we find the grotesque 
type of lies being told by these people. 

(Document marked "Romerstein Exhibit No. 39" follows :) 



1086 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 



ROMERSTEIN EXHIBIT No. 39 




SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 1087 



RoMERSTEiN EXHIBIT No. 39 — Continued 




1 088 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Mr. RoMERSTEiN. There is a leaflet distributed this past summer by 
the Mau Mau Society in Harlem. It is called concentration camps 
FOR HARLEM. Let me explain what was actually happening. 

Mt. Morris Park, which is a park in the center of Harlem, is having 
a swimming pool built for the Negro children for next summer. In 
the course of building the pool they put a large fence around the 
earthmoving equipment and excavation. It reads : 

HAVE YOU WALKED BY OR THROUGH MT. MORRIS PARK, LATELY? 
IF YOU HAVE NOT, THEN YOU SHOULD TAKE A WALK UP THAT WAY 
RIGHT NOW. IT WILL BE THE FIRST TIME IN YOUR LIFE THAT YOU 
WILL BE ABLE TO SAY THAT YOU HAVE SEEN A CONCENTRATION 
CAMP UNDER CONSTRUCTION. . . "UNDER OPEN CONSTRUCTION" 
FOR THAT IS WHAT IS NOW UNDER CONSTRUCTION IN MT. MORRIS 
PARK, A CONCENTRATION CAMP FOR "YOU". I KNOW THAT YOU WILL 
NOT BELIEVE IT. YOU WILL NOT BELIEVE IT EVEN AFTER YOU SEE 
THE FENCES YOURSELVES. YOU WILL SAY THAT THERE IS NOTHING 
SINISTER ABOUT BUILDING A FENCE AROUND THE PARK. THE FACT 
THAT THE PARK ALREADY HAS A FENCE HAS NOTHING TO DO WITH 
IT. THE FACT THAT THE EXISTING FENCE IS NOW BEING SUR- 
ROUNDED BY AN 8 FOOT CHAIN LINK FENCE WILL NOT IMPRESS 
YOU AT ALL. THE FACT THAT THIS CHAIN LINK FENCE IS ALSO BEING 
USED TO QUARTER OFF SECTION WITHIN THE PARK ITSELF WILL 
MEAN NOTHING EITHER. BUT IF YOU HAVE EVER SEEN PICTURES OF 
CONCENTRATION CAMPS, IF YOU HAVE EVER SEEN OR BEEN IN AN 
ATMY [SIC] STOCKADE, YOU WILL RECOGNISE THE CONSTRUCTION IN 
MT. MORRIS PARK TO BE WHAT IT IS, THE PARK IS BEING CONVERTED 
INTO A CONCENTRATION CAMP COMPLETE WITH COMPOUNDS. 
LIGHTS ARE BEING INSTALLED THAT WILL TURN NIGHT INTO DAY 
AS FAR AS THE PARK IS CONCERNED. THE GUN TOWERS WILL BE OF 
THE PORTABLE TYPE AND WILL NOT BE PUT UP UNTIL YOU ARE 
BEING DRIVEN, LIKE CATTLE, INTO YOUR FINALE [SIC] DETAINMENT 
PLACE. 

This is utter nonsense. 

(Document marked "Romerstein Exhibit No. 40" appears on p. 
1089.) 

Mr. Watson. Is that circulated in any appreciable quantity or 
what is the printing? Is it done by the Tri-Line Offset printing out- 
fit? 

Mr. RoMERSTEiN. Tliis was mimeographed in a few hundred copies 
and handed out on street corners in Harlem. It is not the only_example. 
There are many such very inflammatory things. 

I will try to conclude. One group was called the Committee to Save 
Negro Lives in Foreign and Domestic Battlefields. This one claimed 
that: 

We have a germicidal case going on in which live tuberculosis, cancer, other 
contagious germs, in food sugar, etc., poisonoius gas were forced into a window 
to contaminate and cause the death of a whole family. * * * These germs were 
even given on a frankfuter [sic] in the Jamaica store * * *. 

This goes on to say that there is a plot by the white people to poison 
and kill all the Negroes by infecting them with germs. 

This, sir, is basically the kind of material that is currently being 
distributed in the Harlem area. 

(Document marked "Romerstein Exhibit No. 41" appears on p. 
1090.) 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 1089 

ROMERSTEIN EXHIBIT No. 40 



"^r.'C-^NTHATICK CAXPS FCR HARI-EK 
\ 



THEODORE , CO-CMA 1 un.iN , 

ajfi** 7tR /.re* l!a.fl,,..*, K.r# 



Hi-.Vi you -..-ALKSD BY OR ThKO'JJK Kf , KJ.'-..^I5 PARK, UiTiiLy ; I? Yv'".! KaV), KOC, 
THJiN YOC ShOULD TAKE A UliLK UP THAI ■.VAY RIGHT NOh. IT WILL B3 TK£ yiPSr Ti- 
KK IN YOUS IIFL THAT YOU WILL Bii ABLE TO CAY TKaT IC'J KAV2 Sl-Jf? A CC.NCt,NVO;.- 
TIOK f^/.I-.F Ura;:i? CONSTRUCTION.., "UNDiJR Crj't: CCKSTOTCTEON" FOP TPAT IJ .•■.-•. .' 

IS NOW u::r;i:;i^ consthuction in mt.. moakis pap.x, a cc?:cj;:i7r«tiok u,.j- fv-h "y:-.- 

1 KNOV; THAT liZ .(ILL NOT BELISVb IT.. YOL' WILL HOT BlXir-zt ri.- uvr.f ,t-i-«..T -c,' 
3EK TKK FjiKCiL.ii. YOURSELVES.. YOO WILL SAY THAT THERE IS NOTHING 3;M:'..R mS- 
OUT BUILCIKG A FENCE AROUND THE Pi'JK. THE FmCT THAT THE F.-RK ALREA'Y f^..-:; .-. 
lEI.'CE K/iS KOTHIWG TO LO »ITH IT. THt FACT THAT TPE EXJ^I^JTING -^.r-Ci. IS NOV 
BEING SURROUNDED BT AN ,8 FOOT ClinlH LISK FENCE WILL NOT FMFRESS YO'o AT AIL. 
TKK FACT TH.vT THIS CHAIN LINK ?iHC£ IS ALSO BEING USED 70 vl'"i'Ti:R O.-F St'C?- 

lON ■,;iThi:; the park itsklf will miihN nothing either, hut if you rave ever 

SEEN pictures OF -CONCENTRATION CAMPS, IF YOU H«VE EVER SEEN 03 PE.-;N It- AN 
AT:-:Y STOCKADE, YOU WILL RECOGNISE THE CONoTRUCTIGN IN MT. KORRIS PARK TO 
BE WKiiT IT IS, THE PARK IS BEING CONVERTED l.NTO A CONCENTRATION C/M? CCK- 
PLETE r.ITH CONPCUNDS, LIGHTS ARE BEING INST/iLLED T;iAT KILL TUx<N NIGHT INTO 
DAY i.h FAR A3 THK PARK IS CCNCESNEP. THE GUN TOWERS ..ILL BE OF THE FORTAlLE 
TYPE «;D will not B£ PUT UP UNTIL YOU mRE BEING DPIVEf: , IlilE C.ITTLE , INTO 
YOUR FIKALE Di:TAINMi:;NT PUiCE. 

yOI! >!t;ST UNBiuPiT-ir.E-THAT THESi; -BEASTS ARi- OUT TO EXTERMIW.'.Ti; i'OU. YOV 
MU.TT C02-IE O^J'I OF THOSE CIOJRCHES AND ThE TRICK BAG OF RELIGION, ALL RELIGIC;: , 
iJit> ;•„••;,, THAT THlC FIGHT IS HERE. "NOW". THE BET DEFENSE IS OFFENSE. WE rOJST 
DESTROY THIS CONCENTRATION CAMP BEFORE THE BEAST COMPLETES IT J V/E MUST RIP 
DOWN THE FENCES AND BURN THE POSTS AND IF THE BEAST RYS TO STOP US THEN V.E 
MUST BURN Hir: TOi DON'T LET THIS ANAMAL INSULT YOUR INTELLIGENCE IN THIS 
WAY. HE IS SAYING TO YOU THAT YOU ARE TOO IGNORANT TO ICNOW HRi.T IS GoING 
ON E\^EN WHEN YOU SEE IT COMING. HE IS BUILDING AN CONCENTRATION CAMP RIGHT 
IN THE CENTSR OF THE BLACK COMMUNITY AND GETTING AWAY WITH IT, CAN YOU SET 
BY AND LET IT HAPPEN? IS THIS THE WAY TO BLaCK PO.iER? WAKE UP AND LIVE. OR 
WILL YOU BE LUCE THE JiTiWS IN NAZI GERMANY WHO DID NOT BELIEVE IT WAS GOING 

TO Happen to them until it happened? 

CHAIR2I/J1, CHARLES KENYATTh , HAS BUILT THE MAU KAU SOCIETY TO OBSERVE, 
V-ARN ;.i^D DEFEND, THE MAU MAU HAVE OBSERVED, THEY ARE NOW V/ARNING, THEY WILL 
DEFEND AS BE-ST THEY CAN. BUT, THE OVER-hLL DEFENSE IS THE JOB OF EVERYONE 
IN THE BLACK CM-iMUNITY. SObS OF YOU, LIKE I SAID, HILL NOT BELIEVE. MANY OF 
YOU WILL NOT BJELIEVE EVEN A3 YOU WALK INTO THE GAS CHAMBERS, IN FACT, MANY 
OF YOU r/ILL h^VRCH INTO THOSE CHAMBERS WITH YOUR BIBLES CLUTCHED TO YOUR 
BREASTS SINGING " WE SHALL OVER COME." THAT IS NO. JOKE, I "WSIH THAT IT WAS 
A JOKE, UNFORTUNATELY THOUGH, IT IS A FACT,. - 

NO CONCENTRATION CAMPS IN HARLEM: ffEAR IT DOWN NOW{. WORLD REVOLUTION Tffi- 
ROUGH BLACK EVOLUTION.. .MENTAL EVOLUTION..^ WAKE UP AND ACT NOWl TOMORROW 
MAY BE TOO LATEl 




1090 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 



ROMERSTEIN EXHIBIT No. 41 

MURDERERS MURDErtE.^S 

THE V/HITE :.'.*-N 'ND CRIJ.'.ES !~0E5 UNFUNI SHEO 'ND THE DL'aCi-N GOES TO 
J'lL. 

C'NCER 'ND TUBERCULOSIS C-E.T. :s GIVEN 1.' FOOD IN ?JEO;iO 'RE. 
Senator Thsyler is right the Slackmar. a Puerto Ricj.ns ar^ Guin' 



pios nere 



Dear Friends and Neighbors, 



V/e are faced with a tragic situation within our neighborhood. 
Since the effects are injurious to you at a v/hole^ ycu should clos'sly 
read this report. 

V/e have a gernncid?.! cpse going on in v;hich live tuberculosis, 
cancer, other contagious gems, in food sugar, etc., poisonous gas 
v/ere forced into a window to contaninpte rnd cause the desth of a 
whole family. Children have been af ected by th-; germ which h^s beur. 
distributed by the police in the 103rd precinct in Quser.s and police 
in other areas. These gernis v;ere even given on a frankfuter in the 
Ja/.'.aica store ''.nd in New Yorlc. Do you want to sit still and '-/S rnur-- 
deref' by your loc^l police? The case is nov/ in Federal Court, but 
the witnesses have been threatened evea before t-ie trial begins. 

The case involves the c?.s'tration of a Nsgro wop.?a v.-ho v;as photo- 
graphed illegally in the nude and placed under hypnosis, drug sd. "is 
FBI, San Francisco and New York .oiics -re involved in this case, "c 
get at one person they contaainated the v;ater in a v/hole Negro area 
and caused the death of residents. These -of^ricials ?re also bucc.ini] 
homes ^nd illegally wire tapping while you must oay for a private plirins 
call in the Negro community, "'ll of this is illegal. The racist 
police have used impersonators v/ho force black woman to be photrijrav? 
graphed for pictures to discredit Negro V'omanhood. 'V.'here is the v/h tc ■ 
man's pictures of his sister or his -lother in this condition. Do vre ' • 
have to allow these pictures shov/n to our youth in the area by the r^ciic 
to discredit this woman ^nd her before she ;Ocs to court? How long ^'il.l 
you be foiled as a people to discredit your brothers 'nd sisters wh'.le 
the whiteman laughs at the games he is playing on you? In the ISCG 
riots in East New York, a Negro boy v/ho v/as later freed, v;as accused 
of a crime that was committed by a policeman's gun. Bl^'Ck man, awakf 
and expose the villi ans if those pcitures are shown. Demand an in- 
vestigation by your civil rights leaders. And demand that the pictui'ns 
be shown to the accused. Der.i?n th^t the law be enforce for the 
guilty. Jews and V.'hite business'..-;en have wi-.>ed germs or. food for th-; 
police. Boycott Stores and Hitlerism Herd 

For further information Call: (Don't re-elect Senator 

Javits) 
CQViMITTEi: TO S,\VZ NEGOR LU^IS IN FOR?.! GN 
,'JJD D(:>f.l!iSTIC D'TTLF.FIEDS. 

Recall Dist. 'tt. 

Thomas u'ackell - Ram Case 

is a fraud. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 1 091 

Mr. AsHBROOK. I notice you say "currently." 

Mr. RoMERSTEiN. Yes, sir. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. I think, Mr. Chairman, if there is anything that is 
obvious from these hearings it is that Conmiunist radicals bent on an- 
archy and. killing are operating at the present time. We have examined 
the 1964 riots. We have examined the effort to blow up the Statue of 
Liberty. I think what Mr. Romerstein is pointing out is particularly 
cogent ; this is going on currently, at the present time. It is obvious 
from the evidence these people have plans ; they have their own arms. 
Above all they have no scruples against violence, murder, and inciting 
others to riot. I think they certainly represent a clear and present dan- 
ger which has been highlighted in these 2 days of very forceful testi- 
mony by the Detectives Hart and Wood and Mr. Romerstein. I think 
they should be commended for the work they have done in bringing 
this to the attention of the American people. 

Mr. Romerstein. Sir, may we enter into the record the background 
reports prepared by the research staff on the Harlem Defense Council, 
a front for Progressive Labor; the Committee to Defend Resistance 
to Ghetto Life, another front for Progressive Labor ; Mothers' Defense 
Committee, a Progressive Labor front; and the Harlem Solidarity 
Committee, which was a combination of a number of organizations. 
It has the participation of both Progressive Labor and some of the 
Trotskyite groups such as the Spartacists, Jesse Gray's Community 
Council on Housing, and Charles 37X's Mau Mau Society. 

Mr. Smith. I request permission to accept all of these documents 
used by Mr. Romerstein for the record. 

The Chairman. The documents will be accepted for the record. 

(Documents marked "Committee Exhibits Nos. 4 through 9," respec- 
tively. See pp. 1093-1097. ) 

Mr. Watson. Mr. Romerstein, any responsible, reasonably intelli- 
gent person would immediately discount and ignore all of this type of 
mflammatory, totally false material. But unfortunately we are not 
dealing always with people who are able to decide for themselves as 
to whether or not it is false or true. You have stated that this is going 
on now. Some would discount its effect. I agree with my friend Mr. 
Ashbrook that I attach a lot of importance and significance to it, and I 
think the American people had better wake up or else it might be a little 
too late to avoid a lot of heartaches and bloodshed. 

Do you know of any organization in that area where you have been 
working for a number of years that is actively, by way of brochures or 
leaflets or anything else, trying to counteract and put the big lie label 
to all of this material ? 

Mr. Romerstein. No, sir, I know of no such organization that has 
engaged in such a project. 

Mr. Watson. Is it because responsible citizens in that area are fear- 
ful of the consequences of trying to take a responsible position ? 

Mr. Romerstein. Sir, I think the main reason is, as you have pointed 
out, that people have a tendency to say, well, this stuff is so grotesque 
and so obviously untrue, how can anybody believe it. Responsible 
people sometimes feel it is beneath their dignity to answer this type 
of thing. Actually, when a crisis situation develops it is this type of 
untrue material, this type of rumor that begins to start, that helps 
create the riot situation. 



1 092 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES EST RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Mr. Watson. There is no question about it. That could absolutely 
ruin and poison the minds of people, and any innocent event may trig- 
ger a tragic situation. You have pointed out one leaflet where they 
showed the four pictures of these people labeled dangerous, and these 
are the ones supposed to testify against the RAM members who at- 
temped to assassinate Wilkins and so forth. 

I was wondering if perhaps that might contribute to the reticence or 
reluctance on the part of responsible people to try to counteract it be- 
cause they feel, who knows, the next day my picture will be on one of 
those flyers. 

Do you think that that might contribute to the reluctance on their 
part ? I mean fear from their own people ? 

Mr. RoMERSTEiN. Yes, sir, it might contribute to the reluctance 
of some of the private citizens who might take the initiative in answer- 
ing this. I don't think it would affect the police department. But the 
police department does not answer this type of thing. 

Mr. Watson. The police department is in an impossible situation. 
They can do nothing right ; you know that. 

Mr. RoMERSTEiN. That is right. They are made the enemy and 
they are the targets. 

Mr. Watson. I think the police need a little help from the citizens. 
I don't know where they are going to get it. You paint a rather grim 
picture here. 

Mr. RoMERSTEiN. The New York City Police Department, despite 
the difficulties that all police departments have in recruiting and so 
on, have done a remarkably good job. 

The Chairman. There is no question about that in light of the rep- 
resentation by the witnesses here today. 

