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Full text of "Subversive influences in riots, looting, and burning. Hearings, Ninetieth Congress, first [-second] session"

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D. . ')9( 






(Los Angeles — ^Watts) 






JUNE 28, 1968 

Printed for the use- of the 
Committee on Un-American Activities 



DECH 1:6 9 

88-083 O WASHINGTON : 1968 

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing OCace 
Washington, D.C. 20402 - Price 25 cents 


UNITED States House of Representatives 
EDWIN E. WILLIS, Louisiana, Chairman 

JOE R. POOL, Texas DEL CLAWSON, California 


JOHN C. CULVER, Iowa ALBERT W. WATSON, South Carolina 

Francis J. McNamara, Director 
Chester D. Smith, General Counsel 
Alfred M. Nittle, Counsel 




Synopsis 1815 

June 28, 1968 : Testimony of— 

James C. Harris 1819 

Index 1 


The House Committee on Un-American Activities is a standing 
committee of the House of Representatives, constituted as such by the 
rules of the House, adopted pursuant to Article I, section 5, of the 
Constitution of the United States which authorizes the House to deter- 
mine the rules of its proceedings. 


House Resolution 7, January 10, 1967 


Resolved, That the Rules of the House of Representatives of the Eighty-ninth 
Congress, together with all applicable provisions of the Legislative Reorganiza- 
tion Act of 1946, as amended, be, and they are hereby, adopted as the Rules of 
the House of Representatives of the Ninetieth Congress * * * 

Rule X 


1. There shall be elected by the House, at the commencement of each Congress, 

(r) Committee on Un-American Activities, to consist of nine Members. 


Rule XI 


18. Committee on Un-American Activities. 

(a) Un-American activities. 

(b) The Committee on Un-American Activities, as a whole or by subcommittee, 
is authorized to make from time to time investigations of (1) the extent, charac- 
ter, and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the United States, 

(2) the diffusion within the United States of subversive and un-American propa- 
ganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origin and attacks 
the principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitution, and 

(3) all other questions in relation thereto that would, aid Congress in any 
necessary remedial legislation. 

The Committee on Un-American Activities shall report to the House ( or to the 
Clerk of the House if the House is not in session ) the results of any such investi- 
gation, together with such recommendations as it deems advisable. 

For the purpose of any such investigation, the Committee on Un-American 
Activities, or any subcommittee thereof, is authorized to sit and act at such times 
and places within the United States, whether or not the House is sitting, has 
recessed, or has adjourned, to hold such hearings, to require the attendance of 
such witnesses and the production of .such books, papers, and documents, and to 
take such testimony, as it deems necessary. Subpenas may be issued under the 
signature of the chairman of the committee or any .subcommittee, or by any mem- 
ber designated by any such chairman, and may be served by any person 
designated by any such chairman or member. 

****** * 

27. To assist the House in appraising the administration of the laws and in 
developing such amendments or related legislation as it may deem necessary, 
each standing committee of the House shall exercise continuous watchfulness of 
the execution by the administrative agencies concerned of any laws, the subject 
matter of which is within the jurisdiction of such commttee ; and. for that pur- 
pose, shall study all pertinent reports and data submitted to the House by the 
agencies in the executive branch of the Government. 



Detective James C. Harris of the Los Angeles district attorney's 
office, who had testified before the committee in November 1967 
during its hearings on the 1965 racial distm^bances in the Watts area 
of Los Angeles, appeared again as a witness before the Committee on 
Un-American Activities on June 28, 1968. His testimony concerned 
matters pertaining to the Black Congress and a rally it had sponsored 
on February 18, 1968, at the Los Angeles Sports Arena. 

Mr. Harris stated that although spontaneous incidents have sparked 
riots and racial disturbances, it is also true that dissident groups have 
caused hard feelings between the races by deliberately planned actions. 
One such action, he said, was this Black Congress rally. 

Mr. Harris testified that the Black Congress is a "coordinating 
organization composed of about 28 groups" which "encourage mem- 
bership on the part of any black group of 10 or more members who are 
involved in social change." Its director is Walter Bremond. The rally 
which it sponsored at the Los Angeles Sports Arena on February 18, 
1968, was, according to Detective Harris, an "action which clearly 
shows the intent of the sponsoring group to foster * * * iH will 
between the races." 

The witness testified that in early February 1968, Irving Sarnoff, 
an identified member of the Communist Party, who is also the chair- 
man of the Peace Action Council in Los Angeles, "was in contact with 
Stokely Carmichael, and Carmichael agreed to appear in Los Angeles." 
Sarnoff was working in conjunction with the Black Congress, according 
to Detective Harris. 

The purpose of the rally w^as to raise funds for the Huey P. Newton 
Defense Fund. Newton is a member of the Black Panthers in Oakland, 
Calif., who was then under indictment, and has since been convicted, 
of murdering a policeman. His defense attorney, Charles R. Garry, 
has been identified as a member of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Harris presented as an exhibit a flyer which advertised the rally 
and named such noted militants as Stokely Carmichael, Bobby Scale, 
Maulana Karenga, Reies Tijerina, and Betty Shabazz, the \yife of 
the late Malcolm X, as speakers. Miss Shabazz. however, did not 
appear at the rally, according to Detective Harris. He pointed out 
that Walter Bremond served as master of ceremonies. 

Detective Harris then quoted brief excerpts from the speeches made 
by several rally speakers, including: 

James Forman, then a national director of the Student Nonviolent 
Coordinating Committee (SNCC), the first speaker. He told of the 
existence of a "mutual defense pact" and warned of "instant and 
pro tractive retribution" if any black leaders were assassinated. 

Bobby Seale, chairman of the Black Panther Party for Self-Defense, 
declared that "Every black man here must have a shotgun in his home 
to defend himself and his family against the racist Gestapo 
police * * *." 



Reies Tijerina, the leader of the militant Mexican- American Federal 
Alliance of Free City-States, declared that "The white man is an 
enemy of justice, an enemy of mankind * * *." 

Ron Karenga, leader of US, called on the audience "to get white 
people fighting each other . . . Let them shoot each other * * *." 

H. Rap Brown, a national leader of SNCC, stated that "Black 
people, if they are going to be free, must begin to seize power. You 
better get your gun, brother. * * * You've got to arm yourselves. * * * 
The only politics we can be concerned mth is the politics of revolu- 
tion. * * * We not only talking about destroying a power structure — 
we're talking about ruination of a system." 

Stokely Carmichael told the audience: "If this country burns down to 
the ground, we rejoice and we dance * * * in order to educate our 
people, it means that we must take over the schools — nothing less — 
take them over by any means necessary. ..." 

Regarding Black Panther member Huey P. Newton and his forth- 
coming trial for murder, Carmichael stated, "If you oft brother Huey, 
we oft fifteen honkie cops." "Oft," Mr. Harris explained, means 
"to kill." 

The white news media, Detective Harris said, did not cover the 
rally because they would have been required to pay $1,000 in order 
to be admitted to the arena. The rally was, however, covered by the 
West Coast Communist Party newspaper, the People's World. The 
February 24, 1968, issue of that publication carried a page-one report 
of the proceedings written by Gene Dennis. The article was entered as 
an exhibit for the record. Dennis estimated that approximately 4,000 
persons had attended the rally. Detective Harris testified that 3,000 
would be a more accurate figure. 

The request for the use of the Los Angeles Sports Arena for the 
Black Congress rally was made on February 8, 1968, by Mrs. Bobbie 
Hodges, local chairman of SNCC. Mr. Harris testified that she had 
presented a letter requesting the arena for February 18, 1968, and a 
check in the amount of $1,000 signed by Ayuko Babu. 

According to Mr. Harris: 

Babu is Anthony C. Ashley, an officer of the Black Student Union, a member of 
the National Conference for New Politics, on the national executive board of this 
group, a guest speaker before the New Left School in Los Angeles, a central 
committeernan of the Black Panther Political Party, and a participant in many 
demonstrations in Los Angeles, particularly in anti-Dow Chemical Company 
agitation at Cal-State, L.A. 

Ashley is a male Negro, born 16 July 1943 in Amarillo, Texas. 

Committee counsel then asked Mr. Harris if he could name the 
individuals who had "furnished the money" for the appearance of the 

The witness testified that Mr. John Pratt had given a check in the 
amount of $1,000 to Walter Bremond; Helen Travis, an identified 
member of the Communist Party, had remitted a cashier's check in the 
amount of $2,000 ; and Kenneth W. Rottger had made payable to the 
L.A. Memorial Coliseum Commission a check for $10,000. Copies of the 
checks were entered as exhibits for the record. Mr. Harris also testified 
. in reference to the Rottger check : 


I also have a letter dated the 21st of February 1968, wherein the receipt of this 
money is signed for by Kenneth Rottger, and a copy of a letter directed to the 
Los Angeles Memorial Coliseum Commission, where the rally was held, which 
instructs them to return the $10,000 check to Kenneth Rottger. 

Detective Harris provided additional information pertaining to 
the background and activities of Mr. Pratt, Mr. Rottger, and Mrs. 

He concluded his testimony by naming 22 of the persons known 
to have attended the Black Congress rally. Seventeen of the 22 were 
known Communist Party members. Background information on 
these individuals extracted from the committee's files was entered 
as an exhibit in the hearing record. 



Part 3-A 

(Los Angeles — Watts) 

FRIDAY, JUNE 28, 1968 

United States House of Representatives, 

Subcommittee of the 
Committee on Un-American Activities, 

Washington, B.C. 
public hearings 

A subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities met, 
pursuant to call, at 10 a.m., in Room 311, Cannon House Office Build- 
ing, Washington, D.C., Hon. Edwin E. Willis (chairman) presiding. 

(Subcommittee members: Representatives Edwin E. Willis, of 
Louisiana, chairman; William M. Tuck, of Virginia; and Richard 
L. Roudebush, of Indiana.) 

Subcommittee members present : Representatives Willis and Roude- 

Staff members present : Francis J. McNamara, director ; Chester D. 
Smith, general counsel ; and William A. Wheeler, investigator. 

The Chairman. In view of the fact that other members of the sub- 
committee appointed to conduct these hearings cannot be present today, 
the Chair wishes to announce that he has designated a new subcom- 
mittee consisting of himself, Mr. Tuck, and Mr. Roudebush to conduct 
these hearings. 

Mr. Roudebush, will you preside ? 

Mr. Roudebush. Our first witness this morning will be Mr. James 
Harris, detective, Los Angeles district attorney's office. 

Mr. Harris will testify about the Black Congress held in Los Angeles, 
February 18, 1968. Mr. Harris, do you have any objection to taking an 
oath ? 

Mr. Harris. None, sir. 

Mr. Roudebush. Would you stand, please? 

Mr. Harris, do you solemnly swear that you will tell the truth, the 
whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God ? 

Mr, Harris. I do. 


Mr. Roudebush. Detective Harris, you testified before the commit- 
tee last November, I believe it was, when we held hearings on the Watts 
riot and race relations in the Los Angeles area. I understand you have 

88-08a O — 68— pt. 3A 2 


supplemental information to present to the committee this morning. 
Is that correct ? 

Mr. Harris. Yes, sir. 

Mr. KouDEBusH. Mr. Counsel, will you proceed with the interroga- 

Mr. Smith. Will you give us your full name for the record ? 

Mr. Harris. James Harris. I am an investigator with the office of 
the district attorney, Los Angeles. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Harris, you have testified before the Committee 
on Un-American Activities on November 28 and 29, 1967; is that 
correct ? 

Mr. Harris. Yes, it is. 

Mr. Smith. Since your appearance before the committee last No- 
vember, are there any matters you believe should be brought to the 
attention of this committee ? 

Mr. Harris. Yes, Mr. Smith. Although incidents of a spontaneous 
nature have in the past triggered riots and other racial occurrences, 
it is also known that specifically planned actions have been taken 
by certain dissident groups which have fostered ill feelings between 
the black and white races. 

One such action which clearly shows the intent of the sponsoring 
group to foster this ill will between the races occurred in Los Angeles 
in February 1968. In early February 1968, Irving Sarnoff , who is the 
chairman of the Peace Action Council in Los Angeles, was in contact 
with Stokely Carmichael, and Carmichael agreed to appear in Los 

Sarnoff was working in conjunction with the Black Congress. This 
rally which they had planned was to be held at the Los Angeles Sports 
Arena on February 18, 1968, and its purpose was to raise money for 
the Huey P. Newton Defense Fund. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, at this point I would like to state for 
the record that previous testimony has been entered in the record by 
the Honorable Mayor Sam Yorty of Los Angeles on November 28, 
1967. His testimony shows that Irving Sarnoff and the Peace Action 
Council were the primary organizers of the march and demonstration 
that occurred when President Johnson appeared at the Century Plaza 
Hotel in Los Angeles on June 23, 1967." This demonstration developed 
into a minor riot. 

1 See p. 851 of pt. 1 of these hearings. 


Mr. KouDEBUSH. Without objection, that will be noted. 

Mr. Harris. I have liere a flyer which advertises a mass rally to be 
held February 18, 1968. It is interesting to note that welfare recipients 
were able to enter for a lower price than everybody else. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request this document be received 
for the record. 

Mr. RouDEBusH. Without objection, it is so ordered. 

(Document marked "Harris Exhibit No. 65." See page 1822.) 

Mr. Smith. Some of the speakers were Stokely Carmichael, Bobby^ 
Seale, Reies Tijerina, and Maulana Ron Karenga. Were there addi- 
tional speakers ? 

Mr. Harris. Yes, there were — James Forman, H. Rap Brown, Moc- 
tezuma Esparza were also to speak. Betty Shabazz, who is the wife 
of the late "Malcom X," did not appear. Walter Bremond was master 
of ceremonies. Bremond is the director of the Black Congress. 

Mr. Smith. Is Maulana Ron Karenga the same person who is the 
head of the organization US of Los Angeles, about which considerable 
testimony has already been received into the record from last No- 

Mr. Harris. Yes, sir, he is. "Maulana" means "'teacher" in Swahili. 
His true name is Ronald McKinley Everett. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Harris, you mentioned the Black Congress. Will 
you further describe this organization ? 

Mr. Harris. It is a coordinating organization composed of about 28 
groups. They encourage membership on the part of any black group 
of 10 or more members who are involved in social change. 

They have sponsored demonstrations and circulated leaflets calling 
for the defense of Rap Brown. I have one here which is cosponsored by 
the Black Congress, SNCC, SDS, the Dow Action Committee, and the 
Internal Repression Committee of the Peace Action Council. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request this document be received in 
the record. 

Mr. RouDEBUSH. Without objection, it is so ordered. 

(Document marked "Harris Exhibit No. 66." See page 1823. Ex- 
hibits Nos. 65 and 66 follow:) 


Harris Exhibit No. 65 

rED« iw# \wO\J Hti3y p. NewtSB Defeasa Fund 


Bobby Seale Betty Shabazz 

Reies Maulana 
Tijerina Rarenga 



Tickets:$1.50 $2.00 $S.OO 

Harris Exhibit No. 66 

l,M!\iKTANr hR;;F.LX-)M IiVKNT! 

« ri'deral Buildino 
Not t li ! OS, (\noplPS Street 
^1 -.'Ics, Olifornla. 

—ctiy, ^V^rch 20th, 1968, 
10:iX) A.M. to 7:(10 P.M. 


Owirman of Sl..<!rnl \on-\ iolcT.I f ..ndiiultns 


H. HAP lUU'ASN is Lhiiij; ,-, i '; -.:,~ 

exorcism^; his richf to frc-.i,-.!,, r.f s;>,-. >h i>- i. 
geles His punx's^- in cii'iiMii; lo I j % V ,;i '-^ 
his lawyer, whir), ,u.l u. v i,.!.i!,..i, ,1 - 
slnctioii. lie IS :ilsi) K-ino: f.ilselv .ictiii. cl -.t 
aN.-gro KHl ,-j(i.nit. 

A majority ot ti^t^ *■ ' ' 

lies with the peosiic ■ ; 
sp»"aking on the Wrst ( 

was worth any ytinscqueates Uf lu^^hi ■; • ; 

Kr. rJiDjBey Clark, Attorney -..•noial 
Justice Departnt?nt 
Washington, D.C, 

Sir: H. RAP BROWN is beinc; pjnisheiJ 
for his beliefs, not for his acti.msj 

leaflet circulated by i 3LACK QVN ,»!: 

wnen you can , ^o wht>n 


ORT-IN-A^.TTil\' F-OR 

liAf aua-.'u 


.■!;\L SMii;- Mnroh ;-'Oth narks 
Mr. 1' vown's airthdayi 

.•'W; V' ' iHiLP: Write the Attorney i^r«ral 
to ft<-ip i;aji8rown; V'ritc "\i^ Hrown to 
E?nc'.urniji-> hits; send funJs to the L.A, 
r«-?:s tu'low. 

t\« <-<)N'VF,N3E.NCE: you can sign this 
If.TflPt .Mui mail it rinht on the 3t>ot. 

Rrmciribcr! He did not break or yiolatf airy travel 
r^. ti.n^ i!t- is !i.'ing pr;nish<;cf Ktsusc he rajw against 

si !,i 

iMitrilniliiig lo tlie H. Rap 

Broyvn Dt-fwise Kiiiid, 

FOli ii RAr BRO\W 

(•'. (ix !i Rap Bro'sn Defense Tund 

4r;J West 25th Street 
— - I OS Ans;,.lc5, Cahfoinui fKWl.'H 

Nir . H. Rap Brown 

'arisli t'rison 

Now I'rleans, Louisiana, 

tv--nr Mr, Brown: We Join you as an act 
of solidarity in yoiir strusj.jle for 
freedora fox yoursolf and for black 
jTeoples of the world. 



SNCC, r.DS, 1»W ACTl'W ("nHMITTliE and '\^^ 

i!'.)N awHirri;£ of thi> rvAcy- ACrtsW cwncil. 


Mr. Smith. Do you have a summary of what was said by the featured 
speakers at this rally ? 

Mr. Harris. I do, sir. The first speaker was James Forman, who was 
a national director of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Commit- 
tee. His statements included the following : 

We want to say publicly that we have a mutual defense pact and if you 
assassinate any of these black leaders, you must be prepared for instant and 
protractive retribution. We are talking about selective, directive, protractive 
retributions on police stations, on fire stations, on power plants, on war fac- 
tories ... all over this country. 

Forman then indicated that a merger of SNCC and the Black 
Panther Party for Self-Defense had taken effect and that he was at- 
tempting to establish "operational unity" leading to a brotherhood 
of black people. 

He admitted that he was the minister of foreign affairs and that 
Rap Brown was the minister of justice of this new operational unity 

The next speaker was Bobby Seale who was the chairman of the 
Black Panther Party for Self-Defense in Oakland. He stated : 

Every black man here must have a shotgun in his home to defend himself and 
his family against the racist Gestapo police who occupy our community like a 
foreign troop. 

The next speaker was Reies Lopez Tijerina. Tijerina is a leader in 
a militant Mexican-American group. He stated : 

The white man is an enemy of justtce, an enemy of mankind, and he is also 
pcyisoning the minds of the public. 

Tijerina leads the Federal Alliance of Free City-States % an organi- 
zation that has laid claim to 100 million acres of the Southwest. The 
group alleges that the U.S. stole this land after the treaty of Guada- 
lupe-Hidalgo, which ended the Mexican War of 1848. 

Mr. RouDEBUSH. Is that the same Tijerina who was here with the 
Poor People's March ? 

Mr. Harris. Yes, sir, the same individual. This group has threatened 
guerrilla warfare in New Mexico. He has been accused of assaulting 
United States officers in New Mexico. 

The next speaker was Ron Karenga, also known as Ronald Mc- 
Kinley Everett. He is the militant leader of US, a black organization. 
He stated that "black power emanates from political office, commu- 
aity organizatio'n, coalition and alliance, and disruption." He advocated 
the power of disruption and stated, "Bring up controversial issues 
like the war in Viet Nam . . . , and like all them other things they are 
doing." He said, "These things have to be brought up to undermine 
the white man as a very corrupt and vile thing." 

Karenga further stated : 

Let's talk about how to get white people flghtling each other . . . Let them shoot 
each other ; let them march and picket and confront each other, and after it's all 
finished, we will have a better world. 

He stated, "Yeah, we're against violence, right, uh huh, right, but 
after sundown anything might happen." 

1 Formerly known as Federal Alliance of Land Grants ; since l<nown variously as Feder- 
ation of Free City States, Confederation of Free City States, and Political Confederation 
of Free City States. 


Mr. Smith. For the record, Mr. Chairman, Ronald McKinley Eve- 
rett, also known as Ron Karenga, of the organization iJS was the 
subject of testimony before this committee on November 30, 1967. 

Mr. Harris. The next speaker was Rap Brown, who was a national 
leader of SNCC. He stated : 

Black people, if they are going to be free, must begin to seize power. You better 
get your gun, brother. I don't care if it ain't nothing but a BB gun with poisoned 
BB's. America has shown us that she don't respect anything but counter force. 
You've got to arm yourselves. There is no political structure in this country 
that's relevant to black i^eople. The only politics we can be concerned with is 
the politics of revolution. This is our country. It was built on our backs by our 
labor. We've built the country up; we'll burn it down if they don't hurry up 
and come around. You got to get beyond the racist pig cop, you see, because he 
is a tool of the man who really controls this system. We not only talking about 
destroying a power structure — we're talking about ruination of a system. Black 
people cannot afford to become capitalists. 

The next speaker was Stokely Carmichael. He stated generally : 

We go to China. We go to Cuba. We go to Africa. We'll go wherever we want 

to go and if the honkie don't like it, he can go to hell So that day when we 

talk about our survival, we do not talk about this country, which is America, 
which is white people ; we talk about our people — nothing else. That's all we care 
about. If this country burns down to the ground, we rejoice and we dance. . . . 
It's foolish to assume that the vote is going to do anything for black people. . . . 
In order to educate our i)eople, it means that we must take over the schools — 
nothing less — take them over by any means necessary. . . . We need an ideology 
for us that deals with the problem of racism, which is above exploitation. 

In relation to Huey P. Newton, a member of the Black Panther 
Political Party for Self-Defense in Oakland, Carmichael stated, "If 
you oft brother Huey, ^^•e oft fifteen honkie cops." 

Mr. Smith. What does "oft" mean ? 

Mr. Harris. This means "to kill." 

Carmichael continued : 

And if anybody in the black community says anything about it, we oft him too. . . . 
We must organize groups. We must organize groups which will, when they come 
down against us, have the maximum damage against them and the minimum risk 
to us. That means we organize little groups. When they oft us, that group ofts a 
number of them. If they get caught, it's a small group. . . . Our major enemy is the 
honkie. . . . We have people today who are willing to oft (kill). We do not want 
to oft our own people. . . . But if any black man talks to any honkie about what 
we do in our own community, we are going to kill him. . . . We must be concerned 

with our people. The hell with this country. Let's be concerned with 

our people. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Harris, were the news media admitted to this rally ? 

Mr. Harris. Not exactly, Mr. Smith. The white news media were 
offered an opportunity to attend for a fee of $1,000. 

Mr. Smith. Did anyone pay such a fee ? 

Mr. Harris. No, sir. 

Mr. Smith. Was the rally covered by any other press organization ? 

Mr. Harris. Yes, sir, the Peoiple's World^ the West Coast Communist 
newspaper, carried an article written by Gene Dennis on Saturday, 
February 24, 1968, on the front page. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request this document be received for 
the record. 

Mr. RouDEBUSH. Without objection, it is so ordered. 

(Document marked "Harris Exhibit No. 67" follows:) 


Harris Exhibit No. 67 

StokelVf Rap chart 
^strategy of survival' 


OAKLAND — A "strategy for 
black survival" based on a 
"Black United Front" was the 
line laid down by militant lead- 
ers of the recently merged Stu- 
dent Non-violent Coordinating 
Comnuttee and the Black Pan- 
ther Party for Self-Defense be- 
for a cheering, chanting, large- 

ly black crowd of 6,000 in the 
Oakland Auditorium last Satur- 
day (Feb. 17). 

The program outlined by Sto- 
kely Carmichael, H. Rap Brown, 
James Forman, and Bobby 
Seale in the Oakland meeting— 
and again Sunday afternoon be- 
fore 4,000 people in Los Angeles 
— calls for: 

Jeffrey BUnkfort photo 


"Black nationalism is our ideology . . ." 

• Development of all-class ra- 
cial unity in the black commun- 
ity, and alliance with Mexican 
Americans, Puerto Ricans, and 
American Indians. 

• International solidarity with 
the national Uberation move- 
ments and colori>d peoples of 
Asia, Africa, and Latin America. 

• Recognition of the white 
power structure and its racist 
institutions as the main enemy. 

• Rejection of socialist and com- 
munist ideologies in favor of 
militant black nationalism 
grounded in "a communal way 
of life." 

• Armed protection of black 
communities and maximum re- 
taliation when the ghettos and 
its leaders are attacked. 

• Rejection of electoral action 
except as an organizing tool. 


The tenor of both meetings 
and the content of the program 
reflects a political shift arising 
out of the growing conviction in 
the ghettos that the white power 
structure is about to launch an 
all-out drive to exterminate the 
black commtinity — perhaps be- 
ginning thi3 summer. 

"The survival of black peo- 
ple," said Carmichael at the, billed as a "Birthday 
Benefit" for jailed Panther lead- 

Harris Exhibit No. 67 — Continued ' 



Los Angeles *♦ Final Price Ten Cents <^^ 

VOL. 31, NO. 8 SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 24. 1968 

er Huey P. Newton, "is our aim 
— nothing else. We built this 
country and we're here because 
we were needed. But when 
we're no longer needed our peo- 
ple are going to 'disappear' 
just like the red man who was 
wiped out by the white man. 
Look how they are sending our 
brothers off to die in Vietnam. 

"For 413 years our people 
have resisted. They have re- 
sisted so this generation could 
carry out what must be done." 

Brown, who came to Califor- 
nia despite a court order confin- 
ing him to New York City, 
charged the nation's police with 
preparing for genocidal attacks 
on the Rhetto.^ 

'Last summer in Watts," he 
said, "they took 1,000 kids and 
sent them to a military camp 
in the country. Next time they 
may not come back. What are 
you gonna do then?" 


"We will meet the repres- 
sion," said Forman, "with a 
new strategy, new tactics. We 
will build a brotherhood of black 
people to withstand the repres- 
sion. We need a mass political 

party. Us field niggers are get- 
ting together. 

"We, as a people, are not 
friglitened by the attempts to 
assassinate our leaders. There 
will be retribution. We will des- 
troy war factories, blow up po- 
lice stations, destroy power 
plants, and take retribution 
against governors, mayors, and 
the white pig cops that occupy 
our community — and if Huey 
Newton is not set free, the sky's 
the limit!" 

And the crowd roared its ap- 

"V/e are not outnumbered," 
said Bobby Seale, Panther chair- 
man, "we are outorganizcd. 
Now wife j?e going to get down 
to the nits and the grits. The 
Black Panther party for Self- 
Defense is a revolutionary par- 
ly. Racism must be stopped!" 

Seale outlined the Panther's 
10-point program for full em- 
ployment, draft resistance, self- 
defense, decent housing, mean- 
ingful and relevant education, 
and trial by peers. 

"We hate the oppression we 
live in," he said. "We're tired 

rCoMMniMd on boek pagt) 

88-083 O — 68 — pt. 3A- 

Harris Exhibit No. 67 — Continued 

Black militants spell out 'survival' strategy 

(Continued from page t) 

of the cops beating us over the 
head . . . Now is the time to 
put a shotgun in your home." 

In both meetings, the black 
speakers minimized or rejected 
alliances with whites and ad- 
dressed theniselves to the black 
section of the audience. 

"I will not deny," said Car- 
michael, "that whites are op- 
pressed. The difference is: they 
are exploited, we are colonized 
. . . communism and socialism 

is not an ideology suited to 

black people, period. It speaks 
to the class structure, we're not. 
We're facing racism. No matter 
how much money you make 
you're still a nigger . . . 

"We must organize our own 
people — organize our sweat, 
our blood, our life for notional 
liberation — and black nation- 
alism is our ideology. We are a 
beautiful race, our people can 
do anything!" 

Both Carmichael and Brown 
put down electoral action. Car- 
michael called the vote "a 
honky's trick" whose only value 
was as "an organizing tool to 
bring our people together." 

"The only politics relevant to 
us," said Brown, "is the politics 
of revolution . . the only dif- 
ference between Lynch'em 
Johnson and George Wallace is 
one's wife got cancer. 

"There's no such thing as a 
second class citizen. Either 
you're free or yoii're slave . . . 

"Chairman Mao says the 
power is in the barrel of a gun. 
(Alliance with whites) is a lux- 
ury we cannot afford. The man 
will kill you because you're 

"There must be a revolution 
of the dispossessed — the Mex- 
ican American, Puerto Rican, 
and black people. We are the 
vanguard of that revolution be- 
cause we are the most dispos- 

Jeffrey Blankfort photo 


"We are the vanguard of the revolution . . ." 


Carmichael called for forma- 
tion of a Black United Front — 
"Every Negro is a potential 
hlnrk man ... we must have an 
iindyipg love for our people . . . 
there will be no mfighting in 
the black community" — which 
will '-jinok up with our 900 mil- 
lion black brothers across the 
world — in Africa, Asia, and 
Latin America." 

In building black unity and 
fighting for black liberation, he 
said, "we must get ready for 
the marines . . . there will be 
maximum damage to them and 
minimum damage to us." 

At the Los Angeles meeting 
in the Sports Arena, Carmi- 
chael lashed out against the 
U.S. State Department's use of 
passprrt control to prevent 
black people from talking with 
their brothers elsewhere, and 
insisted no one is going "to stop 
us from going to China, Cuba, 
Africa, or any place in South 
A'.nsrica " 

As in Oakland, he scored U.S. 
aggression in Vietnam and called 
for the victory of the Vietnam- 
ese people. 

Sharing the L.A. platform 
>vith Carmichael, Brown, For- 
man, and Seaie, were: Reies 
Tijerina, leader of the Alianza 
land ?rant movem.ent; Mocte- 
suma Esparza, United Mexican 
American Students; Maulana 
Karenga, US — a black na- 
tionalist group; and Walter Bre- 
mond. Black Congress. 

Karenga repeated the call for 
black unity on the grounds all 
blacks are part of the "class of 
the dispossessed," and urged 
the Natl. Assn. for the Ad- 
vancement of Colored People, 
the Urban League, and others 
to build black unity congresses 
across the nation. 


Tijerina won the support of 
the overwhelmingly black audi- 
ence as he spoke of "a deep 
communication between your 
faces and my heart." 

Harris Exhibit No. 67 — Continued 

He called the U.S. pretense of 
fighting for democracy in Viet- 
nam 'a rotten lie," and called 
on "all good whites" to join the 
blacks, Indians and Mexicans to 
reshape American society 

In Oakland. Peace and Free- 
dom party leader Bob Avakian 
told the crowd, "Black oeople 
have forced us to face the real- 
ity of what America is all about. 
Black people are the vanguard 
and our inspiration. Watch us 
with a suspicious eye and see 
if we don't deliver.'" 

Charles Garry, Newton's at- 
torney, predicted the Panther 
would be found 'not guilty" if 
tried by "an impartial jury of 
his peers." 

Ron Dellums, black member 
of the Berkeley city council, 
told the Oakland meeting, "Not 
only are Huey's rights and his' 
life at stake — but so are those 
of every black man, woman and 
child. Every black politician 
must now stand up and say 
where he is." 


Dellums said he was introduc- 
ing a resolution before the city 

council Tuesday (Feb. 20) de- 
manding Newton "be freed im- 

Eldridge Cleaver, Panther 
minister of information and 
chairman of the Oakland meet- 
ing, announced Newton definite- 
ly would be a candidate for Con- 
gress in the Seventh Congres- 
sional District in the June prim- 
ary — Whether he runs as a 
Panther write-in or as a Peace 
and Freedom candidate remains 
to be decided, but he will be a 

And it was Cleaver who also 
made official the SNCC-BPSD 
merger. Rap Brown, national 
SNCC chairman, is now (he 
Panther's minister of justice; 
James Forman, SNCC director 
of international affairs, is now 
Panther minister of foreign af- 
fairs. And Carmichael, by voice 
vote of only black participants 
at the meeting, was proclaimed 
Prime Minister of Afro-America. 

"The merger has taken place," 
said Forman, "but it will take 
several months before it is 
final. The reason for it is unity 
to withstand the repression." 


Mr. Smith. Would this seem to confirm that the People's World 
reporters were admitted to the rally ? 

Mr. Harris. It would appear as such. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Smith. How many persons attended the rally ? 

Mr. Harris. The People's World article reported some 4,000 per- 
sons, but I feel this is an exaggerated count. My estimate w^ould be 
closer to 3,000. 

Mr. Smith. Would not the fee for the rental of the arena be con- 
siderable ? 

Mr. Harris. Yes, there would have been required a considerable 

Mr. Smith. Do you know how^ the deposits were made ? 

Mr. Harris. Yes, I do. 

Mr. Smith. Please continue, then. 

Mr. Harris. On February 8, 1968, Bobbie Hodges, a young female 
Negro giving an address of 4227 West 25tli Street in Los Angeles 
and identifying lierself as the local chairman of the Student Non- 
violent Coordinating Committee at 7228 South Broadway, which, as a 
matter of interest, is also the headquarters of the Black Congress, pre- 
sented a letter requesting the use of the Sports Arena on Sunday, Feb- 
ruary 18, for what she called a "community rally." 

She also presented a check in the amount of $1,500, signed by 
Ayuko Babu. Babu is Anthony C. Ashley, an officer of the Black 
Student Union, a member of the National Conference for New Poli- 
tics, on the national executive board of this group, a guest speaker 
before the New Left School in Los Angeles, a central committeeman 
of the Black Panther Political Party, and a participant in many 
demonstrations in Los Angeles, particularly in anti-Dow Chemical 
Company agitation at Cal-State, L.A. 

Ashley is a male Negro, born 16 July 1943 in Amarillo, Texas. I 
have here a copy of the letter prepared by Bobbie Hodges, a copy of 
the check presented by Mrs. Hodges for Ayuko Babu, and some docu- 
mentation on Babu. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request these documents be received for 
the record. 

Mr. Roudebush. Without objection, it is so ordered. 

