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Full text of "Subversive influences in riots, looting, and burning. Hearings, Ninetieth Congress, first [-second] session"

HARVARD COLLEGE 
LIBRARY 




GIFT OF THE 

GOVERNMENT 
OF THE UNITED STATES 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, 



PART 6 
(San Francisco — Berkeley) 



UNITCD Si/Uti bUVEni'ifjJEii') 
MA\ 27 IS J 3 

HEARINGS 

BEFORE THE 

COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES 
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 

NINETIETH CONGRESS 

SECOND SESSION 



JUNE 27 AND 28, 1968 
(INCLUDING INDEX) 



Printed for the use of the 
Committee on Internal Security 




U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 
88-083 WASHINGTON : 1969 



For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office 
Washington, D.C. 20402 - Price 65 cents 



COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES 

United States House of Representatives 
(90th Congress, 2d Session) 
EDWIN E. WILLIS, Louisiana, Chairman 
WILLIAM M. TUCK, Virginia JOHN M. ASHBROOK, Ohio 

JOE K. POOL, Texas DEL CLAWSON, California 

KICHARD H. ICHORD, Missouri RICHARD L. ROUDEBUSH, Indiana 

JOHN C. CULVER, Iowa ALBERT W. WATSON, South Carolina 

Francis J. McNamaka, Director 
Chester D. Smith, General Counsel 
Alfred M. Nittlb, Counsel 



COMMITTEE ON INTERNAL SECURITY 

United States House of Representatives 
(91st Congress, 1st Session) 
RICHARD H. ICHORD, Missouri, Chairman 
CLAUDE PEPPER, Florida JOHN M. ASHBROOK, Ohio 

EDWIN W. EDWARDS, Louisiana RICHARD L, ROUDEBUSH, Indiana 

RICHARDSON PREYER, North Carolina ALBERT W. WATSON, South Carolina 
LOUIS STOKES, Ohio WILLIAM J. SCHERLE, Iowa 

Donald G. Sanders, Chief Counsel 
Glenn Davis, Editorial Director 
Alfred M. Nittle, Counsel 

II 



CONTENTS 



Page 

Synopsis 2049 

June 27, 1968 : Testimony of— 

Edward S. Montgomery 2058 

Afternoon session : 

Edward S. Montgomery (resumed) 2086 

June 28, 1968 : Testimony of— 

Edward S. Montgomery (resumed) 2144 

Edward S. Montgomery (afl5davit) 2171 

Index i 

III 



The House Committee on Un-American Activities is a standing 
committee of the House of Representatives, constituted as such by the 
rules of the House, adopted pursuant to Article I, section 5, of the 
Constitution of the United States which authorizes the House to deter- 
mine the rules of its proceedings. 

RULES ADOPTED BY THE 90TH CONGRESS 

House Resolution 7, January 10, 1967, as amended April 3, 1968, by House 

Resolution 1099 

RESOLUTION 

Resolved, That the Rules of the House of Representatives of the Eighty-ninth 
Congress, together with all applicable provisions of the Legislative Reorganiza- 
tion Act of 1946, as amended, be, and they are hereby, adopted as the Rules of 
the House of Representatives of the Ninetieth Congress * * * 

« 4: * * * * * 

Rule X 

STANDING COMMITTEES 

1. There shall be elected by the House, at the commencement of each Congress, 
******* 

(s) Committee on Un-American Activities, to consist of nine Members. 
******* 

Rule XI 

POWERS AND DUTIES OF COMMITTEES 
******* 

19. Committee on Un-American Activities. 

(a) Un-American activities. 

(b) The Committee on Un-American Activities, as a whole or by subcommittee, 
is authorized to make from time to time investigations of (1) the extent, charac- 
ter, and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the United States, 

(2) the diffusion within the United States of subversive and un-American propa- 
ganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origin and attacks 
the principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitution, and 

(3) all other questions in relation thereto that would aid Congress in any 
necessary remedial legislation. 

The Committee on Un-American Activities shall report to the House (or to the 
Clerk of the House if the House is not in session) the results of any such investi- 
gation, together with such recommendations as it deems advisable. 

For the purpose of any such investigation, the Committee on Un-American 
Activities, or any subcommittee thereof, is authorized to sit and act at such times 
and places within the United States, whether or not the House is sitting, has 
recessed, or has adjourned, to hold such hearings, to require the attendance of 
such witnesses and the production of such books, papers, and documents, and to 
take such testimony, as it deems necessary. Subpenas may be issued under the 
signature of the chairman of the committee or any subcommittee, or by any mem- 
ber designated by any such chairman, and may be served by any person 
designated by any such chairman or member. 

******* 

28. To assist the House in appraising the administration of the laws and in 
developing such amendments or related legislation as it may deem necessary, 
each standing committee of the House .shall exercise continuous watchfulness of 
the execution by the administrative agencies concerned of any laws, the subject 
matter of which is within the jurisdiction of such committee ; and, for that pur- 
pose, shall study all pertinent reports and data submitted to the House by the 
agencies in the executive branch of the Government. 



SYNOPSIS 

On June 27 and 28, 1968, a subcommittee of the Committee on Un- 
American Activities met in Washington, D.C., to continue hearings on 
subversive influences in riots, looting, and burning. Tlie hearings, part 
6 of the series, concern events related to the San Francisco, Calif., 
riot of September 1966. The subcommittee was composed of Repre- 
sentatives Edwin E. Willis (D-La.), chairman; William M. Tuck 
(D-Va.) ; Eichard H. Ichord (D-Mo.) ; John M. Ashbrook (R-0.) ; 
Albert W. Watson (R-S.C.) ; and John C. Culver (D-Iowa) in the 
absence of Mr. Willis. 

Edward S. Montgomery, in the employ of the San Francisco Ex- 
aminer since 1945, was called as a witness. As an investigative reporter, 
he had received numerous awards, including a Pulitzer Prize in 1951 
for the best local reporting. 

PRERIOT PHASE 

With reference to the importance of radical and subversive propa- 
ganda disseminated in the San Francisco area prior to the September 
1966 riot, ]Mr. Montgomery made the observation that — 

there are social aspects that cause a riot, but the propaganda distributed in the 
riot area of San Francisco prior to the riot was very inflammatory. In my opin- 
ion, it would lead to the condition in the Negro community, making them more 
receptive. 

Discussing Communist Party activities related to riots and propa- 
ganda of a racial nature, the witness quoted Northern California Com- 
munist Party Chairman Albert J. "Mickey" Lima as saying in a 
speech at Stanford University in May of 1964, "Communists are defi- 
nitely involved in America's civil rights revolt." He quoted party Gen- 
eral Secretary Gus Hall as saying on May 7, 1968, that while Corn- 
munists do not dominate urban race riots, "we are a factor in their 
direction" and that "Wherever there is struggle and movement the 
general fact can be accepted that party members are playing militant 
roles." 

Mr. Montgomery read from a May 4, 1965, column written by 
NAACP Executive Director Roy Wilkins and published in the San 
Francisco News-Gall BulUtin. Mr. Wilkins stated, "Once again the 
Communists are seeking to use American Negroes to help bring about 
a revolution." After developing the history of attempted Communist 
exploitation of Negroes, Mr. Wilkins concluded : 

It remains to be seen whether this legitimate movement, representing the 
aspirations of millions of Negroes who are Americans, first and always, can be 
perverted and made a tool to serve communism. 

The witness disclosed that he had knowledge of a meeting "during 
the past summer" in the Finnish Hall in Berkeley, "a district meeting 

2049 



2050 SUBVERSIVE ESTFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

of Communist chieftains." Present were Gus Hall; Mickey Lima; 
Lima's aide, Roscoe Proctor; and others. According to Mr. Mont- 
gomery, these Communist Party leaders were disturbed at losing too 
many Negro party members to more militant organizations ; thus, they 
decided that "a concerted effort should be made in the Bay area to 
bring as many Negroes back into the Communist fold as possible." 

Mr. Montgomery stated that "propagandizing of the Communist 
Party and front groups has been evidenced over a period of years" 
in the areas of civil rights and alleged police brutality and that he 
had made a study of such propaganda appearing in the San Francisco 
edition of the People's Worlds official Communist Party organ on the 
West Coast, from January 1, 1962, until May 1968. Numerous exhibits 
from issues of the paper were introduced into the record. Referring 
to the San Francisco situation, Mr. Montgomery said — 

the Communist Party ofl5cial newspaper, the People's World, for a number ol 
years prior to the riot published a continuing barrage of inflammatory antipolice, 
racist, antigovernment racist articles, and I think it set the foundation for a 
gradual buildup of animosity within the minority groups toward law and order, 
toward the so-called Establishment, the term they like to use. 

According to the witness, several groups were involved in racial 
agitation and propaganda in the San Francisco area prior to the 
September 1966 riot. Among these organizations, in addition to the 
Communist Party, were the following : the Direct Action Group ; Ad 
Hoc Committee To End Discrimination; Progressive Labor Move- 
ment (later known as Progressive Labor Party) ; Committee to De- 
fend Resistance to Ghetto Life ( CERGE ) , a Progressive Labor front ; 
W.E.B. DuBois Clubs; Communist Party U.S.A. (Marxist-Leninist) ; 
and Anarchist League of Los Angeles. 

The Direct Action Group, according to Mr. Montgomery, was 
formed at about the time the Communist Party inaugurated all-out 
support for integration picketing. Among its activities was a demon- 
stration at a drive-in chain in San Francisco and Berkeley, an activity 
which resulted in some 93 arrests. Composed primarily of students at 
San Francisco State College and City College, the group had as its 
spokesman Jeff Cole, son of identified Communist Lester Cole of the 
Hollywood Ten. 

The witness testified that the Ad Hoc Committee To End Discrimi- 
nation had held numerous demonstrations in the San Francisco area 
during 1964 and early 1965, including a violence-scarred action at the 
Sheraton-Palace Hotel which resulted in the arrests of 167 persons, 
91 of them alleged members or adherents of the Communist Party. 
According to Mr. Montgomery's eyewitness account, this demonstra- 
tion was led by Tracy Sims and Michael Eugene Myerson, both of them 
members of the Communist Party's W.E.B. DuBois Club. Mr. Mont- 
gomery submitted a detailed listing of people associated with the Ad 
Hoc Committee's activities. Included in this list were children of Com- 
munists and notorious fellow travelers, as well as activists in such 
groups as the DuBois Clubs and Young Socialist Alliance. Among the 
organizations involved in Ad Hoc Committee activities were the Du- 
Bois Clubs, Young Socialist Alliance, Student Peace Union, Young 
People's Socialist League, Student Nonviolent Coordinating Commit- 
tee, Freedom Now, SLATE, SCOPE, and National Committee To 
Abolish the House Committee on Un-American Activities. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2051 

Introduced were numerous examples of Progressive Labor's revo- 
lutionary and racially inflammatory propaganda, including leaflets, 
flyers, and several articles from two official FLP publications, Pro- 
gressive Labor and Spark. These exhibits contain appeals for revolu- 
tionary violence, coupled with attempts to incite hatred and fear of the 
police. One flyer distributed widely in the Bay area in Au^st 1964 
stated, "The only path for wimiing freedom from oppression is by 
organizing for revolutionary struggle. * * *" 

Mr. JMontgomery mtroduced exhibits to document the activities of 
the Committee to Defend Kesistance to Ghetto Life (CERGE) in the 
San Francisco area. Stating that CERGE had been created as a de- 
fense front by PLP to defend PLP Vice President William Epton after 
the 1964 Harlem riot, the witness read from CERGE documents ap- 
pealing for support for Epton, an avowed Communist and revolution- 
ist, as well as from a leaflet advertising a CERGE meeting held in 
San Francisco on March 27, 1965, at which one of the speakers was 
PLP official William McAdoo. 

Documents provided by the witness reflected the concern of the 
DuBois Clubs with the propaganda issue of alleged police brutality 
and racial agitation, although it was pointed out that the clubs have 
concentrated primarily on the issues of poverty and Vietnam. In- 
cluded in these exhibits were antipolice literature and material urging 
support for an activity of the Ad Hoc Committee To End Discrim- 
ination. 

A leaflet distributed by the People's Armed Defense Groups, orga- 
nized by the Communist Party U.S.A. (Marxist-Leninist), called on 
readers to "Oppose the Reactionary Violence of the ruling class 
With the Revolutionary A^iolence of the people." The witness testified 
that this document was widely distributed in the San Francisco area. 

Mr. Montgomery stated that the Anarchist League of Los Angeles 
distributed inflammatory propaganda stickers bearing the phrases 
"BURN, BABY, BURN," "support tour local anarchist." and 
"WARNING : your local POLICE are ARMED and DANGER- 
OUS!" He said this material was given wide circulation in various 
areas of San Francisco and in the Negro area of West Oakland. 

Two other documents distributed prior to the riot, according to the 
witness, were hippie flyers, the first of which said in part: "A race 
riot seems just about inevitable. Lots of people on both sides want it 
to happen, & they're all the kind of people who generally get what 
they want." The second stated, "this is about the riots our black 
brothers have planned for the city. There isn't much hope that they 
won't occur." 

According to the Golden Gater, San Francisco State campus news- 
paper, for July 22, 1966, James Garrett, Black Students Union leader 
and former SNCC leader in the Los Angeles area, is alleged to have 
stated that he was willing to do anything necessary to realize the black 
nationalist goal of an all-black society, including "killing as the white 
man has done so often." 

Mr. Montgomery said : 

I know of my own knowledge that Jerry Varnado [BSU coordinator] made 
two trips to an Army surplus store * * * in Reno * * * . Within a period of 
10 days he had acquired and paid cash for nine hand weapons, either .9 milli- 
meter or .38 caliber. 



2052 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

RIOT PHASE 

The spark that set off the riot occurred on the afternoon of Septem- 
ber 27, 1966, when a police officer, after two encounters and repeated 
warnings, shot and killed a young Negro, one of three suspects who 
fled when the officer discovered them in a stolen car. The witness said 
that— 

by evening it [this incident] had become quite a cause of discussion throughout 
the Hunter's Point area, and the agitators on the various street corners — groups 
were there, and they began gathering in size and numbers. The police became 
alarmed. 

Looting and violence broke out, but were at least partially con- 
tained by the police the same evening. Violence increased in the Hunt- 
er's Point area on the second day. As the rioting spread to the Fillmore 
area, also on the second day, Chief Cahill was forced to call in the 
highway patrol and National Guard. 

The disturbances were characterized by looting, firebombing, win- 
dow-smashing, and pelting of police and firemen with such objects as 
rocks and bottles. There were also instances of sniping at police, in- 
cluding one of gunfire from the second floor of the Bayview Commu- 
nity Center, Himter's Point area headquarters for the local War on 
Poverty youth activity. 

Mr. jNIontgomery testified that 457 persons were arrested, 326 of 
whom were brought to trial. Of this number, 205 were convicted, 91 had 
their cases dismissed, and 2 forfeited bail. Damage to property and 
loss from theft exceeded $136,000. Of tlie 161 persons injured during 
the riot, 58 were policemen, 27 were firemen, 2 were highway patrol- 
men, and 5 were otherwise employed by the city of San Fi'ancisco. 
Of a total population of 750,000, some iOO,000 of whom are Negroes, 
some 4,000 persons were involved at the peak of the riot. According 
to the official police estimate, the preponderance of the 4,000 was 
Negro; however, most of the Negroes in the Hunter's Point and 
Fillmore districts were not involved. 

POSTRIOT PHASE 

]Mr. Montgomery supplied numerous additional examples of Com- 
munist Party propaganda from the pages of the Peojyle^s World to il- 
lustrate the party's continuing exploitation of the police brutality 
theme. He stated that the DuRois Clubs have continued to publish 
racially oriented and antipolicc propaganda in their magazine, 

inst/rgent. 

Similar material has appeared in Progressive Lal)or Party leaflets 
and books and in the jDages of Sp/rrl\ official PLP West Coast news- 
paper. PLP consistently refers to the riots as a "rebellion" and a "bat- 
tle between the cops and the ghetto people * * *." 

Documents introduced into the record indicated considerable activ- 
ity by the Progressive Labor Party through a front group called the 
Mission Tenants Union, nn organization intended to operate among 
Negroes and Mexican Americans. According to documentary evidence 
supplied by the witness, the MTU has agitated and propagandized on 
such issues as police brutality and draft resistance in collaboration 
with the following organizations: Mission Committee Against the 
War, Students for a Democratic Society, Progressive Labor Party, 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2053 

Black Anti-Draft Union, and the San Francisco Draft Ilesistance 
Union, 

Anotlier group discussed was the Afro- American Institute, located 
in San Francisco and founded in January 1967. According to its o^Yn 
literature, the group was formed to foster Negi-o economic develop- 
ment. Organizer of the institute was William Bradley of San Fran- 
cisco, characterized by the witness as an "extremely militant" and "ag- 
gressive"' individual who had been active in the Congress of Racial 
Equality for some years. One theme of Bradley's propaganda efforts 
has been the issue of concentration camps allegedly readied by the 
Government for the internment of black people. Committee counsel 
pointed out for the record that this same issue had been the subject of a 
considerable propaganda campaign waged by the Commmiist-front 
Citizens Committee for Constitutional Liberties. 

The witness recounted an incident which occurred in San Francisco 
in September 1967, when the police learned, through a young Negro 
informant, of a j^lan to hold an "anniversary riot" in San Francisco 
in the Fillmore district. The informant reported that some 800 Molo- 
tov cocktails had been stored secretly for use in the riot. A few hours 
before the planned time for the riot on September 26, 1967, police un- 
covered 475 of the devices as a result of a thorough search in the Fill- 
more area. Mr. Montgomery observed that this incident occurred at 
about the same time that a document advocating urban guerrilla war- 
fare and giving directions in the preparation of a Molotov cocktail was 
being given wide circulation in the area. 

Considerable testimony was given on an organization known as the 
Bay Area Emergency Action Committee, which Mr, Montgomery 
characterized as being "right from its founding session * * * part 
and parcel of a Communist-front organization." This group engaged 
in activity in the fields of opposition to the Vietnam war, propaganda 
against the Committee on Un-American Activities, and active sup- 
port for black revolution. Mr. Montgomery told of a meeting held by 
the Bay Area Emergency Action Committee at the Hall of Flowers 
in Golden Gate Park on July 22, 1967. He gave the purpose of the 
meeting as organization of the black community and the poor whites 
in support of black power. Among the known members of the Com- 
munist Party and/or the party's DuBois Clubs who were present at 
this meeting, according to Mr, Montgomery's eyewitness testimony, 
were Howard Albert Harawitz (president of the Berkeley Campus 
DuBois Club), Roscoe Proctor. Al Eichmoncl, George Sandy, James 
Fenton Wood, Albert "Mickey" Lima, Terence Hallinan, and Hursel 
Alexander. Chairman for the meeting was identified Communist Don 
Rothenberg, Other known party members connected with this proj- 
ect included Saul Wachter, Billie Wachter, and Peter Szego, as well as 
prominent National Lawyers Guild member Beverly Diana Axelrod, 
After this meeting, a circular was distributed which contained a pi- 
posal by Robert A. Avakian for the purchase of guns for use by black 
militants in the San Francisco Bay area, Avakian's circular stated 
in part that ^^ive must * * * com,e to the aid of the black revolu- 
tion * * *." Mr, Montgomery disclosed that at least one such purchase 
had been made on February 15, 1968, in Reno, Nev., with $954 paid 
out for 26 firearms. 



2054 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES EST RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

On June 28 Mr. Montgomery resumed liis testimonj^ with accounts 
of several incidents of violence other than rioting since the September 
1966 riot. This presentation included accounts of snipings and attacks 
directed at police stations, along with an extensive listing of incidents 
of sabotage of various utilities in the Bay area. 

Mr. Montgomery provided the committee with detailed testimony 
on the situation at San Francisco State College, beginning with an 
account of a seminar in guerrilla warfare being given at the Experi- 
mental College of San Francisco State College. The course instructor 
was Eobert L. Kaffke, whom the witness identified as having been con- 
nected with Latin American guerrilla movements. Exhibits also re- 
flected Kaffke's connection with travel to Cuba in 1963, with the 
DuBois Club at San Francisco State in 1964, and with a branch of the 
Progressive Labor Movement in Brooklyn in 1965. Subjects covered 
in Kaffke's course included "The Ghetto Uprisings," "Litelligence Op- 
erations," 'TTrban Warfare," "Weaponry and Demolitions," "Counter- 
Insurgency Tactics," and "Perspectives of Revolution in the Amer- 
icas." Recommended reading for the course included works by such 
writ-ers as Fidel Castro, Che Guevara, and Regis Debray. Mr. Mont- 
gomery quoted the Berkeley Barh of March 15-21, 1968, as saying that 
William Mandel ^ spoke to the class about his appearance before the 
Committee on Un-American Activities and that tapes of speeches by 
H. Rap Brown and Stokely Carmichael would be played on a following 
date. ]\Ir. INIontgomery observed : 

The fact that Robert Kaffke has been engaged in racial agitation, however, 
and the fact that his course on guerrilla warfare includes instruction on demoli- 
tions indicate that there might be a link between the acts of sabotage that have 
taken place and the militant race agitators who, it is known, are advocating 
guerrilla warfare. We have had them say that the thing to do was to blow up 
power stations, blow up police stations, blow up factories. There has even been 
an intimation that they were going to blow up the Standard Oil plant in Rich- 
miond. These acts have been advocated by various spokesmen from within the 
black militant group, as well as the leftists on the campus from time to time. 

The witness discussed Dr. Harry Edwards, organizer of the 1968 
Olympic boycott and one of the principal organizers of the United 
Black Students for Action, a disruptive group formed at San Jose 
State College in September 1967. Edwards is a part-time assistant 
professor at the same institution. Mr. Montgomery read from a state- 
ment made by Edwards in connection with the sniping attack on 
the Hunter's Point police station in November 1967. "AVhen strategy 
doesn't work, you have to move on to something else that does work. 
It doesn't make sense to go on being non-violent when everyone else is 
being violent." On another occasion, Edwards was said to have stated, 
"I'm talking about guerrilla warfare with snipers in buildings." 

Among the organizations involved in inflammatory racial activity 
at San Francisco State College, the witness listed the following: Black 
Students Union (BSU), Movement Against Political Suspension 
(MAPS), Progressive Labor Party, Students for a Democratic So- 
cietv, Iranian Students Association, Vietnam Dav Committe e (VD C), 
W. E. B. DuBois Club, and Third Worid Liberation Front (TWLF). 



1 Mr. Mandel was identified as a Communist by Louis Francis Budenz before the Senate 
Internal Security Subcommittee on Aug. 23. 1951. On May 13, 1960, Mandel appeared as a 
witness before the House Committee on Un-American Activities and invoked the fifth 
amendment when queried concerning past or present Communist Party membership. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2055 

A member of the BSU mentioned by the witness was George 
Murray, an English instructor who was once on-campus coordinator 
of the Tutorial Program, Murray was quoted as saying, "Anything we 
do to the 'dog' camiot be wrong. . . . The only crimes we can commit 
are crimes against humanity. * * *" [Murray is also known to be a 
member of the militantly racist and violence-oriented Black Panther 
Party.] 

Mr. Montgomery disclosed that the Black Students Union had en- 
gaged in acts of violence at San Francisco State College. On Novem- 
ber 6, 1967, for example, nine students, some of them BSU members, 
broke into the offices of the campus newspaper, damaged property, 
and physically assaulted the editor and other staff employees. All nine 
were arrested and suspended, but five of the suspensions were later 
modified to probation or warning. 

Investigation by the witness disclosed BSU representation on a num- 
ber of other California campuses : San Jose State College, Los Ange- 
les City College, Stanford University, California State College at Ful- 
lerton, Claremont Men's College, and Mills College, an all-girl 
institution. 

Another group very active in disruption at San Francisco State was 
the Movement Against Political Suspension. MAPS was active in 
protesting the suspensions of the four BSU students and two other 
persons who were connected with a campus magazine known as Open 
Process. These two, Blair Paltridge and Jefferson Poland, were sus- 
pended for printing and writing, respectively, obscene material in the 
November 14, 1967, issue of the magazine; however, the suspensions 
were later withdrawn. 

An item appeared in Open Process^ which, the witness said, "advo- 
cates a general program of hostility to Vietnam efforts": 

Sabotage is the only remaining route to peace. 

******* 

HOW DO YOU COMMIT SABOTAGE? Break war-related laws: draft, se- 
curity, federal trespassing. Damage war equipment. Join with your fellow work- 
ers in strikes, slowdowns, and "botching the job" in key war industries : steel, 
transportation, aerospace, electronics, etc. 

Publish state secrets you have access to, either in the press or as leaflets. 
People have a right to know what "their" government is up to. 

On December 6, 1967, there was a violent demonstration at San 
Francisco State College. Students and nonstudents, led by Progressive 
Labor Party member and MAPS leader John Levin, in concert with 
leftist professor John Gerassi, broke into the school's Administration 
Building. A few minutes later the rioting spread, with considerable 
resultant disruption and damage to property. The names of those 
arrested were submitted for the record, along with their organiza- 
tional affiliations. Groups represented included Students for a Demo- 
cratic Society, Black Students Union, and Progressive Labor Party, 
these three being, according to the witness, "the foremost leaders, the 
ringleaders," of MAPS. Other groups were the Young Socialist Al- 
liance and a local chapter of the Peace and Freedom Party. 

Another key faculty individual involved in disruptive activity at 
San Francisco State was Juan R. Martmez, deeply involved with the 
Third World Liberation Front, for which he was faculty adviser. 



2056 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

The witness recounted one instance of TWLF activity in which the 
group used imported high school students in a demonstration staged 
on April 30, 1968, at which time the demonstrators invaded the office 
of the school's dean of admissions and baited him into offering to 
resign. When the school refused to renew Martinez' contract at the 
end of the school year, various groups on campus, including SDS, 
engaged in further disraption and demonstrations. 

The Berkeley Emergency Action Committee was characterized by 
the witness as a "subsidiary" of the Bay Area Emergency Action Com- 
mittee, formed at the Bay Area Committee's July 22, 1967, Hall of 
Flowers meeting. Organizers were Brownlee W. Shirek and Howard 
Harawitz. One activity of the Berkeley Emergency Action Committee 
was an appearance before the Berkeley City Council on July 25, 1967, 
at which time Harawitz made a statement which "touches with much 
emphasis on alleged police brutality existing in the Berkeley area." 
Another speaker at this meeting was Communist Party functionary 
Raymond Thompson. 

The witness stated that the Oakland Emergency Action Commit- 
tee was active in trying to influence the Oakland City Council in much 
the same way that the Berkeley Emergency Action Committee had 
tried in Berkeley. The Oakland Committee's propaganda emphasized 
the issue of alleged police brutality. One of the Oakland Committee's 
documents submitted for the record carried the name of the group's 
corresponding secretary and the following address: 985 60th Street, 
Oakland, which the witness identified as the address of one Ozzo J. 
Marrow, identified as a member of the Communist Party. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, 
AND BURNING 

Part 6 

(San Francisco — Berkeley) 



THURSDAY, JUNE 27, 1968 

United States House of Representatives, 

Subcommittee of the 
Committee on Un-American Activities, 

Washington^ D.C. 

PUBLIC HEARINGS 

The subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities met, 
pursuant to call, at 10:25 a.m., in Room 311, Cannon House Office 
Building, Washington, D.C, Hon. Edwin E. Willis (chairman) pre- 
siding. 

(Subcommittee members: Representatives Edwin E. Willis, of 
Louisiana ; William M. Tuck, of Virginia ; Richard H. Ichord, of Mis- 
souri; John M. Ashbrook, of Ohio; and Albert W. Watson, of South 
Carolina; also John C. Culver, of Iowa, in absence of Mr. Willis.) 

Subcommittee members present: Representatives Willis, Tuck, 
Ichord, Ashbrook, and Watson. 

Committee members also present: Representatives Joe R. Pool, of 
Texas; Del Clawson, of California; and Richard L. Roudebush, of 
Indiana. 

Stail members present : Francis J. McNamara, director ; Chester D. 
Smith, general counsel ; and William A. IVlieeler, investigator. 

The Chairman. Gentlemen, we have a very important and impres- 
sive witness this morning, Mr. Edward S. Montgomery of the San 
Francisco Examiner. 

Mr. Montgomery is the four-time winner of the All-Professional 
Journalism Award for northern California, twice winner of the Asso- 
ciated Press Award for the best story of the year in the California- 
Nevada Division, the 1959 winner of the San Francisco Neighborhood 
Council Public Service Award, served two terms as president of the 
Press Club of San Francisco, and in 1951 he was awarded the Pulitzer 
Prize for the best local reporting. 

Mr. Montgomery, would you please stand ? 

Do you solemnly swear the testimony you are about to give will be 
the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth so help you God ? 

Mr. Montgomery. I do. 

2057 



2058 SUBVERSIVE ESTFLUENCES EST RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

TESTIMONY OF EDWARD S. MONTGOMERY 

Mr. Smith. State your full name for the record. 

Mr. Montgomery. Edward S. Montgomery. 

Mr. Smith. What is your profession ? 

Mr. Montgomery. I am a reporter with the San Francisco Exam- 
iner. 

Mr. Smith. How long have you been employed by the San Fran- 
cisco Exaininer'k 

Mr. Montgomery. Since October 11, 1945. 

Mr. Smith. Will you give the committee a resume of your educa- 
tional background ? 

Mr. Montgomery. I was graduated in 1934 from the University of 
Nevada with a degree in journalism and English. 

Mr. Smith. What has been your employment prior to October 11, 
1945, when you went with the Sam, Francisco Examiner^. 

Mr. Montgomery. After graduation from the University of Nevada, 
I started with the Nevada State Journal in Reno. 

In 1938 I changed employment and joined the staff of the Reno 
Evening Gazette as a general assignment reporter, sports columnist, 
and sports editor. 

In 1942 I enlisted in the Marine Corps and was honorably discharged 
with the rank of staff sergeant in June of 1945. 

In June of 1945 I was hired as a reporter by the San Francisco 
Chronicle and I stayed with the Chronicle until October 11, 1945, 
when I accepted a position with the San Francisco Examiner. I have 
been there ever since. 

Mr. Smith. Have you received any awards in the field of journalism ? 

Mr. Montgomery. None other than those mentioned here a moment 
ago by the chairman : four-time winner of the All-Professional Jour- 
nalism Award for northern California. On two occasions I was winner 
of the Associated Press Award for the best story of the year in the 
California-Nevada Division, and in 1959 I was winner of the San 
Francisco Neighborhood Council Public Service Award. I twice served 
as president of the Press Club and in the year 1951 1 was awarded the 
Pulitzer Prize for the best local reporting. 

Mr. Smith, Mr. Montgomery, your reputation has preceded you to 
Washington. It is the understanding of the committee that you are 
more of a freelance reporter and you develop your own articles by 
investigation. In other words, you are considered to be an investigator/ 
reporter rather than an assignment reporter. Would you agree that this 
is a proper evaluation ? 

Mr. Montgomery. I am known as an investigative reporter. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Montgomery, the committee is investigating the 
influence which Communists and other subversive elements may have 
had on riots that occurred in this country during the past few years. 
We wish to develop for the record information indicating that in- 
dividuals or groups of this type have engaged in the dissemination of 
inflammatory racial literature and propaganda ; that they have formed 
organizations for this purpose or have engaged in other activities 
which, by^ inciting racial tension, could pave the way for, or actually 
spark, a riot. 

Has there been a riot in San Francisco ? 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2059 

Mr. Montgomery. Yes. We had a riot in San Francisco on Septem- 
ber 27, 1966. It was brought under partial control the following day, 
on September 28, but broke out anew on the evening of the 28th, con- 
tinued through the 29th, and it was not until the following weekend 
that it was finally subdued. 

Mr. Smith. Could you give us some of the basic facts about the 
riot? 

Mr. Montgomery. It was a typical mob riot. There was firing, there 
was firebombing, looting of stores, smashing of windows, setting of 
fires, pelting of firemen with rocks and bottles, and pelting of police. 

Mr. Smith. Were there any injuries ? 

Mr. Montgomery. Yes, there were a number of injuries. There were 
about 40 people who required hospitalization. There was one fatality 
at the outset. 

The Chairman. Despite all of this looting and degradation of prop- 
erty, I suppose the rioters fell behind the whole policy of calling the 
action of the police as "police brutality." 

Mr. Montgomery. I am prepared to give you specific details as to 
the riot ; yes, sir. 

The Chairman. In substance, while they were the aggressors, they 
accused the police of brutality ? 

Mr. Montgomery. I am having difficulty understanding you, sir. 

The Chairman. In all of these hearings, I am trying to see if there 
is the same pattern. 

You have these looters, rioters, demonstrators, and bums who violate 
at least local law. I don't think it should offend anybody to realize 
that we have had local laws, both statewide and municipalwide, 
against disturbances of the peace from the foundation of the Anglo- 
American system. 

These disturbances of the peace — I am asking you now if it is true 
that, although they were the aggressors, they nevertheless tried to put 
the shoe on the other foot and accused the police of police brutality. 

Mr. Montgomery. They never fail to charge police brutality. 

The Chairman. That is right; it is the same old story. 

Mr. Montgomery. It follows the same pattern we have had all over 
the country, and San Francisco is no exception. 

The Chairman. In New York concerning the riots there, in the dis- 
charge of his duty, the policeman Gilligan had to either shoot, kill, 
or maim a young Negro in self-defense. Then they conditioned the 
minds of the people for a riot on the basis of the Gilligan "murder." 

Did they pick on any particular police brutality over there as the 
theme, or was it a general thread of accusation ? 

Mr. Montgomery. There had been accusations of police brutality 
leading up long before the riot itself . 

The Chairman. Long before and during, and I suppose it is still 
going on. 

Mr. Montgomery. Eight. That continues today. _ 

Mr. Smith. How many arrests were made during this riot ? 

Mr. Montgomery, In the course of the riot itself — I have a specific 
report of the chief of police, Thomas Cahill, that gives a breakdown. 

Actually, there were 457 persons arrested. There were 161 persons 
injured and to specifically break this down, 58 were policemen, 27 
were firemen, 2 were highway patrolmen, 5 were other city employees, 



2060 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

and 69 were civilians. Of these civilians, 10 were injured by gunshot, 
buckshot fired by police in repelling a mob in the center of the Hunter's 
Point riot area. 

Mr. Smith. Were there any convictions? 

Mr. Montgomery. Yes, there were. 

Of the total number of cases tried, there were 326 cases brought to 
court: 205 convictions, 91 dismissals, 2 men skipped bail and trials 
are still pending, and there are some bench warrants out. 

They have a record of 70 percent convictions and 30 percent 
dismissals. 

Mr. Smith. What is the total population of San Francisco ? 

Mr. Montgomery. About 750,000. 

Mr. Smith. "V^'^lat is the Negro population of San Francisco? 

Mr. Montgomery. The Negro population is estimated at 100,000. 

Mr. Smith. Approximately how many people were involved in the 
riot? 

Mr. Montgomery. Eoughly between 3,000 and 4,000, At its peak, 
there were about 4,000 people involved. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, for the record, again, this demonstrates 
that the majority of the colored people were not involved in the riot. 

Mr. Montgomery, The majority of the colored people in the Hunt- 
er's Point or Fillmore districts were not involved. 

The Chairman. While it has been a remarkable and consoling 
thing in connection with all of the riots occurring in areas such as 
Watts, Newark, Harlem, and Detroit, how the colored people stood 
up 10 feet tall and resisted the temptation, I don't know. I think it is 
a real compliment to the colored race. 

Mr. Montgomery. I feel, Mr. Chairman, there are social aspects 
that cause a riot, but the propaganda distributed in the riot area of 
San Francisco prior to the riot was very inflammatory. In my opinion, 
it would lead to the condition in the Negro community, making them 
more receptive. 

The Chairman. I am glad you brought that up. Let me tell you 
that other committees of the Congress, both on the Senate and the 
House side, have inquired into the "brink" causes of these riots — the 
ghettos, the underprivileged status of the colored race, and all that — 
so far as we are concerned, we are operating within the jurisdiction 
of the committee and we want to find out what, if any, subversive 
influences were at play in connection with the riots. 

That is what we are here to develop this morning. I know there are 
social injustices and social reasons besides that. Our limited purpose 
is to stick to and conform to our jurisdiction in order that we mi;^ht 
bring out the extent of subversive activities causing and prolonging 
these riots. 

Mr. IcHORD. Mr. Chairman, will you yield at this point? 

The Chairman. I yield. 

Mr. IcHORD. You said the Negro population of San Francisco was 
100,000, Mr. Montgomery. I did not understand the total population of 
San Francisco. 

Mr. Montgomery. 750,000, of whom 100,000 are Negro. 

Mr. IcHORD. You stated there were approximately 4,000 people in- 
volved in the riot. 

Mr. Montgomery. 3,000 or 4,000. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2061 

Mr. IcHORD. Is that your estimate or the police estimate ? 

Mr. Montgomery. That has been stated in print as a police depart- 
ment estimate of the total number involved at the peak of the riot. 

Mr. IcHORD. Of those 3,000 or 4,000, did you have a percentage of 
what were white and what percentage were Negro ? 

jSIr. Montgomery. The preponderance were Negro, but there were 
some white people arrested in this riot. 

Mr. Smith. Have there been any other disturbances in the San 
Francisco riot ? 

Mr. ]MoNTGOMERY. Yes, there have been some minor disturbances, 
mostly at the college level, one at the San Francisco State College. 

Getting back to the riot itself, if you want a little additional detail 
on it, there was sniping and gunfire at the police. These incidents were 
in addition to the lootmgs as the riot spread from its inception. 

At Hunter's Point, it spread to the second Negro area of our city, 
the Fillmore district. While police were attempting to bring the situa- 
tion under control at Hunter's Point, it broke out in the Fillmore area 
and seesawed back and forth to the point where they were finally 
obliged to bring in the National Guard. They brought in several hun- 
dred highway patrolmen, and actually it was 128 hours from the time 
of the inception of the riot until the time of its final conclusion when 
the National Guard iwas discharged and the highway patrolmen were 
relieved. 

Since then, by way of property damage, there have been consider- 
able other disturbances following the riot. 

For instance, we had on March 16, 1967, a minor riot in San Fran- 
cisco. It occurred at Playland at the Beach, which is a concession area 
in San Francisco, involving mostly teenagers and again involving pre- 
dominantly black students who were holding a celebration of sorts 
out at Playland at the Beach, and we wound up with a "Playland riot." 

It is something like Coney Island, and here they went down from 
one end to the other, smashing windows, stealing premiums, looting 
cash registers, coin boxes, pinball machines, and the like. 

It was a riot that lasted about an hour and one-half or two hours 
until the police were able to bring it under control. 

Then we had another racial disturbance on May 14 in San Fran- 
cisco which started again at Playland at the Beach with a fist fight 
between Negroes, two 18-year-old Negro youths. Rival gangs started 
fighting and again they broke windows and tore horses from the 
merry-go-round and made off with premiums and that sort of thing. 
It was veiy similar to the previous riot at Playland at the Beach. 

Then, on May 15, there was another disturbance in the Hunter's 
Point area in which young bands of Negroes, for the most part, 16, 17, 
and 18 years of age, were assaulting high school students, pelting cars, 
and breaking windsliields. 

About 36 youths were involved. They even went on to Market Street 
and smashed a jewelry store window and made off with some $25,000 
worth of diamond rings and other jewelry that they were able to snatch 
from the display cases. There were no arrests in this case. They were 
gone by the time the police got there. 

At this time they were also causing considerable difficulty at one or 
two of the high schools, to the point where police had to station police 

88-083 — 69— pt. 6 2 



2062 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

patrols in the high school neighborhoods to prevent a repetition of this 
sort of thing. 

It is rather interesting here, Mr. Chairman, to note that under the 
War on Poverty Program, the summer youth program, in July of 
1967, less than a year ago, they sponsored a series of sj)eeches. 

Speakers were brought in. I think they were paid for their re- 
marks, and these speakers — and one in particular was very racist, very 
inflammatory in his remarks — were addressing the Negro population 
only. It was not closed to whites, but it was a Negro area. 

It was given at the Fremont Elementary School. One speaker con- 
cluded by saying, "This is the time to smash whatever you can, loot 
whatever you can, steal from 'whitey'. Whatever you can do to 'whitey', 
go forth and do it." 

It was in the wake of this, the very following day, that they looted 
the Diamond Palace at Fifth and Mission. This is the second jewelry 
store to be smashed and looted within a matter of a few days. 

They gave a performance on Geary Street. They put on a show for 
them at the Geary Theatre as part of the summer youth program. 
When it broke up at 4 : 30 in the afternoon, they poured out onto the 
streets and looted right in the downtown area of San Francisco, along 
Geary Street, looting merchants, in one instance as much as $1,700 in 
merchandise. 

They broke up a bar and made off with several hundred dollars' 
worth of whiskey. The bartender was beaten with his own whiskey 
bottles and he required hospitalization. They looted his cash register 
of nearly $300. 

Two buses were chartered for a picnic outing and on the way back 
they stopped at 39th and Broadway in Oakland for a traffic light. 
The youngsters poured out of these buses, took over a liquor store, 
robbed it of some $800 or $900 worth of liquor, intimidated the clerks, 
piled back on the bus with their loot, and returned to San Francisco. 

The Oakland police are still trying to settle that situation and find 
out who was responsible. The people who were in charge contended, 
first, that it had not happened. The charter bus drivers verified that it 
had happened. They themselves had been intimidated, and the people 
within the summer youth program to this day have not provided the 
Oakland Police Department with the names of those individuals 
who were on that bus. They contend they don't know, yet it was they 
who arranged the outing. 

That is the sort of lack of respect that we are getting in the form of 
cooperation from the Negro community or the individuals who are the 
leaders in conmiunity programs. Most of them are on the payroll of 
the War on Poverty Program. 

We had one other situation on Market Street where there was a 
disturbance. This was in July of 1967 and shoe stores were looted, 
five liquor stores were looted, and they smashed the windows of two 
branch banks. In the course of this situation, one looter was shot but not 
critically hurt. This was on July 27 in San Francisco. 

So, there were a series of disturbances, one after the other, taking 
place after the principal riot. 

Mr. Pool. I understood you to say that many of the leaders were on 
the payroll of the "War on Poverty." 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2063 

Mr. Montgomery. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Pool. Do you have information as to whether or not those in 
charge of the program have knowledge of the fact that these people 
are law violators ? 

Mr. Montgomery. I don't know that there has been any investi- 
gation of their activities in that respect. As far as I know, no one 
within the War on Poverty has done anything about it. 

Mr. Pool. I didn't hear your last answer. 

Mr. Montgomery. So far as I know, no action has been taken. Mr. 
Sizemore is still there and is still employed. He is the one who ar- 
ranges the programs and brought in the inflammatory speakers. He 
is still in charge of the youth program at Hunter's Point. 

The Chairman. In other words, to put it concisely, some of these 
leading rioters are on the Government payroll to help them to riot. 

Mr. Montgomery. The arrest records for the principal riot will show 
that among those arrested were four employees of the Office of Eco- 
nomic Opportunity. 

The ChairjVL^n. The counterpart of this committee on the Senate 
side has been bringing out what you just said there. 

Out in Chicago at least some people have charged that a gang of 
rascals were meeting in a church to perform their looting and ras- 
cality, and then the churchman said it was all a lie. 

On what basis do you say some of the leaders of the rioting activities 
were on the OEO payroll ? Has that been verified ? 

Mr. Montgomery. Mr. Chairman, I think it very indicative of that 
situation. The center of the riot in San Francisco and the building 
from which fire first opened on the police — the rioters were the first 
to fire and they opened from the Bayview Community Center, which 
is maintained as the War on Poverty youth headquarters point. 

This is the Government agency from which the demonstrators first 
fired upon the police. 

Mr. IcHORD. Mr. Chairman, at that point I did not understand that 
Mr. Sizemore. whom you mentioned as holding some position in OEO, 
was arrested as participating in the riot. 

Mr. Montgomery. I don't know that Mr. Sizemore was a partici- 
pant in the riot itself. Wliether he was, I don't know, but I do know 
that since the riot he has headed up a summer youth program which 
has featured, among other things, these inflammatory speakers who 
advocate going out and stealing from "whitey." 

Mr. IcHORD, Your testimony as far as Mr. Sizemore is concerned 
was that he was responsible for bringing in the inflammatory speakers 
and the riots occurred thereafter. 

Mr. Montgomery. And also his failure to cooperate with the police 
in an effort to apprehend those who were responsible for some of the 
activities that had occurred. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Montgomery, prior to the outbreak of the first riot 
of September 27, 1966, was there racial agitation or incitement in the 
San Francisco area by Communists or other militant-type organiza- 
tions ? 

Mr. Montgomery. Eight. This is evidenced over a long period of 
time, but before going into the details, I would like to preface my re- 
marks and the exhibits that I have here, which I am willing to 



2064 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

leave ^Yith the the committee, by reading from the testimony of J. 
Edgar Hoover, given when he was a witness before the House Appro- 
priations Subconimittee on January 29, 1964. This testimony was 
lieard in executive session, but it was later released. I had a copy of 
it and we did a news story on it under the caption "Reds and the 
Negro" [Montgomery Exhibits Nos. 1-A and 1-B] . 

Mr. Hoover stated before the House subcommittee [on February 23, 
1968] that some militant Negro groups are "'a distinct threat to the 
internal security of the Nation." As being a part of the militant groups, 
he named the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, the Black 
Muslims, and the Revolutionary Action Movement, known commonly 
as RAM. He expressed concern over black militant groups stocking 
guns for use against the white man. 

1 have a clipping on that particular story [Montgomery Exhibits 
Nos.2-Aand2-B]. 

Mr. Montgomery. I also have a copy of ]Mr. Hoover's remarks be- 
fore the Plouse Appropriations Subcommittee on the date given. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request that these documents be re- 
ceived for the record. 

The Chairman. They will be so received. 

(Documents marked "Montgomery Exhibits Nos. 1-A and B and 
2-A and B,*' respectively, and retained in committee files.) 

Mr. MoxTGOJMERT. I liave also an exhibit quoting Albert J. "Mickey" 
Lima, who is the chairman of the Commimist Party for Northern 
California. 

He is quoted in the San Jose Mercury [May 20, 1964], a copy of 
which I have here. This was an occasion when he was speaking at Stan- 
ford University. He had been brought on the campus as a speaker and 
the lead sentence of this story is : "Communists are definitely involved 
in America's civil rights revolt." 

This is not an allegation being made by someone. This is Mickey 
Lima's own statement that Communists are definitely involved in 
American civil rights activities in California. 

The Chairman, l^^io made that statement ? 

Mr. MoNTGOsiERY. Albert "Mickey" Lima, the chairman of the Com- 
munist Party, U.S.A., for Northern California. 

_ The Chairman. He acknowledges Communist activity within these 
riots ? 

Mr. Montgomery. Yes. Within various demonstrations. 

The Chairman. If Ed Willis, as chairman of this committee, said 
that, he would be gored to pieces. 

Mr. Montgomery. It says his organization backs the movement of 
individual Reds and Reds have participated in the various civil rights 
activities throughout the country. He acknowledges this. 

Mr. Smith. I request this document be received in the record. 

(Document marked "]\Iontgomery Exhibit No. 3" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Smith, Supplementing Mr. Montgomery's identification of Mr. 
Lima, I would like to point out that he has been chairman of the 
district since it was created in 1957, the Communist Party district of 
Northern California. He is also a member of the seven-man executive 
board which was set up to replace the district committee after the 
Supreme Court upheld 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2065 

The Chairman. Is he a self-professed or identified Cominuuist? 

Mr. INIoNTGOMERY. Yes. 

The Chairman. Which one, self-professed or both ? 

Mr. Montgomery. I am sorry, I don't understand you, Mr. Chair- 
man. 

The Chairman. I am asking if this gentleman is a self-admitted or 
identified member of the Communist Party, ■^^'hich, or both. 

Mr. Montgomery. Mickey Lima is self-admitted and has been identi- 
fied time and again. 

The Chairman. Both ? 

Mr. Montgomery. You call him on the phone if you want to find 
out something about the Communist Party— we call ISIickey Lima — 
he is the publicly acknowledged chairman of the Communist Party. 

There is nothing sub rosa about it. 

"RED LEADER— Albert J. 'Mickey' Lima, executive secretary 
of Northern California's Communist Party" — this picture was taken 
as he addressed 450 university students at Palo Alto. 

He is regarded as the number one man in the Communist Parry in 
Northern California. 

Mr. Smith. INIickey Lima has served on the National Committee of 
the Communist Party, U.S.A., for many years and was reelected at the 
party's convention in June of 1966. 

Mr. Montgomery. Along the same line, I have with me a copy of 
the remarks of Gus Hall, who also spoke in the Bay area. We had had 
a disturbance on the Stanford campus recently, and this is as recent 
as IMay 7 of this year where Gus Hall said, among other things, that 
"Communists do not dominate big city racial riots, 'but we are a 
factor in their direction.' " That was a quote from the Oakland Tinbune 
of jSIay 7, 1968. He also was quoted : ""\Ylierever there is struggle and 
movement the general fact can be accepted that party members are 
playing militant roles." Hall said, "I am an old looter myself. I did 
time in ISIinneapolis for emptying retail stores during the depression. 
People were hungry." 

This is from Gus Hall, the general secretary. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request this document be received for 
the record. 

The Chairman. It will be received. 

(Document marked "^Montgomery Exhibit No. 4-A" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. MoNTGO]NrERY. I would like also. Mr. Chairman, to refer to an 
article by Roy Wilkins. He is a Negro columnist. This appeared in the 
San Francisco Nems-CaU Bvlletin on May 4, 1965, and it is captioned 
"Nejrroes Should Beware of Reds." 

The lead on the story is "Once again the Communists are seeking to 
use American Negroes to help bring about a revolution." 

Elsewhere he says : 

In the '30s the Communists were obsessed with the idea that the "black pro- 
letariat" would arise and revolt if only it had their leadership. * * * 

He also states : 

THE USA Communist Party in 1941 officially urged Negroes to cease their 
agitation against all Jim Crow, especially that in the armed forces, until the 
Soviet Union was saved. The Negro cause was dumped between suns. 



2066 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Well, lie concludes : 

It remains to be seen whether this legitimate movement, representing the 
aspirations of millions of Negroes who are Americans, first and always, can be 
perverted and made a tool to serve communism. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 4-B" and retained 
in committee files.) 

Mr. Montgomery. Mr. Chairman, I have knowledge of a meeting 
that was held in the Finnish Hall in Berkeley, a district meeting of 
Communist chieftains. Hall came out from New York ; Mickey Lima, 
Roscoe Proctor, others were there during the past summer at which 
a program was launched. 

They were a little disturbed that they were losing too many of their 
Negro followers who were going over to the more militant actions. 

At that time it was decided a concerted effort should be made in the 
Bay area to bring as many Negroes back into the Communist fold as 
possible. 

Mr. IcHORD. Mr. Montgomery, you referred to Mr. Wilkins as a 
columnist. This is the same Eoy Wilkins who is the head of the 
NAACP, is it not? 

Mr. Montgomery. That is correct. 

The Chairman. I might say, and it deserves to be said, that Mr. 
Roy Wilkins is a 100 percent American. As a matter of fact, he has 
sponsored, and the NAACP Council adopted, a very strong anti-Com- 
munist plan in their meetings. 

Mr. Roy Wilkins is all right. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. You have quoted Mickey Lima and Gus Hall, two) of 
the top Communist Party officials, as saying the Communists have been 
involved in the rioting this committee has been investigating. You also 
quoted Roy Wilkins, head of the NAACP, in a warning about Com- 
munist infiltration and agitational efforts in the civil rights movements. 

Could you tell me whether or not you have any evidence of Com- 
munist Party involvement in the Bay area in the Poor People's Cam- 
paign ? 

Mr. Montgomery. Yes, I have, sir. 

They recently held a rally in the Oakland Auditorium to raise funds. 

The Chairman. Where ? 

Mr. Montgomery. The auditorium was arranged for 

The Chairman. In Oakland ? 

Mr. Montgomery. In Oakland, the Oakland Auditorium — to raise 
contributions, and they solicited contributions around the city on both 
sides of the Bay to secure volunteers to come here on the Poor People's 
March which you have just experienced and to raise money for that 
purpose. 

Now, they announced this as early as April 29 that they were going 
to put on a campaign in the Bay area. It was directed primarily at stu- 
dents. There was not much student reaction, but there was great reac- 
tion from within the Negro community. 

They were told that heading up the program for Oakland and the 
Bay area was a person known as Cassandra Weaver Davis, who has 
been active in leftwing agitation consistently. She is the ex-wife of 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2067 

Phil Davis, who in turn is the son of a man who has been very active 
in the Communist Party. 

The second person was Eoscoe Proctor. Now, Roscoe Proctor is the 
number one man under Mickey Lima. He is Mickey Lima's chief aide in 
the Communist operation in Northern California. 

People were told to make out their checks or their money orders or 
make their cash contributions to either Cassandra Weaver Davis or 
to Roscoe Proctor. An address was given and a phone number. The 
address was that of the Neighborhood House on 24th Avenue in Oak- 
land, and that is a community project operated under the War on 
Poverty, funded by Federal funds, and the phone number was given 
and the phone bill is paid for by Federal funds. 

No one knows how much money — no worth was given. How much 
money went in there, we don't know, but we do know they sent two 
chartered busloads of demonstrators or so-called "poor people" to 
Washington. 

I know Cassandra was here as of a week ago today handing out 
checks to those who were going to return by bus on their own. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. Getting back to Roscoe Proctor, since we know a 
little bit about his record and he is an official of the Communist Party, 
how is he connected with this Neighborhood House ? 

Mr. Montgomery. He has made that more or less his headquarters. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. That is funded by Federal War on Poverty money, 
is it not? 

Mr. Montgomery. It is, and the telephone bill is paid for by the 
Federal Government. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. Was that a statement made at the Oakland 
Auditorium ? 

Mr. Montgomery. This was even contained in flyers and handbills. 

Mr. AsHBROoK. Do you have an exhibit? 

Mr. Montgomery. Yes, I have. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. I would hope we would make that a part of the 
record. 

The Chairman. It will be received for the record. 

Mr. Smith. I suggest the document submitted by JNIr. Montgomery 
be accepted for the record. 

The Chairman. It will be so accepted. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 5" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Smith. Cassandra Davis, mentioned by Mr. Montgomery, was 
the Midwest representative of the W. E. B. DuBois Clubs, according 
to our files. 

The Chairman. That, of course, in turn is a Communist-dominaited 
organization. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Montgomery, all the hearings held so far by this 
committee have indicated constant harping on alleged police bmtality 
as a means of inciting hatred of the police and government authorities. 

Does your research indicate this was also the case in the San Fran- 
cisco area? 