Mr. RoMERSTEiN. Yes, sir. They are typical of what has been called 
the new breed of police officer. 

Mr. Watson. We can bring it close to home. The citizens are not 
interested. Did you see the picture in the early edition of the Evening 
Star yesterday where a man, totally nude, was walking here in Wash- 
ington, and two ladies came up and two men right beside him. This 
is not a racial matter. But the two looked as if such a scene were 
an everyday occurrence. If I were there we would not call the police; 
that man would be dealt with. Of course, I would go to jail, but he 
would be dealt with right then, and he would have less to show off 
the next day. And I am not a member of one of these violent groups. 

The Chairman. Does that conclude your examination? 

Mr. Smith. That concludes it, sir. 

The Chairman. The Chair wishes to make a statement. 

It has been said that things were so tense in Harlem in the summer 
of 1064 that a riot was lioiind to break out sooner or Inter. Tliis may 
be true. Again, it may not. Expert testimony received by the sub- 
committee indicates that no one can predict a riot with certainty. It is 
possible to do no more, after careful study, than indicate the degree 
of probability of a riot. 

Perhaps a riot would have occurred in Harlem some time during 
the summer of 1964 even if the Progressive Labor Party did not exist. 
Based on the testimony and evidence rereivod during the past 2 days, 
however, I would say that it is highly improbable that a riot would 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 1 093 

have broken out in Harlem on July 18, 1964, if the Progressive Labor 
Party did not exist and if it did not have a Harlem chapter. 

I say this not only because of the Progressive Labor Party rally 
just a few hours before the riot broke out at which Bill Epton said 
that policemen and judges would have to be killed, but also because of 
all the actions taken by the Progressive Labor Party, and its Harlem 
chapter, over a period of approximately 2 months before the riot 
broke out — the establishment of the Harlem Defense Council to de- 
velop conflict in the community and direct the hostility of certain 
segments of it against the police, its concerted campai^ to distribute 
highly inflammatory racial and antipolice literature in the area, the 
instruction given its members in the manufacture of Molotov cock- 
tails, and so forth. 

I do not believe there can be doubt in the mind of any reasonable 
person but that these activities tended to — and were designed to — in- 
flame the community and arouse emotions to such an intense pitch that 
any number of incidents might have touclied off a riot. 

The Progressive Labor Party, of course, was not the only subversive 
organization operating in the area. Other such groups took actions 
and distributed propaganda which inflamed the community. The most 
important role, however, was clearly played by the Progressive Labor 
Party. 

In my view, there is no doubt but that subversive elements played 
a major and probably the key role in precipitating the Harlem riot 
of July 1964. 

I want to make that statement in closing the 2 days of hearings. 

Thank you so much. This concludes today's hearing. 

The subcommittee will adjourn subject to the call of the Chair. 

(Whereupon, at 12 :10 p.m., Wednesday, November 1, 1967, the sub- 
committee recessed subject to call of the Chair.) 

(Committee Exhibits Nos. 4 through 9, referred to on p. 1091, fol- 
low:) 

Committee Exhibit No. 4 

HARLEM DEFENSE COUNCIL 
336 Lenox Avenue, New York, N.Y. 

Origin: June 17, 1964. 

Purpose: The Harlem Defense Council (HDC) was a front group for the 

Progressive Labor Movement, now known as the Progressive 
Labor Party (PLP). The HDC, a creation of William Epton, 
an open PLP official, was organized as a "block by block fed- 
eration" of groups of Negroes for the purpose of stopping 
alleged police brutality. The HDC has claimed that it organ- 
ized Negroes to "intervene non-violently to discourage brutality 
by police officers" ; however, "the possibility of self-defense 
in such cases" was "not excluded." The council's program 
included the furnishing of firearms to its affiliates as a "de- 
fensive" measure against law enforcement officers. The HDC 
was also formed for the purpose of obtaining recruits for the 
PLP. 
This organization is now defunct. 

Organization : Small membership. Exact size unknown. 

The HDC operated out of the headquarters of the Harlem 
branch of the PLP, which was also used as the office of the 
party's Black Liberation Commission. 



1094 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Key Leaders: Cochainnen : 

William Epton (Harlem PLP leader) 
William McAdoo (PLP official) 

Publications: No newspapers or periodicals. HDC has issued posters, flyers, 
and other literature of a highly inflammatory nature. 

Activities : The council has — 

(1) prepared and distributed literature creating hate and 
distrust of law enforcement officers, and has dissemi- 
nated propaganda falsely charging police brutality ; 

(2) called for violence against police and other governmental 
authority ; 

(3) sponsored unlawful and disorderly demonstrations in 
which violence was urged ; and 

(4) conducted training in karate to be used to "flght cops" 
under the guise of "self-defense." 



Committee Exhibit No. 5 

COMMITTEE TO DEFEND RESISTANCE TO GHETTO LIFE 
1 Union Square West, Room 617, New York, N.Y. 

Origin: November 1, 1964. 

Purpose: The Committee to Defend Resistance to Ghetto Life (CERGE) 

was basically a defense front for the Progressive Labor Move- 
ment (now known as ProgTessive Labor Party (PLP)) and 
its affiliates. CERGE has claimed that it was formed to "pro- 
tect the right to resist and challenge a system that relegates 
the black man to third-class citizenship in fourth-class ghetto 
communities." CERGE also stated that it was established to 
"defend victims of police brutality" and the "victims of the 
Grand Jury Inquisition" in New York. (A New York State 
grand jury, which conducted an investigation of the July 1964 
riots, subpenaed numerous leaders of the Progressive Labor 
Party, some of whom were subsequently convicted of criminal 
contempt for refusing to testify.) CERGE publicized cases 
of alleged "police brutality" and raised funds for legal de- 
fense of police "victims." 
This organization is now defunct. 

Organization: Small membership. Exact size unknown. 

National office — see above-listed address, West Coast office — 
P.O. Box 4403, San Francisco, Calif. 

Key Leaders: William McAdoo, chairman (PLP leader) ; Sue Karp, secretary 
(PLP member). 

Sponsors: Carl and Anne Bra den (identified members of the Communist 

Party, U.S.A.), Maxwell Geismar, Vincent Hallinan, LeRoi 
Jones, Leroy McLucas, J. P. Morray, Truman Nelson, Marc 
Schleifer, A. B. Spellman, and Paul Sweezy. 

Publications: No newspapers or periodicals. CERGE has issued numerous 
leaflets and tracts of a highly inflammatory nature. 

Activities: The committee has — 

(1) conducted fundraising rallies for the defense of Progres- 
sive Labor Party leaders ; 

(2) prepared and distributed literature in defense of the 
Progressive Labor Party ; 

(3) prepared and distributed literature in an attempt to 
exploit Negro unrest ; 

(4) prepared and distributed literature creating hate and 
distrust of law enforcement officers, and has disseminated 
propaganda falsely charging police brutality ; and 

(5) prepared and distributed literature challenging govern- 
mental authority and attemping to discredit the grand 
jury system. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 1095 



Origin: 
Purpose: 



Organization : 

Key Leaders: 
Publications : 
Activities: 



Committee Exhibit No. 6 

MOTHERS' DEFENSE COMMITTEE 
163 West 129tli Street, New York, N.Y. 

June 1964. 

The Mothers' Defense Committee was formed at the instigation 
of the Progressive Labor Movement (now known as Progres- 
sive Labor Party) as a defense group for six teenage Negro 
male youths who liave been convicted for the murder of Mrs. 
Margit Sugar, a white shopkeeper, at 3 West 125th Street, 
New York, N.Y., on April 20, 1964. 
This organization is now defunct. 

Small membership. Exact size unknown. 
Membership included the mothers of the teenage Negroes con- 
victed of the crime of homicide. 

Mrs. Mildred Thomas, chairlady ; Mrs. Mary Hamm, treasurer. 

None. 

The committee has — 

(1) sponsored fundraising rallies for the defense of the six 
Negro defendants ; 

(2) sponsored street rallies in which members of the commit- 
tee have made charges of "police brutality," "frame-up," 
and "police terror," in connection with the case ; 

(3) staged meetings for the purpose of generating hate and 
distrust of law enforcement officers ; and 

(4) functioned to undermine the American judicial system. 



Committee Exhibit No. 7 

HARLEM SOLIDARITY COMMITTEE 

Origin: The Harlem Solidarity Committee (HSC) was formed at a 

meeting held at 40 East 7th Street in New York City on July 
23, 1964. The Spartacists claim to have initiated the group. 

Purpose: According to a press releapo dated July 25, 1964, the purpose 

of the HSC was "support of the citizens of Harlem and Bed- 
ford-Stuyvesant against police terror" under such slogans as 
"Demand the removal of the rioting cops from Harlem !" and 
"Support the right of the citizens of the ghetto to defend them- 
selves !" 

Organization : Number of individual members, if any, unknown. Directed 
by a coordinator. Address unknown ; telephone given as SC4r- 
6052. 

Supported as of July 25, 1964, by the following : Brooklyn Civil 
Rights Defense Committee, Committee for Peace Organiza- 
tion, Jesse Gray, Progressive Labor Movement, Spartacist, 
Youth Against War and Fascism, and Liberator editor Daniel 
H. Watts. 

Key Leader : Judy Weiner, coordinator. 

Publication: Only knovm publication was a mimeographed press release 
dated July 25, 1964, and reportedly printed by Tri-Line Offset 
Co. Inc. 

Activities: The only recorded public activity of the Harlem Solidarity 
Committee was a rally at 8th Avenue and 38th Street in the 
garment center of New York City at noon on July 28, 1964, at 
which time there were inflammatory antipolice speeches by 
James Robertson of Spartacist, Conrad Lynn, Vincent Cope- 
land of Workers World, Milton Rosen of PLM, Sandra Rod- 
riguez of Movimiento Pro Independencia de Puerto Rico, 
and Key Martin of YAWF, 
88-083 O— 68— pt. 2 12 



1 096 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 



Orioin: 
Purpose: 

Key Leader: 
Organization: 
Participating 
Organizations : 

Publications: 
Activities: 



Committee Exhibit No. 8 

COMMUNITY COUNCIL ON HOUSING 
6 East 117th Street, New York, N.Y. 

Early 1960's. 

Organizing of every slum tenement in Harlem as a "political 
pressure approach to socialized housing" and as an "organizing 
tool" that may "even kick off the revolution in the ghetto." 

Jesse Willard Gray, director. 

2,300 in January 1964. 

Lower East Side Rent Strike Committee,^ Bedford- Stuyvesant 
Rent Strike Committee,^ Metropolitan Council on Housing. 
No newspapers or periodicals. CCOH has issued flyers of a 
highly inflammatory nature. 

(1) In December 1963 Jesse W. Gray took over the leader- 
ship of a Harlem rent strike which had been in effect since 
September. In November 1964 Gray's plans for intensified 
rent strikes were reported in the National Guardian. He 
reportedly told the Guardian that rent strikes " 'are not 
intended to solve the problems of housing or of slums, but 
to give people in the ghetto a feeling that they have some 
power. * * *' " [Emphasis added.] 
held mass rallies ; 
held demonstrations at City Hall ; 

(4) planned a city wide Rent Strike Coordinating Committee: 

(5) agitated against the police ; 
conducted "The World's Worst Fair" in June 1964. 
On July 19, 1964, during the Harlem riots, CCOH issued a 
flyer entitled "IS HARLEM MISSISSIPPI?" It charged 
police with the murder of three children in 2 weeks and 
with "whipping people's heads for no reason all over Har- 
lem." The flyer made three demands : 

1. Commissioner Murphy's resignation 

2. Indict Lieutenant Gilligan for murder 

3. Remove Armed Forces from Harlem 

Another flyer issued on about the third day of the riot called 
on the people to "ORGANIZE YOUR BLOCKS" so that you 
will be "in a position to properly deal with the enemy." This 
flyer carried the names of the Community Council on Housing 
and the Harlem Defense Council. CCOH was to be contacted 
for information on a "MASS DEMONSTRATION AT THE 
UNITED NATIONS TO PRESENT * * * THE CASE OF 
TERRORISM AND GENOCIDE COMMITTED AGAINST 
BLACK AMERICANS, AND THE CASE OF ORGANIZED 
POLICE BRUTALITY THAT IS RAMPANT IN THE 
UNITED STATES." 

On July 25, 1964, Justice Charles T. Marks, New York State 
Supreme Court, New York County, issued a temporary re- 
straining order preventing further demonsitrations by the 
Community Council on Housing and Jesse Gray. 

Statements by Jesse Gray: 

the worker. february 4, 1964, p. 7: 

" 'The police * * ♦ are the running dogs of the slumlords.' * * *" 

WORKERS WORLD. FEBRUARY 6, 1964, p. 1: 

" 'There's no law for people up here,' said Jesse Gray angrily. 'The police work 
only for the landlords. Blood is going to flow if something isn't done.' " 



(2) 
(3) 



(6) 



» Formation announced In The Worker, 1/14/64 : 1, 7. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 1097 
THE WORKER, FEBRUARY 16, 1964, p. 2 : 

"the eviction tactic is a 'conspiracy between the police department and the slum- 
lords.' " 

THE WORKER, FEBRUARY 18, 1964, p. 6 : 

" 'The police * * * did nothing about the slumlords who refuse to fix vio- 
lations,' * * *." 

NEW YORK TIMES, JULY 20, 1964, p. 16: 

Gray (on July 19, during the Harlem riot) called for " '100 skilled black 
revolutionaries who are ready to die' to correct what he called 'the police brutality 
situation in Harlem.' 

******* 

" 'There is only one thing that can correct the situation, and that's guerrilla 
warfare,' he said. 

******!(: 

"Mr. Gray said that he was seeking platoon captains, who could each recruit 
100 men loyal to them." 



Origin: 
Purpose: 



Organization : 
Key Leaders: 



Publications: 
Activities: 



Committee Exhibit No. 9 

MAU MAU SOCIETY 

1964 Seventh Avenue, Harlem 

New York, N.Y. 

Late 1966 or early 1967. 

The Mau Mau Society is a tiny all-Negro extremist group that 
has apparently taken upon itself the task of providing protec- 
tion for well-publicized black power leaders. Its oflScial emblem 
is an octagon insignia within which is depicted a black arm 
holding a poised bloody dagger and the words "Charles Ken- 
yatta — Mau Mau Soc. — Let's Use Black Force Now!" 
As its name indicates, the group is patterned after the famed 
dread Mau Mau tribe of Airica which is best remembered for 
its merciless killing of white settlers and missionaries. 

10-20 members (estimated). 

Charles {37 X) Kenyatta (also known as Charles Morris), 
chairman 
Theodore E. Smith 
Herbert Spencer 

None. 

The Mau Mau Society has — 

(1) acted as guards at the Newark, N.J., National Black 
Power Conference (July 1967) and forcibly ejected white 
newsmen covering the event ; 

(2) provided guards for various speaking engagements by 
black power leaders in the New York City metropolitan 
area ; 

(3) participated in a small separate anti-Vietnam black power 
rally which coincided with the October 21 "Confrontation" 
at the Pentagon (1967). 



APPENDIX 



The following is a copy of the Pre-Conventioii Discussion Bulletin 
#2 of the Progressive Labor Movement ^ referred to on p. 965. 

The Biack Libebation Struggle and the Right To REvoiiUnoN 

Minutes of the October, 1964 meeting of the National CO-ordinating Committee 
of the Progressive Labor Movement 

PRE-CONVENTION DISCUSSION BULLETIN # 2 

BILL EPTON: 

Since the formation of PL there has been some criticism from various quarters 
that we have failed to come to grips with the Negro question, and that we have 
failed to come up with a definite statement on it. Part of this criticism is justi- 
fied, because in other areas of our work we have devoted a little more time, and 
the questions weren't as complicated. We havent fought for a meeting on the 
Negro question in general. We should fight for a line even if we can only put 
out segments of a line. The next major document we put out should be on the 
Negro question. The criticism that we have failed to come to grips with the Negro 
question is not accurate because in our publications . . many of us have at- 
tempted to deal with one or another aspect of this question. 

The main features of the Negro question that we must deal with are 1) the 
role of nationalism, which is a very strong current among the Negro people. 
It manifests itself in many ways. 2) Whether the Negro people constitute a 
nation or not, or what do we mean by self-determination. Does it have to mean 
nationhood, or can it mean some form of autonomy? Of course self-determina- 
tion means just that, that the Negro people will determine themselves what they 
want to be. As communists we must have an outline of what we mean by self- 
determination, and what our line would be on this question. Being a vanguard 
means not leaving things to chance and to hoping that the Negro people will 
choose the correct path. 3) We must also deal with the question of land, because 
I don't think the Negro people will take up a real revolutionary stand unless the 
question of land is prominent. 4) The role of the black bourgoisie must be thor- 
oughly analyzed and evaluated. 5) What reform demands can we present to 
bring the people into struggle against the ruling class? How do we develop these 
reformist demands into revolutionary struggle? 6) There is a lot of discussion 
in our community around what the Negro people actually call themselves and 
what do they want to be called. 

I think the report that I presented is weak in the sense that on many of these 
questions I did not go into detail. I don't think that the main substance of the 
Negro question has drastically changed since the party developed the line on 
self-determination, and the right to nationhood. This report attempted to take 
out the essentials of Harry Haywood's line . . . and to sort of bring it up to date. 

The six points: 

1) The question of nationalism — There is almost no organized expression of 
nationalism in the Negro community. Most of the nationalist organizations in 
Harlem have been discredited and command no following . . but there is a very 
strong nationalist current that runs through the Negro community, and a 
strong sentiment along these lines. This is a healthy, progressive and revolu- 
tionary form of nationalism. I think that what is needed is a progressive, honest 
(and i use this word "honest" quite correctly, because the people in our com- 



1 The committee's copy of this bulletin was too poor to photostat. The many misspellings 
and errors are as they appear in the original document. 

