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Full text of "Subversive influences in riots, looting, and burning. Hearings, Ninetieth Congress, first [-second] session"

HARVARD COLLEGE 
LIBRARY 




GIFT OF THE 

GOVERNMENT 
OF THE UNITED STATES 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, 
AND BURNING 

PART 4 
(Newark, N.J.) 



HEARING^ 



>>«. 



BEFORE THE f^/) 



COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN.|CTIYITIES 
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATltlS " 



NINETIETH CONGKESS 

SECOND SESSION • 



APRIL 23 AND 24, 1968 
(INCLUDING INDEX) 



Printed for the use of the 
Committee on Un-American Activities 




U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 
88-083 WASHINGTON : 1968 



For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office 
Washington, D.C. 20402 - Price $1 



COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES 

United States House of Representatives 
EDWIN E. WILLIS, Louisiana, Chairman 

WILLIAM M. TUCK, Virginia JOHN M. ASHBROOK, Ohio 

JOE R. POOL, Texas DEL CLAWSON, California 

RICHARD H. ICHORD, Missouri RICHARD L. ROUDEBUSH, Indiana 

JOHN C. CULVER, Iowa ALBERT W. WATSON, South Carolina 

Francis J. McNamara, Director 

Chester D. Smith, General Counsel 

Alfred M. Nittle, Counsel 

n 



CONTENTS 



Page 

Synopsis 1851 

April 23, 1968: Testimony of— 

Charles Kinney 1862 

Afternoon session: 

Charles Kinney (resumed) 1883 

April 24, 1968: Testimony of— 

Charles Kinney (resumed) 1910 

Afternoon session: 

Charles Kinney (resumed) _' 1956 

Index i 

III 



The House Committee on Un-American Activities is a standing 
committee of the House of Hepresentatives, constituted as such by the 
rules of the House, adopted pursuant to Article I, section 5, of the 
Constitution of the United States wliich authorizes the House to de- 
termine the rules of its proceedings. 

RULES ADOPTED BY THE 90TH CONGRESS 

House Resolution 7, January 10, 1967 

RESOLUTION 

Resolved, That the Rales of the House of Representatives of the Eighty-ninth 
Congress, together with all applicable provisions of the Legislative Reorganiza- 
tion Act of 1946, as amended, be, and they are hereby, adopted as the Rules of 
the House of Representatives of the Ninetieth Congress * * * 

******* 

Rule X 

STANDING COMMITTEES 

1. There shall be elected by the House, at the commencement of each (Congress, 
******* 

(r) Committee on Un-American Activities, to consist of nine Members. 
******* 

Rule XI 

POWERS AND DUTIES OF COMMITTEES 

******* 

18. Committee on Un-American Activities. 

(a) Un-American activities. 

(b) The Committee on Un-Amerioan Activities, as a whole or by subcommittee, 
is authorized to make from time to time investigations of (1) the extent, charac- 
ter, and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the United States, (2) 
the diffusion within the United States of subversive and un-American propa- 
ganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origin and at- 
tacks the principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitution, 
and (3) all other questions in relation thereto that would aid Congress in any 
necessary remedial legislation. 

The Committee on Un-American Activities shall report to the House ( or to the 
Clerk of the House if the House is not in session ) the results of any such investi- 
gation, together with such recommendations at it deems advisable. 

For the purpose of any svich investigation, the Committee on Un-American 
Activities, or any subcommittee thereof, is authorized to sit and act at such times 
and places within the United States, whether or not the House is sitting, has 
recessed, or has adjourned, to hold such hearings, to require the attendance of 
such witnesses and the production of such books, papers, and documents, and 
to take such testimony, as it deems necessary. Subpenas may be issued under 
the signature of the chairman of the committee or any subcommittee, or by any 
member designated by any such chairman, and may be served by any person 
designated by any such chairman or member. , 

******* 

27. To assist the House in appraising the administration of the laws and in 
developing such amendments or related legislation as it may deem necessary, 
each standing committee of the House shall exorcise continuous watchfulness 
of the execution by the administrative agencies concerned of any laws, the sub- 
ject matter of which is within the jurisdiction of such committee ; and, for that 
purpose, shall study all pertinent reports and data submitted to the House by the 
agencies in the executive branch of the Government. 