2068 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Mr. Montgomery. Yes, this is definitely so. There has been repeated 
use of the term "police brutality," particularly in the case of the 
Peofle's World — "Bitter ghetto rites for boy killed by cop." 

"S.F. ghetto blows," with reference to police brutality — scenes of 
alleged brutality on arrests, including arrests during a riot in San 
Francisco. 

We have any number of issues of publications put out in the Bay 
area where the emphasis is continually on police brutality. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request these documents be accepted 
for the record. 

The Chairman. They are accepted. 

(Documents marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 6" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Montgomery. The propagandizing of the Communist Party and 
front groups has been evidenced over a period of years. 

To mention a couple of items, if I may refer to the 14th report of 
the Senate Factfinding Subcommittee on Un-American Activities of 
the State of California for the year 1967, on page 11 of this report 
there is a paragraph which has been reprinted from the 1943 report 
of the same committee. 

This paragraph refers to Dorothy Ray Healey, who is now chairman 
of the Communist Party for the Southern District of California. She 
is Mickey Lima's counterpart in Southern California. 

This goes back to 1943, and this theme has been repeated over and 
over. The most repetitious allegation we encounter out there is "])olice 
brutality." 

I would like to make reference to an article appearing in the Peofle's 
World of August 11, 1947, Exhibit 7 that I have here "Police brutality 
fight." 

In this demonstration a movement is under way to stage a picket 
demonstration on Saturday at 10 a.m. to protest police abuses against 
Negro residents in this city. 

This is being staged by the Citizens Committee Against Police 
Terror. 

A meeting was called, incidentally, and presiding was Aubrey Gross- 
man, who was the county education director of the Communist Party. 
Aubrey Grossman has been known to me for a long time as a Com- 
munist functionary, and also presiding at part of the session was Oleta 
O'Connor Yates, who was the county Communist chairman at that 
time in San Francisco County. Also present were Harry Williams, the 
county minorities director of the Communist Party, and Al Richmond, 
the executive editor of the Daily People''s World, which is the Com- 
munist publication for California. 

Tliis was as far back as August 11, 1947, at which time they were 
holding rallies and meetings based purely on allegations of police 
brutality. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request the document be received for 
the record. 

The Chairman. It is received. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 7" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, for the record, with resDoct to Aubrey 
Grossman, as mentioned by Mr. jMontgomery, I would like to state 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2069 

that the committee records show that Aubrey Grossman has been one 
of the top Communist lawyers on the West Coast for many years. He 
has been identified as a member of the Communist Party by at least five 
witnesses in testimony before this committee. 

In 1945 Grossman was appointed educational director for the Com- 
munist Party in the city and county of San Francisco. 

In that same year he was also alternate deleo-ate to the important 
Communist Party national convention in New York City. This was a 
convention of 93 handpicked delegates who were obligated in advance 
to insist on the reconstitution of the Communist Party, the abandon- 
ment of the name "Communist Political Association," and the ouster 
of Earl Browder in conformity with the Duclos letter. 

Aubrey Grossman also served for years as West Coast director of 
the Communist Party's legal front, the Civil Rights Congress. One of 
his first assignments in that post was to coordinate the campaign to 
defend the 12 Communist leaders indicted under the Smith Act. 

Mr. Montgomery. Mr. Chairman, I believe that the conditioning of 
the minority against the established legal authorities in San Francisco 
started as a campaign when your committee held hearings in San 
Francisco in May of 1960. 

You will recall, on that occasion, on Maj^ 13 there was a riot at the 
City Hall where the hearings were being held and also large demon- 
strations the following day on Saturday, May 14. 

The Chairman. I do indeed remember. I was there. 

Mr. Montgomery. The riot and demonstration were under the lead- 
ership of known leaders of the Communist Party. You may recall I 
was assigned to that particular hearing and was present at tlie time of 
the inception of the riot. 

I was within 5 feet of Inspector Maguire when he reached for the fire 
hose and I recognized a good many Communists present at the incep- 
tion of that riot, although most of them had a faculty to get to one side 
after the show got on the road. They drifted over to the sidelines rather 
than the front lines, with the exception of perhaps Doug Wachter. 

Subsequent to the riot and demonstration, there was a petition 
signed by professors throughout the Bay area, certain professors 
throughout the Bay area, charging the police w^ith brutality. 

Yet, it is my understanding that not a single professor who signed 
that petition was present at the hearing or demonstration. The petition 
was directed to the attorney general of the State of California de- 
manding an investigation, the point being, here was an effort again to 
discredit the police, a signed petition by individuals who had not even 
witnessed the event over which they were protesting. 

Mr. SisriTii. At this point, Mr. Chairman, I would like to read into 
the record the standard party line for police brutality from the com- 
mittee's report, House Report No. 1278 of October 1961, The Truth 
About the Film, '"''Operation Abolition''\' 

At a party meeting on the night of May 20, 1960, Archie Brown disclosed how 
the party intended to use a followup campaign with campus students as the 
target. He stated that the party planned to emphasize "police brutality" as 
a rallying cry to attract the sympathy of student groups. He pointed out that 
he was particularly pleased with the fact that he had been invited to speak at 
Stanford University, adding that he had already spoken to students at the Uni- 
versity of California in Berkeley.* * * 



2070 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IX RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Mr. Cliairman, this goes on in this same vein. I would like to submit 
this for the record, this report. 

The Chairman. It will be received for the record. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 8" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Montgomery, were you present at the riots at the 
City Hall in 1960? 

Mr. Montgomery. I was there. I was there from the inception, dur- 
ing the hearings, and during the entire riot. 

Mr. Smith. To your knowledge, did the Communists use the theme 
of police brutality during this riot ? 

Mr. Montgomery. Yes, they made much of the allegations of police 
brutality. Actually, there were only five instances that I had knowl- 
edge of, or that I witnessed, where considerable restraint and force 
was used effecting arrest. 

Of all of the hundreds who were arrested there and taken out of 
there, there were only five instances, and in each instance to my mind 
the individual involved made outright defiance like kicking an officer 
in the groin or chopping an elderly man on the neck with a judo chop, 
a man who later suffered a heart attack. 

With those five exceptions, there was neither force nor violence. 
Most of them would go out of their own accord. Once in a while one 
would go limp and they would carry him out. 

I know that in one instance the following day a paper carried a by- 
line article by a reporter reading, in essence, "Eyewitness Account of 
Police Brutality" and in the fourth or fifth paragraph he said "now 
the police are clubbing the demonstrators at will." 

Nothing could be farther from the truth. This did not occur at this 
riot. Actually, the man who wrote the article did not arrive at the City 
Hall until the riot ended, and they were mopping the water off the 
floor before he made an appearance. 

It might be indicative that that particular writer also was active 
in the Abraham Lincoln Brigade in Spain and perhaps that accounts 
for the slant he put on his story. 

As far as police brutality, what we consider police brutality, there 
was none. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Montgomery, what is the Direct Action Group? 

Mr. Montgomery. I might say before getting into the Direct Action 
Group that we did notice there in the San Francisco Bay area in the 
latter part of 1962 that the Communist Party had become much more 
active in civil rights than it had been in the past, and picketing for 
civil rights and minority groups became increasingly popular. 

The first demonstration of any proportion was the picketing of 
Mel's Drive-Ins, two in San Francisco and one in Berkeley. 

The organization heading the picketing was called the Direct 
Action Group and it demanded the employment of more representa- 
tion of minority groups in the restaurants. 

At this time the idea, the party policy, seemed to be to abandon the 
idea of the separate Negro republic and more in favor of integration 
picketing. 

There seemed to be a change in the party direction at that time. It 
was during that particular time that the Direct Action Group was 
formed. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2071 

Mr. Smith. Wlio was the head of this organization ? 

Mr. Montgomery. I refer you to the May 9, 1964, Sun Reporter 
wherein it is stated that the Direct Action Group was largely composed 
of students from San Francisco State College and City College and 
students from local high schools. 

The head of the organization, Art Sheridan, was then a senior at 
San Francisco State College. He was one of those arrested in the 
Palace Hotel demonstration. 

To give you a better idea who he is, this is what was reported May 9, 
1964, in the Sun Reporter: 

Starting with the student demonstrations in South Carolina in 1960, Negroes 
discovered that the techniques of direct action could bring faster results * * *. 
******* 

Direct action brought into local public focus such young men as Arthur A. 
Sheridan, 25, a firebrand who just a few short months ago was barely known 
outside the environs of the San Francisco State College campus, where he is 
currently a senior student majoring in political science. 

That is the background of Art Sheridan. He announced his can- 
didacy for the board of supervisors in San Francisco on May 13 of 
last year. He was not a successful candidate. 

The board of supervisors is something akin to a city council. We 
have a joint operation there, supervisors and councilmen; it is all one. 

Sheridan was arrested in the demonstration at the Sheraton-Palace 
in March of 1964 

I have this exhibit if you wish it. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request this document be received for 
the record. 

The Chairman. It will be received. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 9" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Montgomery. They undertook then [in 1964] to picket the 
Sheraton-Palace Hotel. 

As a result of this picketing [at Mel's Drive-In] 93 arrests were 
made in San Francisco, and this information was documented from 
the San Francisco Ea-ammer in an article of November 5, 1963, and 
Jeff Cole, a San Francisco State College student, was the general 
spokesman for the Direct Action Group. 

We were told if we had any questions to ask of this group to put 
them to Jeff Cole. He became their spokesman. 

Jeff Cole is the son of Lester Cole who was one of the Hollywood 
Ten. 

Mr. Smith. He is well known to this committee. 

Mr. Montgomery. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Smith. Is the Direct Action Group still in existence ? 

Mr. Montgomery. Yes, it is. Well, the last reference we had to it — 
I would say it was late '64 or '65 that we last heard of the Direct 
Action Group. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request this document be accepted for 
the record. 

The Chairman. It will be so accepted. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 10" and retained in 
committee files.) 



2072 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Mr. Montgomery, Mr. Chairman, they seem to change their names 
every so often. They have a group under one name and then they have 
a new committee, an Ad Hoc Committee To End Discrimination, or 
something like that, but they are the same faces. We see the same 
people over and over again and invariably we will have a Patrick or 
Terence Hallinan acting as counsel for them or Beverly Axelrod 
counseling them on the side. We see the same people repeatedly. 

Mr. Smith. You made reference to an Ad Hoc Committee To End 
Discrimination. Was this group active in the civil rights agitation? 

Mr. Montgomery. Yes, it was. They were the primary instigators 
of the Sheraton-Palace demonstration. They held one demonstration 
outside, one in early March at which time an injunction was granted 
by the court to limit the number of pickets and soon they were held in 
violation of that injunction. There were some arrests made, and then 
finally they came back for a third time and it was on that occasion 
that they actually took over the hotel and practically ran the hotel 
for a few hours. 

Mr. Smith. Wlien was the Ad Hoc Committee To End Discrimina- 
tion formed? 

Mr. Montgomery. As close as I can get to the date of the formation 
would be an article I have that appeared in the San Francisco Exam- 
iner on March 2, 1964, and at that time — well, there was a hotel meet- 
ing and "The wild, noisy Sunday night hotel melee ended with the 
arrest of 123 persons * * *." 

This is referring to the initial riot of demonstrators at the hotel, in 
which two policemen, incidentally, were injured in making arrests. 
A demonstration leader claimed there were 12 people bruised by po- 
lice, but in the developments there, Mike Myerson, 23, and Tracy Sims, 
18, were spokesmen for the Ad PIoc Committee. They identified them- 
selves as members of the W. E. B. DuBois Club which we have de- 
scribed at times over the past as a Marxist study gi^oup. They were 
among those arrested. 

Myerson claimed the Ad Hoc Committee had been negotiating for 
nearly 3 months, so that would put it 3 months prior to March or 
preferably around the end of 1963 or the early part of 1964 for the 
formation of the Ad Hoc Committee. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request this document be received for 
the record. 

The Chairman. It will be so received. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 11" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Montgomery has mentioned the name of Michael 
Eugene Myerson. I would like to enter into the record information 
from the committee's files concerning Mr. Myerson. 

(The information follows :) 

MICHAEL EUGENE MYERSON 

Mike Myerson is a 28-year-olcI native of Washington, D.C. He gained his 
first solid experience at agitation as a member and later chairman of SLATE, a 
radical student organization at the LTniversity of California. From organizing 
protests against ROTC and the House Committee on Un-American Activities, 
Myerson graduated to the leadership of the t'.S. delegation to the Communist 
1962 World Youth Festival. After the festival. Myerson filed a number of reports 
on it from abroad. No information is available on his whereabouts or activities 
from then until the fall of lOriS when he turned up in San Francisco. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2073 

On November 3, 1963, Myersou was arrested at a demoustration at Mel's 
Drive-In. He was charged with disturbing the peace and trespassing. Myerson 
identified himself as cochairman of the Ad Hoc Committee Against Discrimi- 
nation. 

In 1964 Myerson was busy helping organize the \V. E. B. DuBois Clubs. The 
People's World reported that Myerson was a leading participant in the coast- 
wide conference of socialist-oriented young people sponsored by the AV. E. B. 
DuBois Clubs of San Francisco, San Francisco State College, Berkeley, West 
Los Angeles, and the Youth Action Union of Los Angeles, hpld March 21-22, 1964. 
The national founding convention for the W. E. B. DuBois Clubs was held in 
June 1964. Myerson was a member of the national coordinating committee for 
the convention and a staff member of THE CONVENER, official news.letter for 
the national coordinating committee. He was subsequently appointed West Coast 
representative for the W. E. B. DuBois Clubs of America (DCA). 

In January 1965 the DCA published a pamphlet by Myerson entitled "The 
United States War in Vietnam." It was reviewed in the CPUSA's monthly propa- 
ganda organ New World Revicic as a "useful account of our aggressive war in 
Vietnam." 

In May 1965 Myerson was given the post of international secretary for the 
DCA. In July he attended the Communist World Peace Congress at Helsinki, 
Finland. 

He and DCA member Harold Supriano, with Chris Koch, an announcer for 
radio station WBAI, and freelance writer Richard Ward, sought out members 
of the North Vietnamese Peace Committee at the congi-ess and requested per- 
mission to visit North Vietnam. The invitation from the North Vietnamese was 
extended and the four spent the last week of August and the first week in Sep- 
tember in North Vietnam. 

Myerson was made an honorary nephew of Ho Chi Minh and since he returned 
to the United States he has sported a Viet Cong cap and carried a Viet Cong 
flag at demonstrations protesting the war in Vietnam. 

In 1966 Michael Myerson joined the staff of the Communist Party publishing 
house. International Publishers. 

iMike Myerson is currently director of the Tri-Continental Information Center 
in New York City. He has held that post since the formation of the center was 
announced in the spring of 1967. The declared intention of Tri-Continental is 
to propagandize on behalf of "national liberation" movements fighting throughout 
the world against "US colonialism and neo-colonialism." 

Mr. Smith. Wliat was the primary purpose of the Ad Hoc Com- 
mittee ? 

Mr. Montgomery. Theirs was one of strictly agitation and picket- 
ing, not only the Sheraton-Palace and the various drive-ins, but they 
also assisted in other demonstrations including the picketing of the 
Oakland Tribune in November of 1964. 

Mr. Smith. Were you present at the demonstration sponsored by 
the Ad Hoc Committee To End Discrimination at the Sheraton- 
Palace in San Francisco in early March of 1964 ? 

Mr. Montgomery. Yes, I was there from the inception, from the 
time they broke into the hotel proper until the last one was carted off 
by the police around 4 o'clock the following morning. 

I w^itnessed the functioning within the hotel. Myerson and a young 
Negress by the name of Tracy Sims were the motivating instigators 
and had command of the situation, particularly Miss Sims who was 
something of a major domo that night. 

If you are familiar with the Sheraton-Palace Hotel, it has a long 
corridor leading almost an entire block along New Montgomery Street. 

There are three principal entrances, one on Jessie Street, one on 
Market Street, and one on New Montgomery Street. 

I was flanking Miss Sims most of the evening. She would confer 
with Myerson and walk down one end of the hall and give a command, 
"I want 50 people to block this door right now" and not only 50, but 



2074 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

closer to 75, of the demonstrators, mostly students, blocked off any 
ingress or egress of the Jessie Street entrance. 

She went back and conferred again with Myerson and then walked 
to the Market Street entrance and said, "I want 75 demonstrators to- 
block this door," and they actually had closer to 100 or so who sat 
there and no one could come in or out. 

Following further consultation with Myerson, they decided to block 
the main entrance itself. She said, "I want the rest of you to block 
this main entrance" — they sat there, several hundred of them. 

In the meanwhile, there were cigarettes burning on the furniture 
and rugs and some demonstrators were asleep in the halls — stretched 
out asleep. 

It went on from mid-evening, 9 o'clock, until 4 o'clock the next 
morning. 

People were unable to come or go. It finally got to the point where 
the police themselves took over because they said it constituted, among 
other things, a fire hazard, and it was on that basis that the police, 
not the hotel, but the police themselves, moved in and evacuated the 
demonstrators. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. Mr, Montgomery, as I recall the demonstrators when 
they were brought to the trial they received stringent sentences. 

Mr. Montgomery. In advance of this demonstration, the Ad Hoc 
Committee put out flyers giving instructions on how to link arms to 
make it difficult for the police to remove them and then, once you were 
separated from the crowd, you were to go limp and compel them to 
carry you out [Montgomery Exhibit No. 12]. 

Again, it identified Tracy Sims and Mike Myerson, along with a 
fellow named Roy Ballard, as the principals of this demonstration^ 
the people to look to. This was demonstrated prior to the arrests. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. Do you remember what sentence Tracy Sims re- 
ceived ? 

Mr. Montgomery. They received sentences anywhere up to — I think 
the most stringent sentence was to Dr. Thomas Burbridge, a Negro 
professor from the University of California medical school. I believe 
he was given a 9-month sentence originally, and then that was later 
reduced to 90 days and subsequently I think he did serve 30 days. 

But some of them, for the most part, were given 30 days. 
^ Tracy Sims I believe was given a 60-day sentence, but she skipped 
San Francisco and went to New York 

Mr. AsHBRooK. A true leader. 

Mr. Montgomery. There is a warrant out for her. Police officials 
feel as long as it is on the record she will not come back to San Fran- 
cisco and they would just as soon keep it that way. 

So, as far as I recall, Tracy Sims never served a day in jail. 

Mr. Smith. Does this organization presently exist ? 

Mr. Montgomery. So far as I know, no. To the best of my recollec- 
tion, there was a public announcement along in February of 1965 
announcing that the Ad Hoc Committee To End Discrimination had 
been dissolved. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request that the document submitted by 
Mr. Montgomery be received for the record. 

The Chairman. It will be received. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IX RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2075 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 12" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Smith. You have already discussed the question of arrests at 
this demonstration, have you not? 

Mr. Montgomery. There were a number of arrests. To the best of my 
recollection, they were in excess of 200. 

Mr. Smith. Do you have any further identification of Mike Myer- 
son other than what you have given ? 

Mr. Montgomery. I know he has been active in the Berkeley area 
since around 1959. As a student he was very active in a leftwing group 
on campus known as SLATE. He has traveled to North Vietnam. He 
traveled there with a man named Harold Supriano who also was ar- 
rested in the Palace Hotel demonstration. 

Supriano at that time was an employee of the California Prison 
Authority as a parole officer. He subsequently was discharged. 

He next landed a job as a social worker with the county welfare 
organization and he has been discharged from that job because of a 
false statement with regard to a leave. He took a leave saying he was 
going to go to New York and instead he went with Mike Myerson 
to Hanoi, North Vietnam. 

Supriano and Myerson both tra^'eled the West Coast considerably, 
showing anti-United States films and antiallies — pro- Viet Cong films 
throughout the coastal area. 

One of Myerson's pet possessions is a metal ring which he says is 
made from metal of an allied plane shot down in Vietnam. He was very 
proud of that. 

So he has been around the Bay area in and out a great deal and has 
been associated with such individuals, I might say, as Supriano who 
does have a Communist-affiliation background. 

Mr. Smith. A few minutes ago you mentioned the name of Roy 
Ballard. 

Mr. Montgomery. Yes. 

Mr. Smith. Can you further identify Mr. Roy Ballard? 

Mr. Montgomery. I have an exhibit that refers to Roy Ballard 
[People's Worlds March 14, 1964, Montgomery Exhibit No. 13]. On 
November 14, 1963, he was arrested by the San Francisco Police De- 
partment at a demonstration under the sponsorship of the Direct 
Action Group, and this was the demonstration at Mel's Drive-In. 
Ballard was a functionary at that demonstration. He was one of the 
guiding lights at the Mel's Drive-In demonstration. 

On March 1, 1964, he was arrested at the Sheraton-Palace at the 
demonstration I referred to, and on March 14 he was again arrested 
while participating in a demonstration at the Cadillac agency on 
Automotive Row on Van Ness Avenue. This demonstration was spon- 
sored jointly by the NAACP with the support of the Ad Hoc Com- 
mittee To End Discrimination. This was prior to its dissolvement. 

On May 17, 1964, he was arrested at the Army base at the Presidio 
for picketing on the Vietnam issue. 

This is not unusual. We see these same people picketing over and 
over again. 

I have witnessed some of these people picketing or demonstrating for 
two separate, unrelated causes on the same day. 



2076 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, at this point, I would like to read into 
the record the committee's file information concerning Harold Sup- 
riano : 

HAROLD SUPRIANO 

On June 24, 1966, Edward. Montgomery, reporter for the San Francisco Exam- 
iner, appeared as a witness before the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee 
and testified under oath that he knew Harold Supriano to be a member of the 
Communist Party. 

In 1962 Harold Supriano was a member of the U.S. delegation to the Com- 
munist Eighth World Youth Festival held in Helsinki, Finland. 

Supriano was a member of the national coordinating committee and Southern 
representative of the W. E. B. DuBois Clubs of America in 1964. In 1965 Harold 
Supriano, Mike Myerson, Chris Koch, and Richard Ward attended the World 
Peace Congress in Helsinki, Finland. 

While at the congress, the four sought out members of the North Vietnamese 
Peace Committee and asked for and received permission to visit North Viet- 
nam. They spent the last week in August and the first week of September 1965 
as the guest of the North Vietnamese. 

At the time of the trip to Helsinki and Hanoi, Supriano was employed as a 
social worker by the San Francisco welfare department. When he sought a 
leave of absence from his job in the summer of 1965, Supriano reportedly stated 
that he had to go to New York "because his parents were ill." Instead he went 
to a Communist peace congress and then, in defiance of State Department travel 
regulations, he visited Hanoi. 

Supriano subsequently was dismissed from his position for having made 
false statements when applying for a leave of absence. 

Do you have anything else to add to the demonstration at the Shera- 
ton-Palace Hotel ? 

Mr. Montgomery. I have a list of individuals, many of the names 
of individuals who were arrested. We refer to them in San Francisco 
as red diaper babies. 

A good many of them are individuals who have grown up in the in- 
fluence of communism right in their own home and also some of whom 
are members of the W. E. B. DuBois Club, which we in San Francisco 
consider to be a Communist-front organization. They are also referred 
to as second-generation Communists for the most part. 

I might quote, if I may, from an issue of TOCSIN magazine dated 
March 18, 1964 [Montgomery Exhibit No. 14] . 

These are among the persons arrested at the demonstration in San 
Francisco 

Mr. Smith. Would you identify the TOCSIN magazine. 

Mr. Montgomery. TOCSIN magazine is no longer in publication, 
but it was an independent publication put out in the Bay area. 

It was known as the West's leading anti-Communist weekly. It is 
highly regarded for its authenticity and its veracity and its overall 
factual knowledge that it has reflected over a period of years. 

Mr. Smith. Go ahead. 

Mr. Montgomery [reads]. 

David L. Jenkins, 18, son of old-time-Communist Hyman (David) Jenkins 
who ran the California Labor School, a now defunct Communist training center. 

Bettina Aptheker, 19, daughter of top Communist Party theoretician Herbert 
Aptheker. 

She has since disclosed the fact that she has been a member of the 
Communist Party all her adult life. She makes no bones about being 
an avowed Communist. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2077 

The Chairman. This was made after a Supreme Court decision. 
They had the usual ruse of trying to deceive, but the minute the 
Supreme Court made it legal, she openly proclaimed her Communist 
Party affiliation. 

Mr. Montgomery. It came within 48 hours of the Supreme Court 
decision. [Continues reading:] 

Paul D. Richards, 19, son of identified Communist Harvey Richards of 
Atherton, California. 

I might say Harvey Richards, on the night of the Sheraton-Palace 
Hotel demonstration, was there with his camera, as he is so often, film- 
ing each particular arrest and he has a knack of putting film together 
for propaganda purposes used elsewhere other than the Bay area. 
[Continues reading :] 

Steven J. Kahn, 22, son of Communist writer Albert E. Kahn who has resided 
for long periods in the Soviet Union. 

Nora B. Lapin, 21, daughter of the late Adam Lapin who was a correspondent 
for the Daily "Worker and the People's World. 

Carl Granich, 24, son of present-day People's World and Worker columnist 
Mike Gold. 

Kipp Dawsion, 18, daughter of Mrs. Ann Dawson of Berkeley who has a lengthy 
record of support for such causes as the Communist People's World. Miss Daw- 
son was secretary of the pro-Castro Committee to Uphold the Right to Travel 
during the furor surrounding an illegal visit to Cuba last July by 59 Americans. 

Also present and arrested were : 

Three of the sons of avowed Marxist attorney Vincent Hallinan : Matthew, 
23, Terence, 27, and Conn. 21. Terence Hallinan is director of the San Francisco 
School of Social Science, a Marxist training center at 345 Franklin St. Vincent 
Hallinan arranged bail money for 67 of the arrested demonstrators, including 
his sons. 

I might say Kipp Dawson was the coordinator of the big anti- 
Vietnam demonstration held in San Francisco a year ago. [Continues 
reading :] 

Other arrested pickets included : Caryl Esteves, 20, and Robert L. Kaffke, 36, 
who were both visitors to Cuba on the Castro-supported tour. 

Karol A. Burkett, 20, secretary of the San Francisco School of Social Science. 

Mark Comfort, 30, husband of the former Gloria Black who is the daughter 
of two identified Oakland Communists, Gladys G. and Robert Ogg Black. In 
1952, Comfort, also known as Mark Moody, was the center of an agitation case 
directed by the East Bay Civil Rights Congress, a cited Communist front. 

Allan C. SheflBeld, 31, a Communist Party adherent from Detroit who partici- 
pated in an anti-nuclear-defense demonstration in 1961 staged in Livermore, 
Calif., and is a former member of the University of California Slate party. 

David L. Radcliffe, 29, an Alameda County social worker who has been 
active In the Communist Party in San Francisco, Radcliffe's address at 635 
Redwood St., S.F., is listed in the March 7 issue of the People's World as the 
scene of an annual celebration of the paper's staff and supporters scheduled for 
March 13. 

Others arrested were [continues reading] : 

Irving Fromer, 50, a teacher at the Communist California Labor school, who 
supported clemency in the Communist-directed campaign to save the lives of atom 
spies Julius and Ethel Rosenberg in 1952. 

Thomas Brewer, 38, a San Francisco physician and an admitted reader of the 
People's World who heads an organization called the Citizens Committee for 
Nuclear Disarmament. 



3-083 O— 69— pt. 



2078 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Richard K. Manderfeld, 19, a DuBois Olub adlterent and representative of the 
youth auxiliary of the San Francisco American Russian Institute, a Oommunist 
front. 

Brian Shannon, 27, former chairman of the University of California Young 
Socialist Alliance, youth section of the Trotskyite-Communist Socialist Workers 
Party. Shannon w^as spokesman in March 1962 for a group called the Ad Hoc 
Committee for March 23, which picketed during the visit to Berkeley of President 
Kennedy. The demonstm,tion was staged to protest the Kennedy Adminisitration's 
record in foreign policy, integration and civil liberties, Shannon said. 

Those were some of the red diaper babies. We have a few more who 
were also present at the so-called sleep-in at the hotel, as they called it, 
and also alon^ Automotive Row [TOCSIN, March 24, 1964, "A Look 
at Hotel's Big Sleep-In; Starobin Arrested at Cadillac," Mont- 
gomery Exhibit No, 15]. 

It might be interesting to note, Mr. Chairman, that during this 
demonstration at the Sheraton-Palace one of those on the scene stand- 
ing at the sidelines was Louis Goldblatt, who is an identified member 
of the Communist Party and represents the International Longshore- 
men's and Wareliousemen's Union. He was on hand to participate in 
the protest, but did not go inside to the best of my knowledge. 

Among those arrested was Goldblatt's 18-year-old daughter 
Elizabeth. 

You had other W. E. B. DuBois Club members who were there, 
such as Bettina Aptheker, whom I have already mentioned, Revels 
Cayton, and William H. Chester, Cay ton has been identified as a mem- 
ber of the party and William H. Chester is known as a Communist- 
front adherent. 

Also arrested at the Automotive Row demonstration was Robert S. 
Starobin, 24, He is the son of the former Daily Worker foreign editor, 
Joseph Starobin ; and Bruce W, Benner, 24, son of Helen Benner, who 
was secretary for the subversive Civil Rights Congress, 

We go on. I have a number of other names, if you are interested in 
them. Among others arrested were: 

JOHN L. KELLEY, JR. : Arrested in May 1960, during the riots against the 
San Francisco hearings of the House Committee on Un-American Activities. 

JOEL GEIER: National secretary in 1962 of the Young People's Socialist 
League and delegate in 1962 to the Socialist Party-Social Democratic Federa- 
tion National Convention. 

HEATHER EVANS : A booster of the Communist People's World. 

JAMES STEWART BENNETT: Recipient this month of a racial relations 
internship from the Eleanor Roosevelt Memorial Foundation, reported a few 
days before his arrest. 

SUSAN CURRIER: Chairman of the Ad Hoc Committee to End the War in 
Viet Nam at the University of California and a member of the UC Slate party. 
Announced a protest against the recent Bay Area visit of Viet Nam's anti- 
Communist former "first lady" Madam Nhu. 

RICHARD CURRIER : President in 1960 of the UC Fair Play for Cuba Com- 
mittee. Spent a month in Communist Cuba in 1960. Spokesman for a UC group 
soliciting illegal visitors to the Castro-held island. A member of the editorial 
board of Root and Branch, published in Berkeley. 

LINDA CHOWN : Daughter of identified Oakland Communist Paul S. Chown. 
Mr. Chown has been active in Communist affairs for more than two decades 
and in 1954 was secretary for a so-called "Fight Back Committee Against the 
HCUA." 

KAROL BURKETT: Her mother, Mrs. Evelyn Burkett, is a former member 
of the Southern California chapter of the National Council of Arts Sciences and 
Professions and has been scheduled as .speaker at Communist fonuns, according 
to the People's World. Miss Burkett is now secretary of a Marxist school, the 
San Francisco School of Social Science. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2079 

ARLON REX TUSSING, JR : Formerly a member of the Young Socialist 
League, he was once refused an Army security clearance. Now an assistant 
professor of economics at San Francisco State College. 

MARCO SCHNECK: A witness at the Los Angeles hearings of the House 
Committee on Un-American Activities in 1962, he refused to discuss Communist 
Party afiiliations or his role as an organizer for the 1962 Communist World 
Youth Festival. 

ARTHUR A. SHERIDAN: Head of an organization in 1963 called the San 
Francisco Direct Action Group. 

NORMAN B. CHASTAIN : Arrested Jan. 29, 1964, for ripping a civil defense 
shelter sign in San Francisco City Hall. A member of the AV.E.B. DuBois Club. 

ARTHUR GOLDBERG: Present chairman of the UC Slate party, he was 
arrested in a demonstration against capital punishment outside San Quentin 
prison. 

MICHAEL BERRY : A self -declared member of the "peace movement." 

And there are several others here whose names the committee may 
be interested in that will be included in the exhibit if you so desire. 

Mr. Smith. I request the documents be received for the record. 

Mr. AsHBRooK (presiding). They will be received for the record. 

(Documents marked "Montgomery Exhibits Nos. 13, 14, and 15," 
respectively, and retained in committee files.) 

Mr. Montgomery. I mention these just to give you an idea of the 
type of individuals who are the agitators, the instigators of these 
demonstrations. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. From your long experience in this investigative 
work, it came as no surprise to see these people, I am sure. 

Mr. Montgomery. I might say also, in the course of that demonstra- 
tion, we had some entertainment that was put on by Malvina Reynolds 
and others. She was there with her guitar singing "Little Boxes" and 
a few other songs. You might be interested in the fact that Malvina 
Reynolds was a participant in the demonstration, but was not among 
those arrested. 

Mr. Smith. At this point I would like to put in the record informa- 
tion from the committee's file concerning Malvina Reynolds. 

Malvina Reynolds was identified as a member of the Communist 
Party by Kenneth Ownsworth May, a former official of the Commu- 
nist Party, on December 22, 1950. 

She has quite a lengthy record of activity in the Communist Party 
and front organizations, and I would like to enter this as an exhibit 
for the file. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 16" follows :) 

Montgomery Exhibit No. 16 

Information from the Files of the Committee on Un-American Activities 

U.S. house of representatives 

Subject : MALVINA REYNOLDS. 

This Committee makes NO EVALUATION in this report. The following is only 
a compilation of recorded public material contained in our files and should not 
be construed as representing the results of any inve.stigation or finding by the 
Committee. The fact that the Committee has information as set forth below on 
the subject of this report is not per se an indication that this individual, organiza- 
tion, or publication is subversive, unless specifically stated. 

Symbols in parentheses after the name of any organization or publication men- 
tioned herein indicate that the organization or publication has been cited as 
being subversive by one or more Federal authorities. The name of each agency 
is denoted by a capital letter, as follows : A- — Attorney General of the United 



2080 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

States ; C — Committee on Un-American Activities ; I — Internal Security Subcom- 
mittee of the Senate Judiciary Committee; J — Senate Judiciary Committee; 
and, S — Subversive Activities Control Board. The numerals after each letter rep- 
resent the year in which that agency first cited the organization or publication. 
(For more complete information on citations, see this Committee's "Guide to 
Subversive Organizations and Publications.") 

COMMUNIST PARTY MEMBERSHIP 

On December 22, 1950, Malvina Reynolds was identified as a member of the 
Communist Party by Kenneth Ownsworth May, a former official of the Com- 
munist Party, in public testimony before the House Committee on Un-American 
Activities. [HCUA "Hearings Regarding Communist Infiltration of Radiation 
Laboratory and Atomic Bomb Project at the Univer.sity of California, Berkeley, 
Calif.," Volume 3, December 20, 21, and 22, 1950.1 

COMMUNIST PARTY PUBLICATIONS 

1948- Daily People's World (C-1941; S-1957) ; later known as People's World 
1960 (C-a959) 

Contributor of article and poems [Daily People's World: October 13, 
1948, p. "5.; February 8, 1954, p. 7; May 19, 1954, p. 7; June 21, 1954, p. 7; 
and People's World, April 30, 1960, p. 8] 

Scheduled entertainer at DPW's annual "Meet the Staff Party," and 
Fund Drive, July 23, 1954 [Daily People's World, July 22, 1954, p. 61 

To entertain at the Third Annual Cultural Carnival for the benefit of 
DPW, August 1, 1954 [Daily People's World, July 27, p. 6, July 29, p. 7 and 

July 30, 1954, p. 2] 

COMMUNIST FRONTS 

1948- Independent Progressive Party (C-1957) 

1952 Member, State Central Committee, 1948 & 1952, Independent Progressive 
Party, Long Beach Section [the IPP is the California branch of the Progres- 
sive Party (C-1957; 1-1956)1 [Members of . . . State Central Committees 
and County Committee Chairmen, compiled by the California Secretary of 
State, August 7, 1948, p. 43 and August 2, 1952, p. 38] 

Candidate for City Council, 3rd District (Long Beach) [Daily People's 
World, May 24, 1951, p. 10] 

Chairman, Long Beach Section of the Independent Progressive Party 
[Daily People's World, September 24, 1951, p. 7] 

1954 American Committee for Protection of Foreign Born (A-1948; C-1942; 
1-1956) 

Master of ceremonies at the "Festival of Nationalities" to be held in 
Berkeley, California on October 23 by the Northern California Committee 
for Protection of Foreign Bom ( C-1957 ) , a regional organization of ACPFB 
[Daily People's World, October 22, 1954, p. 61 
195^ California Labor School (A-1948; 1-1956; S-1957) 

1955 Scheduled entertainer: Open House, July 11, 1954, inaugurating the 
Summer Term ; Open House, September 26, 1954, marking the Fall open- 
ing of the school; and Open House, January 16, 1955 [Daily People's 
World, July 8, 1954, p. 8, September 20, 1954, p. 7 and January 7, 1955, 
p. 6] 

Scheduled speaker, July 21, 1954, to discuss "typical propaganda methods 
and materials used in 'the propaganda war for the American mind, and 
how to fight for the people.' " [Daily People's World, July 19, 1954, p. 7] 

Scheduled to lead panel on folk music at its two day American Folksong 
Forum in October [Daily People's World, September 17, 1954, p. 6 and 
September 30, 1954, p. 7] 

Her collection of songs, "Songs in my Pocket," printed by the California 
Labor School and sold at the school [Daily People's World, October 11, 
1954, p. 7] 

To conduct Folk Music Forimi, No. 3, during Winter Term, 1955 [Daily 
People's World, January 13, 1955, p. 7] 

Scheduled to substitute for Adam Lapin at Forum on the Geneva Big 
Four Meeting, August 3, 1955 [Daily People's World, August 2, 1955, p. 7] 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2081 

Chairman and coordinator of series of forums held during the summer, 
with final session to be held August 11, 1955 [Daily People's World, 
August 8, 1955, p. 7] 
1954r- National Guardian ( C-1956 ) 

1966 Bay Area representative [Daily People's World, September 3, 1954, 
p. 11 (ad) ; National Guardian, June 6, 1955, p. 2] 

To entertain at a National Guardian benefit, "Spring Sing," April 24, 
1955, San Francisco [Daily People's World, April 21, 1955, p. 7] 

Member, Northern California Guardian Committee, in charge of sub- 
scriptions and reservations for the National Guardian banquet, May 13, 
1955 [Daily People's World, April 25, 1955, p. 7] 

Writer of letter to the editor asking him to thank the scores of people 
who made the San Francisco Guardian banquet on May 13 a great suc- 
cess financially [National Guardian, June 6, 1955, p. 2] 

Handled arrangements for a Guardian benefit picnic held July 31, 1955 
[Daily People's World, August 2, 1955, p. 6] 

Mistress of Ceremonies, National Guardian Annual Dinner, June 28, 
1959, San Francisco [National Guardian, June 15, 1959, p. 9 (ad) and 
June 22, 1959, p. 10 (ad) ; handbill, June 28, 1959] 

To star in a "Peace Concert" to be held by the Southern California 
Friends of the National Guardian, January 29, 1966, Culver City [Ads 
in National Guardian, January 1, 1966, p. 12 and January 22, 1966, p. 6] 

1967 Spring Mobilization Committee (C-1967) 

Sponsor [HCUA report, "Communist Origin and Manipulation of Viet- 
nam Week (April 8-15, 1967)," released March 31, 1967, p. 35; list of 
West Coast Sponsors issued by the Los Angeles Coordinating Center of 
the Spring Mobilization Committee] 

Entertained at its spring mobilization rally at Kezar Stadium in San 
Francisco, April 15, 1967 [National Guardian, April 8, 1967. p. 7 (ad) ; 
New York Times, April 13, 1967. p. C-29 (ad) ; People's World. April 22, 
1967, p. 2] 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Montgomery, were you present at the Sheraton- 
Palace when these arrests were made ? 

Mr. Montgomery. Yes, I was. We spoke earlier of Mike Myerson, 
and I might say that as of March 13, 1964 [according to an article in 
the News-Call Bulletin of that date] he spoke at a rally at the Uni- 
versity of California on the eve of that major demonstration at the 
Sheraton-Palace in which he said : "We'll do our damnedest to have 
the whole (San Francisco) power structure have a nervous break- 
down." 

With reference to Communists, he said, "Whether Communists join 
the movement doesn't bother us. We'll welcome them, or anybody.'' 
Communists were welcome to join in the demonstration and he was 
soliciting their participation at that time. 

Mr. Smith. May I request the document be received for the record ? 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 17" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Montgomery. I was at the Sheraton-Palace, and Tracy Sims 
was the major domo taking orders from Myerson and conferring oc- 
casionally with Eoy Ballard. 

Mr. Smith. Were there other organizations whose membership aided 
the Ad Hoc Committee To End Discrimination ? 

Mr. Montgomery. Yes, the previous exhibit lists them. The NAACP 
for one, and there were other organizations that tied in with them. 

Mr. Smith. Was there a statement made by one Mark L. Sullivan 
of the hotel association ? 



2082 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Mr. Montgomery. Yes, Mr. Sullivan was speaking for the hotel 
association expressing — well, I don't have the statement, but he was 
very vehement in his denunciation of what had transpired and the 
fact that he was satisfied in his own mind that this was a Communist- 
inspired demonstration. 

Mr. Smpth. Do you agree with Mr. Sullivan's statement, Mr. Mont- 
gomery ? 

Mr. Montgomery. I do. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Montgomery, I have an article from the San Fran- 
cisco Examiner of March 16, 1964, which bears your byline. 

I will hand you this article and ask you to read it into the record. 

Mr. Montgomery. Mr. Chairman, I don't know if you would want 
me to read the entire article. My lead on this article was : 

A new breed of young Revolutionaries has infiltrated ttie Bay area civil rights 
movement. .. 

They represent a cross section of Marxist-oriented or socialist-indoctrinated 
organizations, some with pronounced Communist leanings, whose objectives in- 
clude use of the racial problem to foment revolution. 

This became apparent in the wa.ke of the Sheraton-Palace Hotel di.«orders. 

By actual count, 91 of 167 persons arrested already were known to intelligence 
agents as party members or party adherents and sympathetic to party causes, 

I go on to mention the Marxist-Leninist school as some of the activ- 
ity at the various colleges in the Bay area where these people came 
from and asked the question : Why was it purposely designated the 
area of "take-over," the hotels, and the answer was that the "steadily 
increasing Negro population affords a 'built-in vehicle' — a 'cause' for 
action." 

Among the different organizations involved were the W. E. B. 
DuBois Club, the Student Peace Union, Young Socialist Alliance, 
Young People's Socialist League, Student Nonviolent Coordinating 
Committee, the Freedom Now, National Committee To Abolish the 
House Committee on Un-American Activities, SLATE, and SCOPE — 
all within the students' Ad Hoc Committee. 

There were that many organi"zations combined in this one Ad Hoc 
Committee demonstration. 

There were also demonstrations. Some of these people that partici- 
pated we had seen earlier in the demonstrations by Women for Peace, 
the anti-House Committee demonstrations and the now defunct Fair 
Play for Cuba Committee. 

Among the top party functionaries who were in and about and 
around the sidelines during these demonstrations were such individ- 
uals as Archie Brown, Douglas Wachter, Harvey Richards, Lou 
Goldblatt. 

Doug Wachter was one of the ringleaders in the riot at City Hall 
in 1960 when you were there. 

Of all of the student groups involved, the three-chapter Dubois 
Club is the most vociferous. 

The leaders are named, and I go into the history of who they are. 

I mention also that Tracy Sims had served as the local secretary for 
the DuBois Club in San Francisco. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2083 

The rest of it is pretty much history as to what I have already 
testified to here. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request this document be received 
for the record. 

Mr, AsHBROOK. It will be received at this point. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 18" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Smith. The Ad Hoc Committee To End Discrimination, did it 
engage in any other demonstrations in San Francisco? 

Mr. Montgomery. Yes, I referred to the demonstrations on Auto- 
motive Bow, where the various car agencies were picketed. 

These demonstrations were sponsored by the NAACP, but the Ad 
Hoc Committee joined in the demonstrations giving their support and 
picketing. 

Incidentally, the chairman earlier expressed concern about the 
charges of police brutality. Here again the People's World of San 
Francisco [March 7, 1964, issue] was in the forefront with article 
after article and headlines such as "Police brutality charged; 120 
demonstrators jailed.'' On this occasion there was nothing that could 
resemble police brutality, anything more than their pulling the dem- 
onstrators apart. In their linking of arms police had to use a certain 
amount of force to disengage them from the person next to them; but 
from that point on, if they went limp, they were carried to the patrol 
wagon. No one was clubbed in this demonstration. No one put up that 
much opposition. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. I am sure you are like many of us who are all amazed 
that civil rights demonstrators who are ordered to disperse do not 
respond. And the police officers do what they are obviously supposed 
to do, that is, to carry out their orders. If this means any kind of con- 
tact whatsoever, pulling away, subduing, or any type of activity af- 
firmatively by the police officer, it is always considered brutality. They 
put themselves in the position of almost demanding action be taken, 
and then any action is deemed brutality. 

Mr. Montgomery. Invariably when an act of brutality is depicted 
in the People''s World or other press, you see one action by a police 
officer. You may not see what preceded it. 

There was wide distribution given to a picture taken by Douglas 
Wachter during the recent riots in Oakland at the induction center, 
which shows a demonstrator being clubbed. He actually was. He was 
knocked out, but they don't show that prior to that this same demon- 
strator threw a lighted magnesium flare into the face of a highway 
patrolman and was in the act of lighting a second one. You don't ever 
see that. You only see a man being clubbed and falling to the paveinent. 

Mr. Smith. I would request this document be received for the 
record. 

Mr. Ashbrook. It is so ordered, 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No, 19" follows:) 



2084 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 



Montgomery Exhibit No. 19 



Saturday, March 7, 1964 



f eopM't WotM } 



Poike brutality charged; 
120 demonstrators jailed 



By CARL BIX)ICE 

SAN FRANCISCO — The 
managenieni of San Francis- 
co's big swanl Sliei'alon Pal- 
ace hotel tried to go to court 
last weekend in an effort to 
disperse f demonstration 
agrainat the hotel's racial hir- 
ing policies. But it didn't 
work. 

Instead, the new tactic re- 
suited in , the largest total of 
civil rights arrests in the city's 
history and brought the pros- , 
pect of even more determined 
demonstrations this weekend 
if negotiations for more than 
a token hiring of Negroee in 
varied positions are not suc- 
cessful There is also a throat 
at nationwide demonstrations 
agaihst the Sheraton chain. 

On Sunda' night (March 1) 
120 Negro and white demon- 
strators (plus seven-l bystand- 
ers and three passing sailors) 
were hauled off to jail follow- 
ing three different methods of 
direct action protest, some ' 
hurried (and, as it turned out. 
Improper) legal maneuvering 
by the hotel and a raft of 
charges and counter charges 
that put the Negro freedom 
movement back in the San 
Francisco headhnes. 

Tlie arrests also brought de- 
tailed charges of brutality 
against San Francisco's police 
department — charges that 
Police Chief Thomas Cahill 
sought vigorously to deny. 

The Palace Hotel incident hit 
tile headlineci close on the 
heels of the Congress of RaciaJ 
Equality's "shop in" campaign 
against LAicky Stores, which 
ended last we«k in a formal 
agreement between CORE and 
the L'UCky managemient on 
hiring practic* 3. _ 

The Palace hotel protest was 
conducted by the Ad Hoc Com- 
mittee Against Discrimination. 
This group was joined later by 
CORE, and by the time it was 
all over Comedian Dick Greg- 
ory and a number of the Ne- 
gro community's top leadei'a 
were behind bat's. 

Wh,at the hotel tried to do 
waa obtain a temporary re- 
straining order against the 
pickets, after illng a damage 
suit against the le«ders. The 
Injunction gambit was thrown 
"OUT of court In lees than 24 
hours, however, liecause — it 
turned out — the demonaitra- 
tors had been improperly serv- 
ed — not glvwi proper notice 



that such legal action had been 
taken against them. Not, how- 
ever, before police had used 
the interlude to pile up a rec- 
ord total ot 120 arrests. 

■nie pickeU, as they were 
carted off to jail, sang some- 
what proplietioaUy. "Ain't gon- 
na let no injunction turn me 
around, turn me annind . . ." 



■amaobment: stcbborn 

The charge against th» Sher- 
aton Palac« is fairly simple. 
The Ad Hoc committee says 
Xtte hotel has 550 employee, of 
which only 33 are Negroes — 
all in menial positions. 

The events culminating In 
Sunday night's arrests followed 
a meeting last Saturday (Feb. 
29) between the hotel man- 
agement and the committee. 

Miss Tracy Sims later said 
hotel spokesmen pointed to 
nine Ne^rroea Mrod since the 
protests began as an exam- 
ple of their intentions and 
stubbornly refused to sign so 
agreement. 

The negot iator s left the con- 
ference room A few hours lat- 
er they were served subpenas. 
Tliey wore being sued for ♦SO,- 
000 for disturbing hotel guests. 
The 18 year old Miss Sims 
called the action "a breach of 
faith" as no mention of le- 
g&i action tiad been mode dur- 
,r~ the negotiations. 

FOUR NAMED 

Named In the suit were 
Michael Myerson, Mrs. Linda 
Bensusen, Roy BalJard and 
Miss Sims. They were named 
as leaders of the Ad Hie group. 
The committee is made up of 
the Direct Action Group, the 
W. E. B. Du B<Ms Clubs of 
Berkeley and San Francisco. 
Youth for JohB of Oakland and 
San Francisco, the tstizens 
Committee for Nuclear Dis- 
armament and the Berkeley 
Committee Against Racial Dis- 
crimination. 

Tliat evening (Saturday) 
over 160 demonstrators joined 
the picket line in front of the 
, hotel. 

There were no pohcemen 
anywhere in sight except 
plainclothes types. 

The youT^ demonstrators 
paraded around for two hours 
singing, "We Shall Not Be 
Moved." ind diantlng "Free- 
dom Now." A crowd formed on 
tiie street 

Later the demonKtrators 



moved In groups of 10 into 
the hotel tob by and to ok silent 
positions wiU their placards. 
8U11 no uniformed officers. 

As the group filed Into the 
lobby a mlddleaged man lean- 
ed against ■' e bell captain's 
desk, pointed to a picket and 
said. "There's a nigger lover." 

A Negro and white couple 
stood mute In '-he main corri- 
dor. A hotel guest walked up 
and said to the girl, "If you 
were my daughter, I'd kill 
you." 

At 9:15 the group was seat- 
ed on the lobby floor singing. 

rVDOK ACTS 

A few miles away In the 
plush Marina District home of 
Judge Fnuicis McCarty action 
ws« being taken that the lio- 
tel management hoped would 
bring the siege to an end. The 
judge scribbled a restraining 
order against the pickets on 
a regular piece of typing paper 
The document was sped to the 
hotel in a patrol car. 

When it arrived there were 
policemen cverj-wliere. Squad 
cars and paddy wagona jam- 
med New Montgomery street. 
Two police dogs wene held on 
leash nearby. 

At the urging of their lead- 
ers the demonstrators rose 
from he lobby floor and filed 
outside. 

OuUide, a few minutes later, 
the group, now numbering 
about 300. sang "We Shall Ov- 
ercome" one last time and left 
the scene. 

At 6 p m the following day 
(Sunday. March II 100 pick- 
ets appeared at the hotel in- 
tending to leave without en- 
gaging in any civil diaobo- 
dience. 



branch president ot Uie Natl. 
Assn for the Advancement ->f 
olored People Quickly they 
were hustled away. 

Then Dr. Thoma.s Burbridge, 
present NAACP president and 
chairman of the United San 
Franci.-'to Freedom Movement, 
» cigar clenched between his 
teeth, went limp and was drag- 
ged away. 
ROIJGH HADUNO 

When it was all over no on* 
appeared to have been hurt — • 
except every Negro male in 
the demonstration had beea 
handled roughly. 

One was socked under th« 
e:'e by a husky officer Anoth- 
er was .smashed ai^tmst tha 
side of the wagoir Tiy »« of- 
ficer who hit him m Ih^ face 
repeatedly. But the tavorita 
tactic appeared to be tha 
thouglit-lQ-be concealed Mow* 
to the testicles. ~ 

A few hours later Percy 
Jones, co-chairman of tha 
Berkeley chapter of CORE, 
limped out of jail compiainlns 
o* great pain in the groin. 

The arrests were compl eted 
at 8 p. m At 10:30 p. m. car- 
loads of CORE members from 
the Berkeley community and 
Berkeley campus chapter began 
unloading a new group in front 
of the hotel. ' 

On the now-deser'ed side- 
walk 40 pii.kets paraded sil- 
ently as is the custom witti 
the organization. 

At 1:45 am half the rtem- 
onstrators filed through tha 
lobby of the hotel. Just a.s tli.-y 
reassembled outside a platoon 
of officers started up New 

Ii.ontgomery st. They moved iii 
quickly and hustled the COKB 
demonstrators into the wag- 
ons. 



ARRESTS START 

This time plainclotKesmcn 
had l>een repUced by uniform- 
ed officers. There was another 
hasty maneuver and from the 
pen of the same judge up 
came another injunction. The 
new order prohibited any more 
than three pickets In front >f 
the building and five on tha 
side. 

This time the demonstrators 
refused to move They we™ 
ordered away and the oflicers 
began to place them under ar- 
rest. Each went limp. 

suddenly Gi-egory appeared 
among the demonsti-atora, his 
attorney Terry A. Francois at 
his side. Frnncois is former 



TO PLEAD MARCH 16 

Once again the lOUgh treat- 
ment was meted out to the Ne- 
gro males 

At 11 am. Monday, the 120 
demonstrators appeared in tha 
courtroom of Judge Joseph P. 
Kennedy. Their cases were 
continued until March 16, »)ioi» 
they will enter pleas. 

A battery of prominent at- 
torneys is repre.senl in^ the .I-— 
onstrators. H incIuUc!!: I'lii'i- 
cis J. McTci-nan. JnniPS H-rn. 
don. Benjamin ni-e\tti-'*, Mw. 
Beverly Axc-liud. Joliii Do .r. 
Tnun, Douglas Stewarl. Al' 'n 
Biotsky. Robert W ri.iMi .!.>- 
seph R Grodin and Willia 
Brown. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2085 

Mr. Smith. Do you have anything else to offer in connection with this 
demonstration ? 

Mr. Montgomery. I might say this, that there was a plea made to 
drop the charges, the arrest charges of these pickets, and Police Chief 
Thomas Cahill — well, I have the article here. 

I am reading from the SF News-Gall Bulletin of March 10 [1964] : 

Police Chief Thomas Cahill today bluntly rebuffed pleas to drop charges 
against the howling, jeering demonstrators arrested at the Sheraton-Palace 
Hotel. 

Right away a movement started to grant them amnesty, but it did 
not go over. The same thing always occurs — forget about it, let them 
go, but in this instance the police and the district attorney, Thomas 
Lynch, held firm, and prosecutions were had and in almost every 
instance there was a conviction. 