1099 



1 100 SUBVERSIVE TNTLUENCES EST RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNINTG 

munity are used to seeing corrupt nationalist organizations) and militant or- 
ganizations that could raise the questions of joining the struggle with the African, 
Asian and Latin Americans. I propose that we work towards seeing that such a 
formation takes place, with a maximum amount of independence from PL. 

2) Nationhood, autonomy, and the right of self-determination. This right — is as 
valid now as 35 years ago, regardless as to whether we have all the five pre- 
requisites as outlined by Stalin . . When we talk of a nation or autonomous 
republic, we are of course talking about a specific area. That area could be the 
black belt. I think the concept of an autonomous republic will relieve us of many 
of the theoretical discussions, and the arguments that we would get involved in 
by advancing the slogan of the Negro nation. The concept of nationhood does 
not appeal to the people as being a home-grown Marxist-Leninist concept 

3 ) Land ... I don't tJiink that the Negro people will wage a truly revolutionary 
struggle for integration, or desegregation, or anything like that. I think that if 
they could see the end result of their struggle as having land of their own, then 
they would more readily take the revolutionary path to their liberation. 

4) The black bourgoisie. At times their role has been progressive and at other 
times reactionary. Their role is less conspicuous today and I think less impor- 
tant, because there seems to be a rejection of them by the mass of the Negro 
people. 

5) Reform demands. The possibility of winning partial victories around these 
struggles is there, but to create a mass base or a mass following is not too great. 
This applies not only to PL but other organizations. At the height of the rent 
strike season there were actually very few buildings on rent strikes. From our 
experiences these struggles could not be sustained for a long period of time. 
We should go into these struggles with a view to recruiting the more militant 
forces, and attempting to politicalize as many of them as possible. 

6) Name — Among the more militant people, the word Negro does not have any 
meaning and they thoroughly reject it. There seems to be a preference for Afro- 
American, African-American, or black. . . The people seem to generally prefer 
the world black. I would like to raise the question of Negro-white unity. The 
Negro people reject the whole concept of Negro-white unity as it was advanced 
by the CPUSA, and as it is being advanced by the reformist organizations. The 
general line that Negroes and whites will work together in integrated organiza- 
tions for Negro liberation. I see the concept of developing a black revolutionary 
movement or organization that will have almost complete autonomy from the 
white revolutionary organization. Even though there will be blacks within the 
white revolutionary movement, I don't think that the mass of the Negro 
people will follow or be a part of that type of organization. I think that what is 
happening in the south and among the back people today in this new upsurge 
revolutionary struggle is a feeling, maybe latent, or an emerging nation or of 
an emerging people, along the lines of what's happening in Africa and Asia. 
Finally ... I think that the revolution will take place in this country with 
the mass of the Negro people in the Democratic party. I don't know if in other 
revolutionary situations the mass of the people remained in the main bourgois 
party. We should sort of re-think this too. Where are we going to operate : with- 
in an independent party, or within the mass party of the people, which th*^ 
Democratic Party seems to be. 

BILL McADOO: 

I take strong issue with Bill Epton's report as it was written a year <Tnd a half 
ago and with a number of the comments made here today because I do not think 
it is founded upon a solid base of Marxist-Leninist analysis. There was no sig- 
nificant analysis of what nationalism is. What is it? What kind of historical 
phenomenon is it? What is its dialectical development? There was mention of 
the black petty bourgeoisie (there is no black bourgeoisie, only a petty bour- 
geoisie). There was no mention of the fact that black nationalism is a black petty 
bourgeois trend and that nationalism is always, everywhere a bourgeoisie trend, 
and this analysis is basic to Marxism. There is no mention of the relationship of 
forces in the black community, of which black nationalism is only one of at least 
five distinct poltical trends, of which Negro bourgeois reformism is only one of 
five or six trends, of which there are at least three or four other trends. What 
Mao did for Chinese society was to seek to discover the economic base of relation 
that motivated the various elements. A very careful analysis. And why ? Because 
Mao had a revolution in mind and in order to succeed in a proletarian revolution 
one has to know who one's friends are who one's enemies are, and you have to 
have some predictive ptential. You have to know what they are going to do when 



SUBVERSIVE ESTFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 1101 

the deal goes down, who are they going to side with. How can you appeal to each 
section and what form of organization would incorporate each section. Now we 
have failed to do this. As much credit as you can give Heywood for being the 
first black American Mai"xist to attempt to apply Marxism-Leninism to the Negro 
question in U.S.A., I think that this error is cari'ied over from Heywood because 
the most he says about the black petty bourgeoisie is to say that it has a split 
social psychology. In other words we have to sink into non-descript sociological 
jargon in order not to admit a failing. 

We have failed to find out what role Jesse Grey, Malcolm X and Elijah Mu- 
hammud plays in the Negro community. Are they reactionary nationalists, are 
they Negro bourgeois reformists, are they what I call classical Uncle Toms, are 
they one of five or six political trends? If so, what are their economic base of 
relations? But we have not gone into that . . . but they do have separate economic 
bases of relations. I think also we miss a great point when we speak of self-deter- 
mination. Because we accept self-determination not as a dialectical process, as 
a thing constantly going into being out of being, as a nation is something always 
coming into being or going out of being according to Stalin, (and he is correct). 
Instead of speaking of self-detennination as a process, a process of struggle, and 
conceiving of it as something that may even begin before a socialist revolution 
takes place, we think about some time in the future, and say, well you know, when 
it is all done we are going to have self-determination. But I say it is not so, that 
self-determination has a definition which brings it within the framework of 
capitalism. That does not mean that black liberation is going to be achieved with- 
in the framework of capitalism or that self-determination will be finished within 
capitalism. I think of it this way. When the Negro people as a people begin to 
engage in revolutionai-y struggle for black liberation they have also begiui at the 
same time to fight for self-determination and they are exercising one part of self- 
determination and it has a direction. It's very conforting and nice to think that 
after the socialist revolution ... all these problems are going to be solved, that 
the Negro people are going to have self-determination and get a little piece of 
land. If it isn't worked out as a process there isn't going to be any such thing as 
self -determina ti on . 

For American Marxists the work that has to be done in discerning the rela- 
tionship of forces in the Negro community represents a frontier in communist 
struggle here . . . What is nationalism? It is a bourgeois trend and is there 
just one kind of nationalism? No, there are at least two kinds of nationalism. 
There is reactionary nationalism and there is what I call neo-black nationalism. 
And what is the basis for reactionary black nationalism? The Negro people 
before 1921 was predominantly an agrarian community and predominantly 
residing in the south. There is the Booker T. Washington trend of thought. This 
is what I call classical Uncle Tomism and there is a very good reason for it. 
He represented a class of Negroes who, in return for a closed market for their 
real estate, little banks, little grocery stores helped to maintain the subjugation 
of the Negro people in the South in an agrarian commimity. They were useful. 
They were blatant Uncle Toms. But there was no reform expi-ession for these 
Negroes to participate in. In other wjords they were used in the same way as some 
of them in the South today and they urge people not to participate in demon- 
strations. 

Now what did they get in return? A closed market on their insurance, on their 
funeral parlors, on their little stores. There is plenty of documentation to show 
this as a trend particularly in an agrarian situation. Now what happens when 
the closed market is violated. It is violated in an urban situation, like New York. 
When the Met. Life Insurance Company sends a Negro salesman into Harlem and 
he opens up this Uncle Tom's closed market. Two forces are produced. The 
economic basis for the two other trends are evidenced. One is reactionary Negro 
bourgeois nationalism. As a result of the classical Uncle Tom's market being 
opened he responds by asserting that only the black man has the right to exploit 
the black man, and he has the exclusive right to exploit the black man. Malcolm 
X, Muhammed Elijah — black capitalist designs, and instead of Jesus this time 
they lead him to a black Jesus. And one dialectically develops out of the other 
and if you don't belive me findout who Lawson represents ; the Negro wine sellers 
association, the Negro realtors association, the small Negro banks, that is who 
Lawson represents. 

What is reactionary Negro bourgeois nationalism. It is declassed Negro 
bourgeois Uncle Tomism. The have been declassed. Their closed market has 
been violated. But who violated it? The Metropolitan Life Insurance Company 



1102 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES EST RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

hired a Negro — ^put the Negro businessman out of business. This Negro hired in 
Harlem represents now the economic base of relations for Negro bourgeois 
reformism. There is also neo-black nationalism. It is new, because a lot of its 
emphasis comes from the nations in Africa that have now achieved liberation. It 
is more an external influence on the Negro community here than an internal 
influence. It has positive features. It is possible to discern at least six bourgeois 
trends (all of these are bourgeois trends, I haven't gotten to proletarian trends 
yet) and use them as a basis for working out a program in the Negro community, 
where everybody stands, predicting what interests they represent to see what 
struggles they vpill engage in and vpill not engage in and will not engage in in a 
united way. 

ALICE JEROME: 

There is very little said about Negroes in the trade union movement. If this is 
going to be a concentration of ours in the coming period I think this has to be 
dealt with more. Perhaps either one of the Bills w.ould want to discuss it. 

BILL EPTON: 

There is a brief section of the report on the Negro in the trade union movement. 
It is only an opening gun on it. 

MORT SCHEER: 

There is a tremendous gap in the development of Marxists-Leninists on the 
question of Negro liberation. This reflects the failure of Marxists-Leninists in 
the United States for a long period of time. This is going to require more serious 
study and experience. 

We have to reject what is being put forward by psuedo Marxists-Leninists 
as a strategy . . . There are four lines . . . that have to be rejected by us : 

1) This line (reflects the Communist Party and Randolidi and others) that the 
struggle is essentially a struggle to complete the bourgeois democratic revolu- 
tion. In essence it says that the bourgoisie can still play a progressive role in 
this society, and neglects the fact that the bourgoisie has reached the stage of 
an imperialist bourgoisie and imperialism is reactionary all along the line. 

2) Another line put forward in Haywood's unpublished manuscript, that the 
main contradiction is between the Negro people and the Dixiecrats, and that 
there is a fundamental contradiction between the Soulthern oligarchy and the 
ruling class. That the main task is to direct the struggle against the Dixiecrats — 
split the Dixiecrats from the ruling class — that this will lead to a form of black 
liberation, although not complete. I think this is a false thesis. The main enemy 
is the ruling class. The Dixiecrats are servants of the ruling class. This line 
leads to wrong practical policies — such as that federal troops should occupy 
the south. It leads in effect to the same conclusion as the flrst — a reliance on the 
ruling class to grant, under pressure some form of liberation. 

3) That the Negro people can achieve liberation under capitalism. This has 
been put forward by Hammer and Steel. It says that we are underestimating — we 
are failing to slight the enemy strategically in the sense that we're overestimat- 
ing imperialism to think that the Negro people cannot achieve liberation luider 
capitalism. That imj)erialism is so wrought with contradictions that it's possible 
to force them to grant self-determination, even before the overthrow of the 
ruling class. 

4) That the Negro people alone can achieve liberation. This thesis is imt for- 
•ward by the Trotskyists. It is also incorrect. 

The history of capitalism in the U.S. is organically connected with the oppres- 
sion of the Negro i)eople. The principle source of primitive capital accumula- 
tion came from slavery and the slave trade. Secondly, when capitalism developed 
to imperialism in the U.S., a principal source for the snstenence of imperialism in 
the United States was and is the oppression of the Negro people. The amount of 
surplus value or profits that they've expropriated since the Second World War 
is something like 100 billion, from the exploitation of the Negro people. If we 
compare it with what they take out of Latin America and other areas and when 
we think of what they're doing to save their base of oppression, they're not 
going to voluntarily surrender their base of oppression in the U.S. This estimate 
Is based on something like $16 billion a year wage differentials, higher prices 
charged in the Negro communities and things like that. It's probably more than 
$20 billion a year in wages alone. 

Our starting point is that the main enemy is the imperialist ruling class. 
Just as imperialism oppresses other colonial peoples in Asia, Africa and Latin 
America, there is a base and a superstructure of oppression in the United States. 
The ruling class, under pressure, will grant certain types of concessions partic- 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 1103 

ularly in the superstructure, but will never voluntarily surrender their eco- 
nomic base of oppression nor their political power. Those are the two main 
things that the ruling class will cling to. 

The shift that has taken place in the status of the Negro people from a pre- 
dominantly agriculturally oppressed people to a predominantly working class 
oppressed people is of tremendous significance. It accounts in part for the in- 
creased exploitation of the Negro people, and it accounts in part for the new stage 
in the revolutionary process of the liberation movement — the urbanization and 
the working class development of the Negro people. The historic source of the 
oppression is the South. The south was, and is a semi-colonial area, in effect. The 
heart of the oppression is the Negro people, but also the entire area, including the 
whites, have been affected by this status of being a semi-colonial area — somewhat 
different from the North. That's why I don't agree with Truman Nelson's position 
that the Negro people throughout the whole of the U.S. constitute the nation. 

BILL MCADDO: 

Stalin said nothing about the heart of oppression being one of the five qualifica- 
tions for a nation. 

MORT SCHEER: 

No, but I think that the heart of it flows out of the fact that the essential base 
of the nation of the Negro people is in the south. Oppression doesn't have any- 
thing to do with it, but I think that historically the way the system evolved was 
in the south and spread throughout the whole country. So I think there cannot 
be a revolution of the Negro people without a revolution to overthrow the ruling 
class and in particular a program of revolution for the South. 

Fourthly, I think that the question of the relationship of the struggle for libra- 
tion and the struggle for socialism has to be very much explored by us. In my 
opinion there are two revolutionary currents in the United States, uneven in 
development at this stage. One is the proletarian revolution and the other is the 
liberation revolution. A Marxist-Leninist vanguard has to have an overall strat- 
egy for the destruction of imperialism which is the source of oppression. That 
overall strategy can only lead to the conclusion that the main force for the 
destruction of the imperialist system is the working class. That does not exclude 
the Negro people because the Negro people are a decisive sector of the working 
class and in my judgment will be the leading sector. But nevertheless I can't en- 
vision imperialism being destroyed in this country without the working class as a 
class destroying the imperialist system. So the main force for revolution is the 
working class and the main force for liberation is the working class sector of the 
liberation movement, the Negro workers, and the strategy and tactics have to be 
based on that. I think there has to be the development of mass black revolution- 
ary organizations, not a single all embracing black revolutionary organization. 
There will be many forms including self-defense units, Negi'O workers organiza- 
tions, farm workers organizations, political councils, black coimcils, housing 
councils^ — in other words there will be many forms of organization. There will 
emerge a national liberation fi-ont of all of these organizations and through the 
development of revolutionaries in this movement black Marxist-Leninists will 
lead this revolution. We should not have the perspective of a white revolutionary 
party and a black revolutionary party. That would be a mistake. A vanguard 
party should be based on internationalism and based on the working class and 
I don't think we should project a black revolutionary party as a vanguard and a 
white revolutionary party as a vanguard. I think we should project a working 
class party, black and white. Everyone connected with the revolution to be in the 
vanguard. However, this does not mean no black revolutionary movement or 
black revolutionary organizations. This would be another mistake. 

Secondly, I think there has to be developed a black revolutionary press, a 
liberation press. There is no such press on the scene at this point. And it should 
be national, north and south. — not just for the south as Freedom was projected. 
A press that will strive to build the various black revolutionary organizations 
as well as the national liberation front and a press that can become an organ 
for the liberation movement. There are two aspects to the question of self-deter- 
mination that Bill McAdoo just spoke about. One is that it is a process that 
goes on now and has been going on in the sense that the strategy and tactics will 
be determined by the Negro people themselves. But I think that self-determina- 
tion means a very specific thing also and not just a process . . . the right to secede 
from the dominant nation and set up the oppressed nation's national state with 
its own territory. Revolution is a process but we shouldn't confuse the process 



1104 SUBVERSIVE ESTFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

with the actual revolution, the culmination of the process. What has taken place 
in the radical movement over a period of time has been a wiping off of the rev- 
olutionary potential of white workers. There has been concentration among stu- 
dents and in the black community but there is a big gap in work among white 
workers and working class youth. This is wrong. It is fundamentally opportunis- 
tic, in the sense that the revolutionary potential is highest at this stage of the 
revolution among Negro people and Puerto Rican people and among idealistic 
students, but there has to be a concentration developed by white revolutionaries 
in the white communities and in certain shops. The only way of building Negro- 
white unity is through that kind of work ; it is not possible on any other kind of 
basis. Through struggle unity will emerge rather than through any superficial 
approaches. The way we are going to build a base among white workers is not 
going to be on the basis of the oppression of the black people but on the basis of 
the immediate issues confronting the white workers, the class issues. Through 
mobilizing strength along these lines will emerge a unity with the black workers 
and the black community. I think this has been widely neglected. 

In effect we are not combatting the widespread white supremacy that exists — 
The position has been attacked that to raise the question that the working class 
is going to be the main force to destroy the imperialist means to hold back the 
black revolution under false cries of Negro-white unity. There is a correct aspect 
to that and also an incorrect aspect to that. If we have the line to hold back the 
black revolutionary movement because the working class revolutionary move- 
ment is relatively backward at this time — that would be a mistake. What is re- 
quired is a shifting of work on the part of white revolutionaries to raise the level 
of revolutionary consciousness among white workers. 

BILL EPTON: 

I don't propose that there be a white Marxist party and a black Marxist party. 
What I suggested was that there develop a black nationalist type of organization, 
to pull together this latent feeling in the black community and give it its own 
direction. 