******* 



SYNOPSIS 

On April 23 and 24, 1968, a subcommittee of the Committee on Un- 
American Activities met in Washington, D.C., to continue its hearings 
on subversive influences in riots, looting, and burning. This hearing, 
part 4 of the series, concerns events related to the Newark, N.J., riot of 
July 1967. 

The subcommittee was composed of Representatives Edwin E. 
Willis (D-La.), chairman, William M. Tuck (D-Va.), Richard H. 
Ichord (D-Mo.), John M. Ashbrook (R-O.), and Albert W. Watson 
(R-S.C.) ; also Representative John C. Culver (D-Iowa) in absence 
of Mr. Willis. 

Detective Captain Charles Kimiey, the witness, has been employed 
in the Newark Police Department since 1947, serving for 19 years in the 
detective division. For 8 months prior to his appearance before the 
committee, Captain Khmey, under special assignment, has been in- 
vestigating the possibility of criminal conspiracy in the Newark riot. 

Captain Kinney testified that there were 23 homicides and 3 related 
deaths during the Newark riot which took place from July 12 to July 
17, 1967. He said that 1,465 arrests were made, including 91 which in- 
volved the use of deadly weapons and explosives. Also, there were 
507 cases of breaking and entering. 

Property damage was estimated at $15.9 million, of which $4.9 mil- 
lion was uninsured. Of the 1,108 persons injured during the riot, the 
witness testified, 1,001 were civilians, 72 were police officers, and 35 
were firemen. 

PRERIOT PHASE 

Captain Kinney testified that in 1964 a group of activists of the 
Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) came to Newark and or- 
ganized the Newark Community Union Project (NCUP). The leader 
of this group was Thomas Hayden, former national president of SDS. 

The committee's counsel noted for the record that Hayden, who was 
born in Detroit in 1939 and who holds an A.B. degree from the Uni- 
versity of Michigan, had been a field representative for SDS in 1961- 
62, a member of the U.S. delegation to the Commmiist-controlled 
Eighth World Youth Festival held in Helsinki, Finland ; had traveled 
to North Vietnam and Communist China with the U.S. Communist 
Party's theoretician, Herbert Aptheker, where he met with Asian revo- 
lutionary leaders in Hanoi, Peking, and Prague; had also visited 
Moscow ; and had written the foreword to Aptheker's book. Mission 
to Hanoi. He also collaborated with Staughton Lynd in writing The 
Other Side, which depicted the Viet Cong as heroes and warmly 
praised the North Vietnamese leaders. 

Associated with Hayden in NCDP were the following SDS mem- 
bers : Jesse Allen, a founder and one of the full-time organizers of the 
NCUP ; Robert Kramer and Norman Fruchter, also full-time organ- 

1851 



1852 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IX RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

izers for the group; Carol Glassman; Terry Jefferson; Constance 
Brown ; Corinna Fales ; and Derek Winans. 

Jesse Allen, the witness said, was both an official of NCUP and an 
organizer for Area Board 3 of the United Community Corporation 
(UCC), the Newark antipoverty agency financed by the" Office of Eco- 
nomic Opportunity. A delegate to the 1965 SDS convention, Allen had 
been a speaker at a meeting of the Militant Labor Forum, a front 
organization for the Socialist Workers Party (SWP), a Trotskyist 
Communist organization on the Attorney General's subversive list. 

Carol Glassman, bom in New York on August 10, 1942, was an 
NCUP organizer who resides at its headquarters in Newark. A grad- 
uate of Smith College, she and Constance Brown, a 1964 Swarthmore 
graduate, had attended public meetings held by the city of Newark for 
the purpose of "harassing the power structure." She traveled to Brat- 
islava, Czechoslovakia, in September 1967 with Thomas Hayden a'nd 
39 others where they met with representatives from Communist 
countries. 

Mrs. Dazzare (Terry) Jefferson, Captain Kimiey testified, is the 
treasurer of both UCC's Area Board 3, also known as the Peoples' 
Action Group, and SDS's Newark Community Union Project; the 
office manager of NCUP ; and a community organizer for Area Board 
3. Her technique as treasurer of these two groups has been to make out 
checks to "cash" which are in turn endorsed by her, thus concealing the 
distribution of funds. She attended the 1966 national convention of 
SDS. According to Neio^ Polities News, Mrs. Jefferson is a member of 
the executive board of the National Conference for New Politics 
(NCNP). 