Mr. Smith, Mr. Chairman, I request the document be received in 
the record, 

Mr. AsHBRooK. It will be received. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 20" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr, AsHBROOK. You may proceed, 

Mr, Smith, Have you made a survey or study of the People's World^ 
the Communist Party publication on the West Coast ? 

Mr, Montgomery, Yes, but I find I have one other exhibit here con- 
cerning the Ad Hoc Committee To End Discrimination, 

On September 4, 1964, the Ad Hoc Committee staged a demonstra- 
tion at the Oakland Tribune in Oakland. There were 56 pickets pres- 
ent and aanong those recognized on the line — and I, myself, recognized 
these people — were : 

Tracy Sims, Mike Myerson, Harold and Carol Supriano, Roscoe 
Proctor, Comi Hallinan, Terence Hallinan, Frances Tandy, and 
Margaret Lima. 

An article appeared in the Daily Oalifomian^ which is the student 
publication at U of C — Berkeley on September 16, 1964. It identifies 
certain organizations as composing the Ad Hoc Committee To End 
Discrimination, the same list of organizations that I referred to earlier. 
But you get along a little further and you find that they put out a flyer. 

This reads: "the Ad Hoc Committee To End Discrimination Pre- 
sents a CONFERENCE ou DISCRIMINATION & URBAN PROBLEMS in Ala- 
meda County," at a meeting to be held on January 23, and among 
others 

Mr. Smith. What year ? 

Mr. Montgomery. They were going to have a workshop on police 
brutality. 

This was a particular workshop, on this occasion, police brutality, 
addressed by Malcolm Burnstein, an attorney, " and Mark Comfort, 
who we have referred to earlier, 

Mr, Smith. You indicated the rally was held on January 23. What 
year was that? 

Mr, Montgomery. 1965, 



2086 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request these documents be received 
for the record. 

(Documents marked "Montgomery Exhibits Nos. 21 and 22," re- 
spectively, and retained in committee files. ) 

Mr. AsHBROOK. This might be a good place to stand in recess until 
2 o'clock. 

We understand you have a lot of additional information you can 
give for the record so we will stand in recess at noon to reconvene at 
2 o'clock to continue the same line of inquiry. 

(Wliereupon, at 12 noon, Thursday, June 27, 1968, the subcommittee 
recessed, to reconvene at 2 p.m. the same day.) 

AFTERNOON SESSION— THURSDAY, JUNE 27, 1968 

(The subcommittee reconvened at 2:20 p.m., Hon. John M. Ash- 
brook presiding.) 

Mr. AsHBROOK. The committee will resume its sitting. 

We welcome you back, Mr. Montgomery. I remind you, you still 
continue under oath of this morning. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, since Mr. Montgomery is going to be 
using a large number of documents in support of his testimony, I 
would like to make a blanket request that all of his documents offered 
be accepted for the record. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. To be inserted at the place where they are re- 
ferred to? 

Mr. Smith. Right. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. All right. That will be the operating procedure. 

Will you please propound the next question ? 

TESTIMONY OF EDWARD S. MONTGK)MERY— Resumed 

Mr. Smith. Mr, Montgomery, just before we recessed for lunch, I 
asked you the question, "Have you made a survey or study of the 
People's World, the Communist Party publication on the West Coast ?" 

Mr. Montgomery. Yes, sir, I have. I have reviewed the San Fran- 
cisco edition of the People's World from January 1, 1962, until May 
1968. 

Mr. Smith. What conclusions have you reached on its content ? 

Mr. Montgomery. Well, first, I am sure the committee recognizes 
the fact that the People'' s World is the propaganda medium, the outlet 
for the Communist Party in the San Francisco Bay or West Coast 
area. 

The articles in all the People'' s World issues run consistent. The Viet- 
nam issue is favored with considerable space. The People's World 
supports minorities that receive major attention. There is hardly an 
issue that fails to make claims of police brutality, along with photo- 
graphs showing the police in the worst light possible. These photo- 
graphs cover demonstrations both internationally and within the 
United States. And when it becomes necessary for legal law enforce- 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2087 

ment, the articles and photographs are always in support of parti- 
cipants in the riots and the attack on police for brutality for enforcing 
the law as enacted by the Federal, State, and local legislative bodies. 

I have some exhibits that can be introduced as examples of the type 
of propaganda I have described. I am sure this type of reporting has an 
influence on the type of reaction of any given community, but the 
point I am making is that the steady diet of this, particularly within 
the minority groups, is the type of propaganda that tends to inflame 
them toward the disturbances and riots that subsequently occur as 
part of a gradual buildup. 

As exhibits, I have the Peoyle^ WorM for Saturday, May 2, 1964, 
"Civil rights runs into cop violence," in which the emphasis here is on 
the police rather than on the individuals who are putting on the demon- 
stration [Montgomery Exhibit No. 23] . 

Again, "Police run amok in Harlem" [^People's World, July 25, 
1964, Montgomery Exhibit No. 24]. Now, even though this publication 
is on the West Coast, they will reach out to New York. Anything at all 
to put the police department in a bad light whenever they can. 

Again, "Harlem bitter — killer cop let off" [PeopWs World, Septem- 
ber 5, 1964, Montgomery Exhibit No. 25] . This is typical of the type of 
propaganda being disseminated in the Bay area, even though some 
of these topics have no connection at all with the State of California. 

(Documents marked "Montgomery Exhibits Nos. 23, 24, and 25," 
respectively, and retained in committee files.) 

(Mr. Smith. What documents do you have on the Communist Party 
agitation f)rior to the San Francisco riot on September 27, 1966? 

Mr. Montgomery. Well, in addition to the copies that I have sub- 
mitted for the record, we have Xerox copies of the same tenor, the 
same demand of a probe on police brutality and cop brutality. They 
run: "Crime wave? It was created with headlines, not with facts" 
[People's World, May 19, 1962, Montgomery Exhibit No. 26]. 

"Brutality slated to be trial issue" [Montgomery Exhibit No. 27]. 

"Behind Oakland 'riot' — cop brutality charge" [Montgomery Ex- 
hibit No. 28]. 

"SF police tactics stir new ire" [Montgomery Exhibit No. 29] . 

And they follow through in succession and quite often they call it 
racist violence, and even pictures from Harlem which are published 
in San Francisco depicting alleged brutality by the police, simply 
alleging how cops manhandle welfare sit-ins and what not. 

They are all part and parcel of the same type of material. I can 
list them one by one if you wish, but I hit the headlines of them, and 
I am sure you wouldn't want the entire text 

Mr. Smith. Would you list them one by one, please ? 

Mr. Montgomery. Right. 

For instance, there is one, the article carries the caption, "Brutal- 
ity slated to be trial issue" [People's World, July 21, 1962]. And the 
People's World of July 7, 1962 

Mr. Smith. Would you pass them over ? 



2088 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Mr. Montgomery. — ^"Behind Oakland 'riot.' " 

Another one, the People's World caption, "SF police tactics stir new 
ire." This is from the issue of December 22, 1962. 

The People's World of June 1, 1963, carries a cartoon with a police- 
man beating a citizen, with one policeman standing on a picket sign 
"DEFEND THE 1st AMENDMENT" [Montgomery Exhibit No. 
30]. 

For August 1, 1964, it shows a photograph of a policeman making 
an arrest of a Negro boy in Harlem [Montgomery Exhibit No. 31]. 
The photographs of this nature are consistent throughout all editions 
of the PeopWs World. They will pick up anything they can that shows 
the police in a bad light. 

In December 1964 the Free Speech Movement of the University of 
California in Berkeley virtually captured the university when these 
demonstrators practically took over. It was an action similar to the 
takeover at Columbia University. Finally the police were called in. 

The Peopled World of December 12, 1964, captioned their article in 
this terminology : "Students tell of cop brutality in arrest of 768 on 
campus" [Montgomery Exhibit No. 32] . 

I might say, Mr. Chairman, that there was no brutality, as such. 
Some of these students refused to move when told to, or even walk 
out, and they had simply to carry them, and there was no way to carry 
them but by force. There were no clubbings, no need for that. They 
didn't resist. 

By and large it was a case where the police either had to pack them 
out or they weren't about to be arrested. 

We have again the People's World of February 27, 1965. It charged 
the Oakland Police Department with police brutality. This is under 
the caption "Oakland brutality protested" [Montgomery Exhibit 
No. 33]. 

We have another exhibit. The next and last exhibit is captioned 
"Port Chicago brutality rises as vigil enters third week," and this is 
from the People's World of August 27, 1966 [Montgomery Exhibit 
No. 34]. 

I would like to furtlier state that this is not a complete documenta- 
tion of the attack of the People'' s World on legal enforcement agencies 
and propaganda fed to the minority community. There is much more 
to it, but these are examples of the pattern that the People'' s World has 
followed. 

Mr. Smtth. All right. 

Mr. Montgomery. That concludes the exhibits that I have of this 
particular example of Communist propaganda from the People'' s 
World. 

(Documents marked "Montgomery Exhibits Nos. 26 through 34," 
respectively. Exhibits Nos. 26-29 and 32-34 retained in committee 
files. Nos. 30 and 31 follow :) 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2089 



Montgomery Exhibit No. 30 



I Pc^pl^'sW^rM 



Saturday, June 1, 1963 



ii±i±i 




Mr. Smith. Has the Progressive Labor Movement, later known as 
the Progressive Labor Party, been active in the San Francisco area? 

Mr. Montgomery. Yes, it has. It has been quite active. 

Mr. Smith. Can you estimate its strength? 

Mr. Montgomery. Well, it would be difficult to estimate the entire 
membersliip. But it is considered to be a relatively small organiza- 
tion, with the center of its activities currently at San Franciscoi State 
College. Originally, it emanated out of the University of California 
for the most part, but its center of activity now is on the San Fran- 



2090 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Montgomery Exhibit No. 31 
[People's World] 

Saturday, August 1, 1964 
RACIST VIOLENCE 




HARLEM. A Negro boy, shot 
in the left le;*:. Is held in a 
neck-and-wrist lock by burly 
policeman. Photo was taken in 
the heart of Harlem, on Lenox 
avenue, between 126th and 
127th streets. 

cisco State College campus, and many of their members are inter- 
woven with other organizations such as Students for a Democratic 
Society, for example. 

Mr. Smith. Do you have any documents which wei*e circulated by 
the Progressive Labor Party which would tend to incite people to 
riot prior to the San Francisco riot of September 27, 1966 ? 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2091 

Mr. Montgomery. Yes, I have. The first document was received just 
prior to August 1, 1964, and this is an announcement scheduling a 
meeting titled "Police Terror" [Montgomeiy Exliibit No. 35]. It 
bears three pictures, one showing a group of demonstrators; the 
second is a picture of a sign being carried in a picket line which reads 
"IF WE MUST DIE, We Will Die With Weapons In Our Hands." 
The tliird is a photograph of police evidently making an arrest, wliich 
I assume tends to depict police brutality. Now, this is a document 
which was circulated, given wide circulation in the Bay area, and 
the speakers scheduled on this particular program for this meeting 
were John Thomas, chairman of the Committee to End U.S. Inter- 
vention [in Vietnam] ; Aaron Chapman, who is a candidate of Free- 
dom Now Party; and Mortimer Scheer, West Coast organizer for 
the Progressive Labor Movement. 

You probably recognize Mort Scheer as a former member of the 
Communist Party, U.S.A., who was among those expelled when they 
wouldn't go along with the Khrushchev line of coexistence. It was he 
and two others, Milton Rosen and Jacob Rosen, who formed the 
Progressive Labor Party in New York in 1962. 

Soon after its formation, Mort Scheer appeared in Berkeley as the 
West Coast chief of the Progressive Labor Party, and he had work- 
ing with him — he took on at that time a lieutenant by the name of 
Lee Coe. Lee Coe also had been expelled from the party in San Fran- 
cisco for his failure to adhere to the Khrushchev line of coexistence. 
Lee Coe had been at one time publicity man for Harry Bridges of the 
Longshoremen's Union. He later had become labor editor for the 
People's World. He has been very active in the party and, upon his be- 
ing expelled, he linked up with Mortimer Scheer and the people from 
New York and worked for Mort Scheer in Berkeley on the Berkeley 
campus on behalf of the Progressive Labor Party. 

Now, the document just introduced coupled the Vietnam issue, the 
poverty issue, and police brutality. In other words, it is sort of a scat- 
tergun that covered all three of the principal issues or projects of the 
Communist Party at that time in the Bay area. It had a little bit of 
everything in it. 

Mr. Smith. Do you have the address of the Progressive Labor 
Party? 

Mr. Montgomery. Well, the address given on that flyer that I just 
turned in was given as Post Office Box 843, San Francisco, California. 

Another document which I will introduce was distributed in San 
Francisco and originated from the Progressive Labor Movement in 
Berkeley, and the address was given as P.O. Box 73, Station A, Berke- 
ley, California. I happen to know that that was the box at which Mort 
Scheer received his mail. 

Mr. Smith. Mr, Chairman, at this point I would like to introduce 
for the record a copy of an application from the Post Office Depart- 
ment dated October 1, 1963, which indicates that Box 73 was rented 
by Lee Coe, just mentioned by Mr. Montgomery, of the Progressive 
Labor Party [Montgomery Exhibit No. 36]. 

(Documents marked "Montgomery Exhibits Nos. 35 and 36," re- 
spectively. Exhibit No. 36 retained in committee files. No. 35 follows:) 



2092 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 



Montgomery Exhibit No. 35 



THE PEOPLE RESIST 




JOHN THOMAS-Chairmfen, :or.r..tO End 
U.S. Inter'.'ention 
•AARON CHApvAN-Candid-ite cf 

Freedom lio\i Party 
T'ORT £CHE£R-Wert; Coast Organizer 

Procressive La^o^ MovpReit 



P H O G R E s'sT V^E - MZ/kJk&J^ 



SaN rnANdSCO: P.O. n>K eiS, San Francisco 1, 
Cutifornia 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2093 

Mr. Montgomery. I believe, Mr. Chairman, a classic example of the 
type of propaganda that they were putting out at this time is a flyer 
that was given wide distribution throughout the Bay area [Mont- 
gomery Exhibit No. 37]. It is entitled "let's blackjack johnson," 
referring to President Johnson. I won't read it all, just one paragraph. 

But apparently it's all right for the Negro people to be clubbed, tear-gassed and 
blackjacked by the Ku Klux Kops. And not only in Selma, but in every black 
ghetto across the country . . . from Harlem to the San Francisco Bay Area. 

And it continues : 

The only path for winning freedom from oppression is by organizing for revo- 
lutionary struggle. * * * 

Finally : 

Let us prepare and organize now to win political power ! Yes, Mr. Johnson, 
you will be blackjacked — and we will be free ! 

This, as I said, came from Post Office Box 73, Berkeley, California. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 37" appears on page 
2094.) 

Mr. AsHBROOK. Let me see that. 

Mr. Montgomery. The next exhibit was circulated in March of 1965 
by the San Francisco Progressive Labor Party and gives a new ad- 
dress. It is the first time, or nearly the first time, their address started 
showing up. 3382 18th Street, and it is titled "ARE YOU SICK AND 
TIRED OF BEING SICK AND TIRED?" 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 38" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Montgomery. This was given particularly wide distribution in 
San Francisco, more so than on the east side of the Bay, and it is an 
attack on President Johnson and on police in general. It is intended 
solely to inflame the minority groups, particularly the Negroes, in- 
flame them against President Johnson. 

For instance, referring to President Johnson — 

HE HEADS UP A SYSTEM THAT THRIVES ON OPPRESSING POOR PEO- 
PLE BOTH AT HOME AND ABROAD. 

NEVER IN THE HISTORY OF MANKIND HAS ANY RULING CLIQUE 
GIVEN UP PRIVILEGE OR POWER OR Vi^EALTH UNTIL THEY HAVE 
BEEN FORCED TO DO SO. 

And this is underscored in capital letters. 

YET TODAY SUPPOSEDLY RESPONSIBLE NEGRO LEADERS LIKE ROY 
WILKINS ARE IMPLORING THE BLACK PEOPLE TO REMAIN NON- 
VIOLENT IN THE FACE OF THEIR CONTINUOUS DEGRADATION AND 
BLOODSHED. * * * 

This is typical of how they will pick out someone whom they con- 
sider an Uncle Tom. Any one of their own race who seeks to counter- 
balance them in any way at all immediately becomes an Uncle Tom 
and an enemy of tt^ people, particularly the minority. 

This particular article continues : 

IN HARLEM, N.Y. WHEN THE RESIDENTS RESISTED POLICE AG- 
GRESSION, THEY WON THE FIRST BATTLE ON THE ROAD TO HUMAN 
DIGNITY AND AN EQUAL RIGHT FOR ALL TO ACHIEVE COMFORT 
AND HAPPINESS. 



88-083 O— 69— pt. 6- 



2094 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Montgomery Exhibit No. 37 




The events in Selm?, At?bama hpve outraged the people throughout the country and 
the world. Presir'ent Johnson has been exposed as p hypocritical and callous racrst 
who openly r'eclpres when confronter' with the peoples remands: "I won't be black- 
jpcked." 

But apparently it's all right for the Negro people to be clubbed, tear-gassed and 
blackjacked by the Ku Klux Kops. And not only in Selma, but in every black ghetto 
across the country... from Harlem to the San Francisco Bay Area. 

The events in Selma have proven that the civil rights tactic of meeting violence with 
prayer is only an invitation to more violence. The rising wave of police terror against 
Black people has proven that the only protection the people can rely on is self-defense. 
The only time the Federal government sends its troops into action is to PREVENT the 
Negro people from fighting back. Johnson sends troops into Vietnam for the same rea- 
son: to crush the Vietnamese who have been fighting t)ack to achieve their freedom. 
And the Vietnamese will win regardless of how many Marines Johnson sends to the 
slaughter. 

The Black people in the United States can and will win their freedom too. But not by 
relying on the White House. ..nor by relying on prayers and those who advise to turn 
the other cheek. Nor will demonstrations or protests be enough because they fall on 
the racist ears of a President who says he won't be blackjacked. 

Alabama Governor Wallace and Sheriff Clark should be arrested and jailed. But 
Johnson won't do it. The people need decent jobs, homes and schools, but Johnson 
won't do anything about that either. 

The only path for winning freedom from oppression is by organizing for revolu- 
tionary struggle. This will be a hard struggle. It will not win freedom Now, but it 
will win Freedom. The phony Civil Rights Bill didn't do it, nor will any phony Right 
to Vote Bill. The Black people in the North who can vote know that they have no 
freedom as long as Mr. Charley controls the cops' clubs, guns and dogs, the hiring 
and firing. 

Let's Protest'. Let's Demonstrate'. Yes, we must and we will. 

But let us prepare and organize now to defend ourselves'. 

Let us prepare and organize now to win political power; 

Yes, Mr. Johnson, you will be blackjacked- and we will be free! 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2095 

IN JONESBORO, LOUISIANA, BLACK CITIZENS HAVE FORMED AN 
ORGANIZATION CALLED "THE DEACONS FOR DEFENSE AND JUSTICE," 
WHICH PROTECTS THE BLACK COMMUNITY AND CIVIL RIGHTS 
WORKERS FROM ATTACKS AND HARASSMENT. 

Further : 

THESE MEASURES POINT OUT THE ROAD FOR ALL OPPRESSED 
PEOPLES ! 

WHEN NON- VIOLENT DEMONSTRATIONS FAIL, THEY MUST BE PRE- 
PARED TO DEFEND THEIR RIGHTS FROM A POSITION OF STRENGTH. 

This, again, came from the Progressive Labor headquarters in San 
Francisco. 

We have further examples along the same line. The next is an an- 
nouncement which is undated, but from the text I would say it came 
out sometime in the late spring or early summer of 1965. Notice, this 
document announ-ces a meeting sponsored by San Francisco Draft Ke- 
sistance Union. The speakers scheduled represent the Black Anti- 
Draft Union, the Stop-the-Draft-Week, Progressive Labor Party, and 
the Mission Youth Organizations. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 39" appears on page 
2096.) 

They quote from inflammatory statements concerning the police— 
"what makes this country run: police clubs!" "The cops, army, big 
business and the school authorities work together to push us into a 
war that we had no part in making and no reason for continuing." 

This was handed out particularly around Mission High School, 
and while it was basically the Progressive Labor Party and the San 
Francisco Draft Resistance Union, combining with them — in this in- 
stance, and I have direct knowledge of their having been there — was, 
among other people, Kathie Harer, who is the daughter of Asher 
Harer, one of the functionaries of the Trotskyist party in San 
Francisco. 

While these were prepared by the Progressive Labor Party, the 
Mission Youth Organizations, that phase of it was headed up for 
the most part of Kathie Harer, and this was given wide distribution, 
particularly at Mission High School where there is a preponderance 
of Negroes. 

Mr. Smith. Would the Trotskyist party that you mentioned be the 
Socialist Workers Party ? 

Mr. Montgomery. That would be, yes. They are within the Socialist 
Workers Party. 

Mr. Smith. Proceed. 

Mr. Montgomery. And they have a youth group, too. The Young 
Socialist Alliance, I believe it is called. 

Mr. Chairman, I have a publication of Progressive Labor, pub- 
lished by the Progressive Labor Party in New York City. This issue 
I am referring to is for May-June 1965. This issue of the magazine 
is antipolice, as were other issues of the same publication. 

The back page consists of a number of mock-ups of other publica- 
tions, some abroad, some local, some foreign, every one pointed at the 
police department. "POLICE TERROR." This would have been 72- 
point headlines. "'KICK OUT MURPHY.'" "POLICE WAR 
ON HARLEM." "TODAY VIETNAM TOMORROW— THE 
WORLD." 



2096 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Montgomery Exhibit No. 39 

YoUi don't have-fo go?/' ; 

MO DRAFT FCR VIETNAM! OJR FICHT B HERE J s ', ;/i; 

, ' '■ -r '.'*-._ - ' ■ ■ •^,'S' 

b Caklasd. thti weeh, a lot o/ people have "d ttaoTered" tn«t what kind of "danocsaey" 

, **' t' ■■"::■ • ,' ^.•' 

we teally have. A lot of people have learned what tome of ni have krown for a long "."*' 

1 , ^_\ >' . ■■ *v .-: -» 

. • ■ \ , .- ■ I .< ■ .. ' 'iv '• 

time (etpeelally aroond Mttilon HS) -- what maket thia'conntry rnni police clubt l.^"^j,^^ 
,. The reaion more and more people are eoalng Into' confltet, with the •ytteaf^U'h^-'f' !^: 
earn* th«y are coming to hate the rich maa't war ^In' Vtetn^n. '■ ■■'^ ' .--''■ ■•■• ^-^ . ..^ 

Yonng meA are throwing away their llvei in a war ton by the rloh and for the rich« 
Raciam and poverty keep the eitabllabment In power. Tha copt, .army, big borinei*.- an4: . . 
the tcheel authorttiet work together to pnih hi into' n- war t^ajwa h94 no^art In .'^!?V 

■ ' . ■ ^ . ■"' ";. *■•;■. . ' •*- ' 

making and no reaion for continuing, ...' V.\./- i.*^ ••, •<'■ ' ■ ^ , 

■•-■,.: ^'!S.\''-' •''•,, ; ■' '• . 

W^ matt ataad tQgetber and rerirt thi* war. Svppert'.illheratioa in Aaia, Afriea and 
Latin Amartoa. Oar fight It for freedom and dempcvaey right tiere at hom«. '-' '^- ., 

Vietnam, Santo Domingo, the Congo, to name latt a few, (hoold be free of (T^S.. "■ 

domination. Support thir fight. ' ' - ' ' ^' ' 

. ! V ' '''■:'. 
You don't have to Join the rich man's army. And If yon do Join, yoa tMb-'ftgh't for ■..<««;. 

i. —^'%r' •■•■ 

yoar rights Inside, too. ^ ">■ ..'1- " ; 

•. ^*". • 

Join thia fight for freedom here. Learn more abo at what you can do to atay *Kt of, 

the army, or what yoa can do inside It. , ", .^^ . 

■».■*■ ■ '"^^ - 
Come yo a rally Friday (tonight) at 7t30 -- 22nd 6 Mission to support the antl-d(«ft' 

■ ■• ]'■''•■-{''* 
demonstrators In Oakland, and to continue the fight against the U.S. war la Vietahait.'' ;:;; 

• -■ .{.-A '-Ci 

SPEAKERS WILL INCLUDE YOUNG MEN WHO ARE REFUSING TO GO TO VIETNAMI ' ' '. "- 



TIMEi Tonight at 7i30 p.m. PLACEi 22nd G Mission ^^ 



SPEAKERS FROMt Dlaek Anti-Draft Union 



-^ --> 



~ " . " r Stop-the-Draft-Week ' •- •.!.'.* ■ f. •< ,-^ 

" I ain't going to Vietnam. I got \ . '" '^ .. - . ,'* ^x, 

nothing against those people. H \ Progressive Labor Party ■' ^' \''^i,'''^ " . ■ ''' 

Pm goEoa die flghtin(;, It's gonna \ "■''.. \ 

be fighting agalr«t the slumlcrds \ Mission Youth Orjtaltatloaa J ; 

and loan sharks and crooked poll- ..!.'''> 

„ , . , u. u ._ c. e. . m'v Coma and get up and speak yootplaoal ■■ 

Hclacs and cops tight here In San Francisco. "' '...,' > . 

— J . .1 j^ .1. I Coma and Join the ftghtl • , 

—Come and talk with the young roan » j o , ►>■•»'; V > . 

who made that itatemcnt. Spcn.rrcd by S.F. Draft Rtslitsnce Union ~ «a-»9S#»d824-J5;3 

' labcr donated. 



The whole general tenor of it is of inflammatory nature, but more 
important, there is one article in here, as I recall, "BLACK LIBERA- 
TION," which is highly inflammatory from beginning to end. It re- 
lates that the black people will comprise the largest minority of the 
United States, they are the most oppressed as a section of the working 
class and as a people, with U.S. imperialism making superprofits be- 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2097 

cause of the oppression of the black. There is one inflammatory state- 
ment after another here, and the sole purpose was to inflame the blacks 
toward revolution. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 40" and retained in 
committee files.) 

I have also, if you please, a document, a leaflet, distributed by the 
Progressive Labor Party Student Club, strongly supporting the 
W. E. B. DuBois Club, "escalation at home" is the title of this leaf- 
let, and it reads in part : 

The Progressive Labor Party condemns the vicious bombing attack on the 
W. E. B. DuBois Club national headquarters which occurred on March 6th. * * * 

Their headquarters were bombed on McAllister Street on that date. 

I have some extemporaneous knowledge of that, but I think it would 
be perhaps just as well not to go into it at this point, at any rate, but 
it continues : 

The government's attack only serves to expose their hypocrisy — their ruth- 
lessness. The police attacK on the DuBois Club — 

They contend it was the police ; we know otherwise. 

— The police attack on the DuBois Club press conference in New York, the indict- 
ment of more than 60 PLP members by New York kangaroo courts, the federal 
harassment of the University of Michigan students opposed to U.S. aggression in 
Vietnam, the murder of freedom fighters in the South, the framed-up conviction 
and jailing of Bill Epton from Harlem .... these are all recent instances of 
the ruling class' political repression of radicals and. revolutionaries in this 
country. 

This also was given widespread circulation throughout the Bay 
area. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 41" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Montgomery. I have also a flyer from San Francisco — it is 
headed "Wanted for the MURDER of Leonard Deadwyler : 'Bova — 
the — COP.' " Well, actually this revolves around a shooting in Los 
Angeles, but oddly enough, it was given wide distribution in San 
Francisco although it was a Los Angeles affair. 

"Wanted for the MURDER of Leonard Deadwyler : — (a member of 
the concentration camp) 'Bova — the — cop' (a guard in the concentra- 
tion camp)." 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 42" and retained in 
committee files.^) 

Mr. AsHBROOK. What date was this ? 

Mr. Montgomery. This is a highly inflammatory flyer and informa- 
tion put out. "Murder by cops and death by unemployment are meth- 
ods of systematic extermination." "DISARM THE GUARDS IN 
THE CONCENTRATION CAMP," meaning "Disarm the cops." 

This would be May and June. This came out in late May or early 
June of 1966. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Cliairman, this document here refers to the acci- 
dental shooting of Leonard Deadwyler by a policeman of Los Angeles 
by the name of Bova. 



^ This exhibit is identical to Anderson Exhibit No. 1.3, reproduced in pt. 3 of 
these hearings (Los Angeles-Watts), pp. 1245, 1246. 



2098 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Mr. AsHBROOK. I was going to comment that that follows 2 years 
after the Epton incident. Epton was later convicted of criminal 
anarchy. 

The Deadwyler case was set before this committee by Lieutenant 
Clayton K. Anderson on November 30, 1967. 

(At this point Mr. Willis entered the hearing room.) 

Mr. Montgomery. The next example I have of the Progressive 
Labor Party's propaganda, and this is again both Los Angeles and 
San Francisco, is a flyer put out in support of John Harris, who had 
been arrested for criminal syndicalism. It implies that this was a 
frameup and that the reason he was being arrested was a further sub- 
jugation of the Negroes and the Negro in the ghetto, and it takes out 
after General Motors and other corporations. 

"W© will not stop our protests. On the contrary, we will redouble 
them !!!" And "DEFEND JOHN HARRIS !" 

Now, although this emanated out of the South, it was given wide 
distribution in northern California as well. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exliibit No. 43" appears on page 
2099.) 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, John Harris was also the subject under 
inquiry by this committee to which Lieutenant Anderson testified last 
November 1967. 

Mr, Montgomery. I have with me, Mr. Chairman, a copy of Sparky 
a reproduction of a copy of Sparh^ which on its face identifies itself 
as the publication of the Progressive Labor Party, and its subtitle is 
the "western voice for revolution." 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 44" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Montgomery. It depicts inflammatory views of policemen, vari- 
ous policemen. It identifies the lineup. "Robber Cop Hit With Assault 
Suit." "Oakland cop guns down boy." An editorial in opposition 
to the House Committee on Un-American Activities, and to the right, 
"HUAC IS COMING To S.F." They anticipated your coming out there 
in 1965. There was no hearing held at that time, as you know, but 
in anticipation of your coming, they spread the word in view of hoping 
to create another such incident or disturbance as occurred at the time 
of your last hearings there in May of 1960. 

Now, this is edited by an individual who identifies himself as 
a Communist. He is a Maoist. He follows the Peking line. His name 
is John Ross. 

One of the first things he did — he has been very instrumental in 
the Mission Tenants Union, among other things, but one of the first 
things he did upon coming to San Francisco and getting organized 
was to get himself elected to the War on Poverty Board in that area. 
In his capacity as a member of the governing board in that area to 
the War on Poverty, he caused to be introduced and adopted a reso- 
lution denouncing the Federal Government for having expelled some 
squatters from a piece of Federal property in Georgia or some such 
State. 

Now, of course, that had nothing whatsoever to do with poverty in 
the Mission district, but it set the tenor for the type of activity he was 
espousing within this War on Poverty Board, and eventually he be- 
came such an extremist on the board that the rest of the board mem- 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2099 

Montgomery Exhibit No. 43 

y^o li /Really GujJty? L B J^ Voirfy ^Gener^l M^i^. 
JOHN Harris arrested for "CRiMiNAi syndicalism" 

John Hatis, Pto^essive Labor Party worker in V.'atu, was arrested by the Lo, An^elet County Diitricl Attorney 
September 'I) for "criminal syndicalism " It was tlie first time Chia law wa< used tlncc 193- — when il wat used 
to break a farm labor or^anizin- drive in the San Joaquin Valley, The purpMe of the government fai ustn^ thia 
law now is clearly to suppress freedom of speech in the Black !>!tto and to ctiflc the rising voices of protest 
against in)uman conditions in Vv'atts. 

At 5: 30 p. m. six plainclothes cops broke into the house where John H«ri] lives. Although cUimin^ to have 
a warrant, they refused to show it. They handcuffed John Hatria.' jheo they f ansacked the apartment, throwing 
articles around, ripping down pictures and causing, other damage. sTliey caf|ied off boxes of personal belongloga 
of the three people who live there to, use as "evidence. " Also, they tooh PIP literature that was atored there. 
Fcr example, they took 250 copies of the new PL magazine and copies of SPARK. They took book* and notes 
for classes, all this as "evidence. " . . ^. 

Why are they arresting John? The "criminal syndicalism" law stales that it Is Illegal to speak or leaflet so as to 
advocate "chan-„e. in industrial ownership" or to "effect political change" by so-called criminal means. A Grand 
}vty meeting secretly apparently decided this is what John was doing— and set the bail at $1S,000. 

fo fact they are arresting )ohn to scare and terrorize PLP members and odieii "wtiirprotest conditioea In the Black 
ghetto. Although John is not guilty of any criminal or illegal act, he certainly is guilty of protesting the wretched 
living condtions in Watts. He has spoken and wriRen about the fact that real income in Watts has declined eight 
percent since 1960 while rising in the rest of Los Angeles, He has passed out leaflets which pointed out that Watts 
is one of the blgfest concentrations of industry — yet Clack people liiing there can't get jobs In these plants, and 
there is 37 per cent unemployment there. He has publicly denounced the war in Vietnam and urged his BlacJt brothers 
not to fight In that war. He has told them to oppose the draft and warmly supported such people as Mchmond and 
Key, who refused to be inducted on the pounds that they arc aa colonial minority and shouldn't fighil the colonial 
master's dirty war against the colored people of Southeast Asia. He has corniantly worked to expose the bnttal 
outrages of Yorty's fascist cops in VV\'2t5 who constantly murder and maim Black people, the Dcad«vyler murder 
being only one example. What is more, John has held classes %vhich sourht to get »t the root cause of U.S. oppraasion 
both at home and abroad. He has not hesitated to name the real enemy, U.S. imperialism, and has stated 
iaiK<luivocalIy that imperialism in this country must be replaced by a socialist system. He has stated openly that 
he is a communist and proud of it. 

Fcr this he was arrested for "criminal syndicalism. " 

Tlie timing and charges of this arrest are significant, following on the heels of arrests of Black militants In Atlaoca, 
the so-called dynamite frame-ups in Philadelphiaa and the indictments in Cleveland. Lyndon Johnson is ordering 
his local stoop.es to begin a nation-wide roundup of all Black militants who refuse to sell out, because rebellioia * 
in Black (ghettos arc harming his war effort. Though the charges are serious and the bail fantastic, we declare chat 
tlie real guilty ones are Johnson and his gan^, for pursuing the genocidal war against Vietnam,. Yorty and hit thugs 
who are daily murdering and maiminj^ Black people. General Motors and Co-id Year whose plants in South Los 
Angeles poison the ait of Watts but who refuse to hire its residents. 

V.'e must expect that as we [;et more effective in our protests, repression such as this will get worse, but the use 
of such a shaky law indicates that the ruling class is desperate. 



We will not stop our protests. On the contrary, we will redouble them! ! 

PROGRESSIVE LABC» PARTY 
19930 / Phone: 399-0819 or 
San ftancisco; 29 !9 16th Street / Phone: UN 1-- 300 



PROGRESSIVE LABC» PARTY T f T 

Los Angeles: P.O. Box 19930 / Phone: 399-0819 or 933-0463 \_ L -4.^^ P OnATB^^ ] 

<:i» IN'ani-iu-n. ?9 "J lAth <;tTi>ot / Phani>! UN 1- 100 *" ' - — " " • -* 



DLFEND 7aHf/' HaRRIsJ^ ' . ' ;■ 

bers within the Mission district had him expelled from the board. He 
just overstepped his bounds on that point. 

This is an example of the publication they are putting out. 

Mr. Smith. Are you familiar with the organiza/tion known as the 
Committee to Defend Resistance to Ghetto Life, commonly referred 
toasCERGE? 



2100 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Mr. Montgomery. Yes, I am. It is not a big organization in San 
Francisco, but I have knowledge of it. I have seen some of their 
printed matter. I have examples of literature that was circulated in 
the San Francisco Bay area, and knowledge of some of the people who 
are connected with it. There has been some activity in the Bay area. 

Mr. Smith. Wliat is the nature or purpose of this organization? 

Mr. Montgomery. Well, primarily it was to raise funds for the de- 
fense of Bill Epton following his arrest in Harlem. You will recall 
he was indicted and arrested. CERGE was created as a front, you 
might say, by the Progressive Labor Party to raise funds for Bill 
Epton, who was then vice president of the Progressive Labor Party, 
and who was subsequently convicted of criminal anarchy and con- 
spiring to riot for his participation in the riots in Harlem. 

Mr. Smith. When was the organization formed, or do you know ? 

Mr. Montgomery. Well, the best I can do on that, sir, is to say that 
the National Guardian for February 20, 1965, announced the creation 
of this organization, so it would have been sometime just prior — I 
would say probably early February 1965. 

Mr. Smith. Are there any California sponsors of this organization? 

Mr. Montgomery. Yes, there are. I am not familiar with all the 
names that are listed here as sponsors. There may be more than one, 
but I do know of one. On this exhibit that I have, there appears the 
name of Vincent Hallinan, whom I have referred to previously here, 
and we also have a letterhead from CERGE, with a message on it. 

(Documents marked "Montgomery Exhibits Nos. 45 and 46," 
respectively, and retained in committee files.) 

Mr. Montgomery. This went to an individual in Berkeley saying, 
"We gratefully acknowledge your financial assistance to CERGE." 
It is dated April 3, 1965, and it lists as one of the sponsors Vincent 
Hallinan, an avowed Marxist attorney of San Francisco. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, at this point I would like to enter into the 
record the information concerning Mr. Hallinan's activities. Commu- 
nist-front organizations, et cetera, as taken from the committee files. 

The Chairman. All right. It will be received. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 47" follows:) 

montgomeky exhibit no. 47 

Information from the Files of the Committee on Un-American Activities 
U.S. house of representatives 

Subject: VINCENT HALLINAN. 

This Committee makes NO EVALUATION in this report. The following Is only 
a compilation of recorded public material contained in our files and should not 
be construed as representing the results of any investigation or finding by the 
Committee. The fact that the Committee has information as set forth below on 
the subject of this report is not per se an indication that this individual, organiza- 
ion, or publication is subversive, unless specifically stated. 

Symbols in parentheses after the name of any organization or publication 
mentioned herein indicate that the organization or publication has been cited 
as being subversive by one or more Federal authorities. The name of each agency 
is denoted by a capital letter, as follows : A — Attorney General of the United 
States ; C — Committee on Un-American Activities ; I — Internal Security Subcom- 
mittee of the Senate Judiciary Committee ; J— Senate .Judiciary Committee ; and 
g — Subversive Activities Control Board. The numerals after each letter represent 
the year in which that agency first cited the organization or publication. (For 
more complete information on citations, see this Committee's "Guide to Subver- 
sive Organizations and Publications.") 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2101 
COMMUNIST PARTY PUBLICATIONS 

1957- People's World (C-1959) 

1962 To share platform with Rockwell Kent at a testimonial to be given in 
Mr. Kent's honor, September 14, 1957 in San Francisco ; proceeds from the 
testimonial are to go to People's World [Letterhead of "Rockwell Kent 
Testimonial Committee," August 19, 1957] 

To speak on "I Saw the Powers Trial," October 21, 1960 at Berkeley 
meeting held by the East Bay People's World Forum Committee [People's 
World, October 22, 1960, p. 11] 

Writes book review for People's World [People's World, November 12, 
1960, p. 7] 

September 4, 1961 picnic for the benefit of People's World to be held at 
the Hallinan estate [National Guardian, August 28, 1961, p. 7] 

To be master of ceremonies at celebration commemorating the 25th year 
of publication of People's World, February 3, 1962 [People's World, Febru- 
ary 3, 1962, p. 11] 

COMMUNIST FRONTS 

1948- Progressive Party (C-1957; 1-1956) 

1955 Member, State Central Committee, California, 1948 & 1950 ["Members 
of . . . State Central Committees and County Committee Chairmen . . .," 
compiled by Secretary of State, California & published by the State, Au- 
gust 7, 1948, p. 39 and August 6, 1950, p. 34] 

Chairman, Marin County (Calif.) Central Committee, 1948, 1950 and 
1952 ["Members of . . . State Central Committees and County Committee 
Chairman . . .," compiled, by Secretary of State, California & published 
by the State, August 7, 1948, p. 35 and August 6, 1950, p. 31 ; Daily People's 
World, February 6, 1952, p. 6] 

Delegate to national convention, July 23-25, 1948, Philadelphia [Daily 
People's World, July 3, 1948, p. 8] 

Candidate for Presidential elector pledged to Wallace and Taylor (the 
Progressive Party candidates) [Daily People's World, August 9, 1948, p. 3] 

Scheduled to speak at rally, January 28, 1951, Oakland [Daily People's 
World, January 25, 1951, p. 10] 

Speaker at San Francisco kick-off rally, December 7, 1951 for tri-state 
Progressive Party conference [Daily People's World, December 7, 1951, 
p. 2 and December 10, 1951, p. 3] 

Scheduled to speak at rally held February 19, 1952 in Philadelphia 
[Daily Worker, February 20, 1952, p. 2] 

Candidate for President of United States on Progressive Party ticket in 
1952 elections [Daily Worker, March 7, 1952, p. 1 and March 16, 1952, p. 
2 ; Minutes of meeting of National Committee, Progressive Party, Chicago, 
111., March 29-30, 1952] 

Sj)eaker and participant in a "conference to end discrimination and 
segregation in the nation's capital," May 16, 1953, Washington, D.C., called 
by the Progressive Party ["Call" to the conference; Daily Worker, April 
30, 1953, p. 8, May 14, 1953, p. 3, May 18, 1953, pp. 1 & 6, May 20, 1953, 
p. 2, and May 21, 1953 p. 8] 

Scheduled to speak at Philadelphia Peace Rally, May 20, 1953 [Daily 
Worker, May 19, 1953, p. 2] 

Named honorary vice chairman of California State Central Committee, 
August 8, 1954 [Daily People's World, August 10, 1954, pp. 3 & 6] 

Scheduled to speak at meeting in Los Angeles, July 21, 1955 [Daily 
People's World, July 20, 1955, p. 7] 
1949 Civil Rights Congress (A-1947; C-1947; 1-1956; S-1957) 

The CRO picnic, July 24, 1949 is scheduled to be held on the Hallinan 
estate [Daily People's World, July 18, 1949, p. 3] 
1950- National Lawyers Guild (C-1944; 1-1956) 

1967 Speaker at NLG annual convention, May 7, 1950 [Daily Worker, May 8, 
1950, p. 3] 

Vice President, San Francisco Chapter [Daily People's World, April 25, 
1950, p. 3] 

Guest of honor and speaker at luncheon to be held by New York City 
Chapter, March 7, 1951 [Daily Worker, March 5, 1951, p. 5] 

One of "Those Guild members who contributed in the Courts to the 



2102 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Defense of the Bill of Rights" in whose honor the New York City Chapter 
will hold a banquet, October 25, 1957 [Lawyers Guild Review, Fall 1957, 
p. 118] 

Listed in the 1960 and 1962 NLG's Lawyers Referral Directories [NLG 
Convention Souvenir Program, July 28-31, 1960, p. 29 and 1962 Silver 
Anniversary Convention Program, p. 28] 

To discuss "The United States, Cuba, and the Neutrality Act," at meet- 
ing of San Francisco Chapter, May 25, 1961 [New York Guild Lawyer, 
May 1961, p. 1] 

Member, San Francisco Bay Area Chapter [Certification of Membership, 
January 26, 1967, filed with the Secretary of the State Bar of California, 
p.l] 
1951 Bridges-Robertson-Sohmidt Defense Committee (1-1956) 

Scheduled to speak at meeting in San Francisco, January 26, 1951 on 
"America Through "Western European Eyes" [Daily People's World, Jan- 
uary 26, 1951, p. 3] 

1951 Veterans for Peace ( 1-1956) 

Scheduled to speak at meeting on March 17, 1951 in San Francisco [Daily 
People's World, March 16, 1951, pp. 3 & 6] 

1951- Los Angeles Committee for Protection of Foreign Born (C-1956) 
1960 Speaker at banquet held September 17, 1951 as testimonial to lawyers 

handling deportation cases [Daily People's World, September 18, 1951, p. 3] 
Speaker at 10th Annual Dinner honoring members of Legal Panel and 
Officers, November 19, 1960 [People's World, October 15, 1960, p. 11, October 
22, 1960, p. 11, November 5, 1960, p. 3, November 12, 1960, p. 11, and Novem- 
ber 26, 1960, p. 3] 

1952 American Labor Party (C-1944 ; 1-1956) 

The State Executive Committee of the American Labor Party, New York, 
unanimously ratified Hallinan's candidacy for President on the Progressive 
Party ticket [Daily Worker, March 25, 1952, p. 3] 

Named among those tO' be honored at April 18, 1952 dinner held by the 
Kings County American Labor Party in New York City [Daily Worker, 
April 14, 1952, p. 8] 

Spoke at the following election rallies held by ALP : September 24, din- 
ner at Hotel Astor ; September 30, Hunts Point Palace, Bronx ; October 1, 
Lost Battalion Hall, Queens ; October 9, Riverside Plaza Hotel, NYC ; and 
October 27, Madison Square Garden [Daily Worker, September 22, 1952, pp. 
2 & 8 ; September 26, 1952. p. 3 ; September 29, 1952, pp. 6 & 8 ; October 8, 
1952, p. 8 ; and October 22, 1952, p. 8] 

1952- March of Labor (C-1954) 

1955 Elected president of the March of Labor Corporation for the year 1952 
[March of Labor, March 1952, p. 22] 

Stockholder and part owner, 1952-1955 [Statement of Ownership, March 
of Labor, October-November 1952, p. 2, October-November 1953, p. 2, Novem- 
ber 1954, p. 2, and November 1955, p. 2] 

1953 International Longshoremen's and Warehousemen's Union (C-1940; 

expelled from CIO in 1950 on grounds of Communist domination) 
Took part in discussion at 10th biennial convention of union which closed 
in San Francisco on April 11, 1953 [Daily Worker, April 13, 1953, pp. 3 & 6] 

1953- Veterans of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade (A-1947; C-1944) 

1967 To be one of the main speakers at meeting commemorating the "defense 
of Madrid," November 14, 1953, San Francisco, called jointly by the VALB 
and Spanish Refugee Appeal (C-1946; 1-1956) [Daily People's World, 
October 16, 1953, p. 3 and November 5, 1953, p. 7] 

Speaker at its "Fight Back Rally," February 25, 1962 in New York; 
money collected was tO' be used in the fight to keep the organization from 
registering as a "Communist front" as ordered bv the Justice Department 
[The Worker, February 4, 1962, p. 9, February 13, 1962, p. 2, March 4, 1962, 
p. 12 ; National Guardian, February 12, 1962, p. 10] 

Member of Committee of Sponsors for a VALB dinner in tribute' to Dr. 
Edward K. Barsky on the 30th Anniversary of the war in Spain, to be held 
February 24, 1967, NYC; proceeds are to be used to establish a "defense 
fund for those young men and women in the United States and in Spain 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2103 

who are today on the firing line of the fight for peace, civil rights and civil 
liberties." [January 31, 1967 letterhead with attached invitation] 
1955- National Guardian (C-1956) 

1963 Main speaker at a Guardian meeting held April 20, 19;")5 at City Center 
auditorium, New York [Daily People's World, April 26, 1955, p. 2] 

Principal speaker at a benefit banquet for the National Guardian to be 
held May 13, 1955 in San Francisco [Daily People's World, April 25, 1965, 
p. 7] 

National Guardian picnic, July 31, 1955, to be held at home of Vincent 
Hallinan, Ross, Calif. [Daily People's World, July 20, 1955, p. 7] 

To be host at dinner in his home for benefit of National Guardian, March 
29, 1958 [Dinner invitation] 

Writer of article, "California : The choice is evil — large or lesser." 
[National Guardian, October 13, 1958, p. 5] 

To report on recent tour of USSR on July 31, 1959 for benefit of National 
Guardian [People's World, July 25, 1959, p. Ill 

To report on tour of Europe at meeting on October 10, 1959 for benefit of 
National Guardian [People's World, October 3, 1959, p. Ill 

To report on the trial of Gary Powers in the Soviet Union (Hallinan was 
invited by the Soviet government to observe the trial) at Guardian meeting 
on September 2, 1960 [People's World, September 3, 1960, p. 11] 

To speak on "American Military and Economic Penetration of the Far 
East," at meeting on June 2, 1961 [People's World, May 22, 1961, p. 10, 
May 27, 1961, p. 11, and June 3, 1961, p. 11] 

To speak on "Political Perspectives, 1962" at meeting in San Francisco 
on January 19, 1962 [National Guardian, January 1, 1962, p. 11] 

Reviews book for National Guardian [National Guardian, September 26, 
1963, p. 10] 

Sponsor, Yasui Welcoming Committee (the National Guardian as a part 
of its 15th Anniversary celebration sponsored a 10-day peace tour of the 
United States by Professor Kaoru Yasui of Tokyo, November 17-26, 1963) 
[National Guardian, November 7, 1963, p. 6 ; leaflet, "The National Guard- 
ian announces . . ."] 
1960 American Russian Institute of San Francisco (A-1949; C-1959) 

Co-author with his wife of booklet entitled "A Clash of Cultures : Some- 
Contrasts in American and Soviet Morals and Manners," published in 1960 
by American Russian Institute [Booklet ; May 25, 1960 ARI Bulletin ; 
People's World, June 11, 1960, p. 11] 

To speak at meeting in San Francisco, December 10, 1960 on "New 
Highroads to Peace and Friendship" [People's World, November 19, No- 
vember 26, December 3, and December 10, 1960, p. 11] 

1960 Methodist Federation FOR Social Action (1-1956) 

Speaker at meeting October 28, 1960 at Annual Fall Retreat, White 
Sulfur Springs Resort, Calif. [MFSA Retreat Program, October 28-29, 
I960] 

1961 National Assembly foe Democratic Rights (C-1961 ) 

Sponsor of rally to be held September 23, 1961 in New York City to pro- 
test the action of the Supreme Court in upholding the McCarran Act and 
requiring the Communist Party to register [National Guardian, August 21, 
1961, p. 3; ad, New York Times, "Back to McCarthyism ?", September 7, 
1961, p. 26 ; undated letterhead received January 4, 1962] 

Speaker at the rally on September 23 [The Worker, September 24, 1961, 
pp. 1 & 10 ; People's World, September 30, 1961, pp. 1 & 12] 

1961 Emergency Civil Liberties Committee (C-1959 ; 1-1956) 

Signer of ad defending the First Amendment [ECLC reprint of Wash- 
ington Post ad, October 2, 1961] 

1962 Fair Play for Cuba Committee, Greater Los Angeles Chapter (C-1962) 

Speaker on Cuba at meeting on March 4, 1961 [Handbill, "The Case for 
Cuba ;" People's World, March 11, 1961, p. 3] 
1962 New World Review (C-1958 ; 1-1956) 

His book, "A Clash of Cultures : Some Contrasts in US-USSR Morals 
and Manners," offered free with 5-monith trial subscription to New World 



2104 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Review [List of Book Premiums enclosed in New World Reyiew form let- 
ter of October 2, 1962] 
1962- Citizens Committee foe Constitutional Liberties (C-1961) 

1964 Sponsor [Letterheads dated August 14, 1962, May 17, 1963, and April 9, 
1964] 

.Sponsor, March 15, 1964 dinner in New York City in honor of the Chair- 
man of the organization [National Guardian, March 7, 1964, p. 11] 
1964- National Committee To Abolish the Un-Amekican Activities Com- 
1966 mittee (C-1961) 

iSponsor [Abolition News, published by the organization, February 21, 
1964, p. 4 ; letterhead dated December 4, 1964 with attached list of spon- 
sors ; also letterheads of April 2, 1965 and January 8, 1966] 

1965 Northern California Committee for Protection of Foreign Born (C- 

1956) 
Sponsor of benefit, June 5, 1965 in San Francisco [Program of benefit, 
attached to June 5, 1965 handbill] 

Additional Pertinent Information 

1949 Defense of Communist Leaders 

Signer of letters to Vice President Alben Barkley and Attorney General 
J. Howard McGrath protesting the trial of the 12 Communist Party leaders 
[Daily People's World, September 22, 1&49, p.l] 
1952- Support for Juuus and Ethel Rosenberg, Convicte:d in 1951 of Espionage 
1953 Urged people to write President Truman to save lives of Ethel and 
Julius Rosenberg, sentenced to die on espionage charges [Daily Worker, 
October 15, 1052, p. 1] 

To speak at mass rally for clemency for the Rosenbergs at meeting on 
January 22, 1952 at Williard Junior High School, Berkeley [Daily People's 
World, December 30, 1952, p. 3] 

Speaker at meeting to raise funds in behalf of the Rosenbergs, Febru- 
ary 15, 1953, Oakland, California [Daily People's World, February 17, 
1953, p. 8] 

An international dinner "to aid the fight to save the Rosenbergs" is to 
be held in Hallinan's home, April 25, 1953 [Daily People's World, April 24, 
1953, p. 6] 

Mr. Smith. Did CERGE have an address in San Francisco ? 

Mr. Montgomery. Well, here is a page-size insert in a copy of Sparlc^ 
which is the Progressive Labor Party publication, with a huge article, 
feature article, "FREE BILL EPTON ! 'we will win,'" calling for 
money contributions and "Send in coupon." The address given is "Mens 
Manhattan House of Detention," if you want to write to him directly, 
but as for San Francisco, it comes out of the Sparh headquarters in 
San Francisco. I believe Post Office Box — their Box 4403, where they 

fot their mail. It is the Sparh headquarters, is what it amounts to. 
'rogressive Labor headquarters. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 48" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Smith. Continue, please. 

Do you have any additional documents ? 

Mr. Montgomery. I have an ad that was run — well, I believe that 
is part of this exhibit [indicating] — an ad that was run in June of 
1965 on behalf of Epton, an urgent appeal, money is urgently needed, 
to send it to Box 4403, San Francisco. Now, this was an advertisement 
calling for public contributions for the defense of Bill Epton. 

Mr. Smith. Were any meetings held by CERGE in San Francisco ? 

Mr. Montgomery. I have one document, a leaflet, which indicates, 
"Harlem — ^Watts — Oakland. 'WE ACCUSE.' Who are the 7'eal crimi- 
nals? What is the real meaning of the rehellions in Harlem and 
Watts? Where is the struggle leading? Hear: bill mcadoo — ^from Har- 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2105 



lem, FRANK GREENWOOD — f rom Watts, MARK COMFORT — f roiii East Oak- 
land." 

Now, this also was given wide distribution because the meeting was 
held in San Francisco on Sunday, March 27, at 8 p.m., in 1965, and 
at California Hall, 625 Polk Street in San Francisco. 

They also featured music by The Gentlemen and there was a 
donation at the door, a solicitation of 99 cents, apparently for some 
tax purposes. This was put out by CERGE. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 49" follows :) 



Montgomery Exhibit No. 49 



HsHem 





Who are the real criminals? 