MCADOO : 

I think that the concepts brought out by Morty are not too different from the 
concepts brought out by the old party on Negro-white unity. Now Bill Bpton 
has said that the Negro community has rejected this type of concept of Negro- 
white unity. I reject it outright and for sound revolutionary reasons. One is that 
I do not conceive of the Negro people in the black belt as a nation, I conceive of 
the Negro people as a nation whether they be in the black belt, the south side of 
Chicago, Harlem or anywhere else. Why do we limit the nation to the black belt? 
One reason is because imperialism walks naked there, whereas they took down 
the signs in Harlem. Well, according to Stalin that has nothing to do with the 
definition of a nation. The nation (according to Stalin) is a historical category, 
something that is coming into being and going out of being, and he defines it very 
explicitly, and it happens historically that some nations are oppressed and others 
are not, they have formed a state. 

One of the main things for defining nation as a black belt, is Stalin's proposi- 
tion that there must be a common territory. Look at the reasoning here. Stalin 
said there must be a common territory after he explained why — what utility 
this common territory has. Because there is a greater interaction jimong the 
people, because they're together more, certain other features that define a nation, 
are more apt to occur, and be sustained, and be stable in order to make a stable 
community. If one has a concept that only the Negro people in the black belt 
form a nation what are we to say of the white people in New York and the 
white people of California, what common territory do they share? But they are 
part of one nation. But when we think of Harlem where half a million people 
live, and the South side of Chicago and the black bottom of Detroit, we don't 
think of it in the same way. We don't think that these areas of black concen- 
tration form a part of one black nation consisting of 20 million black people 
in the United States. I think thrre's an artificial application of Marxism-Leninism 
here. Not finding out why Stilin suggested this, but only taking it and applying it 
artificially. I .say that the Negro people in the United States comprise a nation 
if the only qualification were common territory. I think that we are making 
statements about whether we should have a black revolutionary Marxist-Leninist 
party and a white revolutionary Marxist-Leninist party and are dismissing the 
concept of a black revolutionary party because we see this as a reflection of 
reactionary black nationalism, which it is not. I think I can advance a good 
case for a black revolutionary party with fraternal relations with a white 



SUBVERSIVE INELUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 1105 

revolutionary party, the type of relations that are supposed to exist between 
nations under socialism, and I don't think that this concept will violate Marxism- 
Leninism in any way whatsoever. If you conceive of the Negro as a nation 
this conclusion is almost automatic. I believe it will evolve, that it must exist 
and that is the only way you are really going to achieve Negro-white unity. 
Another concept — in a party we have democratic centralism. If we have demo- 
cratic centralism in a united party then the self-determination of the Negro people 
is going to be violated because they are going to fall under the will of the 
majority. Now face it, a white majority. 

MORT SCHEER: 

Do you conceive of two separate revolutionary strategies for the destruction 
of the ruling class. 

MCADOO : 

Because the Negro people live in a particular and special kind of circumstance 
there will be aspects of strategy which will be particular and not general. But 
there are aspects of strategy which, because we all live under imperialism, will 
be general. Suppose instead of the reformists who command the movement in 
the south we commanded it and suppose we had in mind not a patchwork reform 
but a fundamental reform, well what kind of reform would we join in fraternally ? 
The kind of reform on the agrarian question that we would join in fraternally 
is the struggle for the complete and absolute abolition of sharecropping as a 
cruel and inhuman form of production, much the same as slavery. And who 
would this benefit? Just black people? It benefits white people as well. I'd say 
that to dismiss the concept of the black people having a revolutionary left party, 
a Marxist-Leninist party, independent, in a fraternal sense, from a white revolu- 
tionary party in the United States, may be to carry over a mistake which pre- 
vented the development of a significant left force within the black community. 

MORT SCHEER: 

What about the Mexican-Americans, the Indians and the Puerto Rican people ? 
What party would they join ? 

MCADOO : 

The Puerto Rican people are not a nation here. I think it depends upon your 
estimate of what the character of these different minority groups are, just as 
much as what considerations you have as to whether there should be two 
revolutionary parties in the U.S. depends a great deal on your estimate of the 
Negro people. 

Another point — To most people imperialism seems synonymous with capital- 
ism — ^forgetting that it's the highest stage of capitalism. When did it evolve: 
at the turn of the century. . . . Now what happened in 1865? The Negro people 
in the course of the Civil War were transformed from a condition of slavery 
under a ruling union of Southern slaveholders and northern bourgoisie — who 
both benefited. They were transferred to what I call black captivity under 
imperialism — . Certain things began after slavery ended. Up to day we can 
say that % of the Negro people at least, live in urban communities and are prob- 
ably proletarian. Before the turn of the century % at least — probably 90% — were 
agrarian. What did imperialism mean in terms of the Negro people. Their condi- 
tions reached a new stage. What role does the black play? Is it just another ghetto, 
like the Jewish people's ghetto on the lower east side, or the Polish people in 
Hamtramck, Michigan? Or is it a special mechanism, as regards black captivity 
. . . Regardless of whether you regard the Negro people as a nation, there will be 
a struggle for black liberation. 

WALLY LINDER: 

If workers struggling against the plant manager, like the auto workers, become 
revolutionary and are ready to join a revolutionary party, then it seems to 
me tJiat by directing them into separate Marxist-Leninist parties you are 
splitting a struggle they have developed against a section of the ruling class 
that is exploiting black and white workers ; that to me seems illogical. 

SELMA SPARKS: 

That statement is based on an incorrect assumption, that there is bla<^- 
white worker unity today. The point is that before this unity can emerge you 
need two separate parties. Workers today struggle against one another because 
they don't recognize the common enemy. Something else has to create unity 



1106 SUBVERSIVE ESTFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

and I don't see any other way to do it except to have two separate groups working 
among their own people to raise the conscionsness of these people. 

BILL MCADOO: 

I don't see where my concept (helps divide the workers in the union). Pre- 
sumably in that union there are going to be black Marxists and white Marxists 
working together based on a sound revolutionary program and on a basis 
of fraternal unity and equal relations. I was talking about a party and not 
a labor union. 

WALLY LINDBR: 

I wasnt talking about a xmion, I was talking about developing revolution- 
aries in the working class and revolutionary work among the workers, not 
just the question of TU demands. 

MILT ROSEN: 

The meeting is getting interesting. We will have to have some decorum. 
Stalin and Lenin conceived of one revolutionary i>arty to embrace all the 
national groups in Russia. In Cuba you had a black and white revolution. 
The point I think is more important is that you raise a new concept of nation- 
hood embracing all the ghettos, together with all the Negro population in 
the South. I don't think the basic thing in achieving it (revolution) is whether 
you have one party or two parties. More fundamental than that — ^because you 
would say that we would all work together for a universal revolutionary 
program within which there would be different particulars. I would like to 
hear how this is going to be accomplished and what would be some of the 
strategy and tactics. 

FRED JEROME: 

The discussion is much too abstract, cut-off from practical application. 
This question is raised only in relation to two parties. Before you get to two 
parties there is a whole question of two nations, the whole question of what 
goes into two nations, and so on. We are talking up in the air. If you have a 
nation bounded by the color of its skin, as Btorold Oruse wrote in Studies on 
the Left, then have you got two nations sharing a territory, practically speak- 
ing? What does that mean? Who do I vote for? Where do I pay my taxes? What 
about the guy on 110th St.? Is this a practical question or just an idealogical 
one? This has to be established first before you get into a hassal on two parties. 

UNA MULZAC : 

I agree with Fred — it's very diflScult to see this with any clarity, because where 
does it (the nation) begin, and where does it end, if you're going to have two 
separate one ( nation ) that involve the entire country ? There must be some boun- 
daries — some basis for definition. Where everyone is in the same nation and not 
in the same nation — I can't visualize any such thing being projected in any scien- 
tific manner. The people who projected the idea of partition in British Guiana 
were very specific about where the black people would live and where the Indian 
people would live, but I can't see this nationhood question being looked upon in 
any kind of way that would clarify it to anyone else, unless you spent a lot of 
time in trying to do this — in creating boundaries or not creating boundaries, 
whether or not it would have boundaries or wouldn't have boundaries would be a 
very important question. If it's just an ideological thing, you'd be bringing in an 
ideological question which would just say that because there is a population of 
about 22 million people who are faced with certain historical developments evolv- 
ing their cultural, economic and political life in the U.S. — if you want to say 
that because of this there is a nation, I don't think that would be valid either — 
even ideologically. You leave out the fact that this nation takes in the entire area 
of the United States, just like the white nation takes in the entire area of the 
U.S. I feel that there would have to be much more scientific basis for a projec- 
tion of this thought of the Negro people as a nation in the United States. 

BILL MCADOO: 

People are confusing the concept of the nation with the concept of the state. 
A nation may never become a state. The concept of partition has nothing to do 
with the concept of nationhood. Hard and fast lines of boundaries and separa- 
tions have nothing to do with nationhood. People take this mention of two sepa- 
rate revolutionary parties so literally and so extremely, that immediately it 
implies the suggestion of two real separate entities. I wasn't talking about a state. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 1107 

or bovmdaries — the boundaries exist right now. We want to eliminate those boun- 
daries. I don't understand this talk of boundaries and territories. 

ALICE JEROME : 

I think a great deal of the confusion of the Negro people in this country (are 
they a nation? what kind of nation?) arises because their position in the country 
is not a clear cut position. There is an objective basis for this confusion. The 
part of the position which we will agree upon is that the Negro people historically 
and by virtue of a special kind of colonial type oppression, has constituted a 
nation within a nation. This colonial type oppression exists throughout the 
country, not only in the South, but wherever there are Negro people trying to 
live under capitalism today, and this is a cornerstone of the capitalist system. 
I don't think you could have a capitalist system in U.S., without one foot firmly 
based on the exploitation of the Negro people, as super-exploitation, as a colonial 
or semi-colonial people. But it's not a clear cut thing, and I don't think it answers 
Stalin's definition exactly, and I don't think that's particularly important. It is 
a special case. I think there are certain things we could agree on — but I don't 
think this means that there isn't the need for further exploration of the ques- 
tion. I'll try to state them (the things we agree upon). 1). The Negro people 
throughout the country constitute a nation, and have a right to self-determina- 
tion, when and where their liberation process (and I agree that the liberation 
process is in itself a self-determination process) makes this possible. The boun- 
daries, if there are boundaries would be determined at that time, but the right 
seems to me clear-cut. The right is part of the process which they (the Negro 
people) are enacting at this time. 2). Full liberation will not come under capital- 
ism, it will require a revolution to a socialist economy, because the Negro is the 
cornerstone of U.S. imperialist oppression. 3) This liberation will be achieved by 
the working class, through the fraternal unity of a black liberation front, and 
the organized working class, and other allies. 

I see the black liberation front as a separate entity, not exactly a seimrate 
party. I would see a party that would at least unite some people who are in all 
of these and in the organized working class; there might be a Puerto Riean 
Liberation front, a Mexican-American liberation front, but they would unite as 
allies for the destruction of capitalism, 4) The Negro i>eople would work in all 
aspects of the black liberation front in alliance with the revolutionary working 
class party. I think maybe it should be called a black revolutionary liberation 
front. 

LARRY PHELPS : 

My understanding of a nation comes from what is historically meant by a 
nation — it has some kind of territory, some kind of unified economy, some kind of 
social characteristics. If you aren't using those kinds of criteria, I wish you 
wouldn't use the term nation, but use something else. In Mort's discussion, I 
have some questions — In what way do you define a semi-colony? Bill McAdoo, 
you talked about transformation — ^how is that related to nationhood. All sides 
seem to think that either before or after the revolution there will be some kind 
of nation created. I don't agree with that. What is crucial is the kind of agitation 
you will carry on in connection with this. Also, how wiU this mass black revolu- 
tionary organization work? 

FRED JEROME : 

The concept of two separate parties presupposes the existence or coming into 
existence of two separate states. That sense is where the confusion between 
the two concepts of state and nation arose, unless you can explain the need for 
two separate fraternal parties without the need for two separate states, or move- 
ments toward two separate states. 

MORT SCHEER: 

One of the words that's confusing us is "revolution"— because there all all 
kinds of revolutions and revolutionaries. The bourgeois revolution and the pro- 
letarian revolution aren't the same kinds of revolution. Essentially, the anti- 
imperialist, national liberation revolutions are not proletarian revolutions. Essen- 
tially they are national revolutions and not a working class revolution as such. 
Therefore an anti-imperialist or national liberation movement you can have a 
party or a united front, or a national front, that expresses the national libera- 
tion revolution. However, within the national liberation movement there are 
classes, and the working class sector does not have the same line as the bour- 
geois sector, even though the bourgeois sector could be revolutionary. When we 



1108 SUBVERSIVE mTLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOO'HNG, AND BURNING 

si)eak of a Marxist-Leninist party or strategy, we are si>eaking about a working 
class strategy for national liberation and a working class strategy for socialist 
revolution, and our understanding is that the national liberation revolution can- 
not be consummated unless it develops into a socialist revolution, as it did in 
Ouba. Particularly in the United States, I don't think it can be consummated, 
unless there's a socialist revolution. Therefore, the party of the working class 
fighting with the outlook of establishing a working class state and socialism, 
should be a party of the entire working class, and not fragmented, because the 
logic of that (establishing a party on national considerations) would mean es- 
tablishing a black party as well as a white i>arty, a Puerto Rican party as well as 
a Mexican-American party. I would be opposed to that. I think however, that the 
national liberation movement will have organizations — even parties and many 
forms, which will reflect that national liberation movement. In order to defeat 
U.S. imperialism, a united strategy of the working class, to overthrow imperial- 
ism is necessary. Flowing from that strategy is how to further the revolutionary 
currents of the national liberation movements, which would require some sepa- 
rate strategic and tactical aspects, in rallying the people to the overthrow of 
imi)erialism. 

Now, as to why I believe the South is the heart of the oppression of the Negro 
people. This is an historically determined thing, based on slavery, and the 
evolution of the Jim Crow system, and so forth. The reason why the heart of 
imperialist oppression is in the South is because that is where the heart of 
the nation of the Negro people is also, which is historically determined. This 
does not mean that Negroes from the North are excluded from the national 
liberation movement. It will embrace all of the northern metropolitan areas — 
where the majority of the Negro i)eople live. Any question of the self-determina- 
tion process which vpill lead to the question "WiU the Negro people decide to 
set up a separate state after the revolution" — is for the Negro people to deter- 
mine, and it may only be a sector of the Negro people — maybe only five million 
will want a separate state. I say that a working class socialist state could not 
deny 5 million Negro people their right to have a separate state. It will have 
to be a considerable number and it will have to be based on the will of the 
people. 

As for the reason why the South is a semi-colonial area — because the exploita- 
tion of the South — both the economic base, and the superstructural conditions 
of the South — is dominated by finance capital — Northern finance capital — im- 
perialism — just as other colonial areas are dominated by imperialism. All of the 
characteristics of a semi-colonial area-like retarded industrial development 
(even though there's been an upsurge in the post-war period) semi-feudal land 
relations, also the political power is not in the hands of the Southern ruling class 
as such — it is in the hands of the U.S. ruling class. The Dixiecrats are not tbe 
rulers of the South in the real sense but are protecting the interests of the im- 
I>erialists — even though they have their own interests and there are contradic- 
tions. The conditions of the white workers and farmers of the south are af- 
fected by this semi-colonial status. 

Summing up — One party (Marxist-Leninist) based on internationalism, with 
the recognition that there is a national liberation movement, there'll be many 
organizations — we should encourage the further development of tbe national 
liberation movement — separate in that sense ; there'll be a national liberation 
front with a working class sector in it (an Marxist-Leninist line) to. relate the 
struggle for socrialism to the national liberation struggle. The role of the white 
proletarian revolutionaries is to build a revolutionary base among white workers, 
build unity of the working class, and support the national liberation movements, 
and eventually develop a coalescence of these two revolutionary potentials in the 
U.S. for the overthrow of imperialism. 

JAKE ROSEN : 

I think McAdoo is essentially making an organizational political point But 
he ties this up with a lot of ideological talk which has nothing to do with it, 
and is wrong. You (McAdoo) conclude separate parties, presumably becjiuse 
there are separate nations. Then you have to come up with a definition of a 
nation, and you haven't yet I don't believe that Negroes in this country are a 
nation. By McAdoo's definition we are not a nation — we are a collection of 
tribes. By the various definitions, the only group in this country that is not a 
nation are the whites. A nation can either be developing or it can be dying out. 
A nation that is developing is one which is aspiring to statehood. If you use 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES EST RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 1109 

the word autonomy, that word means the same thing as statehood and so does 
the word self-determination. The Kurds in Iraq want statehood. 

It's a lot easier to form a state than it is to form a nation. In fact you can't 
form a nation. You could have a group of people that wanted a state who 
wouldn't necessarily be a nation. For example : The Congo Republic. I don't 
think you can produce a definition for the Congo that produces a nation out 
of that. You might have a state. If you're speaking of statehood for the Negro 
people, then you're speaking of a different country, or you're speaking of some 
kind of separate political subdivision within the country. Then questions of 
boundaries are the essence. Then you have to consider the South, which is the 
only place where black people have a direct relationship to the land in large 
numbers and have a great concentration. There are a number of northern ghettos, 
where Negroes are inhabiting a particular section of territory. But what is the 
developmental status of these places? It there assimilation going on? Is there 
greater concentration going on? Are there separate structures being built up? 
I don't know. You don't make the argument. The argument that there should 
be a separate party for black people because they're a separate nation doesn't 
strike me as the right reason. You might agree on the other hand, that within 
the socialist revolutionary front, you've got to have some structure to protect 
the interests of Negro people in this country, precisely because this country is 
founded on slavery, and developed with racism as an organic part of its history, 
that racism is an organic and psychological part of the white working class, and 
that the self-protection of the black people requires that the revolutionaries set 
up a separate protection device which might be a separate party. 