Eobert Kramer, a former organizer for the NCUP, coauthored an- 
article for Studies on the Left entitled "An Approach to Community 
Organizing Projects," which dealt with NCUP's operations in Newark. 

Norman Fruchter, Kramer's collaborator on the above-mentioned 
article, has 'been New York editor for the magazine, Studies on the 
Left, an SDS publication, and also a faculty member of the Free 
University [School] of New York. 

Fruchter is also coproducer, according to the National Guardian, of 
various films, including the "Troublemakers," which depicts SDS 
activities in organizing the ghettos of Newark. Captain Kinney said 
that Fruchter is an adviser to SDS's Radical Education Project. He 
also testified that a letter had been sent to Fruchter, a leading activist 
in NCUP, by William McAdoo on behalf of CERGE (Committee to 
Defend Resistance to Ghetto Life) , thanking Fruchter for his financial 
support and his sponsorship. / 

CERGE, committee counsel pointed out, was a front organization 
for the pro-Peking Communist organization, the Progressive Labor 
Party (PLP), and McAdoo was identified during this committee's 
New York riot hearings as tlie PLP member who had given instruc- 
tions on the making of Molotov cocktails at the time of the Harlem riot. 

Constance Brown, employed by the Welfare Board of Essex County, 
N.J., has the authority to sign checks for the Newark Commmiitv 
Union Project of SDS." 

Corinna Fales, an organizer for NCUP, had been ]:)reviously asso- 
ciated with SDS in Baltimore, Md., in 1963, Captain Kinney testified. 
Derek Winans, born in Orange, N.J., on September 4, 1938, grad- 
uated from Harvard University in 1962. A journalist, Winans lias 
written articles ior Ramparts and The Nation magazines and has been 
active in numerous civil rights activities such as voter registration 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURKING 1853 

drives in Mississippi. He helped to organize the Fair Housing Council 
of South Orange, Maplewood, Millbum, and Short Hills, N. J., which 
donated funds to the Bessie Smith Community Center in Newark, N.J. 
This center is a project of Area Board 3. 

His other activities included sponsorship of the Spring Mobilization 
Committee To End the War in Vietnam.^ Winans, a former leader of 
the Essex County chapter of the Americans for Democratic Action, 
was expelled in 1964 by the national body of ADA at its convention in 
Washington. 

The most important aspect of NCUP's activity, Captain Kinney tes- 
tified, was its infiltration and actual seizure of control of some portions 
of the antipoverty program in Newark, particularly Area Board 3 of 
the United Community Corporation, which is also known as the Peo- 
ples' Action Group. 

That Hayden's success in Area Board 3 was to be used as the proto- 
type for similar efforts elsewhere was made clear by the article in the 
radical magazine. Studies on the Left (vol. 6, No. 2, 1966), written by 
SDS members Norman Fruohter and Robert Kramer, entitled "An 
Approach to Community Organizing Projects." The contents of the 
article, the witness said, indicated that Hayden's operation was the 
model which radicals should emulate in order to capture other anti- 
poverty programs. 

Another article written by Hayden himself entitled "Community 
Organizing and the War on Poverty," was published in the November 
1965 issue of Liberation magazine. This was a valuable article, said 
Captain Kinney, because it i*evealed Hayden's and NCUP's position. 
In it Hayden attacked the official antipoverty program in Newark, the 
UCC. He wrote that the director's social theories soft-pedaled the idea 
of attacking power structures and favored instead the objective of 
bringing ghetto residents into the mainstream of competitive society — 
a goal to which Hayden aj)parently objected. 

After describing how NCUP took over the antipoverty program 
in Newark's UCC Area Board 3, Hayden wrote that the quest for 
power should focus on the antipoverty council as much as on the city 
council. Another section of the same issue of Liberation in which that 
article was published noted that Hayden was becoming one of the 
magazine's associate editors starting with that issue. 

On the subject of alleged police brutality, Captain Kinney stated 
that during the past 5 years agitators in Newark have tried to exploit 
every possible grievance between colored and white people and every 
police arrest. 