What is the real meaning of the rebellions In Harlem and Watts? 

Where Is the struggle leading? 



Hear: 



from Harlem 



from Watts 



IVIARK COMFORT 



from East Oakland 



BENEFIT FO R CEBCE (COMMfTTEE TO DEFEND RESISTANCE TO GHETTO LIFE) 

Sunday March 27, 8 P. M. 

California Hall, 625 Polk Street in San Francisco 

Plus: Music by The Gentlemen 



99 Cents — Donation at tne aoor ^^ 



2106 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, the name Bill McAdoo mentioned by 
Mr. Montgomery, we have quite a lengthy record on Mr. McAdoo in 
the committee files which I would like to enter at this point. 

The Chairman. All right, it will be done. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 50'' follows:) 

Montgomery Exhibit No. 50 
WILLIAM McADOO 

William (Bill) McAdoo is an oflBcial of the pro-Peking Communist Progressive 
Labor Party. 

He headed its front called the Harlem Defense Council and the Committee to 
Defend Resistance to Ghetto Life (CEiRGE) . 

When the 1964 riots in New York City were investigated by a grand jury, 
McAdoo refused to cooperate. He was subsequently sentenced to 4 months in 
jail for criminal contempt for refusing to cooperate with the grand jury inves- 
tigation of the riot. 

He had "refused to answer questions as to when he had become a member 
of the Progressive Labor movement * * * ; whether he had demonstrated at the 
movement's headquarters how to make Molotov cocktails and whether he had 
agreed with Epton to incite further rioting." (New York Times 10/28/64 :C18) 

McAdoo has been an open member of the Progressive Labor Party, and his 
membership has been repeatedly acknowledged in PLP publications. The May 
1966 issue of Spark notes that he is from the Harlem Progressive Labor Party. 

WILLIAM (BILL) McADOO 



Year 



Incident/Organization 



Affiliation 



Source 



1961 Camp Midvale - Director... 

1961 New Horizons for Youth, Progressive Youth Organizing Scheduled enter- 

Committee, and Advance (Hootenanny, New York tainerat Hoote- 

City, Dec. 8, 1961). nanny. 

1962 East Side Press Club (meeting in New York City on Scheduled enter- 

Apr. 6, 1962). tainer. 

1964-66 Harlem Defense Council Leader, chairman, 

and cochairman. 



National Guardian, July 24, 1961 

p. 7. 
The Worker, Dec. 5, 1961, p.6. 



The Worker, Apr. 1, 1962, p. 10. 

National Guardian, Jan. 30, 1965, 
p. 10; Challenge, Mar. 16, 
1965, p. 4; and leaflet, "Rally 
to Free Bill Epton," Jan. 21, 
1966. 

National Guardian, Apr. 17, 1965, 
p. 7. 



The New York Times, Oct. 28, 
1964, p. C-18. 



1964 July 18-23 New York riot: Sentenced to 4 months in 

jail on Apr. 5, 1965, for criminal contempt for refus- 
ing to cooperate with a New York State grand jury 
investigation. of.the riot. 

(He "refused to answer questions as to when he had 

become a member of the Progressive Labor move- 
ment * * *; whether he had demonstrated at the 
movement's headquarters how to make Molotov 
cocktails and whether he had agreed with (William) 
Epton to incite further rioting.") 

1964 Ad Hoc Committee to Combat Fascism (rally in New Speaker at rally Challenge, Oct. 20, 1964, p. 2 

York City, Oct. 15, 1964). 

1964 Progressive Labor Movement (National Coordinating Participant.. . 
Committee meeting, October 1964). 



1965 Progressive Labor Writer of articles. . . 



1964-65 Committee to Defend Resistance to Ghetto Life Chairman. 
(CERGE). 



1966 Progressive Labor Party Official 

1966 Bertrand Russell Peace Foundation (petition support- Signer of petition.. 

ing the I nternational War Crimes Tribunal initiated 

by Bertrand Russell). 
1966 Free University Forum (meeting in New York City on Scheduled speaker 

Jan. 8, 1966). 



"The Black Liberation Struggle 
and the Right to Revolution" 
Pre-Convention Discussion 
Bulletin #2 (Progressive Labor 
Movement). 

Progressive Labor, October 
1965, pp. 39-57; and June- 
July 1966, pp. 31-56 and 
65-67. 

National Guardian, Nov. 28, 
1964, p. 8; and letterhead, 
February 1965. 

"Road to Revolution," (1967) 
by Phillip A. Luce, p. 127. 

National Guardian, Nov. 12, 1966, 
p. 8. 

National Guardian, Jan. 8, 1966, 
p. 11. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2107 

Mr. Smith. Have the W. E. B. DuBois Clubs been active in the area 
we have under discussion ? 

Mr. Montgomery. Yes, they have been very active, but most of their 
attention has been focused on the Vietnam issue and on the poverty 
issue. There is no little question but what they have agitated in areas 
where riots have occurred. In fact, members of the club have been ob- 
served at these various demonstrations and riots. 

I have as an example of their activity a copy of the front page of 
THE CONVENER. Now, this was published by the preparatory com- 
mittee for a new nationwide socialist youth organization. This orga- 
nization had its first convention June 21, 1964, and adopted the name 
W. E. B. DuBois Clubs of America. This convention was held at 150 
Golden Gate Avenue in San Francisco and turned out to be what con- 
stituted the founding convention of the W. E. B. DuBois Clubs. This 
was a call for that meeting. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 51" and retained in 
committee files. ) 

Mr. Montgomery. It depicts pictures of — the issue that I have is for 
April 1964, and the cover has two photographs of the Sheraton-Palace 
Hotel demonstration of March 1964, and they claim victory in this 
demonstration. This later became the INSURGENT. After the found- 
ing convention, they continued the publication, but rather than being 
called THE CONVENER, it was known as the INSURGENT and I 
am more aware of it under that title than I am THE CONVENER. 

I have another document. It is undated, but it would appear to rne 
to be some time in 1964 and it was printed by the Fillmore DuBois 
Club. At its original inception there in the Bay area we had at least 
three chapters of the DuBois Club. It has gone downhill a little. They 
are not as active as they were, but at that time they were most active 
and the Fillmore district is one — well, the Harlem of San Francisco. 

We have two, three predominantly Negro areas: Hunter's Point, the 
Fillmore area, and portions of the Ingleside, but the Fillmore by and 
large is considered the Harlem of San Francisco. 

Now, this document is titled "HAVE THE COPS EVER GIVEN 
YOU ANY TROUBLE?" This is aimed basically at police brutality. 

"Has a cop ever walked into your house ? 

"Has a cop ever stopped you on the street for nothing ? 

"Has a cop ever pulled you out of your car without reason?" and 
so on. 

"If a cop has ever done anything like this to you he is breaking the 
law. 

"YOU DONT HAVE TO TAKE IT" 

And they set up a committee to receive any complaints against the 
police. Their duty was to gather any complaints of any nature against 
the police, and it is rather interesting. 

You call this particular number or come to McAllister Street, which 
was the DuBois headquarters, and here again you come across three 
names : Sharon Stallinger, Richard Thomas, and, again, Harold Su- 
priano. No matter where you turned, you would inevitably come 
across Harold Supriano somewhere in the picture. 

(Document marked "Montgomeiy Exhibit No. 52" and retamed m 
committee files.) 



2108 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Mr. Montgomery. Theai I have a flyer, a DuBois Club newsletter, 
that was put out in San Francisco, and it calls on their membership 
to aid the Ad Hoc Committee To End Discrimination in their picket- 
ing project at the Oahl<md Tribune. 

I mentioned earlier today the picketing demonstration of the Oak- 
land Tribune. This is a letter sent out to the membership of the DuBois 
Club asking that they join in this demonstration, and a great many of 
them did. 

Mr. Smith. Do you have a date for that? 

Mr. Montgomery. This was sent out just prior — well, the meeting 
itself was held on January 17, 1965, where they passed the resolution 
calling for assistance to the Ad Hoc Committee. 

Mr. Smith. Thank you. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 53" and retained 
in committee files.) 

Mr. Montgomery. Now we have switched over to the INSUR- 
GENT. This was originally THE CONVENER, and most of the 
material I have comes out of the INSURGENT., the national maga- 
zine of the W. E. B. DuBois Clubs of America. This is a national 
publication, and here is the cover for May- June 1966 issue. Again, it is 
a caricature of police beating a Negro and reflecting police brutality, 
alleged police brutality, which became at about this point one of their 
main projects, espousing the charges of police brutality. 

It is rather interesting that this particular drawing carries the sig- 
nature of Frank Cieciorka, Jr., and this boy is quite a character. He 
holds forth in hippieland, the Haight-Ashbury, but he is quite active 
in doing cartoon work, not only for the DuBois Club and Progressive 
Labor Party, but also for various "undergromid" newspapers. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 54" appears on page 
2109.) 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Montgomery, do you have any additional preriot 
documents to offer the committee ? 

Mr. Montgomery. I have a leaflet distributed by the People's Armed 
Defense Groups, which states they were organized by the Communist 
Party U.S.A. (Marxist-Leninist) and it gives the address of 9122 
South Compton Avenue, Los Angeles; also, a New York address of 
2521 8th Avenue. 

The leaflet states "Oppose the Reactionary Violence of the ruling 
CLASS With the Revolutionary Violence of the people." Li other words, 
it is advocating revolution. Although this carries Los Angeles and New 
York addresses, this was given wide distribution in the San Francisco 
area. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, a similar exhibit was distributed in the 
south-central Los Angeles area in May 1966. It was introduced as 
an exhibit in the testimony of James C. Harris,^ a detective of the dis- 
trict attorney's office of Los Angeles County, in testimony before this 
committee on November 28, 1967. 

The Chairman. All right. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 55" and retained in 
committee files.) 



^Tihis is almost identical to Harris Exhibit No. 16, pt. 3, p. 1144. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2109 



Montgomery Exhibit No. 54 




THE NATIONAL MAGAZINE OF THE W.i.i. DuBOIS ClUBS OF AMIUCA 



THE WAR ON POVERTY 
Is Poverty Winning? 



WHO USES VIOLENCE? 




:;i^$^i^:5f^i^s^i^•■- 



MAY-JUNE, 1966 



25^ 



33 O - 69 - Dt. 6-5 



2110 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Mr. Montgomery. I have a sticker headed "BURN, BABY, 
BURN." Now, this was printed by the Anarchist League of Los 
Angeles and was distributed prior to the riot in San Francisco in 
September of 1966. 

I might say that these are samples of the type of inflammatory propa- 
granda— in addition to "BURN, BABY, BURN," there were^-dis- 
played "support your local anarchist" and "WARNING: your 
LOCAL POLICE ARE ARMED and DANGEROUS !" 

These also appeared in little sticker form almost overnight through- 
out West Oakland in the Negro area, and throughout various areas 
of San Francisco you would find these little stickers on mail boxes, 
on metal utility poles, on postal boxes. 

(Documents marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 56-A" follow:) 

Montgomery Exhibit No. 56-A 




UIRINI, 




URN 

Support the Revolution A. L. - L. A. 






ARNING: 

\OVK LOCAL 

POLICE 

ARE i 

ARMED 

AND 

NGEROUS* 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2111 

Mr. Montgomery. There was one — I don't have a copy of it, iin- 
foitiinately — that came at the same time : "Watch Whitey Run," and 
people were going around scraping these off the mail boxes who 
disagreed with theni, but these were given Avide dissemhiation through- 
out the Bay area and, again, this was prior to the riot of San 
Francisco. 

They also put out a document "Uncle Sam wants YOU nigger," 
and I am not sure where this came from. It is not identified, but this 
appeared in the Bay area about the same time as these other inflamma- 
tory posters. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 56-B" ^ and re- 
tained in committee files.) 

Mr. Montgomery. And we had one other, too, called "No More 
Police Brutality ! in San Francisco, citizens police review board." 
This was put out cosponsored by CORE and by Freedom House, 
which is an organization in the Fillmore district calling for the estab- 
lishment of a police review board in San Francisco. 

They circulated a petition trying to create a pressure vehicle to call 
on the board of supervisors for the establishment of such a board. It 
was unsuccessful. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 57" appears on 
pages 2112 and 2113.) 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Montgomery, does this conclude the presentation 
of your material on agitational activities conducted prior to the riot 
which broke out in September 1966 ? 

Mr. Montgomery'. It does. This concludes everything that I have 
with me up to the time of the riot ; yes, sir. 

Mr. Smith. Would you care to summarize your presentation up to 
this point ? 

Mr. Montgomery. Well, I feel that up to now, if I might summarize 
it, I would say that it indicates that agitational activities were con- 
ducted prior to the riots by the following groups, and I at one time 
or another named these various organizations : 

There was the Direct Action Group, the Ad Hoc Committee To End 
Discrimination, Progressive Labor Party — and its front, CERGE — 
the W. E. B. DuBois Clubs, the Communist Party U.S.A. (Marxist- 
Leninist) , the Anarchist League. And in addition, of course, the Com- 
munist Party official newspaper, the People's World., for a number of 
years prior to the riot published a continuing barrage of inflammatory 
antipolice, racist, antigovernment racist articles, and I think it set the 
foundation for a gradual buildup of animosity within the minority 
groups toward law and order, toward the so-called Establishment, the 
term they like to use. 

Mr. Smith. Now, to get to the riot itself, was there a particular in- 
cident that triggered it ? 



1 Exhibit 56-B offered by Mr. Montgomery at this point is exactly the same as Wheeler 
Exhibit No. 50-A (pt. 3, p. 1300) except that it bears no indication of its source. The 
followine notation appears at the bottom of Wheeler Exhibit No. 50-A : 

"Issued bv : HARLEM PROGRESSIVE LABOR CLUB, 336 Lenox Avenue, New 

York 10027.* For additional copies send to: Progessive Labor Party: Chicaffo: 2049 

North Dayton St., Los Angeles: 218 East S2nd Place, San Francisco: 3382 18th Street. 

California." . . 

It is also interesting to note that a flyer reproducing the famous Army recruiting poster 

depiction of Uncle Sam pointing his finger but with the caption "Uncle Sam wants YOU 

nigger" was also distributed in Newark, N.J. (See Kinney Exhibit No. 19, pt. 4, p. Ii911.) 



2112 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Montgomery Exhibit No. 57 





'rOfv£ 



oi'ice 



V 



i 1 ^ ^ ^ 



W V, 



X - 



— tf* 













•^ 



-I 



4. .,.^. ^- 




SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2113 

Montgomery Exhibit No. 57 — Continued 

\Jm WE WJST H^VE A CITIZEN'S POLICE REVIEif EO^PD: 

BECAUSE XT 16 THE BPOTUGHT THA" i-rJTS POUCE DRUIALITY OUT OF THE 
DAPtC; BECAUSE IT IS THE POOR IVN'S PROTBCIlOIi JJHOM E^.UTAXITf Hi 
THE HTDDEN RECESSES CF THfC J/'IT'l AfJD THE S'i'R':E:r'S. 



The police have no right to teat or ahuse a child, a woman or a rnn be^mr-; 
they looked at a cop .-'.n the wrong '■ray, or because th'^y vero dmi)f;d vro'.^'T 
or talker} wrons. In Tact, the pcHoe have no rigirt to hsa::- n -u?.-! even 
though be ?.« fr-^lty C'f a crlwe. So wt-.o gave the San IV'.'r'rinco poiici; ttin 
rljht to find a vt?n c''-'5-Ity ©"flocking vro!ig pjad be.?.tln.-; h'.n for -it? 

A pollen review boc-.rri nf.de up of pf'ople fron thn neigh^yoj-hoed will he a 
place where we can file complain'^.s' ahcut ■bruta?.ity or '•" '"^e *ind (•t^t Ju:- i:"'. 



^ 



/vnd !•' you hu-.'e tJiy cotnplalnts atcut pi-dlce brutality, CALL us. 



r,!)?E: JO "J-T'^o FREEDOM HOUSE: JO l-'^V-h 

lCc6 O'Farreil ht. 1?53 FiUroore Fl- 

Mr. Montgomery. Yes, there was. The riot itself happened on a 
Tuesday afternoon, the spark, on a Tuesday afternoon when a police 
officer 

The Chairman. What date ? 

Mr. Montgomery. September 27, 1966. 

— when a police officer in pursuit of three young Negro suspects 
whom he had flushed from a stolen car — he came upon the stolen car. 
They were in it; they fled. He couldn't chase all three of them. He did 
pursue one individual, encountered him on two different occasions, de- 
manded that he stop, threatened to shoot, even fired a warning shot in 
the air, and finally, from a distance of more than 150 feet, did fire, and 
the boy was shot and was killed. 

Now, this happened in the midafternoon on September 27, and by 
evening it had become quite a cause of discussion throughout the 
Hunter's Point area, and the agitators on the various street corners — 
groups were there, and they began gathering in size and numbers. The 
police became alarmed. 

Before long there was looting, window-smashing; the thing grew. 
Finally that evening the police thought they had it quieted down pretty 
well. At that time they handled it on their own at first, and then even- 



2114 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

tually it grew in magnitude to where Chief Cahill was obliged to call 
in the National Guard troops and call in the highway patrol, particu- 
larly on the second day. 

Late in the afternoon of the second day, police, in attempting to 
maintain order in the Hunter's Point area along Third Street, had 
blocked off traffic. During the night windshields were smashed, false 
alarms were sent in, firemen were pelted with bottles and rocks. Gen- 
eral disturbance. 

On the following afternoon along about 5 o'clock, as I recall, the 
police were fired upon from the second floor of the Bayview Com- 
munity Center, which I spoke of earlier as the headquarters for the 
War on Poverty project in that area. And, of course, the police were 
obliged to return the fire. 

I think it is significant that no one was killed in their return fire. 
They used buckshot and they purposely aimed at the lower extremity 
of the people they were shooting at. The 10 who were wounded suf- 
fered buckshot wounds in the legs. There was no shooting at heads. 
They weren't using rifles. 

Then in addition to receiving fire from the second floor of the Bay- 
view Center, there also was, on Newcomb Street just a half a block 
away, a Cadillac car parked in the driveway and there was rifle fire 
emanating at the police from under that vehicle. The police were 
obliged to storm the site, and the Cadillac was pretty well shot up. 
One of the three people who had been behind it suffered leg wounds 
from shotgun pellets. 

Then at its height, particularly on the second day, the riot spread 
to the Fillmore district, which is quite some distance removed, but, of 
course, they were aware of what was happening at Hunter's Point. It 
was at this point they had to call in the National Guard. 

They had to put guardsmen on the fire trucks to protect the firemen. 
They had highway patrolmen and police riding in two teams of two 
men each, four in a car. 

Then the looting spread and robberies, burglaries. Actually, I could 
give you a brief idea of w^hat the summation was as to the various 
offenses if you are interested in it, but it is contained in this report 
put out by Chief Cahill. It gives a very comprehensive breakdown as to 
what particularly happened. 

For instance, there was one person fatally shot fleeing the stolen 
car; 161 persons reported injured, including 58 policemen, firemen. 

I think I reviewed part of this earlier in my testimony. 

Damage to civilian property was in excess of $33,000 ; Government 
property damage, mostly police cars, fire engines, Government build- 
ings, approximately $12,000; losses by looting liquor stores and cloth- 
ing stores, luggage shops, roughly $91,000. 

Actually, the entire riot was finally declared over. The "state of 
emergency" was ended after 128 hours, which is the title they gave in 
the report and the summation of what then occurred. 

Mr. Smith. You mentioned previously that you have researched 
(he People's World from January 1, 1962, to May 1968. Will you 
please continue with your testimony on that? 

Mr. Montgomery. I have, if you please, a copy of the People's World 
for April 1, 1967. This is after the riot, which bears the caption 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2115 

"Police review is Oakland issue." Here they are led by Elijah Turner, 
M'ho is a militant Negro heading a militant group in Oakland. 

(Docimient marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 58" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Montgomery. Incidentally, he was a candidate for public office 
there — ^the city council. He was not elected. But he was setting up a 
clamor for a police review board in the city of Oakland. This was 
April 1, 1967. 

The Chairman. Mr. Montgomery, because of the time limit would 
vou mind submitting those documents for the record instead of read- 
mg them ? 

Mr. Montgomery. Yes, I shall. 

Then on August 5, 1967, we have an article from the People's World 
and headed "Stop shooting down people because they steal something." 
This was one that featured a speech by Howard Harawitz, who was 
one of the militant activist leaders in the Bay area, and it took excep- 
tion to the fact that police had been obliged to shoot someone. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 59" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Montgomery. I am submitting a list of several articles from the 
People's World. Again you might notice, Mr. Chairman, every so 
often the patent cartoon always depicting the policemen beating some 
individual. 

The Chairman. Those documents will be received. 

(Documents marked "Montgomery Exhibits Nos. 60-A through 
K," respectively, and retained in committee files.) 

Mr. Smith. You testified to the W. E. B. DuBois Club's racial 
agitation activity of an inflammatory nature prior to the riot. Has 
f his organization continued this activity since the riot ? 

Mr. Montgomery. Well, yes. I want to say this. They have not been 
so active as they were previously. There has been a little dissension 
within the group. They have lost some of their members. There has 
been some rivalry between the W. E. B. DuBois Clubs and the 
Trotskyists, the Socialist Workers group. 

For instance, Bettina Aptheker scheduled a 2-day conference on 
the Berkeley campus. They were going to have workshops and seminars. 
Unbeknown to her, Kipp Dawson of the Trotskyists group, the So- 
cialist Workers Party, had sent out a quiet notice that the meeting 
was to be boycotted and as a consequence where she had expected 200 
or 300 people only a piper's guard attended and the whole conference 
fell through by 11 in the morning. 

So there has not been the activity from the W. E. B. DuBois Clubs 
that there had been previously. The Hallinans have shown a dis- 
interest. They are not active in the W. E. B. DuBois Club as they 
once were or as they were prior to the riot. Then, too, the national 
headquarters of the W. E. B. DuBois Club was moved about that 
time from San Francisco to Chicago. With the movement of the 
headquarters and then subsequently, as I understand it, the loss of 
most of their records in Chicago, it became prettjr well known who 
some of these leaders were behind the people out in front. 

As a consequence there hasn't been too much activity by the W. E. B. 
DuBois Club as such. But in April 1968 their issue of the INSUR- 



2116 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

GENT shows on its cover a number of pictures of various demonstra- 
tions and inside is an article entitled "War on Kacism," which, among 
other things, says : 

STOP THE VIOLENCE AND TERROR AGAINST THE BLACK COMMUNI- 
TIES ! STOP THE POLICY OF GENOCIDE AGAINST BLACK AMERICA! 
END RACISM IN ALL ITS FORMS ! ! 

Then there is a cartoon showing President Johnson with his arm 
around a member of the Ku Klux Klan carrying a weapon, depicted 
here on page six of the INSURGENT. The tone of the INSURGENT 
runs consistent throughout and these are just a couple of the examples. 

But since its national headquarters was moved, it has been rather 
quiet. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 61." Copy of cover 
page appears on page 2117.) 

Mr. Smith. You have also testified as to the racial agitation activity, 
that is, the inflammatory type of agitation, on the part of the Progres- 
sive Labor Party. Has this organization also continued this same activ- 
ity since the riot ? 

Mr. Montgomery. Yes, very much so; particularly not only as the 
PLP and Sparky which still remains in publication, but also through 
a front called the Mission Tenants Union that was set up by John 
Ross, whom I have mentioned. They have been. active; yes, sir. 

Mr. Smith. Would you discuss the PLP first ? 

Mr. Montgomery. I have an issue here of Spark which is for Octo- 
ber 1966 [Montgomery Exhibit No. 62]. This is the first edition fol- 
lowing the riot, and its tenor is "BLACK PEOPLE REVOLT," and 
"San Francisco Cop Murders — Black Community Fights Back." In 
other words, the Negro people have revolted, and the idea is they refer 
to Chief of Police Thomas Cahill as "Chief Killer Cahill." 

The Chairman. As chief who ? 

Mr. Montgomery. "Chief Killer," rather than Chief of Police Ca- 
hill. It is typical of the type of propaganda and it is still coming. 
This isn't the only issue. They have scenes that contain various pic- 
tures taken during the course of the riot which we have been dis- 
cussing and, of course, some rather adverse photographs of President 
Johnson and other national dignitaries. 

Wherever they can get a picture that would show him in an adverse 
light, they have used it. This is typical of the Spark newspaper, and 
it carries its own identification as the outlet of the Progressive Labor 
Party. 

Mr. Smith. Do you have any additional documents by the Progres- 
sive Labor Party that you would like to submit for the record ? 

Mr. Montgomery. I have a two-page leaflet which was circulated in 
October of 1967 by the Progressive Labor Party through what they 
called the Bay Area Trade Union Section [Montgomery Exhibit No. 
63]. They set up committees within their own organization. This is a 
resume of the Progressive Labor Party's viewpoint on the riot which 
occurred September 27. 

It reads in part : 

In a split second on Tuesday, September 27, a San Francisco cop tried, sen- 
tenced and executed on the spot 16 year old Matthew Johnson of Hunters Point. 
He was shot in the back for suspected car theft. It is not the first time the peo- 
ple of Hunters Point have been attacked by cops, like Black people in cities all 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2117 



^-^■i 



Montgomery Exhibit No. 61 






v/. t- »• 



WATT 

AHt> 

VI ETNA 



llSM.l 

[rs 



us. 



T^ 



«WCK PEOPLE 



•r . wiwsnouu) Vt^53MFTH£DEA 

-««« RACISM,^ wnrruc ' 
., °' *«nNM(iESE TU « OF THE ! 



'THtWAR 



NOW' 






2118 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

over the country. But this time the whole community rebelled. The government 
responded with a military invasion. The National Guard, founded to crush the 
railroad strikes of 1877, last used in San Francisco to break the general strike in 
1934, proven killers in the Watts uprising, were told to shoot to kill and many 
unarmed Black people were wounded. 

This is their opening paragraph. They say, " 'KACE KIOT' OR 
EEBELLION ?" It goes on : 

What were the causes of the rebellion? Clearly this was not * * * a "race 
riot." Black and white mobs were not fighting one another. It was a battle 
between the cops and the ghetto people * * *. 

That was the general nature of this leaflet printed by Spark and 
put out from the Progressive Labor headquarters in San Francisco. 

I have also a leaflet they put out, "the plot against BLACK 
AMERICA," and this was published by the Harlem branch of the 
Progressive Labor Party, but it was distributed, given wide distribu- 
tion, in San Francisco and it again is depicting scenes of alleged police 
brutality [Montgomery Exhibit No. 64]. 

As I remarked earlier, you never see the scene that preceded the 
snapping of the camera. There is invariably something ahead of it we 
never see. It only shows the policeanan in his worst lig'ht. There is 
something on the back page there, a caricature I was going to refer to. 
It is typical of the propaganda they are putting out. 

There is a booklet called "BLACK LIBERATION— NOW!" The 
booklet itself accredits printing to the Black Liberation Commission 
of the Progressive Labor Party in Harlem, New York, and it was 
circulated in San Francisco in July of 1967. I don't know when it 
was printed, but it appeared in July of 1967 in San Francisco. Again 
it is highly racist and inflammatory material. 

(Document previously marked "Wlieeler Exhibit No. 49" in part 3 of 
these hearings and retained in committee files.) 

Mr. Montgomery. Then I have a leaflet circulated by the Progressive 
Labor Party in early May of 1968 [Montgomery Exhibit No. 65]. 
This document supports the recent students' strike at Columbia Uni- 
versity and it is simply a laudatoiy statement praising the Columbia 
students and those who participated with them, including a tribute 
totheSDS. 

(Documents marked "Montgomery Exhibits Nos. 62 through 65," 
respectively, and retained in committee files. Cover page of Exhibit 
64 appears on page 2119.) 

Mr. Smith. Thank you, sir. A few minutes ago you stated you had 
information on an organization known as the Mission Tenants Union. 
Would you describe this organization and its activities ? 

Mr. Montgomery. It is an organization that was created by the 
Progressive Labor Party. It was headed up primarily by John Ross. In 
a leaflet they put out [Montgomery Exhibit No. 66], the Mission 
Tenants Union by its own admission states the Progressive Labor 
Party organized the Mission Tenants Union. In other words, they 
attribute their foilndation to the Progressive Labor Party. It says, 
"only a month and a half ago, the progressive labor party which 
organized the mission tenants union was forced to move," and so 
on and so forth. 

Mr. Smith. What was the purpose of this organization ? 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2119 
Montgomery Exhibit No. 64 




THE 

PLOT 

AGAINST 

BLACK AMERICA 

PablUhed by the Harlem Branch o« Progreaaive Labor Party 

Mr MoNTCOMERY. It was to organize^at this point they are con- 
centratino- on the Mexican Americans rather than the Negroes m the 
Mission district of San Francisco, but Negroes as well. In tins particu- 
lar area, they are mostly Mexican Americans, and John Koss spent 
most of his time working with these people causmg, oh, advocating 
rent controls, encouraging nonpayment of rents, hghtmg eviction 
notices, that type of thing. 



2120 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Mr. Smith. Who was the chairman of that organization ? 

Mr. Montgomery. John Ross, it is my understanding. 

Mr. SMrrH. Who is John Ross ? 

Mr. Montgomery. It shows here that the chairman is John Ross, 
and it lists other cochairmen, the secretary, the treasurer. I have a 
document dated March 30, 1967, which gave the program for the night, 
what they were going to talk to. It identifies Ross as the chairman 
[Montgomery Exhibit No. 67] . 

Now, Ross himself, well, I don't know how much of the background 
I have on him except that he ran for the board of supervisors, or at 
least he announced he intended to file for the board of supervisors 
and he failed to meet a requirement. 

You have to be a resident of San Francisco for 5 years to run as a 
candidate for the board of supervisors, and he had not met that re- 
quirement, but he did file a statement for intention of election. So, as 
a consequence, his name was left off the official printed ballot. He was 
going to take the matter to court. The court would not hear it. He 
just did not qualify and so he campaigned as a write-in candidate 
and he got a very minimal number of votes. 

Mr. Smith. Has he been in jail ? 

Mr. Montgomery. Yes, he has a jail record. He was arrested recently 
for inciting a riot and fighting right there at his own headquarters. 
But he had served time prior to that. The record itself — I am not sure 
if I have a copy of the record of John Ross, of his arrest record, but 
I do know that he has served time. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, it is to be noted that John Ross has served 
a 6-month sentence in 1964 for evading the draft as a matter of com- 
mittee record. 

Mr. Montgomery. And I believe — it is my recollection, sir, that was 
in New York City. He was convicted in New York City as a draft 
evader. 

Mr. Smith. Yes. 

In your answer to the previous question you mentioned the Mission 
Tenants Union branched out into fields other than aiding poverty- 
stricken families. Would you care to enlarge on this, please ? 

Mr. Montgomery. I have a leaflet distributed by John Ross and 
headed "STOP POLICE ATTACKS on the people !" [Montgomery 
Exhibit No. 68]. This was given wide distribution through the auspices 
of the Mission Tenants Union, actually it is a political campaign piece 
of literature on behalf of John Ross, but his platform was police 
brutality and police attacks on the public. 

This was the main plank of his platform in seeking election. Also, 
he cited the address, 2929 16th Street, which is their present head- 
quarters. It might be worth noting that this is directly across the 
street from the San Francisco Labor Temple, where they have made 
efforts to recruit members from within the ranks of organized labor 
in San Franciso. They have not done too well. 

Then on March 7, the San Francisco Police Department arrested 
Ross and others at a benefit party sponsored by the Draft Resistance 
Union. I have an article, a newspaper publication for August 7, 1967, 
stating the persons arrested resisted arrest and there were several in- 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2121 

juries both to the arresting officers and the persons arrested [Mont- 
gomery Exliibit No. 69]. 

This turned out to be a regular Donnybrook over in the Mission 
district and, of course, immediately the cry went up of police bru- 
tality. The police were resolved to make these arrests and if they had to 
use force to do it, why that was what followed and, of course, they then 
became brutality incidents : 

Six policemen were injured and ten persons arrested — one a candidate for 
the Board of Supervisors — when a benefit party for the San Francisco Draft 
Resistance Union erupted into a bloody affray early yesterday. 

It describes Ross and the fact he is a warehouseman and he served 
6 months for draft evasion. 

It tells of four policemen who were jumped by 20 individuals in 
Ross' presence at tliat time. It gives a rather full account of w^hat 
happened. The history of the case is, there was too much noise, dis- 
turbance, the people in the adjoining building complained. Officers 
went there to quiet the thing down and immediately were subject to 
a vile and obscene attack orally, and one thing led to another until 
finally from the top of the stairs one policeman was struck by a thrown 
object and the show was on the road. 

1 have also a flyer titled "MISSION PEOPLE BATTLE COP 
TERROR" [Montgomery Exhibit No. 70] . This is an account put out 
by John Ross of what happened. This Avas put out by the Mission 
Tenants Union — a joint operation, the Mission Tenants Union, the 
Mission Committee Against the War, Students for a Democratic So- 
ciety, Progressive Labor Party, Black Anti-Draft Union, and S.F. 
Draft Resistance Union. 

This just about covered the field. The flyer is on the event of the 
Saturday night when 10 patrol cars of police were accused of disrupt- 
ing the afTair that was under way. It is typical of the propaganda put 
out and it is always inflammatory, alleging police brutality. 

That would about conclude what I have on Ross himself. I may 
have one other thing here. The Spark publication of Progressive Labor 
Party, in its August 1967 edition carried the following headlines, "S.F. 
COPS PLOT TERROR" [Montgomery Exhibit No. 71]. It is typical 
propaganda put out by Ross charging them with having "viciously 
beat [en] John Ross into unconsciousness and arrested nine others," 
and so on. 

It is in keeping with the other flyers that were sent out except that 
this was John Ross' own paper or the Progressive Labor Party paper 
which he edited, so it is an editor writing about himself, in effect. 

Then there is another leaflet, "STOP THE COPS!" put out also 
by Ross, although distributed by the United Resistance Fund [Mont- 
gomery Exhibit No. 72]. This was a new one that sprung up. They 
come and they go. We didn't hear much about the United Resistance 
Fund except that it was raising money for the defense of John Ross 
and these nine others who were arrested at this disturbance at his 
headquarters at the party that was given earlier in the week. 

It was simply another allegation of police brutality and soliciting 
funds from the public at large. There is no way of knowing how much 



2122 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

was picked up or how much was received, but they did get cash con- 
tributions. 

Mr, Smith. When he ran for supervisor [as a write-in candidate] 
what was his platform ? 

Mr. Montgomery. According to another leaflet which was distrib- 
uted, one plank was "Stop Police Brutality" [Montgomery Exhibit 
No. 73]. 

Mr. Smith. You have indicated that Koss was not successful in the 
election ? 

Mr. Montgomery. No, he did not get a handful of votes. 

Mr. Smith. Is the Mission Tenants Union still in existence? 

Mr. Montgomery. Well, it is very much less active than it was. We 
don't hear too much about it. I would say it was dormant rather than 
out of business, because there is some talk now, through the Progres- 
sive Labor Party publication. Spark, they are calling for a petition. 
They want to get up a petition with enough signatures to put on the 
November ballot a measure which would require rent controls for the 
city of San Francisco. I don't think they are meeting with too much 
success. 

(Documents marked "Montgomery Exhibits Nos. 66 through 73," 
respectively, and retained in committee files. ) 

Mr, Smith. Mr. Montgomery, the Afro-American Institute located 
at 1686 O'Farrell Street, San Francisco, has come to the attention of 
this committee. Are you familiar with this organization? 

Mr, Montgomery, Yes, I am, I have a document dated February 2, 
1967, which reflects the organization was first organized in January 
1967 [Montgomery Exhibit No, 74], 

Mr, Smith, What w^ere the primary goals of this organization? 

Mr. Montgomery. Their goals appear to be legitimate, at least in 
a sense. There are flyers; they say [in this one] : 

The AFRO-AMERICAN INSTITUTE wishes to express its gratitude and ap- 
preciation for your presence and support given at our first public meeting. As a 
follow-up of that meeting, there will be an orientation session for all interested 
Afro-Americans. 

This will be the first in a series of orientation meetings to acquaint you with 
the objectives and goals of the AFRO-AMERIOAN INSTITUTE : and the Eco- 
nomic Development Fund. The goal of the Economic Development Fund will be to 
build areas of power owned and controlled by Black people including : youth 
organization ; industry of the Black community ; banks owned by Afro-Amer- 
icans ; co-operatives ; * * * 

that sort of thing. 

They have carried out one cooperative there. They got in financial 
trouble through a couple of armed robberies committed by blacks and 
poor management ; they went in the hole and recently one of the major 
private firms, Safeway Stores, has stepped in and loaned them per- 
sonnel, management, and a little refinancing and stocking of their 
shelves. My last report is that this cooi^erative is now doing pretty 
well, but under the guidance of people from private industry who have 
stepped in to help them out as a gesture of good will to the area. 

There is another document setting forth the philosophy of the Afro- 
American Institute and it names its board of directors [Montgomery 
Exhibit No, 75], Another document, which is a five-paare document 
headed "AFRO-AMERICAN INSTITUTE FINANCIAL PRO- 
POSAL," sets forth again their program, job training, job placement 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2123 

in the black community, factories in the black community, cultural 
centers, hospitals, prenatal centers, a revolving educational loan 
[Montgomery Exhibit No. 76]. 

The objectives as set forth here would be considered legitimate 
objectives. 

Mr. Smith. Were they attempting to get any Government funding 
for that program? 

Mr. Montgomery. Yes, I believe so. I believe there was some Federal 
funding. I know they had an operating budget, and the fund was 
operational, between 10 and 20 percent of the funds would be used 
for operating expenses of the American Institute. 

They did receive some financial support, mostly, in my recollection, 
through the Small Business Administration, as I recall. 

Mr. Smith. Who was the organizer of the Afro- American Institute? 

Mr. Montgomery. Bill Bradley of San Francisco was the organizer. 
He is a graduate of San Francisco schools and San Francisco State 
College. He attended Hastings College of the Law in 1961. He with- 
drew in 1963 to devote full time to activities of the Congress of Racial 
Equality. 

He became a functionary 6f CORE. He was born in San Francisco 
on August 8, 1939. 

I have a clipping from the San Francisco Examiner dated June 2, 
1964, which describes Bradley as a "controversial San Francisco 
CORE chairman and a central figure in nearly every demonstration 
in The City [San Francisco] for more than a year" [Montgomery 
Exhibit No. 77]. 

To my recollection, he is very militant, extremely militant, aggres- 
sive, and he was sort of eased out — although he was one of the founders 
or the principal founders of the Afro-American Institute, he was 
eased out of the picture at the time he went into CORE. 

He has been jailed. He has drawn fines. I don't know what has be- 
come of him in recent weeks. It has been a few months since I heard 
from him, but he was a highly militant individual. He worked with, 
and he was in concert wath, Tracy Sims, who was then chairman of the 
Ad Hoc Committee To End Discrimination, and he w^as among those 
arrested in the participation of the Sheraton-Palace demonstration and 
he was arrested on April 11, 1964, in the Auto Row civil disobedience 
demonstration and he has written as a columnist for the Sun-Reporter^ 
which is a Negro publication in the Fillmore. On September 25, as an 
example of his writing, his attitude toward the police department is 
expressed in his column, which carries his byline and his picture 
[Montgomery Exhibit No. 78]. He wrote, among other things, quot- 
ing "a young soul brother" whose remarks, he said, "were not the 
words of a lunatic, or a fool" : 

"Man the cops gotta die, we ought to bum Fillmore just like the dudes burned 
Watts." 

"The dude was mad," and they refer to "dude" as the militant in 
this sense. [Continues reading:] 

The dude was mad because his brothers were unarmed ; he was mad because 
a white cop was running his 365 day-a-year game of Nigger hunting * * *. 



2124 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Now dig, those young bloods didn't cause all of that hell, white folks caused it 
* * * like our Mayor who hasn't done a thing to stop police brutality * * *. 

He continues : 

When we stop letting the cop come upside our heads ; when we decide that we 
will fight fire with fire the fat cat downtown will understand. Mess with that 
white man's dollar and he hollers. When we are able to stare whitey square in 
the face and tell him to step over, black folks are coming, then and only then, 
will we have a chance of overcoming. 

This was the tenor of his writings. 

Incidentally, he drew a 45 -day jail sentence for his participation 
in the Sheraton [sit-in]. He also wrote in the Sun Reporter in calling 
for a review board, "POLICE BRUTALITY RAGES" [Montgomery 
Exhibit No. 79] . Typical of his line he was espousing, he made charges 
of police brutality and called for the formation of a citizens police 
review board. Tlien on March 26, 1965, the Examiner reported that 
"The City's Human Rights Commission yesterday turned down a re- 
quest from Bill Bradley" as head of the CORE in San Francisco "to 
hold a public meeting on 'police brutality' " [Montgomery Exhibit 
No. 80]. He wanted to stage a public meeting, and his request was 
denied. 

Also from a newspaper clipping in San Francisco \^8. F. Chronicle 
July 25, 1967] to the effect that Bill Bradley, former Congress of 
Racial Equality leader, had been let out of the capacity as well, but 
was known as the executive director of the Afro-American Institute, 
the past executive director, "announced plans yesterday for a national 
Black Holiday celebration August 14-20" [Montgomery Exhibit No. 

He made some rather elaborate plans for this demonstration, and 
it was to be held in the honor of Marcus Garvey, whom Bradley de- 
scribed as "the father of black nationalism." He related discussing 
recent violence in Newark and Detroit and other cities. Bradley said : 

They're rebellions, not riots. And we believe the only thing that will eliminate 
rebellions is white people. When you get ofF our backs we'll get off your backs. 

Referring to the whites. That is an example of the tenor of Bill Brad- 
ley's contribution to the literary world. To the best of my recollection, 
that black holiday never came off. 

Mr. Smith. Do you have any other documents to submit for the 
record in that connection ? 

Mr. Montgomery. Other than in mid-December there was a leaflet 
posted and distributed. 

Mr. Smith. Is that December 1967 ? 

Mr. Montgomery. That is correct. In mid-December 1967 there waS" 
posted and distributed widely a leaflet that reads, "UNITED 
STATES CONCENTRATION CAMPS ARE READY! for all 
BiiACK PEOPLE," and it referred to Tule Lake and El Reno Concen- 
tration Camps as "just a short, drive from San Francisco" and "Can 
Hold 20,000 Black People! !" [Montgomery Exhibit No. 82]. 

This was posted by William Bradley himself, from the Afro-Amer- 
ican Institute, and it gives the address and the phone number in San 
Francisco. It refers there to Tule Lake, "just a short drive." Naturally 
tliere is no truth to this because there have been no concentration camps 
built at Tule Lake or El Reno. 

There were relocation centers there during World War II for the 
Japanese who were detained for a while on the West Coast. I have been 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2125 

to Tule Lake within the past 3 years and when I last saw Tule Lake, 
potatoes are now growing where the main detention barracks were at 
that time. 

There are a few old buildings left around, and I am talking about 
a period prior to this announcement. There are not sufficient facilities 
of that kind at Tule Lake today to serve the purpose that he is talking 
about. 

Mr. Smith. That was pure propaganda ? 

Mr. Montgomery. Pure, outright propaganda. 

(Documents marked "Montgomery Exhibits Nos. 74 through 82," 
respectively. Exhibits Nos. 74-81 retained in committee files; No. 82 
follows:) 

Montgomery Exhibit No. 82 

UNITED STATES CONCENTRATION CAMPS ARE READY! 



FOR ALL BLACK PEOPLE 




Tuitt Lake and El Reno Concentration Camps 
Tule Lake, just a short drive from San Francisco 
Can Hold 20,000 Block People!! 

When the hunkey $tart$ playing German, we are not going to 

pViy Jew. Brother* and Sisters, get it together (now!) before 

it it too late! Join the 



AFRO-AMERICAN INSTITUTE 



1915 Ettis Street - San Francisco 94115 - 346-8100 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, at this point I would like to state for the 
record that there is a lot of agitation about Government concentration 
camps for Negroes, as this committee is well aware. I would point out 
at this stage that as a part of this agitational propaganda exercise, the 
Citizens Committee for Constitutional Liberties, a well-known Com- 
munist-front organization, commissioned Charles R. Allen, Jr., to writ« 
a pamphlet on the subject entitled Concentration Cam2)s USA, which 
was copyrighted in 1966. 

88-083 O — 69 — pt. 6 6 



2126 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 



I wish to submit this pamphlet for the record. 

The Chairman. The document will be admitted for the record. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 83" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Montgomery. There is one other matter of interest that was 
given wide circulation. "AKM and PREPARE— NOW ! ! strike 
BACK AT WHITE RACIST COPS AND BussiNESsES [sic]" ; "URBAN GUER- 
RILLA WARFARE !" And it gives an example of how to prepare 
a Molotov cocktail, complete with a diagram, a bottle with the gasoline 
and even the weight at the bottom of the bottle, enough dirt to make it 
weighted. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 84" follows:) 

Montgomery Exhibit No. 84 



AR^jAr^DPR^PflRF- f^oW!! 



STRIKE B>«^CK AT WHITE R/1C15T CDP5 AND BUSSINf SSES 



Diit+Jma//' 







Iciluidiuj 





^fiiinfi 



Mr. Montgomery. I might say just about the time that was being 
circulated, given wide circulation, there was an incident in San Fran- 
cisco. Thanks to some preliminary neighborhood relations work done 
by Police Chief Thomas Cahill in San Francisco, who is a very capable 
administrator, he had established a good relationship with the Negro 
community, the solid community. He learned early in September last 
year that there had been widespread talk of more trouble, more trouble, 
we were going to have another long hot summer. 

Thanks to a reputable Negro couple in San Francisco he was advised 
that their 17-year-old son had precise knowledge of a plan to hold an 
anniversary riot in San Francisco that was going to start in the Fill- 
more district. This was to mark the anniversary of the September 1966 
riot. 

While the 17-year-old youth didn't know precisely where these Molo- 
tov cocktails were, he had knowledge that 800 Molotov cocktails had 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2127 

been prepared and were stored in an empty apartment in the Fillmore 
district to be used on the eve marking the annivereary of the earlier 
riot. 

Chief Cahill assigned plainclothesmen to work the Fillmore area, 
block by block, building by building, and for 4 days they searched for 
the apartment. Finally just a matter of just a few hours before this 
second riot was to have been sparked or triggered, they did find the 
apartment. In this empty apartment there were not 800 Molotov cock- 
tails as the boy had reported ; there were something like 475 cocktails 
up to full quart size, some of them, lined up, ready for use, in such a 
way that they would be handed out. 

They would be handed out. Tliey would come through one door and 
be handed a Molotov cocktail and go out the other door, and there 
would not be any confusion. 

These were discovered around 3 or 4 in the afternoon, and the riot 
was originally scheduled for 8 or 9 tliat night. 

Mr. Smpph. Can you give us a date on that ? 

Mr. Montgomery. Tliis would be September, the night of Septem- 
ber 26, 1967. This was never publicized in print; wo made nothing of 
it in print because we didn't want to alarm people. All the police 
knew was there might be another cache of Molotov cocktails some- 
where, and it was felt best not to .report this. As a matter of fact, it 
was not reported to the press generally. I came upon it through my 
own connections. 

But I think it significant about a reputable member of the Negro 
community. This is very similar to an experience I had recently where 
I was investigating a murder case in Himter's Point. 

The murder of a white municipal bus driver, shot and killed by 
four young Negro youths in a robbery that netted them probably $40. 
There had been two girls on that bus. Wlien the police arrived they 
were in the process of interrogating them when some sniper fire broke 
out up the street in which a United States sailor was shot and wounded 
whUe coming out of the Hunter's Point Naval Base. 

The police were diverted. Their attention was diverted to the sniper 
and when they returned — ^by the time they returned, the two girls had 
disappeared. Well, I had occasion to go looking for them. I was suc- 
cessful in fuiding them, but it entailed quite a bit of doorbell-ringing 
in the Hunter's Point area. In the course of my rounds I met an elderly 
Negro woman in the community there at Hunter's Point who invited 
me in for a cup of coffee. 

I spent about an hour and 10 minutes talking with her. She was 
very proud of the fact that her two sons had completed high school 
and graduated and one went on to get 2 years of junior college, and 
that their daughter finished hi^i school and was married to a young 
Negro man who had a responsible job with a good firm m San 
Francisco. . 

She was proud of the fact that they had not received a dinie ot 
welfare from the time they came from Louisiana in the late forties to 
work in the shipyards. She went on to say that she and the other 
members of the community she knew, her friends, wanted no part of 
H. Rap Brown or Stokely Carmichael. They wanted no part of LeRoi 
Jones and as a matter of fact, after he had gotten off on the Vietnam 
situation, they had sort of lost some confidence in Martin Luther King. 



2128 SUBVERSIVE IISTFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

She said they were being intimidated by a very small group of 
Negro nationalists. She said that they lost faith in King when he got 
off into politics concerning the Vietnam situation. 

Now by contrast, two doors up the street, a woman answered the 
door. She first thought I was a policeman. I convinced her I was a 
reporter and she said, "I can't talk to you. If that man across the street 
sees me talking to you, I am in trouble. You get out of here." 

This is the difference. In connection with this same case I am refer- 
ring to, it took a great deal of perseverance on the part of the police 
and the coroner to get one of these girls and the mother who had 
knowledge of this event to testify. They were afraid to testify and 
they refused to testify in a morning session because they were afraid 
of reprisal. 

During the noon recess CahilFs men arranged to have her moved 
out of the Hunter's Point project to another place. They moved them 
out that same afternoon, and it is a good thing they did because at 1 in 
the morning that apartment was fired upon by two fire bombs. They 
would have been in the upstairs bedroom and they could not have 
gotten out, or if they had gotten out they would have been badly 
burned. 

This is the type of militant intimidation that is going on in Hunter's 
Point today. 

Mr. IcHOKD. At that point may I intervene and ask a question ? What 
is the source of the material on the Molotov cocktail ? 

Mr. Montgomery. What is the source of this, sir? 

The source is not given. There is none. It was not identified, but it 
was left on park benches, on mailboxes. Sometimes you would find as 
many as a dozen of them simply thrown and left lymg on a fire plug, 
or wherever, particularly near bus stops. Thousands of these were run 
off, but there is no identification. To this day, so far as I know, the 
police have not ascertained precisely where that came fi^om. 

Mr. Smith. You mentioned the distribution of inflammatory liter- 
ature during this situation. Do you have any example of such litera- 
ture? 

Mr. Montgomery. I have one thing here, Mr. Counsel, that is a 
pretty sorry exhibit. I am not even sure you will want it for your 
records. It depicts a policeman raping the Statue of Liberty, a second 
policeman raping the Goddess of Justice while being held in both 
instances by other police officers. 

I might say this is one of the most vile, obscene pieces of literature 
that I have seen disseminated in San Francisco, yet this was given 
wide circulation, particularly in the Haight-Ashbury and in the Fill- 
more. It is the work, again, of Cieciorka and his name is 
C-i-e-c-i-o-r-k-a. 

Mr. Smith. Can you give a date of about the time that was dis- 
tributed ? 

Mr. Montgomery. This was distributed early this year. I first saw it 
along about in January. 

Mr. Smith. Of 1968? 

Mr. Montgomery. It may have been earlier than that. 

Mr. Smith. I request that we receive this document for the files, Mr. 
Chairman, rather than for the record. 

Mr. Montgomery. I might say that his wife, the wife of the artist, 
was among those who were expelled from Mexico recently. She and 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2129 

others were on their way to Cuba and they were intercepted in Mexico 
City, about six or seven of them. She was one of them and they were 
taken back to the U.S. border and forced back into Texas. They were 
on their way to Cuba, ostensibly a trip financed by the pro-Castro 
forces. 

Mr. IcHORD (presiding) . The document will be received for the files. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 85" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Smith. You mentioned Cieciorka in connection with this poster 
here and one other incident preceding. Can you identify him a little 
better for the record ? 

Mr. Montgomery. I know he is a native. I do know this, his middle 
name is Thomas, Frank Thomas Cieciorka, Jr. He was born in Bing- 
hamton, New York, on April 26, 1939. He first came to the attention 
of the intelligence agents there in the Bay area in about August of 
1959. This was in regard to a march from San Jose, which is about 
50 miles south of San Francisco, a march from San Jose into San 
Francisco, sxx)nsored by the Acts for Peace. It was in protest of the 
Atomic Energy program and the explosion of atomic weapons in the 
atmosphere. 

I have a leaflet that was put out by that committee at that time. It 
gave a tentative schedule for the march. It bears his signature, not only 
his typewritten name, but his signature as well, and it lists him as one 
of the three coordinators and chairmen of this particular march 
[Montgomery Exhibit No. 86] . 

He was a signer of a call to the national founding convention of a 
socialist youth organization, that is, the founding convention of W. 
E. B. DuBois Club. He signed the call for that meeting and I have the 
call document received June 11, 1964, showing he represented an or- 
ganization called Toward an Active Student Community, TASC, it 
was known as, T-A-S-C, at San Jose State College. It has a general 
scene of student protesters on its masthead [Montgomery Exhibit 
No. 87]. 

It sets forth a program and it sets forth individuals clear down to the 
high school level — individuals who could be contacted and who to con- 
tact to join this organization. It listed some 62 names, some of whom 
are known to us, some are new. But it ran from Berkeley High School 
all the way back to the University of Minnesota at Minneapolis, Minne- 
sota. There are listed scores of names clear across the country, Mis- 
souri; San Francisco to New York; North Dakota; Louisville, Ken- 
tucky; Portland, Oregon. They lined up quite a deal, and their coun- 
sel was Matthew Hallinan. This was, in part, the founding conven- 
tion in which he participated, the call for the founding of the W. E. B. 
DuBois Club. 

Then also the Spartan Daily ^ the San Jose State College paper, 
May 28, 1965, reported that Frank Cieciorka, among others, will bum 
his draft card in protest, to protest "the U.S. government's undeclared 
war against the peoples of Vietnam and the Dominican Republic." 
[Montgomery Exhibit No. 88] . 

I have here an account of that burning and even a picture [Mont- 
gomery Exhibit No. 89]. While the face is not shown, it does show the 
hands, the burning of the draft cards on the San Jose State campus. 
Again, the event did take place, pictures were taken. 



2130 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Then there is an article which appeared in the People's World of 
July 16, 1966 [Montgomery Exhibit No. 90]. It stated that he would 
participate in a panel discussion of the annual PeopWs World Art 
and Book Fair festival and the topic of discussion: "Art — is it a 
jDolitical weapon?" It was from this particular discussion and this 
art fair that one very vile exhibit appeared shortly after that. That 
was typical of the stuff that he was teaching. 

(Documents marked "Montgomery Exhibits Nos. 86 through 90," 
respectively, and retained in committee files.) 