For example, in China, you have nine (9) parties — a separate party for 
artists, for intellectuals, and so on, all of whom are united in the revolutionary 
front. You could make that argument. I don't know if it would require a separate 
party — but it would be a lot more valid to examine it from that point of view. 
I don't see that you can't have a single revolutionary party that has separate 
detachments in it. Now no one can deny that you need black organizations at 
this moment to organize black people. We've tried, and I don't say without suc- 
cess, but without the success that black organizers would have had. There 
is the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee experience in Mississippi 
which is a different type of struggle than ours. They have less handicaps. White 
organizers have a degree of success, but they don't have the kind of success that 
black organizers have, there is a qualitative difference. You have to have a 
special detachment of black revolutionaries. I think in the short nm — in the 
coming period, you have to expect a rise in the influence of the black petty- 
bourgeois, precisely because it is in the interest of the capitalist class to pro- 
duce that rising influence and precisely because there is no black proletarian 
detachment in the ranks of any of the radical movements. Our chief task, as 
for example in the south, would be to strengthen the working-class voice — work- 
ing towards working class leadership which becomes revolutionary leadership. 

MILT ROSEN: 

When the giants of Marxist thought put forward propositions, like nation- 
hood, what immediately flowed from them were strategic and tactical pro- 
grams to make the theory come into being. The ability to carry forward these 
strategies made the theories valid or invalid. The weakness in McAdoo's pres- 
entation is that he hasn't presented any ideas of strategy. That doesn't mean 
that he can't or won't but one of the problems here today is that he hasn't 
and therefore it is too much of an abstraction at this point for anyone to accept 
as valid unless they are two hearts beating as one. It is very hard to debate 
out something without some further development of the idea. In defense of 
Marxism-Leninism, Marxism-Leninism is based on objective laws of society and 
nature, and that theory is an objective theory. Either you agree with it or you 
don't, or you agree with some of it, but not with other parts of it. But if one is 
a Marxist-Leninist, it is based on a certain objectivity and its practitioners 
develop and practice the theory based on an objective and scientific develop- 
ment. If they are not able to do that it is not the fault of the theory, it is the 
weakness of Marxist-Leninists. Either the theory is universal and valid or it 
isn't ; either it can be practised with objectivity or it can't. And if you are saying 
that Marxism-Leninism can't be practised objectively, based on its objective eval- 
uation of society, then that's what you have to say and fight that through ; other- 
wise the concept of two Marxist-Leninist parties in this particular situation I 
don't think is valid. More to the point, McAdoo made a very profound observa- 



1110 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

tion — that nationalism is a very strong trend among the Negro i)eople and that 
it is a petty bourgeois development, and that in some instances it was progressive 
and that in some instances it was reactionary. Unfortunately he didn't say where 
its reactionary, what forces today are reactionary and which progressive, al- 
though he did say that the main practitioners are reactionary, but he didn't 
develop who was positive. In any event, I think this is a very important con- 
sideration. 

In my opinion the Negro question in this country is fundamentally a class 
question and that in the course of any class struggle various political tendencies 
develop which are often positive, such as nationalism. Our task is to see what 
forces are positive, encourage them and win them over to a class point of view. 
In that sense we have to be very clear what we mean by revolutionary and I 
want to underline Morty's point of view, because when I talk about revolutionary 
what I mean is that you want to overthrow the system and have the dictatorship 
of the proletariat. A bourgeois revolutionist wants to oust one bourgeoisie, usually 
a foreign one, and supplant it with a native bourgeoisie ; that's in most cases. 
While in many instances that's a good thing, that's not what I'm fighting for ; I'm 
fighting for the dictatorship of the proletariat. When I talk about revolution that 
what I mean. The reason why many nationalists here are reactionary is that, 
unlike bourgeois nationalists in other countries, bourgeois nationalists here have 
no independent program for their own class interests. They are not looking to 
take away the economic base from the white ruling class, they have no inde- 
pendent program for controlling the economy. They are simply trying to take the 
rough edges off the racism in this country so that they can help sell it together 
with the white ruling class, that is the so-called American democracy, as a viable 
system. They say "Look, if you carry on these vile practices you won't be able 
to fool the other underdeveloped people. You'll be able to fool them better if you 
are not so openly racist." The Negro bourgeoisie in the main is not advocating 
taking away the economic base from the white working class. There are some 
exceptions but we will have to examine to what degree they are moving in this 
direction and what we want to make of it because Malcolm X and the Muslims 
make the point that "Until we have our own black bourgeoisie we won't be free" 
and I don't know what they mean by that, either because the program they put 
forward to meet even that demand is unrealistic, because the main position has 
been that they want the white ruling class to give them territory and land where 
they can go about setting up their black bourgeoisie. 

I personally don't think that's realistic — the white ruling class is never going 
to give anybody anything, certainly not a lot of land — without revolutionary 
struggle. So we might draw the conclusion these guys are phonies and though 
they are edging aroimd something that might have some meaning, they are not 
really serious, because they have no real program, no serious program to achieve 
it. The point I'm trying to make here is that I think that in this country we may 
be able to skip a stage which happens in other countries. In Cuba and maybe 
Algeria and maybe Ghana and a number of other areas there was this bourgeois 
nationalist revolution which included many classes. They fought against a colo- 
nial oppressor, the United States, and later moved to set up the dictatorship of 
the proletariat, as in Cuba. But in this country, because the black bourgeoisie 
has no independent class perspective of its own and has no plans or aspirations, 
at least as far as one can determine, for the ownership of the means of produc- 
tion, (like taking it away and fighting physically with the ruling clas&) possibly 
this particular phase of struggle can be eliminated and what we should concen- 
trate on then is to build workers movements and spend far more time exposing 
the black bourgeoisie than we have. The Communist Party's position was that 
the Negro people's movement was an "all-class" movement and we have found 
that in the main (there are exceptions) the black petty bourgeoisie have been 
universally a big stumbling block to Negro militancy, from the Muslims to King. 
The concept of an all class black liberation movement is a wrong concept and I 
think we should think instead of a working class black liberation front or what- 
ever the proper terminology is. By developing the strength of the workers and 
exposing the vacillations of and explaining why these guys vacillate, it could be 
possible to break away certain sections of the black petty bourgeoisie based on 
independent workers strength, and make some of these guys come over to the 
side of the workers. I'm not saying that it is in the cards that all the black petty 
bourgeoisie have to end up in the hands of the white ruling class. I'm only saying 
that without a powerful workers movement that is where they will end up. 
Secondly, I think that the question of land, from all that we've heard about the 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 1111 

south, is a fundamental question. There has to be a fight made for land. But how 
is a fight usually made for land which is owned by somebody else. 

The only way I know of is that you have to take it away from them. At this 
stage, I don't see a successful legislative battle to get the southern oligarchy to 
cede land territory to the black people. I don't think that's realistic. In the South 
that is the only way I see doing it. That means developing a set of strategy and 
tactics to get this land. You got to be stronger than they are and you have to have 
allies. The subjective concept that militates against alliances and allies is simply 
a disaster and simply irresponsible. You can get bonaflde allies only on the basis 
of your own strength, but you have to have allies and you have to find the ways 
of finding allies even when they are hostile. You have to face the question, "Can 
white people who are today the sharpest chauvinists be won over to common 
struggle?" I personally think that it is possible, but you have to face it frankly 
because many Negroes and whites will say that the white workers are no good 
now, they were no good before and they are never going to be any good. You 
either have to refute that argument or accept it. If you are going to get allies 
which ones are you talking about? If the allies aren't going to be the southern 
oligarchy, and the rich and middle white forces in the south, the only ones left 
are the workers. In the North we have to have strategy, long range strategy, 
where the Negro workers begin to control their communities in slow but sure 
stages. Examples — Rent strikes, Harlem Defense Council — exposing the two 
party system. This can't happen right away. But when people begin to control 
their communities and their political affairs it also puts them in the position of 
having to control the fundamental thing, that is, their economic affairs. But these 
ghettos physically have no relationship to the means of production. The workers 
are here and the means of production are someplace else. To have freedom you 
have to have the means of production. To have freedom and to starve is not 
exactly the greatest victory. 

The logic of the situation is that you are not going to build a new steel plant 
in the middle of Harlem when you have one sitting in Oamden, New Jersey. How 
are you going to get this thing? You first have to have the revolutionary strategy 
of taking it away because it doesn't do you much good to control the slums unless 
you have the means to change the slums. That would compel the Negro workers 
into alliances with white workers. That means you have to start figuring out now 
how you are going to unite these forces, at least on a long range basis, and what 
steps have to be taken to overcome the obstacles to that unity today. I believe 
this is the difference between a working class revolutionary outlook and others. 
No natioaali.st force is express these ideas today. We are critical of this. We say if 
you don't do these things, how can you be free? Suppo.se a black liberation front 
came into being, what would we try to influence it to do? If we were to help 
launch a black liberation front or if a black liberation front were to come into 
existence even without us — which is probably more likely the case, because we 
don't have that much influence— we have some, but I don't put too much stock 
in what we could accomplish on our own. We could help it. We'd have to present 
a class perspective. That's what Marxism-Leninism is. It is the alliance of farm- 
ers and workers to seize the means of production. I don' think the people today 
are prepared to move for these things but I think we should project these things 
as viable and as the only systematic way of going about it, and develop a whole 
number of intermediate strategies such as rent control, taking over houses, de- 
fense against police, seeking to take over certain territory, use of the electoral 
process and so on. Far more fundamental is at all times to hold forward a revolu- 
tionary solution to the problems that confront the people. Simply protesting 
isn't enough. We've all said that picket lines and just the mere act of protest 
is insuflScient, because there's been all forms of direct mass action, and we've 
all said that these haven't changed anything. We've said, "Look at the integra- 
tion movement — thousands in jail, thousands on the picket lines, chained to the 
pillars, stall ins, mow downs and whatever, and while this reflects a great deal of 
courage and militancy on the part of the participants, we've all said, categori- 
cally, black and white, that this ain't getting anybody anyplace. We go so far 
as to call people who do that phonies — which I don't agree with. Some of the 
leaders are phonies, but not the individual participants. I think they're good 
people. 

I don't think nationalism is in any shape, manner or form a revolutionary 
theory, I think it is a lower level of political struggle which is a first step towards 
revolutionary struggle, unless you are talking about setting up a new dictatorship 
of a new bourgeoisie, and I don't think that as Marxists-Leninists that is our 
task. If a black bourgeoisie develops that comes into sharp struggle and has a 

88-083 O — 68 — pt. 2 13 



1112 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

program of its own, with the white bourgeoisie, then we see how to utilize a 
struggle between bourgeois nationalism and imperialism to further advance the 
interests of the workers. When Bill refers to the development of nationalism in 
the Negro community, I think in the main, he's referring to the sentiments of 
thousands of black workers who are fed up, who are hostile to white bosses, 
white workers, to anything white, and want to do something about it — not just 
because they want to do something against white people, but they see white as 
their enemy, and they want to do something to help themselves, they want to 
change the conditions in which they live. So we say that's positive, even though 
within the framework of that there's certain negative characteristics. We help 
move these i)eople. But what's the job as communists? We're not interested in 
moving them against white workers — we're interested in moving them against 
the ruling class, where necessary and if it has to be, yes, to fight against white 
workers — wherever and whenever that case comes up. The main thing is this 
nationalism among black workers- — which is different than nationalism among 
black petty bourgeoisie. This is the positive aspect of nationalism, and that's 
where we want to work, and that's what we want to encourage. It means orga- 
nization and a million and one things. It means a program for that movement 
which takes it into a stage-by-stage contradiction with the ruling class, and 
which, in my opinion takes it closer and closer into alliance with the white 
workers. The job of the white revolutionaries is to bring the white workers into 
sharper and sharper contradiction with the ruling class, as best as possible to de- 
feat white chauvinism among white workers, not on a humanistic basic, but in 
terms of their own self-interest, and to bring them to closer and closer ties and 
alliances with the black workers. That may very well be what was said before 
but I don't know that that makes it wrong. I think that one of the things that 
was essentially wrong before was a mechanical application of Stalin's theory 
of the national question to this country. You (McAdoo) may think it was mechan- 
ical from one aspect and I may think so from another. 
MOADOO : — You mean the white liberal mentality in the party ? 
MILT ROSEN : — Yes, I don't think that has to develop now. I think that the 
basic relationship of Negro and white in the movement and outside the move- 
ment, in terms of who's running whom only develops in the sense of "does the 
party have a revolutionary policy?" If the party has a revolutionary policy and 
program then these questions will be reduced to where they properly stand. 
Therefore, it's the work of the party — ^black and white — to evaluate whether 
the party is moving in a revolutionary direction, whether it's really expressing 
the sentiments of the black workers and the white workers, taking into account 
that there are great discrepancies in the particular conditions of white workers 
and black workers. If it's not doing that, then you're going to impose a tailist 
position on more militant sections of the people, and you're going to come into 
contradiction with them, and you're going to sell them out. I don't know that the 
safeguard for that is having two parties. Otherwise, you're only talking about 
a subjective character to these two parties. That's a subjective thing. The ob- 
jective thing is to put forward a revolutionary line, because you could have a 
black Marxist-Leninist party, which could develop a revisionist line. But I do 
think that in this case where there are strong national feelings among Negro 
workers, we have to be particularly sensitive to this question, and to see how at 
this stage of the game not to come into head-on collisions with these sentiments. 
In other words, white people, and white Marxists-Leninists and the_party as a 
whole have to see how to prevent this. We take steps to meet this in the work in 
Harlem. On the other hand, I don't think anybody would think it was bad if in 
2 years there were % a million black and white workers down at City Hall 
throwing Wagner into the East River. 

MOADOO: — ^My point what we should study what has happened to the ap- 
plication of Marxism-Leninism to this question in the past. On the question of 
two parties, and on whether the Negro people are a nation. It was not I who said 
that the Negro people were a nation. I simply stated that if one of Stalin's points 
were the only thing we had to consider, and if we looked at it in a certain way, 
then we would have to consider the Negro people a nation — that related to ter- 
ritory. I suggested two parties as one possible method to deal with a particular 
problem. My thoughts are not fixed. I think the tactical criticism is valid, and 
I would like for that reason to talk about Harlem^ — the period from the 18th of 
July to the 25th of July. In that period we made a lot of mistakes, and we did 
a lot of things that were correct. We gained a small victory and a big defeat. The 
main reason was because there was no concept of the relationship of forces there. 
We had the opportunity to bring multitudes of people close to us — not just in 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 1113 

Harlem, but in Bedford-Stuyvesant, Jamaica, etc. Had we had the program, and 
skill in organizing. We failed. The unity committee joined with the ruling class 
and opposed us — but there were people who wanted to line up with us — to come 
down and demonstrate with us. But did we go over there and debate them? No. 
We spent too much time condemning without looking at the relationship of forces, 
and we spent our time with Overton, Lawson, etc. who are some of the most 
ardent supporters of the ruling class, trying to negotiate. 

We didn't organize at that moment — and the idea of organizing at such move- 
ment is alien to the left. They accepted it as a riot, and not a rebellion. They 
helped strip it of any justification and dignity. We didn't get the support we 
needed and could have gotten even from the East Side Club. Someone said the 
majority of the Negro people are in the Democratic party. Did they call the 
rebellion? No. It's not in their interest. So I don't know what significance that 
point has. Another aspect of the rebellion — admitted by all bourgeois writers is 
that it wasn't a race riot — but a rebellion against the powers to be — a class 
struggle. Even they recognize a new quality of struggle, in Harlem, Philadelphia, 
etc. 

From a practical point of view, when we discuss whether the Negroes are a 
nation, we have to examine situations like this — because it's a moment of truth 
which let's us know what the relationship of forces are. \^^lat did the reactionary 
nationalists do ? Those that weren't on the unity committee — ready to beat the hell 
out of us — kept their mouths shut, like Malcolm X and his group. We just asked 
them to read a statement he made over in Africa. They wouldn't do it. Lawson, 
representative of the Negro wine sellers association, and the little Negro banks — 
we know what he did. He organized a goon squad to beat the hell out of us. We 
could have known that before. In the unity committee we could have won some 
of them over, however, we were inexperienced, and we hadn't done enough 
practical work. That's why we failed. 

FRED : I'm not sure that the defeat was bigger than the victory — but mistakes 
were certainly made. I tend to think that the overall result was positive. Be that 
as it may, McAdoo's criticisms are largely valid. Milt's and McAdoo's remarks 
provide us with a very interesting structure within which to continue this dis- 
cussion. McAdoo mentioned but didn't stress — our lack of a theoretical position 
at that point. That was also key. That went hand in hand with the organizational 
weaknesses. Milt has made an important theoretical assertion. That is, that in the 
U.S. today, given the industrialized, advanced capitalist nature of the country, 
that it is possible to skip the separate stage of the completion of the bourgeois 
democratic revolution for the Negro people. The completion of the bourgeois 
democratic revolution will come about simultaneously with achievement of the 
socialist revolution. Not that all struggles for one have to be the same as for the 
other. The emphasis then becomes a class emphasis in the struggle. In evaluating 
the relationship of forces, what's your criteria for evaluating them? Milt's 
position becomes framework for these criteria of evaluation. In other words, 
what is their relationship to the development of a working class and a class 
approach within the black liberation movement, their base, their consciousness, 
their potential, direction, and so on? We may have been doing this without think- 
ing about it in the past But there are people in this organization who do n.ot 
think it is possible to skip that stage. I've never seen that proposal written 
anywhere — or discussed theoretically. I tend to agree with it. I think that dis- 
cussion is crucial. 