(Documents marked "Harris Exhibits Nos. 68-A, B, and C," 
respectively. Exhibit 68-C retained in committee files; 68-A and B 

Karris Exhibit No. 68-A 

\huit^<^ U a (yJ^ l^iL a^-^M^atx^c^ /,i 00,00 


Harris Exhibit No. 68-B 









^- — 


»"~»««W •"•" "*!V~ 1" "«»"} "«••••"'. 


(£l<V A7-W El 

an eeg) 



•i:i2??-oai,oi: oi-'O 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Harris, Avho are the. individuals who furnished the 
money for the appearance of these speakers? 

Mr. Harris. One of the individuals was identified as John Pratt. 
He gave a check to Walter Bremond, the chairman of the Black Con- 
gress, in the amount of $1,000 drawn on the Security First National 
Bank, Fifth and Bixel Branch, Los Angeles. I have a copy of that 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request the document be received into 
the record. 

Mr. RouDEBUSH. Without objection, it is so ordered. 

(Document marked "Harris Exhibit No. 69" follows :) 

Harris Exhibit No. 69 



lLt_ <i5 VJL. C^^^\J*'*fAmp^S^ ftA-*A. 51 y// 

fBOdHrrv FiRsf :^at^al ^ank 



Mr. Harris. I also have a copy of a cashier's check in the ainount 
of $2,000, drawn on the Lincohi Savinors and Loan Association at 
6211 Hollywood Boulevard, Hollywood, California. The remitter in 
this instance was Helen Travis of 6324 Primrose Avenue, L.A. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request this document be received for 
the record. 

Mr. RoLTDEBUsir. Without objection, it is so ordered. 

(Document marked "Harris Exhibit No. 70" follows:) 

Harris Exhibit No. 70 

LINCOLN SAVINGS 05-006892-^:^ 


?,r.')o r,c, 

9 h ^j "' r-. ri rl'W'i .^ ? J : Lincoln savings 

- i FEB 191968: I '.^^-^'^W^'' 

"--1^^...^ .l-[^M^.,4_^ 

^3?A Prinros. A. J U^Jf <.G.I^|r. Tb^sK K l 

jk ii'o sooEias ail" ■: i e so-cicu.?.jiip.Qoj ,flo_sa u^ ' /oooo aooooo.'' 

1,03 .'.n'^-Ues Memorial Co 




Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, for the record, information from the 
committee files indicate that Helen Travis has been identified as a 
member of the Communist Party in testimony by Milton Santwire on 
August 4, 1955. Mrs. Travis formerly wrote for the Communist news- 
paper, the Daily Worker^ under the name of Maxine Levi. 

On August 30, 1950, the committee interrogated her regarding evi- 
dence that she had transferred $3,700 to a money drop in Mexico 
City in an effort to finance the release of a Stalinist agent who had 
been imprisoned for the murder of Leon Trotsky, Mrs. Travis invoked 
the fifth amendment in response to questions regarding these activities, 
in which she had been engaged under the name of Helen Levi Simon. 

Mr. Harris. I also have a copy of a $10,000 cashier's check made pay- 
able to the [L.A.] Memorial Coliseum Commission by Kenneth W. 
Rottger. This check was given to coliseum officials by Walter Bre- 
mond. I would like to introduce that one. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request this document be received for 
the record. 

Mr. RouDEBUSH. Without objection, it is so ordered. 


(Document marked "Harris Exhibit No. Yl" follows:) 
Harris exhibit No. 71 


OA„ Pe^- 16, 1968 ,„._,„ 

-L. A. Memorial Coliseum Coniiniasion - - - a.lO,OOOoOO 

_ Dollars 

CASHIEES CHECEC ^) '^r^^... ''•' 

:iEE3"'03E>E.i:i7 2'" 560 20 1"' .''000 1000000/ 

Mr. Harris. With reference to that latest exhibit there, I also have 
a letter dated the 21st of February 1968, wlierein the receipt of this 
money is signed for by Kenneth Rottger, and a copy of a letter di- 
rected to the Los Angeles Memorial Coliseum Commission, where the 
rally was held, which instructs them to return the $10,000 check to 
Kenneth Rottger. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request these documents be received 
for the record. 

Mr. RouDEBUSH. Without objection, it is so ordered. 

(Documents marked "Harris Exhibits Nos. 72 and 73," respectively, 

Harris Exhibit No. 72 

February 21, 1968 

Receipt is hereby acknowledged for return of Ten 
Thousand Dollar ($10,000.00) deposit made in accordance 
with Paragraph #26 of License and Operating Agreement #310, 
by and between Los Angeles Memorial Coliseum COTomission 
and Walter Bremond. 

Said monies returned by check payable to Walter Bremond 
and Kenneth W. Rottger. 


Harris Exhibit No. 73 

February 16, 196S 
Los Angeles, Ca. 

Los Angeles Memorial Coliseum Commission 
Los Angeles, Ca. 

Contract for rent of L.A. 
Sports Arena, Sunday, 
2-18-68, by Walter 
Bremonc, Licensee. 

Dear Sirs: 

This letter is to instruct you to return the bond of Ten Thous- 
and Dollars ($10,000.00) herewith paid to you, upon completion 
of the conditions for which the bond was posted, to: 

Kenneth W. Rottger 
4031 Wilshire Blvd. 
Los Angeles, Ca./^005. 


Walter Bremond, Licensee 
Accepted: L.A. Memorial Coliseum Commission 

Mr. Harris. Kenneth Rottger has also been identified as a member 
of the board of directors of the Southern California Library for So- 
cial Studies and Research, I have here a copy of a document from the 
Department of State of California, Division of Corporation Records, 
dated November 25, 1966, which was filed by that organization, and it 
shows the purpose of the group is "to accumulate and make available 
material on the subject of Marxism and related and associated subjects 
to all scholars and students interested in the subject," 

These incorporation papers reflect that the directors of this corpo- 
ration are Robert W. Kenny at 1557 Beverly Boulevard, Los Angeles; 
J. Stuart Innerst of 5840 Camino de la Costa, La Jolla, California; 
John Caughey of 1897 Mango Way in Los Angeles; Emil Freed of 
9031/^ South Orange Grove Avenue in Los Angeles ; and Kenneth W. 

Robert W, Kenny is currently a superior court judge in Los Angeles 
who has a long record of Communist- front group activities, I would 
like to introduce this. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request the document be received in 
the record. 


Mr. RouDEBusH. Without objection, it is so ordered. 

(Document marked "Harris Exhibit No. 74" and retained in com- 
mittee files.) 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, at this point I would like to enter for 
the record information from the committee's files about Emil Freed. 
He has been active in the Communist Party since 1934. In 1938 and 
1940 he was a candidate for Congress from California's 15th Con- 
gressional District on the Communist Party ticket. In 1943 he was a 
member of the machinists' branch, Communist Party, and in 1944 a 
member of the California State Commission on State Leadership. In 
1945 he was a member of the California State Committee of the Com- 
mimist Party. He is, by occupation, a professional Communist. 

Mr. Smith. Will you further identify John Pratt? 

Mr. Harris. John Pratt is an attorney, not licensed to practice law 
in California, but who maintains offices at 1411 West Olympic Boule- 
vard, Suite 501, in Los Angeles. He is the executive director of the 
Commission on Race and Religion, Southern California Council of 

He has been advertised as a guest speaker at the First Open Air 
Sym,posium on Political Action which was sponsored by the New Left 
School in Los Angeles, which is a Marxist-oriented school [Exhibit 
No. 75]. 

He also testified in a "hearing" which was sponsored by the Southern 
California Committee on Vietnam Hearings. I have an excerpt from 
the Los Angeles People's World of Saturday, December 2, 1967, identi- 
fying him as a speaker at this latter hearing [Exhibit No. 76]. 

Also, John Pratt, as a representative of the Southern California 
Council of Churches, assisted in the dispatching of the contingent of 
Los Angeles persons to ]Darticipate in the Poor People's March in 
Washington, D.C. I have here an excerpt from the Los Angeles Times 
of 5-9-68. It indicates that those travelers from I^s Angeles will be 
quartered in private homes or hotel rooms arranged by the Southern 
California CouJicil of Churches and that John Pratt, representing this 
group, said the churches liave set up a nationwide Telex system for use 
of the travelers so that each bus can be tracked at all times by the 
Southern Christian Leadership Conference headquarters in Los An- 
geles [Exhibit No. 79] . 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request these docmnents be received 
for the record. 

Mr. RouDEBUSH. Without objection, it is so ordered. 

(Documents marked "Harris Exhibits Nos. 75, 76, and 79," re- 
spectively, and retained in committee files.) 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Harris, do you have knowledge of the background 
of Kenneth Rottger ? 


Mr. Harris. Yes, sir, I know that Kenneth Rottger was born on 
October 30, 1906, in New York. He is a sponsor of the Los Angeles 
Committee for Protection of Foreign Born, now known as the Los 
Angeles Committee for Defense of tlie Bill of Rights, and operates a 
bail bond office for the latter committee in Los Angeles. 

He was the writer of a letter, along with his wife, Betty Rottger, 
opposing Ignited States policy in South Vietnam on August 9, 1964, 
which letter was printed in the Congressional Record of August 13, 
1964, at the request of Senator Morse. 

Mr. Smith. Is Helen Travis further known to you ? 

Mr. HxVRRis. Yes, sir, her name is Helen Maxine Levi Simon Travis. 
She is married to Robert Carroll Travis and was born September 3, 
1916, in New York City. She is the current publisher and distributor of 
a newspaper called Countcrdraft^ which is an antidraft publication 
in Los Angeles. I have a copy of it here. 

ISIr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request the document be received for 
the record. 

Mr. RouDEBUSii. Without objection, it is so ordered. 

(Document marked "Harris Exhibit No. 80" and retained in com- 
mittee files.) 

Mr. Harris. She has been publicly identified as a member of the 
Communist Party and has been identified with many Communist 
Party fronts. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Harris, to your knowledge, were there many known 
leaders of the Communist Party, the W. E. B. DuBois Clubs, or similar 
groups in attendance at the rally that you described a few^ moments 

Mr. Harris. There were, sir. But I have one more document I 
would like to show you in regard to Helen Travis. She is an instructor 
at the New Left School in Los Angeles, which I have mentioned here- 
tofore. She is shown as the former chairman of the Los Angeles Fair 
Play for Cuba Committee, and it indicates that she is a professional 
instructor in the "techniques of planning, designing and producing 
effective leaflets for community organizing, organizational bulletins, 
newletters and tabloids." 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request this document be received for 
the record. 

Mr. RouDEBUSH. Without objection, it is so ordered. 

(Document marked "Harris Exhibit No. 81." See pages 1844-1847.) 

Mr. Harris. Now in regard to your earlier question, there were 
identified at the rally on February 18 the following persons: Dan 
Bessie, Ben Dobbs, Sarah Dorner, Rose Chernin Kusnitz, Bob Dug- 
gan, P^niil Freed, Arnold Manuel Hoffman, Michael Laski, Frank 
and Jean Pestana, Robert Arthur Nieman, Irving Sarnoff, Frank 
Spector, Allen Zak, John Wesley Harris, Donald AVheeldin, William 
C. Taylor, Charles H. Mosley, Reverend Stephen Fritchman, Ken- 
neth and Elizabeth Rottger, Frank Wilkinson, Tassia Freed. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, 17 of the people named by the witness 
have been identified or are professed officials or members of the Com- 
munist Party, U.S.A., or other Communist Party organizations. An- 
other has invoked the fifth amendment before this committee. 

Permission is requested to place background data from the commit- 
tee's files into the record on these individuals. 


Mr. RouDEBUSH. Without objection, such request is granted. 

(Document marked "Harris Exhibit No. 82." See pages 1848-1850.) 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, that ends my interrogation of the 

Mr. RouDEBUSH. Mr. Harris, I want to say on behalf of our com- 
mittee that we are indeed grateful for your coming to testify and I 
feel, as one member of this committee, the testimony that you have 
given here today will be a great help in the safeguarding of your 

We are very grateful to you, sir. 

Mr. Harris. Thank you, Mr. Roudebush. 

Mr. Roudebush. If you have nothing else to say, Mr. Harris, we 
will dismiss you. 

Thank you, sir. 

(Whereupon, at 12:10 p.m., Friday, June 28, 1968, the subcommit- 
tee adjourned, subject to the call of the Chair.) 

(Harris Exhibits Nos, 77, 78, 81, and 82 introduced on pages 1836- 
1838 follow:) 

1 The subcommittee then continued with the testimony of Edward S. Montgomery on the 
subject of the San Francisco riot. 


[Exhibits Nos. 77 and 78 appearing on pages 1839 through 1843 have 
been deleted as being inapplicable to this hearing.] 


Harris Exhibit No. 81 

Nfusicologlst and conductor; director of the lleo-Renaiaaance Singers. 


Photographer and designer for civil rights and peace movement action 
in Los Angeles area for past five years. 


Organizational Secretary, CPUSA, Southern California Dintriot 

Veteran Lubor and community organizer. School coordinator. 


One of the initiators of Southern Califomians for New Politics; 
instructor in humanities - socio-political science; active member SD3, 


Radio Amateur, Ph D candidate in medical-physics at UCLA; active in 
the Vietnam Day Committee and SDS at UCLA. 


Student of Martha Graham; attended Julliard School of lAisic. 


Attorney and Secretary of California Chapter of National Lawyer's 
Guild. Member of the California State Bar and the Bar of U S Supreme 


Director of the Marxist- Leninist Emancipation Circle. 

Journalist; former cha^jttnan of Los Angeles Fair Play for Cuba Committe* 

Graduate ■Reaching assistant, UCLA, and teacher of Russian & Chinese* 

Past chairman of Pasadena CORE. 


TIE NEW LEFT SCHOOL is a non- sectarian, socialist-oriented institution 
founded to enrich the dialogue among thinking Americans. Welcoming all 
who seek new answers to today's questions, its intention is to go beyond 
existing educational programs by focusing on problems inherent in pjresent 
society and on solutions alternative to those of the power structure. 

TilE NEW LEFT SCHOOL takes the position that free inquiry exists only 
when the examination of Buch alternatives Is possible. The School 
consequently rejects narrow approaches, and nfTlnns tStl^ validity of all 
serious socialist thought. Its faculty represents diverse - and often 
conflicting - idealogical positions; its student body will include both 
socialists and those wishing to examine socialist thought. 

THE NEW LEFT SCHOOL is Intended to fill a gap in existing education, 
serving those whose criticism 6f economic privation, of racial injustice 
and of the quality of life in a mass aociety has led them to a desire 
to understand the nature of present society and the possibilities of 
social change. 
~Por~fur'ther~'informaTl^n~wriTe~to:~N'SW~lEPT 'S"cH00irc7o~PTerre~riandeT P ~" 
:?rx 29069, L A 90029 or call 661-1448. Advance Enrollment accepted by 
nail with accompanlng check. TUITION: BiujflLoyed $ 14. Student § 6.00 
Unemployed ^p 2.50, and all additional c^^Sses sj 2.00. Pinanciai help 
and scholarship contributions are urgM^rcly needed as well as volunteers 
in all areas of planning and researcJlC 



A ;^ T 

N U 
U i^ A 
U D 

T H I 

A U T 
I N 

L E 
I T 
D L 

n A 
X I 
T I 

3 T 

U R 

I N 

n: E 

A N 

C F< 

1 C A 
R . 

V E 

T i: 

Harris Exhibit No. 81— Continued 

G E 

THE 'R h G H 


r: N' 

U' H 1 C 

C E 


InI g 

A F 

H E 
F E 

I S 1 

C A L 


H E U N I F Y I 
P P G I T I 
N D P 
P E • P 

N E W, 
N C R E 
F T H 


- IV A 
Y A 


N G 

M E U 
E R N 
P E 




G L E 

P L E 


T E 

1 N 

I N 


L 1 


S I X 





T I 



H A 
I N 
E 3. 
M R 


I N 

C N 3 

I R L 


A N 


I V 




T 1 
U N 


R E 

S T 

I V 

P E 

P E « 

U L- 
E S 


I C A L 


R E N C E 

E, I N 


R S I T Y^ 
L E , 
LE , 


Harris Exhibit No. 81 — Continued 


Historic background of the development of drafted 
armies. History of early draft resistance. The 
development of conoientous objection. The meaning of 
pt^i/isia'.S Past and present movements for the abolition 
of the draft. New methods in the figjit against the 

Analysis of current draft laws. Deferments or exemptions • 
students or occupational - dependency and hardship -CO, 
exemptions - medical emd psychiatric - and non-cooperation 
exemption methods. 

William G. Smith - Instructor 


The techniques of planning, designing and producing 
effective leaflets for community organiziag, organizational 
bulletins, newsletters and tabloids. The skill of writing 
news releases for newspapers, newscasts and other Soiaa oi 

Helen S. Travis - Instructor 


Designing for effective leaflet and pamphlet printing • 
Poster design - Newspaper and magazine photography » 
Printing types and layout - Newsreels and short film 
maicing - Planning and producing traveling panel exhlMts 
(history of the civil ri^ts movement, politioal aotlon, 

Charles Britton - Instructor 


Basic electronics, radio communications and electronic 
countemeasures with application to the needs of the 
movements . 

Jerry Palmer - Instructor 


liTt of self-defense 

Mike Yueff - Instructor 


Methods and skills of scientific research to serve the 
needs of community organization, campaigns, and organizing 
drives. Radical research for new conceptual and visionaiy 
perspectives. The ■''orraation and brilding of a r^seaxch 
library. Collection of oral documentation. 

Pierre Mandel - Instructor 

Harris Exhibit No. 81 — Continued 



Introductory course giving a survey of the Marxist under- 
standing of Philosophy, History, Political eoonony of 
social change and understanding present society. 
Provides necessary vocabulary and foundation for further 

ien Dobbs - Instructor 


Racial basis of slavery. Institutionalized racism, 
Rficism - a tool of imperialism. Racism and sax, labor, 
religion, inter-racial relationships. "Hie dehumanisiing 
factor of racism in American society. Anglo-Saxon 
superiority. The role of white radicals vs. raoiso; 
Parallel and/or United action in white conmunities of 
America. Build humanizing and civilizing oonnuitteoe. 



Past, present, and future human action and interaction 
in communal living. Experimental, provocative testa 
of human attitudes. 

Mike Agnello - Instructor 


History of the /jiarchists Movements from their philosopbioal, 
psychological, emd literary sources to contemporaiy 
organizations such as SDS, Provo, and Catholic Workers 
Movement. Depth study of great thinkers such as Godwini 
Thoreau, Baloinin, Malatesta, and Goodman. Close attention 
to the SAI-CNT in Spain, the IWW in the U.S., and Ruaelan, 
Italian, and French movements. 

Bd Moritz - Instructor 


Early Slave Revolts - Early Guerilla Warfare, Why, 
When and How of armed struggle. Theories of Revolution. 
The Prussian experience. Tho rich experience of the C h i iw ie 
Revolution. The Thought of Ifeo. European Guerilla 
Warfare and Resistance. The Cuban experience and Che 
Guevara. Urban Guerilla War "are ir. U.S. Rfvoljtion 
on the African continent. Comparisons of of 
Guerilla Warfare. 

Lewis SV^neham - Instructor 


Harris Exhibit No. 82 


Daniel Bessie served as chairman of various Labor Youth League clubs in the 
Santa Monica, Calif., area in the mid-1950's. He has also attended meetings of 
the Youth Commission of the party's Southern California District. 

Bessie was a delegate from the Santa Monica area to the Los Angeles County 
Communist Party convention in January 1957. He also attended the November 
1959 session of the Southern California District convention, which elected him 
a delegate to the 17th National Convention of the Communist Party. 


Ben Dobbs joined the Communist Party in November 1933 at the age of 21. 
In 1938 he was State administrative secretary for the Young Communist League. 
In 1948, 1949, and 1950 he was labor secretary of the Communist Party in Los 
Angeles County. Dobbs has also served as administrative secretary for the 
Communist Party's Southern California District and as a member of the execu- 
tive board of the Southern California District Council. He is the current execu- 
tive secretary of the Communist Party of Southern California and is running 
for Congress on the Peace and Freedom Party ticket. 


Sarah Dorner was identified as a member of the Communist Party by a witness 
who has appeared before the Committee on Un-Anjerican Activities in execu- 
tive session. This was stated in the committee's report on Communist and Trotsky- 
ist Activity within the Greater Los Angeles Chapter of the Fair Play for Cuba 

Committee, 1962, p. 1528. 


Rose Chernin Kusnitz has been identified as a member of the Communist Party 
by at least four witnesses in testimony before this committee. She was a Smith 
Act defendant and was convicted on August 5, 1952, of conspiring to teach 
and advocate violent overthrow of the United States Government. She was 
fined $10,000 and sentenced to 5 years in prison. The case was appealed, how- 
ever, and the Supreme Court reversed the conviction. Mrs. Kusnitz was set free. 

Mrs. Kusnitz has served as the executive director of the Communist-front 
organization, the Los Angeles Committee for Protection of Foreign Born, now 
known as the Los Angeles Committee for Defense of the Bill of Rights, since its 
inception in 1950. She was a delegate to the second convention of the Southern 
California District of the Communist Party held in two sessions in November 1959 
and January 1960. She was elected to the party's top district committee at the 
January session. The district convention also designated Mrs. Kusnitz as one 
of its official representatives to the party's 17th National Convention in New 
York in December 1959. 


Robert Duggan was one of the new youth members elected to the National Com- 
mittee of the CPUSA at its 18th National Convention in June 1966. 

He was president of the W. E. B. DuBois Club at the University of California in 



Emil Freed has been active in the Communist Party since 1934. In 1938 and 
1940 he was a candidate for Congress from California's 15th Congressiional 
District on the Communist Party ticket. In 1943 he was a member of the ma- 
chinists' branch. Communist Party ; in 1944, a member of the California State 
Commission on State Leadership; in 1945, a member of the California State 
Committee of the Communist Party. He is by occupation a professional 


Arnold Hoffman is a member of the Communist Party U.S.A. (Marxist- 
Leninist). He openly proclaims that he is a Communist. He did so at his trial 
for inciting to riot and trespassing on March 2, 1965. 

Hoffman had been expelled from the Communist splinter group, the Provisional 
Organizing Committee, along with Mike Laski. The POC publication. Vanguard, 
denounced them as "Agent-Provocateurs." 


In 1967 Hoffman furnished $110 bail for Michael Laski who had been arrested 
for using sound equipment without a permit. Newspai)er reports identified Hoff- 
man as press secretary of the Communist Party U.S.A. (M-L). 


Michael Laski became the West Coast organizer for the Provisional Organizing 
Committee to Reconstitute the Marxist-Leninist Communist Party U.S.A. in 1964. 

The Provisional Organizing Committee, or POC as it was more commonly 
known, was organized in 1958 by a group of hard-core Communists who had been 
expelled from the Communist Party, U.S.A. 

Subsequent to the riot in Watts in August 1965, Laski was expelled from the 
POC, according to testimony of James C. Harris. 

In September 1965 Laski and a handful of followers formed the Communist 
Party U.S.A. (Marxist-Leninist) and he became its general secretary. 


Frank Pestana was identified as a ntember of the Communist Party by four 
witnesses in testimony before the Committee on Un-American Activities. David 
Aaron, A. Marburg Yerkes, William G. Israel, and Milton S. Tyre testified that 
they had known Mr. Pestana as a member of the lawyers' group of the Com- 
munist Party in Los Angeles. 


David Aaron and A. Marburg Yerkes identified Jean Pestana as a member of 
the lawyers' group of the Communist Party in Los Angeles during testimony 
before this committee in January 1952. 


Irving Sarnoff has served as a member of the district council of the Communist 
Party of Southern California. He has been extremely active in Communist youth 
organizations. In 1956 he was labor director of the Los Angeles County Labor 
Youth League, a member of the executive committee of the Labor Youth League, 
and in 1957 was a delegate to the California State Labor Youth League conven- 
tion. Sarnoff was also a delegate to three Communist Party conventions in 1957, 
the Los Angeles County convention, the California State convention, and the 
Southern California District convention. 


Frank Spector came to the United States from Russia in 1913. He has been 
a resident of California since 1921. 

Spector has been identified as a Communist by several witnesses in testimony 
before this committee. He was convicted of violations of the Smith Act, but was 
freed by a decision of the U.S. Supreme Court on June 17, 1957. Frank Spector 
has been under order of deportation for years; however, the immigration and 
Naturalization Service has been unable to secure travel documents for his entry 
into the Soviet Union. Therefore, Spector is allowed to remain in the United 
States as a Communist alien. 


John Harris is an open member of the pro-Peking Communist Party, the 
Progressive Labor Party. He has been a PLP organizer in the Watts area and 
was arrested on September 21, 1966, on the charge of criminal syndicalism for 
the distribution of revolutionary literature. 


Donald Wheeldin was identified as a member of the Communist Party by Robert 
Carrillo Ronstadt on April 25, 1962, in executive session of this committee. The 
testimony was subsequently released. 

Wheeldin was a high functionary in the California Communist Party; a 
member of the party's State coordinating committee ; member of the executive 
board, Southern California District Council; and member of the Southern 
California District Minorities Commission. 

On March 26, 1958, Wheeldin resigned from the Communist Party and the staff 
of the West Coast Communist newspaper, the Daily People's WWld, a position 
he had held since July 16, 1950. 


In reporting Mr. Wheeldin's resignation from the party, as well as the resig- 
nation of other Communists who left at that time, the committee stated : 

"Committee investigation indicates that these resignations do not in- 
volve renunciations of communism, but a renunciation of the national 
committee's high-handed procedures. Many 'dissenters' now constitute 
an unorganized element in our society which continues to advance com- 
munism in the United States." 

[NOTE : Ronstadt was an undercover operative in the Communist Party from 



William C. Taylor was chairman of the Communist Party's Maryland State 
organization in the early 1940's and chairman or organizational secretary of the 
District of Columbia party apparatus in the period 1946-49. 

In 1949 Taylor moved to Los Angeles and was immediately assigned the chair- 
manship of the Minorities Commission for the Los Angeles County Communist 

Taylor was chairman of the Southern California District's Negro Commission 
and was a member of its executive board when the second district convention 
convened in late 1959. He continued to serve on the board until its technical "dis- 
solution" in 1961. Taylor attended both sessions of the second convention of the 
Southern California District of the Communist Party and was designated a 
member of the area's delegation to the 17th National Convention of the party 
in ZVew York in December 1U59. 

The People's World in March 1964, in publicizing his candidacy for Los Angeles 

County supervisor, boasted that Taylor had been a "Communist for the past 35 



Frank AVilkinsou was identified as a member of tlie Communist Party by Anita 
Bell Schneider in public hearings of this committee on December 7, 1956. He was 
also identified by Robert Carrillo Ronstadt in executive session on April 25, 1962. 
The testimony was later made public. 

Wilkinson was subpenaed to testify before the committee on two occasions. He 
was totally uncooperative. The second time he was asked to testify, Wilkinson 
not only refused to answer all but a few of the questions asked, but declined to 
invoke the fifth amendment for doing so. 

He was cited for contempt and convicted of that charge by a Federal district 
court in Atlanta and sentenced to a year in prison. He was released on bail 
when he appealed the conviction. On February 27, 1961, the Supreme Court up- 
held the contempt conviction of Frank Wilkinson, and on May 1, 1961, he began 
serving his prison sentence. 


Tassia Freed was identified as a member of the Communist Party by Anne 
Kinney, William Ward Kimple, and Anita Bell Schneider in testimony before 
this committee. 

Mrs. Freed joined the Communist Party in 1936 and has devoted her time to 
the Communist program sub.sequent to that date. Since joining the Communist 
Party she has held various positions on the club and county level. In 1944 she 
was press director, Hollywood Club, Northwest Section; in 1943 she wa.s a mem- 
ber of the central executive committee of the Communist Party, Los Angeles 

Mrs. Freed was a delegate to two Communist Party conventions in 1957, the 
Los Angeles County convention on January 5-6, and the Southern California 
District convention on April 13-14. 


On September 12, 1951, Rev. Stephen H. Fritchman appeared before a sub- 
committee of the Committee on Un-American Activities in Los xingeles, Oalif., 
at which time he was questioned regarding Communist as.sociations and orga- 
nizations. In answer to all questions pertaining to Communist activity, Mr. Fritch- 
man declined to answer, using the fifth amendment as a basis. On December 7, 
1956, Mr. Fritchman again appeared before the committee and invoked the first 
and fifth amendments. 



A Page 

Aaron, David 1849 

Agnello, Mike 1844, 1847 

Ashley, Anthony C. (also known as Ayuko Babu) 1816,1830,1832 

Avakian, Bob ' i829 

Babu, Ayuko. (See Ashley, Anthony C.) 

Bessie, Daniel (Dan) 1837,1848 

Bremond, Walter 1815, 1816, 1821, 1828, 1832-1835 

Britton, Charles 1844, 1846 

Brown, H. Rap 1816, 1821, 1823^1829 

Carmichael, Stokely 1815, 1816, 1820, 1822, 1825, 1826, 1828, 1829, 1831 

Caughey, John 1836 

Olark, Ramsey 1823 

Cleaver, Eldridge 1829 


Dellums, Ron : 1829 

Dennis, Gene 1816, 1825, 1826 

Dobbs, Ben 1837, 1844, 1847, 1848 

Dorner, Sarah 1837, 1848 

Duggan, Robert Eugene (Bob) 1837,1848 


Esparza, Moctezuma 1821, 1828 

Everett, Ronald McKinley. (See Karenga, Ron.) 


Forman, James 1815, 1821, 1824, 1826-1829 

Freed, Emil 1835-1837, 1848, 1850 

Freed, Tassia (Mrs. Emil Freed) 1837,1850 

Fritchman, Stephen III 1837,1850 


Garry, Charles R 1815,1829 

Graham, Martha 1844 


Harris, James C 1815-1817, 

1819-1850 (testimony) 

Harris, John Wesley 1837, 1849 

Hodges, Bobbie 1816, 1830, 1831 

Hoffman, Arnold Manuel 1837,1848,1849 


Innerst, J. Stuart 18^ 

Israel, William G 1840 

Johnson (Lyndon B.) 1820,1828 




Karenga, Ron (born Ronald McKinley Everett) 1815, 

1816, 1821, 1822, 18^, 1825, 1828 

Kenny, Robert W 1835 

Kilgore 1831 

Kimple, William Ward 1850 

Kinney, Anne 1850 

Kusnitz, Rose Chernin 1837,1848 


Laski, Michael 1837, 1849 

Levi, Maxine. {See Travis, Helen Simon.) 


Mahr 1831 

Malcolm X 1815, 1821 

Mandel, Pierre 1844, 1846 

Mao Tse-tung 1828 

McDonald, Douglas S 1833 

Montgomery, Edward S _^^^ 1838^ 

Moritz, Ed 1844,1847 

Morse (Wayne) 1837 

Mosley, Charles H 1837 


Newton, Huey P 1815, 1816, 1822, 1823, 1825, 1827, 1829 

Nieman, Robert Arthur 1837 


Palmer, Jerry 1844, 1846 

Pestana, Frank 1837, 1849 

Pestana, Jean (Mrs. Frank Pestana) 1837,1849 

Pratt, John M 1816, 1817, 1832, 1836 


Richards, Arleene 1844 

Roebuck, Mary 1833 

Ronstadt, Robert Carrillo 1849,1850 

Rottger, Elizabeth (Betty) (Mrs. Kenneth W. Rottger) 1837 

Rottger, Kenneth W 1816, 1817, 1833-1837 


Santwire, Milton 1833 

Samofif, Irving 1815, 1820, 1837, 1849 

Schneider, Anita Bell 1850 

Seale, Bobby 1815, 1821, 1822, 1824, 1826-1828 

Shabazz, Betty 1815, 1821, 1822, 1831 

Short, Marion 1834 

Simon, Helen Levi. {See Travis, Helen Simon.) 

Smith, William G 1844,1846 

Spector, Frank E 1837,1849 

Stoneham, Lewis 1844," 1847 


Taylor, William C 1837,1850 

Tijerina, Reies Lopez 1815, 1816, 1821, 1822, 1824, 1828, 1829, 1831 - 

Travis, Helen Simon (Mrs. Robert Carroll Travis ; ne? Levi ; also known as 

Maxine Levi) 1816, 1817, 1833, 1837, 1844, 1846 

Travis, Robert Carroll 1837 

Travis, Mrs. Robert Carroll. {Sec Travis, Helen Simon.) 

Trotsky, Leon 1833 

Tse-tung, Mao. (See Mao Tse-tung.) 

Tyre, Milton S 1849 

1 Appears as "Lewis J. Stoneman" in this reference. 
3 Incorrectly spelled "Rieles." 

INDEX iii 

W Page 

Wallace, George (C.) 1828 

Wheeldin, Donald C. (Don) 1837,1844,1849,1850 

Wilkinson, Frank 1837, 1850 


Yerkes, A. Marburg 1849 

Yeuff, Mike l&i4, 1846 

Yorty, Sam 1820 

Zak, Allen 1837 


BPSD. (See Black Panther Party.) 

Black Congress 1815-1817, 1820, 1821, 1823, 1828, 1830, 1832 

Black Panther Party (known variously as Black Panther Political Party ; 
Black Panther Political Party for Self Defense ; and Black Panther Par- 
ty for Self-Defense (BPSD)) 1815,1816,1824-1827,1830 

Black Panther Party for Self-Defense. (See Black Panther Party.) 

Black Panther Political Party. (See Black Panther Party.) 

Black Panther Political Party for Self Defense. (See Black Panther Party.) 

Black Student Union 1816, 1830 


CORE. ( Sec Congress of Racial Equality. ) 

California State Commission on State Leadership 1836, 1848 

Communist Party of the United States of America (CPUSA) 1836, 1837, 1849 

Districts : 

Southern California District* 1848 

District Structure : 

District Council 1848, 1849 

Executive Board 1848, 1849 

District Commissions : 

Minorities Commission 1849 

Negro Commission 1850 

Youth Commission 1848 

States and Territories : 
California : 

Coordinating Committee 1849 

Los Angeles County 1848 

Central Executive Committee 1850 

Minorities Commission 1850 

Northv^'est Section : 

Hollywood Club 1850 

State Committee 1836,1848 

District of Columbia 1850 

Maryland 1850 

Communist Party U.S.A. (Marxist-Leninist) 1848,1849 

Confederation of Free City States. (Sec Federal Alliance of Free City- 

States. ) 
Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) : 

Pasadena. Calif 1844 

Dow Action Committee 1821, 1823 



Fair Play for Cuba CJommittee : 

Greater Los Angeles Chapter 1837, 1848 

Federal Alliance of Free City-States (formerly known as Federal Alliance 

of Land Grants) 1816,1824 

Federal Alliance of Land Grants (sec also Federal Alliance of Free City- 

States) 1824 

Federation of Free City States. (See Federal Alliance of Free City-States.) 