Mr. IcHORD. Mr. Counsel, the bells have sounded. I am sure that the 
witness and also the reporter would appreciate a rest. The committee 
will be in recess until I answer the rollcall and return. We will re- 
sume as soon as I answer. 

(Brief recess.) 

Mr. IciioRD (presiding) . The hearing will come to order. 

Mr. Counsel, you may resume the questioning of the witness. 

The Chair will announce that I have an appointment at 4:45, so 
we will continue until then if the witness can hold out that long, and 
the reporter. 

Mr. Smith. A few minutes ago you mentioned the discovery of 
several hundred Molotov cocktails in an apartment ready for use 
in the anniversary celebration of the riot in San Francisco. Have 
there been any other incidents of a somewhat similar nature? 

Mr. Montgomery. Yes, there have, sir. Back in March, on March 26, 
three Negroes were arrested following a militant meeting. There 
had been a meeting at Hunter's Point of a militant nature, and fol- 
lowing that three of them were observed in the process of buying a 
5-gallon can of gasoline at a service station. The search of the car by 
police uncovered the material for the making of Molotov cocktails, 
for which gasoline is a primary ingredient. 

They all were arrested and booked and all three were charged with 
possession of fire bombs. One of the three was arrested for the posses- 
sion of a concealed weapon ; he was carrying a gun. Also, on the front 
seat of the car was a map, a regular city map printed by one of the 
oil companies, on which certain tracings had been made. 

Mr. Smith, Mr. Chairman, if I may interrupt at this point, our 
investigative staff has secured a copy of this map, which I would like 
to pass to Mr. Montgomery and have him explain the tracings and 
the locations so identified. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 91" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Montgomery. The first place to be noted on the map is a single 
dwelling Avhich is located at 19th Avenue near Santiago Street. The 
>only structure or place of importance at this location is the office of 
Standard Building Company, Inc., at 2222 19th Avenue, which firm 
constructed Sunstream Homes near Daly City. This project was re- 
stricted to the sale to Caucasians and it is outside the city limits, 
incidentally, where the homes were. It was the focal point of earlier 
discussions and demonstrations among minority groups. 

The tracings then proceeded from tlie area of this headquarters in 
this building company to a traffic circle at Claremont and Dewey 
Boulevard. The circle in this area is traced on the map in the vicinity 
of the home of supervisor Terry Francois. Terry Francois is a Nesrro, 
but he has been designated an Uncle Tom by the black militants. They 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2131 

have no use for liiin. To my knowledge he is a very fine man. He is a 
member oi the board of supervisors and a very able and capable 
gentleman. 

The tracing on the map then continues from the home of Terry 
Francois, or from that area, to the Youth Guidance Center, which is 
located near the top of the Twin Peaks, right at tlie head of Market 
Street as you go over the gap there and that is the juvenile facility for 
the city and county of San Francisco. 

Now bear in mind that nuiny of these militants have repeatedly 
called for immediate lil)eration of all Negroes in any jail, detention 
home, prison, or whate\er, regardless of what tliey are in there for, 
and at the Youth (Tuidance Center about 85 percent of the 3'ouths 
incarcerated there are Negroes. So whether there was going to be an 
attempt to spring them remains to be seen. 

Then from there the ma]) concludes with a drawing of what is known 
as Christmas Tree Hill. That is a point right up on Twin Peaks. It is 
the northerly peak whereon are located all of the police communication 
transmission towers, and this also is a circled place on the map, the indi- 
cation being that these two towers were to be the targets for this par- 
ticular expedition that was broken up when the police arrested these 
men. 

The ma.p was in their possession. 

Mr. Smith. Thank you, sir. Now, Mr. Montgomery, changing the 
tenor a little bit, we have heard a lot about the hippie movement in 
San Francisco. WhaJt. is their position regarding the police? 

Mr. MoNTGOMKRY. The hippies don't like the police. They never have 
and they are very antipolice. 

They put out some flyers, one in July of 1967 and another one subse- 
quent to that intimating that there was going to be trouble. The first 
flyer [Montgomery Exhibit No. 92] says: 

NOW ABOUT THAT RIOT— IF IT HASN'T HAPPENED YET— BEWARE! 
A race riot seems just about inevitable. I^ots of iHMxple on both siides want it to 
happen, & they're all the kind of people who generally get what they want. 

This is couched in typical hippie terms: "WATCH THE COMMU- 
NICATION COMPANY," that is their inner "underground" press 
deal, "& THE BARB FOR THRILLING STORIES OF POLICE 
BRUTALITY AT THE CITY JAIL. COMING SOON." 

Then they go into some of this, the terminology I don't think you 
would want to have in the record. It gets a little vile in places. "Please : 
if anything starts to happen," if there is going to be a riot, "cut out." 
That means get out. It continues : 

Get off the street & out of the area. If you're on Haight St., it's smarter (prob- 
ably) to move uphill than down. Head west, if you can, to Golden Gate Park & 
keep going until you get beyond the noise. It's probably safe to stay in the park. 
In other cities, the action has centered around buildings. 

Another flyer advises them where to go and what to do when a dis- 
turbance does break [Montgomery Exhibit No. 93]. It says, also, 
"SURVIVE, BABY," and: 

Sorry to bring you down, but this is about the riots our black brothers have 
planned for the city. There isn't much hope that they won't occur. 

What do they mean to you, as white hippies, et. al. ? 

Riots mean that the black people are going to be busy and would appreciate 
your getting out of the way. ♦ * * 



2132 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

It goes on from there that : 

Ourfew means if they see you they will bust you and if you run they will shoot 
you. * * * 

******* 

Within the black people's mind they will be fighting a revolution. If you ham- 
per them in any way, you will be their cherry. 

Meaning you are apt to get it. 

From there it goes on to advise them to look out, this will be "an 
excuse for uncontrolled brutality" by the cops, "so don't," in a four- 
letter word, "with them either." This is the way this is couched in 
pretty sad expressions. 

It refers to : 

Police can be expected to search house to house for snipers and looters, and 
will probably smash everything they touch. 

It is antipolice but it is also a warning to the hippies to get out of 
the policemen's way and stay clear of the riots. 

These were flyers that were distributed throughout the Haight- 
Ashbury hippie area. 

(Documents marked "Montgomery Exhibits Nos. 92 and 93," re- 
spectively, and retained in committee files.) 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Montgomery, are you familiar with an organiza- 
tion in San Francisco known as the Bay Area Emergency Action 
Committee ? 

Mr. Montgomery. Yes, I am. I personally checked into this organi- 
zation and subsequently wrote an article which I will refer to later 
in my testimony. 

Mr. Smfth. Do you know when this organization was formed ? 

Mr. Montgomery. Approximately July 14, 1967. I have a letter in 
which the organization is mentioned, from which I will read the 
following [Montgomery Exhibit No. 94]. "July 14, 1967." The 
letter went on about antidissent legislation that is "gaining dangerous 
strength in Washington." It refers to the Cramer bill — it "will come 
to a vote in the House this Wednesday," and it refers to the Pool 
bill- 

a product of last August's riotous House Un-American Activities Committee 
hearings, is again being pushed by HUAC in an attempt to stop the debate 
over Vietnam. Will you endorse and support the advertisement on the following 
page, to be placed in the San Francisco Chronicle? 

It is a solicitation for funds, telling them they must have the money 
right away and asking for a $5 contribution. It bears the names of 
seven persons, some of whom are known to me. 

Then there was distributed and given wide distribution — this was 
in »Tuly of 1967, about mid-July is when the call went out — a call to a 
meeting to be held in the Hall of Flowers in Golden Gate Park [Mont- 
gomery Exhibit No. 95]. The meeting was set for Saturday, July 22, 
1967, at 1 o'clock. 

The call that went out bore seven names, some of whom are known 
to me to be members of the Communist Party. They list, among othei*s, 
Beverly Axelrod, a San Francisco attorney; Don Eothenberg, East 
Bay; their phone lunnbere are given in each instance; Howard Hara- 
witz, Berkelev; Brownlee Shirek — and I liave also seen that spelled 
S-h-e-r-i-e-k;'joe Feit of Oakland; Billie Wachter of San Jose. The 
name Billie is a woman. That is the mother of Douglas Wachter, the 
wife of Saul Wachter. Next is Isabelle Cemey, who lives on the Penin- 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2133 

su'la down near Palo Alto. These were identified as the coordinators, 
Axelrod and Rothenberg, the general coordinators. 

The purpose of this meeting was to start to organize the black com- 
munity and also it was titled, "LONG HOT SUMMEK— A CALL TO 
ACTION." The purpose was to give a bigger understanding to the 
black power movement and also launching their campaign to organize 
the poor whites along with the Negroes. 

(Documents marked "Montgomery p:xhibits Nos. 94 and 95," 
respectively, follow :) 

Montgomery Exhibit No. 94 

July 14, 1967 



Dear Friend, 

Two pieces of anti-dissent legislation are gaining 
dangerous strength in Ilashington, The Cramer Bill 
(see enclosed analysis) will come to a vote in the 
House this vjednes^lay. The Pool Bill, a product of 
last August's riotous House Un-American Activities 
Committee hearings, is again being pushed by HUAC 
in an attempt to stop the debate over Vietnam. 
V7ill you endorse and support the advertisement on 
the following page, to oe placed in the San Fran- 
cisco Chronicle "^ 

A Bay Area Emergency Action Committee is forming to 
act against attacks on the ghetto community, in- 
cluding such legislative assaults as the Cramer Bill. 
An emergency public meeting will be held at the 
Hall of Flowers, Golden Gate Park, San Francisco, 
at 1 p.m., Saturday, July 22nd. We would like to 
place the advertisement next Friday to help publi- 
cize that meeting. (It would be impossible to 
place an ad before the V7ednesday vote, but there 
will still be a vote on the Cramer and Pool Bills 
in the Senate, and a vote on the Pool Bill in the 
House.) SINCE TEXT HAS TO BE IN TO THE CHRONICLE 
SEVERAL DAYS IN ADVANCE, PLEASE REPLY IMT-IEDIATELY. 
We ask that at least a $5.00 contribution be en- 
closed to help finance the ad. 

Sincerely, 

GERALD N. HILL, Prerident, C. D. C. 

REV. EDWARD L. PEET . Chairman, Committee to Abolish HUAC 
EDWARD M. KEATING, Congre^^sional Candidate, San Mateo 
V7ILL USSERY, National Chairman, CORE 

TREVOR THOr-lAS No. Calif. €■. Nevada Director, Vietnam Summer 
REV. A. CECIL WILLI^uMS 

SUPERVISOR JACK MORRISON . San Francisco 

CARL E. SCKORSKE, Professor of History, University of Calif. 
(initiating signers) 



(jar) 



2134 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Montgomery Exhibit No. 95 

LONG HOT SUMMER A CALL TO ACTION 

Recently a large group of people formerly active in civil rights received a unique 
call for a new kind and quality of involvement in the struggle to achieve racial Jus- 
tice in this country. The challenge to this new type of involvement came from rep- 
resentatives of the Black community in the Bay Area who were concerned about the 
growing indications of apathy, disillusionment, and weakening of commitment among 
white people, apparently due to a misunderstanding of the meaning of Black Power 
and of the significance of recent turns taken by the Civil Rights movement. 

Among these concerned black citizens were: Elijah Turner, Thomas Valentine, Kermit 
J. Scott, Kenneth Simmons, Ron Dellums, James E. Vann, Savannah Belle, LaVeme 
Trlbble, W.B. Faddis, Lawrence T. Gurley, Ronald Stevenson, Sid Walton, Robert 
Neville, James Nolon Jr. , Charles Fountin, Donald R. Hopkins, Harold Supriano, 
Carolyn Craven, Aba Ramos, Ellis Sheppard, Joan M. Davis. 

In response to this call some seventy five concerned citizens from the greater Bay 
Area met to Initiate action. The need as we see it is to effectively combat what 
appears to be an alarming growth of racism in the white community, and an increas- 
ing use of what many regard as police state methods in handling unrest in black 
ghettos. This situation necessitates an immediate campaign of action and educa - 
tion directed toward the white community. Reaching those persons In the white 
community who are In a position to make decisions that vitally affect both the lives 
of black people and the welfare of the entire community. Is particularly important 
We agree that this is a task that white people are uniquely qualified to carry out. 

Because of your past activity we ask your i.articipation in an emergency meeting and 
rally to begin such a carr.paign. Because of the urgency of the situation (the long hot 
summer Is already bloody in close to a dozen cities) the meeting will be held 

SATURDAY, JULY 22, 1967 ; 1:00 P.M. 

THE HALL OF FLOWERS 

GOLDEN GATE PARK (near 9th aveneue and Lincoln Way), San Francisco 

Although the Interests of those who attend will be varied the main focus of this 
meeting will be to deal with the deepening Summer Crisis. Already appointments 
have been made with many public and private officials and agencies to conferwlth 
delegations to be organized at the emergency meeting. Our goal Is to develop con- 
structive programs in the critical areas of unemployment and police-community rela- 
tions. We also look forward to the establishment of a perrranent organization which 
will actively support the Black people's concern for achieving racial Justice In this 
country. 

This meeting is urgent. Please be there if at all possible. 

BAY AREA EMERGENJ:;Y ACTION COMMITTEE 
X^oordlnators 

♦Beverly Axelrod, San Francisco, LO-4-2669 
*Don Rothenbcrg, East Bay, 526-0210 

Howard Harawitz, Berkeley, 813-0984; Brownlee Shirek, 848-2172 
Joe Felt, Oakland, 532-6959 
BllUe Wachter, San Jose, 258-0439 
Isabelle Cemey, Peninsula, 854-6967 
♦General Coordinators. 

Mr. Montgomery. Now there also was made at that meeting a call 
which went out for funds. A proposal was made by Robert Avakian, 
who is the son of a superior court judge in Alameda County. Robert 
Avakian handed out circulars, Avhicli he called a radical proposal. This 
was the first meeting of record of the Bay Area Emergency Action 
Committee. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2135 

The San Jose area also participated and helped to organize the Bay 
Area Emergency Action Committee. An attachment was made to Ex- 
hibit 95 which reads : "Dear Friend : Please give your attention to the 
enclosed Call to Action. We of the San Jose area supporting this call 
feel that your attendance is urgent. If you need a ride, call 297-2299." 

The names that went out on that call were Merdelle Porter, Emma 
Gelders Sterne, Maureen Smith, Andrew Montgomery, Vivian Fink, 
Cliarlotte A. Rogers, David Newman, Russ and Dorothy Cline, Sol 
Zeltzer, Robert Wright, Sophie Mendoza, Peter Szego, Billie Wachter, 
Pat Sherman, Yvonne Nakamura, Saul Wachter. 

Now, among those known to be identified as members of the Com- 
munist Party are Peter Szego; Billie Wachter, whom I previously 
mentioned ; and Saul Wachter, her husband, which would indicate, sir, 
that the Bay Area Emergency Action Committee right from its found- 
ing session was part and parcel of a Communist- front organization. 

Mr. Smith. You mentioned Beverly Axelrod a few minutes ago. 
Can you further identify this person ? 

Mr. Montgomery. Beverly Axelrod, well, I will refer to a News- 
Call Bulletin article that appeared on July 29, 1960, an article con- 
cerning an interview with her [Montgomery Exhibit No. 96]. The ar- 
ticle states that : 

She joined the National Lawyers Guild before she passed the bar in 1949 and 
has been continuously active in the organization which counts civil rights as one 
of its prime interests. 

I have a picture of her and the interview which appeared at that time. 

I have a letter dated June 4, 1962 [Montgomei-y Exhibit No. 97]. 
The letterhead bears the name of Beverly Axelrod as a member of the 
executive board of the National Lawyers Guild, San Francisco 
chapter. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, at this point the committee staff investi- 
gation has confirmed that Mrs. Beverly Axelrod as of this date is a 
member in good standing of the National Lawyers Guild. I rnight re- 
mind the chairman that our Guide to Subversive Organizations and 
Puhlications cites the National Lawyers Guild as a Communist front. 

Mr. Montgomery. I make reference to the San Francisco Examiner, 
September 4, 1963, wherein it is reported that Mrs. Axelrod was a 
volunteer lawyer for the Congress of Racial Equality and toured the 
South on a voter's registration drive [Montgomery Exhibit No. 98]. 
Again a picture of Mrs. Axelrod in which she said, referring to what 
she experienced down South, "We juSt don't realize what it's like." 
"For Negroes, it's a police state." 

It is an antipolice interview in the main. 

I also have an article from the San Francisco Examiner of July 9, 
1964, which tells of local CORE having its problems [Montgomery 
Exhibit No. 99]. The story in itself is that Bill Bradley and the more 
militant members of the local chapter of CORE are slated for a 
subordinate role in the civil rights demonstration during the Repub- 
lican convention. 

The article relates that : 

The chapter is beset with financial troubles and has been admonished by 
responsible leaders within the Negro community to refrain from acts of civil 
disobedience. 



2136 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

The chapter's treasury was hard hit by the expense of sending Chairman Bill 
Bradley to Jackson, Miss., to study the voter registration drive there. He was 
accompanied by Attorney Beverly Axelrod. They are expected to return this 
weekend. 

"We now have less than $20 in the treasury," one chapter member said. He 
added that the membership held divergent views on the necessity of the Missis- 
sippi trip at this time. 

It goes on : 

As early as mid-May certain young militants, including Tracy Sims, outlined 
startling plans by CORE to disrupt the convention. * * * 

There followed then this response from some of the older more re- 
sponsible people in the organization that they were not to conduct 
themselves in this way, and they felt that Tracy Sims was not justified 
in speaking for CORE as she did. 

We also know Mrs. Axelrod made a trip — well, this is from 
the News-Call Bulletin of July 30, 1965 [Montgomery Exhibit No. 
100]. It establishes Beverly Axelrod as a member of the 
Women for Peace and reports a meeting she attended with women 
who were members of the National Liberation Front. 

The meeting was held in Indonesia, and among other things she 
said the meeting was with Vietnamese women, six from the north and 
three from the south and all belong to the National Liberation Front. 
And more important, "I really believe the only kind of military 
strength that can win there is genocide," Mrs. Axelrod said. The article 
further said : 

She was told that Americans bombed a clearly marked leprosarium, far from 
military objectives three or four days running and that churches, temples, schools 
and villages have been bombed. 

She said she thought the Viet women expressed the truth as they believed it. 

Mr. Smith. I expect Mrs. Axelrod was referring to the Vietnam 
geographic area in those statements ? 

Mr. Montgomery. Yes, in support of the Viet Cong. 

Beverly Axelrod is mentioned in a program issued by the Congress of 
Unrepresented People which lists a number of speakers who will par- 
ticipate in discussion groups [Montgomery Exhibit No. 101]. 

This was a revised program of discussion groups, in which Frank 
Wilkinson was a principal speaker, speaking on "Effects of the War 
Machine on American Society" and then under the heading of "Amer- 
ican Democracy — Promise and Reality," Beverly Axelrod of San 
Francisco Women for Peace speaking on "Race Exploitation : Missis- 
sippi, Oakland, Vietnam." I also notice that police brutality was a 
subject to be discussed by representatives from the Oakland Direct 
Action Committee. 

This was distributed November 9, 1965, and given rather wide dis- 
tribution. 

(Documents marked "Montgomery Exhibits Nos. 96 through 101," 
respectively, and retained in committee files.) 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, the Oakland Direct Action Committee 
will be a subject of testimony further in these hearings. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2137 

Also, Mr. Chairman, the Peofle's World of December 6, 1955, reflects 
that Beverly Axelrod was a member of the executive board, San Fran- 
cisco chapter of the National Lawyers Guild. The committee staff 
investigation discloses that Beverly Diana Axelrod, nee Jerrod, was 
born March 3, 1924, in New York City. She has been known by 
various names by marriage. 

She was first married June 9, 1944, to Seymour Silverstein, whose 
name was changed by court order on October 23, 1944, in New York 
City to Lourd, She was divorced in Montgomery County, Alabama, 
on April 30, 1951. She then married Marshall Axelrod on December 24, 
1951. 

Did you write an article concerning that meeting at the Hall of 
Flowers sponsored by the Bay Area Emergency Action Committee on 
July 22, 1967? 

Mr. Montgomery. Yes, I did, and it appeared in the San Francisco 
Exammer on July 31, 1967 [Montgomery Exhibit No. 102]. 

Mr. Smith. Did you have a byline on the article? 

Mr. Montgomery. Yes, I did. 

Mr. Smith. Will you please read the article into the record. 

Mr. Montgomery. This describes a drive for funds to buy guns for 
Bay area Negroes to afford them "a fighting chance" against police 
and National Guardsmen in the course of the "long hot smnmer, and 
beyond" that currently is underway : 

The project was launched without fanfare at a recent meeting of the Bay 
Area Emergency Action Committee in the Hall of Flowers in Golden Gate Park. 

Chairman of the meet'ng was Don Rothenberg, long active in Communist 
Party affairs in Cleveland and Washington, D.C. A relative newcomer to this 
[the Bay] area, Rothenberg until recently was an assistant to Edward Keat- 
ing, deposed publisher of Ramparts magazine. 

I go on to tell of a plea for money made by Robert A. Avakian, the 
son of a superior court judge of Alameda County, on which he set out 
to raise funds, launched a campaign which has continued and which, 
so far as I know, may still be continuing to provide guns for the black 
community of the San Francisco Bay area. Now they apparently have 
gotten money somewhere because they have been buying guns. They 
have been buying weapons in big numbers. We were able to trace some 
of the purchases to a gun store in Reno, Nevada, where they bought 
guns as many as 25 at a time. 

I know of one purchase on February 15 of this year, where they 
purchased 26 guns, for the most part 38's and nine-millimeter Aftra 
automatics. The bill came to $954, and the purchaser peeled off nine 
$100 bills and lesser bills. 

So they are getting money in sizable amounts from some source. 
These purchases by the black militants are being made by individ- 
uals who have no visible means of support for the most part and are 
not the type of people who have that kind of money to play with. 

Mr. Smith. In this article you mention a plea for guns voiced by 
Bob Avakian, which you have just been discussing. Do you have any 
further information or documentation on the subject ? 



2138 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Mr. Montgomery. I know this, in his own proposal, Avakian, at the 
time of the rally in the Hall of Flowers, put out a circular wliich was 
also distributed outside the meeting, following the meeting. It is termed 
"The Long Hot Summer and Beyond: a radical proposal," "Gun 
Kunning," in which he spells out the need [Montgomery Exhibit No. 
103]. 

It reads in part — 

we must either come to the aid of the Mack revolution, or, through inaction, or 
misguided action, inadvertently aid the power structure. 

He is calling for support of the black people in their revolution and 
he spells it out, why the guns are wanted and what will be done w^ith 
this money and the acquisition of guns. At tlie same time they came 
with their Student Organizing Committee, of which Robert Avakian 
was the coorganizer, to organize the poor whites along a line agreeing 
wdth Stokely Carmichael's analysis, and bringing the poor whites and 
the blacks together. 

Mr. Smith. Do you have an address for the Bay Area Emergency 
Action Committee ? 

Mr. Montgomery. Yes, the address at the period of time I am testi- 
fying about was 2602 Post Street, San Francisco. I have a letter which 
was received August 8, 1967, signed by Susan Supriano, the coordina- 
tor. Susan Supriano is the wife of Harold Supriano, whom we dis- 
cussed earlier. 

This is the letter, the stamped return envelope with the Post Street 
address, and the letter calling attention to a meeting to show support 
of the Negro community, and calling for contributions to pay for a 
newspaper advertisement [Montgomery Exhibit No. 104]. 

(Documents marked "Montgomery Exhibits Nos. 102 through 104," 
respectively. Exhibit No. 104 retained in committee files. Exhibits 
Nos. 102 and 103 follow:) 

Montgomery Exhibit No. 102 

Plea by Alameda Judge's Son \^SZu^' 

Giiiis^or-Negrocs Drive in Bay AreajK:!:;::.:::':;,,:; 

I Communist PcoijIc's Woj'ltl: 
Bj^KD MONTCOMIiUV , f le (I Comnucniats altciiding black people to hove a figlit- aclHist, aLo spoke at the; , .' 

Slaft Writer | the meeting called to discuss ' ing chance of d e f e n di n g ' Hall o( Flouers meeting and ■'^"^^^ ''"'■'"'"" ^^°'"'' "'"^^"'=" 

civil rights. Black Power, po- themselves. advocated police be denied er. and Hershell Ale.xander 

lice brutality, increased "Among other things, this the right to carry guns. of Los Angeles, uhose daugh- 

public welfare and anti-riot ' means that we could help | IJEVOLUTIOX GO.\L tei', Roberta, recently v. as 
cha"i)ce'"'agains"t poMcc" and ! '^^'^'^''°"- l''^'^'' '""''^ ^"'' ^"PP'^' "'^P'l "^e are in the beginning expelled from Spain for anli- 

National Guardsmen in the '^'"^ P'"^ '"'" «""'' was . ons for groups Uke the Black j of a revolution and "ithin „ j .vi„„3„, 3„i,.i(j.. 

course of a "long hot sum- ^° ^^ Avakian, son Panther Party for Self Do- j five years we wUl be in a | 

mer and beyond," is current- of '^'ameda County Superior ] tense, which is arming and ^ full-scale revolution," Com-j 
ly underway. ' Court Judge Spurgcon Ava- j organizing black people for ' fort declared. I 

The project was launched kian and a recent candidate ' self defense." | Also dis t r ib uted at the 

without fanfare at a recent ^ for the Berkeley City CouncU.' The current Black Panther meeting were leaflets! 
?^''""/jf ,"f ^''r.^\''r "" "'^ Negroes want guns ; publication identifies Avak- 1 published by the Communist' 
tmergencv .'\cuon i,omnm- , , , , tiipnTipKpc frnni ian as research editor for j, , n.-im., i. * c, ..„» 
tee in the Hall of Flouers in'" P"'"^''' themseUes liom ^g^^ ,(^ ^^^^ ^^^.^.j^^ ^ . Party. 942 Market Street. 
Golden Gate Park. i the police we should help |inp(is,o,.j i,„v|,ie|, iie refers Howard Haiowitz. another 

Chairman of the meeting , them by giving them guns," (^ president Johnson as "the East Bay activist, urged that 
was Don Rothenberg, long said Avakian, who refers to world's top-dog oi.pressor p o 1 1 c e be prohibited from 
acHve in Communist Party ^ police as "gestapo pigs.' : and murderer." ! making arrests for disturb- 

|,^.^|,^j, ^,j^^j,j^.^,j^ With reference to a recent ances or stealing. These of- 

He distributed leaflets pre- Democratic Party fund rais- [ lenses he said, should be , 
pared by the Student Organ- ing event attended by Presi- ; handled through the issuance , 
izing Committee which read j dent Johnson, he refers to | of citations, 
in part: the guests as "the pigs of the [ Among the identified Com- : 

". . . we have the responsi- power structure wlio paid | nuinists at the meeting were I 
bility — at least until we ,S500 a piece to be in the same Albert "Mickey" Lima, I 
have the power to deal w ith , room with the arch-enemy of ^ northern California chairman j 
the causes of the rebellious ' the world's people." ■ of the C o m m u n i s t Part> . 

— to make it possible for Mark Comfort, East Bay Roscoo Proctor, a Lima aide; I 



A drive for funds to buy 
guns for Bay area Negroes to 
afford tliem "a f i g li t i n g 



affairs in Cleveland and 
Washington, DC. A relative 
newcomer to this area, Roth- 
enberg until recently was an 
assistant to Edward Keating, 
deposed publisher of Ram- 
parts magazine. 

RED PARTY PLAN 

Rothenberg was one of 

more than a score of jdenti- 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2139 

Montgomery Exhibit No. 103 

The Long Hot Summer 

and Beyondv 

a radical proposal 

The recent rebellions throughout the ghettoes of this country and 
the response by the power structure - tanks and machine guns in Newark; 
passage of the so-ccUled "anti-riot" bill; gunning down innocent women and 
children in their homes - make it clear that we are already involved in a 
growing civil war. But right now the war is one-sided: unorganized black 
people, armed with only a few unsophisticated weapons are being slaughtered 
by police and national guardsmen with their well-oiled apparatus of destruc- 
tion. 

This does not mean that black people will stop rebelling; in fact, 
the increasing number and intensity of the recent rebellions leaves no 
doubt that black people will continue to revolt until the oppressive condition* 
of the ghetto - unemployment, poverty, poor health facilities, substandard 
housing, discriminatory education auid police brutality - are eliminated. 
And those white people who claim to be opponents of oppression and en cnies 
of the power otructure - are now squarely on the spot: we must either come 
to the aid of the black revolution, or, through inaction, or misguided action, 
inadvertently aid the power structure. 

Gun Running 

We do not yet have the political power to deal with the crises of 
racism and poverty in this society; we cannot now even effect a change in 
the brutal policy of the power structure in reacting to ghetto rebellions. And 
it would not be practical for us, at this time, to try to join with black people 
in their efforts to defend themselves against the assaults of police and nation- 
al guardsmen. But we do have the responsibility - at least until we have the 
power to deal with the causes of the rebellions - to make it possible for black 
people to have a fighting chance of defending themselves. Among other things, 
this means that we should help raise funds and supply weapons for groups lik* 
the Black Panther Party for Self Defense, which is arming and organizing 
black people for self-defense. This will not be easy - it may ia fact place 
us in legal jeopardy - but if we are not willing to do this, then we will find 
ourselves in the same position as the London hippies who asked Stokely Car- 
michael how they could help the black liberation struggle. "Well, I'll tell 
you what," Carmichael told them, "when the police came into the ghettoes 
to shoot us down in the streets, you can help us fight the police by throwing 
flovrers at them." 



2140 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Montgomery Exhibit No. 103 — Continued 

Organizing Poor Whiles 



But in order to give full support to black people in their struggle 
to end oppression - in order even to prevent geneocide against black people 
in this country - we white radicals must not only run guns to the black revo- 
lutionaries, we must also movtf' within the white community to build a force 
for full equality. The fight against racism can only be successful- if it is 
part of a program designed to deal with the problems of the white community. 
Some of us are convinced that it is time to begin organizing among poor 
whites in this area. We believe that poor whites are the critical group that 
must be moved at this time. We agree with Stokely Carmiehael's analysis: 

There is a vital job to be done among poor whites. We hope to 
see, eventually, a coalition between poor blacks and poor whites. 
That is the only coalition that is acceptable to us, and we see 
such a coalition as the major internal instrument of change in 
American society. Poor whites are becoming more hostile - not 
less - partly because they see the nation's attention focused on 
black poverty and nobody coming to them." 

If those of us who are concerned about poverty and racism fail to 
mobilise and organize the poor white community, the result may well be 
a race war - a blood bath in which poor white and black people will kill each 
other off, instead of forming an alliance to fight the power structure. There 
is no more time for do-goodism or friendly chats with public relations men 
and servants of the power structure. We must begin now to build a real 
power base capable of uprooting racism and poverty in this country. We 
urge all those oppossed to these evils to join with us in supporting and 
implementing the above proposals. 

STUDENT ORGANIZING COMMITTEE 

Ken Olitt 1809 10th St., Berkeley. 843-6889 

Bob Avakian 1211 Evelyn Ave. , Berkeley, 527-5011 

Mr. Smith. Thank you. At the Bay Area Emergency Action Com- 
mittee meeting held at the Hall of Flowers July 22, 1967, did you 
notice any known members of the Communist Party in attendance or 
members of the W. E. B. DuBois Club ? 

Mr. Montgomery. Yes, I did. 

There w^ere present such individuals as Howard Harawitz, who 
once served as president of the W. E. B. DuBois Club at the University 
of California in Berkeley; Roscoe Proctor, who is an official of the 
Communist Party, Northern District of California; his wife, Virginia 
Proctor; Al Richmond, editor of the People's World; Archie Brown, 
of Local 6, ILWU, and a leader of the May 13, 1960, City Hall dem- 
onstration against this committee; George Sandy, a longtime Commu- 
nist member; James Fenton Wood, member of the Communist Party 
in San Francisco, guitar-playing folksinger; Albert "Mickey" Lima, 
the chairman of the Communist Party, Northern District of Cali- 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2141 

fomia; Terence Hallinan of the W. E. B. DuBois Club and later 
identified as a Communist Party member; and Hursel Alexander, a 
member of the district committee of the Communist Party from Los 
Angeles, California. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, at this point I would like to put into the 
record that staff investigation has disclosed Susan Supriano as the 
wife of Harold Supriano. She was born Susan Jean Eichler on July 
31, 1938, in Evanston, Illinois. She was arrested on November 3, 1963, 
in San Francisco for her participation in a civil rights demonstration 
under the name of Susan Jean Valberg. Do you have anything addi- 
tional to add to this ? 

Mr. Montgomery. I have other names in another call for money for 
ads signed by Susan Supriano — Brownlee Shirek, Berkeley; George 
Sandy, Oakland ; Susan Supriano in San Francisco ; and Skip Hender- 
son in Contra Costa County. [This document introduced as Mont- 
gomery Exhibit No. 153 on pages 2189 and 2190.] 

Mr. IcHORD. I believe this would be a good point at which to adjourn 
for the day, Mr. Counsel. 

Thank you very much, Mr. Montgomery. The committee will be in 
adjournment until 10 tomorrrow morning. 

(Whereupon, at 4:50 p.m., Thursday, June 27, 1968, the subcom- 
mittee recessed, to reconvene at 10 a.m., Friday, June 2^, 1968.) 



887-O8S O— 69— pt. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, 
AND BURNING 

Part 6 

(San Francisco — Berkeley) 



FRIDAY, JUNE 28, 1968 

United States House of Representatives, 

Subcommittee of the 
Committee on Un-American Activities, 

Washington^ D.C. 
public hearings 

A subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities met, 
purspf^nt ^o call, at 10 a rri., in Room 311. Cannon House Office Build- 
ing, Washington, D.C, Hon. Edwin E. Willis (chairman) presiding. 

(Subcommittee members : Representatives Edwin E. Willis, of Loui- 
siana, chairman; William M. Tuck, of Virginia; and Richard L. 
Roudebush, of Indiana.) 

Subcommittee members present : Representatives Willis and Roude- 
bush. 

Staff members present: Francis J. McNamara, director; Chester 
D. Smith, general counsel ; and William A. Wheeler, investigator. 

The Chairman. In view of the fact that other members of the sub- 
committee appointed to conduct these hearings cannot be present today, 
the Chair wishes to announce that he has designated a new subcom- 
mittee consisting of himself, Mr. Tuck, and Mr. Roudebush to conduct 
these hearings. 

Mr. Roudebush, will you preside? 

* * * * * **i 

Mr. Roudebush. Now, Mr. Edward Montgomery will be recalled 
at this time. 

Mr. Montgomery is resuming testimony which he began yesterday. 
I think it is worthy that I tell those present that Mr. Montgomery 
is a reporter with the San Francisco (California) Examiner. He will 
continue his testimony concerning Communist and black nationalist 
activity in the San Francisco area before the riot of September 1966 
and subsequent thereto. 



iThe testimony of James C. Harris, who was the first witness to appear before the 
subcommittee on this date, is prinited in pt. 3-A of these hearings. This was a continuation 
of his Nov. 28, 1967, testimony concerning the Los Angeles riot. 

2143 



2144 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Mr. Montgomery, you were sworn in yesterday, and at this time we 
will assume that you continue to give testimony under oath. Are you 
willing to do so, sir ? 

Mr. Montgomery. Right, I am. 

Mr. RouDEBusH. Mr. Counsel, will you continue with your inter- 
rogation ? 

TESTIMONY OF EDWARD S. MONTGOMERY— Resumed 

Mr. Smith. Will you continue your testimony ? 

Mr. Montgomery. The additional information I have, Mr. Counsel, 
has to do with the situation that has existed, occurrences of violence 
other than rioting that have occurred in the San Francisco Bay area 
since the principal riot of September 1966. 

We have a situation wherein a police substation at Hunter's Point 
was fired upon on the night of November 13, 1967, and the principal 
subject of that shooting, one of the policemen, subsequently died on 
December 16 of 1967i. 

The perpetrators of this shooting have never been apprehended. 
But the bullets are determined to be from a U.S. .30-millimeter car- 
bine. These men were ambushed from outside the police station. They 
were visible through the window working at desks at the substation. 

Mr. RouDEBUSH. I think you mean a .30-caliber carbine. 

Mr. Montgomery. It is an M-1 carbine. It happened at 11 :20 at 
night at the [housing] project station on Hunter's Point adjacent to 
the naval shipyard. They do know that the three assailants were all 
young Negroes and the investigators had two main theories — one 
that the youths were cop-haters venting their resentment against 
Hunter's Point officers and/or that they bore a personal grudge 
against one or more of the officers shot or wounded on that occasion. 

There had been, prior to this, frequent propaganda publicized in the 
area calling for attacks on police, who had been called racist pigs 
and Fascist pigs, rather than police officers. Often they were depicted 
in cartoons m the form of pigs rather than policemen. I am submit- 
ting, if I may, the exhibit of a newspaper account of that particular 
offense. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request the document be received for 
the record. 

Mr. RouDBBUSH. Without objection, it is so ordered. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 105" and retained 
in committee files.) 

Mr. Montgomery. A subsec[uent article, December 16, saying that 
the shooting at Hunter's Point had now become a case of murder 
because the one principal victim had died reads : 

This was the report by Homicide Inspector William Armstrong, who with 
Inspector Ken Manley has been working on the case ever since three unknown 
assailants fired 20 shots into the Hunters Point Project i)olice oflSce more than 
a month ago. 

This case is still unsolved. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request this document be received for 
the record. 

Mr. Roudebush. Without objection, it is so ordered. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 106" and retained 
in committee files.) 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2145 

Mr. Montgomery. We also have a statement that came from Harry 
Edwards referring to — Avell, this, I think, will come at a later point 
when we get into another subject. But he did at that time comment on 
the shooting and the sniping in San Francisco. 

Harry Edwards is a j)art-time assistant professor at San Jose State 
College. He is described as a young sociologist, civil rights activist, 
and he said, according to a [/San Francisco Chronicle] news account 
of November 16, 1967, that "the Hunters Point housing project police 
office was a warning of guerrilla warfare — which he says is rapidly 
approaching." 

Associate Professor Harry Edwards said that, speaking both as a 
social scientist and as an involved militant leader, and he identified 
himself as such, before the social catastrophe of northern California, 
a bloody and violent revolution was in the offing. 

He said that the dissident Negroes and young militant Negroes and 
dissident white allies are thinking in terms of meeting violence with 
violence. He added : 

"When strategy doesn't work, you have to move on to something else that does 
work. It doesn't make sense to go on being non-violent when everyone else is 
being violent." 

The article also said : 

The Monday night sniper attack at Hunters Point left Patrolman Herman 
George critically wounded with six bullet wounds and a special oflScer, Sergeant 
Wayne Summerlin, wounded with a bullet in one arm. 

"This is the kind of thing that is clearly developing here," Edwards said. He 
said that future anti-war protests and racial demonstrations will carry with 
them danger of bloodshed because "Violence is going to be answered with vio- 
lence." 

repeating some of his previous statements. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 107" appears on 
page 2146.) 

Mr. Montgomery. Now in that regard, I might observe, Mr. Chair- 
man, that as recent as a week ago Tuesday night there was a similar 
incident in San Francisco at another police station at the precise time 
when the police were having a shoot-out with two armed Negro ban- 
dits, a shoot-out in which one police officer was killed even before he 
had a chance to draw his gun. 

The second officer was wounded. 

At that precise moment at the nearest police station, the Taravol 
district police station, just south of Golden Gate Park, there were fired 
into that substation from a park across the street a number of shots, 
again from an M-1 carbine. Fortunately, no one was struck. 

One policeman had his hat knocked off by a bullet. The communi- 
cations system was shot out, radio transmissions and whatnot. A series 
of — I don't recall the exact number of shots — but it was an attack 
identical to that which had taken place at the Hunter's Point police 
substation. As I say, this, what I am referring to now, happened only 
10 days ago. 

Then we also have remarks from an article appearing in the San 
Francisco press on April 15, 1968. It refers to a blast at Stokely Car- 
michael by a Negro leader. It carries a Washington dateline. It is an 
Associated Press story, saying : 

Negro leader Whitney M. Young Jr. said yesterday the masses of Negroes 
viewing the riot damage in America's cities feel "they need a Stokely Carmichael 
like they need a hole in the head." 



2146 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Montgomery Exhibit No. 107 

' [San Francisco Chronicle] 



Professor'Acthfist 



Thur»., Nov. 1^1967 j 



Blunt Warning to Cops- 
'Guerrilla Warfare Near' 



By Ralph Craih 

A young sociologist Bind 
mil rights activist said 
yesterday that the sniper 
attack on the Hunters. 
Point housing project po- 
He» office was a warning 
ofguerrilla warfare — 
wtakA he says is rapidly 
approaching. 

Aasodata Professor Harry 
Edwards of ^an Jose State 
College — speaking bbtta as 
social scientist and as an in- 
volved militant leader — 
called for an emergency con- 
fereac* to head off open war- 
fare Ml the streets. 

In a letter mailed to all 
Northern California police 
departments, Edwards said 
that "rational men" must 
confer and agree on proce- 
dures to avert "social catas- 
trophe in Northern California 
. . . violent and bloody revo- 
lution." 

•ftat ^ar is coming, he 
said, because young Negjoes 
and dissident white allies .are 
thinHng ia tenns of "meet- 
ing violence with violence." 

Edwards, 24. a Cornel Uni- 
v e r s i t y doctoral candidate 
who did his thesis for his 
m a 8 1 e r 's degree there on 
phases of tiie Black Muslim 
movement, attributed the 
new militancy of young 
Negroes to severaJ factors. 

There was, he sam\ a feel- 
ing that protests should be 
"escalated" if goals are not 
attained by peaceful means. 
Aad, he said, "The young, 
the new generation of blacks, 
has observed the behavior of 
the older generation and has 
seen t^at non-violence was 
used a$ a theolo|;y and not as 
a strategy. The new genera- 
tion, and I include myself. 
sees that yon cannot make a 
theology out of what is sup- 
posed to be a strategy 




HARRY EDWARDS 
Call for conference 

"When strategy doesn't 
work, vou have to move on to 



officer. Sergeant Wayne 
Summerlin, wounded with a 
bullet in one arm. 

"This is the kind of thing 
that is clearly developing 
here." Edwards said. He 
said that future anti-war pro- 
tests and racial demonstra- 
tions will carry with them 
danger of bloodshed because 
"Violence is going to be 
answered with viWence." 

He urged an emergency 
conference at which leaders 
of minority and dissident 
militant groups meet face to 
face with police from com- 
munities throughout North- 
ern CaUfornia to re-establish 
"lines of communication" be- 
fore open war erupts. 

In his letter to police de- 
partments, he said: 

"In place of lines of com- 
munication, battle lines are 



.w iJ .hVt rfA»= being drawn. A condition of 

' ° T M^'i^^ ? ,^ JJ J^^ open warfare between the po- 
work. It doesnt make sense ^ communi- 

to go on being non-vi^ent ^^^ 

when everyone else .s bemg ^^^^JJJ, '^ 



violent." 

Recent i n c i d e n t s of vio- 
lence, he said, have resulted ^ 
in deep anger among mill 
tants. These incidents includ 
ed. he said, the police use of 



Let there be no mistake. 

Jtlemen. We are no longer 
6ng about bricks and bot- 
tles. We are, talking about a 
state of total, hostile and 
aggressive guerrilla warfare 
chemical irritants and free- carried out on streets and 
swaging billy clubs at the highways of our communities 
Oakland, ; Armed Forces Ex- and cities. We are talking 
amining Station, treatment about the development of a 
received by Huey P. Newton sutiation in which no one will 
■ at the hands of the Oakland be the victor. There are. 
Police Department," and po- nonetheless, those of us who 
Uee handling of protestors at are willing to pay the price, 
other demonstrations He translated this in an In- 
throughout Northern Califor- terview yesterday. If miron- 
nia. Newton, a Black Pan- ty groups want to "taliate 
ther leader, was wounded se- for any action of police, ne 
riously in a fight in which he said. "They're out "> tnc 
is accused of killing one Oak- open in marked cars. Pe"*;" 
land poUceman and wound- targets, and they wiu oe 
ing another. picked off. 

The Monday night sniper "i'eople are talking 4oday 
attack at Hunters Point left »n terms of high powerea r^ 
Patrolman Herman George f!es and hand grenades, ine 
criticaUy wounded with six police cant win - they ar 
bullet wounds and a special out in the open 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2147 

And Young said the Black Power advocate's following is minimal, accusing 
the news media of building up Oarmiehael, projecting him and maintaining his 
image. 

"His following right now amounts to about 50 Negroes and about 5000 white 
reporters — newspaper, television and radio reporters. They have created him. 
There is no organization ; there is no following. They have projected him and 
this has kept him alive," Young said. 

The Urban League official — 

He is a member of the Urban League, apparently — 

gave his views in a copyrighted interview published by U.S. News & World 
Report magazine. 

Young said when he makes a speech about cooperation between whites and 
Negroes, he's given four or five inches of newspaper space. 

"When Stokely talks about 'killing whitey' his whole si)eech is reprinted and 
gets television coverage," Young declared. 

I might say that, while I am not in complete concurrence with Mr. 
Young on how many supporters Mr. Carmichael has, the same would 
apply to H. Rap Brown, LeRoi Jones, the others. I have noticed on 
the West Coast that a gi'eater amount of news space is given, a greater 
amount of coverage does seem to be given to these militant activists 
than to those who are preaching a different doctrine. 

This even extends down to the hippies. It has long been my per- 
sonal belief that if radio, television, and the news media would pay 
less attention to these people, that they would not be meeting with 
the success that they are today. 

I am convinced of that and I have seen instances in my area where 
the funeral of a young black militant who was killed in a shoot-out 
with police would be given 4-ijich pictures, four columns of art, and 
a column and a half of copy, whereas the funeral of a policeman shot 
by young militants a few days previously was kissed off on one of the 
inside pages with perhaps 5 or 6 inches of print at the most. 

So there is some merit to what Mr. Young is saying. What Car- 
michael's actual following is in numbers — it is hard to say — but I 
do think that we are playing into their hands by giving them the 
attention and the press that they have been getting. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request this document be received into 
the record. 

Mr. RouDEBUSH. That may be so ordered. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 108" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Smith. I believe that was Whitney Young, was it not? 

Mr. Montgomery. That was Whitney Young, right. 

Mr. Smith. He is an official of the Urban League. 

Mr. Montgomery. Right. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Montgomery, do you have knowledge of inflam- 
matory racial activity at San Francisco State College? 

Mr. Montgomery. Yes, I have, sir. There is presently being given 
at the Experimental College of San Francisco State College a seminar 
on guerrilla warfare, titled, "Theory and Tactic in Contemporary 
America." 

I have a number of exhibits touching on that matter. The course 
itself is being taught by Robert Kaffke. I believe the committee is 
probably aware of who Robert Kaffke is. I have a part of a brochure 



2148 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

put out for the spring of 1968 that is current for the Experimental 
College at San Francisco State. 

A seminar on guerrilla warfare — among other things Robert Kaffke 
recommends as reading material for a foundation in this course the 
book Guerrilla Warfare by Che Guevara, The Modoc War by Murray, 
War of the Flea by Robert Taber, The Protracted War by Mao Tse- 
tung, Lenin's thesis, "Imperialism," Stalin by Isaac Deutscher, Revo- 
lution in the Revolution by Regis Debray, State and Revolution by 
Lenin, US Army Guerrilla Warfare Manual^ Hoiu to Survive in the 
Wilderness, 101 Questions for the Guerrilla by Col. Bayo, and Second 
Declaration of Havana by Fidel Castro. 

Tliese are the prescribed readings for this particular course. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 109" and retained in 
conunittee- files.) 

Mr. Smith. Do you have additional material on that point? 

Mr. Montgomery. I have some additional material on this. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request that these documents he will 
submit will be received for the record. 

Mr. RouDEBUSH. Without objection, it is so ordered. 

Mr. MoNTGOMEKY. I liavc an article from the Daily Gater. I might 
say this Experimental College is run and operated by tlie students 
themselves and funded by the Associated Students, rather than as a 
subject on the curriculum of the college proper. 

There is an article that appeared in the February 13, 1968, Daily 
Gater [Montgomery Exhibit No. 110], which is the student publica- 
tion, observing the return to campus of Commandante Roberto Kaffke 
of the guerrilla forces of Nicaragua — "returned to SF State after 
an extended stay in Nicaragua where he was subjected to 'sadistic 
torture' by the local police." It tells of Kaffke's time spent in Nica- 
ragua and finally the fact that he was apprehended there and deported 
on December 23; "he was escorted to the border under guard and 
deported. Kaffke arrived in San Francisco in late January." It was 
immediately after his arrival, return to San Francisco, that this par- 
ticular course in the Experimental College^-^he course on guerrilla 
warfare, was founded. Again reading from the Daily Gater for Feb- 
ruary 23, 1968 [Montgomery Exhibit No. Ill], a headline, "Com- 
mandante Kafke's [sic] course draws raves." 

It is preceded with an editor's note : 

The following is a Gater first : a review of an Experimental College Course. The 
first subject for this new treatment is a course on guerrilla warfare by Major 
Roberto Kaffke. 

It starts, "Revolutionary figure Roberto Kaffke opened up his first 
session on guerrilla warfare Thursday night in a jammed lecture hall 
to an expectant crowd of more than 125." They outlined what the 
course was going to include, upcoming : "The Ghetto Uprisings," "In- 
telligence Operations," "The Sandino Campaign," "Urban Warfare," 
"Weaponry and Demolitions," "Counter-Insurgency Tactics," and 
"Perspectives of Revolution in the Americas." 

These were the topics to be included over a period of weeks in the 
teaching of this course in guerrilla warfare. 

Mr. Smith. You mentioned that he was a major. Do you know what 
army he is a major in ? 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2149 

Mr. Montgomery. I don't know, unless this is some lionorary title 
that Avas given him by Che Guevara. I don't know whether Che 
bestowed a title on him or not. I don't know of him being commis- 
sioned a major in any United States military force. 

Incidentally, at one of his lectures the House Un-American Activi- 
ties film on tile May 18, 1960, city hall riots, "Operation Abolition," 
was shown, and Kaffke announced that ho plans to obtain more films. 
Presently he has an outstanding list of specialists who have been 
invited to address the Thursday night sessions, according to this 
article. 

Mr. Smith. I request these documents be received into the record. 

Mr. RouDEBusH. Without objection, it is so ordered. 

(Documents marked "Montgomery Exhibits Nos. 110 and 111," re- 
spectively, and retained in committee files.) 

Mr. Montgomery. Mr. Kaffke is also a rather prolific writer of let- 
ters to the editors of various papers and particularly the Golden Gater. 
He has one appearing in the March 21, 1968, edition, in which he makes 
an attack on what we regard generally as the left. 

He said, "The 'Left' in America, is held in contempt by the majority 
of liberation struggles in the remainder of the world." He goes on to 
criticize the left as nothing but a series of " 'club-houses,' relying on 
a now ancient and dead concept of revolution," and that they "are not 
revolutionaries at all." 

He concludes by saying : 

Perhaps better to die in the struggle than of old age and cancer in a bed that 
does not toelong to one. 

Thus I say : To Hell with the Left ; get out of our way or we will run you 
over. 

This is signed "Roberto Kaffke." 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request this document be received in 
the record. 

Mr. RouDEBusH. Without objection, it is so ordered. 

(Document marked "Montgomeiy Exhibit No. 112" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Montgomery. Also there appeared in the Daily Gater on 
Thursday, April 18, 1968, an account of an attack on this particular 
class. There is a radio commentator in the area by the name of Pat 
Michaels who, in a night program, had been highly critical of the 
guerrilla w^arfare course. According to the Gater: 

Michaels argues that the seminar, which has an average weekly attendance 
of 125, according to EC staff member Russell Bass, should not be allowed on a 
state-supported campus. His voice joins the chorus of anti-EC remarks, in which 
state senator John Harmer of Orange County, has been loudest. 

This course has met with some public criticism. But it nevertheless 
continues. 

Mr. Smith. I request this document be received for the record. 

Mr. RouDEBUSH. Without objection, it is so ordered. 

(Document marked "Montgomeiy Exhibit No. 113" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Montgomery. I have another article appearing in the Berkeley 
Barh for March 15-21, 1968, headlined, "Guerilla Training at SF 
State." The article starts out : 



2150 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

"Everyman's castle should have a shotgun," Roberto Kaffke told his class last 
Thursday. "The Revolution is coming very fast to Latin America and in another 
sense to the United States ; if you don't believe that, I don't know what you're 
doing here." 

It tells of Kaffke's guerrilla warfare seminars, and it says : 

The course presents the students with a variety of radical speakers and 
literature, and provides them with practical preparation for urban warfare. 
******* 

Last week Dr. William Mandel spoke and played tapes of his appearance before 
the McCarthy witch-hunt of 1953 and the HUAC hearings of 1960. Tapes of Rap 
Brown and Stokely Carmlchael's speeches at the Oakland Auditorium will be 
heard this week. 

I might say I have heard the tapes of those speeches and they are 
the most inflammatory racist public utterances that I have heard in a 
long while. 

This is the type of material that is being presented at the guerrilla 
warfare classes. 

Mr. Smith. I request this document be received in the record. 

Mr. RouDEBTJSH. Without objection, it is so ordered. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 114" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Montgomery. We have another article appearing in the San 
Francisco Examiner on April 21 : "Guerrilla Warfare Course at S.F. 
State Investigated." 

It states that the course is now under investigation by the attorney 
general. It told of a panel of "combat veterans." First they played 
Carmichael's speech, with the remark, "This is where Carmichael sets 
a new direction for the Black Power movement — calling on blacks to 
organize themselves, become nationalistic, almost racist." 

The article reads : 

"If it is a classroom discussion on guerrilla warfare," says Charles O'Brien, 
chief deputy attorney general here, "that is one thing; if it is an exercise in 
guerrilla warfare, if they are training guerrillas, that is quite another thing." 

That investigation is current. It is now going on. Accompanying the 
article is a picture of Kajffke himself and some of the remarks he 
has made over the years. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request this document be received. 

Mr. RouDEBUSH. Without objection, it is so ordered. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 115" and retained in 
committee files. ) 

Mr. Montgomery. With regard to Kaffke himself, we have an article 
from the Sam, Fran/dsco Examine7\ a byline story by William O'Brien, 
dated July 1, 1963. This is the fruit of a long-distance exclusive tele- 
phone conversation with Kaffke at a time when he was in Havana, 
Cuba. 

Reading briefly from the article : 

A plane load of junketing U.S. students, including 20 from the Bay area, landed 
in Cuba yesterday in defiance of a State Department ban on travel to the Red 
republic. 