UNA MULZAC : I just want to make some remarks on July 25th, etc. I wasn't 
in the country at that time, but I think that the ruling class in the U.S. received 
a real jolt in their propaganda when they arrested Bill Epton and the others. 
This is the way people in other coimtries looked at it — the ruling class was pre- 
sented as leaders of the so-called "free world", and yet they prevent people from 
expressing objections to oppression in their own country. When the news was 
flashed over the radio, it was presented as "Here are the most courageous people 
in the United States standing up against the most terrorist state forces in the 
world". Millions of people around the world saw this as a new stage. As to the 
question of whether the results were more negative than positive — I certainly 
think they were more positive. 

MCADOO: It wasn't an easy question to decide whether to carry out this 
march. We knew the police were going to send Lawson's goons after us — and 
photograph it. We didn't want to allow them to make it seem as though black 
was fighting black— that the majority of the people in Harlem were against this 
rebellion — ^and against us. Another tactical consideration was whether we could 
win sections of the unity committee over to us. We decided to go ahead with the 



1114 SUBVERSIVE ZNTLUENCES EST RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

march. We had the people to protect us — many who belong to various nationalist 
organizations. We also decided that though we were going to carry out the 
march — we were going to instruct the people to allow the police to seize us. This 
was the march which made headlines all over the world and brought in a differ- 
ent concept to the whole picture. That's a victory. But what have we con- 
solidated out of this victory ? What new forces have we brought to us and put into 
motion? So little that when the attack came, we began losing people. People who 
had been militant just dropped away. In terms of what we could have had, we 
suffered a defeat. 

SELMA SPARKS : I don't want to be second guessing you, but the defeat came 
about because there was a lack of a base in the community. You must have some- 
thing of your own. If we have something of our own it must be based in our com- 
munity otherwise its not ours. No white led, white run organization can have a 
base in the black community. When people know you are part of a. white group, 
you don't have the support, you cannot. Randolph said black communists are 
carriers of water for white communists. Whatever you may think of the man, this 
happens to be a truth in the minds of most people because it was true in the old 
OP. They are not for the integrated left organizations. You deal with people 
where they are now and not where you hope them to be five years from now. 
VTliere is the black average person today? Is he in the camp of black-white unity? 
He is not. Neither is the average white worker. You have to organize accord- 
ingly, always knowing that as the level raises you come to the point where you 
can unite. You can't do it today. You have to begin concentration developing 
a black revolutionary concept and a black revolutionary grouping, a movement 
based on the black community with black leadership — a black organization, not 
a white revolutionary group being kind enough to incorporate in it black revolu- 
tionaries. The paternalism in that concept defeated the old left. 
MILT ROSEN: Just let me interject — what Selma is arguing is very much 
to the point although I don't agree with what she ways. First of all the old CP 
(Oommunist Party) didn't lose whatever base it had among the Negro people 
because the white leaders in the CP controlled the Negro leaders, although that 
was the case. It lost its base not because of a subjective factor, but because it 
abandoned its revolutionary outlook. Sometimes people see what is superficial, 
though correct, but not what is fundamental. For us it is more important to 
see what is fundamental and not what is the end result of an incorrect policy. 
In the second place, there is a great contradiction between what you say and what 
Bill McAdoo says, because people by the hundreds came to the Progressive 
Labor Movement, and integrated organization, and he says they came there 
whether they knew it was integrated or they didn't know it was integrated. 
Hundreds of people only came there. They went no place else. And the reason 
they came there was because, as he says, this was the only center which afforded 
the people some avenue of leadership and some avenue of struggle when all 
others abandoned it. Where there are leaders, black leaders, and when there is 
a program to suit the needs of the black people, that is the fundamental con- 
sideration. We didn't make the breakthrough precisely because the black cadre 
that we had in this particular situation reflected not only their own weaknesses 
of the Marxist-Leninist movement and did not have the strength or the ideologi- 
cal wherewithall to make this breakthrough. I dare say if we would have done all 
the things everybody wanted us to do we would have made that breakthrough, 
even though PL is a white organization. And then what would you say-? We didn't 
win the people because we didn't do the work, and we weren't in a position to do 
the work both physically and ideologically, and that's all of our weaknesses. We 
didn't lay the groundwork and when it happened we were weak. So I don't see 
how your arguments hold water except in the sense that Negro workers have 
national feelings, and this is only one part of a big story. 

SELMA SPARKS: Except for one thing— had the group (Bill Epton and 
group) had their base in the community, had they known that they had to depend 
on that, they would have done the work necessary to organize the people, because 
they would not have made a move without having the people there. 
MILT ROSEN: For the sake of fact, Bill Epton, because of a whole series of 
reasons was the Negro cadre in Harlem and, he worked no place else but Harlem. 
He knew this before ; that's all he did. All this shows is a whole combination of 
weaknesses. You're saying that if Bill Epton had done all this work, then this 
wouldn't have happened. I'm saying he did do all this work, but that's all he 
oould produce. That's not a criticism of him. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTESTG, AND BURNING 1115 

LARRY PHELPS : What I'd like to emphasize is Freddy's discussion of criteria 
to evaluate the work, and the development. Milt said, "we must develop 
a program which takes into account the stage by stage struggle against the 
ruling class." You said that struggles around rent strikes, HDC's, etc. Could 
lead from struggles in the community to struggles for the seizure of factories. 
What I would contrast with the stage-by-stage theory is my idea that we don't 
need intermediate goals. I'm not saying I'm against such things as a third 
party or a second labor front at some future time, It is obvious that in almost 
every Southern Negro community, some kind of community self-defense will 
develop. There are 15 points for a program for action in the convention bulletin. 
My emphasis would be that it is not these demands which lead to struggle, 
but it is the political interpretation of these various issues, which if carried 
to the mass organizations — people are struggling over these things now. What 
is crucial is that they don't have any conception of the nature of their struggle. 
That conception comes from the political analysis you give of that particular 
issue — the political conditions which you describe which are necessary for the 
completion of that issue. Now that doesn't presuppose that your political analysis 
always says that only under socialism will this happen. What is really necessary 
is not just calling for the seizure of territory, but getting down to the hard work 
of politicalizing. Trying to explain the political implications of every issue that 
arises. We were involved in a number of issues in Monroe — ^the contacts were 
as good as we could expect in the situation. But there was no consistent attitude 
toward political agitation. That is the major weakness of our organization. 
The level of our agitation has been on the level of the consciousness of the people 
where they are now. From my reading of Challenge, it seems to me that you're 
telling people in Harlem what they already know. Insofar as systematic elevation, 
this is not occurring. 

MCADOO: Milt is saying that the struggle for national liberation is part of 
the class struggle. That's fundamental and I agree with him. But we have a 
problem to deal with — the one Selma posed. On the 25th of July, we got a 
phone call from a group of people who want to come down and join the march — 
a white group. They came down to Harlem; they wanted to join the march. 
Our response was to send them out of Harlem. We said to them, "Don't you 
have anything in your commimity you can do for us?" They couldn't understand 
why we didn't want them. We kicked them out. If we had allowed them to stay 
the result might have been disastrous, for us in Harlem. Because we have to 
resolve this problem, does not mean we necessarily need two parties. The fact 
is that the whole so-called civil rights movement is white-controlled, white run, 
white liberal, and the money comes from them, and they set up the program, 
and this has been history. Part of the weakness for not working to break the 
ban in Harlem, and raise money was because certain of the people in Harlem 
thought that the money was forthcoming out of a gold cup, downtown. Whatever 
we say, it is the first task of white revolutionaries to confront reaction in white 
neighborhoods. 

MORTY : I want to start with one point Milt made that I don't agree with. 
There's two ways of posing the question — that the Negro question is funda- 
mentally a national question, which is ultimately a class question, or is it simply 
a class question. The question of skipping the stage of an anti-imperialist national 
revolution (which I think is different from a bourgeois democratic revolution), 
gives rise to the seeming contradiction between what Selma is saying and what 
Milt is saying. The difference between a bourgeois democratic revolution and 
an anti-imperialist national revolution : I think that the concept of the comple- 
tion of the bourgeois democratic revolution gives rise to the idea that the 
bourgeoisie of this country is going to complete this revolution. An anti-imperial- 
ist nationalist revolution implies a struggle against the bourgeoisie for demo- 
cratic demands. If we evaluate it as a class question, we will only take national 
feelings into account tactically. I think that would be an error. It would also 
lead to errors of a sectarian character toward other class sectors of the Negro 
people. I view it as a national liberation movement. A movement that goes 
beyond the working class, involving other classes. The national bourgeois will 
split, a sector going over to the imperialists, another sector being won over under 
the pressure of a working class leadership. But because it is a national libera- 
tion movement, whether we want them to or not — ^national liberation organiza- 
tions will emerge among the people. The question is — as Marxists-Leninists, 
who have the orientation that in order achieve freedom — the means of pro- 
duction have to be seized and the state power has to be smashed, what is the 



1116 SUBVERSIVE mFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

role of Marxists-Leninists within the liberation front and there is where the 
class position emerges. Marxists-Leninists don't take a bourgeois nationalist 
position within the national liberation front. This happens in all national libera- 
tion fronts — when the party just takes a bourgeois nationalist position, the 
national bourgeoisie will lead the revolution. The party has to be the working- 
class sector which bi*ings forward a class position, taking into account that it is 
objectively a national liberation movement. 

The objective of smashing the imperialists economically and politically can 
only be achieved by the class as a whole. The party of the class should be one 
party. I don't see why this lessens the ability of the black comrades to build 
an independent black revolutionary movements. One of the comrades on the 
coast, who comes from the Afro-American National Association, tried to build 
a black liberation front (GOBRA), ran into very serious problems. Some nation- 
alists wanted to do things for which there was no political base. Other national- 
ists just directed fire at the civil rights leadership, without bringing forward an 
alternative program, because, in effect they didn't want to work among the 
masses, on a day to day basis. And he was a member of PL. And they made a 
frontal attack on the point Selma raised — "Are you still black"? They kept 
asking him "in that white man's organization." Theoretically he felt he was 
correct, but not having a base, in practice it was a real contradiction — they 
couldn't resolve it. At this time, I don't think the Marxist-Leninist party will 
attract masses of black people to it, because of the depth of white chauvinism 
in this country, and because of the depth of nationalism. I think a black revolu- 
tionary front can be developed and should be developed, and we should support 
it, and advocate it. After all, the fight to establish a revolution in this country 
and the fight to establish socialism isn't based on conditions today. I think it 
wovild be a real strategic defeat to launch a program where the vanguard, the 
most class conscious forces in the country, say it's impossible to work within 
the same organization. But I think that this would be capitulation both to white 
chauvinism and nationalism, even though in an immediate sense, we must take 
into account the feelings of the people. In the long range sense it reflects a 
defeatist attitude on this question. We should hold before the people the possi- 
bility of unity of revolutionaries — working class revolutionaries. 
ALICE JEROME : I think there is some confusion as to the differences between 
the formation of a mass organization and a Marxist-Leninist party. If you had 
today a completely black organization in Harlem — ^with PL's policies — you would 
still not have a mass membership, because the masses of black workers, just like 
the masses of white workers, are not yet ready to take a Marxist-Lenin posi- 
tion. We haven't done enough work among them ; we haven't had enough strug- 
gles among them ; we haven't won them over yet. But there is a difference be- 
tween a masis movement which is possible to have today on a more minimum pro- 
gram than a complete Marxist-Leninist party — ^which is what we are talking 
about when we say an anti-imperialist liheration front. If this building of an 
anti-imperialist national liberation movement is done at the present time, in 
Harlem and in other Negro communities, by black Marxists, as you gradually re- 
cruit people to a Marxist-Leninist position, those people will be just as ready as 
yoTi are, as they become Marxists-Leninists to work essentially within a working 
class organization — an organization that is formed on a class basis of Marxist- 
Leninists, both hlack and white. I don't think yon can skip the stage of working 
with the national anti-imperialist liberation movement. That is wliathas to be 
built, and that is what there is a basis for building, through the struggles that 
were begun. Often we have made the mistake in the past of confusing our posi- 
tion the feeling we have to take the Marxist-Leninist position that matches the 
level of consciousness of the people at a given movement. We know that the level 
of consciousness of the i>eople is not the same as the level of consfiousnes of the 
vanguard organization. And we can't irim one to the other. But that doesn't mean 
that we can just ignore — we have to work at the level of consciousness of the 
people. We have to work with each group where they are, and we have to carry on 
struggles where they are, but we still do not have to trim our ultimate and stra- 
tegic program, as a Marxist-Leninist movement, to the level of consciousnesis of 
any group of people. 

Certainly, if we tried to trim it to the level of consciousness of the white work- 
ing class, which is below that of the Negro working class — where would be be? 
We'd have no basis for a Marxist-Leninist program. I don't think there's any 
need for assuming that as tliis Marxist-Leninist organization is able to recruit 
people who really understand the vanguard position, that the white working 
clasis is going to necessarily have hegemony in that organization. If we go by the 



SUBVERSIVE INTLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 1117 

present situation, the black working class is much more advanced than the 
white — it is much more likely that the leadership of a truly Marxist-Leninist 
organization would be more largely a Negro leadership than a white leader- 
ship. If you're realistic about the world today, you begin to see the whites as 
the minority in the world. For the moment you need a black led, mass anti im- 
peralist liberation organization in Harlem and other black communities of some 
kind. 

MILT ROSEN : And what would its demands be? 

ALICE JEROME : It would be very similar to demands in other communities, You 
would be against police brutality, for jobs, for anti-imperialist Negro leadership 
in every phase of life — that would be in education, in jobs, in unions. That would 
be a struggle that would be different than the struggle just for jobs and housing, 
and against police brutality. It would be for the leadership by the Negro people 
of their unions, and of these struggles, there would be differences, but I can't 
spell them out now. There are the two things — and we shouldn't confuse them. 
There was a time when we could have gone along with and participated in and 
helped to stimulate a much more wide spread uprising on the lower east side, 
as part of our expression of support and solidarity to what was going on in Har- 
lem, and we didn't do it, and we very consciously didn't do it. We tried to evaluate 
our position in the community, as to who would go with us and who wouldn't, 
and we felt that the main support for the antipolice uprising that was imminent 
on 3rd street where we were having our street meetings were not the Puerto Rican 
people of that community — we knew the kids very well, who belong to a couple 
of gangs on the east side, who came to our meeting with their stickballs bats 
and everything, really ready for action — we did not go ahead. We said to them, 
we're going to give as much support as possible to Harlem, but we're not going 
to make it a provocation. They went along with it. We can analyze this — did 
we just chicken out? Why didn't we go ahead with it — was it because we were 
just scared, because we weren't ready to give enough support to Harlem? Were 
we correct in feeling that we didn't have enough of the community with us, to 
really carry on something that would have been significant? We felt that we could 
not carry an action through with any kind of success or value, other than a blood 
bath. 

BILL MCADOO : We didn't have a base in Harlem. 
MILT ROSEN : But you didn't start the riot. 

ALICE JEROME : If the opportunity comes again — the big question is — how to 
consolidate whatever gains are made. We also had many people coming through 
our doors. Why weren't we able to hold on to more of this mass interest? You 
(McAdoo) said we didn't seize hold of these people. Well, you can't seize hold 
of them physically — the problem is how you take it from this stage to the con- 
solidated stage, where the people are ready to go ahead with the day to day 
work. There's no magic answer — but there is the thing Larry said — of working 
to raise the political level while we're fighting on the immediate issues. 
MIKE CRENOVICH : I would like to put forward the need of presenting, together 
w4th the new concepts and ideas put forth, some of the analysis that brings those 
conclusions. For example — on the question of skipping the bourgeois democratic 
stage — we have to establish what is the position of the Negro people in relation 
to imperialism. I would suppose that it has certain characteristics that would 
make skipping that stage valid. The new countries of Africa and Asia are 
going through that process, of trying to achieve a bourgeois democratic revolu- 
tion before a socialist revolution. On the other hand, in Latin America, the Com- 
munist Parties have put forth for a long time, that the bourgeois democratic 
revolutions were never completed, and therefore the first task was completing it. 
That seems to be a fallacy and has been proven wrong. 

There cannot be any meaningful change unless it goes in the direction of a 
socialist revolution — because of Cuba and because of the objective conditions 
in all countries. Waiting to complete a bourgeois democratic revolution in Latin 
America before going to a socialist stage is incorrect, and leads to a misdirecting 
of the struggle, and defeat, instead of achieving victory. As important as the 
rebellion in Harlem was, we say that it's a new stage, but we haven't analyzed 
it — the character it had, why it had that character, why it was repeated in other 
cities, how it was repeated. On the point Epton raises about Negroes in the 
Democratic party — it would be important to find out how many people actually 
vote, how many don't. It's possible that the i)eople who never vote would respond 
to a political party of a different nature. In relation to the struggle in the 
south — how many people are involved in it; who are they; does the character 



1118 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

of their involvement in different instances reveal something as to their mood 
as to engaging in a struggle? Unless we have some analysis of the subjective 
factors, it is difficult to come to some conclusion on the other things we've been 
discussing. 