H. Rap Brown Defense Fund 1823 

Huey P. Newton Defense Fund 1815,1820,1822 

Labor Youth League : 
California : 

Los Angeles County 1849 

Los Angeles Committee for Defense of the Bill of Rights 1837, 1848 

Los Angeles Committee for Protection of Foreign Born 1837,1848 

Los Angeles Memorial Coliseum Commission 1816, 1817, 1832-1835 


NAACP. (See National Association for the Advancement of Colored 

(People. ) 
National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) __ 1828 
National Conference for New Politics 1816,1830 

National Executive Board 1816, 1830 

National Urban League, Inc 1828^ 

New Left School of Los Angeles 1816, 1830, 1836, 1837, 1844, 1845 


PLP. (See Progressive Labor Movement (or Party).) 
POC. (See Provisional Organizing Committee to Reconstitute the Marxist- 
Leninist Communist Party U.S.A.) 

Peace Action Council of Southern California 1815,1820,1836 

Internal Repression Committee 1821, 1823 

Peace and Freedom Party (California)- 1836, 1848 

Political Confederation of Free City States. (Sec Federal Alliance of Free 

Progressive Labor Movement (PLM) (or Party (PLP)) 1849 

Provisional Organizing Committee to Reconstitute the Marxist-Lenin- 
ist Communist Party U.S.A. (POC) 1848.1849 


SDS. ( See Students for a Democratic Society. ) 

SNCC. (See Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee.) 

Southern California Committee on Vietnam Hearings 1836 

Southern California Council of Churches 1836 

Commission on Race and Religion 1836 

Southern California Library for Social Studies and Research 1835 

Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) : 

Los Angeles, Calif 1836 

Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) 1815, 

1816, 1821, 1823-1826, 1829, 1830 

Los Angeles, Calif 1831 

Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) 1821, 1823 

US \__ 1816, 1821, 1825, 1828 

United Mexican American Students 1828 

United States Government : 

Supreme Court 1848, 1849 

i Appears as "Urban League" In this reference. 



W. E. B. DuBois Clubs of America ( DC A) : P»Ke 

University of California 1848 

Young Communist League : 

California 1848 


Oounterdraft (newspaper) 1837 


Daily People's World 1849 

Daily Worker 1833 

People's World 1816, 1825, 1827, 1830, 1850 

Vanguard (POC publication) 1848 



Part 4 

(Newark, N.J.) 

TUESDAY, APRIL 23, 1968 

United States House of Representatives, 

Subcommittee of the 


Washington, B.C. 


The subcommittee of the Committee on Un-Ajnerican Activities 
met, pursuant to call, at 10:10 a.m., in Room 311, Cannon House 
Office Building, Washington, D.C., Hon. Edwin E. Willis, chairman, 

(Subcommittee members : Representatives Edwin E. Willis, of Lou- 
isiana, chairman ; William M. Tuck, of Virginia ; Richard H. Ichord, 
of Missouri ; John M. Ashbroo]?:, of Ohio ; and Albert W. Watson, of 
South Carolina; also John C. Culver, of Iowa, in absence of Mr. 

Subcommittee members present: Representatives Willis, Tuck, 
Ichord, Ashbrook, and Watson. 

Staff members present : Francis J. McNamara, director ; Chester D. 
Smith, general counsel; and Herbert Romerstein, investigator. 

The Chairman. The subcommittee will come to order. 

Today, we are continuing our investigations, which have extended 
almost for the past year, to try to find out to what extent subversive 
activities have been involved in the looting, rioting, and burning which 
have plagued our metropolitan centers in the last year, and today we 
have as our first witness Detective Captain Charles Kinney of the 
Newark Police Department in New Jersey, and we are looking into 
the Newark riots. 

Captain, it is a pleasure to have you here this morning. 

Will you please stand? 

Do you solemnly swear that the testimony you are about to give 
will be the truth," the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so 
help you God? 

Mr. Kinney. I do. 




Mr. Smith. Give the committee your name and date and place 
of birth. 

Mr. Kinney. I was bom January 13, 1918, in Newark, New Jersey. 

Mr. Smith. What is your employment, Captain ? 

Mr. Kinney. I am employed by the city of Newark in the police 
department as a captain of police assigned to the detective division. 

Mr. Smith. Will you give the committee a sketch of your back- 
ground, including your regiilar education and special education? 

Mr. Kinney. Yes. I went to Newark schools and I graduated from 
St. Benedict's Preparatory School in Newark. I went to John Marshall 
College in Jersey City. My studies were interrupted by World War II. 

Upon my return, I attended the Newark College of Rutgers Uni- 
versity. I picked up my education once again and at the present time 
I am attending University College of Rutgers University, majoring 
in political science. 

I came on the Newark Police Department on March 3, 1947. I was 
promoted to sergeant in 1956, to lieutenant in 1961, and to captain 
in 1967. 

I have served in the patrol and the traffic division, but 19 of my 21 
years have been served in the detective division as a detective, a detec- 
tive sergeant, a detective lieutenant, and now as a detective captain. 

For the past 8 months, I have been given a special assignment, to 
determine whether there was a criminal conspiracy connected with 
the riots in Newark in July 1967. 

I would like to add, also, that my father was a Newark police officer 
from 1910 until his death in 1941 and, from 1915 to 1941, he was a 
nationally known detective who specialized in the apprehension of 

The Chairman. You said 1915? 

Mr. Kinney. 1915, sir. 

My military service, I entered the Army October 27, 1942. I gradu- 
ated from infantry OCS at Fort Benning, Georgia, and I served in 
Europe as a platoon leader and company commander with the 102d 
Infantry Division. I was separated in 1946 with the rank of captain. 
I stayed active in the Army Reserve and I was promoted to major in 
the Reserve in 1952 and to lieutenant colonel in 1960. 

I am proud and happy to say that I also have a son, Charles Richard, 
who is 22, who is serving in the Armed Forces in Vietnam. 

Mr. Smith. Do you have any awards resulting from your military 
service ? 

Mr. Kinney. Yes, in the military service, I received the Combat 
Infantryman's Badge, the Silver Star, the Bronze Star, and the 
Purple Heart. 

Mr. Smith. During the summer of 1967, a riot took place in the city 
of Newark. Were the dates established by the police department for 
the time during which the riot took place ? 

Mr. Kinney. July 12, 1967, to July 17, 1967. 

Mr. Smith. How many persons were killed during the course of this 

Mr. Kinney. There were 23 homicides and 3 related deaths during 
the riot. This included Detective Fred Toto and Fire Captain Michael 
Moran, both killed in the line of duty, both shot during the riot. 


Mr. Smith. How many arrests took place during this riot ? 

Mr.- Kinney. 1,465, which included 91 arrests involvino; the use of 
deadly weapons or explosives and 507 cases of breaking and entering. 
Another interesting statistic is that 844 of the total arrested were 
under 25 years of age. 

Mr. Smith. What is your estimate on the amount of property 
damage ? 

Mr. Kinney. The latest estimate has been made that the amount of 
property damage was $15.9 million, of which $4.9 million was not 

Mr. Smith. What was the extent of injuries and wounds? 

Mr. Kinney. There were 1,108 people injured during those riots — 
1,001 who were ci\dlians, 72 police officer, and 35 firemen. 

Mr. Smith. The purpose of this hearing is to determine the extent 
to which subversive elements may have been involved in the Newark 
riot of July 1967. 

Has the Newark Police Department developed any information indi- 
cating that prior to the outbreak of the riot on July 12, 1967, there were 
individuals or groups in Nevv-ark engaging in activities and distrib- 
uting literature which would quite obviously have the effect of in- 
creasing racial tension, inflaming passions, and thus paving the way 
for the outbreak of riots ? 

Mr, Kinney. Yes. We have developed a considerable amount of in- 
formation of this type. 

The first group I would like to mention is the Students for a Demo- 
cratic Society. In 1964, a numbei. of activists in this organization came 
to Newark and organized what is known as the Newark Community 
Union Project, or known by us as the NCUP. 

The key man in this undertaking was Thomas Hayden, who, the 
year before, had served as national president of the Students for a 
Democratic Society. 

Associated with Hayden in NCUP were the following SDS members, 
some of whom came to Newark from other areas, and some of whom 
were natives of Newark : Jesse Allen, a founder and one of the full-time 
organizers of the NCUP; Robert Kramer and Norman Fi-uchter, who 
were also full-time organizers for the group; Carol Glassman and 
Terrv Jefferson; Constance l^rown; Corinna Fales, F-a-1-e-s; and 
Derek Winans. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, in order to make the record clear, T be- 
lieve it would be appropriate at this time to read into the record a brief 
background statement on the Students for a Democratic Society. 

The Chairman. You may do so at this time. 

Mr. Smith. SDS, Students for a Democratic Society, was formed 
as a successor to the old Student League for Industrial Democracy, 
which had been established in the early 1930's as the youth organiza- 
tion of the socialist League for Industrial Democracy. 

In 1934 SLID, the Student League for Industrial Deinocracy, tem- 
porarily surrendered its independent existence by merging with the 
Communist-controlled National Student League to form the American 
Student Union (ASU), which subsequently came under Communist 

Like other Communist groups which agitated against U.S. involve- 
ment in World War II during the time of the Stalin-Hitler pact, the 
ASU was dissolved in 1941 when Hitler attacked Russia. Overnight 

88-083 O— 68— pt. 4 2 


its members became vociferous advocates of immediate U.S. entry into 
the war. 

SLID was a relatively small, little-known group after World War 
II until 1959, when it changed its name to Students for a Democratic 
Society. Six years later, in September 1965, the League for Indus- 
trial Democracy cut off all financial support for SDS and also severed 
all ties with the organization. It apparently took this step both be- 
cause some of its own members, as well as persons outside the organ- 
ization, were highly critical of the League for Industrial Democracy 
because of the activities of SDS, its youth organization, and also be- 
cause SDS activities threatened the parent organization's tax-exempt 

SDS now claims about 10,000 members, organized in over 200 chap- 
ters. It is generally recognized as the largest of the student "new left" 
organizations. The organization originally barred Communists from 
membership. At the same time, it was opposed to anticommunism. In 
1964, however, it formally adopted a "nonexclusion" policy, that is, 
a policy of welcoming anyone and everyone into its ranks. 

J. Edgar Hoover has since testified that, "Communists are actively 
promoting and participating in the activities" of SDS and that SDS 
works "constantly in furtherance of the aims and objectives of the 
Communist Party throughout the Nation." 

One Students for a Democratic Society project promotes the writings 
of Mao Tse-tung and Lin Piao — probably as a result of the influx of 
Progressive Labor Party activists — and is developing an intelligence 
network of sources here and abroad, including the Viet Cong and 
leaders of guerrilla movements in other nations. 

The openly radical and leftist Students for a Democratic Society 
from the beginning has played a leading role in agitation and pro- 
test demonstrations against the draft and against U.S. efforts to pro- 
tect South Vietnam from a Communist takeover. 

The Chairman. I might state that the statement just read and the 
testimony of J. Edgar Hoover quoted by counsel confirm the in- 
formation of this committee with reference to the Students for a 
Democratic Society. That outfit is honeycombed with subversive and 
Communist characters. 

Now, Captain, let me ask you this question, and, frankly, I don't 
think I have asked it before, but you have such an admirable back- 
ground that you might throw light on it, because what is true is that 
you see, thus far, we have looked into the Watts riots, the New York 
riots, and the Newark riots now, and we will come to some more as 
time goes on. In fact, we might reacli Washington after a while. I 
don't know. I am not prognosticating a thing. 

But I request, and I want to ask you this : Inasmucli as this outfit 
was in the background in some of these riots that have taken place, 
did you find, or did you try to find, whether any of these characters 
who participated in these riots, particularly the unsavory kind, were 
paid for their daily work or any part of their endeavors? Did you 
try to find it out? 

Frankly, I have not asked that question before, sir. Your testimony 
would be brand new. 

Have you got any information on that, that leads you to believe 
that might have been the case ? 


Mr. Kinney. Mr. Chairman, do you mean were they paid by a 
foreign power ? 

The Chairman. Anybody. Because frequently these local charac- 
ters, these local Commies are just as bad as the foreign-power Com- 
mies. They are just not fitted to be in the mainstream of our society. 

So I am just asking you if you have anything which led you to 
believe or know that locally, by local people, or by anyone, some of 
these people who happen to be at these riots might have been paid for 
their daily labor to carry torches and loot and pilfer and burn. Do 
you have any information ? 

Mr. Kinney. Mr. Chairman, I have no information. 

The Chairman. I warned you we hadn't gone into that, but I sup- 
pose it is time for us to find that out. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, the committee files contain considerable 
information on the Newark Community Union Project founder, Tom 
Hayden. Permission is requested to read into the record at this time 
a summary of the highlights of Hayden's career based on the infor- 
mation in the committee's files. 

The Chairman. That suggestion is welcome. 

Mr. Smith. Hayden, a founder of the Students for a Democratic 
Society, served as one of the organization's field representatives in 
1961 and 1962. During thi.s period he worked with SNCC, the Student 
Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, in Alabama and Mississippi. 

The Chairman. That is the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Com- 
mittee? I think it is a misnomer. I think it should be "Nonstudent 
Violence Coordinating Committee." 

Mr. Smith. Based on this experience, he subsequently wrote a 
pamphlet published by SDS entitled "Revolution in Mississippi." 

Hayden has made a number of trips abroad in the past several years. 

In 1962 he was a member of the U.S. delegation to the Communist 
organized and controlled Eighth World Youth Festival which was 
held in Helsinki, Finland. 

In December 1965, in violation of State Department reflations, 
Hayden traveled to North Vietnam and Communist China with Com- 
munist Party theoretician Herbert A]>rheker and former Yale pro- 
fessor Staughton Lynd. The three met with Asian revolutionary 
leaders in Hanoi, Peking, and also in Prague, Czechoslovakia. Before 
returning to the United States on January 7, 1966, they also visited 

FoUowmg this trip, Hayden wrote the foreword to the book Mh- 
fiJon to Hanoi, which was written by Herbert Aptheker. In addition, 
Hayden collaborated with Staughton Lynd in writing another book on 
the trip entitled TJie Other Side. This book, published in January 1967, 
depicts the Viet Cong as heroeis and warmly praises the Communist 
leadere of North Vietnam. It also teUs about some of the brutality in- 
flicted on the Vietnamese people by the Communists, but excuses it 
as "a 'necessary' part of resistance against the greater evil of foreign 
attack and rule," to use the words of the pro- Viet Cong Viet Report. 

In April 1967 Hayden visited Puerto Rico as a member of a fact- 
finding group whose trip was arranged by the Tri- Continental In- 
formation Center. 

The Tri-Continental Information Center is a relatively new Com- 
munist-supported organization, set up in the spring of 1967, with its 


headquarters in New York City. Part of its program is to "combat 
and debilitate U.S. foreign policy." 

While in Puerto Rico as an agent of the Tri- Continental Informa- 
tion Center, Hay den took part in an islandwide march which was held 
on April 16, 1967. 

The purpose of this march was to protest the drafting of Puerto 
Ricans for service in Vietnam and also to oppose a forthcoming plebi- 
scite in which most Puerto Ricans were expected to — and actually did — 
endorse continuation of the island's commonwealth relationship with 
the United States. 

This demonstration was sponsored by the Movimiento Pro Inde- 
pendencia [de Puerto Rico], MPI, which FBI Director Hoover has 
described as the largest and most influential of Puerto Rican proinde- 
pendence groups and a consistent supporter of Castro's government in 

The MPI maintains a "mission" in Havana. MPI delegations also 
attended two recent Havana conferences aimed at encouraging Com- 
munist revolutions in Asia, Africa, and I^atin America. 

They were the Tricontinental Conference held in January 1966 and 
the First Conference of the Latin American Solidarity Organization, 
which convened in July 1967. At the latter conference, the MPI spokes- 
man favored more concrete expressions of solidarity with Communist 
guerrillas actively engaged in efforts to overthrow four Latin Amer- 
ican governments. He also stated that the MPI would continue to show 
its solidarity with Communists fighting to overthrow the South Viet- 
namese Government by continuation of an MPI campaign of resistance 
to the draft of Puerto Ricans into the U.S. Armed Forces. 

In September 1967 Hayden was one of a group of approximately 
40 U.S. citizens who traveled to Bratislava, Czechoslovakia, to meet 
with representatives of the Viet Cong and the Communist government 
of North Vietnam. 

As a result of contacts made at that meeting, he traveled to Phnom 
Penh, Cambodia, in November 1967, where three U.S. POW's were 
turned over to him. He brought the three back to the United States, 
where they were taken into custody by military authorities. 

Hayden's most recent trip abroad was undertaken in January of 
this year, when he went to Havana, Cuba, to take part in the Inter- 
national Cultural Congress held there January 4 to 11 to discuss prob- 
lems of the "third world," which Communist and other revolutionaries 
expect Avill destroy non-Communist goverimnents in the years ahead. 

Captain Kinney, do you have information to submit for the record 
on Hayden's activities in Newark prior to the July 1967 riot? 

Mr. Kinney. Yes, sir. Thomas Hayden, who is 28, white, male, has 
been described by the New York Times as "the improbable radical" 
and the now defunct New York World Journal Tribune as "the white 
Stokely," and he has made the city of Newark his base of operations 
since 1964. 

Thomas Emmett Hayden was born on December 11, 1989, in Detroit. 
He has no brothers or sisters. In June 1957 he graduated from the 
Dondero High School in Royal Oak, Michigan. 

Wliile a student at high school, he was the editor of the high school 
publication, but he refused to recognize authority and discipline. He 
was a constant source of trouble to the school administration. 


His parents were divorced, and Hayden lived with his mother while 
in high school. 

He received his A.B. degree in June of 1961 at the University of 
Michigan, majoring in English. In his senior year, Hayden was the 
editor in chief of the Michigan Baity ^ the University of Michigan offi- 
cial campus publication. 

Shortly after graduation, on October 1, 1961, he married one Sandra 
Cason, C-a-s-o-n, in Texas. His wife, a Texan, was known as Casey, 
and they met while working together in the Student Nonviolent Coordi- 
nating Committee, or SNCC, in the South. They are now separated, 
as Hayden believes there is no place in "the Movement" for marriage. 
He said, "I tried it, and it didn't work." 

The question has been asked on occasion as to Thomas Hayden's 
source of income. The [NCUP] group of the Students for a Demo- 
cratic Society live communally. Hayden is the hero of the young white 
radicals, and their publications are full of Hayden and Newark. It is 
claimed that he also receives money for speaking engagements, usually 
on college campuses. He is usually sponsored by the Students for a 
Democratic Society or by various and sundry "end the war in Viet- 
nam" committees. 

Hayden took Dr. Abraham Yesselson's place. Dr. Yesselson is chair- 
man of the University College, Rutgers, political science department. 
He is also an author. Hayden took Dr. Abraham Yesselson's place as 
an instructor in political science in Newark University College of 
Rutgers, between January and May, 1967. Yesselson had been given a 
fellowship by the United States Government, which necessitated him 
finding a substitute for the second semester of his political science 

On occasion, Hayden came to class to teach, dirty and disheveled, 
wearing worn clothing and shoes, needing a haircut and a shave. On 
several occasions he brouglit along Constance Brown,^ who was not 
a student, but who sat in on the classes. 

Wlien Hayden missed a class, his place as an instructor was in turn 
taken by his attorney, Leonard Weinglass. 

Hayden was arrested in Newark on April 1, 1967, while picketing 
a food store at Clinton Avenue in Newark, for failure to move on 
orders of the police. 

He was one of a large group of Newark Community Union Project 
workers arrested on that day. 

Mr. Smith. Do you have information on the background and activi- 
ties of Jesse Allen ? 

Mr. Kinney. Yes. Jesse Allen serves both as one of the key officials of 
NCUP, as well as an organizer for the United Community (Jorporation, 
Area Board 3, also called the Peoples' Action Group, under the Office 
of Economic Opportunity. 

In 1965 Allen was a delegate to the SDS national convention. 

The Newaik Star-Ledger of July 17, 1967, pages 1 and 5, lists Allen 
as the organizer for the UCC Area Board 3 who attended a meeting, 
during the Newark riot, of Negro leaders, who issued a set of demands 
that they said must be fulfilled before the rioting could end. 

1 See p. 1S73 for background Information on Constance Brown. 


The National Guardian of July 29, 1967, pages 1 and 8, listed Jesse 
Allen as one of the black militants who spoke at a roundtable meeting 
sponsored by the National Guardian and gave opinions on the Newark 

The Chairman. Counsel, what is our information as to the National 

Mr. Smith. It is a lef twing publication. 

The Chairman. On the style of the Daily World ? 

Mr. Smith. Yes. 

Mr. Kinney. On May 14, 1965, Jesse Allen spoke at a meeting of the 
Militant Labor Forum' in New York City. I have here a leaflet of the 
Militant Labor Forum entitled "RENT STRIKE"— Symposium with 
Jesse Allen, Newark Community Union Project, SDS; Major Owens, 
rent strike organizer for Brooklyn CORE ; Major Williams, director, 
Harlem Community Council on Housing; and Ted Velez, East Harlem 
Tenants Council, Friday, May 14, 8 :oO p.m., auspices Militant Labor 
Forum, 116 University Place, which is in New York City. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request permission to accept these two 
newspaper items and the leaflet as Exhibits Nos. 1-A and 1-B and 2. 

The Chairman. They will be accepted and marked as "Kinney 
Exhibits Nos. 1 and 2.'* 

(Documents marked "Kinney Exhibits Nos. 1-A and 1-15 and 2," 
respectively. Exhibit No. 2 retained in committee files. Nos. 1-A and 
1-B appear on pages 1968-1973.) 

Mr. Smith. Continue, Captain. 

Mr. Kinney. The other is a letter on the letterhead of the Militant 
Labor Forum, which is the front organization for the Socialist Work- 
ers Party, a Trotskyite [Communist] organization on the Attorney 
General's subversive list. This letter, addressed to "Mr. Jesse Allen, 
Newark Commmiity Union Project, 247 Peshine Ave., Newark, New 
Jersey," reads as follows : 

Dear Mr. Allen : Enclosed are some of the leaflets for our symposium. Do you 
think you could post any of them? Also if you have friends who you think might 
be interested in coming would you consider sending them a notice. 

I want to thank Beth Reisen for sending me some biographical material on you 
for the chairman I'm looking forward to meeting you and to hearing about your 
experiences in the Newark, my husband's home town, rent strike. 

(s) Priscilla Ring 
Priscilla Ring, 
Chairman, Forum Conimitee [sic]. 

Priscilla Ring is the wife of Harry Ring, a leading official of the 
Socialist Workers Party. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request this item be accepted as Kinnev 
Exhibit No. 3. 

The Chairman. It will be accepted and so marked. 

(Document marked "Kinney Exhibit No. 3" and retained in com- 
mittee files.) 

Mr. Smith. Does that cover your information on Allen's activities 
prior to the riot in July 1967 ? 

Mr. Kinney. It does. 

Mr. Smith. How about Carol Glassman^ Do you have any infor- 
mation on her? 

Mr. Kinney. Carol Glassman was born August 10, 1942, in New 
York. She resides at 631 Hunterdon Street, Newark, which is also 


NCUP headquarters. She lived with the "Girls of the Movement" at 
307 Peshine Avenue. Carol Glassman, who is white and female, is 
a graduate of Smith and with Constance Brown, Swarthmore, 1964, 
attends many of the public meetings of the city of Newark in their 
role of "harassing the power structure." 

Glassman is a member of the Students for a Democratic Society 
and is an organizer for the Newark Community Union Project, She 
is single and dedicated to the cause of changing our form of govern- 
ment, in the country, to a "people's democracy," or "real participat- 
ing democracy." 

In September 1967 Carol Glassman, with Thomas Hayden, Willie 
Wright, and 38 others, traveled to Bratislava, Czechoslovakia, where 
they attended a conference with representatives from Communist 

Carol Glassman has a minor record for driving without a registra- 
tion in her possession in 1965 and for failure to obey the orders of a 
police officer in 1967. In the latter case, she was part of that large 
group arrested during an NCUP-organized picketing of a food store 
at 479 Clinton Avenue in Newark. 

Mr. Smith. Do you have any information on Terry Jefferson ? 

Mr. Kinney. Terry Jefferson, whose real name is Mrs. Dazzare, 
D-a-z-z-a-r-e, Jefferson, is a Negro female who is extremely imjx)rtant 
to the movement because she serves both as the treasurer of the Peo- 
ples' Action Group, the UCC Area Board 3 organization, as well as 
the treasurer of the New Jersey Project of the Students for a Demo- 
cratic Society. 

She is also the office manager of NCUP and a community organizer 
for Area Board 3. Mrs. Jefferson is able to sign checks both for the 
Peoples' Action Group and for the Students for a Democratic Society 
New Jersey Project. Many of these checks are made out to "cash" 
and are in turn endorsed by her, thus concealing the eventual dis- 
tribution of the money. 

Mrs. Jefferson's associations with leftwing movements go back to 
the 1940's and on February 11, 1949, she signed a petition for Martha 
Stone, the head of the Communist Party in New Jersey at that time. 

In the summer of 1965, Mrs. Jefferson attended the national con- 
vention of Students for a Democratic Society. 

According to the Neio Politics News of July 1967, Mrs. Jefferson 
is a member of the executive board of the National Conference for 
New Politics. 

The National Guardian of April 1, 1967, listed Mrs. Jefferson as 
office manager and treasurer of the Newark Community Union 
Project. She was listed as a Negro staff member of the project in the 
New York World Journal Tribune on January 1, 1967. 

Mr. Smith. What about Robert Kramer? 

Mr. Kinney. Rol^rt Kramer is a former organizer for the Newark 
Conmiuniity Union Project. In conjunction wit^ Norman Fruchter, he 
wrote ioY Studies on the Left an article entitled "An Approach to Com- 
munity Organizing Projects," whicJi dealt with the situation in the city 
of Newark. 

In the National Guardian of January 14, 1967, page 11, an adver- 
tisement showed Robert Kramer scheduled to lead a discussion at a 
film showing on January 14 in New York City at the Free School 


Cinejna. He is listed as a filmmaker and participant in the Newark 

Now, just recently, on April 13, 1968, in the New York Times ^ there 
was news again of Robert Kramer. Briefly, it stated that Camera 
News, Incorporated, a nonprofit organization of undergromid film- 
makers in New York, produced "politically and socially committed 
Newsreels" and began operations in January 1968. 

They say : 

In a little more than two months, Camera News has completed and released 
nine "newsreels." The word is a slight euphemism because the films are not the 
generally bland, politically neutral films that onee made up an imiportant part 
of every movie theater's program. Instead, they are short, bold docimientaries, 
aggressively and unequivocally biased toward points of view favored by the 
left, both old and new. 

And it goes on : 

According to Robert Kramer, the 27-year-old film director who helped to foimd 
Camera News (with Jonas Mekas and others), the newsreels are designed to 
present those aspects of contemporary American life that are avoided by the 
Establishment's communications media. 

"We aren't interested in presenting a 'balanced picture' of a particular prob- 
lem," Mr. Kramer said in a recent interview. "We have our own point of view," 
which is engaged activism. 

Camera News was thus set up primarily to making films for free distribution 
to community groups. Three of the first nine films detail the activities of draft 
resistance groups, and are expected to aid the formation of more such groups. 

They are, in effect, militant teaching films. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I rec^uest this item be accepted for the 
committee record. 

The Chairman. All right, it will be accepted. 

(Document marked "Kinney Exhibit No. 4" and retained in com- 
mittee files. ) 

Mr. Smith. What about Norman Fruchter that you just mentioned ? 

Mr. Kinney. According to the Trotskyite newspaper, The Militant. 
of May 25, 1964, page 4, Norman Fruchter was involved in a picket 
line at the New York Board of Rabbis on April 9, 1964, to demand the 
excommunication of Jewish slumlords. He was editor of a magazine. 
Studies on the Left, and author of an article entitled "A Realist Per- 
sjjective" in the magazine for spring 1964. 

He was also listed as New York editor for Studies on the Left in 
the winter and spring of 1965. 

The 1965 catalogue of the Free University of New York lists 
Fruchter as a member of the faculty. The Winter 1965 Free University 
of New York catalogue lists the subject as teaching a course, "An Ap- 
proach to Experimental Cinema." The Fall and Summer 1965 cata- 
logues of the same school also list him as a faculty member. 

The magazine Studies on the T^eft, Spring 1964 issue, carries an arti- 
cle by the subject and lists him as a participant in a symposium on 
"The New Repertories and Revolutionary Theatre." 

The National Guardian of September 17, 1966, page 11, lists Mr. 
Fruchter as one of the persons who made the moving picture entitled 
"The Troublemakers," documenting the work of Students for a Demo- 
cratic Society organizers in the Negro ghetto in Newark. 

I might point out that this item in my hand, a brochure adver- 
tising the film "Troublemakers" made by Norman Fruchter, says to 

1 The film shown was 'The iTrouWemakers," described in the advertisement as "Mach- 
over's & Fnichter's feature-length documentary about SDS Newark Project." 

"'Troublemakers' graphically points 
up the dilemma which powerless people 
face when they try to solve their 
basic problems of daily life-- in this 
case, ghetto people fighting the 'sys- 
tem' in Newark," -STOKELY CARMICHAEL 

"'Troublemakers' is perhaps the best 
film of the new American left, a 
hard-hitting example of a new kind of 
political film, avoiding both liberal 
cliches and propaganda." -FOURTH 

"Troublemakers" is a film about 
community organizing in & Newark, 
N.J. ghetto. 

The film covers three months in the 
history of the Newark Community Union 
Project(NCUP), a neighborhood organ- 
ization begun in the summer of 1964 
by Students for a Democratic Society, 
and now become an independent group, 
staffed by people from the comnunity 
and former students. 

The film follows four stories: 

* the formation of a new block group 

* the attempt to get housing code 
enforcement in one building 

* efforts to get a traffic light 

* NCUP's participation in a political 

The film-makers spent over one year in 
the neighborhood, becoming familiar and 
involved with local people. The result 
is an unrehearsed drama: a portrayal of 
the ordinary reality of community org- 

"'Troublemakers' is syngiathetic to its 
subject matter. It has be^h enthusiast- 
ically received by the people who appear 
in it. Yet the film-makers have preservec 
an independent view. The film does not 
speak for NCUP or for any of the staff 
or members . 

"Troublemakers" already has proven use- 
ful to 

community organizations 

civil rights groups 

anti-poverty groups 


organizers' training sessions 

college and high school classes 

Speakers from NCUP will accompany the 
film if requested. 

"Troublemakers" has high credentials in 
the world of film-making. It was one of 
two new American films shown at the Foun 
New York Film Festival at Lincoln Center 
this year. It also is being shown at the 
Film Festivals in San Francisco, London, 
and East Germany. 


Robert Machover 
Norman Fruchter 
Mike Robinson, Steve 
Gessner, Charlie Gil- 

Black and White 

16 mm 

Running Time: 54 minutes 

Kinney Exhibit No. 5 

2. film 




To order a film, or to request more 
information, write to 

NCUP Films 

c/o Mrs. Terry Jefferson 
444 Clinton Ave. 
Newark, NJ 

or call (201)242-9329 or 243-7419 

Films available for sale or rental 
Charge: $50 per showing or % proceeds 

Also available are two other films 
by the same film-makers: 

"Had Us a Time" is a film about a 
poor people's conference held in 
Cleveland, Ohio, in February 1965. 
12 minutes. 

"We Got to Live Here" shows conditions 
in the Newark ghetto where NCUP began 
its work. Narrated by people from the 
comnunity. 25 minutes. 


order the film or request more information, write to NCUP Films, care 
of Mrs. Terry Jefferson, 444 Clinton Avenue, in Newark, and I might 
add, also, that this film has been nationally distributed. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request this brochure be accepted as 
Kinney Exhibit 5. 

The Chairman. It will be accepted and marked. 

(Document marked "Kinney Exhibit No. 5" appears opposite this 

Mr. Kinney. Continuing, the National Guardian of September 18, 
1965, page 4, lists Norman Fruchter as a speaker of the First Socialist 
Scholars Conference held at Columbia University, September 11 and 

The Spring 1965 issue of Studies on the Left carries an article by 
Fruchter in reply to an article by Victor Rabinowitz, entitled "An 
Exchange on SNCC." 

Norman Fruchter wrote a book review of the book Going Aumy by 
Clancy Sigal in the Monthly Review^ Volume 14, No. 9 [January 1963]. 

The National Guardian in [November 26] 1966 carried an ad on 
page 6 indicating that Fruchter's film, the "Troublemakers," was being 
shown at a benefit for the Newark Community Union Project on 
November 30, 1966, in New York City. 

The National Guardian of October 1, 1966, page 12, lists Norman 
Fruchter as coproducer of two films, one entitled "We Got to Live 
Here," and the other, "The Troublemakers." Both films concerned the 
Students for a Democratic Society project of community organizing 
in the Negro areas of Newark. Both films were reviewed in the issue 
of the Guardian. 

The Winter 1965 issue of Studies on the Left carried an article bj 
Fruchter, "Mississippi : Notes on SNCC," and another, "Further Com- 
ment" on an article entitled "On Arresting Movies in San Francisco" 
by Saul Landau. 

The Fall 1965 issue of Studies on the Left listed Mr. Fruchter as the 
writer of a "Reply" in "Notes and Communications" to "On Arendt's 
Eichmami and Jewish Identity" by Louis Harap and Morris U. 

The 1965 pamphlet of Students for a Democratic Society entitled "A 
Movement of Many Voices" carried a photograph contributed by 

The official program of the First Annual Socialist Scholars Confer- 
ence held in New York City at Columbia University, September 11 and 
12, 1965, listed Fruchter as a participant in a panel discussion on "The 
Future of American Socialism." 

A letterhead of the Students for a Democratic Society Radical Edu- 
cation Project, obtained in April 1967, listed Norm Fruchter as one of 
the advisers of the group. 