Robert Kaffke, 35 year old San Francisco State College art student, told The 
Examiner by telephone that the welcome by Cuban students was warm and that 
he, and other members of the student tour, have little fear of U.S. threats of jail 
for persons breaching the Cuban quarantine. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2151 

"It's better to be in jail if it means eventual freedom," said Kaflfke of the 
Justice Department's announced intention of imposing five year jail terms and 
$5,000 fines on the students. 

He added that he does not think the State Department will seek harsh punish- 
ment for the students. 

Further in the article : 

Kaffke confirmed that the students quietly left the United States in small 
groups, and had met in Paris for a further flight behind the Iron Curtain to 
Prague, Czechoslovakia. 

The westvpard trip to Havana, he said, was made in a Cuban jet plane that 
arrived in Havana at 7 :30 a.m. 

The tab for the entire trip, he said, is being picked up by the Cuban Student 
Federation. The federation also will underwrite the cost of the group's month 
stay at the posh Havana Riviera Hotel, he added. 

There is more to the interview, but those are the pertinent facts. 

Mr. Smith. I request the document be received for the record, Mr. 
Chairman. 

Mr. RouDEBusH. Without objection, it is so ordered. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 116" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Montgomery. We also have further reference to Kaffke in an 
article appearing in the San Francisco State Golden Gater on July 3, 
1963, in which he refers to 59 American college students, among them 
25 from the Bay area and 6 from San Francisco State College — ^the 
fact that they are in Cuba at that time in defiance of the United States 
State Department's ban on travel to that country. 

Farther down in the article, "The Justice Department will probably 
wait until the US Court of Appeals rules on the William Worthy 
case," is the explanation given by one of the supporters, Mr. Ernest 
Besig, of the American Civil Liberties Union. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request this dociunent be received in the 
record. 

Mr. RouDEBUSH. Without objection, it is so ordered. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 117" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Montgomery. On Friday, September 20, 1963, the Golden 
Gater^ San Francisco State College, came with a three-column headline 
story, "Kaffke served grand jury subpoena for visit to Cuba." 

It identifies Kaffke as having gone to Cuba and having returned to 
the San Francisco campus with a subpena from the grand jury of 
New York. "I'll go where I want to go, regardless of passports. I 
want to see what's happening for myself," was his remark as to why 
he had gone to Cuba. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request this document be received in 
the record. 

Mr. RouDEBUSH. Without objection, it is so ordered. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 118" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Montgomery, would you identify the Golden Gater'k 

Mr. Montgomery. Yes, the Golden Gater is a publication supported 
entirely by student body fmids at San Francisco State College. It is 
a daily paper. It was originally the Golden Gater and it is now the 
Daily Gater. They have abl3reviated the name. 



2152 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Mr. Smith. Thank you. 

Mr. Montgomery. Also there have been protests of the U.S. inter- 
vention in Vietnam. I have a flyer for a rally on the speakers' plat- 
form on the campus there at 12 :30 on Thursday, April 30, 1964. This 
was sponsored by the San Francisco State W. E. B. DuBois Club, a 
particular chapter on that State campus. 

It featured speakers Robert Scheer, Art Sheridan, Don Jons, J. P. 
Freed, and Robert Kaff ke. 

Mr. Smtih. Mr. Chairman, I request this document be received in the 
record. 

Mr. RouDEBUSH. Without objection, it is so ordered. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 119" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Montgomery. I have one more letter to the editor, again in the 
Golden Gater — this one, Friday, July 10, 1964 — an attack on the Viet- 
nam situation by Kaffke, in which he said, "For nine years our gov- 
ernment has been lying (sic) to us. We have violated every section 
of the 1954 Geneva agreement." 

He concludes with, "The U.S. cannot in any way justify extending 
this ugly and contemptible crime against humanity." 

Mr. Smith. I request the document be received for the record. 

Mr. RouDEBUSH. Without objection, it is so ordered. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 120" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Montgomery. Mr. KajBFke's name crops up again in a publication 
called Challenge^ put out by the Progressive Labor Movement. On 
April 13, 1965, there was in Challenge a two-column headline story, 
"New Bronx Workers Group," and amiounced the forming of The 
Community Workers, a new group, as a branch of the Progressive 
Labor Movement. 

It outlines its purpose — organizing the Spanish Americans and the 
Puerto Ricans and the Negroes, and for further information, contact 
Robert Kaffke. A phone number is given. It intimates that Robert 
Kaffke at that time, as of April 1965, was active within the Progressive 
Labor Movement and this Community Workers program. 

Mr. Smith. I request the document be received for the record. 

Mr. RouDEBUSH. Without objection, it is so ordered. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 121" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Montgomery. Another article coming out of the Challenge for 
April 13, 1965, identifying Challenge as a weekly organ of the Progres- 
sive Labor Movement. It sets forth some of its objectives, one of which 
is, "Fight those who hide behind police uniforms to terrorize and 
murder working people while the big crooks go scot free." 

Mr. Smith. I request this document be received for the record. 

Mr. RouDEBUSH. Without objection, it is so ordered. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 122" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Montgomery. This article in the Daily Gater^ September 28, 
1966, titled " 'Honorary' guerrilla, drifter teaching for Other Col- 
lege" — referring to Kaffke — mentions an article in the GaUr [of July 
10, 1963] written by Jerry Werthimer, who is an associate professor 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2153 

of journalism, identifying Kaffke as something of a drifter who had 
been in and out of college for 10 years, taking various courses and 
changing his majors, shifting from one major to another, and dropping 
out from time to time to take a variety of jobs or to fight for some par- 
ticular cause or demonstration. 

It describes his illegal trip to Guatemala and how he entered illegally 
by swimming the Motagua River, It said, "Kaffke is also the Latin 
American correspondent for Eamparts magazine," which is published 
in San Francisco, and it said, "His latest assignment is to research 
Lee Harvey Oswald's activities in Mexico in the summer of '63, when 
Kaffke was also in Mexio [sic]." That concludes my reference, sir, to 
Mr. Kaffke. 

Mr. Smith. I request this document be received in the record. 

Mr. RouDEBUSH. Without objection, it will be so ordered. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 123" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Smith. Does Kaffke have an arrest record? 

Mr. MoNTGoaiERY. Yes, he has. He has a rather extensive arrest 
record. I will submit it if you are interested. It varies from auto 
theft on through arrest for disturbing the peace and as a demonstrator. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request the record be received. 

Mr. RouDEBusH. Without objection, it will be so ordered. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 124" and retained in 
committee files. ) 

Mr. RouDEBUSH. I might ask for a clarification. Where does this 
arrest record come from? Where did you obtain it? 

Mr. Montgomery. The arrest records? 

Mr. RouDEBusH. Yes. 

Mr. Montgomery. It is a matter of common knowledge in San 
Francisco; most of it came indirectly from the SFPD, the San Fran- 
cisco Police Department. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, the committee staff investigation has 
determined that Robert Kaffke was born September 27, 1927, in San 
Francisco, California. Information from the Passport Division of the 
State Department indicates a passport was issued on November 19, 
1962, by the San Francisco Passport Office for travel to Mexico and 
Nicaragua. 

The subject records his occupation as a professor. The file reflects 
two trips abroad during the previous 12 months and no indication 
as to where or when. The address of the subject is given as 1054 
Randolph Street, San Francisco, California. 

Information also reflects that subject's parents are Theodore 
Kaffke — born in 1890 in Germany, is a U.S. citizen — and Esmeralda 
Rubi — born 1899 in Nicaragua, is a U.S. citizen. The address of 
these two individuals is the same as subject's. Kaffke married Mar- 
garet Crawford in 1952, divorced her in 1954. The subject then married 
Helen Hoag in 1956 and divorced her in 1959. 

The passport file further reflects application for passport registra- 
tion in Paris, France, on November 2, 1965, under registration date 
of 11-3-65, which expired 11-10-65. Application reflects subject de- 
parted Luxembourg on 11-3-65, traveled to United States via Ice- 
landic Airlines. 



2154 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Final action in the file is passport renewal application dated No- 
vember 21, 1966, the renewal effective 12-23-66. No travel plans re- 
corded other than the indication of possible travel during the year 
1967. 

Kaffke enlisted U.S. Army on April 3, 1943, at the age of 15 under 
the name of Lloyd W. Pease and was assigned to Ft. Lewis, Wash- 
ington. He was separated from the service on June 18, 1943, as a 
minor after about 2i/^ months' service. 

He was given an honorable discharge. He reenlisted November 27, 
1945, as Eobert L. Kaffke at San Francisco, California. He was sep- 
arated August 16, 1946, at Letterman General Hospital, San Fran- 
cisco, California, under provisions of AR-615-368 as a result of board 
action in the Army. Subject given an undesirable discharge. 

The board found the following: emotional instability, immature 
reaction with antisocial behavior, chronic, severe. It reflects subject 
did not receive any basic training nor was he assigned to any military 
occupational specialty number. He has had no overseas service. Sub- 
ject IS shown to have gone AWOL on April 6, 1946. He petitioned for 
review of his undesirable discharge on October 5, 1959. 

Air Force Discharge Review Board ruled on February 3, 1960, to 
change the * certificate of discharge to honorable with the provision 
that he is ineligible for future enlistment. Kaffke was so notified and 
given an honorable discharge on February 16, 1960. 

The passport application to which I referred a few minutes ago 
reflects that subject refused to take the oath of allegiance inasmuch 
as it is stricken out above the subject's signature on the passport 
application. 

Mr. Montgomery, do you have any additional information of in- 
terest concerning Kaffke? 

Mr. RouDEBUSH. Before we leave that, I am interested in knowing, 
Mr. Montgomery described this man as a professional .student or 
drifter. I think you indicated he was a professor. Has he graduated 
from any university, or how did he obtain the title professor? 

Mr. Montgomery. He is not a professor in the sense that he has 
taken courses in education or received a degree in education. Mr. Chair- 
man, because this is an experimental college, rather than a college 
within the academic structure there, they can call in anyone and he 
automatically gets the title of a professor in this experimental college. 

He has no teaching credentials. Others who participate there, for 
instance Terence Hallinan is one of the sponsors of this particular 
course in experimental college. Terence Hallinan has a degree in law, 
but he has no teaching credentials and yet he will participate, as do 
other leftists. On occasions people known to us to be members of the 
Communist conspiracy are participants in these discussions. 

I might say that we had occasion recently at the Press Club of San 
Francisco, which has regular events known as the Friday Gang Din- 
ner, wherein speakers, at the conclusion of their remarks, are obli- 
gated to respond to questions from the floor. 

"We had as a recent speaker Dr. John Summerskill, who was president 
of San Francisco State College. At the time he spoke at the Press 
Club he already had amiounced his resignation as president of the 
college, to be effective in July. Actually his whole administration had 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2155 

come under disrepute. He was subject to severe criticism within the 
State board of trustees, who have jurisdiction over the State colleges. 

In the light of what had transpired on the campus, demonstrations 
in which, incidentally, Kaffke participated at times — it was felt that 
for the best interests of all that Dr. Summerskill be relieved as presi- 
dent. So he was told in a nice way, "Well, you announce your resigna- 
tion effective at the end of the school year and that will give you time 
to firid another position." 

Then shortly after the first of the year, after Summerskill had an- 
nounced his intention to resign but was still acting as president, he 
spoke at the Press Club. On that occasion he was asked with direct 
reference to the guerrilla warfare course whether he thought that 
this was a — well, he was asked to comment on the propriety of such 
a course where State facilities were being used at the expense of the 
taxpayers. 

He replied and reminded those present that actually this was the 
Experimental College and not a course in the regular curriculum of 
the college itself. He said he could not find anything wrong with the 
course. He was not opposed to it. He said after all, "There had been 
no shots fired on campus." He then was asked, "Then, Dr. Summerskill, 
by the same precept, do you feel it would be all right if they taught a 
course in rape on the campus so long as no coeds were raped?" 

Well, Summerskill laughed it off without a response and that was 
it. Then a few weeks later there was another demonstration in which 
militant students were protesting the ROTC on campus and the dis- 
missal of one of the activist professors and what not, and the matter 
got out of hand to the point where police were called in and Summer- 
skill was dismissed forthwith as president. 

(At this point Mr. Willis entered the hearing room.) 

Mr. RouDEBUSH. Then I would say the title professor means very 
little. It is more of an honorary title in this experimental school, and 
no formal education is required to be a professor at this experimental 
college ? 

Mr. Montgomery. That is correct. 

Mr. RouDEBUSH. In view of the fact that we now find that Kaffke 
is not a professor per se, I wonder what he does for a living. Does he 
have any gainful occupation ? 

Mr. Montgomery. I have never put that question to him. I have 
put that question to one of his colleagues. Professor John Gerassi. 
Gerassi travels around the Bay area considerably, and he said, "Well, 
I will get a friend to drive me here and drive me there, and someone 
will invite me to dinner," professing to be stonebroke, but they always 
seem to have money. Where it comes from, I don't know. They are not 
gainfully employed to my knowledge. 

Mr. Smith. Do you know where Kaffke is now ? 

Mr. Montgomery. No, I don't. I know that on March 17 his seminar 
was well attended, and he ran films on Che Guevara. He had a report 
from Robert Williams in Peking. He had a report from Mao Tse- 
tung, and he also gave quite a lecture on the Russian revolution of 
1908, the one that started and failed, or 1905, whenever it was, and 
he has said that would be what is happening today in America. The 
revolution may not prove successful at this time but it will be similar 



2156 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

to what happened in Russia in 1905 and all. So he was still lecturing 
within the last few weeks.^ 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Montgomery, has there been any sabotage or threats 
of sabotage in the Bay area? 

Mr. Montgomery. Yes, there has been. There has been considerable 
sabotage in recent weeks. We have had the instance of a huge Pacific 
Gas and Electric transmission power line in Berkeley Hills, back just 
beyond the radiation laboratory, blown down with dynamite one night, 
and it disrupted power service for a large segment of the community. 

Most of these acts of sabotage or threats have not been resolved, and 
the authorities are still trying to find the guilty parties. For this rea- 
son, it is not known what the motivation is because the authorities them- 
selves have not solved the crimes. 

The fact that Robert Kaffke has been engaged in racial agitation, 
however, and the fact that his course on guerrilla warfare includes in- 
struction on demolitions indicate that there might be a link between 
the acts of sabotage that have taken place and the militant race agi- 
tators who, it is known, are advocating guerrilla warfare. We have had 
them say that the thing to do was to blow up power stations, blow up 
police stations, blow up factories. There has even been an intimation 
that they were going to blow up the Standard Oil plant in Richmond. 
These acts have been advocated by various spokesmen from within 
the black militant group, as well as the leftists on the campus from time 
to time. 

There are two incidents in which there is no evidence of racial in- 
volvement. On March 27 of this year the San Francisco Police Depart- 
ment received a telephone call saying their radio communications tower 
would be blown up.- 

Investigation disclosed a young man approximately halfway up the 
tower. This is a 250-foot tower. He had been in San Francisco only 1 
day, however, and had previously been committed to a mental institu- 
tion. He was released when his father came from Minnesota to pick 
him up. 

Then on April 9, 1968, an unemployed construction worker admitted 
that he had toppled a PG&E tower in the San Mateo area with a bull- 
dozer the week before.^ He stated he had done this to protest the war 
in Vietnam and admitted that he subsequently attempted to black out 
San Francisco, but that his effort had failed. 

Then on March 25, 1968, a clerk at the Oakland Induction Center 
received a telephone call saying "a tear gas bomb will go off soon, fol- 
lowed by a big bomb."* This, however, did not materialize and the 
threat might have come from anti-Vietnam war protesters rather than 
from race agitators, inasmuch as a concerted campaign of harassing 
induction centers had been undertaken by radical Vietnam protesters. 



1 It has since been learned that Kaffke, along with William Dobkins, a "student," was 
arrested on June 19, 1»6S, by Toronto, Canada, Metropolitan Police and jailed for possess- 
ing an unregistered gun. The two pleaded guilty to this charge on June 27 and were subse- 
quently deported to the United States. 

2 As appears in San Francisco Chronicle, " 'Bomb' Scare On Twin Peaks," and San Fran- 
cisco Examiner, "Youth Causes Bomb Scare at Peaks Tower, " both of Mar. 28, 1968 [Mont- 
gomery Exhibit No. 125-A]. 

3 As reported in Sow. Fran^sco Examiner of Apr. 9, 1968, "PGE Saboteur 'Happy' S. F. 
Effort Failed" [Montgomery Exhibit No. 125-B]. 

^ As reported in San Francisco Examiner of Mar. 26, 1968, "2 Bomb Threats That Fizzled 
Out" [Montgomery Exhibit No. 125-C]. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2157 

In addition to these incidents I would like to point out the unsolved 
cases. There has been a direct attack against the Pacific Gas and 
Electric Company. This is the largest utility company in the United 
States. Its services are utilized from Bakersfield, California, to the 
Oregon State boundary. 

This, in driving distance, would be approximately 600 miles. The 
first instance happened in July of 1967 when a PG&E electrical com- 
plex was toppled near Orinda, California. The pole or complex had 
been unbolted from the concrete base. 

More recently, on March 20, 1968, a tower carrying two 115,000- 
volt transmission lines was dynamited, cutting off the power at the 
University of California at Berkeley and the Lawrence Radiation 
Laboratory.^ The tower was completely demolished. The blast occurred 
at 1 :40 a.m. Partial power was restored at 8 a.m. However, emergency 
generators at the Lawrence Radiation Laboratory responded immedi- 
ately. Of course, we know the Lawrence Radiation Laboratory is one 
of the foremost research laboratories under our atomic research 
project. 

Back on February 4, 1968, a Berkeley PG&E substation was entered 
and three locked switches tampered with, disrupting power service. 

On February 25, 1968, a bomb of a crude type was tossed over the 
fence of a PG&E station at Berkeley. Only minor damage was caused. 

On March 20, 1968, the engineer for the PG&E at the Martinez 
substation was slugged and knocked unconscious and an attempt was 
made to tamper with high voltage regulators. 

On March 21, 1968, PG&E officials found minor damage to another 
transmission tower. The dynamite attached to the tower did not func- 
tion properly and failed to explode. 

On March 22, 1968, a telephone call was received by radio station 
KPFA in Berkeley. The caller stated, "There's a bomb in the Broad- 
way Tunnel * * *, We don't want to hurt anyone. We are a revolu- 
tionary movement. Call the authorities. It's set to go off at 8 :40." ^ 

The Broadway Tunnel has been renamed and is now known as the 
Caldecott Tunnel and connects Alameda and Contra Costa Counties. 
This bomb threat created one of the biggest traffic jams in the East 
Bay area history. The highway patrol closed access to the tunnel for 
a period of several hours. No bomb was found. 

On March 22, 1968, at 2 :35 a.m., two explosions severed the big aerial 
cable of the Pacific Telephone Company in Contra Costa Comity.^ The 
blast disrupted most of the telephone service in the Oakland and 
Berkeley area. 

On Saturday, March 23, 1968, a threat was received by officials of 
the Golden Gate Bridge that it was to be bombed.^ A search of the 
bridge proved negative. On the same date a second threat was re- 
ceived by American Airlines. The caller stated that nitroglycerin had 



1 As reported in San Francisco Chronicle, "Satooteurs Cut Power to UC" ; San Francisco 
Examiner, "Plot Against PGE Hinted in UC Sabotage" ; and Washington Post, "Electricity 
To University Cut by Blast,' all of Mar. 21, 1968 [Montgomery Exhibit No. 125-D]. 

2 As reported in San Francisco Examiner of Mar. 22, 1968, "Threat Jams E. Bay Bore" 
[Montgomery Exhibit No. 125-E]. 

3 As reported in San Francisco Examiner of Mar. 22, 1968. "2 Blasts Rip Out Cables," 
and "New Blast, Beating in PG&E Raids" ; and San Francisco Chronicle of Mar. 23, 1968, 
"Phone Line Blasts — Threat on Tunnel" [Montgomery Exhibit No. 125-F]. 

* As reported in Oakland Tribune of Mar. 24, 1968, "Gate Bridge Shut By Bomb Scare" 
[Montgomery Exhibit No. 125-G]. 

88-083 O— 69— pt. 6 8 



2158 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

been set to explode near the airport tower at the San Francisco Inter- 
national Airport. This also proved to be false. 

On March 25, 1968, a telephone call was made to the San Francisco 
Examine?' advising that a bomb in the Twin Peaks Tunnel was set 
to go off at 6 p.m.^ This call was made at 5 :40. Again all street cars — 
this is a street car tunnel — and traffic was stalled on Market Street on 
either side of the tunnel for quite some length of time while a com- 
plete search of this turniel, which is a mile and a half or two miles 
long, was conducted. 

Now there have been three additional electric towers sabotaged in 
Oakland Hills.^ 

I have clippings and newspaper accounts of the various events that 
I have related, particularly the one affecting the radiation lab, a pic- 
ture of a tower that has been blasted. Three more of these have gone 
down since I made my initial research, just within the last 2 weeks. 

Three towers were dynamited simultaneously and the work is that 
of a professional. In the last instance, plastic was used rather than 
dynamite, and the plastic explosive had been so placed on three of 
the four legs of each of the three towers, and they were all one along- 
side the other — three huge lines running along parallel — that it was 
beyond a doubt the work of an experienced saboteur. That is the opin- 
ion of the officials who still have the case under investigation. 

You might note, too, this is always done on a foggy night. We have 
fog from time to time in the Bay area, and invariably it is done at 
night — some time around midnight or in the middle of the night, and 
on a foggy night so that the person might come and go with less 
possibility of being observed. 

So far as I know, there are no suspects, no known suspects under 
consideration with respect to these bombings. I have exhibits touch- 
ing on each of these matters that I have referred to that I w^ould like 
to leave with the committee, and also an observation on one matter 
here — ^that the PG&E saboteur is happy his effort failed. 

It is an account in the San Francisco Examiner wherein he says that 
he is happy that he failed. He tried to shut off the power for the entire 
city of San Francisco, but was unable to do so, and he was judged 
something of a mental case. 

Mr. Smith. I request these documents be received for the record. 

The Chairman. They will be received. 

(Documents marked "Montgomery Exhibits Nos. 125-A through 
125-1," respectively, and retained in committee files.) 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Montgomery, in your testimony you mentioned 
and have been describing the guerrilla attacks on the Hunter's Point 
police substation. One police officer subsequently died of his wounds. 
You further testified to the effect that a letter was written to various 
police stations in northern California by Associate Professor Harry 
Edwards of San Jose State College. In the letter Edwards warned 
guerrilla warfare was near. Can you tell the committee more about 
Harry Edwards? 

Mr. Montgomery. Yes, I can, sir. He is originally from St. Louis, 
a graduate of San Jose State College. His education in San Jose State 



* As reported in San Francisco Chronicle of Mar. 26, 1968, "Bomb Scare Ties Up S. F. 
Tunnel ' [Montgomery Exhibit No. 125^H1. 

2 As reported in Santa Ana Register of June 3, 1968, "Saboteurs Blow Up 3 Electrical 
Towers — Oakland Area Blacked Out" [Montgomery Exhibit No. 125-1]. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2159 

College was obtained by a basketball scholarship. He was an outstand- 
ing athlete. 

After graduating from San Jose State College he received the 
Woodrow Wilson scholarship and obtained a master's degree at Cor- 
nell University. He is resigning his position at San Jose State College 
at the end of this semester and will again attend Cornell University 
to complete his doctorate. 

It is reported that he has an IQ of 163 and he is presently 25 years 
of age. 

I would like to read from an excerpt from a feature article, "We'll 
Live Together or Die Together" from the San Francisco Sunday 
Examiner <&, Chronicle of December 3, 1967. 

The following excerpts were made by Edwards, describing his age 
and his background. He said : 

"People look at me and say, 'Edwards is mad.' I get stacks and stacks of 
fan mail and they say, 'Edwards, go back to Africa.' 

"But they're not going back to Euroi)e and I'm not going back to Africa. 
We're either going to live together in this society or die together." 

He paused, sounding a snicker. 

"Check this," he said to a small group lining the near wall and listening. 
"Now, when tliis cat writes this up, it'll come out in the paper as, 'Edwards is 
for integration.' " 

The audience laughed. 

And other of his statements are : 

"I'm NOT for integration. I'm NOT for separation. Rap Brown and Stokely 
Carmichael are NOT for separation. What we're all after is FREEDOM." 
******* 

"VTliy do white folks always try to shove * * * [a four-letter word] down our 
throats?" he snapped. "I'm not aligned with anybody. I'm aligning myself with 
whatever program is aimed at getting black people freedom in this country. 
And I don't care what the white people, the white press, or the white govern- 
ment thinks of me." 

At another point he said : 

"* * * I don't buy the idea that white people are bom devils — I believe 
they're turned into them. 

"The same morality that makes it possible for a white man to call a black 
man a nigger and refuse him a job is the same morality guiding the pilots in 
Vietnam — that allows this country to drop napalm on women and children." 

When he was asked why he avoided saying "our country," he retorted "YOUR 
country !" 

Meaning not ours, necessarily. So much for his remarks. 
He says : 

"I still advocate sitting down and talking with white folks," Edwards says, 
"but I'm not going to be * "^ * [using an 11-letter word]. If the white man isn't 
going to talk to me, then we move up to the next step. 

"How far this thing goes doesn't depend on Rap Brown. The young blacks 
in this country are just fed up with the lies, the trickery, the * * * [an eight- 
letter word] of white people." 

He is quite outspoken in his remarks. 

Mr. Smith. I request this document be received for the record. 

The Chairman. All right, that will be received. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 126" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Smith. Can you tell us anything about Edwards' activity? 

Mr. Montgomery. He was an organizer of the United Black Stu- 
dents for Action. He was one of the principal organizers. It was 



2160 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

formed at San Jose State College in San Jose, and he is credited with 
being its leader. 

Mr. Smith. When was this organization formed ? 

Mr. MoNTCiOMERY. The first meeting was held September 14, 1967. 

Mr. Smith. Can you estimate the membership ? 

Mr. Montgomery. It is supposed to have — the last I heard, I think it 
had 60 members. 

Mr. Smith. What was the purpose for the United Black Students 
for Action ? 

Mr. Montgomery. Edwards and his organization charged campus 
discrimination and said charges were subsequently substantiated by the 
university administration. He made certain demands and stated that 
if these demands were not met, "We'll disrupt everything. There will 
be no football game this Saturday night." 

I have an exhibit, if you please, from a newspaper, Bay area news- 
paper l^San Francisco Chronicle^ September 19, 1967], quoting the 
intent to disrupt the football game on that following week. It quotes 
Edwards as having said : 

"We'll disrupt everything. Tbere will be no football game this Saturday night. 
"We'll send men out onto the playing field. 

"We'll block off Fraternity Row and we'll pitch tents in front of the fraternity 
houses. * * * if any Neanderthal type decides to throw garbage on us or get smart 
like that, he'd just better have his hospitalization papers in order." 

He also went on to say : 

"You heard what he * * * [referring to a black militant] had to say. That's 
where it's at. If things don't get better than this, Uncle Tom won't be able to cool 
it any longer." 

Mr. Smith. I request the document be received in the record. 

The Chairman. All right, it will be received. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 127" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Montgomery. Further, I have a copy of an exhibit dated Sep- 
tember 21, 1967, put out by Harry Edwards, coordinator of the United 
Black Students for Action. This is the list of the demands it is making 
on the State College at San Jose. 

Mr. Smith. I request this document be received for the record. 

The Chairman. It will be received. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 128" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Montgomery. As a result of the formation of this organization 
and the threat to disrupt a football game between San Jose State 
College and the University of Texas at El Paso, Texas, the game was 
canceled by the president of the college over the protest of a great 
many people who felt that they should not have caved in to the de- 
mands of Harry Edwards. 

The athletic director of San Jose State College said interference 
with the game could lead to mass violence and they were afraid this 
could break out into a full-scale riot if the game were held and these 
demonstrators did make their appearance, as threatened by Edwards 
ILos Angeles Times, September 21, 1967]. 

San Jose State College President Robert D. Clark, in announcing 
the cancellation of the game, stated, "The danger comes from the 
possible involvement of off-campus persons and groups, who by Sat- 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2161 

urday night, may be unaware of our progress towards a solution" 
[San Jose Mercury, September 21, 1967]. He is referring to efforts 
that were made to meet some of the complaints which Edwards and 
his group had cited. 

Edwards had this to say when he was invited to speak at "Experi- 
ment in Education'' at Foothill College, which is in an adjacent com- 
munity, on September 27, 1967. He stated that if the football game 
had been played, it could have marked "the onset of the second Amer- 
ican revolution," and further, "I'm talking about guerrilla warfare 
with snipers in buildings." That was reported by the San Jose Mer- 
cury on September 28, 1967. I have a clipping of that, a copy of that 
particular story. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request these documents be received 
for the record. 

The Chairman. They will be received. 

(Documents marked "Montgomery Exhibits Nos. 129--A, B, and C," 
respectively. Exhibits 129-A and B retained in committee files. Exhibit 
129-C appears on pajre 2162.) 

Mr. Smith. Has Edwards participated in any other activities? 

Mr. Montgomery. Yes. Currently and for the past several months 
he has been advocating and attempting to formulate a boycott of the 
Olympic games in Mexico City by Negroes. He contends the Negroes 
should hold their own Olympic games in Africa and he is encouraging 
outstanding athletes to boycott the Olympics. 

Now he has formed an organization to further this goal. The or- 
ganization is called the Olympic Boycott Committee, and he proposed 
that the Olympic games in Africa will not be restricted to the Negro 
race. His project is not receiving too much support. For a while it 
did. At the outset even men like the noted athletes like Kalph Boston 
here on the East Coast, who is a long jumper, at first concurred with 
Edwards and then, within a matter of a few days, changed his mind 
completely. 

I know, Mr. Chairman, in Sacramento, California, a week ago to- 
night the National AAU Championships were held — Friday and Sat- 
urday nights — which were semiqualifying rounds for the Olympic 
trials. The Olympic trials themselves will be held, finals will be held 
in Los Angeles tomorrow and Sunday evening. I have direct knowledge 
of a meeting that was called at 1 a.m. in the ciity of Sacramento a week 
ago tonight at which Harry Edwards again furthered his advocacy 
of a complete boycott. 

Mr. Kobert Brachman, Bob Brachman, one of the sportswriters for 
the San Francisco Examiner, a veteran rej)orter with excellent con- 
tacts and considered the foremost man in his given field there in the 
Bay area, wrote of the meeting through contacts after the meeting. 

The press was barred. There were no white people present. But cer- 
tain sources that have direct knowledge of what transpired at that 
meeting said that they thought to all intents and purposes Harry 
Edwards' cause had been lost, that it was not going to prove suc- 
cessful. He reported that another meeting will be held in Los An- 
geles, either Sunday night following the final qualifying trials or 
will l3e held Monday. Mr. Brachman reported, and I noticed since 
I have arrived here that the Associated Press is now carrying much 
of the same story, that unless 75 percent of the Negroes, at least, who 



2162 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 



Montgomery Exhibit No. 129-C 
[San Jose Mercury, September 28, 1967] 



NEGRO WARNS: 



Een^Emum^WG^s AveHed 



LOS ALTOS HILLS - H last 
Saturday's San Jose State Col- 
lege football game had been 
played, it could have marked 
"the onset of the second Amcri- 
caii rcwolunon," a Negro leader 
claimed Tuesday. 

"I'm talking about guerrilla 
warfare with snipers in build- 
ings," SJS Prof. Harry Edwards 
told a, Foothill College audience. 

The game was canceled last 
Wednesday after E d w ar d s 
told SJS president Robert D. 
Clark that agitators from out- 
side the campus community 
had threatened to "burn 
down" the stadium. 

The cancellation was attacked 
by two state officials Tuesday 
as "appeasement." 

"I feci it was yielding; it was 
appeasement," Gov. Ronald 
Reagan said. "It was yielding to 
a threat of force." 

State Superintendent of In- 
struction Max Rafferty said SJS 
adniinistrators had submitted to 
"blackmail." 

"If I had to call out the 
Marine Corps, the game would 
have been played," Rafferty 
'Said. 

Had the Marines been 
called out to qucir the football 
demonstration, the protestors 
would have been "wiped out,". 
Edwards admitted at Foothill 
Wednesday, but added that the 
protest would have continued as 
long as the discrimination exist- 
ed. 



By STEVE CRUDER 

Mercury Sl4li Wrilcr 

Edwards added that his claiming that if the group of 
leaching job may now be in Negroes- had been attacked 
jeopardy due to his role in the while demonstrating at the foot- 
protest, ball game, he could not have 

T> . , i. o T ^, . controlled them. 

But the former San Jose State ..j ^lade it extremely clear to 
basketball player said he will ^^^ administration and to the 
contmuc to lead the Negro ^^j^isj jog.s that I am non- 
group seeking an end to alleged yj^ig^j 3^^ i£ anybody throws 
discrimination at SJS. garbage on me or spits in my 

" f I have to keep my mouth "^ \ ^^ j^g to try to send 
shut to keep my job. then the jjim to the cemetery." 
hell with my job," the sociology ..„ t^^ ^^^3^ states can send 
professor said. ^^ ^^ Vietnam, Korea. World 

Edwiwds drew apiiiau.^c from War 11. and World War I to be 
tlio siulicnce of 3)10 Foolhi'! violent in defense of its political 
sl'.uicnls when he loid Ihcm, philosoi)hy. then we are justified 
"There's a new generation of in u.sing violence," he said, 
black Americans in thi:-; .society "We are not going to be 
who are going to participate in beaten when we are morally 
it or else they're going to right." 
destroy it. Edwards repeated his claims 

"Black people are no longer of dibcriminalion agaLnsi SJS 
afraid of dying for nothing Negro athletes. They are forced 
becauJie you white Christians to live in. motels while playing 
arc going to give them every football for San Jose State due 
reason necessary. to racist apartment landlords, 

"But we're going to be ration- he said. 



al so long as rationality works. 

"If it comes down to an 
animal to animal confrontation, 
ihcn tlTat's what it's going to 
be," Edwards.added. 

Speaking at an "E.vperimeni 
in Education" • semiirar at the 



"San Jose State fraternities 
and Mississippi State fraterni- 
ties are exactly the same," be 
said. 

Admitting that some Negroes 
are admitted to fraternities, he 



mvitalion of a student group ggserted that when the white 
that runs the non-crcdit classes, fraternity men hold parties, 
the sociology professor said the .-blacks are given §20 and sent 
principle of turning the other off ^q t.^jddie their thumbs for 
cheek when attacked is outmod- (^g night" to keep Uicm away 

^^' from the oarty. 

"When rm attacked, I'm 3 ^'"'" "•**'"'J^* 

crazy, irrational fool," he said. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2163 

do qualify for the Olympics at these trials being held tomorrow and 
Sunday in Los Angeles, unless 75 percent are in favor of Edwards' 
proposed boycott, then it will be deemed a failure and all of the 
participating athletes will compete in Mexico City regardless. 

In other words, they presumably have reached an agreement among 
themselves to that effect. Now it remains to be seen what happens in 
Los Angeles at this meeting either Sunday night or during the day 
Monday, at which time Edwards is again expected to make his pitch. 
The voting on the issue will be limited only to those who actually have 
qualified for the United States Olympic team. 

I have, in that regard, exhibits touching on Edwards himself and 
his boycott [Register, June 23, 1968; Son Frcmcisco Examiner, 
June 23, 1968; and /San Francisco Chronicle, April 12, 1968]. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request the documents be received in 
the record. 

The Chairman. They will be received. 

(Documents marked "Montgomery Exhibits Nos. 130-A, B, and 
C," respectively. Exhibits 130-A and B retained in committee files. 
Exhibit 130-C appears on page 2164.) 

Mr. Montgomery. That concludes my testimony on Mr. Edwards. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Montgomery, do you have knowledge of additional 
material relating to inflammatory campus racial activities at San 
Francisco State College ? 

Mr. Montgomery. Yes. At San Francisco State College there are and 
have been a number of student organizations such as the Black Stu- 
dents Union; Movement Against Political Suspension, better known 
as MAPS ; Progressive Lalx)r Party ; Students for a Democratic So- 
ciety; Iranian Students Association, which is composed of exchange 
students, foreign students; Vietnam Day Committee; W. E. B. Du- 
Bois Club ; and a relative newcomer there known as the Third World 
Liberation Front. 

Mr. Smith. Will you describe the Black Students Union, please? 

Mr. Montgomery. Yes. In January 1964 the Negro Students Associ- 
ation was formed and it changed its name in March 1966. During the 
life of the Negro Students Association the word "Negro" had become 
unattractive to the Ne^ro militants, who preferred to be called Afro- 
American or blacks. This was the apparent reason for the name change 
of the organization to the Black Students Union. 

The format or objectives of the Black Students Union remained 
unchanged. The purposes are : 

"To engage in projects ^hich the membership considers to be in the interest 
of the Negro community. To engage in the study of Negro history. And to fostef 
the growth of and dissemination of Negro cultural contributions." ^ 

Mr. Smith. Is the Black Students Union recognized by the college 
administration ? 

Mr. Montgomery. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Smith. What is the membership of the organization ? 

Mr. Montgomery. Well, I would have to give you an estimate. I 
would say roughly 100 persons, 100 members. 



* Excerpt from Montgomery Exhibit No. 133, introduced on p. 2170. 



2164 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 



Montgomery Exhibit No. 130-C 

[San Francisco Chronicle] 



<rtrtK?tl,A^r.\2,\96Z 



San Jose Professor 
Joins Black Panthers 



By Dick HaUgrrn e n c a room at the Sun- 

TT„_„ r^ . J .w Reporter offices was poorly 
v-nnnTl.nT^\''A''^f lighted. And it wiTan- 
U^ f^J^ ^^*? ^'- nounced at the outset that he 
Ihn i«^^n PJ?^' would not respond to ques- 
^i» t^x^^n^.^* ^J" tions about "Negroes" but 
S?JS^ Uf.^ ^* ^"W insist on q u e s 1 1 n s 
Olj-mpics, declared yester- ^bout "black people." 
day that he has decided to ^0^0 than that, however. 

SSSITk" ♦^^"'^L ""' ^ was the quaUty of his voice: 
Black Panther party. ^passioned, sarcastic, sor- 

And he urged other Negroes rowful, angry, anguished and 
—the doctors, the lawyers, finally desperate, 
those who have achieved "If I'n) a pseudo-slave, a 
social standing— to Join the 20th Century slave, if my life 
militant group and to help 'S not worth as much as a 
serve notice on society that white man's Ufe." he said. 
"You can no longer Ignore "then I'm dead anyway." 
the Black Panthers." He said he "makes no 

Said Edwards: "We have ^?«" a*»S »»«w he is per- 
to go down to the grass rooU fe^^ed in this society which 

to ^ them since ttey cant ^ y '^T'P*' J!!.M*"r»°"'» 
jolji m !• and so degraded that it 

« ij V < w wt 1. could allow the assassination 

, V J?!r **v,. S^ ***" 0' so great a man as Dr 
plehad-anobUgattontoparw Martin Luther King, that it 
tidpate even JJJJ-y don t ^^u,,, ,.^^^^ ^^^^ cracker to 
apree with an ttM goals" of t^ink he could get away 
the Panthers, It It the Pan- ^.^^.. ^^^^ a crime 



thers, he said, who are mo- 
bilizing to ward off further 
"bnrtalixatton and harass- 
ment" of the black people. 

BERET 



VIOLENCE 

He said he believed Influ- 
ential Negroes were mistaken 
in assuming that they would 
_. ^, ,^ , * be immune from attack by 

The 24.year.old awocUte radsts-and this was the 
professor, at sU-foot-eight a ^^^^ n^tg^g „ade by the 
former basketball star, had j^^.^ j^ Hj^er's Germanv 
already donned some of the ^^en the imprisonments 
accoutremenb of the Pan- ^^^^ began, 
thers for his morning press 7^5 principal of non-vio- 
conference. He wore a black jpn^e said Edwards, died 
beret and large black sun- jo^g before Dr. King died, 
glasses, althoo^ ttie confer- Oakland. 



Nonviolence now, he said. 
will be "shored up with the 
principle of self-defense." 

Dr. King, said Edwards, 
was "a preacher, he was a 
saint. But I'm a man, and 
I'm going to be treated as 
such. 

" 'We shall overcome,' yes. 
But I want to add one more 
stanza: By any means neces- 
sary." 

MEMORIAL 

He declared: "I personally 
encourage violence, until 
somebody shows me a better 
way. Non-violence essentially 
has networked." 

Two other press confer- 
ences were held, one here 
and one at Stanford, to urge 
support for the Panthers. 

Four Bay Area college pro- 
fessors, who said they repre- 
sented a total of 17 profes- 
sors, attacked the "systemat- 
ic harassment" qf the Pan- 
thers and urged that the U.S. 
Civil Rights Commission 
investigate the Oakland po- 
lice department 

The four professors are 
Fred Thalheimer, professor 
of sociology at San Francisco 
State College: Sandra Schic- 
kele, profeinor of social sd* 
ence, also at State; Bruce 
Franklin, an English profef< 
sor at Stanford: and Richard 
Llchtman, professor of phi- 
losophy at tile University of 
California in Berkeley. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2165 

Mr. Smith. How many Negro students are there at San Francisco 
State College? 

Mr. Montgomery. Approximately 600. 

Mr. Smith. What is the enrollment of San Francisco State College? 

Mr. Montgomery. The total enrollment at the last figures I had was 
approximately 18,000—17,500 to 18,000. 

Mr. Smith. How is the Black Student Union financed ? 

Mr. Montgomery. Is it financed from the Associated Students Fund, 
that is, funds that are contributed, compulsory contributions by stu- 
dents attending the college. They have to contribute to this fund. 

Mr. Smith. Do you have a record of the finances? 

Mr. Montgomery. Yes, I do. For 1966 and 1967 the following infor- 
mation was developed. This information is from a report, " 'Black 
Power' at San Francisco State College — Prepared by : members of the 
Executive and Legislature, Associated Students, San Francisco State 
College," and dated May or June, I believe of this year [Montgomery 
Exhibit No. 131]. 

Mr. Smith. Of this year ? 

Mr. Montgomeriy. Of 1967, 1 am sorry. 

Mr. Smith. Do you have the financial allotments for 1967 and 1968 ? 

Mr. Montgomery. Yes, I have. 

The breakdown of the money made available to the Black Students 
Union, they were given a subsidy of $5,975 for the year '66-'67. The 
Community Involvement Project hired the BSU, the Black Students 
Union chairman, Jimmy Garrett, James Garrett, at $1,100 for 1966-67. 
Mr. Garrett, along with other leaders of the BSU, received salaries 
totaling $3,244 through the Economic Opportunity Act [of 1964]. 
These are Federal funds I am talking about, in addition to the student 
funds which I referred to earlier, of which the Associated Students 
paid 10 percent and the Federal Government 90 percent. It is quite 
a subsidy they are receiving from the Federal Government, and in 
addition $3,025 was given to the Work-Study Project pilot program, 
which is controlled by Black Students Union leader Marianna Waddy, 
whose name may or may not be familiar to this committee. It is well 
known to me. 

A breakdown of the money made available to the leadership of the 
BSU from Associated Students, this is the Associated Students Fund 
only, aside from the Federal funding, is roughly $6,000 to the Black 
Students Union, $13,000 to the Tutorial Project — and this was sending 
students from campus out in the minority group areas to help tutor 
youngsters, 12, 14, 16 years of age. 

The Black Communications Project was allowed roughly $4,500, the 
Visiting Professor Program, $1,600, the Black Arts and Culture 
Division of the Experimental College, roughly $2,000. 

The Chairman. Now you have testified how much money Avas re- 
ceived by several groups. Where did that money come from? 

Mr. Montgomery. Most of the money came from the Associated 
Students Fund, but there was additional money coming from the 
Federal Government, as much as 90 percent of some of these projects, 
as much as 90 percent funding by the Federal Government in addition 
to these sums. 

The Chairman. Under what program ? 

Mr. Montgomery. Under the Economic Opportunity Act. 



2166 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Then a salary to James Garrett of roughly $1,100 was paid, an 
Economic Opportunity Act salary to James Garrett and Marianna 
Waddy and Ty Barnett. Here is a figure paid by the Federal Govern- 
ment $3 244. 

Then the contribution to the Black Arts West Theater, which has 
put on some very racist plays — I have witnessed a couple of them — 
$500. 

Then a special Work-Study Project for Marianna Waddy, in excess 
of $3,000 was paid. 

It is a total of $34,838.50. 

The report stated the : 

Associated Students membership fees are mandatory at S.F.S.C. [S.F. State 
College] . Each student must pay $10.00 a semester to register as a full-time stu- 
dent. The Education Code specifies the intent for which the money can be spent ; 
it very plainly excludes any "racist" organizations from subsidies. 

Yet, despite the Education Code this money is being diverted in great 
measure to what constitutes out-and-out racist programs through the 
Black Student government subsidies : 

The student government's subsidies to the Black Students Union have been 
known and countenanced by the administration. A student majority of the legis- 
lature tried to express their concern by not funding the Black Communications 
Project. However, the motion was passed when the two administration [members] 
and the one faculty member of the legislature voted together for the $4,420.00 
figure. * * * 

In addition to elected student members, there are sitting on that 
student legislature two members of the college administration, mem- 
bers of the president's staff, and one member of the faculty. This be- 
came a very testy situation out there. There were threats and counter- 
threats, and the meeting wound up in a hassle and had to be adjourned. 
Seven of the students voted in opposition to this program, four of the 
students voted for it. So, as far as the students themselves were con- 
cerned, the majority of the students on the legislature were opposed 
to this. But supporting these four students, who incidentally are 
Black Student Union members, were these two administrators and 
one faculty member so that made a tie vote, seven and seven. The mat- 
ter was put over. 

The first budget failed to pass because of this tie vote. So the Black 
Students Union and the administration members then fought for the 
acceptance of two questionable proxy votes. There were two proxy 
votes they went out and solicited and brought in and eventually, over a 
protest of what constituted a majority of the students on the legisla- 
ture, this program was passed. 

The report contmues : 

The Black Students Union has become increasingly militant on the campus, 
packing meetings and threatening anyone who would oppose them. The admin- 
istration's policy seems to be one of appeasement at every point. It is clear that 
the actions of the administration have ceased to be in the interests of the majority 
of students at San Francisco State. We [students] call for an immediate review 
by the Board of Trustees of the California State Colleges of the situation at 
San Francisco State College. 

What I have been reading is not my own opinion or a newspaper 
article, but a report prepared by students within that legislature them- 
selves who are opposed to what has been going on. I might observe 
this occurrence right here was perhaps what marked the beginning of 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2167 

the end of Dr. John Summerskill, who no longer is president at San 
Francisco State C!ollege. He had aiuiounced his retirement and, as I 
said earlier, it was to have taken effect in July. And then things got 
out of hand in January and February and to the point where finally 
the head of the board of trustees, State colleges of California, dis- 
charged him. They brought in another president. 

Mr. Smith. Is LeRoi Jones mentioned in that document [Exhibit 
No. 131] ? 

Mr. Montgomery. Yes, he is. LeRoi Jones is mentioned as having 
been hired as a teacher in English drama and his subsidy was paid. He 
was paid by this fund, the Black Students Union fund. He was paid 
$1,600 for what was to have been 2 months of work. It is my under- 
standing he probably spent in that 2 months of time as much as 2 
weeks on campus. He was not there continually. 

While he was giving a number of racist and inflammatory speeches, 
he was being paid. 

I have some material on his background. Of course, I think you 
have had earlier testimony from Newark on this man. But he is a 
Negro playwright from New York. His plays are especially vicious in 
content against the white people and the United States Government. 
He, at one time, was in charge of a theatrical project funded through 
the Office of Economic Opportunity. These funds were eventually with- 
drawn or ran out. 

According to the report : 

LeRoi Jones was invited to San Francisco State Ck)llege as a "visiting 
professor" by the 1966-67 student government. He was to be paid $1,600.00 for 
approximately 2 months' work. A contract was signed with Jones which included 
that he was to engage in educational activities related to the program of the 
Black Students Union, to "conduct workshops," and to speak on and off campus. 

There are a number of statements in the report made by and about 
Mr. Jones and some of the plays that he has written, which will set 
the tone of his attitude toward the United States. These are some 
examples : 

From Commentary magazine, February 1965, it quotes LeRoi Jones 
as saying : 

Guerrilla warfare is inevitable in the North and the South. Every black is a 
potential revolutionist . . . you can't use nuclear weapons against us when we 
kill a few cops . . . there is no way of saving Am^erica. 

Again, from the TJ.8. News d- World Report^ December 13, 1965, 
quoting LeRoi Jones as having said : 

The force we want is of 20 million spooks [Negroes] storming America with 
furious cries and unstoppable weapons. We want actual explosions and actual 
brutality. . . 

Again, from Time magazine, December 25, 1964, the review of two 
plays, "The Toilet" and "The Slave," written and produced by LeRoi 
Jones : 

"The Toilet" and "The Slave" are one act spasms of fury. Naked hate, like 
naked love, is very hard to sustain on a stage. But Jones can do it with ven- 
omous intensity. . . . near the play's end, ["The Toilet"] a white boy's bloodied 
head lies in a urinal. Jones makes it abundantly clear that he would gladly 
consign every white man's bloodied head to that identical spot. 

Mr. Smith. Were these plays produced at the time he was funded 
byOEO? 



2168 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Mr. Montgomery. Whether they all were or not I don't know. There 
were plays such as "Arm Yourself or Harm Yourself," which I know 
was funded in part by OEO. 

Then from Esquire in June of 1966, again quoting Jones : 

It's simple. Harlem is an independent state with its own laws — black laws, and 
its own culture — black culture. And it will be the only future in this country — ■ 
the black future. If any whites should still be around, they might be allowed to 
wander through the black world as tired, placid tourists. 

Quoting from Newsweek^ May 2, 1966, a review of Home: Social 
Essays by LeRoi Jones : 

Alter some of the elements and Jones's essays would have gone over big in 
Berlin and Munich around 1933. Jones begins with some home truths and fabri- 
cates a collossal [sic] lie. 

Quoting Jones, from Commentary magazine, February 1965, a 
direct quote: 

My ideas revolve around the rotting and destruction of America, so I can't 
really expect someone who is part of that to accept my ideas. 

Also, an article from George Dennison's column in Commentary, 
February 1965. Speaking of having attended one of these plays, Den- 
nison says : 

There were many young Negroes in the audience the night that I saw these 
plays ["The Toilet" and "The Slave" by LeRoi Jones]. More than a few shouted 
their approval, and from time to time the theater swarmed with the hatred of 
racism. There were three high points in their excitement. The first occurred 
when the Negro revolutionary beat up the liberal-intellectual (judo) ; the second 
when the revolutionary enacted a brief rape of his former wife ; and the third 
when the revolutionary shot the intellectual. The responses of the young men 
in the audience, however, ("Give it to him !") were not triggered by the actions, 
but by the well-turned and very plentiful put-down-Whitey phrases that ac- 
companied them. 

Then, from the Golden Gater [July 22, 1966], the newspaper on the 
San Francisco State College campus : 

[James] Garret^ [President, Black Students Union, S.F. State] said the pres- 
ent black nationalist movement is concerned only with the black people and that it 
does not strive for an integrated sociey[sic]. . . .The black nationalist movement 
wants a black society for black people, and Garret said that he would do anything 
necessary to bring about such a society — ^from reading a book if that is neces- 
sary, to killing as the white man has done so often. 

The report also contains two students' statements which constitute 
affidavits. 

During the Associated Students Legislature meeting held on May 12, I ex- 
pressed my objection to and voted against the appropriation of money for 
the Black Communications Project of LeRoi Jones. After tlie meeting, two mem- 
bers of the Black Students Union turned to me and one said, "Don't come on 
campus at night if you want to stay alive." I asked them to give me their names 
but they walked away. Several other people witnessed the incident. 

I know that complaints were made to the local police district, that 
more than one person who opposed this appropriation were threatened. 
This affidavit was from Kay Tsenin. 

Another similar one : 

While I was walking away from the A. S. Legislature meeting of May 11, sev- 
eral Negroes approached me and asked how I was going to vote on the appropria- 
tion for LeRoi Jones. I replied that they would have to wait until the following 



1 Carrect spelling "Garrett." 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2169 

day to find out. One of them then said, "If you hoys don't vote the right way, some 
of you are going to get cut up." 

I certify this to be a true and correct statement. 

It is signed, "Tony Volk, 5/17/67." He was among those who opposed 
the LeRoi Jones program. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 131" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Montgomery. Now, I understand with reference to LeRoi Jones 
that at this committee's hearings on the Newark riots some weeks ago 
there was evidence presented that LeRoi Jones may have had some 
change of heart or perhaps does not subscribe to these doctrines that I 
have expressed here and may not subscribe to them any longer. 

However, when he w^as in the San Francisco area he certainly made 
highly racist 'and inflammatory speeches. He may have changed his 
mind meanwhile, I don't know. 

Mr. Smith. You mentioned James Garrett a while ago as being con- 
nected with the Black Students Union. Wlio is he ? 

Mr. Montgomery. Incidentally, I have an exhibit on LeRoi Jones 
that I would like to put in the record [article from San Francisco 
Chronicle^ May 5, 1967] to back up what I have been testifying to, in 
which LeRoi Jones is quoted as saying: "You'd better get yourself a 
gun if you want to survive the white man's wrath," as a warning to 
Negroes. He said, "Those white policemen aren't here to protect you — 
they're there to kill you." This is as late as .February of 1967. 

Mr. Smith. I request this document be received in the record. 

The Chairman. It will be received. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 132-A" and retained 
in committee files.) 

Mr. Montgomery. I also have the entire script of his play produced 
at San Francisco State. It is called, "Arm Yourself or Harm Yourself." 
There is so much filth in it I would doubt that you would want me to 
read it into the record. However, I think the committee should have it. 
It is full of obscenities from beginning to end. 

Mr. Smith. Thank you. It will be retained in the files. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 132-B" and retained 
in committee files.) 

Mr. Montgomery, That concludes what I had on LeRoi Jones. 

You were asking about James Garrett ? 

Mr. Smith. Yes, who is he ? 

Mr. Montgomery. In 1966 he was president of the Black Students 
Union, San Francisco State College. He later became off-campus co- 
ordinator. He is originally from Los Angeles and was a leader of SNCC 
in that area. 

Mr, Smith, In your testimony you set forth the format and objec- 
tives of the Black Students Union. From this format it appears that 
the organization is working towards the best interests of the Negro 
community. Is this true ? 

Mr. Montgomery. I would say no, I would have to say no. I have a 
number of statements from its leadership which I would like to read 
into the record. The first person I refer to is James Garrett. This par- 
ticular statement appeared in the Golden Gater^ on July 22, 1966, and 
is reprinted in an exhibit which has been previously introduced into 
the record [Montgomery Exhibit No. 131] : 



2170 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

[James] Garret [sic] [President, Black Students Union, S.F. State] said the 
present black nationalist movement is concerned only with the black people and 
that it does not strive for an integrated sociey [sic]. . . . 