MILT ROSEN : I want to make a little sharper the position I took, and make 
it a little more way out. First of all, there's never been a national proletarian 
revolution, in the sense that we speak of bourgeois national revolutions. There 
never was, there never will be. There are bourgeois national revolutions in 
which the native bourgeoisi emerges, challenges the outside bourgeois, and in 
order to win the workers to their side, says that when we get power, we're going 
to pay you more — we're going to give you a little bit bigger piece of the pie 
than the other guys did, and therefore, those workers support the native 
bourgeois. I don't think we have a national liberation movement in the U.S. 
today — although I've used the term as much as anybody else. I think it's just a 
mimicking of a term that's developed in the international movement, that seems 
on the surface appropos to the situation here. We used it because we don't 
have a clear position of our ovni and it sounds nice. Superficially you can make 
a case for it, but I don't believe it's what exists here at all. My own feeling is 
that what exists here is that the Negro question is fundamentally a class strug- 
gle, and is being motored in many respects by many national considerations. 
EPTON : Do you take class as opposed to national'? 

ROSEN : No, not as opposed, I think that the class question is motored by the 
national question. We have a very peculiar logic in our argument. For example, 
we've said, many time that the Negro petty bourgeoisie has been the main 
force for the integration movement in the south, and we know that the whites 
have been able to unite with that movement, the ruling class has been able to 
identify with it (not unite, but identify), and we've said time and time again, 
that in the main, it has not been able to win the majority of the workers, or 
poor farmers to their movement although there is sympathy. Because, sure, 
they're not against the Negro petty bourgeoisie winning the right to eat at a 
restaurant, and they themselves, if they had the money, wouldn't mind eating 
at that restaurant, and besides which there is the whole question of degradation, 
and that concerns every Negro. But obviously some Negroes are prepared to 
fight for it far harder than others — especially the petty-bourgeoisie. If that's 
the case — (and we've said this about the North as well) — whether its social in- 
tegration or whatever — we've proven to ourselves that it isn't a question of 
integration, although any Negro who want to send his kid to an integrated 
school, should have the right, but we've always said that isn't the main desire 
of the mass of Negro workers. If these aren't the main desires — what are they? 
My opinion is that the main thing that concerns the Negro workers in the U.S. 
today is jobs. That's the #1 issue. 

When I was in Birming'ham — ^we evaluated that situation from other mili- 
tants — like for example — Len Holt an article in the Guardian — he said very 
clearly — the main issue among the masses is jobs, although the masses supported 
the drive for limited integration and compelled, compelled, remember? the integra- 
tion leadership to insert the question of jobs. When the demonstrations first 
started there it wasn't around the question of jobs. That question came into the 
demands later on, when the mass of the Negroes said "Look, what are we break- 
ing our ass for? We don't care — we don't care — we have no work here." So Mar- 
tin Luther King and the committee said they'd negotiate with the businessmen 
downtown, and we'll try to get you some jobs. And we know that they sold out 
that issue. Now we all agree on one thing it seems to me— some people want two 
parties — but we all say we should have a black movement — based on black work- 
ing class strength. Well, that would be the demands of that movement? The de- 
mands wouldn't be "national liberation." That's baloney. They want jobs, better 
housing, beter schools, and yes, a lot of people would identify with supporting 
national liberation movements in other countries, because they don't want to go 
and fight in the Congo, etc. Tliat's not national liberation. Every one of these 
demands are either of an international class character refiecting proletarian inter- 
nationalism, or reflect their own class demands. So how do you make that into 
a national liberation movement? It's nothing of the kind. I'll tell you another 
thing — when Castro came to Harlem — ^a white man — ^he put those phony national- 
ist leaders off the comer. Tens of thousands of Negroes came and stood out in 
front of the Hotel Theresa, because here was a guy who was the head of a revolu- 
tionary movement. 



SUBVERSIVE rNTLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 1119 

MCADOO : You're wrong. He was a black man. Just like there are 650 million 
blacks in China. 

MILT ROSEN : They viewed him as one of their own, because here was a guy who 
led his people and defeated the very same bosses they're against, and they hailed 
him on that basis — not because he was a white man. Otherwise, why were they 
responding to him? 

MCADOO : I'll tell you, because he's a black man in Harlem. 
ROSEN : That may be— «o by that same logic — I'll be a black man in Harlem. 
That's exactly the point I'm making. Because the two basic issues that emerge 
are internationalism with China, with Cuba, with Africa, with Latin America 
and with the Soviet Union, if she pursued a class program. And the main demands 
of the people today are for class questions, and for class demands and that's 
why I say it's fundamentally a class question. Yes, if you had a black bour- 
geoisie — ^that had a conference and said "We are going to start a movement to 
expropriate the land and industry in the black belt in the south. And when we 
take it over, we're going to hire black workers, pay them higher wages than they 
get now, and if need be, we're going to fight for tiis, and we call upon all black 
workers to support this, I say yeah, that's a national liberation movement^ — That 
a black bourgeoisie, with a program, it's drawing the workers into alliance with 
them, on the basis of concessions to these workers, and the enemy is the white 
ruling class, and the white workers if they support the white ruling class. You do 
not have that in this country, and that's why this stage is going to be skipped, 
whether we like it or not. Because, if you go to the Negro masses today with 
some idea of nation, national liberation movement, I don't think you're going to 
get far. Yes, you explain what racism is— how it's used to exploit people, etc. 
But the demands are going to come out the same. Every demand that was written 
in Harlem — that was successful — that won the support of the black people was 
essentially class demands (and they're the ones you wrote — Epton — and you 
McAdoo — and you, and you, or that any one of us would have written.) And 
that's the proof. Your policy has to coincide with the strategy and tactics. Lenin 
and Stalin applied their analysis of the national question to the Soviet Union — 
and they developed specific strategy and tactics in terms of the national minorities 
that exist in the Soviet Union. 

FRED : I think this is the key point — for or against it. Morty, your remarks 
appearing to disagree at least in part with this were not all all convincing. You 
stated the difference between a bourgeois democratic revolution and an anti- 
imperialist nationalist revolution — I don't know what it is. If a national revolu- 
tion is different from a socialist revolution, then that's a key difference. I don't see 
this other difference. The specific point that the Negro freedom struggle is some- 
thing that involves other classes, well that doesn't negate the point that Milt is 
making. Every socialist revolution involves other classes, has involved other 
classes and has to involve other classes. Unless you're saying it involves the entire 
other class. Unless you're making an estimate of the Negro petty bourgeoisie that 
the entire Negro petty bourgeoisie is going to be involved in this. I think the facts 
show that that's not the case. Large sections of the Negro petty bourgeoisie are 
playing an anti-revolutionary role. That doesn't mean entirely — section of it will 
be involved in this — certainly. But that doe.sn't negate the point that it is basically 
a class revolution, and that this stage will be skipped. All I'm saying is that 
haven't proved the point — I don't say that the point is settled. That's critical — 
that means that really the development of organizations based on a working 
class position, taking into account the national atmosphere that exists — that they 
be black organizations. It means the development particularly — in addition to 
that — of socialist agitation by black leaders in the black community, and there 
can be a class group which is not a socialist group. It means an evaluation of 
other forces in the commimity based on this criterion. It is a new framework 
within which to put this. There are a number of question that have to be raised, 
although my tendency is to agree with it. I don't think that this means that 
there are no national demands to be included. You Mort? criticized this because 
it left the national things to tactics. That (taking Milt's position) doesn't mean 
that one abandons all these tactics sensitivity to national feelings. This brings up 
the question that Larry raised — two things : one that we need more socialist 
agitation, which I think is valid ; but at the same time he was saying there should 
be no intermediary goals, short of socialism. That means when you were in that 
situation in Harlem, when nobody else was doing anything, you should have 
said "socialism is the answer" — . Unless you have an intermediary goal, you 
have to — 

88-083 O — 68 — ^pt. 2 14 



1120 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

LARRY : You don't have to have any goal. You could explain what the hell is 
happening. FRED : That's my point. Larry is saying, you don't have to have 
any goal, you just have to explain what is happening. I disagree with that. As 
far as the question of two parties is concerned, I agree with Bill McAdoo — in 
that the question can't be simply brushed aside with the sense that "well, if 
you're truly a Marxist-Leninist party, everybody will be equal". That true 
theoretically. Reality is that you're a Marxist-Leninist party within the atmos- 
phere of a decadent white suprenicist, racist society, which affects us all. Even 
within that party there are tendencies. Just as there are nationalist tendencies 
which may be unhealthy to some extent among black Marxists-Leninists, there 
are certainly chauvanist tendencies which are unhealthy among white Marxists- 
Leninists. It doesn't take much for the word to get around. These tendencies play 
off on each other within a movement. I don't agree with Selma's conclusion that 
therefore, you need two parties, because I don't think its been demonstrated. 
But I think we should not confuse what is a healthy nation among the masses 
of people with what should be a correct Marxist-Leninist position. We should 
not say that something is our own because it is black, in the sense that we really 
think it is our own. 

EDDIE LEMANSKY : The way in which this issue of the Negro question 
being a class question has been raised — it's been raised with the proviso that 
"of course we have to take account of the feelings of nationalism of the Negro 
people" which I think is true, but what hasn't been raised is the fact that while 
Negroes workers are members of the same class as white workers, there are ob- 
jective differences in their interests and needs, not just differences of feeling, 
or differences of identity. Just as there are real differences, for example, 
between the needs of Cuban workers and American workers. The American 
ruling class in fact, plays on that, by speaking to white workers and saying 
"These Negroes are coming to take your jobs." They can say that in the cirl- 
cumstance of a lack of enough jobs for everyone. Now, if you're going to make 
sure that our party maintains a real fight for the interests of the Negro people, we 
have to be very clear that there are going to be circumstances in which, because of 
the super-exploitation of Negroes, they're going to be put in the position where 
they're going to have to fight with white workers. We have to be certain that we 
support those demands. Too many times the issue of a common class has been 
raised as a method of holding Negroes back. This is precisely the feeling that 
Selma was speaking to, and Bill. Unless we're clear where we are on these things — 
then the only guarantee will become separate organizations. If we're serious 
about our revolutionary perspective, then we're going to be serious on those 
issues where there very well might be a conflict between white and black workers. 
UNA : You (Milt) made the point that there is no such thing as a national 
liberation movement. Well, what do you call this very strong anti-white senti- 
ment in the Negro community? Is this not the thing that we've been throwing 
around as the healthy national liberation feeling? 

MILT : I don't think that's a national liberation movement. Take for exam- 
ple — the rebellions all over the country. Generally what we've said is that the 
people were rebelling against their conditions. The object of their rebellion 
was in the immediate sense the white police, who represented the white bosses, 
and anybody who was white. I also say that the national feeling — of common 
oppression, etc. — which is propelling the black workers — because those were 
black workers in the main, those weren't the black petty bourgeoisie- out in the 
street. This is what's propelling them towards fighting for very specific demands. 
So therefore, this nationalism is good because it helps and spurs the people to 
fight for specific programmatic reforms, which include of course the whole 
question of certain democratic freedoms. This doesn't necessarily mean that 
it's a national liberation movement. I don't want to argue the semantics of it 
though. It has many different features from what we've called national liber- 
ation movements in the past. 
MCADOO : That doesn't mean it shouldn't exist. 

MILT: Absolutely, MCADOO: Or that it should not exist MILT: It's going 
to exist. We want it, we encourage it, we build organizations on it. But the 
main demands of this movement are going to be around class questions. 
EPTON: Are you saying that the demands and the work going on, are class 
demands and the actions are around class demands, but it's within the frame- 
work of a national movement. 

MILT: No. I would say, that's based on the radical oppression of the Negro 
people by the white ruling class. But this is not a national liberation movement 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 1121 

iin the sense that we have spoken of one. It is not a movement for the black 
bourgeoisie to win economic control of sections of the country which is what a 
national liberation movement has historically been. 

EPTON: The class question in relationship to the national question. How do 
you put the two together. 

MILT: I put the two together because they — EPTON: Are they together? 
MILT: Yes, particularly related, but the main thing that comes out of it is a 
development of the class status of the people, precisely because they're workers. 
It isn't the black bourgeoisie out in the streets fighting for their demands. It's 
black workers fighting for their demands as black workers. They're not fighting 
for the right of a black boss to open up a steel mill. They're not fighting for the 
right of black bosses even to get a piece of the steel mill. Now, based on the 
strength that black workers can develop, and the development of a real move- 
ment, they will compel sections of the black petty bourgeoisie to come to their 
side, just as in other revolutions — ^the workers have been able to comi)el (by 
their own strength) the intelligencia, the i)etty bourgeoisie (sections of), etc. to 
come to their side. For example — the Chinese say quite categorically that the 
Chinese petty bourgeoisie financed the Chinese revolution — ^but the Chinese 
petty bourgeoisie wouldn't have if the peasants and the working class weren't 
moving in a revolutionary direction. 

MORTT : In your opinion, a natonal liberation movement can only be led by 
the bourgeoisie? 
MILT : In the main, that's right. 

MORTY: Well, who led the Cuban revolution? Didn't the working class play a 
decisive role. 
CHORUS: No, no. 
FRED : A decisive role — ^but that doesn't mean that they lead it. 



INDEX 

INDIVIDUALS 

A 

Page 

Adifumi, Oserjeran 1074 

Albizu Campos (Pedro) 954, 976, 985 

Anderson, Vivian 932-935, 944, 1002, 1003, 1025, 1026 

Anderson, William 1024 

Anekwe, Simon 1072 

Apter, Robert 944 

Armand, Lisa. {See Warren, Susan (Sue).) 

B 

Bailey, Lawrence R 1072 

Banks, Gilbert 1074 

Bamett, Nathaniel 931, 934, 944, 1030 

Bamett, Ross 936, 946 

Barry, Marion 1079 

Bassett, T. R 1049 

Begun, Isadore 930, 931, 933, 934 

Bell, Edward U 987 

Boutelle, Paul 1034, 1035, 1038, 1039, 1073-1075 

Bowe, Walter 926, 971, 1038, 1040-1043, 1046, 1047 

Braden, Anne (Mrs. Carl Braden) 1094 

Braden, Carl 1094 

Branch, Stanley 1079 

Brazier, Benny 941, 983 

Brazier, Billie 956 

Brazier, Ralph 941, 957, 986 

Brown, H. Rap 1079, 1080 

Byrne, Raymond J 1060 

C 

CaUender, Herbert (Herb) 926, 1032, 1034 

Campbell, Leslie 1074 

Campos, (Pedro) Albizu. {See Albizu Campos, (Pedro) .) 

Carmichael, Stokely 979, 1054 

Carnegie, Amos 1072 

Carroll, Patrick J 1060 

Castro (Fidel) 926, 1118, 1119 

Charles 37X. {See Morris, Charles.) 

Chestnut, Otis 932, 933, 935, 944, 948, 987 

Clemente, Genoveva 949 

Cohn, Roy 996 

Collier, Robert 926, 971, 1034, 1037-1047, 1073 

Conner (Eugene) "BuU" 984 

Conroy, Joseph M 1071, 1072 

Copeland, Vincent 1095 

Crenovich, Michael (Mike) 931, 934, 936, 944, 1027-1029, 1117 

Cruse, Harold 1106 

D 

Davidow, Mike 1049 

Davis, Benjamin J 980 

Davis, Edward Mills 1049 

Dejesus, Felipe 1059 

Dickerson, Lloyd 990 

1 



li INDEX 

Page 

Dones, Manuel 1058 

Douglas, David 932-935,938,944,984, 1002, 1022-1024 

Dubinsky (David) 975 

Duclos, Michelle 926, 1039, 1041-1043 

Dufflar 1058 

Duncan, Donald 1078 

E 

Edmundson, Arlis 982 

Epton, Beryl (Mrs. William Epton) 932-934 

Epton, William 923, 

924, 930-947, 949, 950, 954, 960, 967-971, 983-986, 988, 991, 
992, 995, 996, 1002, 1003, 1022, 1024, 1026, 1027, 1029, 1047, 
1050, 1073-1075, 1084, 1085, 1093, 1094, 1099,1100, 1102, 1104, 
1113, 1114, 1117, 1119-1121 

Erby, Nelson 1055 

Evers, Medgar 999, 1056 

F 

Farmer, James (L.) 925,989,991,1049 

Ferguson, Herman B 1071-1073, 1075 

Figueroa, Alejandro 976 

Foreman, James 927, 1080, 1083 

Fox, Robert J 1060 

Frazier, Freddie 960 

Friedman, Morton 1072 

G 

Galamison, Milton J 937, 990 

Geismar, Maxwell 1094 

Gellis, Jeremy 944 

Gibson, Paul, Jr 1072 

Gilligan, Thomas R 937, 

940, 941, 949, 958, 961, 962, 965, 968, 969, 984, 987, 990, 992, 994, 

996, 997, 999, 1006, 1009, 1010-1019, 1029, 1049, 1056, 1096 

Ginsberg, Mitchell I 1044 

Gordon, Jeff 1061, 1062 

Gray, Jesse Willard 925, 

988-992, 996, 997, 1001, 1003, 1048, 1049, 1073, 1074, 1078, 

1079, 1091, 1095-1097, 1101 

Green, Maxine 1078, 1079 

Griffin, Junius 950, 951 

Guevara, Ernesto "Che" 926, 1037 

H 

Hallinan, Vincent 1094 

Hamm. Mary (Mrs. Daniel Hamm) 953,954, 1095 

Hart, Abraham 1024 

Hart, Adolph W 923, 

924, 929-963 (testimony), 964, 969, 971, 983-985, 1003, 1045, 

1054, 1064, 1077, 1091 

Haughton, James (Jim) 1074, 1084, 1085 

Haywood, Harry 1099, 1101 S 1102 

Heckscher, August 1044 

Heneghan, Martin J 1006 

Herman, Alexander 1006 

HQdebrand, Richard 990, 1049 

Hirch, Roland A 987 

Hitler (Adolf) _ . _ _ _ 954,1076 

Hogan, Frank S 987, 996, 1020-1030 

Holt, Len 1118 

Howlette, Edward, Jr 1078 

« Appears as "Heywood." 