On June 1'^, 1965, a letter was sent to Mr. Norm Fruchter, one of the 
leading activitists in NCUP, by William McAdoo on behalf of an or- 
ganization called CERGE, or Committee to Defend Resistance to 
Ghetto Life. 

This letter says in part, and I quote: "Thank you very much for 
your financial support and for also letting us use your name as a spon- 
sor of our organization." 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request this item be accepted as Kinney 
Exhibit 6. 


The Chairman. It will be accepted and marked accordingly. 
(Document marked "Kinney Exhibit No. 6" follows :) 

Kinney Exhibit No. 6 



ROOM 617 

NEW YORK, N.Y. 10003 

CERCE Sponsore Include: 

Carl and Anne Braden 
Southern Confcrenc* 
Educational F\ind 

June 17, 1965 

I^eroy Mcl^ica* 
photographer and 
film maker 

Paul Swcczy 
author and c>€dltor 
of the Monthly Bevicw 

Kr. Norm Friichter 
188— 6th yWfinue 
Npw York City, N.Y. 

Dear Mr. Fruchter: 

We are apologizing for our belated reply. At about the 
tine that we received your letter myself and four other 
persons were sent to jail for four weeks awaiting our 
sentence by the "Aiigast 2nd Grand Jury inqusitions". We 
are now out on bail and our cases are under appeal. 

Thank you very much for your financial support and for 
also letting us use your name as a sponsor of our 
organization. It will appear on our new stationery. 
Your support has helped the viork of our organization 
tremendously. But there is still much more to be done, 
since so many militants are now under attack; a number 
of them have already served their jail sentenee and 
many are still under indictments; their cases being 
appealed. These militants range from leaders of the 
Progressive Labor Party to Black Freedom Fighters to 
students who are opposed to the war in Viet Nam. 

The work of our organization has been and will continue to 
be a search for more and more people whose constitutional 
freedom is threatened. 

If you will call Mrs. E. Linder — HY 3-230? any week-day 
between the hours of 5:30 and 7:30 P.M. we will be glad 
to arrange an appointn.ent whereby we can discuss this 
matter in person. 

Hoping to hear from you shortly. 

Respectfully yours, 

William KcAdoo 

I [The first paragraph of this letter refers to the fact 
that McAdoo and others had been convicted of criminal 
contempt of the grand jury investigating the Harlem, 
New York City, riot of July 1964. Their appeal from 
this conviction was rejected. (See part 2 of these 
hearings for further details concerning McAdoo.)] 

Mr, Smith. As you probably recall, Mr. Chairman, in our hearing on 
the riot in New York, the organization CERGE, or Committee to De- 
fend Resistance to Ghetto Life, was shown as a front for the Progres- 


sive Labor Party, and McAdoo, the signer of this letter, was identified 
in our New York hearings as the Progressive Labor Party member 
who gave instructions on the making of Molotov cocktails. 

What about Connie Brown ? 

Mr. Kinney. Constance Brown was born on January 24, 1943, in 
Newton, Massachusetts. She is white and graduated from Swarthmore 
College in 1964. 

She is employed by the Essex County, New Jersey, Welfare Board, 
and is considered by her NCUP colleagues as "the expert on welfare 

When Constance Brown roomed at 307 Peshine Avenue with Carol 
Glassman and Corinna Fales, the place was littered with posters stat- 
ing, "Welfare Mothers! Prices are rising — but our checks Stay the 
Same !" Another poster : "We're going to Trenton to speak out to State 

She also lived at 227 Jelliff Avenue in Newark, but now lives at 631 
Hunterdon Street, Newark. She has authority to sign checks for the 
Newark Community Project of the Students for a Democratic Society. 
She is an owner of a Volkswagen with New Jersey license LYR 886. 
She was arrested on April 1, 1967, at 479 Clinton Avenue in Newark for 
failure to comply with orders to move by police officers while picketing 
illegally with a large group. 

She was the author of an article entitled "Cleveland : Conference of 
the Poor," in the Spring 1965 issue of Studies on the Left. She was 
listed in the magazine as being associated with the Newark Commu- 
nity Union Project. 

The Communist newspaper. The Worker., of July 10, 1966, listed 
Constance Brown as the person to contact at the Newark center of the 
Poverty Rights Action Center. The National Guardian of April 1, 
1967, listed Miss Brown as active in the Newark Community Union 
Project, and the New York World Journal Tribune of January 1, 1967, 
listed her as being employed by that organization. 

Mr. Smith. What about Corinna Fales ? 

Mr. Kinney. I have mentioned previously that Corinna Fales is an 
organizer for the Community Union Project. I have here a document 
concerning an SDS meeting, an organization meeting, the first meet- 
ing of the Students for a Democratic Society, to be held on Thursday, 
October 3, 1963, at the Sherwood Room of the Levering Hall YMCA, 
in Baltimore, Maryland, and on the bottom it is signed, "SDS [Stu- 
dents for a Democratic Society], Corinna Fales," and her telephone 
number at Goucher College. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request this be accepted for the com- 
mittee's records. 

The Chairman. It will be accepted. 

(Document marked "Kinney Exhibit No. 7" appears on page 1874.) 

Mr. Smith. Do you have any information on Derek Winans? 

Mr. Kinney. Derek Winans, born September 4, 1938, in Orange, 
New Jersey, lived in Newark in his early years and moved to South 
Orange, New Jersey, in 1947 at the age of 9. 

He attended Montrose School and South Orange Junior High for 
1 year before going to St. Paul's School in Concord, New Hampshire. 

After graduating from St. Paul's, he entered Harvard and was grad- 
uated cum laude in 1962. 


Kinney Exhibit No. 7 


STUDENTS FOR A ^^.^ ^^^^^ 


This \7ill be the first ueetinc of the Students for 
a Democratic Society for this year, /ill atudente 
who arc interested in intellectual and dijrect act- 
ion in CIVIL RIGCTS, CUIL LIRZRTISS, and general 
social problems are oirced to attend. Plans for 
an educationcl series on Civil lights vrill be 
diecussGd; current direct action projects of COUE 
vfill bo announced; and a renresentative tfasi the 
tutorial proftraji gf the Northern Student Movaiaent 
wjL^ present infomiation for thoqo v rf^o ^ q^ l^q 
tut or i 

Date: Thursday, October 3, 1963 
Time: 4:00 pin 

Place: The Sherwood "Room of the 
Levering Hall YMC/\ 

If you arc a Liberal, "Badlcal, or Socialist 

who believes that learning and acting ore 

parts of the process of social change, cone 

to this meatinc. If you are a Civil Ri^ts 

activist or a Civil Libertarian, cone to this 

aeeting, Cuestions on the natture of SDS and 

on other local social and political action 

groiqjs will be answered. 


c/o_KiaJ100dy or (jnp^nm BwIaa 
Box liQUf JHU Goucher CollqgBB 

S37-650A Vxi5-3300 

Derek Winans' last known address is 133 Goldsmith Avenue, and 
he has lived at several other addresses in Newark during the past 2 
years, namely, 227 Jelliff Avenue with Thomas Hayden; 214 Chad- 


wick Avenue with Eric Mann; 25 Clifton Avenue; but he has made 
the statement, "I'm a permanent resident on the lower hill (Newark) 
now, and I don't expect to leave." 

He has a newspaper reporter background. At the age of 19 he 
worked as a copy boy in the Neioark Evening News during summer 

After graduation from Harvard, he was employed by the Plainfield 
Courier-News^ the Wall Street Journal^ the Neio York Post^ the New 
Jersey Herald- American^ and Printers'' Ink magazine. 

He has written articles for The Nation magazine and Rawo^parts. 

From about January 1, 1967, to July 1, 1967, he was employed by 
the Maplewood News-Record^ a weekly newspaper. It was rumored that 
he had a financial interest in the paper also. 

On July 1, 1967, his employment was terminated by mutual agree- 
ment with the publisher, Gregory Hewlett. 

Winans' interest in civil rights activities took precedence over his 
interest in the paper, thereby creating a situation resulting in his leav- 
ing the paper. 

During 1963 he traveled to Mississippi twice to work in Negro vot- 
ing registration, and in 1966 went back to Mississippi for the march in 
support of James Meredith. 

Winan was active in the formation and development of the Fair 
Housing Council of South Orange, Maplewood, and Millbum. 

Wliile the rioting was in progress on July 16, 1967, an emergency 
session of the Fair Housing and Equal Opportunities Council of 
South Orange, Maplewood, Millburn, and Short Hills, which approxi- 
mately 80 persons attended, was called. 

Besides organizing a drive for food and medical supplies for the 
riot-torn sections of Newark, Winans' organization found time to call 
for "a speedy grand jury investigation into the police action which 
precipitated the riots" and "to support the establishment of a civilian 
review board in Newark." 

Since the insurrection in July, the suburban organization has do- 
nated funds for the Bessie Smith Community Center, located at 105 
Hawthorne Avenue in Newark. 

This Community Center is a project of Area Board 3, the Students 
for a Democratic Society NCUP-controlled Peoples' Action Group, 
and while serving as a community center will also serve as a meeting 
place for militant groups who have used the facilities of Area Board 
3 at 471 Clinton Avenue in the past. 

Winans is secretary of the Newark Coordinating Council and co- 
founder of the Business and Industrial Community Corporation, 
known as BICC. 

He is also president of the Newark Day Care Council, Incorporated, 
and the Summer Vacation Program for Children in the United Com- 
munity Corporation. 

He is a $50-a-day consultant to Total Employment and Manpower, 
and Willie Wright has challenged his right to serve there, claiming 
a conflict of interest. 

Arthur Jones, executive director of Total Employment and Man- 
powder (TEAM), has denied these charges of conflict of interest in the 
federallv funded i)rogram. According to the Newark Star-Ledger 
of January 30, 1968, Winans' voluntary position as a consultant does 


not interfere with his salary and status as administrator of the Day 
Care Center. 

Winans is also noted on April 15, 1967, as one of the New Jersey 
sponsors of the Spring Mobilization Committee To End the War in 

He is also formerly a member of the Americans for Democratic 
Action, from which he was expelled in 1964 at the Americans for 
Democratic Action convention in Washington. At the time of his ex- 
pulsion, he was the leader of the Essex County delegation of the 
Americans for Democratic Action. 

Confirming the fact that he was the leader of the Essex County, 
New Jersey, chapter of the ADA is an article in the National Guardian 
of February 11, 1967. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. Was any public reason given for his expulsion, or 
was that a private matter of ADA ? 

Mr. Kinney. I believe I know, but I would have to give you sup- 
position and I don't think it would be fair. 

Mr. AsHBRooK. Don't give supposition. 

Mr. Smith. Captain Kinney, does that cover your information on 
these people, prior to the riots of 1967? 

Mr. Kinney. It does, sir. 

Mr. Watson. Mr. Chairman, may I interrupt at this point ? 

Captain, these people that you have described, they were active in 
Newark prior to the eruption of the disorders on July 12 ? 

Mr. Kinney. Yes, sir. I have been discussing their activities primar- 
ily prior to the riots. 

Mr. Watson. And that is factual information that you are giving 
us? You know that for a fact yourself? 

Mr. Kinney. I do, sir. 

Mr. Watson. I wonder why none of that was brought out in the 
report of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders. I have 
been reviewing this report, and I tried to read the Newark section prior 
to this hearing so that I might be a little more knowledgeable about this 
thing, and I failed to see any of these names, except LeRoi Jones. Did 
anyone from the Commission talk with you about agitation from these 
Conmiunists and left wing and fellow travelers ? 

Mr. Kinney. No, sir. 

Mr. Watson. No one from this Commission talked with you about 
this previous activity ? 

Mr. Kinney. No, sir. I want to qualify it to the extent that I am 
certain they spoke with my superior, the police director of the city of 
Newark, Dominick A. Spina, who gave them very similar information. 

Mr. Watson. As you have just given us? 

Mr. Kinney. Probably not in as great detail as I have done here. 

Mr. Watson. You advised your superior about the activities of these 
people, and as far as you know, he advised the Commission about their 

Mr. Kinney. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Watson. And yet not one thing about that is contained in their 
report. In fact, you are well aware of the report that the police are 
responsible for what happened in Newark, that is. according to this 

We can develop that later. I will give you an opportunity to refute 
some of this. I was amazed as to why nothing was in this report, about 


these people if you had been questioned about it and if they had been 
given this information, or whether or not there was deliberate elffort 
to deceive the people in this report. 

Excuse me, Mr. Chairman. 

The Chairman. All right. 

Mr. Smith. Captain Kinney, would you describe for the conmiittee 
the activities which the Newark Community Union Project engaged 
in under Hayden's leadership from the time it was organized in 1964 
until the summer of 1967 ? 

Mr. Kinney. Yes. Its most important acti^aty, in my judgment, 
was its infiltration and actual seizure of control of some parts of the 
antipoverty program in Newark. 

A federally funded antipoverty program, called the United Com- 
munity Corporation, has been operating in Newark for a number 
of years. Area boards are set up under this corporation to handle 
matters related to poverty in certain geographical areas of Newark. 
SDS's NCUP concentrated on Area Board 3, w'hich was known as 
the Peoples' Action Group, and gained complete control of it. 

A New York Times article has described the NCUP operation 
in Newark as "the prototype and most successful of such SDS 

Studies on the Left^ a magazine which, as its name indicates, was 
a mouthpiece for all radical viewpoints, including the Communist 
position, published an article on Hayden's Newark operation in its 
issue [vol. 6] No. 2 for the year 1966. 

As I mentioned previously, it was written by SDS members Norm 
Fruchter and Robert Kramer, whom I have also previously men- 
tioned as organizers for NCUP, and this article w\as entitled "An 
Approach to Commimity Organizing Projects." The title and the 
contents of the article made it clear that this magazine was present- 
ing Hayden's Newark ojjeration as a model of the manner in which 
leftists and radicals should proceed in their efforts to use antipovertj 
programs to further their own purposes. This article spoke openly 
of NCUP's control of Area Board 3 of the United Community Or- 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request this item by accepted as Ex- 
hibit No. 8. 

The Chairman. It will be accepted and so marked. 

(Document marked "Kinney Exhibit No. 8." Excerpts from tliis 
article follow:) 

Kinney Exhibit No. 8 

Studies on the Left, volume 6 No. 2, 1966 — Excerpts from "An Approach to 
Community Organizing Projects" by Norm Fruchter and Robert Kramer 

Until mid-summer of 1965, NCUP organized exclusively in the Lower Clinton 
Hill section, designated by the city V^'ar-on-Poverty agency as Area Board III. 
Since Clinton Hill was regarded as an initial beachhead in Newark, the project 
concentrated all its energies there for slightly more than a year. For a con- 
siderable time organizers discussed the possibilities of beginning work in the 
Central Ward, an adjacent area of intense poverty, and the traditional grounds 
for the development of Negro movement in the city. Poorer, more militant, the 
site of traditional powers in the ghetto, it seemed a likely next step. But it was 
not until a series of city-wide marches protesting police brutality brought the 
project into contact with a number of people from the Central Ward, that 
these speculations were crystalized. Several Central Ward residents urged 
organizers to become active in their neighborhood, and project organizers began 


work in two separate Central Ward areas. Similarly, NOUP's experimentation 
with the control of Area Board III, the grass-roots body of the War-on-Poverty, 
led to the establishment of another focus of activity, this time on the fringe 
of Clinton Hill. To maintain control of the Area Board, it was thought necessary 
to organize in one of the sub-sections of the Board; this, combined with the 
availability of an organizer who wanted to work in that particular neighborhood 
for a long time, led to a quick beginning, [p. 44] 

As a locus of opposition in the city, the project seeks to become associated with 
every manifestation of opposition activity. Such an attitude is i>art of the 
project's diffuse penertation [sic] outward through the city, and of its attraction 
toward any sign of motion. Both the web of contact and exploration and the 
constant flow of information are crucial, for it is from these sources that NCUP 
receives the little it can use to guide itself. Having discarded any too-simple 
assumptions about what groups in the ghetto are most open to the muvement 
of opposition, the project must seek recruits and build opposition in whatever 
areas it can and with whatever means present themselves. Guides for its 
activity come out of the community itself, [pp. 46, 47] 

To a considerable extent the lines of ti*aditional power have been broken, 
or badly damaged in cities like Newark. The input of vast, federally-sponsored 
l)rograms like urban renewal and the War-on-Poverty has created an arena 
within which there is an intense scramble for power among traditional groups 
and new aspirants. This scramble is centered to a large extent in the ghetto — 
the site of the input of funds and programs, of the speculation made possible 
by urban renewal arrangements, the site of the waning Democratic machine's 
original constituency. Out of this context emerge transitional structures — the 
Area Boards of the War-on-Poverty, new political parties like the United 
Freedom Ticket, the many jwssible creations of the War-on-Poverty like Project 
Head-Start, job training centers, community centers. Each of these represents 
a potentially fruitful area for NOUP's experimentation, for its attempt to 
release the resources necessary to base a permanent movement of opposition. 
For members of the project these transitional structures are viewed lessi as 
abstract entities or as new attempts at socialization or control, than as "some- 
thing new" in the neighborhood which can be absorbed, manipulated or attacked. 

Through control of Area Board III, the Peoples' Action Group, the project has 
in effect, and perhaps only temporarily, absorbed one of these transitional 
structures. In this situation it was precisely NCUP's grass-roots experience, the 
broad base of contact provided by the block groups, that made control possible. 
NCUP was able to show up with a majority at any of the organizational and 
constitutional meetings of the PAG because none of those competing for control 
(machine politicians, representatives of the housing authority, the NAiACP and 
middle-class neighborhood groups) had any substantial association with a large 
portion of the community. It is far too early to judge whether control of the 
PAG will mean the availability of resources through War-on-Poverty grants — 
that is, resources which would make it possible to create many new focuses of 
energy in the community, like a medical program, a legal program, an NCUP 
resturant [sic], a co-op buying center or housing program — ^or whether a number 
of NCUP organizers will be hired for the PAG in various staff capacities. On 
the other hand, as the PAG w^as conceived of as a community entity with stand- 
ing committees concerned with housing, welfare, etc., the PAG can (and already 
has) become a vocal, militant body in its own right, a separate "project," taking 
stands on issues as various as those the project itself is involved with. * * * [pp. 
47, 48] 

A proposal for a community center, growing out of the activity of NCUP 
member.s who were also involved in the PAG, has gone far enough through the 
Office of Economic Opportunity's bureaucracy to suggest that its acceptance is 
iminent [sic]. The commmiity center would provide sixteen full-time jobs, the ma- 
jority of which are essentially organizing positions. The community center, in 
addition to its basic attractions, could try to define its role in the community as its 
memtyership .saiw fit. Seeing its tasks in the broadest possible wa,v, for example, it 
could easily take up any of those issues that so clearly affect the neighborhood, 
like the role of the mortgage combines that control the cycle of housing decay, 
or the war in Vietnam. The community center's formation would represent the 
creation of another focus of energy and activity in the community ; organizers, 
whether hired by the PAG or the center itself, or whether they were simply 
NCUP people, could work within what amounts to a self-sustaining, self-re- 
eruiting, delimited organizing situation on a permanent basis. 


The United Freedom Ticket is an attempt to establish a third party or "force" 
based on a coalition of Negro militants, ministers and liberal white groups from 
the suburbs. It is a transitional structure emerging out of the energy released in 
Negro communities by the civil rights movement, and out of the opportunity to 
gain a foothold in Newark, afforded by the waning strength of both the Demo- 
cratic machine and the old-style Negro leadership who had risen within it. 
Through coalition with the UFT, NCUP began to probe and experiment with 
a political situation. * * * NCUP's coalition with the UFT is another form of 
experimentation. Within the UFT the project has managed at least the potential 
creation of positions, activity and continually new openings for recruitment. 
Can NCUP influence in a sharp way the program, style and militancy of the 
UFT? What values would derive from being essentially a left-wing opposition 
within the party? Again a of relevant questions would be very long. NCUP 
had three members running as UFT candidates in the fall, and will probably 
have a number in the spring. The likelihood of victory is .slight, but the cam- 
paigns are primarily regarded within NCUP as still another means of probing 
outward, and organizing within the community and the UFT. The criterion for 
association with the UFT was less the party's program than the opportunities 
afforded for moving inside still another institution emerging from the community. 

By March, NCUP should have its own carrier-current radio station. This will 
allow it to begin to develop a whole new kind of programming, to reach new 
groups of people, and finally to provide a range of jobs for many who have 
wanted to join the project full-time and have perhaps wanted this sort of work. 
There has been constant talk of finding a way to organize low-wage workers. 
Organizing is already going on within one company, and openings have been 
made among non-unionized hospital workers. In the near future the project will 
also have a lawyer on a full-time basis. 

These are only further opportunities to extend the project into relatively 
permanent forms of activity. * * * [pp. 49, 50] 


There is still another way to define the effects of NCUP's activity, from initial 
organizing to work within the PAG or UFT. At every level NCUP disrupts; it 
challenges hollow democratic rhetoric, it challenges authority. As its members 
continually pursue the questions of who should control various programs and 
agencies, who should make decisions, who should receive benefit, what is the 
nature of representation, it challenges the bases on which power is legitimated 
in this society. 

Such a challenge is implicit when NCUP members appear at public meetings 
in city hall oflSces, dressed as they would be if they were at work or in the ghetto, 
making no attempt to hide their poverty or seem "respectable." It is implicit too 
in the presence of a group of people, speaking for themselves with no spokesman 
or designated "leader," and speaking as they would at home or to an enemy, and 
not in the "polite" way expected of them by officials. It is implicit in the insistence 
that public offices (like those of the Newark city planner) become, in fact, public, 
and open for the benefit of citizens. For often when people visited this office to 
get information about an impending urban renewal plan, the offices' functioning 
was so curtailed, its staff so beleaguered, that NCUP was phoned and begged to 
call off the visiting. 

NCUP members rise at public meetings to argue with officials, and more often 
than not they dispute not only the grounds for the specific decision that is being 
made, but also the right of the official or the constituted authority to make 
that decision for the people whose lives will be affected by it. * * * [pp. 50, 51] 

To curb the abusive use of police power, [SDS] project members urged a 
civilian review board to be elected precinct by precinct from the community, with 
full authority to order dismissal. It is evident that such a scheme is in the final 
analysis unworkable. Given the community and the extent of police abuse, the 
number of investigations which would ensue would almost surely immobilize the 
police force. In response to an analysis of a politically-motivated rent control bill 
submitted to the city council, some members of the project began to outline an 
alternative, something they referred to as a "Tenant's Bill of Rights." As they 
progressed, listing all the forms of protection they thought a tenant should have, 
it became evident (although not always to those making the demands) that 
they were not only challenging what are usually considered property rights, but 
were requiring of the landlord a degree of care and maintenance not financially 
possible for him, even if he wished * * *. 

88-083 O— 68— pt. 4 3 


The challenge of authority plays a number of important roles in the project. 
In gestures, in forms of speech and dress, this attitude defines to newly-contacted 
people not only what the project is, but its openness to them. The project is not 
something alien, it is an expression of whatever you are ; it gives a shape to your 
challenge of all the mechanisms, the patterns of thought, that keep pushing 
you down. * * * Continued challenge at all levels is like a test. * * * Continued 
challenge is one of the pressures that leads to "radical education" * * *. 

Challenge, and the ensuing disruption, is one of the ways the project attempts 
to keep a continuous pressure on each of the agencies of control that it encoun- 
ters. * * * Challenge of constituted authority constantly tends to draw the proj- 
ect and its members beyond the actual limits of what can be built at the present 
time. [pp. 52, .53] 

Official concern over poverty, and ultimately over the increasing disaffiliation 
of the poor, has led to the creation of agencies like the War-on-Poverty, which 
have channeled substantial resources into the ghettoes and other areas of 
poverty. While none of these programs has or is likely to lead to tangible change 
on any essential level, they have suggested openings for growth and the pos- 
sibility of financial support for movements of opposition. * * * [p. 53] 

Some of these general comments suggest what some of the reactions might 
be in the event of extreme hostility on the part of national or local powers. It 
has been argued frequently that the project could in effect dissolve into the com- 
munity, abandon its office, its one indication of "official" status, v.'ith a minimum 
of disadvantage. Such a move is applicable to the question of the project's role 
in a situation where there was a rapid multiplication of the energies of opposition 
and rebellion, an extension into more violent means. * * * [p. 56] 

It is probable that there will be a steady increase in NCUP's full-time staff. In 
addition, NCUP, as the center of concentric circles of people, some of whom are 
intensely active while others only erratically so, may very well grow appreciably 
as the project deepens and intensifies its activities in such areas as the PAG. 
the UFT, the radio station, community center and all other concrete focuses of 
activity. * * * [p. 56] 

At numerous points we have touched on the disintegration or destruction of 
traditional lines of power that has created a fragmented, highly competitive 
situation in the area-of-control at the grass-roots level of many cities, including 
Newark. Through the input of federal funds, or by a local response to the decline 
of traditional organizations and programs, transitional structures have emerged 
which, like the many aspects of the War-on-Poverty, are initially more open to 
community participation and penetration than the traditional structures that 
remain. Projects developing within this context have greatly increased oppor- 
tunities for at least the experimentation with different kinds of openings. Perhaps 
they have the much more tangible opportunity of unlocking resources and estab- 
lishing permanent institutional focuses in the community. NCUP will continue to 
develop its associations with various transitional structures, and perhaps its 
continued growth and penetration depends to a large extent on its further ability 
to form associations with these new structures as they arise, moving within 
them as if they were potentially powerful arenas for experimentation. Maintain- 
ing control of such structures is no small problem. In the PAG, for example, 
NCUP's position could be challenged either from within, by the War-on-Poverty 
authorities, or by development of new hostile constituencies. Neither is likely, but 
both must be considered in an attempt to suggest future developments. * * * 
[p. 57] 

Given the delicate balance of forces in Newark, we assume that NCUP will 
not only be able to enlarge its position where it already has a foothold, but 
will be able to move freely into new bodies as they appear at the community level 
wherever the project is engaged. In addition, it seems likely that NCUP will be 
"invited" into a large number of potentially fruitful situations by insurgents 
or groups trying to develop new constituencies in the space provided by the 
disintegration of the old centers of power, [p. 58] 

Mr. Kinney. Hayden has written an article entitled "Community 
Organizing and the War on Poverty," which was published in the 
November 1965 issue of Liberation magazine. 

Hayden stated in this article that he had a staff of 25 people, half 
of them local and the other half apparently imports, working for 


his Newark Clommunity Union Project. The article makes the usual 
pious statements about how enthusiastic they are "to help the poor" 
and put a "democratic'" program into practice. 

This article is very valuable, however, because it quite clearly re- 
veals what Hayden and his NCUP stood for and what they opposed. 
Hay den attacked the official antipoverty program in Newark, the 
United Community Corporation. Its director, he wrote, operated on a 
theory which "emphasizes social action as the keystone of the war on 
poverty, but only a certain kind of 'constructive' social action." He 
went on to state that — 

this theory soft-pedals the idea of attacking power structures. Instead, the goal 
is to bring ghetto residents into the "mainstream" of competitive society. * * * 

Hayden, in other words, makes it clear he believes in destructive 
social action, in attacking power structures, and is opposed to the idea 
of bringing ghetto residents into the mainstream of our society. 

He attacked "independent liberals" in the UCC, who, he said, would 
like to see the program work for the poverty-stricken. He accused 
them of having a paternalistic attitude. He complained that only one 
person from his organization sat on the citywide board. 

The UCC area boards were "the main vehicle for injecting de- 
mocracy" into the organization. But, he said, they were generally dom- 
inated by "established interests." There was an exception, however, he 
continued, in Area Board 3, where the NCUP was working, and "an 
interesting drama" was being played out there. 

He then told of the NCUP role in this drama and of the methods 
his group was using to see that this drama ended the way he wanted 
it to. For example, he and his cohorts were telling the people in Area 
Board 3 that, if necessary, they should "protest against the program 
as a fraud." 

He also wrote that — 

we tried the approach of implying that soon more "City Hall people" would be 
paid to get rich, patrol and control the neighborhood, unless we did something to 
expose and resist them. * * ♦ 

He pointed out that in the first several meetings of Area Board 3, 
many of the people present — 50 to 70 of the 80 to 100 people present — 
would be NCUP people, and that later "we were able to elect over- 
whelmingly several N.C.U.P. people to permanent office on the board, 
including the Chairman." 

His article closed with these words : 

The quest for power * * ♦ should perhaps focus on the anti-poverty council as 
much as the City Oouneil. But the Newark lesson shows that "taking power," 
without remaking its character, is pointless except for the "deserving poor." * ♦ * 

Liberation^ the magazine in which this article was published, de- 
scribes itself as "an independent monthly." The issue in which the 
article was published noted that Hayden was becoming one of the 
magazine's associate editors \\\i\\ that issue, and that his NCUP was 
sponsored by the Economic Research and Action Project of the Stu- 
dents for a Democratic Society. 

The editor of Liberation is Dave Dellinger, who has stated that he 
is a Communist, but not of the Moscow variety. During World War 
II, Dellinger served 2 years in Federal prison as a conscientious ob- 
jector. Also, Mr. David Dellinger was convicted — he was convicted for 


committing a lewd act on July 11, 1949, in the men's room of the sub- 
way station at Fulton and Nassau Streets in New York City. He v»^as 
given a suspended sentence, but a conviction. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request the item from Liberation be 
accepted for the committee record. 

The Chairman. It will be accepted, and at this point, I would like 
to ask a question. 

(Document marked "Kinney Exhibit No. 9'' and retained in com- 
mittee files.) 

The Chairman. I am going to suggest a recess. 

Captain, you made just a passing reference to police brutality. Did 
these agitators try to portray the police as being brutal to the partici- 
pants in these riots ? 

Mr. Kinney. Sir, for the past 5 years, they have tried to exploit 
every possible grievance between colored people and white people in 
our city. They have tried to exploit every possible arrest made with 
the proper degree of force into a case of police brutality. 

The Chairman. I say that is a thread we find woven into all of these 
riots, Newark, Watts, Chicago, New York, and so on. 

In other words, they try to blame the police for it. They have no 
respect for them at all and have no hesitancy in accusing them of being 

At least two of us have to appear before another committee, and so 
we will stand in recess until 2 o'clock. 

(Whereupon, at 11 :25 a.m., Tuesday, April 23, 1967, the subcom- 
mittee recessed, to reconvene at 2 p.m. the same day.) 


(The subcommittee, as reconstituted, reconvened at 2:05 p.m., Hon. 
William M. Tuck, chairman of the subcommittee, presiding.) 

(Subcommittee members present: Representatives Tuck and 

Mr. Tuck. The subcommittee will please come to order. 

I have here a letter from the chairman, constituting a new subcom- 
mittee, and I will show in the record that a quorum is present. 

(The order of appointment of the subcommittee follows :) 

April 23, 1968. 
To : Mr. Francis J. McNamara, 
Director, Committee on Un-American Activities. 

Pursuant to the provisions of the law and the Rules of this Committee, I 
hereby appoint a subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities, 
consisting of Honorable William M. Tuck, as Chairman, and Honorable Richard 
Ichord and Honorable Albert Watson, as associate members, to conduct hearings 
in Washington, D.C., on Tuesday, April 23, 1968, as contemplated by the resolu- 
tion adopted by the Committee on the 2nd day of August, 1967, authorizing 
hearings concerning subversive influences in the riots, the looting and burning 
which have besieged various cities in the Nation, and other matters under investi- 
gation by the Committee. 

Please make this action a matter of Committee record. 

If any member indicates his inaibility to ser\'e, please notify me. 

Given under my hand this 23rd day of April, 1968. 

/s/ Edwin E. Willis 
Edwin E. Willis, 
Chairman, Committee on Un-American Activities. 

Mr. Tuck. Counsel, you may proceed with Captain Kinney. 



Mr. Smith. Captain Kinney, when the committee recessed this morn- 
ing, you were giving us information on the Newark Community 
Union Project and Area Board 3. Will you please continue that 
testimony ? 

Mr. Kinney. Yes, sir. We have obtained a copy of a Newark 
Community Union Project document dated Summer 1965 and entitled 
"Field Interviews with Student and Community Associates of the 
Newark Community Union Project Evaluating NCUP-NCFE Ac- 
complishments." "Interviewed for NCFE by Hamish Sinclair, Novem- 
ber, 1965." 

We are unaware at this time of what "NCFE" means, but from the 
context of the report, it refers to the professional staff of the Newark 
Community Union Project. The interviews consisted of conversations 
with a number of NCUP members, including Jesse Allen, Toon Hay- 
den, and Kobert Kramer. 

Hayden was asked, "When you use the word 'radical', what do yon 
have in mind?" He answered: 

On the basis of issues that you try to link campaigns for domestic-economic, 
civil rights and social change to foreign policy and that yooii have a very clear 
stand in favor of an end to the war in Vietnam, as well as economic change 
within the country. * * * 

Hayden boasted further, quote: 

At the point that the summer project was beginning, we had taken control 
(electoral) of the major offices in the community action part of the war on 
I>overty here. * * * 

Hayden was asked, in w'hat w-ay did he think the NCUP professional 
organizers could be better used, anid he suggested: 

Maybe they should turn out the Newsletter or write kind of muckraking articles 
for the Newsletter on a regular basis ; in other words, the researcher's function 
should be housed, it seems to me, housed centrally, integrated and separated. 

Now, these are Hay den's words: 

I'm thinking of the way the Minnis operation is set up with SNCC. It's there 
in the SNCC building but it has independent quarters where people can work 
in an office situation. People can come into them and talk to them. What you 
have now is just not that. 

A parenthetical note says, "Jack Minnis, research director for the 
Student Non- Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC)." 

This appears to be Hayden's recognition of the role of Jack Minnis, 
a white radical, in manipulating the Student Nonviolent Coordinating 
Committee and the suggestion that the Negro majority in the Peoples' 
Action Group can be better manipulated by the Students for a Demo- 
cratic Society whites working in separate quarters, but providing the 
impetus for the activity and the ideology for the activity. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request that this item that he has 
reference to here be accepted for the record as Kinney Exhibit No. 10. 

(Document marked "Kinney Exhibit No. 10" and retained in com- 
mittee files.) 

Mr. Tuck. Proceed. 

Mr. Smith. Right. 

Mr. Chairman, I would like to state for the record that committee 
files indicate that Hamish Sinclair, just referred to as the author of this 


NCUP document, has written a numl^er of articles for the Communist 
newspaper, the National Guardian — recently renamed the Guardian — 
during the last year or so. 