The same statement I previously read to you. 

Three articles were run in the San Francisco Examiner concerning 
the racial issues at San Francisco State College, and this particular 
article is dated December 13, 1967 [Montgomery Exhibit No. 133]. I 
quote the following statement made by a member of the Black Students 
Union. This details the racial turmoil at San Francisco State, with 
emphasis on two people particularly, Jimmy Garrett and Jerry 
Varnado : 

The BSU was originally formed at San Francsisco [sic] State as the Negro 
Students Association in January, 1964. The name was changed to Black Students 
Union in March, 1966. 

Its goals were to engage in projects for the Negro community. In 
1960 between 10 and 11 percent of the student body were Negroes, ac- 
cording to the president, John Summerskill. Last year it was 3i/^ per- 
cent. Some of the things they have stood for at one time or another — 
the Tutorial Program, its coordinator "is a member of the BSU [Black 
Students Union], as are at least three-fourths of the tutore." 

What the writer is pointing out is that within the Black Students 
Union these members are the ones being sent out in the adjacent com- 
munities to work with students of the ages of 12, 14, 16 years old, right 
at the formative stages of life. 

The Black Students Union on-campus coordinator is Jerry Varnado. 
He says he does not hate white people, he just claims, "You don't 
HATE a cancer. You cut it out." 

I might say, I had an occasion to trace guns. I spoke earlier in testi- 
mony about the Hall of Flowers, the campaign to raise money for 
guns for the black community. I know of my own knowledge that 
Jerry Varnado made two trips to an Army surplus store, a privately 
run surplus store on Sierra Street in Reno there by Commercial Road. 

I know that he went there in October, late in October of 1967, and 
acquired four weapons, hand weapons. I believe there were three .38's 
and one Afta .9 millimeter automatic. He returned within a week or 
10 days and acquired five more. Within a period of 10 days he had 
acquired and paid cash for nine hand weapons, either .9 millimeter or 
.38 caliber. 

I know that on one occasion he attended one of his own meetings on 
campus wearing a .38 strapped to his hip. This is Jerry Varnado who 
is the coordinator of the BSU on the campus. Where that money came 
from, whether this is part of the funds raised by Robert Avakian I 
have no way of knowing. I do know when they go up there they peel 
off large sums of money, $100 bills to pay for guns. 

Mr. Smith. Were the San Francisco police aware of this ? 

Mr. Montgomery. They were not at that time. We knew they were 
getting weapons, and it took some time to find out where these weapons 
were coming from. Occasionally one would be arrested with one of 
these Afta .9 millimeter guns, and through serial numbers and one 
thing and another it was traced to this store in Reno. 

The fact that there is an arsenal somewhere has been established. 
One man arrested in Berkeley recently for illegal gun possession was 
a man by the name of Contrell. He was an ex-convict. That same night 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2171 

he was bailed out. His record had not caught up with him. He failed to 
show for arraignment. His weapon had been taken from him, a .9 
millimeter Afta which had been purchased in Reno. About a week 
later this man was shot to death in Los Angeles in a three-way gun 
fight among Negro militants, and the weapon he used was another 
identical .9 millimeter Afta coming from this same source in Reno, 
acquired at the same time as the gun that had been taken from him 
by police earlier. 

The guns had not been purchased by this man, but they are being 
made available. So you have a man with a gun taken away from him, 
and the next day he has another gun. 

The Chairman. I think it is appropriate for me to make a state- 
ment. 

Mr. Montgomery, I want to thank you in the name of the committee 
for appearing to testify on the matters you have discussed. 

If there is one thing that is clear to me, and to the other members 
who have heard your testimony, it is that you are certainly one of the 
most widely and best informed witnesses the committee has heard in 
many, many years. It is also evident that, in preparation for your 
appearance yesterday and today, you have done a tremendous amount 
of work. For this, too, we are very grateful and you certainly deserve 
a great deal of credit. 

Your presentation has been outstanding. You have made a very 
great contribution to this inquiry, and again I say we are most grateful. 

I understand that you have a^lditional material to present to the 
committee. Unfortunately, I have other commitments and I cannot 
remain here at this time and no other members of the committee are 
available. I will, therefore, grant permission for you to submit the 
remainder of your material for the committee record in the form of 
an affidavit, with it being taken by the reporter who is present. This 
can be done at this time or later in the day, if you would prefer that. 

Again, Mr. Montgomery, I want to thank you for your presentation. 

Mr. Montgomery. I thank you, sir. 

The Chairman. The meeting of this subcommittee will stand in 
recess subject to the call of the Chair. 

(Wliereupon, at 12 :10 p.m., Friday, June 28, 1968, the subcommittee 
recessed, subject to the call of the Chair.) 

AFFIDAVIT OF EDWARD S. MONTGOMERY 

(Edward Montgomery, having been previously duly sworn, was 
examined and testified further as follows :) 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Montgomery, pursuant to the chairman's directions 
just before we recessed, will you continue to present your testimony 
concerning the matter in affidavit form. 

Mr. Montgomery. Yes, I shall. 

I would like to call attention with regard to the matter of campus 
turmoil on the racial issues that hit San Francisco State College. 

The San Francisco Examiner of December 13, 1967 [Montgomery 
Exhibit No. 133], refers to Jimmy Garrett and Jerry Varnado. Also, 
the story reflects a quote from George Murray, who was a member of 
the Black Student Union and an English instructor and at one time 
was on-campus coordinator of the Tutorial Program. His quote was : 



2172 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

"As brother LeRoi Jones said : They owe us everything, including their lives." 

On another occasion, Murray was quoted : 

"Anything we do to the 'dog' cannot be wrong. . . . The only crimes we can 
commit are crimes against humanity. * * *" 

Another quote from the Black Student Union, a member speaking 
at an organizational meeting : 

"We don't owe these racist dog professors anything. They owe us their lives — 
and we have a right to take it." 

Again, at a Black Student Union rally, the speaker said : 

^'The ultimate responsibility" * * * "is to the black nation ... in this Baby- 
lon called America. . . . We should be becoming warriers . . . (and) commit 
acts of wa.T in the interest of people being a nation." 

Contending that chemical warfare is developed on college campuses, he added : 
"If you kill a chemistry professor, then you are preventing the death of maybe 
20,000 black people." 

Jimmy Garrett had this statement to make : 

"There will be reprisals. . . . There are certain brothers and certain sisters 
around this country who are slated to die. That's very important if you can dig 
life. They're slated to be killed." 

Speaking on the matter of loyalty, one member of the Black Student 
Union, returning from the recent Black Youth Conference at Los 
Angeles, explained that "Uncle Toms" will now be designated as 
"traitors," and he added that with that word : 

"You realize you're a nation and you deal with traitors accordingly." 

I am submitting this article from the San Francisco Examiner dated 
December 13, 1967, for the record, 

Mr. Smith. The document will be received for the record. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 133" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Smith. Did the Black Student Union engage in any violence 
on the campus of San Francisco State College ? 

Mr. Montgomery. Yes, they did. 

On November 6, 1967, nine students, including members of the 
Black Student Union, broke into the State College campus newspaper 
office — that is the Gater — and attacked the editor, who was hospital- 
ized, and injured several other staff employees. The cause of this 
rumpus was evidently the fact that the paper failed to run a photo of 
the Black Student Union candidate for homecoming queen. However, 
the city editor of the Daily Gater claimed the photo arrived too late 
to run with the other candidates' pictures and it was run in a subse- 
quent edition as a separate story. 

There are submitted for the record newspaper accounts of that 
particular occasion, one of which is from the San Francisco Exanviner 
of November 6, 1967, which cites the facts : 

Meanwhile, as three others stood outside the main office door, apparently to 
block exit or entrance, the other eight men began beating other staff members, 
overturning tables, and scattering newspapers and typewriters. 

There was a part-time journalism instructor, Lynn Ludlow, who 
was present at that time and he suffered a broken finger. 

The UPI account in a San Francisco press release \^Los Angeles 
Times^ November 7, 1967] quoted the editors of the campus paper 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2173 

saying they had no idea what motivated the attack, but it was by the 
Black Student Union. 

(Documents marked "Montgomery Exhibits Nos. 134—A and B," 
respectively, and retained in committee files.) 

Mr. Montgomery. With regard to the arrests as a result of the 
incident, there were nine arrests and nine suspensions. 

I now submit for the record the San Francisco Examiner for No- 
vember 14, 1967, an account about the nine individuals who were ar- 
rested and who were suspended. They eventually were booked on 
conspiracy and assault charges. If you want their names, I have an 
account listing the names of six of the individuals \^San Francisco 
Examiner oi November 10, 1967] : 

Benjamin Stewart, 23, of 1158 Page St., chairman of the Black Students Union 
on the campus, and George Murray, 21, of 515 Douglas St, head of the BSU's 
student body tutorial program. 

The other four, who refused to say whether they were associated with the 
BSU, were booked as : 

Winston Hearring, 18, of 258 Bridgeview Drive ; Danny L. Glover, 21, of 860 
Oak St. ; Clarence Thomas, 20, no local address, and Landon R. Williams, 23, of 
3817 17th St. 

Eventually, after considerable delay, Dr. Summerskill did sign 
formal complaints on these individuals, and after much delay they 
were taken into custody. There was was an arrangement at that time 
that police would not go on campus. These nine were to have sur- 
rendered through their attorney. Unfortunately, that was not the case, 
and eventually it became necessary for the police to go on campus to 
seek them out. Some of them had been living on campus in the Black 
Student Union, although it is not equipped as a dormitory. They 
were sleeping there, eating there, residing there, rather than risking 
going ojff campus. 

Eventually, it was necessary for the tactical squad to go in and 
effect their arrest, and they were arrested and prosecuted. 

There was an incident with one individual. Jack Alexis, 24, a mem- 
ber of the Black Student Union, but he had not been arrested as of 
the date of that article, but a warrant for his arrest had been is- 
sued. He is a foreign student and a noncitizen. If I am not mistaken, he 
is still the subject of a search in San Francisco. 

(Documents marked "Montgomery Exhibits Nos. 135-A and B," 
respectively, and retained in committee files.) 

Mr. Montgomery. I have one other matter. The Black Student 
Union called a press conference, and this is reflected in the account 
of the Daily Gater for November 17, 1967, at the San Francisco State 
College, at which a press conference was held : 

Television and radio men tried continually to redirect the Gallery Lounge 
press conference to the subject of violence in the Gater office. The BSU refused 
to be baited by any of the media's questions, and instead talked only about BSU 
philosophy and work. 

The main speakers for the BSU were Jerry Varnado, on-campus coordinator, 
and Jimmy Garrett, off-campus coordinator. They were flanked by Tom Williams, 
director of the Tutorial program, and Bill Smith, national coordinator for the 
BSU. 

I offer that for the record. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 136" and retained in 
committee files.) 

88-083 O— 69— pt. 6 9 



2174 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

Mr. Smith. Did any organization or group lend, assistance to the 
Black Student Union? 

Mr. Montgomery. I have one other observation. While nine students 
were suspended for participation in the attack, this was later reduced 
to four suspensions and five were either put on probation or sent 
letters of warning. This was the action under the administration of 
Dr. Summerskill. 

Your last question, sir. 

Mr. Smith. Did any organization render aid and assistance to the 
Black Student Union? 

Mr. Montgomery. Yes. A new organization was created called 
MAPS, Movement Against Political Suspension. The editor of the 
campus publication O'pen Process w^as suspended. His name was 
Blair Paltridge, and one of his writers, Jefferson Poland, was also 
suspended. 

The paper printed some obscene material under Poland's signature. 
Poland is better known around the San Francisco area for his leader- 
ship in the Sexual Freedom League. 

I have a masthead and also a portion of the Oyen Process to submit 
as an exhibit. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 137" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Montgomery. I might say that Jefferson Poland recently was a 
candidate for the presidency of the student body at San Francisco 
State College, and prior to his running for that office he legally 
changed his name to Jefferson and a middle name — a four-letter 
word — and Poland. It followed his Sexual Freedom League philos- 
ophy. Needless to say, he was not elected. 

With regard to the Oj)en Process publication, it is published weekly 
by the Board of Publications for the Associated Students at San Fran- 
cisco State College, and the office is at Hut B on the campus, which, 
according to my recollection, joins quonset huts that are used for 
student activities and that adjoins the hut of the student organization. 

They say, and this next sentence is supposed to be humorous : 

POSTAL REGULATION : "Effective at once, used clothing and used footwear 
in gift parcels to East Germany is prohibited." 

Our guest sermon today comes from Alan R. Fisher of the Port Chicago Vigil : 

They maintain a vigil at Port Chicago, which is a harbor on the 
Bay, the northern reaches of the Bay, from which are loaded munitions 
by the Navy, munitions being destined to Vietnam and other military 
bases. 

There is quite an article here on how to commit sabotage : 

Sabotage is the only remaining route to peace. 

Sabotage is anything that slows, damages, fouls up, or makes costly. It need 
not be violent. Some forms of sabotage are legal ; some are "hit and run" ac- 
tions ; another is civil disobedience. Sabotage need not stop with imprisonment. 

Targets for sabotage are any parts of government connected with war, and 
any war industry. 

HOW DO YOU COMMIT SABOTAGE? Break war-related laws: draft, se- 
curity, federal trespassing. Damage war equipment. Join with your fellow work- 
ers in strikes, slowdowns, and "botching the job" in key war industries : Siteel, 
transportation, aerospace, electronics, etc. 

Publish state secrets you have access to, either in the press or as leaflets. 
People have a right to know what "their" government is up to. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2175 

It advocates a general program of hostility to Vietnam efforts. 

MAPS was also supporting the four Black Student Union mem- 
bers who were involved in the attack on the office of the Daily Gater^ 
There were nine originally and finally this was reduced to four by 
Dr. Summerskill. The president of the university, after being threat- 
ened with mass demonstrations, withdrew the suspensions of Blair 
Paltridge and Jefferson Poland. This information appears in the 
Examiner of December 2, 1967 [Montgomery Exhibit No. 138], in 
which James Garrett is listed as the off-campus coordinator of the 
Black Student Union. 

The story in essence is that after a backdown by President John 
Summerskill on the suspension of a campus publication, its editor, 
and a writer, San Francisco State College faced these upcoming 
events : 

A demonstration by 1000 or more Black Student Union members and ad- 
herents next Wednesday. 

Continued hearings the same day on the suspensions by the Student Board 
of Appeal and Review. 

Also, on the same day, six major demands will be made on Summerskill by 
the San Francisco State branch of the organization which recently emerged on 
other campuses and is known as the Movement Against Political Suspension. 

The story goes on to say that these demands are eventually going 
to be made. They are referring to Blair Paltridge and Jefferson Po- 
land who started Ojyen Process : 

Paltridge was suspended for publishing, and Poland for writing, a poem about 
sex in the Nov. 14 issue of Open Process, which is financed by $14,000 in student 
fees. 

James Garrett, off-campus coordinator of the Black Student Union, announced 
at the rally the plan for 1000 or more of his members to appear next Wednesday. 

The demands which the Movement Against Political Suspension will make that 
day are these : 

That Summerskill drop all suspensions and give the accused a "trial by their 
peers." 

That he reinstate Open Process. 

That he drop "political harassment." 

That he refuse to permit San Francisco police on the campus. 

That he give assurance of student control of campus publications. 

The San Francisco Examiner for December 4, 196Y [Montgomery 
Exhibit No. 139], lists the demands of MAPS and lists the name of 
Bob Fenster as a member of the MAPS steering committee. It simply 
reviews the forming of this new committee and tells of a meeting in 
Los Angeles at which Summ.erskill and the presidents of 17 other col- 
leges were prodded by the State college trustees and met in an all-day 
session in Chancellor Glenn S. Dumke's office to draft an agenda of 
discipline problems created by student activism and probe for solu- 
tions to these problems. This article reflects the demands that were 
being made, at that time, of the administration. 

There was one other additional demand made: 

"End political harassment of faculty, students, staff and administrators, as 
for example drama Prof. Paul Rebillot's loss of tenure and the docking of inter- 
national relations Prof. John Gerassi's pay." 

San Francisco Examiner, December 6, 1967 [Montgomery Exhibit 

No. 140] : 



2176 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

San Francisco State College was in a state of chaos this afternoon as rioting 
students and off-campus militants broke into buildings, smashed property, and 
knocked down and beat an undetermined number of students and newspapermen. 

I might add that during that demonstration, which I myself wit- 
nessed, at a given signal from Jimmy Garrett there did appear outside 
the locked doors of the Administration Building approximately 60 
Negroes, at least 50 of whom were not students but had been recruited 
from the Fillmore district for this specific demonstration. 

At one point Varnado or Garrett, one or the other, announced to the 
assembled crowd that he had 1,000 black men standing by to take over 
the building at a given signal. Wlien the signal was given, about 60 
Negroes responded. 

Professor Gerassi first broke a window leading to the entrance to 
the Administration Building, the doors of which had been locked. He 
climbed out on a ledge and gained admittance by breaking the window 
itself and damaging the Venetian blinds from the inside and, from then 
on, the glass doors were broken open and the demonstrators took over 
the building. 

John Levin was identified as the MAPS leader and also as a member 
of the pro-Mao Progressive Labor Party, along with Gerassi. They 
were in the forefront of the demonstration. 

(Documents marked "Montgomery Exhibits Nos. 138 through 140," 
respectively. Exhibits Nos. 138 and 139 retained in committee files. 
Exhibit No. 140 appears on pages 2177 and 2178.) 

Mr. Montgomery. You might wonder who is John Gerassi. Accord- 
ing to the Daily Gater for October 2, 1967, this publication states 
that in the summer of 1967 Gerassi was in Cuba to attend the Latin 
American Solidarity Conference in Havana : 

In 1956 he joined Time as an art critic hut was dismissed for his feelings 
toward Castro. Moving to Latin America he was correspondent for the New York 
Times from 1961 to 1962. 

His first book, "Great Fear in Latin America," was published in 1963 when he 
wtas teaching French philosophy at Windham college in Vermont. 

He became Latin American editor for Newsweek after he left Windham and 
after visiting Cuba in 1964 he was "transferred" back to the art department. 

Leaving Newsweek in 1966 he joined the journalism faculty at New York 
University. 

I am submitting in this connection the article I referred to from the 
Gater ^ which contains a picture of Mr. Gerassi. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 141" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Montgomery. The San Francisco Examiner on December 8, 
1967, reported : 

Ger^assi, who describes himself as a "pro-revolutionary radical," is a lecturer 
on the subject on a one-year, $13,300 contract [at San Francisco State College]. 

The article reflects that Marshall Windmiller, acting chairman of 
the international relations department, said that this is the initial 
step: 

A committee of his own colleagues met behind closed doors today to judge 
San Francisco State College instructor John Gerassi, leader of Wednesday's 
student invasion. 

******* 

"We are meeting," Windmiller siaid, "to determine whether charges should 
be brought against him for unprofessional conduct." 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2177 



Montgomery Exhibit No. 140 
*.y.&l«mlnrr Wed , Dec 6, 1 967 

Beating, Pillaging 
Mob Rules Campus 



San Francisco State College was in a state of 
chaos this afternoon as rioting students and off- 
campus militants broke into bui'ldings. smashed 
propetly. and knocked down and beat, an undettr- 
mined number of students and newspapermen. 

President Jotin S u m m er- 

skill, obviously deeply dis- 
tressed.' satd the violence 
"merges On civil insurrec- 
tion ' 

One professor was tieard ki 
conrtment to another: 

"This is anarchy, complete 
anarchy." 

' The howhnK mob of dissi- 
dents at -first represented a 
joint protest by white and- 
Negro students againist the 
suspension of several stu- 
dents, 

But when it got out of 
hand, the whites tended to 
hang back and the rioters 
were joined by a number of 
off-campus".\egros. 
: The mob first smashed 
through glass doors to invade 
the locked administration 
building and occupied it for 
almost two hoiirs,' vandaliz- 
ing much of the interior. 
.\II>KS niSMISSKD 

Then it broke up- and 
lormod roving bands, vvhich 
broke into c!assroom.<:. the 
cafeteria and the bookstore. 

■Ml cla.";ses were. dismissed. 

Kmplo.ves of the adminis- 
tration huildinc were sent 
home before the violence 
broke out 

Thus, normal activity on 
the huge IR OWstudent cam- 
pus was brought to a stand- 
still as the rioters took over. 

There w a.< no apparent of- 
ficial effort to quell the at- 
tacks F>w campus security 
police were in evidence, and 
city poUce were not immedi- 
atelv called. 



The number of injured was 
not ({(^mediately determined. 

When photographers began 
taking pictures of looters 
e m e r gyi n g from the bpok;- 
store. the rioters chased and 
grabbed them. 

Several were beaten and 
injured. Some had their cam- 
eras torn from their h^nds 
and the film ripped. out>.«itd 
exposed. 

.\ fire was started in a (fis> 
pDsal can at the bookstore. 

ROO.MS IXV.XDED 

Five City fire tru.cks 
rushed to the scene. Tlw 
boo k s t o re was filled with 
smoke t>efore the fire was 
put out. 

Some of. the rioters then, 
started bufsUng iQto class 
rooms, informing prefesMfj 
that clas^e$ were o\er loi 
Die da> 

.\t about the ^a111e nine the 
order came trom the adjiun- 
istration that all classes uere 
to be disniissed and builduigs 
locked up. including the li- 
brary. 

By mid-aiternoon the dis- 
turbance began lo subside, 
but knots of s t u d e n t s re- 
mained on the campus de- 
spite officials' pleas, over 
bullhorns, that tljey go home. 

Finally the weary Sum- 
inerskill. red-e>ed and di- 
sheveled, emerged liom his 
oiiice to addii'ss a wainliiii; 
vress l.•orp^ 

l.\SLRRKtTIO.\ 

What occurred on the San . 
Francisco State campus to- 



Tho riot-M-s -- some 'from day verges on civil insu^ev- 



the Black Students I'nion and 
other-' (i-T" Nc''ro?s from off 
the campus — threw dishes, 
silverware and food- in the 
cafeteria 

BOOKS STOLFN . 

they ^mashied a big pUite 
glass window in the txwk- 
store and snatched books, 
l>rief cashes and cigarets. 



lion." he iSdd. standing in 
ine doorway oi his otiice 

"ll will take leadership 
from all segments of the Bay 
.Area to resolve the enormous 
problems posed on this cam- 
pus 

■^y e.xercismg restraint 
" e have avoided conse- 
.quehces which could have 
been far more disastrous. 



"We are grateful that a hu- 
man catastrophe was avoid- 
ed - 

By restraint. Summer- 
skill presumably meant the 
decision not to call in police 
'but he decLned to go beyond 
his statement or answer 
<|uestions 

The 'war' started a? a 
protest at the .-Xdministration 
building against the suspen- 
sion of several students 

.A meeting of the college 
Board of .Appeals, w hich u as 
in progress to consider the 
Mispension of two students. 
^^as abruptly adjourned with- 
out decision as the doors fell. 

The invading students were 
met inside the building by 
Professor John Gerassi. 35. 
of the college's Institute of 
International Relations, uho 
had gone in through a side 
window. 

FIVE DE.M.A.NDS 

Gcrassi had addressed a 
1 jjjy of students on the lawn ' 
in front of the Commons 
Building a few minutes ear- 
lier, telling them 

.None of the demands/ 
■ made by the atudent^ i has 
been met . . It l.^ already a 
\i '• t r \ There s no 

iloubting It . 

Either ■ \\e lia\e ^vi to 
keep it ithe .Administration 
Building 1 closed permanent- 
ly, or we still have to g« in" 

The hodge-podge student.>> 
group, which included the 
.Movement ..Against Pohtical 
Suspensions i.M.APSi and the 
Black Students Lnion ■BSl'i. 
had. insisted that Summer- 
skill accede to live demands 
b> noon toda> 

It was only minutes alter 
the deadline passed thai the 
meeting on the Commons 
lawn turned into a march on 
the .Administration Buildinc 

The doors — leading to the 
main lobby from the campus 
side of the building — actu- 
allv brnlvp under pounding 
from many hands. Once they 
gave wav'. students kicked 
nut the remainms shards of 
glass to widen the aperture, 
and make it sale 

— Tarat«ra{e4. Cel. 1 ' 



2178 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 
Montgomery Exhibit No. 140 — Ckjntinued 

Students^ yipusmen Beaten 



Mob Takes Control 
of Campus 



—From Page I 

Inside the building. Uiey 
quickly spread through the 
corridors, chanting slogans 
principally aimed against 
suspensions lor four BSU 
members «'ho took part in 
beating the editor of the 
• campus newspaper, The Gat- 
er. 

B.\.\ 0.\ SKX 

Sumaierskill had also .sus- 
pended student funds for a 
weekly. Open Process, and 
the appeals board was con- 
sidering Suspension of its ed- 
itor and a writer for violating 
an agreement not to publish 
sexual material 

The students took over 
both floors of the Administra- 
tion Building, threatening to 
cut loose with fire hoses and 
even to break into the locked 
offices 

M least lour windows were 
broken in the Adninistration 
Building. Slogans like 'No 
Suspensions'' and ""Free 
Press" were scrawled on the 
walls with crayons. 

.Movable letters were taken 
from hallway directories and 
rearranged to read "Revolt." 
■ Kevolt .Now." and "No Sus- 
pensions." 

The dissidents made the 
press their particular tar- 
gets, shouting obscenities. 

Shortly before 2 o'clock 
Dean of Students Ferd Hed- 
dell emerged from Summer- 
skill's office and addressed 
the crowd; 

.\SKEU TO LIvWF 

•The situation is one in 
which wc cannot provide any 
assurance for your safety. 
We ask you to leave the 
building and to leave the 
campus 

•Classes ha\e been dis- 
nissed. ■ 

.John Levin, a MAPS lead- 
er, and member of the pro- 
Mao Progressive Labor 
Party, agreed that it was 
time to end the protest, but 
he ^aid : 

We have put forth oiu- de- 
mands, and we have shown 
that wc can defend our de- 
mands tomorrow, the next 
day. or the next month " 



Levin said the violence and 
looting, which by then had al' 
ready begun, was "not a 
part' of the BSU and MAPS 
protest. 

Between 200 and .300 em- 
ployes had been sent home at 
10 a.m. today on orders of 
Administrative Vice Presient 
Glenn Smith, who. ordered 
the building closed 

The initial breach of the 
doors was mad^ by white 
students, members of MAPS, 
but shortly aft e r w a r d the 
BSl' members went in be- 
hind them. 

Before the invasion. Sum- 
merskiU had sent out word 
he was m ilUng to meet with a 
12-man delegation and dis- 
cuss the demands with them. 

The students refused. 
I don't think there's any- 
thing to- talk about," one 
yelled. 

• 1300 WATCHKRS 

About 1500 other students 
stood around watching the 
action, but not participatirg. 
they gave catcalls and shout- 
ed ridicule in a rare display 
of disapproval for student ac- 
tivists. 

Gerassi, one of several fuc- 
uHy members who avowedly 
consider themselves radicals 
o r revolutionaries, insisted 
he had not broken a window 
tii get into the buiiJiii;.; 

He said it was broken when 
a security guard pulled at 
him and a stud<>nt as they 
tried to force their way in. 

In anticipation of the out- 
break, college officials had 
also shut down the Special 
Education department, 
which deals in rehabilitation 
o f physically handicapped 
students of ail ages, and the 
staff of the daily Gater had 
closed its offices 

San Francisco police had 
posted 33 officers in the vi 
cinity of the campus, ready 
to move in on a minute's no- 
tice if requested. 

However, college authori- 
ties had made no appeal lor 
outside help. 

ADDRD TOfCII 

Ah added touch of defiance 
came when the suspended 
weekly. Open Process, ap- 
peared on the campus tins 



morning selling at 10 cents a 
copy in an apparent effort tu 
Help pay publication coasts. 

It contained a lengthy arti- 
cle criticizing Summerskill 

There had been ' ample 
warning that the students 
would attempt to raise the 
roof on the HoUoway Avenue 
campus today. It came at a 
press conference called b> 
spokesmen for the BSU and' 
MAPS ye.sterday 

They didn't elaborate <in 
what the disruptions would 
entail, but the campus was 
seething with rumors there 
would be everything from a 
"mill-in" to a "dismantling" 
of the building's offices 
COMPLAINTS 

The activists' complaints 
center around alleged racism 
on the campus, the incident 
Involving the beating of staft 
members of the Gater. the 
student daily newspaper. an<l 
the more recent controversy 
over the weekly publication. 
Open Process 

Nine students, all Negroes, 
were suspended for the at- 
tack on staffers of Uie Gater 
Five have been reinstated 
and four are still under sus- 
pension. 

'RACIS.'M' 

• George Murray, instructor 
in English and ine of the 
four still under suspension 
for the Gater incident, said 

••We will not tolerate rac- 
ism on this campus any more 
and we'll move to destroy the 
institution before we Will 
tolerate it " 

Besides the revocation ot 
all suspensions, the demands 
include: 

• A promise that outside 
poUce will not be called tu 
quell campus disturbances. 

• Reinstatement of Open 
Process. 

• Control of student activ- 
ities — particularly student 
publications - by the stu- 
dents themselves. 

• An "end"topol i tical 
harassment o£ faculty, stu- 
dents, staff and administra- 
tors. 

There was no indication on 
how Dr. Summerskill reacted 
to the demands. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2179 

The results of that meeting were not reflected in this particular 
article. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 142" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Montgomery. Again referring to the San Francisco Examiner 
for December 20, 1967, it reports : 

John Gerassi, controversial San Francisco State College lecturer, concludes 
a three day guest speaking engagement today at the Peace Corps Training Center 
in Puerto Rico. 

Soon after this riot at the San Francisco State College, whicli 
he helped to lead, he made a trip to Puerto Kico as a speaker under 
the auspices of the Peace Corps Training Center at Puerto Kico. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 143" and retained in 
committee files. ) 

Mr. Smith. The Peace Corps Training Center in Puerto Eico is a 
Federal Government training center, is it not ? 

Mr. Montgomery. That is right. Counsel. His expenses, in fact, were 
picked up by the Federal Government, we have been told. 

Along that line, I know the chairman earlier expressed concern 
with respect to how Federal money was bein^ expended. I think it 
might be well to mention here that I have evidence that more than 
$6,000 was furnished by the "War on Poverty Office, the Western Addi- 
tion Office of the War on Poverty, in 1966 for costs to print, mail, and 
distribute flyers drumming up a combined picketing demonstration^ 
a black power rally, antiwar and anti- Vietnam rally, lumped under 
the title of a "Rally for Justice." These mailings were put out on the 
War on Poverty stationery, and the total cost exceeded $6,000. This 
was used for a purpose which had nothing to do with poverty in the 
Fillmore area. 

I have further evidence of two weekend excursions from the Hunter's 
Point and Mission areas to a camp in the Santa Cruz Mountains. For 
the most part, it was for young Negro youths, 14, 15, 16 years of age. 
They were transported with all expenses paid in chartered buses leav- 
ing Friday afternoon. They would spend the weekend at the camp, 
returning Sunday evening. 

The camp is owned and operated by Elsie and William Beltram, 
long known to be members of the Communist Party. The camp was 
headed at that time, as chief cook, handling the cooking and housing 
arrangements, by Virginia Proctor. Virginia Proctor is the wife of 
Roscoe Proctor. I don't have the figure with me, but I do have it in my 
personal files. Thousands of dollars were expended for this particular 
purpose, again coming from "War on Poverty funds. 

Mr. Smith. What was the time period ? 

Mr. Montgomery. Within the past 2 years. 

Mr. Smith. 1967? 

Mr. Montgomery, In 1966 ; prior to the riot of September 27, 1966. 

Mr. Smith. Does that also apply to the poverty funds you men- 
tioned ? 

Mr. Montgomery. Yes, the principal rally was held in July of 1966. 

Mr. Smith. Do you have any knowledge as to what was taught in 
these seminars and workshops ? 

Mr. Montgomery. No, I do not have that. I made an effort to find 
out precisely what went on and I have not been able to determine it 



2180 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

precisely. I have a pretty good idea what it was, but I am not prepared 
to state for the record precisely what was taught. One young Negro 
said they discussed "politics and stuff like that." The camp is known 
to intelligence agencies as a Marxist indoctrination center. 

Mr. Smith. I have one further question. 

With regard to Gerassi speaking at the Peace Corps Training 
Center in Puerto Rico, do you know whether or not he was invited 
as a guest for that purpose by the Peace Corps ? 

Mr. Montgomery. It is my understanding that he went there by 
invitation and that his expenses were paid by the Peace Corps. This 
is my understanding. 

I have the article from the Daily Gater of January 4, 1968, saying 
that. By this time he had been suspended from the faculty : 

Suspended International Relations instructor John Gerassi spent part of his 
Christmas vacation at a Puerto Rico Peace Corps training camp encouraging 
trainees to resign and aid the "revolution at home." 

He told the trainees at Camp Crozier that the Dec. 6 violence on the SF 
State campus was "the first successful confrontation" of the evil system. 

Gerassi also said that the Nov. 6 beating of Gater editor Jim Vaszko was not 
only right, but the only recourse against Vaszko, whom Gerassi labeled "obviously 
a racist dog." 

These statements were challenged by a former SF State student now training 
in the Peace Corps in Puerto Rico, who accused Gerassi "of betraying all faith in 
justice and reason." 

"You are guilty of the same moral impoverishment that you claim for the 
present 'establishment' . . . and in the force of moral authority — you make 
desperate, frustrated forays into the community when others pay no heed 
to your grand designs," he told Gerassi. 

This is an article I would like to submit for the record. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 144" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Montgomery. I also have two leaflets bearing a heading, 
"tribute to: CHE GUEVAKA." He was scheduled to be a guest 
speaker at two rallies. The leaflets announce rallies to be held. Gerassi 
and other speakers are mentioned, and Gerassi was identified with the 
national coordinating committee, North American Congress on Latin 
America. 

(Documents marked "Montgomery Exhibits Nos. 145-A and B," 
respectively. Exhibit No. 145-A ^ retained in committee files. No. 
145-B appears on page 2181.) 

Mr. Montgomery. Getting back to Gerassi, I have two exhibits I 
believe the committee would be interested in. One is the jacket from a 
book currently in publication, V enceremos ! the speeches and writ- 
ings of CHE GUEVARA [Montgomery Exhibit No. 146]. It is pub- 
lished by The Macmillan Company, and it is edited and with an intro- 
duction by Jolm. Gerassi. It contains a picture of John Gerassi, listed 
as an expert on Latin American affairs. It pictures him with Che 
Guevara in 1961 at a conference from which evolved the Alliance for 
Progress. Gerassi was assigned to cover the conference for the New 
York Times. They talked at length, and this goes on with his associa- 
tion witli Che Guevara. It says that the result is this authoritative and 
moving book. 



1 This leaflet submitted by Mr. Montgomery, announcing a rally on Oct. 20, 1967, states 
that it also would be held under the auspices of the North American Congress on Latin 
America and Young Socialist Alliance, the youth group of the Trotskyist Socialist Workers 
Party. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2181 

Montgomery Exhibit No. 145-B 




hLfclLiE OF SCLl[)/\R(Ty 
WITH THe LATIN 

k£vouo-TiON I 

o ohn Gerassi. 
Dr Juan 

Bob Himmel 
P'^js Others 

Thurc,.,OcT, 2 6^ 



North Ar^<2ncan Cc>rv^ress c^ U3+in Awiencu 
and Your^g Scx:ia\\s"t AWi^rAcei 

On the dust jacket on the inside — and I think this is important for 
the committee — The Macmillan Company, in its jacket on this partic- 
ular book, says: 

Che Guevara's speeches and articles in Venceremos .' constitute both a unique 
self -portrait of a dedicated, brilliant, and incredibly courageous man, and an 
historically invaluable manifesto. Guevara was second only to Fidel Castro as a 
leader of the Cuban Revolution. He stands alone, however, as a revolutionary, 
for his prime concern was non-nationalistic. He was for the oppressed every- 
where. 



2182 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

In his own eloquent words : "Let the flag under which we fight represent the 
sacred cause of redeeming humanity, so that to die under the flag of Vietnam, 
of Venezuela, of Laos, of Guinea, of Ck)lombia, of Bolivia, of Brazil — to name 
only the scenes of today's armed struggle — be equally glorious and desirable for 
an American, an Asian, an African, or even a European. . . . Bach nation liberated 
is a step toward victory in the battle for the liberation of one's own country." 

The thirty-five pieces in the book are arranged chronologically, beginning with 
an account, based on diary entries, of the guerrilla fighting in the early days 
of the Cuban War of Liberation and ending with Guevara's last-known writing, 
"Message to the Tricontinental : 'Create two, three . . . many Vietnams.' " 

Among the addresses and writings included are "On Party Militancy," a classic 
description of the dispute between moral and material incentives ; "On Revolu- 
tionary Medicine," a very moving definition of the role of the individual in a 
collective society, using the medically trained as an example (Guevara was 
himself a doctor) ; "Colonialism Is Doomed," his famous speech attacking United 
States imperialism and also proposing concrete steps for achieving peace in the 
Caribbean ; "On Socialist Competition and Sugar Production," an earthy chat 
with sugar cane cutters, most of them volunteers, giving simple reassurance 
about machines, which were viewed with suspicion by the cutters. There are also 
analyses of the Alliance for Progress, of the errors and successes of the Cuban 
economy, of guerrilla warfare, of Cuban-United States relations, and of the 
production process. And there is a technical, very diflBcult but fundamental dis- 
course on value and another, equally important to economists, on socialist 
planning. 

The introduction to Venceremos ! provides an excellent short biography of 
Guevara — his amazing family, his youthful days in Argentina, his education, 
his many tours throughout Latin America, his later trips to Czechoslovakia, 
China, and Korea. There is also, for those interested in special aspects of 
Guevara's activities, a second table of contents, organized by subject matter: 
guerrilla warfare, capitalism and imi)erialism, human values and socialist 
man, economic theory, and economic policy. 

Along with this jacket illustration, I would like to submit for the 
record an excerpt from Human Events^ dated May 18, 1968 [Mont- 
gomery Exhibit No. 147] . It carries the headline, "Macmillan Boosts 
'Che'": 

The reputable Macmillan publishing company has come under heavy fire from 
veteran anti-Communists in the Nation's Capital. What has aroused their wrath 
is the way in which the company has given a sort of "moral glow" to Communist 
revolutionary "Che" Guevara in a new book, Venceremos!, edited by John 
Gerassi. 

In discussing Che, the book jacket claims that he "stands alone ... as a revolu- 
tionary, for his prime concern was non-nationalistic. He was for the oppressed 
everywhere." 

The book jacket never once states that Guevara was a Communist, that he 
devoted his life to terroristic tactics or that his ideology has helped to enslave 
rather than liberate millions of people. On the contrary, this leading advocate 
of murder on an international scale is only described in romantic terms. 

The back of the jacket is also misleading regarding editor Gerassi. Termed 
an "expert on Latin American affairs" who "teaches Nationalism and Revolution 
in the Third World" at San Francisco State College, Gerassi, according to Mac- 
millan, has edited an "authoritative and moving book." 

Gerassi, however, is more than just an interested observer of Che Guevara. 
He is part of a guerrilla warfare-oriented group called Revolutionary Contingent, 
an openly Communist organization with headquarters in New York City. The 
contingent, according to the House Committee on Un-American Activities, "calls 
for 'guerrilla action' in the United States and for volunteers to serve with Com- 
munist guerrillas in other nations." 

Gerassi is also an adviser to the Radical Education Project of the Students for a 
Democratic Society ; served as director of the U. S. branch of the Bertrand Russell 
International War Crimes Tribunal which accused the U. S. of genocide in Viet 
Nam ; and is a sponsor of the draft resistance movement. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2183 

No one faults Macmillan for bringing out some of the writings of Che Guevara, 
a leading revolutionary figure of the times. But there is much condemnation of the 
company for camouflaging the true character of both Guevara and editor Gerassi. 

I would like to submit that for the record, sir. 

(Documents marked "Montoromery Exhibits Nos. 146 and 147," re- 
spectively, and retained in committee files.) 

Mr. SMmi. Do you know the translation of Venceremos / '^ 

Mr. Montgomery. "We shall conquer." 

Mr, Smith. Does that complete your statement? 

Mr. Montgomery. That concludes my statement with regard to that. 

Mr. Smith. A few minutes ago you described a disturbance that oc- 
curred on the campus at the San Francisco State College. Were the 
police called to quell the disturbance which occurred on December 6, 
1967? 

Mr. Montgomery. No, they were not. I might say, incidentally, I 
found here in my file the reference to John Gerassi being fired from the 
faculty as a result of the disturbance, together with a record of his ar- 
rest from the police files in the Bay area reflecting his arrest and the 
fact that some of them were arrested and are standing trial. 

(Documents marked "'Montgomery Exhibits Nos. 148-A and B," 
respectively, and retained in committee files.) 

Mr. Montgomery. Dr. Summerskill, president of the university, did 
not call in police on campus, although it was my understanding he was 
in constant contact with the police. I know for a fact he was. I was 
present in Dr. Summerskill's office moments before the doors to the Ad- 
ministration Building were broken in. With him at that time was an 
inspector from the San Francisco police intelligence unit, a very able 
inspector named Cecil Pharris. He had been in constant contact with 
Chief of Police Cahill, and Summerskill did not want the police to 
come on campus, and Cahill preferred not to send men in there if it 
could possibly be avoided. He felt only that it might incite the situation 
to a more serious nature than did develop, and I might sa}^ that sub- 
sequently the board of supervisors commended Chief Cahill for the 
position he took on this situation. 

The police were not called even though, after the initial demonstra- 
tion in which the Administration Building was broken open, there 
followed a few minutes later rioting outside the student Commons and 
the Associated Student Bookstore in which windows were broken, 
cigarettes were stolen, the cash register was looted. I recall the 
Christmas tree decorations were set on fire, and the fire department had 
to come and put the fire out. 

But the police were in the area, and I am sure if things had gone 
beyond a given point the police would have been summoned, but there 
were no police on campus at the time of the demonstration. The campus 
ix)lice were most conspicuous by their absence. 

Mr. Smith. What do you mean ? Would they have taken immediate 
action ? 

Mr. Montgomery. They came to media offices, studying pictures and 
television scenes that were taken, those that survived. Some television 
cameramen and newsmen had their cameras seized, particularly during 



2184 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

the looting of the bookstore. The police were able to piece together 
who were the ringleaders and who did this and who did that, and 
eventually a case against them, with sufficient evidence, was put to- 
gether into a final report and the arrests ensued. 

There were 11 students and 1 professor, referring to Gerassi. The 
complaints were signed by John Summerskill through the district 
attorney's office. 

An exhibit reflecting that, a newspaper account for January 9, 1968 
[Oakland Tribune, Montgomery Exhibit No. 149'-A], is available. 

Mr. Smith. Do you have the identity of the individuals arrested? 

Mr. Montgomery. Yes, the names appear in the exhibit just intro- 
duced. 

However, I would like to refer to another exhibit, a leaflet distri- 
buted on campus of the 'San Francisco State College [Montgomery Ex- 
hibit No. 14:9-B]. This particular list said that student arrests were 
pending, and this came out just 2 days before these arrests were effected 
or before the complaint had been signed, and someone within the 
MAPS had reason to believe there were going to be arrests. They said 
the persons to be arrested included John Gerassi, Bob Fenster, John 
"Webb, Bob Broadliead, and Hari Dillon, "Khasro" ^ Kalantari, Jimmy 
Garrett. Hari Dillon was cochairman of the Students for a Democratic 
Society. The committee is well aware of what the society constitutes. 

Continuing with those named, Greg Margolis. 

Incidentally, Khosro Kalantari is a leader of the Iranian Students 
Association.^ He is very much a militant and is presently the subject 
of a deportation hearing now in process with the United States Depart- 
ment of Justice Immigration and Naturalization Service in San 
Francisco. There has been a temporary delay in the proceedings while 
his attorney goes to Iran ostensibly to obtain affidavits to the effect that 
if he were to be deported he would be persecuted or executed in Iran. 
So, what the outcome will be remains to be seen. 

Going back to the commentary, he led the demonstration against the 
Iranian consul in San Francisco. He has been anti his own country 
ever since he has been here. 

There is also Jimmy Garrett of the Black Students Union. Greg 
Margolis is an opposition leader on the campus. John Levin, Jon 
McKenney 

Mr. Smith. Is that J-o-n or J-o-h-n ? 

Mr. Montgomery. J-o-n, no "h" — Jon McKenney, and Dick Tewes, 
all members of the Progressive Labor Party. 

Finally, Sue Bethel, who is a Progressive Labor Party member and 
also in the Organization of Student Employees. 

My reason for identifying these people in this manner and with 
their organizations is to afford the committee a better perspective 
of the political significance of this. 

Here you have not just one organization, but various leftist radical 
organizations combined in the assault on the administration of the San 
Francisco State College itself. 

(Documents marked "Montgomery Exhibits Nos. 149-A and B," re- 
spectively, and retained in committee files.) 



1 Correct spelling "Khosro." 

2 Literature from this group gives the full name as "Iranian Students Association in 
the United States of America, I.S.A.U.S." 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2185 

Mr. Smith. Wliat organizations compose or spearhead the Movement 
Against Political Suspension ? 

Mr. Montgomery. From the people arrested, it would certainly ap- 
pear the Students for a Democratic Society, the Black Students Union, 
the Progressive Labor Party, were the foremost leaders, the ringlead- 
ers. There is also a chapter of the Young Socialist Alliance. These 
would be the Trotskyites of which Miss Helen Mayers is the cochair- 
man; and the Peace and Freedom Party, headed on the campus by 
Michael Gotz, the organizer. 

I have an exhibit, the San Francisco Examiner of December 14, 1967, 
reflecting reaction to the demonstrations that occurred, and the tenor 
of it is they are defending the violence in the name of peace. This is that 
all that occurred was justified; that violence is urged in the name of 
peace. So, I would like to submit this article for the record, quoting 
one individual as saying, "there is no dialogue. Neither the activist left, 
nor some of the other groups want any dialogue." 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 150" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Montgomery. Frankly, they are pointing out no matter what you 
give them here, they are going to want something else. Their total ob- 
jective is not peace on campus, but just simply continued agitation. 
You give them one thing, and they will demand another. 

Mr. Smith. Have there been further demonstrations organized by 
MAPS? 

Mr. Montgomery. Yes, there have been. 

I have an exhibit [Santa Ana Register^ dated December 13, 1967. 
By that time there had been two additional minor demonstrations in 
which 100 demonstrators held a sit-in in San Francisco State College. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 151" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Montgomery. At that time, while their representatives were 
conferring with President John Summerskill, they held a peaceful 
sit-in for 3i/^ hours in the Administration Building. There was no 
violence or threat of violence, and the situation was handled by college 
authorities. They had simply gone there to back up their spokesmen, 
who at that time were conferring with Summerskill in his office mak- 
ing further demands. 

Mr. Smith. Does Jimmy Garrett hold any official position with the 
student body at San Francisco State College ? 

Mr. Montgomery. There is the faculty academic senate, which is a 
closely knit small group of professors within the total faculty who 
sort of govern the faculty's attitude on this matter or that matter. 
They might draw from a speaking committee for the faculty at large. 
For the most part, this committee is composed of extremists, both at 
this institution and the University of California. I once referred to it 
as the tail wagging the dog at both schools. 

The ideology of this small group of professors, in the main, is far 
left of center and yet they have the authority to speak for the faculty 
as a whole, and this comes about perhaps because the faculty them- 
selves do not become interested sufficiently to see that their total views 
are represented. 

At Berkeley you have 1,700 professors and when an academic meet- 
ing is called you are lucky if 170 show up, 10 percent. And of that 10 



2186 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

percent the vast majority will be those leaning far to the left, and 
some, from my own direct knowledge, are actually members of the 
party. It eventually narrows down to where they have control of the 
situation and, as I say, the tail is wagging the dog, and that is exactly 
what is happening at San Francisco State College. 

On this faculty academic senate there is a representative from the 
student body, and Garrett has held that seat, but I do not know 
whether he still holds it today. 

Mr. Smith. Is the Black Student Union represented on other col- 
lege campuses ? 

Mr. Montgomery. Yes ; but I don't know to what extent. Investiga- 
tion has been made at San Jose State College, which has a chapter. I 
know Los Angeles City College has a chapter, Stanford University 
has a chapter, California State College at Fullerton has a chapter, and 
I know that Claremont Men's College down by Pomona has a chapter. 
That chapter may entail the five colleges. There are five colleges there 
known as Claremont Colleges. They have a chapter that is becoming 
gradually a little militant. 

There is a chapter now even at the Mills College, an exclusive all- 
women's college in the East Bay area. There are very few Negroes 
enrolled there, but they have a chapter. They recently made demands. 
They were going to kick up a fuss unless a certain individual, a 
Negro, was appointed to the faculty. First they were told the appoint- 
ments for next year had already been made. They made further de- 
mands, said they were going to cause trouble. Something like this 
could never happen at Mills College, but it did. It came about, and 
as a result the additional faculty member was employed and without 
benefit of security check. 

I don't mind saying that the person so employed is a known active 
member of the Communist Party. So here again you are getting the 
camel with its head in the tent, and before long this will contmue. 

Mr. Smith. Do you have any information concerning a professor 
at San Francisco State College by the name of Juan K. Martinez? 

Mr. Montgomery. Yes. Martinez even currently, right today, is in 
considerable trouble at San Francisco State College. He is known both 
as John and Juan Martinez. 

He joined the faculty at San Francisco State College as a temporary 
professor in 1966. He graduated from Brigham Young University in 
1950 with a B.A. degree. He received an M.A. degree in 1953 and a 
Ph.D. degree in 1956, both from the University of California at Berke- 
ley. He is employed by San Francisco State College as a lecturer on 
history. His name also appears on this flyer that I put into evidence 
earlier calling attention to a tribute to Che Guevara calling for a 
rally on Friday, October 20 of last year, 1967 [Montgomery Exhibit 
No. 145-A]. One of the featured speakers at this rally as advertised 
was Juan Martinez, paying tribute to Che Guevara. 

In the fall of 1967 he contacted the principal of the Mission High 
School. Bear in mind he is only there as a lecturer on a temporary 
basis ; he does not have tenure. 

In this particular area — Mission High School — there is a great 
f)ercentage of Mexican Americans. This is their central living sec- 
tion of town. 

An invitation was extended and accepted. However, the actual 
purpose of the invitation is better described in two newspaper articles 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2187 

from which I will read. The first is from the San Francisco Chronicle 
dated May 1, 1968 [Montgomery Exhibit No. 152-A] : 

Youth Invasion 
At S. F. State 

by Jerry Carroll 

A throng of hooting high school students in an angry and uncompromising 
mood yesterday baited the dean of admissions at San Francisco State College 
into making a written offer to resign. 

Dean Charles A. Stone, 50, wrote the letter but in long hand as a score of 
students stood in ranks five deep around the desk in his cramped office. 

Stone's written offer to resign — which administration officials later said would 
be disregarded — climaxed more than an hour of confused bickering back and 
forth over State's admission policies. 



More than 100 teen-agers — most of them from Mission High School — appeared 
on campus at the invitation of the Third World Liberation Front to demand that 
the college admit more minority group students. 

"We are tired of hearing talk," shouted Ron Quidachay, 21, chairman of the 
radical student group. "We want to help ourselves. That's why we are here." 

The students specifically demanded that the school take advantage of a new 
law permitting the relaxation of academic standards for up to 4 per cent of its 
freshman and transfer enrollees if they qualify as "disadvantaged" students. 

The students — most of them Mexican-Americans — trooped into the adminis- 
tration building at 11 :30 a.m. chanting, "We Want Education — Now." 

It goes on to describe the scene, what happened and how they pres- 
sured the dean of admissions. He would give them anything to get 
rid of them. [Continues reading :] 



Dr. Juan Martinez, a sociology professor who is faculty adviser for the stu- 
dent organization, explained why Stone had to go. 

"He's a symbol of the white racist establishment," Martinez said. 

The student group Martinez advises most recently was involved in forcibly 
seizing control of YMOA quarters on campus. His teaching contract has not 
been renewed and expires in June. 

Following this, it was learned that the students who were there from 
Mission High School held a rally, a meeting of their own at Mission 
High, which is recounted in a San Francisco paper [San Francisco 
Chronicle^ May 2, 1968, Montgomery Exhibit No. 152-B] : 

High School 'Protesters' Say They Were Used 
by Maitland Zane 

Forty embarrassed Mission High School students charged yesterday they 
were duped into taking part in Tuesday's uproar at San Francisco State College 
at which a dean was goaded into resigning. 

The students — with one exception — 'blasted the demonstration as phony and 
accused Dr. Juan Martinez, a sociology professor, of using them for his own 
political purposes. 

As one pretty senior said, "We just got caught in the middle." 

APOLOGIES 

The students, almost all of them Spanish-Americans or Filipino, apologized for 
the embarrasment [sic] they caused Admissions Dean Charles A. Stone. It was his 
office they invaded at the behest of Dr. Martinez and some 20 members of a 
radical State College organization, the Third World Liberation Front. 



2188 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

The principal of Mission High, Dr. Harry Krytzer, as well as two teachers, 
Gloria Burchard and Minerva Barranco, said Dr. Martinez had told them the 
one-day visit to S. F. State would be for the purpose of acquainting 
prospective freshmen with the campus, with courses available and with 
registration procedures. 

The orientation tour by some 100 Spanish-American students from Mission, 
Galileo, Balboa and Samuel Gompers high schools was quickly converted into a 
protest aimed at getting the college to take advantage of a new law permitting 
the relaxation of academic standards for "disadvantaged" students, up to 4 per 
cent of freshmen and transfer enroUees. 

After being herded hither and thither by chanting campus "guides," the 
Mission High students found themselves in Stone's oflSce, where some 300 entrance 
applications were presented. 

Stone refused to guarantee that all the applications would be accepted. The 
harassment continued, and he offered to quit. 

The former Air Force colonel's "letter of resignation" was rejected, and college 
officials told Stone he had been hired as a full-time faculty member. 

At yesterday's post-mortem, the students agreed it was the campus radicals 
who had done most of the shouting. 

"We didn't go there with plans to revolt, or harass anybody, or make anybody 
resign," said Sadie Vialpando. 

"It was those 20 State College students who were saying 'racist' — not us," 
said another senior, Dan Herran. 

"I want to know if he (Martinez) did this for our benefit or his." 

'used' 

Lupe Jasso, 18, insisted that she and her friends had been led down the garden 
path. "Didn't you feel like you were being used?" she cried. "I did !" 

So the high school youngsters themselves realized they had been 
taken. 

(Documents marked "Montgomery Exhibits Nos. 152-A and B," 
respectively, and retained in committee files.) 

Mr. Smith. Do you have anything else to add to your testimony in 
regard to the San Francisco State College ? 