The Newark Police Department obtained a copy of an NCUP docu- 
ment, dated Summer 1965, concerning field interviews of student 
and community associates of NCUP on the subject of NCUP accom- 
plishments. Asked during one of these interviews what he meant when 
he used the term "radical," Hayden replied : 

On the basis of issues that you try to link campaigns for domestic-economic, 
civil rights and social change to foreign policy and that you have a very clear 
stand in favor of an end to the war in Vietnam, as well as economic change 
within the country. * * * 

Concerning the community action part of the war on poverty, 
Hayden suggested that the NCUP professional staff might be utilized 



^ For Information on this group, see HCUA, report. Communist Origin and Manipulation 
of Vietnam Week, March 31, 1967, House Doc. Ii86, 90th Cong., 1st sess. 



1854 SUBVERSIVE INFI<UENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

to write muckraking articles for the newsletter on a regular basis. 
Hayden added that the researcher's function should be housed in the 
same building as the antipoverty program's staff but physically sepa- 
rated in other rooms "the way the Minnis operation is set up with 
SNCC." Jack Minnis is the director of research for SNCC. 

Captain Kinney pointed out tliat Hayden's reference to Jack Minnis, 
a white radical, appeared to be a recognition of Minnis role in manipu- 
lating SNCC, as well as the suggestion that the Negro majority in the 
Peoples' Action Group (Area Board 3 of the UCC) could be better 
manipulated by white persons in SDS working in separate quarters 
but close enough to provide the impetus and ideology for the activity. 

Captain Kinney testified that others engaged in racial agitation 
in Newark prior to the riot included : 

Phil Hutchings, 26, of Newark, SNCC's field director in New Jersey, 
a onetime college classmate of Stokely Carmichael at Howard Uni- 
versity in Washington, D.C., who, in August 1966, arranged a speaking 
tour for Carmichael in New Jersey. He had previously worked for 
SNCC in Georgia and Tennessee. While in Washington, he had worked 
for SDS. 

In the spring of 1967 Hutchings and two other SNCC leaders in 
Newark, Robert E. Fullilove, 24, a college student, and Clinton Hopson 
Bey, 31, began an organizational drive in Newark. They opened a 
storefront "Black Liberation Center" at 107 South Orange Avenue, 
Newark, a location which was also used by Albert Roy Osborne, alias 
Colonel Hassan, when he was in Newark. When the storefront was 
burned out, the center moved across the street to a restaurant managed 
by Clinton Hopson Bey and Ozzie Bey. 

Hutchings stated, said Captain Kinney, that Newark was chosen by 
SNCC because of its small area and large Negro population. More- 
over, Hutchings further said that Newark was one of several northern 
cities where SNCC hopes "to translate its black power philosophy into 
an outlet for frustration and an attack on conditions in the slums.'' 

Hutchings was appointed to UCC's board of trustees by Willie 
Wright, Negro militant and a vice president of the United Community 
Corporation. Wright had also helped Hutchings set up the Black 
Liberation Center. 

In the spring of 1967, Hutchings had attended several local meetings 
of the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) and some preliminary 
meetings on the Black Power Conference in Newark. He had also 
become associated with the Black Panthers. 

Jimius Williams, the next militant activist about whom Captain 
Kinney testified, had written a letter to Tom Hayden which stated, in 
part: 

Seeing you people take over the War on Poverty was quite a treat ; I've decided 
I want to tamper with the power structure a bit. * * * 

At the present time Williams and Hutchings reside together in 
Newark. They formed a new organization called the Newark Area 
Planning Association with the aim of involving "the people of the 
Central Ward in the replanning and administration of Newark." 

Other individuals and their organizations who were involved in the 
racial agitation in Newark prior to the July 1967 riots included Colonel 
Hassan Jeru Ahmed, whose real name is Albert Roy Osborne, alias 
Tony Williams. Osborne was born in Washington, D.C., in 1924. 
He has a lengthy criminal recoi'd wliich includes robbery, liousebreak- 
ing, false pretenses, forgery, and bad checks. In 1950 he was held for 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 1855 

mental observation. He has served time in prisons in the District of 
Columbia, Virginia, and Pennsylvania. 

Osborne, whose headquarters are in Washington, D.C., came to 
Newark several months prior to the 1967 riots and, said Captain Kin- 
ney, contributed to the climate that caused the riot. 