In the early 1960's, he was secretary and field director of the Coni- 
mittee for Miners, a New York-based organization set up^to exert radi- 
cal influence on miners who were on strike in Hazard, Kentucky. 

Now, Captain Kinney, in addition to all the SDS members you have 
mentioned, who are some of the other persons associated with NCUP 
operations in Newark ? 

Mr. Kinney. Phil Hutchings, Junius Williams, and Joe Wliitley. 

Mr. Smith. Wliat do you know about these individuals, prior to 
the riot? 

Mr. Kinney. Their activities prior to the riot ? 

Mr. Smith. Yes. 

Mr. Kinney. Phil Hutchings, who is 26, colored, male, resides at 
G24 High Street in Newark. He is a onetime college classmate at 
Howard University of Stokely Carmichael, former national chairman 
of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee. Hutchings is 
now field director of SNCC in New Jersey. 

Previously, Hutchings had worked for the Students for a Demo- 
cratic Society, while living at 1219 Howard Street in Washington, D.C. 
In addition, he has worked for SNCC in Georgia and in Tennessee. 
In 1965 he came to Newark and worked as an organizer for the Newark 
Community Union Project of the Students for a Democratic Society. 

In August 1966, Hutchings arranged a 1-day speaking tour for 
Stokely Carmichael in Newark. Hutchings usually wears a blue pin 
with a black panther on it. 

In the spring of 1967 Hutchings bega.n his organizing drive in 
Newark for SNCC with two other SNCC leaders. These two were 
Robert E. Fullilove, 24, colored, male, of 24 Waverly Avenue in New- 
ark, a college student, and Clinton Hopson Bey, 31 years of age, 
colored, male, who lived at the time at 379 Belmont Avenue, Newark. 

The three opened a storefront "Black Liberation Center" at 107 
South Orange Avenue, Newark, which in turn was used by Albert Roy 
Osborne, alias Colonel Hassan, while Hassan was in Newark. 

In clarification, it should be noted that the so-called Black Libera- 
tion Center at 107 South Orange Avenue w^as burned out on May 29, 
1967, which necessitated all concerned to move the Black Liberation 
Center across the street to 106 South Orange Avenue, which was a 
restaurant managed by Clinton Hopson Bey and Ozzie Bey. 

Meetings were held in the rear room of this restaurant. SNCC has 
been described as the smallest and most militant of the civil rights 
groups, while The Saturday Evening Post categorized it as "tlie wild- 
est" of the civil rights groups. SNCC's philosophy parallels Tom 
Hayden's, in that they believe organization and leaders are superflu- 
ous and that people can lead themselves. SNCC, too, under its new 
national chairman, H. Rap Brown, has become increasingly anti- 
Semitic, which has caused some difficulties in the raising of funds. 

Hutchings and SNCC became involved in the fight against the pro- 
posed medical college, in Newark's antipoverty activities, and are 
endeavoring to start a "Buy Black" campaign to promote patronage 
of Negro-owned businesses. 

Hutchings has also stated that Newark was chosen by SNCC be- 
cause of the city's small area and its large Negro population. He 


further said that Newark was one of several northern cities in which 
SNCC is attempting to translate its black power philosophy into an 
outlet for frustration and an attack on conditions in the slums. 

In February 1967 SNCC's New York office announced a $1,307 gift 
to the Newark project from the eastern region of Jack and Jill of 
America, a social and cultural organization of Negro parents and 

Hutchings is a former member of Jack and Jill. 

Willie Wright, Negro militant and vice president of the United 
Community Corporation, appointed Phil Hutchings to the United 
Community Corporation's board of trustees. Wright also helped 
Hutchings set up the Black Liberation Center. Hutchings, in turn, 
later nominated James Tate to be a UCC trustee. 

During April and May 1967, Hutchings attended several local 
Confess of Racial Equality, CORE, meetings, some preliminary 
meetings on the planned Black Power Conference in Newark in July, 
and was again associated with the Black Panthers. 

In May Hutchings traveled to Atlanta, Georgia, by train to attend 
a SNCC staff meeting lasting 5 days, from which he flew to speak 
at the Connecticut College for Women at New London, Connecticut. 
At that time, he also met with Junius Williams and others in New 
Haven, Connecticut. He also spoke in May at Smith College in North- 
ampton, Massachusetts. In June 1967 Hutchings was one of the "con- 
ference callers" for the "Summer Programs for Newark Movement/' 
held at Echo Lake Park in Union County, on Sunday, June 18, 1967. 

Mr. Tuck. Captain, we will suspend there. The second bell has 
just rung, and we have a final roll call vote on some pending legisla- 
tion. It is necessary for the committee to recess for 30 minutes. 

(Whereupon, at 2:22 p.m., the subcommittee recessed and recon- 
vened at 3 p.m., with Representatives Tuck and Watson present.) 

Mr. Tuck. The subcommittee will please come to order. 

You may proceed. 

Mr. Smith. Captain Kinney, you were discussing the background 
of Hutchings. Will you please continue ? 

Mr. Kinney. Yes, sir, I repeat my last sentence, which was that in 
June 1967 Hutchings was one of the conference callers for the Summer 
Programs for Newark Movement held at Echo Lake Park in Union 
County, on Sunday, June 18, 1967. 

The program called for a discussion of the stopping of the medical 
school, rent strike organizing, Vietnam and the draft, politics, and 
how to change business practices on Clinton, Springfield, and South 
Orange Avenues. 

Other conference callers for this meeting were Thomas Hayden, 
Robert Curvin, Mrs. Dazzare Jefferson, Jesse Allen, Joe Whitley, 
Junius Williams, and Willie Wright. 

I have here the paper calling for this "Summer Programs for the 
Newark Movement" meeting on Simday, June 18, 1967, some 3 weeks 
prior to the riots occurring in Newark. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request that this item be accepted as 
Kinney Exhibit No. 11. 

Mr. Tuck. It will be so ordered. 

(Document marked "Kinney Exhibit No. 11" follows:) 


Kinney Exhibit No. 11 


temporary address: 106 Huntington Terrace 

Dear Friend: 

You are invited to a very important all-day meeting to :^iscus<= '*"'' -■■ 


at Echo Lak Park on Sunday ffaT^'-iTOr There will be plenty of time for fyxa 

This conference is called to enco'jrage people to work hard at building 
strong grass-roots organizations Lhis summer., The "long hot summer" is 
the time when progress is most posrible. 

So .we propose to get away for the vmole day to a quiet location to dis- 
cuss what's happening m areas such as: 

"^increasing the active programs in the area boards 

*stopping the Medical School ^- • :. ,, 

*rent strike organizing; ways to put more pressure on slumlords 

^'Strengthening x^he welfare rights movement in new parts of t-he city 

*building neighborhood groups in new areas 

*fighting for better schools 

*how to change business practises along Clinton Avenue, Springfield 
and S. Orange Avenues 

"(■•programs about the Vietnam war and the draft 

*politic3 *our new OrgsmizGrs School *play streets, summer fun 

Transportation will be provided from Area Board 3 at 9 am on the l^tho 
Anyone who can drive should notify the Area Board. Food will be pro- 

This meeting is for ORGANIZERS who want to WORK to build a MOVEMENT. 

Conference callers. Phil HutchingSj Bob Curvin, Tom Hayden, Junius . 
Williams, Terry Jefferson, Jesse Allen, Joe 
Whitley, Willie Wright 

For further information call 824-3135 or WA 3-8183 

Remember: if you can drive, let us knowl 

Mr. Kinney. Junius Williams. I have here a letter [undated] written 
by Junius Williams while he was at Amherst College in Amherst, 
Massachusetts, to Tom Hayden. 

The letter reads : 

Dear Tom. 

Just, wanted to reserve a place for myself this summer. Seeing you people 
take over the War on Poverty was quite a treat ; I've decided I want to tamper 
with the power structure a bit. By the way, even the liberals on campus were 
interested in what went on that night ; and in the happenings in Jersey City. 

What are the chances of getting some extra bread. $10? $5? $%? Anything 
will do. I'm a poor Southern boy with no visible means of support, who likes 
to do things like smoking — etc. Let me know the possibilities. 


By the way there are 3 or 4 guys coming down to Newark on the 15th. of 
March. They would like to know what they will be doing. I'll only be in Missis- 
sippi for about one week so I may come up on about the 22nd. or 23rd. of March. 
This church deal is by no means ideal, in that respect especially, but I still 
would like to see the situation down there. 

One other thing : Several kids have asked about the possibilities of working 
there (in Newark) for the summer. What is your policy statement on such 
matters ? 


It is signed with the greeting, "Uhiiru," U-h-u-r-u, which means 
"freedom" in Swahili, and signed "Junius Williams." 

"P.S. My thanks to Carl, et al for showing me a few of the ropes." 

Mr. SMrrH. Mr. Chairman, I request this item be accepted as 
Kimiey Exhibit No. 12. 

Mr. Tuck. It is so ordered. 

(Document marked "Kinney Exhibit No. 12" and retained in com- 
mittee files.) 

Mr. Smith. And further concerning Junius Williams, at the pres- 
ent time, he and Phil Hutchings are residing together at 642 High 
Street in Newark. They formed a new organization called the Newark 
A.rea Planning Association, with headquarters at 186 South Orange 
Avenue in Newark, and the prescribed aim of it is "to involve the 
people of the Central Ward in the replamiing and administration of 

Joe Whitley, who is a member of NCUP, was a counselor for the 
Y'outh Block Program in Newark in 1967. Our information is that 
Whitley was originally from Chester, Pennsylvania. 

Captain Kinney, in addition to the SDS — NCUP operation and the 
individuals associated with it, were there other organizations and 
individuals engaged in racial agitation in Newark prior to the July 
1967 riots? 

Mr. Kinney. Yes, there were a number of them. The first I would 
like to mention is Colonel Hassan Jem Ahmed, whose real name is 
xllbert Roy Osborne. He also has an alias of Tony Williams. 

Albert Roy Osborne will be spoken of as Colonel Hassan in my 
talks hereafter. He makes his headquarters in Washington, D.C., 
but came to Newark several months prior to the riots of 1967 and 
was a key figure in contributing to the climate that caused the riots. 
Colonel Hassan was bom in Wasliington, D.C., on March 9, 1924. 
He has a lengthy criminal record, which includes robbery, larceny 
from auto, housebreaking, false pretenses, forgery, and bad checks, 
and in 1950 was held for mental observation. He has served time 
in prisons in the District of Columbia and Virginia and in Pennsyl- 

His organization is called the Blackman's Volunteer Army of 
Liberation, and the headquarters of the Black Star Regiment, the 
army's one miit, was located in rooms over a store at 910 Keim^edy 
Street NW., Washington, D.C. He has a continual problem of lack 
of funds. 

The avowed intention of Hassan is to create a mercenary army of 
American Negroes to fight for the independence of central and south- 
ern Africa. He claims to have battalions in other major cities of the 
United States, but in tmth he has less than 10 followers. 


Hassan is extremely anti-Semitic and refers constantly to the inter- 
national Jewish-Communist conspiracy. He advocates separation of 
the races. The creed of the Blackman's Volunteer Army of Libera- 
tion is set forth in a 10-page typewritten so-called Declaration of 
Purpose. This declaration was initialed with 40 nom de plumes. On 
this declaration, the signees state that their goal is "complete libera- 
tion from white domination." 

However, they state they will respect the Constitution of the United 
States of America and will oppose all groups who desire to violently 
overthrow the United States Government. 

Hassan's professed goals, therefore, are different from other con- 
spirators, who state they will use any means to gain their end. 

In the spring of 1967 Hassan, with some of his followers, came to 
Newark. They immediately became involved in the move to block 
the location of the proposed New Jersey College of Medicine and 
Dentistry in Newark. It was not known, or it is not known, who 
sponsored Hassan's entry onto the Newark scene in the spring of 1967, 
but it is known he was out of funds prior to his arrival. 

Hassan moved into a storefront headquarters at 107 South Orange 
Avenue, Newark, New Jersey, which was called the Black Liberation 
Center. This headquarters had been opened a few weeks previously 
by Phil Hutchings and Clinton Hopson Bey, representing SNCC. 
Hassan denied that he had moved his headquarters from Washington, 
D.C., to Newark, despite the fact that his organization at the time 
owed a bill of approximately $1,000 to the telephone company in 
D.C. and owed another $1,000 to the Xerox Corporation in Washing- 

On May 22, 1967, Hassan received notoriety by his actions at a 
meeting of the Newark Central Planning Board, which was concerned 
with the proposed Central Ward location of the New Jersey College 
of Medicine and Dentistry. This public meeting was held in the council 
chambers at Newark City Hall. 

Two minutes after the meeting started, a Mrs. Ozzie Bey, who was 
identified as the wife of Clinton Hopson Bey, threw three eggs at 
the members of the planning board sitting on the dais. A press re- 
porter in the front row became involved, either in attempts to re- 
strain the woman, or to defend himself against becoming egg-splat- 
tered, and as a result Clinton Hopson Bey punched the newsman. 

Police moved in and ejected Clinton Hopson Bey and Ozzie Bey. 

The reporter refused to make a complaint, and neither of the Beys 
vvas arrested. Hassan in speaking about this incident commented, "Too 

Hassan demanded to speak first and followed Louis Danzig, Newark 
Housing Authority executive director. Hassan made an emotional 
speech, stating among other things, "We are going all the way to 
stop that school." Hassan and others throughout the meeting verbally 
assaulted Alfred C. Booker, the central planning board chairman, 
called him a "Tom" and a "House Nigger." 

After Fire Director John Caufield had spoken, citing a large number 
of fires in the area and recommending that the area in question be 
demolished, whether or not a medical school would be built, Hassan 
lunged at the court stenotypist and tore the transcript from the 


As Hassan overturned the speaker's lectern, police subdued him 
as he shouted, "Take me away. Lock me up." 

Later during the same meeting, a so-called Captain Rafik of the 
Black Liberation Army, whose real name is Darrell Dawson, was also 
ejected, after throwing a heavy mapboard of the area at the planners, 
which hit a tape recorder transcribing the hearing. 

Neither Hassan nor his deputy was arrested. 

Mr. Smith. Captain Kinney, you mentioned Clinton Hopson Bey 
as an associate of Colonel Hassan. Do you have any additional infor- 
mation on Clinton Hopson Bey? 

Mr. Kinney. Yes. Clinton Raymond Hopson, alias Clinton Ray- 
mond Hopson Bey, alias Clinton Raymond Hobson Bey. He was born 
March 5, 1935, in Lakewood, New Jersey, and has adopted Bey as his 
Muslim name. His first wife was named Gwendolin, and her where- 
abouts are unknown at the present time. He had a son by this marriage 
who is with his first wife. 

His second wife lives in Detroit. Though he resided in Detroit in 
the fall of 1967 with this woman, he has denied that she is his wife. 
He has two children living in Detroit, living with this woman. 

While in Newark in the spring of 1967, Clinton Raymond Hopson 
Bey lived with, and operated a restaurant at 106 South Orange Ave- 
nue with, another woman who he claimed was his wife, Ozzie Bey, 
Information has been received that Ozzie Bey is at present in Mc- 
Comb, Mississippi. 

Clinton Raymond Hopson was first arrested in Denver, Colorado, 
on December 28, 1955, for, quote, "Investigation of a stickup" and 
"Hold for Military Police.'' He was serving at the time in the United 
States Air Force. He was sentenced to an indeterminate term at the 
State Reformatory at Buena Vista, Colorado, on March 8, 1955, for 

On October 10, 1956, he registered as a convicted felon with the 
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, Police Department. 

On February 19, 1966, he was arrested in Washington, D.C., for 
assault on a police officer, and again on May 20, 1966, in Washington, 
D.C., received a sentence of $250 or 25 days for a series of traffic 

His last arrest was on October 22, 1967, in Winona, Mississippi, 
where he was charged with carrying a concealed weapon in his car, 
a 24-inch bolo knife, and driving with an expired driver's license. In 
the car he was driving were seven boxes of shotgun shells and two 
cartons of .22 cartridges. He served 5 days in jail in Winona, Missis- 
sippi, and paid a $50 fine. 

The car that Hopson was driving in Mississippi had New Jersey 
license plates thereon, KPN 803. KPN 803 is registered to one Charles 
Coleman of 681 South 11th Street in Newark, for a 1959 Plymouth, 
white station wagon. \ 

However, the car Hopson was driving was a 1959 Rambler, owned 
by one William Epton of New York City. 

Epton, vice chairman of the Progressive Labor Movement, a mem- 
ber of the Revolutionary Action Movement, RAM, has been a follower 
of the militant Chinese Communist line. Epton was convicted in New 
York State Supreme Court this December 1965, on charges of advo- 


eating criminal anarchy, conspirino; to advocate criminal anarchy, and 
conspiring to riot. 

Hopson went to high school at Union Norman High School in 
Bainbridge, Georgia, and then attended Albany State College in Al- 
bany, Georgia, in 1954. In '61 and '62, he went to LaSalle College 
in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, and in '62-'63, attended Temple Uni- 
versity, also in Philadelphia. Between '68 and '66, he attended Howard 
University School of Law, and in February 1968 Hopson made ap- 
plication to be a special agent in the Federal Bureau of Investigation, 
Department of Justice. 

According to the National Guardian of November 20, 1965, Hopson 
spoke at a joint antiwar rally of the May 2nd Movement, Students for 
a Democratic Society, and the W. E. B. DuBois Clubs. 

Hopson attacked the "Uncle Toms'" who failed to oppose the war in 
Vietnam. He said, quote, "I don't see how Negroes can fight in Viet- 
Jiam until they have freedom in Mississippi." 

He also attacked the antipoverty program, which he said was fur- 
nished with "blood money" from the people of the Dominican Repub- 
lic and Vietnam. 

Hopson was a scheduled speaker at the anti-induction rally run by 
the May 2nd Movement, scheduled for November 11, 1965, at Colum- 
bia University in New York City. 

Hopson spoke at the convention of the National Coordinating Com- 
mittee To End the War in Vietnam, held in Washington, D.C, Novem- 
ber 25 to 28, 1965, according to the National Guardian of December 
4, 1965. 

On December 9, 1965, lie was a scheduled speaker at a rally to free 
Bill Epton, sponsored by the Committee to Defend Resistance to Ghetto 
rife, which is a front for the Progressive Labor Party. Hopson repre- 
sented the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party. My source for 
this is the National Guardian of December 4, 1965. 

According to the Washington Post of August 3, 1965, Clinton 
Hopson was coauthor of an appeal to Negroes to dodge the draft which 
was published by the Freedom Democratic Party. The Neui York 
Times of August 4, 1965, also attributed the Mississippi Freedom 
Democratic Party leaflet to Hopson. It stated that he was a law stu- 
dent from Neptune, New Jersey, who was working with the civil 
rights movement during (he summer of 1965. 

As I stated before, Hopson was arrested and charged with assault- 
ing a D.C. policeman. He was released on personal bond, according 
to the Washington Post of Februarj^ 20, 1965. At the time, he was 
listed as 31 years old and a law student at Howard University. 

Mr. Smfth. Earlier in your testimony. Captain Kinney, you men- 
tioned WilHe Wright. Would you tell us something of his activities 
in Newark prior to the time of the riot ? 

Mr. Kinney. Willie Wright, also known as William T. Wright, was 
horn May 27, 1928, in Albany, Georgia. He is married, but separated. 
He was formerly employed by the Pennsylvania Railroad as a station- 
ary engineer, but for the past year has devoted himself completely to 
militant civil rights activities. 

He has also formerly lived at 179 Newton Street, Newark, but has 
moved of late to the second floor of 402 South Sixth Street, Newark. 
The offices of the United A fro- American Association occupv the first 
floor of 402 South Sixth Street, Newark. 


C. Willard Heckel, past president of the United Community Corpo- 
ration and dean of Eiitgers, the State UniA^ersity Law School, has 
stated that Wright is a Negro in Newark that has gone through 
three stages. 

He said that Wright's first stage in 1964 was the stage wherein 
Wright wanted to learn and leani fast. He saw that parliamentary 
procedure was a key to power and took Roherfs Rules of Order home 
and studied it. He asked Dean Heckel questions about parliamentary 
procedure when he was puzzled. Heckel said that Wright was eager 
to learn and that there was great dialogue between the both of them. 

Heckel further stated that Wright's second stage was the stage in 
which Wright, quote, "ate white politicians." He said that Wright 
smoked big cigars, flicking ashes here and there, and that there was 
no dialogue between them ; further, that Wright made fatuous speeches, 
speaking often, but not really saying anything, and that he wouldn't 
listen to anyone. 

Then, continued Heckel, Willie Wright reached his third stage, 
which Wright is in now. Heckel stated that Willie Wright is now a 
militant, aggressive man who wants to shatter. Heckel also said that 
many people have told him that if Wright is an example of what the 
United Cormnunity Corporation under OEO can develop, then this 
is the great evil of the antipoverty program. 

Willie Wright has bulled his way to the forefront of the Newark 
scene by design. Truly a minor figure until recently, by his forming 
of an organization, by his association with nationally known militant 
iigures, and by his travel to foreign countries, Wright has placed 
liimself in the forefront of those seeking violent answers to the cities' 
and the Nation's social problems. 

Wright has illusions of grandeur and a mimeograph machine, which 
can be a volatile combination. One circular that he distributed under 
the auspices of the United Afro- American Association has character- 
ized a vicious-appearing Uncle Sam dreaming that four Negroes have 
Ijeen killed in action. The four Negroes in the sketch are Stokely Car- 
michael, H. Rap Brown, Cassius Clay, alias Muhammad Ali, and 
Willie Wright. 

Wright formed the United Afro- American Association in 1965 and 
incorporated it on August 20, 1965. The location of the organization 
at the time was 3 Belmont Avenue in Newark, and the five trustees 
on the certificate of incorporation were Joe Chaneyfield, Sandy Rol- 
lack, Samuel Kelly, Raymond Boston, and Willie Wright. 

On August 25, 1966, Stokely Carmichael came to Newark to give a 
series of speeches at street rallies and meetings in Newark's Central 
Ward. At times, Stokely Carmichael spoke from the top of a 1963 
Ford station wagon, registration lYG 952, New Jersey. This vehicle 
was equipped with a PA system and had two loudspeakers on the 
top. This vehicle was owned by Willie Wright, then residing at 179 
Newton Street in Newark. 

Carmichael's speeches were extremely militant and antiwhite. He 
frequently urged the Negroes to unite and take over Newark lock, 
stock, and barrel. Carmichael also stated that the Negro population 
should control city hall, the school system, and the police department. 

Further. Carmichael said that a police civilian review board would 
not be a solution to the Negroes' problems, but instead all they would 
have to do was to control the captains of police at the local level. 


Mr. Smith. Does CORE have a chapter in Newark ? And if so, did 
it engage in the type of activities you have been describing? 

By the way, there is one question I would like to ask you about 
Willie Wright. Is it true that he went to Czechoslovakia, the Bratislava 
trip ? 

Mr. Kinney. Yes, sir. This was after the riots in Newark. He, Carol 
Glassman, Tom Hayden, and 38 others traveled to Bratislava, 

Now, your question was concerning CORE ? 

Mr. Smith. Yes. 

Mr. Kinney. Yes, we do have a chapter of CORE, the Congress of 
Racial Equality, in Newark. The former chairman was one Robert 
Curvin. Robert Curvin was born on February 23, 1934. He is colored, 
male, he resides at 106 Huntington Terrace, Newark. 

In September 1967 he was appointed director of Rutgers University 
Community Action Training Program. More articulate than most civil 
rights leaders, Curvin has for years harped on the theme of police 
brutality, the creation of a civilian review board, the removal from 
office of Director Spina, and other matters, most of v/hich focused on 
the Newark Police Department. 

Prior to the Newark insurrection, Curvin was one of the conference 
callers for the Summer Programs for Newark Movement held at Echo 
Lake Park on Sunday, June 18, 1967, some 3 weeks before the riot that 
I mentioned before. 

Curvin and CORE have been in the forefront of practically every 
demonstration in our city over the past 5 years. He has demonstrated 
time after time his desire to increase tensions, exploit grievances, and 
to attack the police. 

Mr. Smith. Were there some individuals in the community, in addi- 
tion to those you have mentioned, who have made inflammatory state- 
ments or threats ? 

Mr. Kinney. Yes. One is a man named James Walker. James Albert 
Walker, also knowm as Albert Jesse Walker, born in New Haven, 
Connecticut, on September 3, 1918. He has also given his birthday as 
September 3, 1922. 

Arrested in New York City, New York, in 1938 for theft of mails, 
violation of postal law, he was sentenced on March 22, 1938, to the Fed- 
eral penitentiary at Chillicothe, Ohio, to 1 year and 1 clay. He was 
released from prison on January 4, 1939. Since that time. Walker has 
been arrested in Orange, Montclair, Bloomfield, and Newark. His last 
arrest was on April 1, 1967, for failure to move on command of an 
officer when he obstructed traffic while picketing with a large NCUP 
group at 479 Clinton Avenue. 

James Walker is now employed by the United Community Corpora- 
tion, Office of Economic Opportunity, as the assistant director for 
Total Employment and Manpower, TEAM, at Center No. 1, 364 
Springfield Avenue in Newark. 

Prior to the riots in Newark, James Walker was observed by police 
in the forefront of practically every demonstration against consti- 
tuted authority. He attended meetings of the board of education and 
the planning board, where he continually acted in a disruptive fashion 
by shouting remarks from the floor, by stamping his feet in derision, 
and by attempting to lead the audience in heckling and disorder. 


At one of the planning board meetings prior to July 1967, Walker 
t-old Lieutenants Morris and Garrigal of the Newark Police Depart- 
ment that Newark "needed an incident" to bring the city to the atten- 
tion of the Federal Government. 

Wlien Walker spoke at the planning board meeting prior to the 
riots, his talk was spiced with inflammatory statements, such as, and 
I quote : 

At one time we were afraid of the police department ... in the final analysis 
before it is over, if you kill one of us then some of you too must die . . . there 
will be no place to hide ... if you don't give us housing in this city of Newark 
prior to your medical college, and your Essex County College . . . blood will 
run down the streets of Newark, your blood and my blood and I state this. 

On the night of the arrest of cabdriver John Smith, July 12, 1967, 
James Walker was in the area of the Fourth Precinct, fomenting 
trouble. He was shouting about the brutal beating that Smith had 
received, and was inside the Fourth Precinct argiiing with Inspector 
Kenneth Melchior vociferously about seeing Smith. 

He was the chief organizer of a movement to march on city hall 
via taxicab to protest the Smith arrest. He has been so identified 
by participants in the demonstration as the man who went into the 
Hayes Homes project in the early morning hours of July 13, 1967, to 
recruit demonstrators. He asked people to board waiting cabs and 
to go to city hall free of charge. Many of the cabdrivers stated 
they complied with the request to line up and take these passengers 
because they feared that if they refused, they would be harmed by 
the militants. 

This march on city hall, organized by Walker, did not trigger a 
large-scale riot right at that time, only because it took a compara- 
tively long time to assemble a sufficient number of cabs. In addition, 
there were comparatively few people on the streets, due to the lateness 
of the hour. There is little doubt, however, that this taxicab demon- 
stration, under the direction of James Walker, was instrumental in 
generating the riot that followed later in the day of July 13, 1967. 

After speaking with many of the taxi drivers that participated 
in the demonstration, efforts were made by Sergeant Critchley of the 
Newark Police Department to talk to Walker concerning his role. 
Sergeant Critchley first contacted Walker by telephone, and he agreed 
to come to police headquarters to speak to Sergeant Critchley, but 
he failed to appear. 

Lieutenant Absalom Brent and Sergeant Critchley then went to his 
office, TEAM, 364 Springfield Avenue, Newark, where they saw 
Walker, who at the time told Sergeant Critchley that he would like 
to speak to his lawyer, Oliver Lofton, before he spoke any further to 
Sergeant Critchley. 

This was agreed to, and Sergeant CritcMey suggested that Walker 
speak to him with Lofton present. On October 18, 1967, after failure 
to hear from either Lofton or Walker, a registered letter was sent by 
Sergeant Critchley to Walker at his place of employment, requesting 
him to contact the sergeant. Walker signed a receipt for said letter, 
but has refused to talk with the police any further. 

To sum up, James Walker had a great deal to do with helping pro- 
vide the climate that caused the riots and was a prime factor in getting 
the conflagration going. His antipathy, bordering on hatred toward 


the police department and law and order in general is somewhat un- 
derstandable in view of his background. 

Mr. Smith. Was there anyone else ? 

Mr. Kinney. Yes, another who deserves mention is James Kennedy, 
who is the assistant community organizer of Area Board 2 of the 
United Community Corporation. He stated during the medical school 
hearing on June 20, 1967, and I quote — 

there's not one ounce of doubt in my mind that you will not build your medical 
school. The Lord help you little white boys because I will whip the hell out of 
anyone I can get my hands on. It's sure going to do my heart good to see you 
with that great big 150-acre medical school and not a damn soul in it because 
they are going to be scared. 

Mr. Smith. In addition to the outsiders brought into Newark by 
Hayden for his NCUP operation, were there other outsiders who came 
to Newark to agitate and to arouse and feed the tensions ? 

Mr. Kinney. Yes. One was Mrs. Audley Moore. 

On the evening of June 12, 1967, just about a month before the 
riots started, she appeared at a hearing of the planning board. I 
might mention the fact that the police department had received infor- 
mation earlier in the day indicating that she would be present and also 
indicating just who had invited her. 

During the hearings she made inflammatory statements and hurled 
epithets at the policemen who were present to maintain order. When 
the hearing ended she took over the chairman's chair. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, a check of the committee's files reveals 
the following information about Mrs. Audley Moore, who is also 
known as the Queen Mother. If I may, I will read the statement. 

For a period of about 10 years, from the late 1930's until the end of 
the 1940's, Mrs. Audley Moore was a publicly acknowledged member 
and official of the Communist Party, United States of America. In 
addition to running for a number of public offices on the Communist 
Party ticket and serving in various local Cormnunist Party positions, 
Mrs. Moore was chairman of the Women's Commission of the upper 
Harlem Section of the Communist Party and also a member of the 
party's national Women's Commission. 

In the 1940's she served on the New York State Committee of the 
party. When the party temporarily changed its name to Communist 
Political Association for a period during World War II, she became 
an alternate member of the national committee of the party. 

In more recent years, Mrs. Moore has broken with the Communist 
Party line on the Negro question and taken a more militant and sepa- 
ratist approach. Addressmg a public meeting in 1962, she called for 
the establishment of a black republic in the United States, a position 
the Communist Party had followed for many years but had formally 
rejected in 1959. 

In December 1964 she sei-ved as coordinator of the Non-Partisan 
Committee in Defense of Bill Epton, Epton, as was brought out in our 
hearings on the New York riot, in 1964, and as mentioned a moment 
ago, was chairman of the Harlem section of the Progressive Labor 
Party, the pro- Peking Commmiist organization. Because of a highly 
inflammatory speech he made shortly before the riot broke out, in 
which he called for the killing of cops and judges, he was charged with 
conspiracy to riot and advocacy of criminal anarchy. The committee 
which Mrs. Moore headed was avowedly set up to prevent the "rail- 


roading" of Epton to jail on these charges, "railroading" being in 
quotes. Despite the efforts of this committee, Epton was convicted and 
sentenced to prison in January 1966. 

A few weeks ago, at the end of March, Mrs. Moore took part at a 
conference of black militants in Detroit. Participants in this con- 
ference fomially adopted a position calling for the establishment of a 
separate black republic in five southern States. 

Captain Kinney, does your intelligence information indicate fur- 
ther contact and cooperation between the Newark Community Union 
Project, the Students for a Democratic Society, and other extremists 
and militant groups? 

Mr. Kinney. Yes, We have copies here of a letter dated December 14, 
1962, addressed to Mrs. Hayden by Jack Minnis, research director, 
VEP [SNCC Voter Education Project] w^ho is still a white radical 
manipulator of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee.^ 

Mr. Smith. Is he white or colored? 

Mr. Kinney. He is white. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request that this item be accepted as 
Kinney Exhibit No. 13. 

Mr. Tuck. It is so ordered. 

(Document marked "Kimiey Exhibit No. 13" and retained in com- 
mittee files.) 

Mr. Kinney. In addition, we have a letter addressed to Mrs. Sandra 
Hayden from the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee on 
January 10, 1963, showing close association between SNCC and the 

Mr. Smith. I request that this item be accepted as Kinney Exhibit 
No. 14. 

Mr. Tuck. It is so ordered. 

(Document marked "Kinney Exhibit No. 14" appears on page 1896.) 

Mr. Kinney. Another letter, dated February 2, 1965, on the letter- 
head of the Northern Student Movement, addressed to Tom Hayden, 
at the Newark Community Union Project, contains the text of a tele- 
gram that the Northern Student Movement sent to Governor Hughes 
and Mayor Addonizio of Newark, protesting alleged harassment of 
NCUP. Copies of the letter were sent also to Clark "Kissenger" ^ and 
Rennie Davis of the Students for a Democratic Society. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request this item be accepted as Kin- 
ney Exhibit No. 15. 

Mr. Tuck. It is so ordered. 

(Docimient marked "Kinney Exliibit No. 15" appears on page 1897.) 

Mr. Smith. Is there any evidence tliat some of these people you have 
mentioned have succeeded in gaining a certain amount of influence 
in the community of Newark ? 

Mr. Kinney. It should be noted that some of these militants were 
able to gain so much prestige through their association with the United 
Community Corporation that in 1967 even the respectable leaders of 
the United Commmiity Corporation — and there are many of them — 
allowed such people as Thomas Hayden and Colonel Hassan to spon- 
sor the winning slate for the top leadership of this official poverty- 
program community organization. 

^ The letter revealed that Minnis, at Mrs. Hayden's request, had prepared some material 
for a forthcoming SDR publication. 
2 Correct spelling "Kissinger." 

88-083 O — 68— pt. 4 4 


Kinney Exhibit No. 14 

Student Nonviolent 
Coordinating Committee 

6 Raymond Street, N.W. 
Atlanta 14, Georgia 
January 10, 1963 

I'lrs. Sandra Hay den 
715 Arch Street 
Ann itrbor, Mchirjan 

Dear Casey: 

I talked vdth Sherrod concei-nin^ the article and found that he had 
already vnribten it but was only waitin,-; to find out v;herc it should 
be sent. You should receive it within^* the next few days. If not, 
I would advise you to write him directly at 504 South Madison in 

Thanks for the outline of the panplct. I think its ^reatl Would 
like to be one of the first to receive a copy, 6^. Until then, 
I remain 

Mr. Smith. Captain Kinney, does this complete your preriot 
presentation relevant to this hearing, or is there anything else you 
would wish to add ? 