Mr. Montgomery. I might repeat in finality that Dr. Summerskill 
was discharged after having been given 6 months to find another job 
and having announced he was going to resign effective the end of the 
semester. 

There were further demonstrations on campus, demands made, cer- 
tain demands that were made and had not been met, including the 
rehiring of Martinez. That was one of the demands, and demands that 
ROTC be thrown off of campus. The students had voted earlier to 
retain ROTC. 

The Students for a Democratic Society wanted a completely new 
referendum to be held, in which the graduate students and the faculty 
could participate. They wanted another vote on this matter and this 
had been denied them. 

Finally, enough pressure built up on one occasion there that Sum- 
merskill had to call in the police at 10 or 10 :30 at night. When they 
closed the Administration Building at 10 o'clock the students wouldn't 
leave. On this occasion, the police were called. There Avas a minimum 
amount of trouble. Some of them had to be hauled out, carted out. This 
was the occasion when attorney Terence Hallinan was obstinate and ag- 
gressive to the point where finally he had to be clubbed. I think they 
took 12 stitches in his scalp before it was over. 

These people were carted off. There were a number of arrests made. 
This is current and pending in court. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2189 

Later they had another demonstration and they cleared out when the 
time came. 

As a result of all of this, Summerskill agreed to rehire Martinez 
and agreed to a new referendum on ROTC. He agreed to an X number 
of Negro faculty members and these various demands. After Summer- 
skill signed the agreement, within a matter of hours, Chancellor Dumke 
took a telephone poll of trustees throughout the State. As a result 
Summerskill was told it was not necessary to wait until the end of 
the semester to retire. He was fired. 

A new acting president was appointed. Summerskill took off by plane 
for Addis Ababa where he said he was considering a job with the Uni- 
versity of Ethiopia through the Ford Foundation. I don't know what 
there is over there in Addis Ababa, but once someone has a can tied to 
them, they wind up there through the Ford Foundation. 

The last I heardj Dr. Summerskill was touring the Greek Isles with 
a lady he says he will eventually marry. His wife obtained an interlocu- 
toi-y decree. It is not final. As I say, he announced they will marry and 
presently they are touring the Greek Isles. 

Mr. Smith. We will take a 5-minute recess. 

(Brief recess.) 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Montg;omery, in resuming your testimony, you have 
not completed your testimony regarding the Bay Area Emergency 
Action Committee. Will you conclude your information on this sub- 
ject? 

Mr. Montgomery. Yes, I have for the committee three exhibits on the 
Bay Area Emergency Action Committee. 

This is a letter dated August 3, 1967, directed to those persons who 
had attended the Hall of Flowers meeting, about which I testified yes- 
terday, on July 22, and including, in this particular letter, a solicitation 
for money. They need $2,500 to run a half-page ad in the Ghronicle and 
the Examiner^ and with the appeal for money the statement is made 
that time was short. It was sent out by Susan Supriano, about whom I 
testified previously. 

With it is attached a two-page leaflet pertaining to objectives of this 
particular organization, and some of them, the statements, are very 
adverse to President Johnson and the administration in general 
[Montgomery Exhibit No. 153]. 

I also have a document dated July 28, 1967. It is on "WORKSHOP 
REPORTS" under the Bay Area Emergency Action Committee, 
touching on welfare, with police brutality given preference, and calling 
for the organization of the Negro community and the poor whites 
[Montgomery Exhibit No. 154] . 

Again, with respect to whom to contact in connection with this pro- 
posed workshop, it states particularly to call Mrs. [Billie] Wachter, 
San Jose. 

Mrs. Billie Wachter, as I previously testified, has been a long- 
time, active functionary of the Communist Party. I cite that simply 
to show who the people are who are behind this organization. 

Finally, appearing in the San Francisco Sunday Exarrvmer di 
Chronicle for August 13, 1967, the ad refeiTed to in the solicitation of 
funds signed by Susan Supriano and giving an address with respect 
to whom to mail your contributions, Georgia Scholine, acting secre- 



88-083 O— 69— pt. 



2190 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS^ LOOTING, AND BURNING 

tary, again setting forth an attack on President Johnson and the ad- 
ministration generally [Montgomery Exhibit No. 155]. 

That concludes my testimony on the Bay Area Emergency Action 
Committee and the Bay City area. 

(Docimients marked "Montgomery Exhibits Nos. 153 through 155,"' 
respectively, and retained in committee files.) 

Mr. Smith. Now would you tell us about the Berkeley Action 
Committee? 

Mr. Montgomery. The first meeting of this committee was under 
the auspices of the Bay Area Emergency Action Committee, which 
was formed at a meeting held at the Hall of Flowers in San Fran- 
ciso on July 22, 1967. 

The Bay Area Emergency Action Committee is considered the par- 
ent organization of the Berkeley Emergency Action Committee. In 
other words, at this general meeting at the Hall of Flowers, which 
was called by the Bay Area [Emergency Action] Committee, they 
formed a suborganization, not a splinter group but a subsidiary group, 
called the Berkeley Emergency Action Committee. 

Mr. Smith. What was the first activity of the Berkeley Emergency 
Action Committee? 

Mr. Montgomery. Their first activity in the East Bay area was their 
appearance before the Berkeley City Council on July 25, 1967, and I 
have a statement prepared by them for presentation to the Berkeley 
City Council, from which I would like to quote. 

This statement reads as follows : 

We believe that white America must address itself to the problem not of looted 
stores, but of looted lives. 

It is a very critical statement of the Governor of California, the 
Federal Administration, and also touches with much emphasis on 
alleged police bjntality existing in the Berkeley area. 

It is critical of law and order and advocates a welfare program 
which, I might say, was not adopted by the Berkeley City Council. 

Then they couple that with a set of proposals to outline their posi- 
tion with regard to the Berkeley Police Department, and that is in- 
cluded in their statement. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 156" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Smith. Who were the organizers of the Berkeley Emergency 
Action Committee? 

Mr. Montgomery. In Exhibit 156, with respect to the Berkeley City 
Council, Howard A. Harawitz, whose name has appeared earlier in 
this hearing, and Brownlee Shirek were identified as the temporary 
coordinators. 

Mr. Smith. I would like to state for the record at this point that a 
committee staff investigation has developed that Howard A. Harawitz 
signed a membership certification of student organizations using cam- 
pus facilities for special meetings or events, University of California, 
Berkeley camipus, spring semester of 1963, as president of an organiza- 
tion, Berkeley Campus DuBois Club, and with an address of 181 1-A 
Woolsey Street, Berkeley. 

You may proceed. 

Can you further identify these two men ? 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN, RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2191 

Mr. Montgomery. I can. 

Howard Albert Harawitz was born in Brooklyn, New York, on 
December 30, 1937. And in February of 1967 he lived at 1830 Derb^ 
Street, Berkeley, California, with his wife, Elly M. Harawitz. At this 
time he listed his occupation as editor-photoffrapher. He was a candi- 
date for councilman in the city of Berkeley m the spring of 1967. He 
gained most of his support from a new leftist political organization 
known as the Community for New Politics (CNP) . 

As pointed out, he has served as president of the UC DuBois chap- 
ter, which fact was established by the previously mentioned member- 
ship certification at the UC campus. 

Brownlee W. Shirek was born April 4, 1911, in California and lives 
at 2705 Walker Street, Berkeley, California, with his wife, Maudelle. 

I have two documents which I would like to offer to the committee 
as exhibits, the first being a page from the voter's pamphlet for the 
Berkeley city elections for the spring of 1967, identifying Harawitz 
as a candidate for city council. He failed. He was not elected. 

The second document I would like to introduce is the first page and 
cover of the W. E. B. DuBois Club magazine entitled INSURGENT, 
volume 1, number 1, March-April 1965, showing Howard Harawitz 
as the initial contributing photographer for the cover picture. This is 
only one example of his work. He has been a frequent photographer 
for the INSURGENT, and I have seen from time to time his pictures, 
byline pictures in other leftist organizations and publications in the 
Bay area. 

He has been listed in connection with the INSURGENT and he 
has been listed as one of their photographers. 

This gives him credit for the photo that is on the initial cover of 
that initial issue of that publication. 

(Documents marked "Montgomery Exhibits Nos. 157 and 158," re- 
spectively, and retained in committee files.) 

Mr. Smith. What was the result of Mr. Harawitz' statement of the 
Berkeley City Council ? 

Mr. Montgomery. According to the Berkeley Daily Gazette of July 
27, 1967, Mr. Harawitz was allowed to appear before the council on 
July 25, and the article was to the effect that he was not particularly 
well received : 

Disarm Among Pleas Voiced To City Council 

Negroes charging police brutality and demanding sweeping changes in Berkeley 
Police Dept. procedures, including disarming the police, were heard by City 
Council in a tense session that ended early yesterday. 

The Negroes spoke after Howard Harawitz presented a five-page statement 
of demands. Harawitz, a defeated Community for New Politics candidate for 
City Council, said he was speaking for a group called the Berkeley Emergency 
Action Committee. 

This exhibit goes on to the arguments that were made that ni^ht 
and other speakers on that occasion. It became a rather stormy session 
that lasted well beyond midnight and it should be of interest to the 
committee. 

Also speaking on that occasion was Kaymond Thompson, a lon^ime 
member of the Communist Party, and he is quoted in here extensively 
in opposition to police and alleged police brutality. For instance, 
Eaymond Thompson also had this to say : 



2192 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

"In case you white people don't know it, we may not have a Berkeley unless 
we get the right answer . . . we'll die together. 

"The Negro revolutionary movement," * * * "is in its second phase right now. 
The first phase was demonstrations and they got us nowhere. The second phase is 
burning our own homes and shops. 

"The next step," * * * "is the invasion of the white community" and the burn- 
ing of their homes and shops. 

These were his remarks to the Berkeley City Council on that occa- 
sion. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 159" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Smith. At this point, I would like to enter into the record in- 
formation from the committee's files relating to Raymond Thompson. 

Ray Thompson was identified as a member of the Communist Party 
by witnesses testifying before the Committee on Un-American Activi- 
ties in 1953. William Ames, Dickson P. Hill, Mary E. P. Bradsher, 
and Bertha Grover all testified they had known Mr. Thompson to be 
a member of the Communist Party. Mr. Hill and Mr. Ames stated they 
knew him to be a member of the Alameda County security commission 
and a functionary of the Communist Party. 

How long did this organization exist, Mr. Montgomery ? 

Mr. Montgomery. You will recall, Mr. Counsel, I testified earlier to 
the meeting at the Hall of Flowers sponsored by the Bay Area Emer- 

§ency Action Committee, at which Robert Avakian, representing the 
tudent Organizing Committee, advocated the raising of funds for 
the supplying of handguns and arms, weapons for the black com- 
munity of the Bay area. 

This leaflet, which I earlier introduced in evidence [Montgomery 
Exhibit No. 103], brought about considerable adverse publicity, and 
from that time on we heard nothing further from the Berkeley Emer- 
gency Action Committee. It apparently phased out as a result of 
adverse criticism of the program announced by Avakian. 

The last publicity I am aware of appeared in People's Worlds 
August 5, 1967, and I will submit a copy of this article for the record. 

Significantly, it carries a drawing of Howard Harawitz and tells 
how they had listened to him at the July 25, 1967, Berkeley Council 
meeting. 

The article quotes Berkeley Councilman Ronald Dellums as stating, 
in reference to the shooting of a Negro bank robber : 

"We've got to get to the point where we stop shooting down people because they 
steal something." 

The article continues : 

Which is almost exactly what the recently formed Berkeley Emergency Action 
Committee told the council when it laid a series of proposals before the Council 
on July 25. 

"We believe," Howard Harawitz, spokesman for the committee, told the coun- 
cil, "that white America must address itself to the problem not of looted stores, 
but of looted lives." 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 160" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Smith. A few minutes ago you mentioned the Oakland Emer- 
gency Action Committee. Could you tell us when this committee was 
organized ? 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNINC 2193 

Mr. Montgomery. The first document I have on it is dated August 
1, 1967. It gives an address of 6444 Colby Avenue, Oakland, California. 
This is out near the Berkeley line. And this is a proposal, a "Dear 
Friend" letter, which reads as follows : 

Deae Friend : "We are mailing you the draft of a proposed statement to the 
Mayor and City Council of Oakland. It is being sent to you for the following 
reasons : first, for any suggestions you might wish to make for improving and 
strengthening it ; second, in order to solicit your support for the Oakland 
Emergency Action Committee in presenting it publicly and securing its adop- 
tion. 

To accomplish the first, you are invited to participate in a meeting on Tuesday 
evening, Aug. 8, at the Fruitvale Ave. Church at 1601 Finiitvale Ave., Oakland, 
at 8 p.m. 

At the meeting we hope to work out a final draft of the statement, and further, 
to elect a delegation to the Mayor and City Council. 

You are receiving this letter because we are sure you are concerned over the 
recent events in Newark and Detroit. Please come to the meeting. 
Sincerely yours, 

/s/ Jeannette Geshwiud 
Jeannette Geshwind, 
Secretary for the Oakland Emergency Action Committee. 

I have attached to this the program outline that was submitted to 
the mayor and the city council, and it parallels in great measure that 
same action taken at the Berkeley City Council. I might say it met 
with the same results. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 161" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Smith. Was there any followup on this initial action or meet- 
ing? 

Mr. Montgomery. I have another document received August 1967. 
This is a document in which the Oakland Emergency Action Commit- 
tee is soliciting people to sign an enclosed form letter, which is a con- 
densation of the demands previously entered, and return it to the Oak- 
land Emergency Action Committee in the care of — "The Oakland 
Emergency Action Committee c/o 1041 Warfield Ave., Apt. #1, Oak- 
land, Calif . 94610." The attached letter, in part, states : 

We are working to obtain 1000 signed letters within the next three weeks, for 
presentation before the City Council. 

Mr. Smith. Do you know who lives at 1041 Warfield Avenue, Apart- 
ment #1, Oakland, California? This would be in August of 1967. 

Mr. Montgomery. My records reflect, obtained through the telephone 
and city directory sources, that the registered resident was Patricia 
Grogan. 

Mr. Smith. What position was taken in the attached letter that you 
mentioned there? 

Mr. Montgomery. Their position : 

We of the Oakland community wish to prevent the tragedy of Newark and 
Detroit from being repeated here. 

The danger is grave. All the problems — unemployment, i>overty, substandard 
housing, strained relations with the police — exist in Oakland in a very high 
degree. 

Especially acute are the problems of jobs and police relations with the com- 
munity. To tackle these problems in a meaningful way requires a bold new ap- 
proach. As a beginning, we call for the following : 

1. Open up 5,000 new jobs at standard wages for the black community in the 
public sector of employment. 



2194 SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 

In other words, through the city or county. [Continues reading :] 

The City Council can : 

a. Send a delegation immediately to Washington to demand an emergency allot- 
ment of $50 million for jobs, under the Public Works Department. Senator Mor- 
ton of Kentucky has said $1 billion in federal funds is available for our needy 
cities. 

b. Immediately use all surplus and capital improvement funds in city depart- 
ments for jobs on repairing and improving our decaying city, its parks, schools, 
and hospitals. 

c. Build 2500 housing units under Prop. F this fiscal year. The timetable set up 
recently by the City Council was a forward step, but in view of the great need 
for employment and housing, a much faster tempo is required. 

2. Toward improving police policy, we urge : 

la. Issuing citations, instead of arresting the individual, in cases of misde- 
meanors. This does away with the cost of bail. 

b. Prohibiting the use of weapons or violence of any kind against suspects or 
prisoners except in the defense of human life. 

c. Building an integrated police department. Today we have less than 20 black 
policement [sic] in a force of 600-700. Hire immediately at regular pay 100 
trainees from the black community ; these trainees to have priority for jobs 
opening up on the force. 

Those were included among their proposals. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 162" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Smith. Is this organization still functioning ? 

Mr. Montgomery. The last information we have is a letter received 
on December 4, 1967, in which the progress and accomplishments of 
this organization were outlined, and it states in part^ — this, incidentally, 
is sent out by Beryl F. Zimberoff, corresponding secretary for the 
Oakland Emergency Action Committee, and it gives an address of 
985-60th Street, Oakland, California : 

1) Through letters and personal contact the Committee has brought the prob- 
lem of jobs and police brutality in our city to the attention of over 3000 people. 
Over 800 persons signed our appeal to the Mayor and City Council for opening 
up 5000 new jobs in the public sector, and, our demand for a change in police 
practices. 

******* 

3) We met with the Mayor about jobs and police procedures; and the City 
Council twice took up our request for a hearing. While it refused both times to 
give us a place on the agenda, the second time the defeat was by a narrow 4-3 
vote. 

******* 

5) Our program on jobs and police brutality has been taken up with a number 
of organizations, including churches and labor unions. While it has been diflB- 
cult to achieve much publicity, some of the activity of the Committee did break 
Into the press. 

I mentioned the letter was signed by Beryl F. Zimberoff, identifying 
herself as corresponding secretary for the Oakland Emergency Action 
Committee, 985-60th Street, Oakland. That is the address of Ozzo J. 
Marrow. 

(Docmnent marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 163" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Smith. At this point, I would like to enter into the record infor- 
mation from the committee's files which reflects that Ozzo Marrow was 
identified as a member of the Communist Party in Berkeley, Cali- 
fornia, in testimony before this coimnittee by Bertha Grover on No- 
vember 18, 1953. 



SUBVERSIVE INFLUENCES IN RIOTS, LOOTING, AND BURNING 2195 

Mr. Montgomery, this concludes my interrogation on this subject. 
Would you have anything else you would care to add ? 

Mr. Montgomery. I have one exhibit that I think should go to the 
committee. It does not relate directly to the Emergency Action Com- 
mittee. 

This is a folder which was put out. It is 14 or 15 pages. It is titled 
simply "CUBA — an examination of the recent crisis." It is by 
Bettina Aptlieker, Carol Cohen, and Howard Harawitz. It was dis- 
tributed in, I believe, February of 1963 by the W. E. B. DuBois Club 
of Berkeley, California. It contains information and statements that 
I think would be of interest to this committee, and I have it here for 
the committee's perusal. 

(Document marked "Montgomery Exhibit No. 164" and retained 
in committee files.) 

Mr. Smith. Do you have a closing statement you want to make ? 

Mr. Montgomery. It has been a privilege to appear before the 
committee under subpena and to make known for the record various 
facts that are, I feel, detrimental to the welfare of our country. Cer- 
tain information presented here is being disclosed for the public rec- 
ord for the first time. 

Mr. Smith. Thank you, Mr. Montgomery. It has been a pleasure to 
have had you before the committee, and on behalf of the members of 
the committee, the staff, and myself, I do thank you very much for 
your most enlightening testimony. I think it will be of great help 
to Congress. 

(Whereupon, at 3 :50 p.m., Friday, June 28, 1968, Mr. Montgomery's 
affidavit was concluded.) 



INDEX 

INDIVIDUALS 

A 

Page 

Alexander, Hursel (William) 2053, 2138 ', 2141 

Alexander, Roberta 2138 

Alexis, Jack 2173 

Allen, Charles R., Jr 2125 

Ames, William 2192 

Anderson, Clayton R 2097,2098 

Aptheker, Bettina 2076, 2078, 2115, 2195 

Aptheker, Herbert 2076 

Armstrong, William 2144 

Avakian, Robert A. (Bob) 2053,2134,2137,2138,2140,2170 

Avakian, Spurgeon 2138 

Axelrod. Beverly Diana (Mrs. Marshall Axelrod ; nee Jerrod, formerly 

Mrs. Seymour Silverstein, also known as Lourd)— 2053,2072,2084,2132-2137 
Axelrod, Marshall 2137 

B 

Ballard, Roy 2074, 2075, 2081, 2084 

Barkley, Alben 2104 

Barnett, Ty 2166 

Barranco, Minerva 2188 

Barsky, Edward K 2102 

Bass, Russell 2149 

Bayo 2148 

B':"o, Savannah 2134 

Beltram, Elsie 2179 

Beltram, William 2179 

Benner, Bruce W 2078 

Benner, Helen 2078 

Bennett, James Stewart 2078 

Bensusen, Dinda 2084 

Berry, Michael 207© 

Besig, Ernest 2151 

Bethel, Sue 2184 

Black, Gladys G. (Mrs. Robert Ogg Black) 2077 

Black, Gloria. [See Comfort, Gloria Black.) 

Black, Robert Ogg 2077 

Bloice, Carl 2084 

Boston, Ralph 2161 

Bova (Jerold M.) 2007 

Braehman. Robert (Bob) 2101 

Bradley, William (Bill) 20.53. 2123, 2m. 2135. 2136 

Bradsher, Mary E. P. (Elizabeth Parrott) 2192 

Brewer, Thomas '^m 

Bridges. Harry r^ 

Broadhead, Bob ^°f 

Brotsky, Allan ^°? 

Browder, Earl i^^^q-^^so IJS 

Brown, Archie 2069, 2082. ^14<) 



1 Spelled "Hershell" in this reference. 



ii INDEX 

Page 

Brown, H. Rap 2054,2127,2147,2150,2159 

Brown, Willie 2084 

Budenz, Louis Francis 2054 

Burbridge, Thomas 2074, 2084 

Burchard, Gloria 2188 

Burkett, Evelyn 2078 

Burkett, Karol A 2077, 2078 

Burnstein, Malcolm 2085 



Cahill, Thomas 2052, 2059, 2084. 2085, 2114, 2116, 2126-2128, 2183 

Carmichael, Stokely 2054, 2127, 2138-2140, 2145, 2147, 2150, 2159 

Carroll, Jerry 2187 

Castro, Fidel 2054, 2148, 2181 

Cayton, Revels 2078 

Cerney, Isabelle 2132, 2134 

Chapman, Aaron 2091, 2092 

Chastain, Norman B 2079 

Chester, William H 2078 

Chown, Linda 2078 

Chown, Paul S 2078 

Cieciorka, Frank Thomas, Jr 2108, 2109, 2128, 2129 

Cieciorka, Mrs. Frank Thomas, Jr 2128 

Clark 2004 

Clark, Robert D 2160, 2162 

Cline, Dorothy 2135 

Cline. Russ 2135 

Coe, Lee 2091 

Cohen, Carol ^ 2195 

Cole, Jeff 2050, 2071 

Cole, Lester 2050, 2071 

Comfort, Gloria Black (Mrs. Mark Comfort) 2077 

Comfort, Mark (also known as Mark Moody) 2077, 2085, 2105, 2138 

Contrell 2170 

Craib, Ralph 2146 

Craven, Carolyn 2134 

Crawford. Margaret 2153 

Currier, Richard 2078 

Currier, Susan 2078 

D 

Davis, Cassandra Weaver (formerly Mrs. Phil Davis) 2066, 2067 

Davis. Joan M 2134 

Davis, Phil 2067 

Dawson, Ann 2077 

Dawson, Kipp 2077, 2115 

Deadwyler. Leonard 2097-2099 

Dearman, John 2084 

Defray, R-gis 2054. 2148 

Dellums, Ronald 2134, 2192 

Dennison, George 2168 

Deutscher. Isaac 2148 

Dillon, Hari 2184 

Dobkins, William 2156 

Dreyfus, Benjamin 2084 

Duclos (Jacques) 2069 

Dumke, Glenn S 2175,2189 

E 

Edwards, Harry 2054, 2145, 2146, 215^2164 

Eichler, Susan Jean. (See Supriano, Susan Jean.) 

Epton, William (Bill) 2051, 2097, 2098, 2100, 2104, 2106 

Esteves, Caryl 2077 

Evans, Heather 2078 



INDEX iii 

F 

Page 

Faddis, W. B 2134 

Feit Joe ~"I"I"i::~~2i32, 2134 

Fenster, Bob 2175 21&4 

Fink, Vivian ri_I__I __ 2135 

Fisher, Alan R ~ ~~ _ 2174 

Fountin, Charles ~_ 2134 

Francois, Terry A I-I-II-r2084,"2130, 2131 

Franklin, Bruce 2164 

Freed, J. P I I___I_r 2152 

Fromer, Irving ~ ~_~ 2077 

G 

Garrett, James (Jimmy) 2051, 2165, 2166, 2168-2173, 2175, 2176, 2184-2186 

Garvey, Marcus 2124 

Geier, Joel 2078 

George, Herman 2145 2146 

Gerassi, John 2055, 2155, 2175-2184 

Geshwind, Jeannette 2193 

Gilligan (Thomas R.) 2059 

Glover, Danny L 2173 

Gold, Mike 2077 

Goldberg, Arthur 2079 

Goldblatt, Elizabeth 2078 

Goldblatt, Louis (Lou) 2078,2082 

Gotz, Michael ' 2185 

Granich, Carl 2077 

Greenwood, Frank (S.) 2105 

Gregory, Dick 2084 

Grodin, Joseph R 2084 

Grogan, Patricia 2193 

Grossman, Aubrey 2068, 2069 

Grover, Bertha : 2192, 2194 

Gruber, Steve 2162 

Guevara (Ernesto) "Che" 2054, 2148, 2149, 2155, 2180-2183, 2186 

Gurley, Lawrence T 2134 

H 

Hall, Gus 2049, 2050, 2065, 2066 

Hallgren, Dick 2164 

Hallinan, Conn 2077, 2085, 2115 

Hallinan, Matthew 2077, 2115,2129 

Hallinan, Patrick 2072, 2115 

Hallinan, Terence 2053, 2072, 2077, 2085, 2115, 2141, 2154, 2188 

Hallinan, Vincent 2077, 2100-2104, 2115 

Harawitz, Elly M. (Mrs. Howard Albert Harawitz) 2191 

Harawitz, Howard Albert 2053, 

2056, 2115, 2132, 2134, 2138 1, 2140, 2190-2192, 2195 

Harer, Asher 2095 

Harer, Kathie 2095 

Harmer, John 2149 

Harris, James O 2108, 2143 

Harris, John (Wesley) 2098,2099 

Healey, Dorothy Ray 2068 

Hearring, Winston 2173 

Henderson, Skip 2141 

Hemdon, James 2084 

Herran, Dan 2188 

Hill, Dickson P 2192 

Hill, Gerald N 2133 

Himmel, Bob 2181 

Hitler (Adolf) 2164: 

Ho Chi Minh 2073 

Hoag, Helen 2153 



1 Spelled "Harowitz" in this reference. 



iv INDEX 

Page 

Hoover, J. Edgar 2064 

Hopkins, Donald R 2134 

J 

Jasso, Lupe 2188 

Jenkins, David L 2076 

Jenkins, Hyman (David) 2076 

Jolinson, Lyndon (Baines) 2093, 2094, 2099, 2116, 2138, 2189, 2190 

Jolinson, Matthew 2116 

Jones, LeRoi 2127, 2147, 2167-2169, 2172 

Jones, Percy 2084 

Jons, Don 2152 

K 

Kaflfke, Esmeralda (Mrs. Theodore Kaffke; nee Rubi)-_ 2153 

Kaffke, Helen Hoag (formerly Mrs. Robert L. Kaffke). (Sec Hoag, Helen.) 
Kaffke, Margaret Crawford (formerly Mrs. Robert L. Kaffke). (See 
Crawford, Margaret.) 

Kaffke, Robert L. (also known as Lloyd W. Pease) 2054, 

2077, 2147, 2148 \ 2149-2156 

Kaffke, Theodore 2153 

Kahn, Albert B 2077 

Kahn, Steven J 2077 

Kalantari, Khosro 2184 

Keating, Edward M 2133,2137,2138 

Kelley. John L., Jr . 2078 

Kennedy (John Fitzgerald) 2078 

Kennedy, Joseph P : 2084 

Kent, RockweU 2101 

Key 2099 

Khrushchev (Nikita Sergeevieh) 2091 

King, Martin Luther (Jr.) 2127,2128,2164 

Kinney (Charles) 2111 

Koch, Chris 2073,2076 

Krytzer, Harry 2188 



Lapin, Adam 2077, 2080 

Lapin, Nora B 2077 

Lenin (V. I.) 2148 

Levin, John 2055, 2176, 2178, 2184 

Lichtman, Richard 2164 

Lima, Albert J. (Mickey) 2049, 2050, 2053, 2064-2068, 2138, 2140 

Lima, Margaret 2085 

Lima, Mickey (See Lima, Albert J.) 

Lourd, Seymour 2137 

Luce, Phillip A. (Abbott) 2106 

Ludlow, Lynn 2172 

Lynch, Thomas 2085 

M 

Maguire 2069 

Mandel, William 2054, 2150 

Manderfeld, Richard K 2078 

Manley, Ken 2144 

Mao Tse-tung 2148, 2155 

Margolis, Greg 2184 

Marrow, Ozzo J 2056, 2194 

Martinez, John. (See Martinez, Juan R.) 

Martinez, Juan R. (also known as John) 2055, 2056, 2181, 2186-2189 

May, Kenneth Ownsworth 2079, 2080 



1 Also spelled "Roberto" on this page. 



INDEX V 

Page 

Mayers, Helen 2185 

McAdoo, William (Bill) 2051,2104-2106 

McCarthy (Joseph R.) 2150 

McCarty, Francis 2064 

McGrath, J. Howard 2104 

McKenney, Jon 2184 

McTernan, Francis J 2084 

Mendoza, Sophie 2135 

Michaels, Pat 2149 

Montgomery, Andrew 2135 

Montgomery, Edward S 2049-2057, 

2058-2171 (testimony), 2171-2195 (affidavit) 
Moody, Mark. (See Comfort, Mark.) 

Morrison, Jack 2133 

Morton (Thruston B.) 2194 

Murray 2148 

Murray, George 2055, 2171-2173, 2178 

Myerson, Michael Eugene (Mike) 2050,2072-2076,2081,2084,2085 

N 

Nakamura, Yvonne 2135 

Neville, Robert 2134 

Newman, David 2135 

Newton, Huey P 2146 

Nhu (Mrs. Ngo Dinh) 2078 

Nolon, James, Jr 2134 

O 

O'Brien, Charles 2150 

O'Brien, William 2150 

Olitt, Ken 2140 

Oswald, Lee Harvey 2153 

P 

Paltridge, Blair 2055, 2174, 2175 

Pease, Lloyd W. (-See Kaffke, Robert L. ) 

Peet, Edward L 2133 

Pharria, Cecil 2183 

Plath, Robert W 2084 

Poland, Jefferson 2174, 2175 

Porter, Merdelle 2135 

Powers, Gary 2103 

Proctor, Roscoe 2050, 2053, 2066, 2067, 2085, 2138, 2140, 2179 

Proctor, Virginia (Mrs. Roscoe Proctor) 2138, 2140, 2179 

Q 
Quidachay, Ron 2187 

R 

Radcliffe, David L 2077 

Rafferty, Max 2162 

Ramos, Aba 2134 

Reagan, Ronald 2162 

Rebillot, Paul 2175 

Reddell, Ferd 2178 

Reynolds, Malvina 2079-2081 

Richards, Harvey 2077,2082 

Richards, Paul D 2077 

Richmond 2099 

Richmond, Al 2053,2068,2138,2140 

Rogers, Charlotte A 2135 

Rosen, Jacob 2091 

Rosen, Milton 2091 

Rosenberg, Ethel 2077, 2104 

Rosenberg, Julius 2077,2104 



vi INDEX 

Page 

Ross, John 2098, 2116, 2118-2122 

Rothenberg, Don 2132-2134, 2137, 2138 

Rubi, Esmeralda. (SceKaffke, Esmeralda.) 

Russell, Bertrand 2106 

S 

Sandy, George ___— 2053, 2140, 2141 

Scheer, Mortimer (Mort) 2091,2092 

Scheer, Robert L- 2152 

Schickele, Sandra 2164 

Schneck, Marco 2079 

Scholine, Georgia 2189 

Schorske, Carl E__ 2133 

Scott, Kermit I 2134 

Shannon, Brian 2078 

Sheffield, Allan C 2077 

Sheppard, Ellis 2134 

Sheridan, Arthur A. (Art) 2071,2079,2152 

Sheriek, Brownlee W. {Bee Shirek, Brownlee W.) 

Sherman, Pat 2135 

Shirek. Brownlee W 2056,2132,2141,2190,2191 

Shirek, Maudelle (Mrs. Brownlee W. Shirek) 2191 

Silverstein, Seymour. (SeeLourd, Seymour.) 

Simmons, Kenneth 2134 

Sims, Tracy 2050, 2072-2074, 2081, 2082, 2084, 2085, 2123, 2136 

Sizemore (Charles) 2063 

Smith, BUI 2173 

Smith, Glenn i 2178 

Smith, Maureen 2135 

Stallinger, Sharon 2107 

Starobin, Joseph 2078 

Starobin, Robert S 2078 

Sterne, Emma Gelders 2135 

Stevenson, Ronald 2134 

Stewart, Benjamin 2173 

Stewart, Douglas 2084 

Stone, Chnr]e A 2187,2188 

Sullivan, Mark L 2081, 2082 

Summerlin, Wayne 2145, 2146 

Summerskill, John 2154, 

2155, 2167, 2170, 2173-2175, 2177, 2178, 2183-2185, 2188, 2189 

Summerskill (Mrs. John) 2189 

Supriano, Carol 2085 

Supriano, Harold 2073, 2075, 2076. 2085, 2107, 2134, 2138, 2141 

Supriano, Susan Jean (Mrs. Harold Supriano; nee Eichler; also known 

as Susan Jean Valberg) 2138, 2141, 2189 

Szego, Peter 2053, 2135 

T 

Taber, Robert 2148 

Tandy, Frances 2085 

Taylor (Glen H.) 2101 

Tewes, Dick 2184 

Thalheimer, Fred 2164 

Thomas, Clarence 2173 

Thomas, John 2091, 2092 

Thomas, Richard 2107 

Thomas, Trevor 2133 

Thompson, Raymond (Ray) 2056,2191,2192 

Tribble, La Verne 2134 

Truman (Harry S.) 2104 

Tsenin, Kay 2168 

Turner, Elijah 2115, 2134 

Tussing, Arlon Rex, Jr 2079 



INDEX vii 

U Page 

Ussery, Wilfred (Will) 2133 



Valberg, Susan Jean. {See Supriano, Susan Jean.) 

Valentine, Thomas 2134 

"Vann, James E 2134 

Varnado, Jerry 2051,2170,2171,2173,2176 

Vaszko, Jim 2180 

Viali)ando, Sadie 2188 

Volk, Tony 2169 

W 

Wachter, Billie (Mrs. Saul Wachter) 2053,2132,2134,2135,2189 

Wachter, Douglas (Doug) 2069,2082,2083,2132 

Wachter, Saul 2053,2132,2135 

Waddy, Marianna 2165,2166 

Wallace, (Jeorge (C.) 2094 

Wallace (Henry A.) 2101 

Walton, Sid 2134 

Ward, Richard 2073,2076 

Webb, John _■ 2184 

Werthimer, Jerry 2152 

Wheeler (William A.) 2111,2118 

Wilkins, Roy 2049,2065,2066,2093 

Wilkinson, Frank 2136 

Williams, A. Cecil 2133 

Williams, Harry 2068 

Williams, Landon R 2173 

WilUams, Robert (Franklin) 2155 

WiUiams, Tom - 2173 

Windmiller, Marshall 2176 

Wood, James Fenton 2053, 2138, 2140 

Worthy, WilUam 2151 

Wright, Robert 2135 

Y 

Yasui, Kaoru 2103 

Yates, Oleta O'Connor 2068 

Yorty (Samuel W.) 2099 

Young, Whitney M., Jr 2145,2147 

Z , 

Zane, Maitland 2187 

Zeltzer, Sol 2135 

Zimberoff, Beryl F 2194 

ORGANIZATIONS 



AOPFB. (See American Committee for Protection of Foreign Born.) 

ALP. (/See American Labor Party.) 

Abraham Lincoln Brigade. (See International Brigade, Fifteenth.) 

Acts for Peace 2129 

Ad Hoc Committee for March 23 2078 

Ad Hoc Committee to Combat Fascism 2106 

Ad Hoc Committee To End Discrimination 2050, 

2051, 2072-2075, 2081-2085, 2108, 2111, 2123 

Ad Hoc Committee To End the War in Vietnam 2078 

University of California 2078 

Advance 2106 

Afro-American Institute 2053, 2122-2125 

Alliance for Progress. (See entry under U.S. Government, State Depart- 
ment, Agency for International Development. ) 

American Committee for Protection of Foreign Bom (ACPFB) 2080 



viii INDEX 

Page 

American Labor Party (ALP) _!'_ 2102 

New York State : 

New York Oity Area : 

Kings County 2102 

State Executive Committee 2102 

American Russian Institute (for Cultural Relations with the Soviet 
Union) : 

San Francisco 2078, 2108 

Anarchist League of Los Angeles 2050, 2051, 2110, 2111 

Associated Students. {See entry under San Francisco State College.) 

B 
BSU. (See Black Students Union.) 

Bay Area Emergency Action Committee 2053, 

2056, 2132^2135, 2137, 2138, 2140, 2189, 2190, 2192 
Bay Area Trade Union Section. (See entry under Progressive Labor Move- 
ment— PLM ( or Party— PLP ) . ) 
Berkeley Campus DuBois Club. (See entry mider W. E. B. DuBois Clubs 
of America (DCA) , University of California (Berkeley, Calif.) .) 

Berkeley Committee Against Racial Discrimination 2084 

Berkeley Emergency Action Committee 205(>, 2190-2192 

Bertrand Russell Peace Foundation 2106 

Black Anti-Draft Union 2053, 2095, 2006, 2121 

Black Arts West Theater 2166 

Black Liberation Commission. (See entry under Progressive Labor Move- 
ment— PLM ( or Party— PLP ) . ) 

Black Muslims 2064 

Black Panther Party (known variously as Black Panthers, Black Panther 
Political Party, Black Panther Political Party for Self Defense, and 

Black Panther Party for Self -Defense (BPSD) ) 2138, 2139, 2146, 2164 

Black Students Union (BSU) ^ (formerly Negro Students Association) 2051, 

2054, 2055, 2163, 2165-2167, 2169-2175, 2177, 2178, 2184-2186 

California State College (Fullerton) chapter 2055,2186 

Claremont Men's College chapter 2055,2186 

Los Angeles City College chapter 2055, 2186 

Mills College chapter 2055, 2186 

San Francisco State College 2055, 2163, 2168, 2170, 2173, 2186 

San Jose State College chapter 2055, 2186 

Stanford University chapter 2055, 2186 

Bridges-Robertson-Schmidt Defense Committee 2102 

C 

CDC. (See California Democratic Council.) 

CERGE. (See Committee to Defend Resistance to Ghetto Life.) 

CNP. (See Community for New Politics. ) 

CORE. (See Congress of Racial Equality.) 

California Democratic Council (CDC) 2133 

California Labor School 2076,2077,2080 

California State College (Fullerton, Calif.) 2055,2186 

CampMidvale 2106 

Citizens Committee Against Police Terror 2068 

Citizens Committee for Constitutional Liberties 2053, 2104, 2125 

Citizens Committee for Nuclear Disarmament 2077,2084 

Civil Rights Congress 2069, 2078, 2101 

California : 

East Bay 2077 

Claremont Men's College 2055,2186 

Columbia University 2118 

Committee to Defend Resistance to Ghetto Life (CERGE) (see also Pro- 
gressive Labor Movement — PLM (or Party — PLP) ) 2050, 

2051, 2099, 2100, 2104-2106, 2111 

Committee to End U.S. Intervention in Vietnam 2091,2092 

Committee to Uphold the Right to Travel 2077 

Communication Company 2131 



1 Appears as "Black Student Union" in some references. 



INDEX ix 

Communist Party of the Unitcil States of America (Cl'USA) 2049, 

2050, 20G5-20US, 2070, 2073, 2079, 2080, 2087, 2091, 2111. 2132, 
213.-5, 2137, 2138, 2140, 2141, 2179, 2189, 2192, 2194 
National Structure : 

National Committee 2065 

National Conventions and Conferences : 

Eighteenth Convention, June 22-20, 19G6, New York City 206.") 

Districts : 

Northern California District 2049, 2064, 2065, 2067, 2138, 2140 

District Committee 2064 

Executive Board 2064 

San Francisco County 2068 

Southern California District 2068 

Communist Party of the United States of America (Marxist-Leninist) 

(OPUSA-ML) 2050, 2051. 2108, 2111 

Communist Political Association (May 1944 to July 1945) 2069 

National Conventions : 

Emergency National Convention. July 26-28, 1945, New York 

City 2069 

Community for New Politics (CNP) 2191 

Community Workers, The (see also Progressive Labor Movement — PLM 

(or Party— PLP) ) 2152 

Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) 2084, 

2111, 2113, 2123, 2124, 2133, 2135, 2136 

Berkeley (Calif.) chapter 2084 

Berkeley campus chapter 2084 

Congress of Unrepresented People 2136 

D 

DCA. (See W. E. B. DuBois Clubs of America.) 

Deacons for Defense and Justice. The 2095 

Direct Action Committee (Oakland) 2136 

Direct Action Group 2050, 2070, 2071, 2075, 2079, 2084, 2111 

E 

ECLC. (See Emergency Civil Liberties Committee.) 

East Bay People's World Forum Committee 2101 

East Side Press Club 2106 

Economic Development Fund 2122 

Emergency Civil Liberties Committee (ECLC) 2103 

Experimental College. (See entry under San Francisco State College.) 

F 

Fair Play for Cuba Committee 2082 

Greater Los Angeles Chapter 2103 

University of California 2078 

Fight Back Committee Against the HCUA 2078 

Foothill College 2161, 2162 

Free Speech Movement (see also University of California) 2088 

Free University Forum 2106 

Freedom House 2111, 2113 

Freedom Now Party 2050, 2082, 2091, 2092 

G 

Gentlemen, The 2105 



88-083— 69— pt. 6 11 



INDEX 



H 



Page 



Harlem Defense Council (.see also Progressive Labor Movement — PlAl 

(or Party— PLP) ) 2106 



ILWU. (Sec Lonsshoremeu"s and Warehousemen's Union, International.) 
I.S.A.U.S. (See Iranian Students Association in the United States of 

America. ) 
Independent Progressive Party (California). (-See Progressive Party, Cali- 
fornia. ) 
International Brigade, Fifteenth (also referred to as Abraham Lincoln 

Brigade) 2070 

International Publishers 2073 

International War Crimes Tribunal 2106, 2182 

Iranian Students Association in the United States of America 

(LS.A.U.S.) 2054, 2163, 2184 

San Francisco State College 2163 

K 
Ku Klux Klan 2116 



Latin American Solidarity Organization (LASO) : 

First Conference, Havana, Cuba, July 31-August 10, 1967 2176 

Longshoremen's and Warehousemen's Union, International (ILWU) 2078, 

2102, 2140 

Local 6 2140 

Los Angeles City College 2055, 2071, 2186 

Los Angeles Committee for Protection of Foreign Born 2102 

:m 

MAPS. (SeeMovement Against Political Suspension.) 
MTU. ( Sec Mission Tenants Union. ) 

Macmillan Company, The 2180-2183 

March of Labor Corijoration 2102 

Methodist Federation for Social Action 2103 

Mills College 2055, 2186 

Mission Committee Against the War 20.52, 2121 

Mission Tenants Union (MTU) (.see also Progressive Labor Movement — 

PLM (or Party— PLP) ) 2052, 2098, 2116, 2118, 2120-2122 

Mission Youth Organizations 209.5, 2096 

Missis-sippi State University 2162 

Movement Against Political Suspension (MAPS) 2054, 

2055, 2163, 2174-2178, 2184, 2185 
San Francisco State College branch 2163, 2175 

X 

X^AACP. {Sec Xational Association for the Advancement of Colored 
People. ) 

NLG. ( See Xational Lawyers Guild. ) 

National Assembly for Democratic Rights 2103 

Xational Association for the Advancement of Colored People (XAACP) — 2049, 

2066, 2075, 2081, 2083, 2084 

Xational Committee To Abolish the House Committee on Un-American 

Activities' 2050, 2082, 2104, 2133 

Xational Council of the Arts, Sciences, and Professions : 

Southern California Chapter 2078 

Xational Front for the Liberation of South Vietnam (also known as Xa- 
tional Liberation Front of South Vietnam) 2136 



1 Also referred to as "National Committee To Abolish the Un-American Activities Com- 
mittee" and "Committee To Abolish HUAC." 



INDEX Xl 

Page 

National Lawyers Guild (NLG) 2101, 2135, 2137 

Annual Convention, May 7, 1950 ' ' 2101 

New York City Chapter I 2101 

San Francisco Bay Area Chapter 2102 

San Francisco Chapter 2101 

Executive Board 2135,2137 

National Liberation Front of South Vietnam. {See National Front for the ' 
Liberation of South Vietnam.) 

National Urban League, Inc 2147 

Negro Students Association (now known as Black Students Union) __ 2163,2170 

North American Congress on Latin America 21S0, 2181 

National Coordinating Committee 21S0. 2181 

North Vietnamese Peace Committee 2073,2076 

Northern California Committee for Protection of Foreign Born 2080, 2104 



OEO. (Sec United States Government, Office of Economic Opportunity.) 
Oakland Direct Action Committee. (See Direct Action Committee (Oak- 
land).) 
Oakland Emergency Action Committee 2056. 2192-2194 

Olympic Boycott Committee 2161 

Organization of Sti:dent Employee.^ 2184 



PLP. (»9cc Progressive Labor Movement (PLM) (orl'arty).) 

Peace anrl Freedom Party 2055,2185 

San Francisco State College 2185 

Peace Corps. (See entry under U.S. Government, State Department.) 

People's Armed Defense Groups 2051, 2108 

Progre-ssive Labor Movement (PLM) (or Partv (PLP)) 2050-20.52, 

2054, 2055, 20S9-2093, 2095-2097, 2099, 2100, 2104, 2106, 2108, 
2111, 2116. 2118, 2119, 2121, 2122, 2152, 2163. 2176, 2178, 2184, 2ia5 

Bay Area Trade Union Section 2116 

Black Liberation Commission 2118 

Brooklyn, N.Y 2054 

Harlem branch 2118,2119 

Harlem Progressive Labor Club 2106, 2111 

Los Angeles, Calif 2098,2099 

Progressive Labor Partv Student Club 2097 

San Francisco. Calif 2093,2095,2098.2099 

San Francisco State College 2163 

Progressive Party 2101, 2102 

National Convention, July 23-25, 1948, Philadelphia, Pa 2101 

California (Independent Progressive Party) 2080 

Long Beach Section 2080 

Marin County : 

Central Committee 2101 

State Central Committee 2080. 2101 

Pi'ogressive Youth Oi'ganizing Committee 2106 

K 

RAJM. (See Revolutionary Action Movement.) 

Radical Education Project. (See entry under Students for a Democratic 
Society.) 

Revolutionary Action Movement (RAM) 2064 

Revolutionary Contingent (R.C.) 2182 

S 

SCOPE. (See Student Committee on Progressive Education.) 

SDS. (See Students for a Democi'atic Society.) 

SNCC. (Sec Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee.) 

San Francisco Direct Action Group. (See Direct Action Group.) 

San Franci-sco Draft Resistance Union 2053, 2095, 2096, 2120, 2121 



3di INDEX 

Pagi' 

San Francisco Stliool of Social Science 2077, 2078 

San Francisco State College (San Francisco, Calif.) 2054, 

2055, 2061, 2071, 2089, 2090, 2147, 2148, 2151, 2154, 2163, 2165- 
2180, 2183-2188 

Associated Students 2165, 2166, 2168, 2174 

Board of Publications 2174 

Experimental College 2054, 2147, 2148, 2155, 2165 

San Jose State College ( San Jose, Calif.) ___ 2054, 2055, 2129, 2159, 2160, 2162, 2186 

Sexual Freedom League 2174 

SLATE (sec also University of California) 2050,2072,2075,2077-2079,2082 

Socialist Party-Social Democratic Federation 2078 

National Convention. 1962 2078 

Socialist Workers Party (SWP) 2078,2095,2115,2180,2181 

National Committee 2181 

Young Socialist Alliance (YSA) 2050,20.5.5,2082.2095,2180,2181,2185 

University of ('iilifornia 2078 

Southern California Friends of the National Guardian 2081 

Spanish Refugee Appeal 2102 

Spring Mobilization Committee. (See Spring Mobilization Committee To 

End the War in Vietnam.) 
Spring Mobilization Committee To End the War in Vietnam 2081 

Los Angeles Coordinating Center 2081 

Stanford University 2055, 2065, 2069, 2186 

Stop-the-Draft-Week 2095, 2096 

Student Committee on Progressive Education (SCOPE) 2050,2082 

Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) 2050,2064,2082,2169 

Student Organizing Committee 2138, 2140, 2192 

Student Peace Union 20.50,2082 

Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) 20.52,20.54, 

2055, 2090, 2118, 2121, 2163, 2182, 2184, 2185, 2188 

Radical Education Project 2182 

San Francisco State College 2056, 2063 

T 

TASC. (See Toward an Active Student Community. ) 

TWLF. (See Third World Liberation Front.) 

Third World Liberation Front (TWLF) (see also San Francisco State 

College) 2O.5I-2O06, 2163, 2187 

Toward an Active Student Community (TASC) {see also San Jose State 

College) 2129 

Tri-continental Information Center 2073 

U 
United Black Students for Action 2054,2159,2160 

United Resistance Fund 2121 

United San Francisco Freedom Movement 2084 

United States Government : 

Commission on Civil Rights 2164 

Office of Economic Opportunity (OEO) 2063, 2167, 2168 

War on Poverty 2052,2062,2063,2067,2098,2114,2179 

Bayview Community Center 2052, 2063, 2114 

Neighborhood House (Oakland, Calif.) 2067 

War on Poverty Board (San Francisco. Calif.) 2098 

Western Addition Office 2179 

Small Business Administration 2123 

State Department: 

Agency for International Development : 

Alliance for Progress 2180, 2182 

Peace Corps 2179, 2180 

Supreme Court 2077, 2103 

University of California 2072, 2077-2079, 2081, 2089, 2185 

Berkeley, Calif 2009, 2080, 2140, 2190 

y 

VALB. (See Veterans of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade.) 
VDC. (Sec Vietnam Day Committee.) 

Veterans for Peace 2102 

Veterans of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade (VALB) 2102 



INDEX xiii 

Page 

Vietnam Day Committee (VDC) 2054, 2163 

San Francisco State College 2163 

Vietnam Summer 2133 

W 

W. E. B. DuBois Clubs of America (DCA) 2050- 

2052, 2054, 2067, 2072, 2073, 2076, 2078, 2079, 2082, 2097, 2107- 
2109, 2111, 2115, 2117, 2129, 2140, 2141, 2152, 2163, 2191 

National Coordinating Committee 2076 

Founding Convention, June 19-21, 1964, San Francisco, Calif 2073, 

2107, 2129 

National Coordinating Committee 2073 

Berkeley, Calif 2073, 2084, 2195 

Fillmore 2107 

San Francisco, Calif 2073, 2082, 2084 

San Francisco State College chapter 2054, 2073, 2152, 2163 

University of Calif ornia (Berkeley, Calif. ) : 

Berkeley Campus DuBois Club 2190, 2191 

West Los Angeles, Calif 2073 

Women for Peace. {See Women's International Strike for Peace.) 
Women's International Strike for Peace (formerly known as Women 

Strike for Peace, Women for Peace, Women Stand for Peace) 2082, 2136 

San Francisco 2136 

World Peace Congress. (See World Peace Council, World Congress for 
Peace. National Independence and General Disarmament, July 10-15, 
1965. Helsinki, Finland.) 
World Peace Council : 

World Congress for Peace. National Independence and General Dis- 
armament, July 10-15, 1965, Helsinki, Finland 2073', 2076' 

World Youth Festivals : 

Eighth Youth Festival, July 29-August 6, 1962, Helsinki, Finland 2072, 

2076, 2079 
Y 

Young People's Socialist League 2050, 2078, 2082 

Young Socialist Alliance (YSA). {See entry under Socialist Workers Party 
(SWP).) 

Young Socialist League 2079 

Youth Action Union of Los Angeles 2073 

Youth for Jobs 

Oakland, Calif 2084 

San Francisco, Calif 2084 

PUBLICATIONS 

A 

Abolition Ne\YS 2104 

Arm Yourself or Harm Yourself (play) (LeRoi Jones) 2168,2169 

B 

Berkeley Barb (newspaper) 2131 

Black Liberation — Now! (pamphlet) 2118 

C 

Challenge (PLP newspaper) 2152 

Clash of Cultures : Some Contrasts in US-USSR Morals and Manners, A 

(book) (Vincent Plallinan) 2103 

Concentration Camps USA (pamphlet) 2125 

CONVENER, THE (now known as INSURGENT) 2073, 2107, 2108 

D 

Daily Californian (University of California, Berkeley, publication) 2085 

Daily Gater (formerly known as Golden Gater) 2151, 2172, 2175, 2178 

Daily People's World -^^ 

Daily Worker 2078 



^ Referred to as "World Peace Congress. 



INDEX 



G 



Golden Gater (San Francisco State College paper) (now known as 

Daily Gater) 2151, 2168 

Great Fear in Latin America (book) (John Gerassi) 2176 

Guerrilla Warfare (book) (Clie Guevara) 2148 

H 

Home: Social Essays (LeRoi Jones) 2168 

How to Survive in the Wilderness 2148 

I 

Imperialism (thesis) (Lenin) 2148 

INSURGENT (formerly known as THE CONVENER) 2052, 

2107-2109, 2115-2117, 2191 

M 

March of Labor 2102 

Modoc War, The (Murray) 2148 

N 

National Guardian 2081, 210;3 

New Horizons for Youth 2106 

New World Review 2073,2103 

O 
Oakland Tribune 2085, 2108 

101 Questions for the Guerrilla (Col. Bayo) 2148 

Open Process 2055,2174, 2175,2178 

P 

People's World 2050, 

2052, 2080, 2083, 2086-2088, 2091, 2101, 2111, 2114, 2138, 2140 

Progressive Labor (magazine) 3051,2095 

Protracted War, The (Mao Tse-tung) 2148 

R 

Ramparts (magazine) 2137, 2138, 2153 

Revolution in the Revolution (Regis Debray) 2148 

S 

Second Declaration of Havana (Fidel Castro) 2148 

Slave, The (play) (LeRoi Jones) 2167,2168 

Spark (newspaper) 2051, 2052, 2098, 2104, 2116, 2121, 2122 

Spartan Daily (San Jose State College paper) 2129 

Stalin (Isaac Deutscher) 2148 

State and Revolution (Lenin) 2148 

T 
TOCSIN (magazine) 2076 

Toilet, The (phiy) (LeRoi Jones) 2167,2168 

U 

U.S. Army Guerrilla Warfare Manual 2148 

United States War in Vietnam, The (pamphlet) (Michael Myerson) 2073 

V 

Venceremos ! The Speeches and Writings of Che Guevara 2180-2183 

W 
War of the Flea (Robert Taber) 2148 



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