Osborne's group is called the Blackman's Volunteer Army of Lib- 
eration. Its so-called regiment — the Black Star Regiment — was located 
in rooms above a store in Washington, D.C. While claiming to have 
battalions in major American cities, he has actually fewer than 10 fol- 
lowers, Osborne's avowed intention is to create a mercenary army of 
American Negroes to fight for the independence of central and south- 
ern Africa. 

Willie Wright, also known as William T. Wright, was born in 1928 
in Albany, Georgia. He currently resides in Newark on the second 
floor of a building above the offices of the United Afro- American Asso- 
ciation, an organization which lie formed in 1965. 

By his association with nationally known militants and by his 
foreign travel, Wright has placed himself in the forefront of those 
seeking violent answers to the Nation's social problems, said Captain 
Kinney. He collaborated with Stokely Carmichael when the latter 
came to Newark's Central Ward to urge Negroes to take oyer Newark 
"lock, stock, and barrel." Wright also went to Bratislava in Commu- 
nist Czechoslovakia with Hayden following the Newark riots. 

Another active militant in Newark is James Walker, who was born 
in New Haven, Conn., in 1918. Now employed bj' the United Com- 
munity Corporation, OEO, as assistant director for Total Employ- 
ment and Manpower (TEAM) Center No. 1 in Newark, Walker 
has an arrest record dating back to 1938. Prior to July 1967, Walker 
told two Newark Police Department lieutenants that the city "needed 
an incident" to bring it to the attention of the Federal Government. 
On the night the Newark riot started Walker was in the area foment- 
ing trouble. He helped to organize the taxicab caravan to city hall to 
protest the arrest of cabdriver John Smith, which had triggered the 
riot. Many cabdrivers complied because they were afraid to do other- 
wise. Captain Kinney said. 

One of the outsiders who came into Newark, in addition to those 
brought in by Hayden, was a Mrs. Audley Moore, who is also known 
as the Queen Mother. During the meeting of the planning board 
mentioned above, she made inflammatory statements and hurled epi- 
thets at the policemen present who were there to maintain order. At 
the end of the meeting she took over the chairman's chair. 

According to this committee's information, Mrs. Moore, from the 
late 1930's until the end of the 1940's, was a publicly acknowledged 
member and official of the Communist Party, U.S.A., and served on 
its national Women's Commission. At one time she had served also as 
an alternate member of the national committee of the party. 

Because of her militant and separatist approach in calling for the 
establishment of a black republic in America, a position which the 
CPUSA had rejected in 1959, Mrs. Moore broke with the party line on 
the Negro question. In the spring of 1968, she participated in a con- 
ference of black militants in Detroit to formally adopt their position in 
callmg for the creation of a separate black republic in five southern 
States. 



1856 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

RIOT PHASE 

The arrest of John Smith, a cabdriver, on the night of July 12, 1967, 
was the catalyst that set off the Newark riot. Smith, who was born in 
Warthen, Ga., on January 27, 1927, had had only two previous minor 
brushes with the law. 

While the witness believed that the incident of Smith's arrest had not 
been planned by him, it did provide the occasion which certain in- 
dividuals and groups were hoping for — groups which were prepared 
to act decisively when the right time came. 

Smith, who had been driving his cab on a revoked license, was 
stopped on the night of July 12 by police officers whose patrol car he 
was tailgating. He also had been flicking his headlights on and off and 
alternately braking and accelerating his cab. A^-lien asked to produce 
his license, he became loud, profane, and abusive. He refused to leave 
his cab when so ordered and finally, when he did, attempted to assault 
both policemen. Scores of residents in a housing development near the 
Fourth Precinct station observed Smith's arrival, following his arrest, 
in the patrol car and his forcible removal from it to the police station. 

Soon the rumor that "White cops had killed a Negro cab driver," 
spread througli the area. Several hundred people gathered around the 
Fourth Precinct chanting for the release of Smith. A fire bomb was 
thrown at the precinct station, 

Robert. Curvin, a former chairman of the Newark chapter of CORE 
and a participant in Newark demonstrations for many years, borrowed 
a bull horn from a civil rights leader who had been attempting to 
quiet the crowd and made inflammatory remarks to the crowd. 