Mr. Kinney. This completes the preriot phase. 

Mr. Smith. Captain Kinney, please describe the incident that pre- 
cipitated the riot of July 12, 1967. 

Mr. Kinney. John Smith, the catalyst that set off the Newark riots, 
on July 12, 1967, is an enigma. His attorney, Oliver Lofton, who was 
also one of the nine members selected by the Governor for the commis- 
sion to investigate the disorders in the State of New Jersey, has not 
allowed him to be questioned by police since his arrest on July 12, 1967. 

He was released in custody of Attorney John C. Love, at 7 p.m., 
July 13, 1967. 

Smith is also represented by attorneys Morton Stavis and Irvin L. 
Solondz in a civil suit against hi,s two arresting officers on July 12, 
1967, also against Police Director Dominick A. Spina and then Chief 
Oliver Kelly. 

In turn. Smith is being sued for slander by Police Director Dominick 
A. Spina, former Chief Kelly, and the two arresting officers. 

Smith was born in Warthen, Georgia, on January 27, 1927. He grew 
up in the Salisbury, North Carolina, area and was graduated from 
high school there. He then attended the Agricultural and Technical 
College of North Carolina for one term. He had enlisted in the Army 
on May 29, 1946, but was separated with an honorable discharge on 
February 18, 1947. Remarks on his discharge indicate a lack of 

Kinney Exhibit No. 15 

^e^N s. 



^-5 14 WEST 125th STREET Mi?/ ToHi Hcy d en 
NEW YORK 10027 MO 3-0800 Newark Conimunity Union Proj< 

Executive Director: William Strickland 247 Peshine 

Newark, N.J. 

Field Offices: 





Philadelphia (2) 

NSM Advisory Board 

James L. Adorns 

John Bennett 

Rev. Arthur Brandenburg 

S. M. Miller 
H.Carl McCall 
Gaylord B. Noyce 

February 2, I9S5 

Dear Tom, 

The follo'.vins is a text of the telegram NSM sent to both 
Gov, Hughes and Mayor Addonizio: 

The Northern Student Moveraent protests the harassment 
of the Nevjark Coniraunity Union Project. Such actions, 
viliich are more reminiscent of Mississippi than 
Nev; Jersey, are a basic violation of the people's 
risht to political representation. V/e urge you 
to investigate these practices and see that they 
are immediately halted. 

(Signed ) 

V/illiam Strickland, 
Executive Director 

If we can give you any further help, please let us knou. 

CC: Clark Kissenger 
Rennie Davis 

Keep/ struggling. 


Sam Leiken 

adaptability. He reenlisted in the Army on January 15, 1950, directly 
after his one term in college. 

During this hitch he was court-martialed twice and on August 25, 
1953, he received a discharge, quote "Under Honorable Conditions." 

The following year, 1954, he came to Newark, where he resided for 
the next 13 years, living at at least six different addresses. He never 
married and was considered a loner. 

In 1964 he applied for a taxi driver's license and was employed as 
a cabdriver until his arrest, July 12, 1967. Until the July arrest he 
had had only a couple of minor brushes with the law. 

Smith's New Jersey driver's license was revoked on December 1, 
1966. At the time of his arrest, he was driving on the revoked license. 

The feeling is now that the incident of Smith's arrest was not 
planned by hnn, but instead was spontaneously brought about by the 
hot, humid weather, together with the climate that had been created 
in the city by racists and subversives prior to July 12, 1967. 

It is believed also that certain individuals and groups were looking 
for just such an incident to trigger a disturbance, and were prepared 
to act decisively when it occurred. 


Reviewing the John Smith arrest and subsequent events, it occurred 
as follows : About 9 :30 p.m., July 12, 1967, Patrolmen Pontrelli and 
DeSimone, in Motor Patrol 42, were cruising in the area of 15th Ave- 
nue and South Seventh Street in Newark. A Safety taxicab, driven by 
John Smith, followed the radio car up 15th Avenue. Smith began 
alternately braking and accelerating, flicking his headlights on and off, 
and tailgating the police. 

After a quarter of a mile of tailgating. Smith swung past the police 
at 15th Avenue and South Ninth Street. The police, seeing him operat- 
ing his vehicle in a careless and unlawful manner, stopped him and 
requested his driver's license. 

Smith, who was driving on the revoked license, did not have a 
driver's license. Smith became loud, profane, and abusive and was 
placed under arrest and ordered from the taxi. 

At first he refused to leave the cab and, when he finally did, he 
struck Patrolman DeSimone in the face with his fist. He then at- 
tempted to assault both policemen and was subdued and placed in the 
rear seat of radio car 42. 

Smith continued to struggle with the officers on the way to the 
Fourth Precinct, Patrolman Pontrelli driving, and upon arrival there, 
refused to get out of the car. He was then forcibly removed from the 
radio car by police and was taken first to the precinct assembly room 
and then placed in the precinct cell block, charged with assault and 
battery on each of the two police officers, resisting arrest, and loud and 
abusive language. 

Smith's arrival at the Fourth Precinct had been observed by scores 
of residents of the predominantly Negro-occupied Reverend William 
P. Hayes Homes, the housing project directly across the street from 
the Fourth Precinct. 

Other cabdrivers also observed Smith being taken into the pre- 
cinct. Rumors raced through the area, fanned by extremists and mili- 
tants, that "White cops had killed a Negro cab driver." 

By 10 :15 p.m., July 12, 1967, approximately 200 to 300 people had 
converged around the Fourth Precinct, and they began to chant for 
information about and the release from custody of John Smith. At 
10 :40 p.m., July 12, 1967, Inspector Kenneth Melchior, in charge of 
the command post and ranking officer of the department on duty, ar- 
rived at the Fourth Precinct. Inspector Melchior conferred with 
Oliver Lofton, director of the Newark Legal Services Project, James 
Walker of the UCC, Jesse Allen and Derek Winans of NCITP, Rob- 
ert Curvin of CORE, and others, who had come quickly to the scene. 

Lieutenant Elmer Price, the desk officer of the Fourth Precinct, at 
11 :05 p.m., July 12, 1967, after checking the condition of Smith, who 
was complaining of pains in his side, ordered him to be taken to the 
hospital for a physical examination. 

A large crowd of people confronted the police squadrol ^ as it at- 
tempted to leave the precinct area with Smith. The squadrol slowly 
made its way through the crowd, and Smith was transported to Beth 
Israel Hospital on Lyons Avenue in Newark. Smith was examined 
and treated at the hospital by Doctors Siegel and Green. An X-ray 
examination of Smith revealed that he was suffering from a cracked 
rib on the right side of his chest. 

1 Combination police radio car and patrol wagon. 


In the meantime, at 11:40 p.m., July 12, 1967, persons unknown 
threw a fire bomb at the Fourth Precinct, landing on the west side 
of the building near the second floor. 

The fire department responded to the scene. Civil rights leaders, 
including Timothy Still, now president of the IJCC, Donald Wendell, 
acting executive director of the UCC, endeavored to speak via a bull 
horn to the crowd gathered around the precinct. Robert Curvin said, 
quote: "This incident will not be forgotten. We will be at the pre- 
cinct tonight, Thursday, Friday, and Saturday." 

Oliver Lofton promised the crowd that he would support Smith 
wholeheartedly at Smith's hearing in municipal court. Lofton told 
the crowd 

Mr. Watson. Captain Kinney, I hate to interrupt at this point, but 
I think it is significant. You say that Robert Curvin said that "We 
will be here tonight, tomorrow night, the next night,'" that he was 
not trying to quiet the crowd down ? 

Mr. Kinney. He asked to use the bull horn in an attempt to quiet 
the crowd. In my opinion, to give Robert Curvnn a bull horn to 
"quiet a crowd," is like giving an arsonist a book of matches and a 
can of gasoline. 

Mr. Watson. Well, in your judgment, and you have studied this 
situation, did he or did he not try to calm the crowd ? 

Mr. Kinney. I believe his remarks inflamed the crowd, rather than 
calmed the crowd down. 

Mr. Tuck. Suppose we take a 5-minute recess to give the lady [the 
reporter] a little chance to rest. 

(Whereupon a brief recess was taken. Subcommittee members pres- 
ent at time of recess and when subcommittee reconvened : Representa- 
tives Tuck and Watson.) 

Mr. Tuck. You may resume. 

Mr. AVatson. Mr. Chairman, if we might pursue the question fur- 
ther, as I recall 3^our testimony, you stated that Robert Curvin, of 
CORE, requested one of the bull horns and, in your judgment, it was 
like handing a book of matches to an arsonist. 

Mr. Kinney. That is correct. 

Mr. Watson. Is that the language ? 

Mr. Kinney. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Watson. In other words, this official inflamed, further in- 
flamed the very explosive situation existing with the crowd around the 
Fourth Precinct headquarters? 

Mr. Kinney. I believe that this is not just my opinion, but that the 
results that happened thereafter are full vindication of my thinking. 

Mr. Watson. I think the record at this point should show that this 
is in direct conflict with the statement that is made in this report of 
the President's National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders, 
where they give this man Curvin the credit for trying to calm the 
crowd on the particular occasion that you pointed out. And I am not 
arguing with you, because I should assume you would be more knowl- 
edgeable on that matter than some of those who may have prepared 
this report. 

Mr. Smith. Continue with your statement. 

Mr. Kinney. I was saying thalt Oliver Lofton told the crowd, quote : 
"I have 14 men on my staff, and if it is necessary, I will use every one 
of them to bring justice here." 


Seen also in the area at this time were Phil Hutchings of SNCC and 
one Betty Moss of NCUP. Betty Moss continually harangued the 
crowd and the police in efforts to fan the flames of disorder. At one 
time, she yelled^ quote : "The Blacks will kill all you Short Hills cops.'* 

The civil rights leaders prevailed upon Inspector Melchior to take 
the 53 police officers who had been stationed around the precinct off 
the street and inside the precinct. The leaders said they wanted to talk 
to the crowd alone, without the presence of uniformed police officers, 
in efforts to disperse the crowd. 

Although the police were taken from view, the crowd did not leave 
the area. 

At 12 :20 a.m., July 13, 1967, shortly after the arrival of Director 
Dominick A. Spina and Deputy Chief John Kedden, a rock was 
thrown by persons unknown through a window of the Fourth Pre- 
cinct. Several taxicabs converged in the area, with the drivers thereof 
stating that Smith had been beaten to death. 

Robert Curvin, of CORE, jumped onto the hood of a car and 
screamed to the crowd, quote : "I can tell you this, we are not satisfied." 

The crowd roared its defiance. Curvin continued, quote: "We are 
not going to leave until we are satisfied. There are approximately 250 
people here now. We need more and we need to be organized." 

Curvin, one of the leaders, argued for the removal of uniformed 
police, saying that it would help in dispersing the crowd. James 
Walker of TEAM, the United Community Corporation, was one of 
the chief organizers of a taxi march on the city hall to protest the 
arrest of Smith. Walker was proselyting cabs and cabdrivers and 
going into the Reverend Hayes Homes to get more people to fill the 
cabs for the proposed march. 

At 12:40 a.m., July 13, 1967, a police car was stoned at I7th and 
Belmont Avenue. Looting of stores was first reported at 12:50 a.m., 
at Montgomery Street and Belmont Avenue and at Belmont Avenue 
and Court Street. Later the looting spread to Springfield Avenue. 

By 1 a.m., July 13, 1967, the madness had spread far afield, and 
there was a report of large groups stoning cars and houses on 11th 
Avenue between Fairmount and Littleton Avenues, over a mile away 
from the Fourth Precinct. 

Firemen were stoned also when a fire unit responded to an alarm 
and tried to extinguish a fire in the interior of a car in the parking 
lot of the Hayes Homes. 

A second fire engine responding in another area was also stoned, and 
shortly thereafter persons unknown tried to set fire to a police car 
parked in front of the Fourth Precinct. 

By 1 :15 a.m., July 13, 1967, with rocks still breaking windows of 
the Fourth Precinct and the windshield of a cruising patrol car, about 
25 taxicabs were parked on Belmont Avenue, West Kinney and Mont- 
gomery Streets. James Walker, et al., were urging the crowd to get 
into the taxis and drive with them to city hall. About 75 to 100 peo- 
ple crowded into the cabs and converged on city hall. By 2 a.m., July 
13, 1967, about 25 taxicabs were parked around city hall, many of 
them illegally. 

James Walker continued in the forefront of this demonstration, at 
first making a demand to personally see John Smith, and then having 
been refused because Smith was being processed. Walker exhorted 


the crowd to come to Smith's hearing at municipal court later that 
morning. Walker harangued the crowd to bring their "friends, chil- 
dren, and anyone else they could ^et in touch w^th" to the hearing. 
Traffic summonses were issued to illegally parked taxicabs and two 
tow trucks were ordered to the scene, and two of the taxis were re- 
moved to the police garage. The remainder of the cabs were then re- 
moved by their respective drivers. 

Meanwhile, Director Spina had called David Oxfeld, president of 
the Twentieth Century Taxicab Company, at his home about 1 :30 
a.m. on July 13, 1967. Director Spina advised Oxfeld that some of 
his cabdrivers were involved in rioting and requested his assistance. 

Oxfeld, when he was interviewed by me, said that he first went to 
his office at 258 Belmont Avenue in Newark and got on the air. That is, 
he spoke to the cabdrivers from his central radio station. Oxfeld said 
he told all of his drivers to stay away from iTth Avenue and Belmont 
Avenue and not to get involved in any disturbance. He received some 
anonymous profane comments in return over the air waves. 

Some of Oxfeld's cabdrivers and a group of strangers were around 
his office. He said there were about 40 or 50 men. They told Oxfeld 
that there was a rumor that a cabdriver named Smith had been killed 
by the police, and they wanted proof that Smith was alive. Oxfeld 
then called Director Spina to get permission to visit Smith, which was 

When Oxfeld arrived at police headquarters around 2:15 a.m., 
July 13, 1967, there were about 250 to 300 people in front of police 
headquarters on Franklin Street, and a large number of taxicabs were 
parked in the area. Oxfeld said that there wasn't any crowd in front 
of city hall at this time. Oxfeld spoke to some of the cabdrivers outside 
of police headquarters, some of whom he recognized and some who 
recognized him. 

Oxfeld told them he had permission to see Smith and wanted one 
or two of the cabdrivers to go with him for verification. One of the 
cabdrivers, later identified as Ralph Branch, volunteered to go with 
him. Oxfeld said that he did not know Branch, but that he appeared 
to be the spokesman for the group. 

Oxfeld said that he and the cabdriver went up to the fourth floor 
of the police headquarters to the cell block. It was about 3 a.m., July 13, 
1967. Oxfeld and Branch spoke to John Smith for about 10 to 15 
minutes through the heavy mesh screen. Oxfeld said that he recog- 
nized Smith as a former driver of his and greeted him by saying, 
"Smitty, what the hell are you doing here?" 

Oxfeld further stated that he saw no visible signs of injury on 
Smith's head, face, or body, but that Smith complained of his side 
hurting and showed Oxfeld and Branch the tape on his side, which 
had been placed thereon at the hospital. 

Smith told Oxfeld that he did not know what had happened, and 
Oxfeld told him kiddingly, "Smitty, I never saw you looking better 
in 3^our life." 

Oxfeld told Smith further to "take it easy and get some rest," and 
that they would get him out in the morning. Oxfeld then left the cell 
block with Ralph Branch and went downstairs. There were reporters 
on the ground floor, and Oxfeld told them that he had found Smith all 


Continuing on outside with Branch, Oxfeld told the assembled 
crowd that they had found Smith in good condition. Some of the men 
entreated Oxfeld to get Smith a lawyer and pay his le^al expenses. 
Oxfeld refused, saying that Smith hadn't worked for him for some 
time and that Smith now had another employer. Various cabdrivers 
and others in the crowd argued with Oxfeld, stating that Smith's pres- 
ent employer was "poor" and that he couldn't afford it. 

However, Oxfeld was adamant and persisted in his refusal. Oxfeld 
told the crowd that he was holding them to their commitment that 
they would break up their demonstration when he came back with 
news of Smith. They agreed to this and began to leave the scene. 

Oxfeld then returned to the Fourth Precinct, where he met Direc- 
tor Sjjina and told him of his findings and what he had done. He and 
the director together spoke to a group of reporters present, bring- 
ing them up to date with a report on Smith's physical condition. 

At 4:30 a.m. Oxfeld left the Fourth Precinct, and the crowds 
around the precinct had dispersed . Oxfeld said that he considered 
Smith a "smart" person and that he couldn't understand why Smith 
did not avoid trouble with the police, while driving on the revoked 

(At this point Mr. Ichord entered the hearing room.) 

Mr. Kinney. At 11 :15 a.m., July 13, 1967, Smith was taken from 
the cell block to the third floor of police headquarters. He was inter- 
viewed in the presence of Albert Black and John Barnes of the 
Newark Human Rights Commission, but would not answer any ques- 
tions after being informed of the charges against him. Smith also 
was allowed to speak privately at this time with Black and Barnes. 

(At this point Mr. Tuck left the hearing room.) 

Mr. Kinney. Prior to this time, it had been determined that John 
Smith's driver's license had been suspended on December 1, 1966. 
Before this information was confirmed. Smith had insisted that 
Patrolmen Pontrelli and DeSimone had taken his driver's license 
from him when they arrested him. After Black and Barnes had con- 
cluded their meeting with Smith, Smith was issued three traffic sum- 
monses by Patrolmen Pontrelli and DeSimone and then was returned 
to the cell block. 

At 12 :30 p.m., July 13, 1967, Smith was taken to mimicipal court, 
part I, where Chief Magistrate James Del Mauro held him for the 
action of the grand jury. 

At 4 :30 p.m., July i3, 1967, Smith was taken to the Essex County 
Jail on Newark Street, Newark, and at 7 p.m.. Smith was paroled 
in the custody of Attorney John C. Love, upon the orders of Judge 
Del Mauro. 

Smith, since this incident, has been tried, found guilty, and is out 
now on appeal. 

It is doubtful that Smith met with anyone and planned his actions 
on the night of July 12, 1967. However, being introverted and a 
loner and an avid reader, his actions which precipitated the riots 
in Newark were the direct result of the climate that had been created 
by those who were looking forward to the planned insurrection. 

His actions on July 12, 1967, indicate that Smith should be ex- 
amined for possible mental problems. He has several complexes, the 
chief of which is getting his teeth fixed. 


From all accounts, he has talked about this problem for years. He 
has a wide gap between his upper front teeth and claims that this 
interferes with his playing of the trumpet. Another one of his "hang- 
ups" is that he doesn't think women are trustworthy. He is single and 
has never married. 

All in all, Smith is a very unstable man, and his instajbility and 
his frustrations came to a peak on the evening of July 12, 1967, and 
his actions on that night were the immediate cause of the riot that 

While Smith was being processed on July 13, a leaflet was being 
prepared and distributed in the Negro community, entitled : 

STOP ! Police Brutality. Come out and join us at the Mass Rally Tonite, 
7 :30 P.M., 4th Precinct, Located on 17th Ave. & Livingston St. 

James Kennedy, previously mentioned, an assistant commimity 
organizer of Area Board No. 2, employed by the United Community 
Corporation, has admitted that he composed this leaflet and called the 
so-called rally. 

Reverend Malachi Roundtree, the conmiunity organizer of Area 
Board 2, admitted that he had authorized the distribution of this 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request that this be accepted as Kin- 
ney Exhibit No. 16. 

Mr. IcHORD (presiding). Could I see the leaflet, Mr. Counsel? 

(Document handed to Mr. Ichord.) 

Mr. Smith. Captain Kinney, w^ould you please 

Mr. IcHORD. Without objection, it will be admitted into the record. 

(Docmnent marked "Kinney Exhibit No. 16" appears on page 1904.) 

Mr. Kinney. Incidentally, may I make an aside here that during 
this whole day of July 13, after this arrest of Smith, Director Spina 
was doing his best to calm things down, and he thought he had the 
situation well under control. And while he was calming things down, 
the leaflet was being churned out at Area Board 2 of the UCC head- 
quarters, bringing together a large group of j^eople that night in 
front of the Fourth Precinct, and that is when the real Newark riot 
really took off, as a direct result of the rallying cry of this leaflet. 

Mr. Smith. Captain Kinney 

Mr. Ichord. Mr. Counsel, that was the director of UCC ? 

Mr. Kinney. Director Spina, I am referring to, was endeavoring 
to do his best — Director Spina of the Newark Police Department — 
to calm things down, meeting with various groups, and doing his ut- 
most to make this just an incident, rather than the horrible thing 
that it became. And while he was doing his best to calm the action 
down, there were other people in the community doing their best to 
fan the flames. 

Mr. IcHORD. Proceed. 

Mr. Smith. Captain Kinney, would you describe the situation at 
the Fourth Precinct when the crowd gathered? 

Sorry. I withdraw the question. 

Captain Kinney, was Thomas Hay den involved in any way in the 
riot directly ? 

Mr. Kinney. We have a direct report on this from Patrolman John 
C. Arnold, who was on the comer of Lily Street and I7th Avenue, and 


Kinney Exhibit No. 16 

"^Clice JjRuT' 

'/^■■(viE oar KHX) 

us. hTTnt 


1 w 

0'^ ^^ 


heard a car stop at the intersection of Fairview and I7th Avenue. 
Patrolman Arnold stood behind a telephone pole ; he could not see the 
oar, but could hear its motor, which sounded like a Volkswagen. Me 
could also hear persons in the mob, which was a very, very short dis- 
tance away, asking for something from the driver. 


One youth stated, "Give me one of those things, too." But not being 
able to see what was going on, it was his opinion that the driver was 
supplying these persons with objects to throw at the police. 

The driver finished conversing* with persons in the mob and pro- 
ceeded east on 17th Avenue, commg in the direction of the patrolman, 
who stepped into the street and ordered the driver" to the curb. He 
asked the driver to produce his identification and to open the trunk 
of his car. His driver's license indicated he was a white male, named 
Thomas E. Hayden, of 194 Kidgewood Avenue, and he was driving a 
Volkswagen, registration LYR 886, previously identified as belong- 
ing to Constance Brown. A search oi the vehicle, however, revealed 

Apparently if there was anything in the vehicle, it had already 'been 
distributed to the mob. 

The patrolman questioned Hayden as to why he was not attacked 
by the mob, the patrolman not knowing who Hayden was, and why 
Hayden had stopped there to talk with them. Hayden replied that 
they stopped him and he talked to them, and they let him go. 

The patrolman asked him where he worked, and he stated that he 
was not on any payroll in the city, but that he did work with the 
antipoverty agency, UCC, and others. 

It should be pointed out that this was at the height of the riot and 
the rioters were particularly antiwhite, and here was a white man, 
Thomas Hayden, able to move among them without any difficulty 

Mr. Smith. Captain Kinney, the report, of the Select Riot Commis- 
sion appointed by the Governor of New Jersey contains a quotation 
from Newark Police Department Director Dominick Spina, which 
says, quoting, "we have no actual evidence of any outside conspiracy." 

Did Director Spina mean by this that there was no subversive ac- 
tivity, or that there was no activity by outsiders leading to the riot ? 

Mr. Kinney. No. This was in reference to an outside conspiracy to 
organize the incident, that is, the arrest of the taxi driver that precipi- 
tated the riot. 

Director Spina has given to the New Jersey Governor's Select Riot. 
Commission much of the same information that I have given to this 
committee, including the names, dates, and places of specific activities 
of agitators, such as Thomas Hayden and Colonel Hassan, both of 
whom are not residents of the State of New Jersey, who are not in- 
digenous to Newark, who do not have any permanent roots in Newark, 
but who are active in stirring up the community, as well as the activ- 
ities of others who are Newark residents who are involved in stirring 
up the community. 

The quotation in the Governor's Select Riot Commission Report is 
out of context, and attempts to give the impression that we had no in- 
formation that subversives were involved in the rioting. 

In fact, we did have it, and we gave it to them. 

Mr. Watson. Counsel, may I say at this point, I think it is rather 
difficult for the captain to tell us what meaning Director Spina had in 
making such a statement, unless he will qualify it a little bit. 


Now, have you discussed this particular question with Director 

Mr. Ejnney. Director Spina and I have discussed this on many, 
many occasions, and I believe we have a complete meeting of the minds 
on these matters. 

Mr. Watson. I see. And that is relative to the outside involvement, 
and your response to the question by counsel is based upon your re- 
peated conversations relative to this specific thing with Director 

Mr. Kinney. Yes, I couldn't put it any more lucidly than that, Con- 

Mr. Watson. Thank you. 

Mr. IcHORD. Proceed. 

Mr. Smith. Captain Kinney, were Molotov cocktail leaflets distrib- 
uted in Newark prior to and during the riot ? 

Mr. Kinney. Molotov cocktail leaflets were distributed describing 
how to make them, showing one of our department stores in flames, 
before the riots in Newark and, I am sorry to say, after the riots.^ 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request that these be accepted as Kinney 
Exhibits Nos. 17 and 18. 

Mr. IcHORD. Before accepting 17 and 18 into the record, Captain, 
may I ask you, did you ascertain who distributed these leaflets? 

Mr. Kinney. We do not have that information. What happens in a 
great many of these incidents is these leaflets are distributed by chil- 
dren, who don't even know who ^ave it to them. "Some man gave it to 
them," gave them a nickel to distribute the leaflets. 

In many, many cases, we find these are being distributed by very,' 
very young children. 

Mr. IcHORD. You never confiscated any supplies or directions for the 
making of Molotov cocktails? How did you come into possession of 

Mr. Kinney. These were taken on the street. 

Mr. IcHORD. You mean picked up? 

Mr. Kinney. Picked up on the street, turned over to us. 

Mr. IcHORD. Is there any objection to the admission of 17 and 18? 

Mr. Watson. No. I believe. Captain Kinney, that you were fixing to 
say that you had ascertained who had prepared these. Is that correct ? 

Mr. Kinney. Sir, my answer to that was that we ascertained where 
some of these leaflets were being made, as I stated before. The one con- 
cerning the rally at the Fourth Precinct was made in the UCC head- 
qua*r£ers. I am going to bring other evidence in later on that there were 
other leaflets made at the UCC headquarters, on their mimeograph 

Mr. IcHORD. You have evidence as to where they were made, but you 
did not pick them up in the hands of any individual ? 

Mr. Kinney. Those particular leaflets, no. 

Mr. IcHORD. Proceed. If there be no objection, they will be admitted. 

(Documents marked "Kinney Exhibits Nos. 17 and 18," respect- 
ively, follow:) 


Kinney Exhibit No. 17 

VJir.o bottlo; 5th sl20 is cool 
But scsolina. (syphon fron; cars, 1st ths p-jrip drip in gas stations, 
ai'tsr closing, but set gasolina, stc, a combustible fluid in bottlo.- 
Cap bottlo^ Got pioce ox* cloth as wick-fuse ...^vrap it around bottle, 
soaking it with gasoline also. .• • . . 

Light rag, and throw at some white iperson or some v;hite person-.a. 

^ y 





■Lb.- \ 'ipunnnfr^?/! 


AT -Some wHiTe"- 

pRoPeAT/. . • "iiTTTTCIL?:- 


Mr. Smith. Captain, were Molotov cocktails used during the riot? 

Mr. Kjnney. Yes, they were. 

(At this point Mr. Tuck returned to the hearing room.) 


Kinney Exhibit No. 18 

I'm no'I AFPAm TQ nsrij for it: 

/ CTiei-iTty:> 






Mr. Smith. Was there sniping or the use of any other type of weapon 
during the riot? 

Mr. Kinney. We had over 200 reported cases of sniping diu'ing the 
5 days of the Newark riot. 

Mr. SMi-m. Mr. Chairman, the staff suggests that its interrogation 
of Captain Kinney end for the day at this time. It contemplates that 
tomorrow Captain Kinney will present evidence about agitational 
activities that have taken place in Newark subsequent to the riot. 
Meanwhile, Captain Kinney will be glad to answer any questions that 
the members may have at this time. 

Mr. Tuck. Do you have questions ? 

Well, we thank the captain very much, and there will be some ques- 
tions, but we will defer them until tomorrow, and the committee will 
recess until tomorrow morning at 10 o'clock. 

Mr. Kinney. Thank you. 

(Whereupon, at 4 :23 p.m., Tuesday, April 23, 1968, the subcommit- 
tee recessed to reconvene at 10 a.m., Wednesday, April 24, 1968.) 


Part 4 

(Newark, N.J.) 


United States House of Representatives, 

Subcommittee of the 
Committee on Un-American Activities, 

Washington, D.C. 


A subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities met, 
pursuant to recess, at 10 :20 a.m., in Room 311, Cannon House Office 
Building, Washington, D.C, Hon. William M. Tuck (chairman of 
the subcommittee) presiding. 

(Subcommittee members: Representatives William M. Tuck, of 
Virginia, chairman ; Richard H. Ichord, of Missouri ; and Albert W. 
Watson, of South Carolina.) 

Subcommittee members present : Representatives Tuck and Watson. 

Staff members present: Francis J. McNamara, director; Chester 
D. Smith, general counsel; and Herbert Romerstein, investigator. 

Mr. Tuck. The committee will please come to order. The chairman 
of the full committee has reconstituted the subcommittee composed 
of myself and the gentleman from Missouri, Mr. Ichord, and the 
gentleman from South Carolina, Mr. Watson. A quorum is present, 
we will proceed. 

(The order of appointment of the subcommittee follows :) 

April 23, 1968. 
To : Mr. Francis J. McNamara, 
Director, Committee on Un-American Activities. 

Pursuant to the provisions of the law and the Rules of this Committee, I 
hereby appoint a subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities, 
consisting of Honorable William M. Tuck, as Chairman, and Honorable Richard 
Ichord and Honorable Albert W. Watson, as associate members, to conduct hear- 
ings in Washington, D.C, on Wednesday, April 24, 1968, as contemplated by the 
resolution adopted by the Committee on the 2nd day of August, 1967, authorizing 
hearings concerning subversive influences in the riots, the looting and burning 
which have besieged various cities in the Nation, and other matters under inves- 
tigation by the Committee. 

Please make this action a matter of Committee record. 

If any member indicates his inability to serve, please notify me. 

Given under my hand this 23rd day of April, 1968. 

/s/ Edwin E. Willis, 
Edwin E. Willis, 
Chairman, Committee on Un-American Activities. 




Mr. Smith, Captain Kinney, I understand you have some addition- 
al information you would like to add to your testimony of yesterday 
relating to activities which took place before the riot in Newark. 

Mr. Kinney. Yes, sir. I have here a flyer that was distributed in 
Newark prior to the riot by the Black Liberation Center which I spoke 
of yesterday, the Black Liberation Center at 107 South Orange 

The flyer has a picture of a very horrible-looking Uncle Sam and it 
says, "Uncle Sam wants YO U, nigger. Fight in Viet Nam, Die in Viet 
Nam, Support White Power." 

Now a second flyer that I have that was distributed prior to the riots 
of July 1967 is one which was given out by members of the Newark 
Community Union Project and it says, "The Black Panther Is 

The interesting thing about this is that this meeting that they are 
advertising is to be held at 415 Springfield Avenue, which is the head- 
quarters of Area Board 2 of the UCC. 

It concludes, "Watch out for the Black Panther !" 

Mr. Smith, Mr. Chairman, I request that these items be accepted as 
Exhibits 19 and 20. 

Mr. Ttjck. It is so ordered. 

(Documents marked "Kinney Exhibits Nos. 19 and 20," respectively, 
appear on pages 1911 and 1912.) 

Mr. Kinney. I would also respectfully like to bring to the atten- 
tion of the committee another event that occurred during the riots, the 
arrest of playwright LeRoi Jones. On July 14, 1967, during the riots, 
at approximately 2:20 a.m. in the midst of the insurrection in New- 
ark, a police alarm was broadcast alerting all police to be on the look- 
out for a 1966 green Volkswagen containing three colored males. 

The alarm stated the car was going west on Springfield Avenue 
and that the three men were shooting guns from the moving vehicle. 

At approximately 2 :45 a,m. on July 14, 1967, Patrolmen Scarpone 
and McCormick stopped this car at South Orange Avenue on South 
Seventh Street in Newark where they found 3 colored males, 2 re- 
volvers, and 58 bullets. 

One of these males was LeRoi Jones, accompanied by Charles Mc- 
Cray, who was an accountant employed by the United Community 
Corporation, and one Barry Wynn. 

After a change in venue and a lengthy trial in Morris County, New 
Jersey, Jones and his two companions were convicted of illegally 
possessing weapons. 

In January 1968 Jones was sentenced to a 214- to 3-year term in 
the State prison. 

At the present time LeRoi Jones is out on appeal with bail set at 
$25,000 pending his appeal, 

A little background on LeRoi Jones, He was born Everett Leroy 
Jones in Newark on October 7, 1934, He attended McKinley Junior 
High School and graduated from Barringer High School in Newark 
in 1952. 

He started his college studies at Rutgers, but transferred to Howard 
University where he first was a religion major, then a chemistry major, 
and finally was graduated as an English major. 


Kinney Exhibit No. 19 

jC3^|:\ 1)15 '" ^'^ ^^"^ 


■■^gr| Support VOV^d. -Po.^er 




1^ p.a'^o of meA^n\)^■e^ >^- 
'5 HDTo of ca^ualTief:, 

onrusec^ a 

e \jJCLr \a 

Viei Nam? 

Can't ui.ierstand why Black people do so much fighting aud dying in Viet 
Hani so that the Viet name se can becor*? the white's SI.AVSS? 

The Black man's battleground is America, not Viet Nam. 

Will fighting in Viet Nam make Newark a better place for Black people to live? 

: Y0l)l)0MTH!\VET/).3£,RV[/ 

1 You can become a conscientious objector cr fight tho draft in other ways, 


i Fight for Freedo.T for Black people in America. VIET NAM SUMf/ER 

CALL 243-5366 

Black Liberation Center 10? South Orange Ave. 622-9056 

[This flyer is apparently a takeoff on the flyer prepared by the Harlem Progressive Labor Club and 
distributed by the Progressive Labor Party in various cities. (See Wheeler Exhibit No. 50-A, part 3, 
page 1300, of these hearings.)] 