INDEX ill 

J r»s» 

Jack, Hulan 990 

Jackson, Blyden 1032, 1033 

Jackson, James (E.) 1052 

Jackson, Richard 987 

Jackson, Wharlest 1056 

Javits (Jacob K.) 1090 

Jefferson, Thomas 986 

Jerome, Alice 934, 966, 975, 1102, 1107, 1116, 1117 

Jerome, Carl 987 

Jerome, Fred 93 1, 

932, 934-937, 966, 972-976, 981, 983, 985-988, 1106, 1107, 1113, 

1115, 1119-1121 

Jerome, Victor Jeremy 974, 975 

Johnson, Linda Bird 987 

Johnson, Lyndon (B.) 1085 

Jones i^^Adrian H.) 1005 

Jones, LeRoi 1073, 1074, 1094 

K 

Karp, Susan (Sue) 944, 1094 

Kellum, Leroy 1072 

Kennedy, John F 980-982, 1063, 1076 

Kennedy, Robert (F.) 1057 

Kenner, Martin 987 

Kenyatta, Charles. (See Morris, Charles.) 

Kenyatta, Jomo 1081 

King, Martin Luther 949, 1084, 1110, 1118 

Klunder 999 

Komo, David 987 

Korf 974 

Korff, George 987 

Kross, Anna 951 

L 

Lacy, Stanhope, Jr 1072 

Landry, Lawrence 1079 

Larkin 987 

Laub, Levi 934, 935, 944 

Lavin, John 1050 

Lawson 1101, 1113 

Leary, Howard R 1060 

Lemansky, Eddie 1 120 

Lenin (V.L) 1106 

Liebowitz, Sheldon 1054, 1055, 1077 

Linder, Walter (Wally') 976, 1105, 1106 

Lindsay (John) 1044, 1058 

Luce, Phillip Abbott 924, 936, 964, 967, 968, 970-972, 978, 992, 997, 1052 

Lynch 999 

Lynn, Conrad 939, 940, 1001, 1095 

M 

Mackell, Thomas 1090 

Madison, James 986 

Malcolm X 934, 935, 937, 946, 947, 1035, 1054, 1056, 1076, 1101, 1110, 1113 

Mallory, Mae 1074, 1075 

Mao Tse-tung 1067, 1068, 1084, 1100 

Marks, Charles T 1096 

Martin, Key 1001, 1095 

Martinez, Elsa 976 

Martinot, Stefan (Steve) 934-936,944,987 

McAdoo, WiUiam 923, 939, 941, 944, 965, 966, 997, 1002, 

1020-1022, 1094, 1100, 1103-1109, 1112-1115, 1117, 1119, 1120 

McCarthy (Joseph) 996 

McCray, Charles 1073, 1074 

McKissick, Floyd 1074 



Iv INDEX 

Page 

McLucas, Leroy 1094 

McNamara, Francis J 964-978 (statement) 

MehafFey, Robert H 1005 

Meredith, James 1057 

Micheaux, Lewis 1074 

Moore, William 986 

Montero, Mrs. Carmen Sierra 957,986 

Morales, Camacho 987 

Morray, J. P 1094 

Morris, Charles (also known as Charles Kenyatta and Charles 37X) 927, 

1081, 1084-1086, 1089, 1091, 1097 

Muhammad, Elijah 937, 1101 

Mulzac, Una 1106, 1113, 1120 

Murphy, Michael J 957, 973, 

975, 984, 985, 987, 990, 992, 994, 996-1000, 1022, 1049, 1096 

N 

Nelson, Truman 1094, 1103 

Newman, Pete J 1072 

Nkrumah (Kwame) 1076 

O 

O'Brien, Michale 986 

Overton 1113 

P 

Phelps, Larry 1107, 1115, 1119, 1120 

PhiUips 1002, 1020-1023, 1025, 1026-1029 

PoweU, Adam Clayton 1049, 1056, 1057 

Powell, James 958, 

974, 979, 984, 987, 996, 998, 999, 1005, 1006, 1008-1018, 1049, 

1055, 1056 

Q 

Queen Mother 1074 

R 

Randolph 1102, 1114 

Resta, Vincent A 1060 

Rivera, John 984 

Roberts, Lloyd 987 

Robertson, James 1001, 1095 

Robinson, Isaiah 1049 

Robinson, James E 1072 

Rockefeller (Nelson A.) 980-982 

Rodriguez, Francisco, Jr 957,986 

Rodriguez, Renaldo 1058 

Rodriguez, Sandra 1095 

Rodriguez, Victor 957, 982, 986 

Rogers, J. A 1035 

Romerstein, Herbert ^.. 924, 

925, 927, 978-1030 (testimony), 1048-1097 (testimony) 

Rosen, Jake__ 936, 946, 1108 

Rosen, MUton (MUt) 934,936,937,988, 

997, 1001, 1050, 1095, 1106, 1109, 1112-1115, 1117, 1120, 1121 

Rustin, Bayard 1049 

Rutledge, Richard B 1072 

S 

Sanjurjo, Eric 1058 

Saunier, Michelle 1039-1041 

Sayyed, Khaleel 926, 1038, 1040-1043, 1046, 1047 

Scheer, Mort (Mortimer) 1102-1105, 1107, 1110, 1115, 1119, 1121 

Schleifer, Marc 1094 

Screvane, Paul 975, 996 

Shapiro (Fred C.) 989 

Shapiro, Mark 976, 987 

Sharpe, W. Eugene __ 1072 



INDEX V 

Page 

Sierra, Angel 1058 

Smith, Louis 989 

Smith, Theodore K 1097 

Solero, Maximino 957, 982, 986 

Sparks, Selma 976, 987, 1105, 1114-1116, 1120 

Spaulding, Asa (T.) 1048 

Spellman, A. B 1094 

Spencer, Herbert 1097 

Stafford, Frank 986 

Stalin (Josef) 1084, 1103, 1104, 1106, 1107, 1112 

Stanford, Maxwell (Max) (MaxweU Curtis, Jr.) 1070, 1071, 1078-1080 

Sugar, Margit 1095 

Sullivan (James W.) 989 

Sutton, Percy 990, 1049 

Sweezy, Paul 1094 

T 

Tandler, Moe L 1072 

Taus, Roger 976, 978 

Theodore 1089 

Thomas, Mildred 1095 

Till, Emmett 999 

Truman (Harry S.) 976 

Tse-tung, Mao. {See Mao Tse-tung.) 

V 

Valentine, John 926, 1032 

Velasquez, Orlando 974, 987 

Velez,Ted 981, 1049, 1059 

W 

Wagner, Robert F 952, 957, 975, 980-982, 

987, 994, 996, 997, 999, 1032, 1034, 1049, 1112 

Warden, Judith Anne (Judy) 924, 932, 964, 971, 972, 977, 978, 983, 987 

Warren, Susan (Sue) (alias Lisa Armand) 933, 987 

Washington, Booker T 1101 

Wattley, Pernella (V.) 939 

Watts, Daniel H. (Dan) 998, 1001, 1095 

Weiner, Judy 1095 

Welch, McKinley 1078 

Westbrook, William 957, 986 

Wheeler, Tim 1058 

WUkins, Roy 1071, 1075, 1078, 1080, 1084, 1092 

Williams, Robert Franklin 940, 

948, 969, 971, 1062-1065, 1067, 1068, 1070, 1071, 1075 

WUson, Ronald 982 

Wood, Raymond (also known as Woodall) 926, 

1031-1048 (testimony), 1061, 1073, 1075, 1077, 1091 
Woodall, Raymond. {See Wood, Raymond.) 

Y 

Young, Harold 934, 938, 939, 1024 

Young, John 1049 

Young, Whitney M., Jr 1047, 1048, 1071, 1075, 1078, 1080, 1084 

ORGANIZATIONS 

A 

ACT 1079 

American Nazi Party 1039, 1075, 1076 

B 

Bedf ord-Stuy vesant Rent Strike Committee 1096 

Black Arts Theater 927, 1073, 1075 

Black Guards 1076 



Vl INDEX 

Pag« 

Black Liberation Front 926, 971, 1037-1039, 1042, 1043, 1045-1047 

Black Militia 1037 

Northern Area 1038 

Black Muslims 1054 

Black Panther Party 1078 

Black People's Parliament 1074 

Black United Action Front 1074, 1084 

Brooklyn Civil Rights Defense Committee 1001, 1095 

Brooklyn CoUege, New York 1061, 1062 



CCOH, (See Community Council on Housing.) 

CERGE. (See Committee to Defend Resistance to Ghetto Life.) 

COBRA. (See Committee on Black Revolutionary Action.) 

COP (Children of Politicians). (See Political Association of Youth (PAY).) 

CORE. (See Congress of Racial Equality.) 

CPUSA. {See Communist Party of the United States of America.) 

Children of PoUticians (COP). (See Political Association of Youth (PAY).) 

Columbia University (New York City) 935, 948 

Committee for a Tompkins Square Community Center 1044 

Committee for Peace Organization 1001, 1095 

Committee on Black Revolutionary Action (COBRA) (see also Progressive 

Labor Movement) 967, 1116 

Committee to Defend Resistance to Ghetto Life (CERGE) (see also 

Progressive Labor Movement) 967, 1091, 1094 

Committee to Save Negro Lives in Foreign and Domestic Battlefields. 1088, 1090 

Communist Party, China 931 

Communist Party of the United States of America (CPUSA) 924, 

925, 930, 933, 974, 979, 1032, 1033, 1048, 1050, 1052, 1110, 1114 
National Structure: 

National Commissions: 

Education Commission 1050 

Organization Commission 1050 

States and Territories: 

New York State 1051 

New York City Area: 

Bronx County 930 

New York County (Manhattan): 

County Committee 933 

Community CouncU on Housing (CCOH)_.. 988, 990, 992, 993, 1078, 1091, 1096 
Congress of Racial Equality (CORE).. 925, 988, 991, 996, 1003, 1004, 1034, 1037 

Bronx chapter 926, 1032, 1034 

East River chapter 1032 

Long Island chapter 1072 

D 
Democratic Party 1100, 1117 

East Harlem Tenants Council '--- 981 

F 

FLN — Algeria. (See National Liberation Front, Algeria.) 

Faculty of Social Science, The 933 

Fair Play for Cuba Committee . 1064 

Foreign Languages Publishing House (Moscow) (now Progress Publishers 

(Moscow)) 1052 

Free School of New York 933 

Freedom Now Party 926, 1034-1036, 1038 

French Liberation forces 926, 1038 

French Liberation Movement (see also French Liberation forces) 1042 

Friends of the Sixteen Accused 1079 



INDEX Vii 

G 

Page 

Garment Workers' Union, International Ladies', AFL-CIO (ILGWU)___ 975 

H 

HDC. (See Harlem Defense Council.) 
HSC. {See Harlem Solidarity Committee.) 

Harlem Backstreet Youth 1079 

Harlem Defense Council (HDC) {see also Progressive Labor Movement).. 923, 
938, 940, 941, 947, 955, 960-962, 965-967, 969, 970, 974, 985, 988, 
991, 993, 995-997, 1029, 1052, 1053, 1055, 1091, 1093, 1094, 1096, 
1111 

Harlem Parents Committee 997, 999, 1049 

Harlem Solidarity Committee (HSC) 997, 998, 1001, 1091, 1095 

Housing Action Team 1079 

Hsin Hua. (See New China News Agency.) 



ILA. {See Longshoremen's Association, International, AFL-CIO.) 
ILGWU. {See Garment Workers' Union, International Ladies', AFL-CIO.) 

International Union of Students (lUS) 1080, 1083 

Integrated Workers Club. (See Progressive Labor Movement, Lower East 
Side Club.) 

J 

Jamaica Rifle and Pistol Club, Inc 1074, 1078 

Jefiferson School of Social Science 933 

John Birch Society 1075, 1076 

K 
Ku Klux Klan 1076 



Longshoremen's Association, International, AFL-CIO (ILA) 97 5 

Lower East Side Rent Strike Committee 1096 

M 

Maccabees 936, 9 37 

Mau Mau Society 927, 1081, 1085, 1086, 1088, 1089, 1091, 1097 

May 2nd Movement {see also Progressive Labor Movement) 935 

936, 964, 967, 971, 978 

MetropoUtan Council on Housing 1096 

Minutemen 1075-1077 

Mothers' Defense Committee {see also Progressive Labor Movement) 953, 

967, 968, 1091, 1095 
Movement for the Independence of Puerto Rico. {See Movimiento Pro 

Independencia de Puerto Rico.) 
Movimiento Pro Independencia de Puerto Rico (Movement for the 

Independence of Puerto Rico) 997, 1000 

N 

NAACP. {See National Association for the Advancement of Colored 

People.) 
National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP)-. 1062 
Jamaica Branch: 

Legal Redress Committee 1072 

Manhattan chapter 1049 

National Conference for New Politics (Chicago) 949 

National Front for the Liberation of South Vietnam (NFLSV) (also known 

as National Liberation Front of South Vietnam) 1080 

National Liberation Front (FLN) (Algeria) 1041 

National Liberation Front of South Vietnam (NLF). (See National Front 
for the Liberation of South Vietnam.) 

National Urban League, Inc 1048 

New China News Agency (Hsin Hua) 1063 



Vlii INDEX 

Page 

New York City Police Department 1034, 1042, 1054, 1092 

New York Institute For Human Development 1060 

O 

OEO. (See United States Government, Office of Economic Opportunity.) 
Organization for Afro- American Unity 934 



PAY. (See Political Association of Youth.) 

PLM. (See Progressive Labor Movement (or Party).) 

PLP. (See Progressive Labor Movement (or Party).) 

Panther publications 1076 

Political Association of Youth (PAY) (formerly called Children of Politi- 
cians (COP)) 987 

Progress Publishers (Moscow) (formerly Foreign Languages Publishing 

House (Moscow)) 1052 

Progressive Labor Movement (PLM) (or Party (PLP)) 923-925, 

927, 928, 930-932, 934-941, 944-950, 964r-97l, 973, 975-977, 979, 
983-985, 988, 992, 996, 997, 1001-1003, 1005, 1047, 1048, 1050, 
1052, 1054, 1056, 1057, 1059, 1061, 1062, 1075, 1091-1095, 1099, 
1100, 1114, 1116 

Black Liberation Commission 1093 

Brooklyn Progressive Labor Club 994 

Columbia University chapter 935 

East Side Club 949, 966, 967 

Harlem branch or chapter 923, 930, 935, 945, 1056, 1057, 1093 

Harlem Progressive Labor Club 923, 932, 958, 970, 972, 1052 

Lower East Side Club (official name Integrated Workers Club) 925, 

967 976 977 997 

National Coordinating Committee 964-966, 969, 970, 973, 976, 1099 

Newspaper Committee 932 

West Side Progressive Labor Club 982 

Puerto Rican Nationalist Party 976 

R 

RAM. (See Revolutionary Action Movement.) 

Revolutionary Action Movement (RAM) 926, 927, 971, 1037, 

1061, 1062, 1064, 1070, 1071, 1073, 1075, 1076, 1080, 1084 



SNCC. (See Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee.) 

Socialist Workers Party 1034, 1036 

Spanish Community Action 1060 

Spartacist Group or Committee 997, 1091 

Student Committee for Travel to Cuba (see also Progressive Labor Move- 
ment) 967 

Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) _" 927, 

1079, 1080, 1083, 1109 
T 
Tri-Line Offset Co. Inc 923, 931, 941, 965, 967, 976, 1095 

U 

Unemployed Railroad Workers Council 976 

United Community Corporation (Newark). (See entry under United States 
Government, Office of Economic Opportunity.) 

United Harlem Tenants and Consumers Organization 1050 

United Nations 992, 993, 1042, 1081, 1083 

Human Rights Commission 991,993 

United States Government: 

Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) 1054, 1056, 1076 

Office of Economic Opportunity (OEO) 1073, 1079 

United Community Corporation (Newark) 1073 

Supreme Court 1002, 1072 



INDEX ix 

W Page 

White Citizens Council 1076 

Workers World Party (WWP): 

Youth Against War and Fascism (YAWF)___971, 997, 998, 1001, 1003, 1095 

Y 

Youth Against War and Fascism (YAWF). (See entry imder Workers 
World Party.) 

PUBLICATIONS 

B 
Black America 1070 

C 

Challenge (newspaper) 923, 

924, 932, 937, 952, 954, 969, 972-977, 981, 983, 985, 1059 

Contact 1050 

Crusader, The 940, 948, 1064, 1065, 1067 

D 
DaUy Worker 933 

E 
Ergo 1001 

F 

Far East Reporter 933 

Far East Spotlight 933 

Free Student 976, 978 

L 

Liberator 991, 998, 1001 

Lynching Northern Style, Police Brutality (Benjamin J. Davis) (booklet). 980 

N 
New York Times 950 

O 
One Hundred Eighteenth Street Block Association Weekly 932 

P 

Party Affairs 1032 

Pre-Convention Discussion BuUetin # 2 965, 966, 1099 

Progressive Labor ^magazine) 923, 931, 932, 974, 976 

R 
Race Riots— New York 1964 (Shapiro and Sullivan) (book) 989 

S 

Spark (newspaper) 976 

Spartacist 1001, 1095 

stormtrooper, the 1039 

Studies on the Left (Harold Cruse) (book) 1106 

U 

U.S. Negroes in Battle: From Little Rock to Watts (James E, Jackson) 

(book) 1052 

W 
Worker, The 933, 1048 

o 



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