Phil Hutchings of SNCC and Betty Moss of NCUP were con- 
tinually haranguing the crowd with statements such as "The Blacks 
will kill all you Short Hills cops." 

Shortly after midnight a police car was stoned and the looting of 
stores began. By 1 a.m. the looting was increasing and spreading to 
other areas. Fires were set and the firemen aa ho responded to the alarms 
were stoned. By 2 a.m. a taxicab caravan, organized by James Walker, 
had formed and was converging on the city hall. 

James Kennedy, an official of Area Board No. 2, composed a leaflet 
blaming police brutality for this incident and inflaming the crowd dur- 
ing the same time that Police Director Spina was attempting to quiet 
it. 

This leaflet. Captain Kinney said, was a call for a mass meeting the 
night following the Smith arrest — the episode which set off the full- 
scale Newark riot. Leaflets were circulated describing the prep^,ration 
and the making of Molotov cocktail fire bombs for use against such 
targets as department stores. 

During the 5-day riot, over 200 cases of sniping were reported. Flyers 
were distributed, said Kinney, by the Black liberation Center which 
had a picture of a "very horrible-looking Uncle Sam" Avhich stated, in 
part, "Uncle Sam wants YOU^ nigger." 

LeRoi Jones, playwright, and others were also arrested during the 
riot for possession of firearms. He and two other men were reported to 
have been firing their guns from a moving vehicle during the night of 
the riot. 

Jones, according to committee counsel, was born in Newark in 1981 
and was a graduate of Howard University. His plays have revealed an 
obsessive hatred for white persons. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 1857 

In the early 1960's this militant radical was a frequent speaker at 
meetings of the Trotskyist Communist Socialist Workers * Party 
(SWP). In 1964 he told a rally of the Harlem Progressive Labor 
Party, a pro-Peking group, that "we're the only people" that can 
make America fall. 

He established the Black Arts Repertory Theater in 1965 and re- 
ceived $40,000 in Federal antipoverty funds, but these funds were later 
cut o& when the police discovered that his project was used as a vehicle 
to propagate hatred. Also, an arms cache was found in the theater 
building which Jones owned, noted the counsel. 

Captain Kimiey infonned the committee that Willie Wright had 
told the Governor's Select Commission on Civil Disorder that a care- 
fully conceived plan to burn much of Newark's main business section 
was already in execution wlien John Smith's arrest had set off the 
major conflagration. 

POSTRIOT PHASE 

Following the riot, a controversy developed over the plans of 
Newark's antipoverty agency, the United Community Corporation, to 
do what it had done the past two summers — use Government money to 
send children to Camp Abelard, located at Hunter, N.Y. A newspaper 
had charged that the camp was being utilized as a training area for 
leftwing activities. 

The controversy was settled by an GEO determination that the camp 
was "unacceptable" — despite the fact that the UCC had selected 
Corinna Fales to inspect the camp and she had given it a clean bill of 
health. 

Committee counsel pointed out that FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover 
had testified that this camp had been under the control of the Com- 
munist Party since its establishment in 1929. 

One postriot rally in Newark featured as a speaker Charles Ken- 
yatta, head of the black militant Mau Mau organization, whose real 
name is Charles Morris and who was known as Charles 37X when he 
was a Muslim. 

Willie Wright's United Afro-American Association also produced 
leaflets, during the postriot period, which made reference to a police- 
man who had been murdered during the riot as a "racist detective" 
whose death was "well-earned." Also, after the riot, vicious anti- 
Semitic and anti-Italian leaflets were circulated. 

The Reverend Albert Cleage of Detroit, a militant racist with a long 
record of extremist activitie.s, said Captain Kinney, also spoke at a 
meeting sponsored by the UCC in Newark. Committee counsel noted 
that Cleage, associated since the late 1940's Avith numerous CPUS A 
fronts and enterprises, has been in recent years linked with the Trotsky- 
ist Socialist Workers Party (SWP) by his support of their election 
candidates and by his speeches at their functions. Cleage has written 
that he and others had shared with the rioters their "will to violence." 

In 1967 Cleage was quoted as having said that "G;uerrilla warfare 
is the black man's answer to the white man's final solution." 

Hayden ■- i his followers have admitted, said Captain Kinney, that 
they want an entirely new society and a different form of government 
and would use any and every means to obtain their ends. 