He served as an enlisted man in the United States Air Force, enter- 
ing the service on October 6, 1954. No details of his service are avail- 
able or his subsequent discharge except, in his own words, he says he 
"hated the service but . . . had lots of time on my hands" in which 
he used to read a great deal. 

Jones gave his address at the time of his arrest on Julj^ 14, 1967, 
as 381 Broad Street, Apartment 315, Newark, which is his father's 

When in Newark, Jones is known to stay at 33 Stirling Street and 
24 Eckert Avenue, his mother's home. He has a mailing address of 22 
Shipman Street in Newark. 

On October 19, 1965, in an interview with a reporter of the New 
York Tifnes, Jones said, "There are a lot of people in black nations all 

88-083 O — 68— pt. 4 5 


Kinney Exhibit No. 20 

\ he 

i^acK ! an I hei \ 



I'll m. 

.■^NV^ e N . I h I :> Tho^d ay o-T S p . IVj, 

W^K^I ; Tc discuss- BlgcK Ut^iTM 

BLeK p2j.ple FrDrv^ cxl! WcklKsoFUFe, 

^ t-ro v),.i.i ov-rtKe Cit-v^ K^ill conne. 
c^o "i^ C*Aa<"q^ OUR, COnaor>uO»t'^ . 

'//e r^uc^ot -to 'Ru^^ it. 

Cai; was giver out QJ rsembers of NCU? 


over the world who want to kill white people. Some of them are in 
Africa and some of them are porters here." An obsessive hatred for 
white persons is the dominant theme of Jones' work. 

At the time of the aforementioned interview, Jones was living at 
27 Cooper Square, Manliattan, with his wliite wife. 

In April 1966 LeRoi Jones turned up at 20 Shipman Street, 
Newark, with a group calling themselves the Jazz Art's Society. He 
allegedly came back to Newark very soon after a raid by the New 
York police on his quarters there. 

This building at 20 Shipman Street, Newark, was a loft that Jones 
turned into a makeshift theater and lecture hall. Windows facing the 
street were broken out, and practically all activity taking place in the 
building occurred at night. 

Jones claimed he was using the loft to rehearse a play for a road 
tour of colleges, but in truth he was using this Newark location to 
spread black nationalist aims. 

On July 30, 1966, Jones was arrested in New York City for assault 
and robbery. He gave his residence as 24 Eckert Avenue in Newark. 
Information has been received from the New York City Police Depart- 
ment that Jones appeared in court on this charge in October 1966. The 
complainant refused to press the complaint, and the case was 

I*n October 1961 he had been arrested for violating U.S. Code title 
18, the mailing of obscene literature, a publication called The Float- 
ing Bear, which was deemed by the United States Post Office to con- 
tain sexual perversion and obscene language. A Federal grand jury 
refused to indict April 26, 1962. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, at this point I request permission to 
read into the record information from committee files concerning 
LeEoi Jones. 

Mr. Tuck. You may proceed. 

Mr. Smith. LeRoi Jones has achieved national notoriety in recent 
years as a militant radical, poet, and plaj^wright who has used his 
talents to give vent to his hatred of white people and American 

In the early 1960's LeRoi Jones was a frequent speaker at affairs 
of the Trotskyist Communist Socialist Workers Party. 

In November 1961 he was elected president of the New York chap- 
ter of the pro-Castro Fair Play for Cuba Committee. Jones has con- 
sistently rejected integration as a solution to the race problem in 
America and advocates force to bring about the separation of races. 

" 'The force we want,' he once wrote, 'is of 20 million spooks (Ne- 
groes) storming America with furious cries and unstopable [sic] 
weapons. We want actual explosions and actual brutality,' " as re- 
ported in the Peoria, Illinois, Jouimal Star of 11/30/1965. 

In December 1964 he told a rally of the Harlem Progressive Labor 
Party, "No country on earth, no honest good man in the world will 
ever sleep soundly until America falls — and we're the only people 
that can do it!" as published in Challenge, January 12, 1965, page S2. 

In February 1965 he announced plans for the establishment of the 
Black Arts Repertory Theater in Harlem. It was also to be a school 
which would provide instruction in all areas of drama for young 
Negroes interested in entering the professional theater world. 


The Black Arts Repertory Theater was the recipient of $40,000 in 
antipoverty funds in the summer of 1965. Federal fimds were cut off 
in September 1965 when it was revealed that the project was being 
used as a vehicle to propagate hatred. Police uncovered an amis cache 
at the Black Arts Theater building at 109 West 130th Street in March 
1966. At the time of the raid, LeRoi Jones was still listed as owner of 
the building. 

During the Newark riots in July 1967, LeRoi Jones was arrested and 
charged with carrying a weapon. He was tried and convicted. He is at 
present free on bail pending an appeal of his 214- to 3-year sentence. 

(At this point Mr. Ichord and Mr. Ashbrook entered the hearing 
room. ) 

Mr. Smith. Captain Kinney, do you have any additional informa- 
tion on the individuals you have named? 

Mr. Kinney. Yes. I would like to bring to the attention of the com- 
mittee information concerning Leonard Irving Weinglass, Thomas 
Hayden's attorney. 

Leonard Irving Weinglass, when asked to testify before the New 
Jersey State Patrolmen's Benevolent Association Special Investi- 
gating Committee relative to his role in the Newark riots, declined to 
testify. Weinglass said that his only information was that privileged 
communication between attorney and client and that he had no 
personal knowledge. However, his relationship with Thomas Hayden 
goes far beyond the ordinary attorney-client relationship. 

Leonard Weinglass, 34, white male, is an attorney who resides and 
has his laAv office at 43 Bleeker Street, Newark. He is single and has 
been a close friend of Thomas Hayden for some years. 

Weinglass is also a close friend of Juditli E. Rubenstein, who served 
as a research associate for the Governor's Select Commission on Civil 

Weinglass has received funds from the New Jersey Project of the 
Students for a Democratic Society. 

Weinglass is also a former officer in the New Jersey Air National 

On the evening of Thursday, July 13. Thomas Hayden — may I 
point out that the riots started on the night before, on July 12 — on 
the evening of Thursday, July 13, 1967, Thomas Hayden was with 
Leonard Weinglass in Weinglass' law office at 43 Bleeker Street, 

The telephone rang and either Hayden or Weinglass answered it. 
A conversation ensued, and when the phone was put down either 
Hayden or Weinglass said to the otlier, "It's started, let's go." They 
left the office and were evidently referring to the rioting which had 
begun in the vicinity of the Fourth Police Precinct in Newark and 
which spread throughout that night all over the Central Ward of 

Mr. Smith. Do you have any additional information concerning 
Willie Wright? 

Mr. Kinney. Yes, Counselor. Willie Wright told Louis Lomax, 
who is a famed newspaper columnist, and Willie Wright also told 
the Governor's Select Commission on Civil Disorder, that a carefully 
conceived plan to burn much of Newark's main business section was 
already in execution when the cabdriver incident, that is, the John 


Smith arrest, set off the major conflagration. From Wright's point of 
view the Newark riots, to quote Lomax, started "in the wrong place 
at the wrong time, and for the wrong reasons." 

Mr. Smith. Now, Captain Kinney, we will discuss the postriot 
phase in Newark. Was there a controversy which arose about the 
time of the riot or immediately following the riot concerning the 
sending of children by the United Community Corporation to Camp 
Abelard, formerly known as Camp Webatuck, on the grounds that 
this camp was Communist controlled ? 

Mr. Kinney. Yes, sir; I have an official document of the United 
Community Corporation [titled "News — Information Bulletins"], 
dated August 11, 1967, Vol. 1, No. 4, which gives the UCC version of 
this incident. It goes as follows : 

Very much in the public eye was the situation about the UCC sponsored PAL 
[Police Athletic League] Summer Neighborhood Block's camp program. In 
May of this year, the UCC was told by the GEO that no funds for summer 
programs were available. Then, in early June, when Congress appropriated 
monies for summer programs, the UCC was told there might be monies for 
projects in Newark. Both the Police Athletic League and the area boards sub- 
mitted proposals. A compromise package was sent into the New York oflSce 
of GEO. 

Part of the Block program included a summer camp program to offer inte- 
grated camping experience for Newark youngsters based upon economic need. 

For the last two years, the children went to Camp Webatuck. Last year, a 
newspaper charged that after the camp program had been concluded the site was 
being used as an alleged training camp for so-called left-wing activities. 

Camp Abelard (formerly known as Webatuck) retained the same administra- 
tors and moved to a new location in Hunter, N.Y. UCC officials were informed 
orally in the middle of July that the camp might be unacceptable. Since the 
trustees of the Summer Block program approved the camp, UCC requested formal 
written documentation indicating what was wrong with the camp to enable the 
trustees to make a decision. An GEO response came two days after the children 
were at the camp. 

The July 31 telegram from GEG said the camp was "programmatically un- 
acceptable" and that no federal funds could be used. UCC requested a meeting 
with GEO, and on August 4 both parties met. GEO promised that on Monday, 
August 7, a decision would be reached. 

The GEO decision was firm— the camp was unacceptable. No other reasons 
were stated, except an erroneous charge in the papers that UCC board members 
were connected with the camp. GEG later admitted they were mistaken. 

But the children were called from the camp, until Local Union 1199 (AFL-CIG 
Drug and Hospital Employees Union) offered to send the 65 youngsters back to 
Camp Abelard for two weeks, from August 14-26. This will in no way affect the 
GEG program. This is a separate bid to return the youngsters. 

Now these are my words. It is ironical that the United Community 
Corporation sent as a representative to inspect this camp and decide 
whether it was acceptable or not one Corinna Fales, whom I men- 
tioned in my testimony yesterday and who was a member of the 
Newark Community Union Project. 

I have a report of Miss Fales concerning her investigation of this 
camp. It is couched in very, very careful language but it says, among 
other things : 

Mr. and Mrs. Victor Finck, the camp directors, seemed to be fine and very capa- 
ble people. They discussed their philospohy of camping with us — decidedly 
favoring "quality camping" (fewer kids for an extended period of time) over 
"quality [sic] camping" (more kids for shorter sessions). * * * 

She goes on further, "In my judgement, the facilities at Camp 
Abelard were very adequate." 


I would like to enter into the record the UCC document and the 
letter of Corinna Fales, 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request that these items be accepted 
for the record as Exhibits Nos. 21-A and 21-B. 

Mr. Tuck. It is so ordered. 

(Documents marked "Kinney Exhibits Nos. 21-A and 21-B," 
respectively ; 21-A retained in committee files. Exhibit 21-B follows :) 

Kinney Exhibit No. 21-B 

Cn Thursday, July 20» I want with riembers of tha Play- 
street 3oard of Trustees to visit Cftmp AbelaivS In tho Catskill 
Mountains of New York. Mr. and Mrs. Victor Flack, tha camp 
directors, seeraed to be fine and very capable people*. They 
discussed their philosophy of camping with us • decidedly fa- 
voring ''quality caiis)lng" (fewer kids for an extended period 
of time) over "quality camping" (mora kids for shorter ses- 
sions )• However, they did agree to accept 62 children for a 
three-week session boginning Wednesdey, Jaly 26} and another 
50 children for a two-week period following that* We also 
agreed that w© should tako opportunity to really discuss these 
two concopta of camping in order better prepared for 
deciding on future prograi-ns , , , 

In my Judgenant, the facilities at Camp Abelard were very 
adequate. V;e Inapectedt the pool, the infirmary, the cabins, 
the outdoor sports and recreational areas and equipment, the 
little theater, the musical instruments, the main building, 
the vxork-cairp program, and the arts-orfefts set-up* The canp 
is beautifully set in the lap of tha mountains, within rea- 
sonable walking diatnnco of a snail town* All together, I 
think that the children uho attend the camp will find it very 
enjoyable and worthwhile. 

Corinna Fales 

Training Spec5,all3t, 
UCG-PAL Surrjnar Block Prog. 


Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I would like to read into the record 
information from committee files concerning Camp Abelard. 

Mr. Tuck. You may proceed. 

Mr. Smith. Camp Aoelard, Hunter, New York. 

A summer resort known as Camp Webatuck was located in Wing- 
dale, New York, from December 1962 until late 1966. It had formerly 
been known as Camp Calumet, Camp Unity, Wingdale on the Lake, 
and Wingdale Lodge, Inc. 

In late 1966 the location of the camp was moved to Hunter, New 
York, and the name was changed to Camp Abelard. 

The same key administrators, however, continued to run the camp. 
Secret Communist Party training schools have been held at Camp 
Abelard and Camp Webatuck during the past few years. 

On February 16, 1967, FBI Director Hoover testified before a House 
Appropriations subcommittee that this camp "has been under the con- 
trol of the Communist Party" since it was first established in 1929. 

Mr. Chairman, I would like to read into the record information con- 
cerning Leon J. Davis, president of Local 1199 of the Retail Drug 
Store Employees, New York, who refused to say before a con- 
gressional committee in 1948 ^ whether he was a member of the Com- 
munist Party. 

The items concerned are from the Nexo York Times and the Wash- 
ington, D.C., Times-Herald of August 5, 1948. Reading from one item 
headed, "Store Union Head Balks at Queries On Red Control" : 

Three congressmen spent an hour and a half yesterday questioning a $100-a- 
weelc official of a New York drugstore union on the implications of American 
foreign policy and world communism. 

Their aim was to determine whether Local 1199 of the Retail Drugstore Em- 
ployes union was Communist dominated. Local President Leon J. Davis wouldn't 
tell them. He said his lawyer told him that under the constitution he didn't 
have to. 

Leon J. Davis, president of Local 1199 of the said union, has been 
a member of the following fronts in the past — Communist fronts: 
Civil Rights Congress, Citizens' Committee To Free Earl Browder, 
International Labor Defense. 

Local 1199 also supported the April 15, 1967, Vietnam Week demon- 
stration against the war in Vietnam, as well as other anti- Vietnam war 

I request that these items be received for the record. 

Mr. Tuck. It is so ordered. 

(Documents marked "Kinney Exhibit No. 22" and retained in com- 
mittee files.) 

Mr. Smith. Captain Kinney, since the riot has there been close asso- 
ciation between extremists in Newark and extremists in New York 

Mr. Kinney. Yes. A rally was scheduled in New York City August 
27, 1967, in Mount Morris Park, New York City. This rally was called 
off due to rain. 

However, LeRoi Jones and Charles McCray, both of whom were 
arrested during the Newark riot and had been convicted of possession 
of weapons during the riot, were scheduled to speak at that meeting. 

^ Hearings before Special Subcommittee of the Committee on Education and Labor, 
Aug. 4, 1948, Investigation of Communism in New York City Distributive Trades. 


The New Yorkers scheduled to speak included William Epton, the 
Queen Mother, and Jesse Gray. 

A copy of this leaflet that I have here, I understand, was introduced 
during the New York phase of these hearings. (See Romerstein Ex- 
hibit No. 32, part 2, page 1074.) 

On September 24, 1967, a rally took place in Newark at the Essex 
County Courthouse in defense of those persons arrested during the 
Newark riot. Two New Yorkers participated in this rally: Charles 
Kenyatta and Omar Ahmed. 

The persons from Newark who spoke at this rally included Philip 
Hutchings, Robert Curvin, Willie Wright, and LeRoi Jones. 

I have here both a copy of tlie pamphlet advertising this rally on 
the Newark courthouse steps, Essex County Courthouse steps, and a 
copy of a report made by one of our detectives who attended that rally. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request that these items be received for 
the record and marked as Exhibits 23 and 24. 

Mr. Tuck. It is so ordered. 

(Documents marked "Kinney Exhibits Nos. 23 and 24," respec- 
tively. Exhibit No. 23 and excerpt from Exhibit 24 follow :) 

Kinney Exhibit No. 23 

I Cora© Oyte sioicl IKlear St;§5!:;. 


\J^ : ■ 

tSUWDAY RALLY 'SEPT-a^-, 1967. 2 P.K^i. .;': .• j 
. \ CpURT HOUSE STEPS at PJ3arket & Springfjeld ' 

SPEAKERS: •.,.'■ 

Charles Kenyatta ' . V/iilio Wright COME OUT'AND RALLY SUPPORT , 

... Mas Kallory •■•, Oserjeman Adefumni .BEHIND THE 1400 MEN ^^•D WOMEN 

.. Conrad L>-nn ". Herman Ferguson ' GOING ON TRIAL STARTING 

... Phil Hutchings . : -. Earl Harris SEPTEMBER 25. SUPPORT BUCK 

', Oriar Ahmed ' : .. LeRoi Jones PATRIOTS- 9:30 a.m. 
I . Bob Curvirj 

The photograph "is of brother James Rutledge, 19, shot ^ TIMES by 

policemen in Joe-Raes on Bergen Street during the rebellion. This is whit© 

justice. Our brothers and sisters going before the so-called judges starting 

Septeir/oer 25, who were arrested during the rebellion caiVj^-expe'ct littie better. 

V.'e must Jam up the courtrooms so that these crackers will know that, we support 

our own. 

James Rutledge was murdered because he was caught Defenseless . The 

brothers and sister's going through these white Jailtraps called co\irts will be." 

just as defenseless if black people do not como out and support them. 



BE CAUGHT DEFENSELESS ;: I :: 1 1 . ■. \ ..•■''''■ .V ' ■'■'.,' ■ .'' '•^.- •' . ,' • 


ExcEEPT From Kinney Exhibit No. 24 

The general theme [of the rally] was all-out unity of the Negro or Black 
people of Newark in support of justice for the riot defendants in the Essex County 
Court starting Monday Sept. 25, 1907. The speakers stated that the ahove trials 
would be a mockery of justice, and no one involved would get a fair hearing. The 
speaker compared the above hearings with that of the detectives involved in the 
auto stealing ring, that was arrested and the trial not heard for almost a year ; 
after the prosecutor promised a speedy trial. It was stated that the police had a 
legal license to break the law and not be reckoned with, while the black public 
are brought to trial for any thing and dealt with speedy. The speakers brought 
to the attention of the people present that there would be general genocide of the 
black people after the Viet Nam War, and all black people had better be ready. 
The above speakers all spoke around preparedness for general disorder to come 
as the whites and blacks would clash in the future. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, at this point I would like to read into 
the record information from committee files concerning others listed 
on the flyer as scheduled speakers.^ 

Mr. Tuck. You may proceed. 

Mr. Smith. Charles Morris, also known as Charles 37X when he was 
a Muslim, also known as Charles Kenyatta as head of the Mau Mau. 
Kenyatta's record was introduced into the record of the hearing on 
November 1, 1967, in New York.^ 

The next subject is Conrad J. Lynn. Conrad Lynn was scheduled to 
speak at this particular rally but failed to show up. However, I will 
read into the record our committee information. 

As a witness before this committee in 1963, Attorney Conrad J. 
Lynn acknowledged that he had been a member of the Communist 
Party, U.S. of America, for 3 years prior to his expulsion in 1937. 

He described himself as of the date of his testimony as "definitely" 
on "the left." During the year following his appearance before the 
committee, Lynn received considerable publicity as a speaker at affairs 
sponsored by the pro-Chinese Communist Progressive Labor Party 
and its front organizations. 

More recently, however, he has been publicly linked with several 
newly created organizations espousing extremely militant pro-Com- 
munist policies. 

Lynn was listed as a sponsor of the Eevolutionary Contingent which, 
after its formation in the spring of 1967, openly proclaimed support 
of Communist forces warring in South Vietnam and announced an 
intention to recruit Americans to serve in similar foreign guerrilla 
movements fighting "against U.S. imperialism," particularly in Latin 

The Eevolutionary Contingent is admittedly inspired by the Latin 
America guerrilla leader, the late Ernesto Che Guevara, and "under- 
takes to emulate, to the degree feasible, the tactics of a guerrilla move- 

In the summer of 1967, Havana radio announced that Conrad Lynn 
had sent greetings to a forthcoming conference in that Communist 
capital under the auspices of the Latin American Solidarity Organiza- 
tion. This Cuban-dominated conference avowedly assembled Latin 

1 Background information concerning persons scheduled to speak but who did not appear 
at the rally was made a part of the record because it sheds light on the intent of the persons 
who organized the rally. 

2 See pt. 2, p. 1081 of these hearings. 


American revolutionaries for the purpose of promoting guerrilla 
warfare in other nations of the hemisphere. 

Earlier in the same year, Lynn toured Communist North Vietnam 
as an investigator for Bertrand Russell's International War Crimes 
Tribunal, which subsequently pronounced the United States guilty of 
"genocide" in Vietnam. 

Lynn also continued to sponsor various projects of the Communist 
Party, U.S.A., such as a ceremonial tribute to party leader William L. 
Patterson in January 1967 and another function the following month 
staged by the party front. Veterans of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade. 

Lynn is the attorney for Robert Williams, the RAM chairman living 
in Peking, China. 

(At this point Mr. Ichord left the hearing room.) 

Mr. Smith. Another individual scheduled to appear but who did not 
show up at this particular function is Mae Mallory. 

Mrs. Mallory was one of five persons charged with kidnaping a white 
couple in Monroe, North Carolina, in August 1961. One of the others 
was Robert Williams, chairman in exile of RAM, who became a fugi- 
tive from justice, fleeing to Cuba and eventually moving to Peking, 
China, after being indicted on the kidnaping charge. 

Prior to the kidnaping, Mrs. Mallory had solicited financial contri- 
butions to buy weapons for a "defense committee" Robert Williams 
had set up in Monroe, North Carolina. 

Like Williams, Mrs. Mallory fled Monroe, North Carolina, to avoid 
prosecution on the kidnaping charge. She was picked up in Cleveland, 
Ohio, in October 1961. 

After lengthy extradition proceedings, she was finally sent back to 
Monroe where she was tried, convicted, and sentenced to 12 to 20 years. 
This verdict was later reversed on grounds that Negroes had been 
excluded from the grand jury which returned the original indictment. 

Throughout her legal battles, Mrs. Mallory has had the all-out sup- 
port of a number of Communist organizations, including the Com- 
munist Party, U.S.A., and top party leaders such as Gus Hall and the 
late Benjamin J. Davis. 

Her sympathies, however, were apparently with the Workers World 
Party, a militant Communist organization made up of the persons ex- 
pelled from the Trotskyist Socialist Workers Party. 

In addition to making a considerable number of appearances at 
meetings and rallies of the Youth Against War and Fascism, the youth 
arm of the Workers World Party, Mrs. Mallory in 1964 urged support 
for the Monroe Defense Committee, which was controlled by the 
Workers World Party, and repudiated the Committee to Aid the 
Monroe Defendants, another Communist defense organization set up 
as a result of the Monroe incident, which was controlled by the Social- 
ist Workers Party. 

During the last few years Mrs. Mallory has been a speaker at Com- 
munist-organized Vietnam war protest rallies and demonstrations and 
has also aligned herself with militant black nationalist organizations. 

She is one of a number of militants who signed a petition to the 
United Nations seeking special membership as a permanent group of 
observers made up of black people living in America. 

She has associated herself with the ITnited Blacks Against Genocide, 
the African Students Union, the Black United Front, and has spoken 


at Malcolm X memorial meetings, blaming his assassination on the 

Another individual listed as a speaker at this function who did not 
show was Herman J. Ferguson. Herman J. Ferguson has been em- 
ployed by the New York [City] Board of Education in various capac- 
ities for about 20 years. 

He was assistant principal of Public School No. 40, a grade school, 
Jamaica, Queens, when arrested in 1967, and indicted on the charge 
of taking part in an alleged plot by 17 members of RAM, the Revolu- 
tionary Action Movement, to assassinate civil rights leaders such as 
Roy Wilkins of the NAACP and Whitney Young of the National 
Urban League. 

On February 21, 1968, at a memorial program in honor of Malcolm 
X, Ferguson urged Negroes to get guns for "self-defense" and to use 
against white people when the "hunting season" starts. He also spoke 
of "our brothers the North Vietnamese and the Vietcong." Ferguson 
was arrested and is now under $100,000 bail as a result of these 

Ferguson, who denies membership in RAM, was the author of an 
article in the March 9, 1968, issue of the Communist weekly. Guardian^ 
entitled "A black survival curriculum." In this article he asserted that 
"the Anglo-Saxon based curriculum is one of enslavement" of black 
children. In its place Ferguson advocated one which would include 
such subjects as gun handling, gun safety, target practice, gunsmith- 
ing, and the "Eastern martial arts of self-defense." 

Heroes for emulation would be Rap Brown, Malcolm X, and Stokely 
Carmichael, among others. While the school day would end "with a 15- 
second period of silent meditation in memory of the millions of black 
heroes who have given their lives that we may survive for another 

Since his arrest in the alleged RAM assassination conspiracy, Fer- 
guson has enjoyed the expressed support of such Negro leaders as H. 
Rap Brown, Mae Mallory, and Stokely Carmichael. 

Articles defending him against the alleged f rameup have appeared 
in such Communist organs as The Worker^ the Guardian, and the 
Workers World. 

(At this point Mr. Ichord returned to the hearing room.) 

Mr. Smith. Captain Kinney, Exhibit 23 contains a statement, 
quoting : 

The photograph is of brother James Rutledge, 19, shot 39 TIMES by police- 
men in Joe Raes on Bergen Street during the rebellion. This is white justice. * * * 

Wliat picture is being referred to in this leaflet that you have ? 

Mr. Kinney. This appears to be reference to another flyer which 
we traced back to LeRoi Jones and his associates. This flyer on its 
front page has a picture of the body of James Rutledge. The body is 
completely torn open, and the breast wound can be seen as well as the 
inside of the body cavity. 

What had happened, in fact, was that the body had been ripped 
open after the autopsy surgeon had sewed it back up. In the picture 
the autopsy stitches and pins can be seen. However, the body itself 
has been ripped open. 

The leaflet says : 





The Boy shown brutally mutilated is James Rutledge, Age 19 who was shot 
39 TIMES by the police, during the Rebellion. * * * 

Of course, the mutilation was not by the police, but by the people 
who took the picture. Detectives Junious Hedgespeth and William 
Millard of the Newark Police Department conducted an investiga- 
tion and determined copies of this leaflet were distributed by Willie 
Williams, close associate of LeRoi Jones, who operates out of Jones' 
headquarters at 33 Stirling Street, Newark. 

An investigation into how the picture was taken was stymied by 
the refusal of the operators of Perry's Funeral Home to provide in- 
formation concerning who took the picture. 

However, confidential police information indicates that the photog- 
rapher was a young man who is now outside the country and who is 
closely associated with LeRoi Jones. 

In this morning's Neio York Times^ April 24, 1968, there is an ac- 
count of a presentment made by the Essex County grand jury which 
sat for 8 weeks and heard more than 100 witnesses. 

In this account it states : 

The jury singled out for analysis the case of James Rutledge, a 19-year-old 
Negro killed late in the afternoon of July 16. He was slain by policemen, who 
reported he was looting a liquor store. The shooting became an issue, the jury 
said, because "many erroneous and deliberately false accounts" of the incident 
were published in leaflets, newspapers and a book entitled "Rebellion in New- 
ark," by Tom Hayden. 

Among other things, the jury asserted, a picture of Rutledge's [and again in 
quotes] "mutilated" body was published, although the mutilation had actually 
taken place in the course of the embalming. 

An autopsy showed evidence of "four or possibly five, separate shotgun wounds 
in the back of the head, any of which could have been fatal, according to the 
iury * * * ; 

''After considering all the facts, the jury found that the police officers were 
justified in their use of firearms, although too many shots were fired from too 
many guns." 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request these items be received as Ex- 
hibits Nos. 25-A 1 and 26-A.2 

Mr. Tuck. It is so ordered. 

(Documents marked "Kinney Exhibits Nos. 25-A and 26-A," re- 
spectively. Exhibit No. 26-A retained in committee files; Nos. 25-A 
and 25-B appear on pages 1923-1926.) 

Mr. Smith. Captain Kinney, have there been other inflammatory 
leaflets traced back to LeHoi Jones ? 

Mr. Kinney. Yes. Here we have a leaflet entitled "DEROI JONES, 

America is holding LeRoi Jones as a political prisoner for the following reasons : 

1. He, as a Free Black Man, refuses to be judged by an all white jury and 

2. He Demands to be Judged by his PEERS— BLACK PEOPLE. 

1 A "Black Survival Bulletin" submitted by Captain Kinney along with Eochibit 25-A, 
marlced "Kinney Exhibit 25-B," is also reproduced. 

- Relevant excerpts from the report of the Essex County grand jury marked "Kinney 
Exhibit 26-B" appear on pp. 1974-1985. 

Kinney Exhibit No. 25-A 

3. He has called for the awakening of black people to the evils of this white 





This leaflet [Kinney Exhibit No. 27] was actually mimeographed in 
the offices of the United Commimity Corporation. 

On November 7, 1967, confidential mformation was given to the 
police department that the United Community Corporation mimeo- 


Kinney Exhibit No. 25-A — Continued 





1 ' • 

j 'She Boy shown 'brutally mutilated Is James Rutledge, Age 19 

I who was shot 3& TIMES by the police, during the Rebellion, 

He was shot in Jo-Rae's on Bergen Street, as he stood with 

his hands up J 

He was standing, hands up, expecting mercy from The Deviilll 


OFF Ml •■!: 



''^^^Mj=^ ©^ (M}:m^ 

3LACK 5t//? >-'/»-- /ti, 

graph machine was being used to mimeograiDh these leaflets Detec- 
tives William Millard and Frederick Rothlein went to the offices of 
the United Community Corporation at 124 Branford Place, Newark. 
A call had been made to the UCC. 

u ^J H^xJ^i^'^^J^^^® detectives arrived, the leaflets had been confiscated 

•^AT ?• -^ •^^^^^' ^^- Timothy Still and Dr. Sylvester Odom. 

Mr. Still indicated he did not believe that anything had been wrong 

with mimeographing the leaflets. However, at a subsequent date the 

UCC admitted that the leaflets were mimeographed by Charles Mc- 


Cray, a close associate of LeKoi Jones, who was arrested in the car 
with Jones during the riot. 

Later McCray, who had been the chief accountant for the UCC, was 
fired as a result of his participation in mimeographing the leaflet. 

Another leaflet traced back to LeKoi Jones was viciously anti- 
Semitic This leaflet [Kinney Exhibit No. 28], addressed to the 
"BLACK PEOPLE OF NEWAKK," listed as its address "Defense 

Kinney Exhibit No. 25-B 

For any of our brother's and sisters who still do not understand 
just what kind of devilish beasts run our lives in Newark, we refer you 
to page one of NB'YARK EVENING NB'JS, under the headline "POLICE RIOT COSTg 
MAY HIT ^800,000'JJ - 

Now in case you want to know just what that money is to be spent 
for, we quote, "Some of the items to be purchased with the newly authorized 
funds included 'Y^Qi ARMORED VEHICLES at $12,ooo each; Five patrol wagon? 
at $7,000 each; Three Jeeps at ;|ji2,800 each; two heavy duty vans at $2,400 
each and other itmes like buses to transport prisoners at !l(i35,000. 

"At the same, the council approve 89,000 more money, " ALL OuT 
OP OUR TAX MONEY... OUT OF BLACK PEOPLE'S TJ-X MONEY, " for the purchase of 
MASKS: 40 AR-15 Rifles Ctliese are the kind used in Viet+Nam) : SEVEN ARMORED 
SUITS and the last item on the list, and get this; 50 ROLLS OF BARBED FviRE i 
M, i n ! ! Yes, you better d-Jg that last item, you really better, black man, 
and dig it now, cause the next time the deal goes down these Italians ai"-.- 
going to block off these streets arid imprison us behind this same barber* 

The white man is making war on uso He has in this town, shot us 
down like dogs,, thrown our children and v;omen against buildings, and' s buuk 
bayonets in our faces. Now the automatic weapons and armored vehicles and 
BEHINDl Think on that! They also are about to spend $21,000 on the acqul ■■ 
?ltion of "a K-9 Corps", You know what a K-9 Corps is??? DOGSi That's i-ight 
they are about to buy some dogs to put on us too. Again, with our tax money 

Kinney Exhibit No. 25-B — Continued 

Ttta. Riice Department's request for the dogs will be heard at City Hall 
SEPfFEMBER 6 . VJe ought to let our two Nlgger-O Councllmen hear that these 
fools better not bring their four legged brothers in here. 

The rest of the 800,000 dollars is to be spent TO PAY THE POLICEIiffiN 
FOR THEIR OVERTIME... Yeh, can you really dig that?? We have to pay them 
aga^n, out of our pockets, the majority of taxpayers in the city of New- 
ark ( We have to pay these animals to beat on our hea ds. That's too much I 

How much longer, can "le go for these things, black people??? It's 

time we got together AND TOOK OVER THIS CTTY. As long aa we do nothing, 

these mindless scum who run our lives will continue to do so. ''JHAT CAN 

I'VE DO??? 


We_can_recall Addoni^io 

We_c ari_e le£ t_a_Bla^k_Ma n_ 






B3£Bck Man, V/alCe up now or these crackers will put you to sleep 

Fimd, P.O. Box 663, Newark, New Jersey." This box was traced back 
to the LeRoi headquarters. The leaflet says in part : 







than 18). 


The leaflet calls for donations to be sent to the Defense Fund at that 
post office box. 

LeRoi Jones, Barry Wynn, and Charles McCray were all convicted 
as a result of being arrested during the riot carrying weapons in a car. 

Two more LeRoi Jones leaflets are the ones distributed on March 22, 
1968 ; one [Kinney Exhibit No. 29] reads : 







On another leaflet [Kinney Exhibit No. 30] : 





Also these leaflets have been traced by our intelligence people back 
to LeRoi Jones. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request that these items be received in 
the record and marked consecutively beginning with number 27. 

Mr. Tuck. It is so ordered. 

(Documents marked "Kinney Exhibits Nos. 27j 28, 29, and 30," 
respectively. Exhibits 27 and 29 retained in committee files; Nos. 28 
and 30 appear on pages 1928 and 1929.) 

Mr. Smith. Captain Kinney, what other inflammatory literature 
has been distributed in Newark ? 

Mr. Kinney. For example, here is a leaflet distributed by Willie 
Wright, the president of the United Afro-American Association, a 
member of the board of directors of the United Community Corpo- 
ration, and a recent visitor to Communist Czechoslovakia to meet 
witli the Viet Cong [Kinney Exhibit No. 31]. 