Hayden and his group, said Captain Kinney, have exploited contro- 
versies in the city of Newark "to turn race against race, class against 



1858 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

class, creed against creed, thereby contributing to the climate which 
caused the riots in Newark in July 1967, which he views as a means to 
an end." 

In his book, Rebellion in Newark^ Hayden wrote a chapter entitled 
"From Riot to Revolution," in which he said : 

The role of organized violence is now being carefully considered. During a riot, 
for instance, a conscious guerrilla can participate in pulling police away from the 
path of people engaged in attacking stores. He can create disorder in new areas 
the ix)lice think are secure. He can carry the torch, if not all the people, to white 
neighborhoods and downtown business districts. If necessary, he can successfully 
shoot to kill. 

Willie Wright's postriot activities, said Captain Kinney, as de- 
scribed by Louis Lomax during August 1967 in the Newark Star- 
Ledger^ included an admission by Wright that he was proud to be an 
out-and-out revolutionary. 

After the July riot, when addressing a group of 200 persons attend- 
ing a meeting of the board of trustees. Area 2, of UCC, Wright said 
that: 

I say we should arm ourselves with cannons, machine guns, bazookas, anything 
we can get our hands on ; and if you don't know how to get some heavy weapons, 
call my oflSce and I will tell you where to go and how to get them. 

Following this speech, which was cheered by the audience, the 
board voted unanimously to keep Wright as a member. 

Also on September 5, 1967, Wright applied for a passport to go to 
Paris ostensibly for a visit. Instead, he went to Bratislava, Czechoslo- 
vakia, to attend a conference of North Vietnamese and Viet Cong 
representatives. This week-long session was arranged by David Del- 
linger, editor of Liberation magazine, Wright, who had appeared 
"quite broke" before his trip, began to spend money more freely upon 
his return to America. 

Alvin Oliver, a coordinator for eight antipoverty programs at UCC 
headquarters, was also active following the riot. He was in contact 
with Maxwell Curtis Stanford, Jr., alias Allah Mahammad, one of 
the leaders of the Revolutionary Action Movement (RAM), RAM, 
a pro-Peking guerrilla warfare organization which has been linked 
to Castro's regime, is "dedicated to the overthrow of the capitalist 
system in the United States," by force if necessary, according to 
J. Edgar Hoover. 

Captain Kinney concluded his testimony by stating that the day 
after Dr. Martin Luther King's assassination about 175 fires were set 
off in Newark, the worst day of fires that the city had ever had. 

Captain Kinney, in reference to the publicity that there had been no 
local conspiracies involved in the riot, testified that: 

In Newark, certain individuals conspired, and are conspiring, to replace the 
leadership of the Newark Police Department. Other individual- '^onspired. and are 
conspiring, to turn out of office the present city administration before its lawful 
term expires. 

Still other individuals conspired, and are conspiring, as part of the movement 
to replace the system of government under which we live in the United States 
of America, using any means to do so, including the use of force and violence. 

To these conspirators, the insurrection that occurred in Newark in lOfiT was 
a means to an end which they welcomed and exploit(Hl to serve their plot. 

To these conspirators, the accomplishment of any or all of the aforementioned 
goals was paramount * ♦ *. 

Many Newark and New Jersey residents, said Captain Kinney, had 
asked the question, Why weren't these consjurators prosecuted ? 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 1859 

Mr. Tuck, the subcommittee cliairman, thanked Captain Kinney 
for his detailed presentation and added the following remarks : 

We all know that police departments and policemen have come in for an awful 
lot of abuse in the last few years. As these hearings have revealed, Communists 
have played a very large role in provoking much of this criticism which has been 
overwhelmingly unjustified. 

Numerous unfounded and inflammatory charges have been made against 
police everywhere, and everywhere we hear the cry "police brutality" — which, 
incidentally, I believe is a Communist expression — when the brutality and 
violence involved have actually been used not by the police but against the 
police and by violators of the law they were taking into custody. 

During these hearings we have received the testimony of a number of police 
officers, both Negro and white, from other cities. All of them have shown 
themselves to be a credit to the profession to which they belong. 

****** It 

These riots must be stopped. They will destroy everything that is fine and 
good in America unless they are stopped and stopped now. 



BOSTON PUBLIC LIBRARY 



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