Mr. Wright's leaflet says: 

Sympathy meeting to free all the Black Brothers and Sisters falsely arrested 
In the Rebellion. 

Sunday— 3 :00 PM until 


To show our Black Brothers and Sisters who were arrested the Black Com- 
munity cares about their welfare 

Where : Essex County Court House 

Springfield Ave. at W. Market St. 

88-083 O — 68— pt. 4 6 


Kinney Exhibit No. 28 






than 16); • 





P.O. BOS 663 

Another leaflet says, "Police Brutality and Intimidation. 'Meeting' 
Sunday Aug. 13th at 4 pm at 402 So. Six Street, Newark" [Kinney 
Exhibit No. 32]. 

As I said before, 402 South Sixth Street is the headquarters for 
Willie Wright's [United] Afro-American Association. 

It continues, "Only Black Brothers and Sisters will be admitted. 
Whitey need not apply." This is another Willie Wright leaflet. 

Still another one [United Afro American Association Community 
News] recently distributed makes reference to the policeman who was 
murdered during the riot and refers to "the well earned death of a 
racist detective" [page 3, Kinney Exhibit No. 33]. 

One of the most vicious leaflets distributed in Newark since the riot 
is entitled, "The WOPS want KACE WAE" [Kinney Exhibit No. 34]. 
We have not been able to identify who put it out, but it is a vicious 
anti-Italian leaflet. However, rightwing extremists have also repro- 
duced this leaflet with the heading, "flyer being distributed by the 
niggers in the newark area." So this racist leaflet has done service 
for both extremes, the anti-Negro people and the antiwhite people. 


Kinney Exhibit No. 30 

1 ^\j' 



tJfi you Of?KST A 

[,NOTE : This leaflet wai handed to a citizen by an untdentlfl«d c/« 
on Stirling Street, City at il.30 am on 3/29/68J ;. 

8 8*^0855 


In addition, there have been meetings, some of which were spon- 
sored by the United Community Corporation, at which extremists 
have been invited into Newark. 

On March 22, 1968, Ron Karenga ^ was invited from California, and 
LeRoi Jones spoke at South Side High School at a meeting entitled 
"an Evening of Soul and African Culture" [Kinney Exhibit No. 35]. ^ 
This was not a UCC meeting. 

However, on March 31, 1968, a UCC meeting was held which fea- 
tured Reverend Albert Cleage, from Detroit, Michigan, who has a 
long record of extremist activities in Detroit and antiwhite racist 
activities. He made a racist speech in Newark [Kinney Exhibit No. 36] . 

We have learned that the sound trucks used to advertise this meet- 
ing were borrowed from a reputable automobile dealer who had been 
advised that the purpose of the meeting was to help cool the situation 
in Newark. He was unaware that the meeting was actually one which 
would feature such a racist as Cleage. 

The meeting was sponsored by the United Community Corporation. 

The dealer has advised that the persons who approached him con- 
cerning the cars were James Kennedy, whom we have discussed 
earlier, and Mr. Alvin Oliver, assistant community action director of 
the United Community Corporation. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request that these items be received 
into the record and marked consecutively Exhibits Nos. 31 through 36. 

Mr. Tuck. It is so ordered. 

(Documents marked "Kinney Exhibits Nos. 31 through 36," respec- 
tively. Exhibits 32, 35, and 36 retained in committee files. Nos. 31, 33, 
and 34 follow:) 

1 For background information on Karenga and liis teachings, see pt. 3 of these hearings, 
pp. 1270-1278. 

2 Other billed speakers were James Baldwin, novelist and playwright ; Eulis Ward, chair- 
man of the Central Ward Democratic Committee ; Louise Epperson, representative of the 
Committee on Negro and Puerto Rican Survival ; and Harold Wilson, representative of the 
United Brothers of Newark. 

Kinney Exhibit No. 31 

T^free all the B|de»( 
t^rothers and 5,sti^rs 
-fah^ij arrested 
Tn the f?ebe/lion • 

V^/h^/ Z. " 

)o "show our b'lcicK Bro"^hers ; 

"Hie ^I<3c-K Com to, vj n,±j Ccfr^s 
WhereJ fi'sSeX do'.y^ty Cour-t Hcjys^e. 
„ '^'z 1/ be ^/le -o 


Kinney Exhibit No. 33 ^ _- 

/i j-v ' TT <.02 South Sixth Straot^ 

C. Phono p »420551S 
OProt.:l> -.VltLIE WRIGHT 

-i.-:- <j Paul Stewart, 4y ears old, of 376 So.' Sixth St. After being hit by a car 
I .. Saturday Aug. 19th while playing in the designated play Street area. His 
■■-condition as of today is Fair., '^ , -^ / 

. f»»»'w«<*1S(«t;:S||WW^^ 


Kinney Exhibit No. 33 — Continued 

- COMl'IUNITY NKf/S , ; f 

'■■,; WHAT- IS THE W.AA? I 

SV - i, . !, 

I;;,',-.:-.; :i : • ' i ■>■ ii: 

iil.;'!ri i',i Th$ United Afro Americana Aaaocia-^' 

iif''^ ' : . 'i' ■' 

"i. 'tion was orgarlzed Aiigust 23,' -965. ■ Its 

if' M '■-.'.:. . ■: If , ;■ 

jEi'i' president is Kr. Vfillie Wright and the, 
•..[■■).j becretary, Mrs. Dorothy Cole." The • ' , : 
? i U.A.A.A. advocates revolution viihen the 
' urgent appeals of the Black coaununity i 
are oontinually i yior ed. ..The associa-" ;;7.'; 
tion wa§ organized by the Black people 
and is run for the benefit of the Black 
con!iBunj.ty,. by Black people.' Depart- 
ments of the United Afro Americans Asso- 
ciation include those dealing vdth 
Black History, Guidance, Youth Training 
and research comniittees for shopping 
guides. Help us keep the wheels turning. 
.'■ ' JOIN NOW!! 

COMi'njMITY '' ' ] 
!!! SKLF HELP ! !1 j 

On Wednesday, July 12, 1967, the 
United Afro Aniericans Association re- 
leased two emergency relief checks for 
transportation -of several alleged dope 
addicts from the Black community. 

The men will take the Greyhound 'bus 
line' to Lexington, Kentucky whore they 
will receive medical care for six months. 

I'' '1 iThe U.A.A.A. v.-ill continue to vrork 

to obttin the .lecessary funds to aid 

a'-ditinnal HI;. :k people in our coaiun:- 



402 South Sixth Street 
Newark, Nevr Jersey 

Luring the recent revolution in 
Newark, we of Newark's Black community, 
proved that we have povrer. The dsmoi.- 
stration of this aspect of black power 
brought productive, industrialized 
Newark to a halt. -Cohtrc-iry to th^ 
beliefs of Newark city officials, Af.-c 
Americans of the black ghetto have t«i 
influence to cripple the city. VJo 
also have the power to build a city that 
benefits the majority of its inhabitants. 
Educationally, economically and politi- 
cally, Newark should be structured fc:.- 
the advantages of Black people who c;on- 
stitute 65^ of Newark's population. 


During the aftermath of the ro/olu- 

, tion in this city, the policemen who v.-o^-e 
( cont . p 3 ) 

^*^<.^..^>^t^^,,.,^,:,^. ,„., ,,,,,, •mv:,vT:n<vn--,fnm'mrm 



Kinney Exhibit No. 33 — Continued 

" ' ' ■ BUCK TAPE cont . > ' 

',;■;!■ ■ : . 

i:, 3«jpj3osed to be protecting the community 

I, becsine the worst eneaiea 'Of the people ._ 

. , Due :to supposed tradition and supposed " ' 

'''■..'-.. ■ ' ' ' * 1 

customs of the police dept., the mourning 

■ of the weJJL eawieddeath^f a racist der 
te ctive caused patrolmen to cover their 
badge nunbere with bl&ck tape. Is this '^ 
symbol of' death?? Is this a vray of show- 
ing symp&ti}^ for the dead detective?? 





Is this the policemen's way of protecting 

himself from persecution by the Blacki 

. people he "attacks"? REMEMBER;: You ' ■ ■ 

most have the patrolman's badge number • ' 

if you have reason to file a claim of 

brutality, abuse, or praise, 

■ , ■ ; COVERED? - ■ - I 


1. VJhy did the revolutiioa take place eind 
what is it all about? ;; 

2. How can Black people b-uy or rent stores 
that were owned by whites in areas where 
the revolution took place? , 

3< Should people shop >4iere prices have gone 
up because of the revolution? 

'4. BOK''J L2T Ttii 2-IAN BACX IN OUH CCl-C^;- 
; NITIESn:!!! 

5. Set up pickc , line in fron^ of Jooc;.. 
to proteuit the of prices that resul; 
frod the revoluti.on. 

6. Check 'out a" I empty atores on 
' Springfic-ld Avenue. 

7. Buy as many white businesses as 
possible. , 

The Black man has 2ar;y ppobleiBS, 

but a poor; appetite is not one of them. 

The big appetite is. not one of them, it'; 

the imcalled for high cost which causes 

■■'" ■! ■ 
a problem. ;' : i| 

The Black man does not seem to 
realize that while he is filling his 
stomach the white man is tugging at his 
pocket. He is in your pockets overr- t 
charging ;us for the food we 6L.i. 
Because of our love for food, Vvnitey" 
is again robbing us. ! 

Do you know that in oiur coaffiunities 
the prices are as much as fifteen por 
cent higher for snail things; for larr;er 

I'jl'tfj'jls'^ ,.;^!!iipi»''tiji5«t«ifr"''''?":' 

'ir-ff?*|!Rlsi!^f^''-i I '''■"!'' i"ffl' 1';«lf "ff f f'J'^ tlljpp • 


Kinney Exhibit No. 34 

a,-a N fi piJ r?' "l 1^ f!-^ f** f**!) «^ 


Last week Addonizio and his poison paisanos called fi city covincil ' 

meeting, in order to revote and finally pass through the bill sanctioning ' 
POLICE DOGS in Newark. In the industrial areas, "t>iey said, but* we""*!!*"'"*^'*^'^^ 
know what those dogs are for. they are for us, black folks. For the same 
reasons the crackers used them in the southi 

Now we have to put up with tv;& legged and four legged beasts. Well, OK, 
If that's Lhe way they v/ant to play it. We know none of the brothers and '""'"'. 
sijters are going to stand for this dog business. Poison them, shoot them, 
stick 'em v/ith icepicks, stone em, set traps for them, drop loads of ! 

iron and steel on they haid. But dont take nothing from no dog, 4 or 2 legs 
The Americans For Lav/ And Oi-dcr (^00 strong) all italians and irish fro 
the outskirts of nev;ark, sucked to-ether by Devil Addonizio to do his biddin ; 
will probably show up again at the various public council meetings. Wo have ( 
to cct ouvi.i!"iVf) to i',otl.(,r tc I.Ar.t'" i th^::;: c;icI:c:>o. Nov; v/o know some of 
t)iO brothers n^id i^ls-err. may have some second thoughts about going up agains 
these peckorwood cops, but for certain none of us give a daniTi abo-Jt going 
upside sonc of those v.'hit,o civjliaiis heads. Knuckles for days! 

Cone out to t\r:r.c cour.cil rx-ctings, begin to w.'.tch the nev;spapcrs and 
for flyer:, Ilk-, these tollins vhen cr.d v/hero such msetiri^i v.'ill be held. 
V.'o arc coir.;; to b? r.i.r.tcrr cf I' city or nobody is. Certainly not these 



Mr. Kinney. Members of the Committee: I have one other leaflet 
to be entered, again indicating the close connection between our city 
of Newark and New York City. This leaflet advertised a rally in 
Union Square, New York City. 

"Come to a Memorial Kally for Those Who Died in Freedom's 

This rally was held by the Youth Against War and Fascism. It was 
held on Saturday, July 22, which was just a week after the riots in 
Newark, and they advertised speakers from Newark's SNCC 
It is entitled, "Show Solidarity with Our Black Brothers. PRO- 

I might also respectfully point out to the committee that there were 
several members or several people mentioned who were advertised 
to speak and who did not come to these meetings. 

We do know that they have been in close contact with militants in 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request this item be received as a com- 
mittee exhibit and marked "Exhibit 37-A." 

Mr. Tuck. It is so ordered. 

(Documents marked "Kinney Exhibits Nos. 37-A and 37-B," re- 
spectively, appear on pages 1937 and 1938.) 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, at this point I would like to read into 
the record coinmittee information concerning Reverend Albert B. 
Cleage, Jr., just mentioned by the witness. 

Mr. Tuck. You may do so. 

Mr. Smith. In the late 1940's and early 1950's, Reverend Cleage was 
associated with a number of Communist Party, U.S.A., enterprises 
and fronts, the Civil Rights Congress, Mid- Century Conference for 
Peace, World Peace Appeal, and petitions to repeal the Internal 
Security Act. 

In recent years he has been an open supporter of the Trotskyist 
Socialist Workers Party, speaking at affairs of the Militant Labor 
Forum and Friday Night Socialist Forum, both of which are fronts 
for the Socialist Workers Party, and also openly endorsing Socialist 
Workers Party candidates in the 1964 and 1966 elections. 

In addition, he wrote a preface to The Black Ghetto^ a pamphlet by 
Robert Vernon, a writer for The Militant^ official newspaper of the 
Socialist Workers Party. 

This pamphlet contained articles on riots originally published in The 
Militant. In the preface he wrote that through the eyes of Vernon "We 
are participants [in the riots] , and we share the emotions, the frustra- 
tions, and even the will to violence." 

Quoting again, "Black freedom fighters everywhere will welcome 
this series of articles by Robert Vernon * * *." 

Reverend Cleage's writings have also appeared in the Communist 
magazine Monthly Review and in Liberator., a magazine edited by the 
militant black nationalist, Daniel Watts. Background information on 
this magazine was entered in part 1 of the hearing record on the riots. 
(See page 916.) 

Cleage is the State chairman of the Freedom Now Party in Michi- 
gan and was its candidate for Governor of that State in 1964. 

1 Youth Against War and Fascism also held a picket demonstration in Newark on .Tul.v Ifi, 
1967, during the riot. See Exhibit No. 37-B. 


Kinney Exhibit No. 37-A 

,'Tfe S' "L - ?:t^ ^ ' ? ^.i^,.A. : v^?'a::5r- ' - 

Qif? Black Brothers 


Twenty-four Black people are dead, over 2,000 are wotnded, 
and 1300 ar« in jail in Newark. The/ are casualties of a war— 
a war of the Newark Police Force and the National Guard against 
the Black ghetto. For six days and nights Gairdssisn roaaod the 
streets, rifles cocked, ready to hit the first moving obiect. 
According to the New York Times (7/15/67) troops coved in 11-ton 
anaored personnel carriers "of the type used in Viotnaa." 

Governor Hughes called the uprising a "criminal insurrec- 
tion." But the real criminals are Gov. Hughes and Mayor Addo- 
nizio, first for allowing the conditions in the Newark ghetto 
to become a living hell and then for sending in anwd troops to 
suppress Black people rebelling against these conditions. 

No, this was not a "race riot." It was the answer of the 
Black People to the years of enforced ghetto living, to the 
"last hired, first fired" hiring of Newark's big business fiiBS, 
and to the drafting of young Black bgi to kill other oppressed 
colored peoples in Vietnam. 

Last Sundgy, Youth Against War ^ Fascisn deacnstrated t% 
Newark City Hall. On orders froa the Amy, and in violation 
of the Constitutional right to deranstrate, the picket line 
was dispersed. Rifle-carrying police tried to scatter the dem- 
onstration, but the youth regrouped and marched for tea blocks 
to the train station carrying signs and chanting. 

We all must continue to support our Black brothers and 
sisters who showed such courage in the face of a military occu- 
pation. We must demand that the 1300 prisoners be freed and 
that no charges be brought against them for justly defending 
their homes and fsinilies. 

a Memmld ElaSly for Those Who Died 

m FraediSSB's Struggle 



I 17th St. and Bway 

speakers from Newark SNCC, the New York DIack Community and YAWF 

YOUTH AGAINST WAR 8 FASCISM Sfi West 25th Street, New York, New York 10010 

Phone: 212-675-2520, 212-242-9225 

He has been quoted as stating in 1967, "Guerrilla warfare is the 
black man's answer to the white man's final solution." 

(At this point Mr. Ashbrook left the hearing room.) 

Mr. Watson. Counsel, may we interrupt at this point ? Am I correct 
in my understanding that this so-called Reverend Cleage was spon- 
sored by the United Community Corporation ? 

Mr. Kinney. That is correct, sir. 

Mr. Watson. And that is the official OEO organization in Newark? 


Kinney Exhibit No. 37-B 

Photo by Bill eta's 

Pickets march down Brood Street witlr slogans supporting 'Our Block Brothers' after leaving City Hall 

Anti-cop pickets removed . . . gently 

A group of 30 jnarching 

demonstrators from Newl 
York were herded onto PATH' 
Tubes cars at Pennsylvania! 
Station yesterday afternoon 
wtiile chanting "Send thej 
troops home . . . send the; 
troops_home." They alludcdl 

to State Troopers and Nation-I 
al Guardsmen in Newark. 

The demonstrators, meni- 
bers of "YfiUUl_ifiai0Sl_ffiarj 
.and F^cisism," were escorteiijl 
.to'the train station abruptlyi 
by police who led them on foot^ 
down Broad Street and Mar-J 
ket Street after a short 

picketing session In front off Alex Chenowitz, 21, of_ New 
City Hall. 1 York ntyrtfte group^spokes- 

,.„ . . _ , .1 man, said the demonstrators 

Spina must go. Spina must| ^gnted all prisoners arrested 
go." chanted the sign-carry- j„„ (^e four davs of yi<y 
ing demonstrators as they ,,„,,^5gt f,^ 3^^ compensa- 
marchcd at City fUll. Sudden- jion for all injured people! 
ly, several carloads of pohcej 

arrived, and a brief scuffle ,-,*/;.. y ./y.;.' '-[-i '■:':■' 

[Nev^rark Star-Ledger of July 17, 1967, article and picture showing Youth Against War and Fascism 
demonstration in Newark on July 16, 1967, during the riot.] 

Mr. Kinney. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Ttjck. Is that continuing in operation ? 

Mr. Kinney. Yes, sir; this particular sponsorship, the meeting we 
are speaking of, occurred only last month. 

Mr. Watson. Have you heard of their sponsoring some responsible 
person as a speaker like Roy Wilkins or Clarence Mitchell ? Have you 
heard of them sponsoring either of these individuals as speakers ? 

Mr. Kinney. No, sir, I don't know of that. 

Mr. Watson. Incredible is the only word. 

Thank you. Counsel. 

Mr. Tuck. Proceed. 

Mr. Smith. Captain Kinney, do you have any information about the 
activities of Thomas Hayden after the riot ? 

Mr. Kinney. Yes, sir. 

Upon his return from Europe and Asia, Thomas Hayden was sub- 
penaed to appear before the Essex County grand jury to testify con- 
cerning the contents of his book RehelUon in Neivark, published by 
Vintage Books, a division of Random House. This was published in the 
fall of 1967. 

Hayden was extremely reluctant to testify and pleaded illness in 
failing to appear on December 11, 1967. When a doctor's certificate was 
demanded verifying Hayden's illness, T^onard Weinglass, acting as 
Hayden's attorney, presented a letter signed by Dr. Harold Lippman, 
who has offices at 68 Elizabeth Avenue, Newark, and home address at 
175 Caufield Place in Maplewood, which stated that Hayden had a 
virus and therefore could not appear. 


Dr. Lippman was summoned before the House Committee on Un- 
American Activities on May 19, 1955, where he invoked the fifth 
amendment when lie was asked whether or not he was a member of the 
Communist Party. At that time the committee told him that it was 
known that he w'as head of a doctors' group in the Communist Party. 

Hay den did eventually testify before the Essex County grand jury 
concerning the book. Rebellion m Neioark. 

I have here a card that was in the Hayden and NCUP file, a per- 
sonal card of Dr. Harold Lippman. The interesting part about it is 
that attached to Dr. Lippman's business card is another card. It says, 
"Doctor Harold Lippman, 68 Elizabeth Avenue," and telephone num- 
ber, and then it says, "Can be called for emergencies and any accident 
or brutaliry [sic] cases." 

May I enter that in the record ? 

Mr. Smith. I request this item be received for the record and marked 
"Exhibit No. 38." 

Mr. Tuck. It is so ordered. 

(Document marked "Kinney Exliibit No. 38" and retained in com- 
mittee files.) 

Mr. Kinney. Thomas Hayden views the future by stating that seeing 
the delicate balance of forces in Newark, the Newark Community 
Union Project will not only be able to enlarge its position where it 
already has a foothold, but will be able to move freely into new bodies 
as they appear at iho, community level. 

Thomas Hayden and his ilk, by their own admission, want neither a 
Utopian community or modified form of the prevailing system's way of 
life. Instead, he and they want an entirely new society and a different 
form of government, using any and every means to attain their end. 

Thomas Hayden and his group have exploited the various contro- 
versies in the city of New^ark to turn race against race, class against 
class, creed against creed, thereby contributing to the climate which 
caused the riots in Newark in July 1967, which he views as a means 
to an end. 

According to the Neio York Times ^ Hayden was at a meeting of the 
Theatre for Ideas in New York City on Friday, December 15, 1967. 
This so-called theatre is a "salon for intellectuals" organized by 
Shirley Broughton, a choreographer, in her studio apartment at 112 
West 21st Street, New^ York City. 

At this meeting, according to the N.Y. Tiines, Hayden "made an 
impassioned defense of rioters in the Newark racial outbvirsts last 
summer and of those who advocate revolutionary action in the peace 

Hayden stated that "a case can be made for violence in the peace 

Further, Hayden said, and I quote, "It's not as if violence in the 
slums and in Vietnam appeared in a vaccuum [sic]. It came only after 
the failure of democratic methods. WHEN I PARTICIPATE IN 
VIOLENCE it was out of that failure — not as an expression of 
psychological self-hatred." [Emphasis added.] 

(At this point Mr. Ichord left the hearing room.) 

Mr. Kinney. I have here a copy of the book written by Mr. Hayden, 
Rebellion in Neioark . I am quoting from a chapter; the chapter is 
entitled "From Kiot to Kevolution?" 


My short quotation in Hayden's own words are these : 

The role of organized violence is now being carefully considered. During a 
riot, for instance, a conscious guerrilla can participate in pulling police away 
from the path of people engaged in attacking stores. He can create disorder in 
new areas the police think are secure. He can carry the torch, if not all the people, 
to white neighborhoods and downtown business districts. If necessary, he can 
successfully shoot to kill. 

The guerrilla can employ violence effectively during times of apparent "peace," 
too. He can attack, in the suburbs or slums, with paint or bullets, symbols of 
racial oppression. He can get away with it. If he can force the oppressive power 
to be passive and defensive at the point where it is administered— by the case- 
worker, landlord, storeowner, or iwliceman — he can build people's confidence in 
their ability to demand change. Persistent, accurately-aimed attacks, which need 
not be on human life to be effective, might disrupt the administration of the 
ghetto to a crisis point where a new system would have to be considered. 

These tactics of disorder will be defined by the authorities as criminal anarchy. 
But it may be that disruption will create possibilities of meaningful change. 
This depends on whether the leaders of ghetto struggles can be more successful 
in building strong organization than they have been so far. Violence can con- 
tribute to shattering the status quo, but only politics and organization can 
transform it. * * * 

(At this point Mr. Ichord returned to the hearing room.) 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request that this book be received 
into evidence and marked "Exhibit 39." 

Mr. Tuck. It is so ordered. 

(Document marked "Kinney Exhibit No. 39" and retained in com- 
mittee files.) 

Mr. Smith. I request permission at this point to introduce into 
the record an item from People's Worlds a newspaper of April 20, 
1968, just received this morning. The item appears on page 11 of the 
paper under the title of "WHAT'S ON," which is a column of 
'■''Announcements of affairs given for the heneflt of The PeopWs 
World * * *." 

The item reads as follows : 

CELEBRATE International May Day. Public meeting, presented by the Youth 
Section, Communist Party, U.S.A. Guest speaker : Tom Hayden. Film : "Hanoi — 
Tuesday ISth." Cuban film on Vietnam. Wed., May 1 — 8 :00 p.m., Armenian Cen- 
ter, 1501 W. Venice Blvd. Adm. : ,$1.00. 

Mr. Chairman, I request that this be accepted into evidence as 
Exhibit 40. 

Mr. Tuck. It is so accepted. 

(Document marked "Kinney Exhibit No. 40" and retained in com- 
mittee files.) 

Mr. Smith. Do you have any information on Colonel Hassan's 
activities following the riot ? 

Mr. Kinney. Yes, sir. By August 1967 Colonel Hassan had returned 
to Washington, D.C. He was arrested for nonpayment of a motel bill. 
The Diplomat Motel, 1850 New York Avenue, Northeast, Washing- 
ton, D.C., charged him with false pretenses, claiming he owed them 
$798.88. The motel wanted their money and Hassan was absolutely 
broke and didn't have it. 

Hassan was doing a great deal of talking about the large cities 
that had riots, stating he knew of conspiracies in those cities. He gave 
names of a number of people, but all of the names and information 
he was divulging had appeared in newspapers. 

Hassan was trying to sell information. He began by asking for 
$5,000 and came down to $500. But all authorities appeared to feel 
that he was not prepared to give any information of real value and 


that his views were too extreme and that he was unreliable. For 
instance, he gave information that there would be large-scale rioting 
in Washington, D.C., and other cities on October 21, 1967. This did 
not occur. 

In October 1967 three of his subordinates were arrested in Wash- 
ington, D.C., one for carrying a gun and the other two on minor 

During the fall and early winter in Washington, D.C., Hassan was 
rumored to be using strong-arm methods against other black militants. 
It was further rumored that these other militants were afraid of him 
and that they were arming themselves to cope with him. 

Hassan glories in the fact that legitimate agencies want to consult 
with him. He states that he is "open for negotiations." He wants to 
be the big gun in any undertaking and does not want to play any 
subordinate role. 

In November 1967 Hassan published his first newsletter. Therein 
he asked for subscriptions to his biweekly newsletter and to a pro- 
posed monthly magazine. To our knowledge, only the first newsletter 
has been published to date. 

The newsletter, called "Blackman's Defender," used initials rather 
than names in referring to various people. However, the persons he 
refers to are easily identified by anyone familiar with his associates 
and associations. His comments concerning figures in the city of New- 
ark in his newsletter were interesting and informative altnough all 
articles smacked of Hassan's personal prejudices. 

After staying in Washington, D.C., several months, Hassan came 
back to Newark around January 1, 1968. He appeared to be working 
for the election of one Eulis Ward for the county Democratic chair- 
manship and Hassan was also continuing his fight against the location 
of the New Jersey College of Medicine and Dentistry. Of course, both 
of these issues are ones that have racial overtones and are instrumental 
in keeping the community stirred up. 

The latest information is that his financial problem at the Diplomat 
Motel has been solved by a white merchant in Washington, D.C. He 

fave the motel $300 and has agreed to pay off the rest of the debt in 
100 installments. The charges are to be dropped and have been 
dropped against Hassan by the motel. 

Now since this occurrence there has been a little further develop- 
ment. The check given by the white merchant to the Diplomat Motel 
bounced, and all charges have been dropped. The courts have just 
wiped their hands of the entire matter, but Hassan is free of those 
things today, and the bill has never been paid. 

It is the opinion of myself that Albert Roy Osborne, alias Colonel 
Hassan, will do practically anything for money. He is dangerous to 
the safety of the citizens of Newark for that reason. Although his mo- 
tives may differ from Thomas Hayden's, he contributed to the climate 
which caused the riots in Newark in 1967 and for a price will assist 
anvone to either help start or help stop a riot. Because of his colossal 
gall and his small group of followers, he is a potential danger to the 
city of Newark. 

Mr. Watson. You say that this Colonel Hassan delights in using 
initials rather than names ? 

Mr. Kinney. Yes, sir. He will talk to a Congressman or a police 
officer and in this little newsletter he will refer to me, for instance, as 
Captain "K" or Congressman "W," and so forth. 


Mr. Watson. The reason I ask that is that in the Newark section of 
this report there are a lot of references to people by initials — "Mrs. 
D. J.," "S. D.," "W. F." Just looking through most of this, "BWW, 
owner of the Chinese laundry," and so forth. The same device is used. 

Mr. Kinney. May I shed a little light on that? 

The Newark Legal Services Project, which is under the Office of 
Economic Opportunity and is headed by one Oliver Lofton, took some 
275 statements from people who said they had a grievance of one sort 
or another during the riots. 

These statements were never made available to the police depart- 
ment. I think you will find that in Hayden's book. Rebellion in 
Newark^ the references to those initials you will find in the back of 
Hayden's book. You will be able to compare those initials with that 
report and you will find that you will be able to identify a number of 
those people. 

Again referring to the article in today's Neio York Times about 
this Essex County presentment of a grand jury, which sat for 8 weeks 
and heard 100 witnesses, they are quite critical of the Newark I-^egal 
Services Project along this same line. 

It says, and I quote : 

The presentment also complained of the "apparent lack of cooperation and 
communication" between law-enforcement authorities and community organiza- 
tions "known to possess information concerning the homicides" that occurred 
during the riots. 

It singled out for criticism the Newark Legal Services Project, a Federally 
financed antipoverty agency that provides legal counsel to the poor of the city. 

The jury said that, despite the confidence the agency had gained with the 
community it served, and its knowledge of the background of the riot deaths, it 
showed a lack of cooperation with the grand jury investigation. 

The presentment charged specifically that some witnesses who had reported one 
thing to the Legal Service[s] Project testified differently to the jury. 

"Some witnesses denied in whole or in part having made statements attributed 
to them," the presentment said. 

"According to the evidence," the jury continued, "no one who had gone to 
the Legal Services Project with information regarding any of the homicides 
under investigation was instructed by the project to convey such information to 
the prosecutor's office." 

May I point out to you, sir, that Oliver Lofton, who is the chairman 
of the Newark Legal Services Project, was one of the nine men who 
sat as members of the Governor's Select Commission to investigate the 
riot disorders. 

Mr. Watson. That certainly helps us to understand what kind of 
report we got from the commission. 

Mr. Tuck. The committee will stand in recess for 5 minutes in 
order to give the stenographer an opportunity to rest a little while. 

(A brief recess was taken.) 

( Subcommittee members present when hearings resumed : Repre- 
sentatives Tuck, Ichord, and Watson.) 

Mr. Tuck. The committee will please come to order. 

You may resume. 

Mr. Smith. Captain Kinney, do you have any additional informa- 
tion to submit with regard to LeRoi Jones' activities subsequent to the 

Mr. Kinney. Yes, sir. 

After the insurrection in Newark and LeRoi Jones' arrest, he 
continued to incite his followers. On August 5 and 6, 1967, he had a 
performance at what is known as The Spirit House, 33 Stirling Street, 


Newark, where three one-act plays were presented, written by three 
Negro militants. One of these one-act plays, written by Jones, was 
entitled "Arm Yourself or Harm Yourself" — the foregoing just 3 
weeks after the riots in Newark and his arrest for possession of a gun. 

On Sunday, September 24, 1967, LeRoi Jones was a speaker at a 
widely advertised but sparsely attended rally at the Essex County 
Courthouse, ostensibly in support of those arrested during the riots in 
Newark. Other speakers were Philip Hutchings, Charles Kenyatta, 
Robert Curvin, Willie Wright, and Omar Ahmed. 

Since his arrest, Jones has had many speaking engagements at col- 
leges throughout the East. He has become the "in" speaker for college 
groups who want to be shocked by the use of four-letter words, obsceni- 
ties, and filth from the speaking platform. He speaks about "Newark, 
civic corruption, the riot, Negroes, cop power, and the beautiful black 
people." This was reported m full in the Muhlenberg 'Weekly^ the 
publication of Muhlenberg College of Allentown, Pennsylvania. 

On November 27, 1967, at 1 :54 a.m., one Abu Ansar, also known as 
Harold Ceyes Foster, was arrested in front of 770 Broad Street in 
Newark. He was with four friends. He was swinging a 214-foot pole 
with a nail thereon and endangering passersby. When Patrolman 
Cefalu told Ansar to throw the weapon away, he walked directly to 
the officer and said, "Out of my way, boy." Ansar was placed under 
arrest and the stick was taken from him, but he refused to give police 
his true name. 

In Municipal Court Part No. 1 before Judge Aaron Narol, Abu 
Ansar was arraigned. The charge was amended to assault and battery 
and the case was postponed with Abu released in his own recognizance. 
In court I sat directly behind LeRoi Jones and three other men with 
him. All were there because of the Ansar case. 

The conduct of all four men, LeRoi Jones and his three friends, in 
the municipal court was reprehensible. LeRoi Jones had to be ad- 
monished by the court attendant to be seated, as he endeavored to talk 
to Ansar while court was in session. 

His friends made loudly whispered remarks, not heard by the court, 
but clearly audible to those around them, as other cases were being 
heard, such as, "This is a kangaroo court!" and "No white man can 
talk to a black man like that." When the court recessed and everyone 
was told to remain seated, Jones' friend, ostensibly putting on his coat, 
deliberately stood up. In other words, their contempt for the court, 
although not seen or heard by the judge, was obvious. Abu Ansar was 
released in his own custody, but failed to appear at the time of his trial. 
A bench warrant was issued, he was arrested, found guilty, and fined 
$100. In Vol. 1, No. 1 [April 1968] of Black Newark, subtitled "The 
Voice of Newark's Inner City," Abu Ansar was listed as a member of 
the paper's staff. 

Just last week, on April 12, 1968, 1 was selected to appear on aWCBS 
radio broadcast with Negro militant LeRoi Jones and white militant 
Anthony Imperiale. During the course of that radio interview on 
April 12, 1968, which was held in WCBS studios on 52d Street, New 
York City, Jones made several statements which are quite interesting. 

I don't intend to read them all, but I would just like to put some into 
the record and bring it to your attention. 

During our interview and speaking over WCBS, Jones said on April 


Recently, recent developments in the city of Newark, the unrest caused by Dr. 
King's death, we found that a lot of the turmoil, a lot of the ... in general, the 
kind of riotous situation had been caused by instigators, people who really had no 
interest in the community except to cause riotous conditions. 

We, the black nationalists in Newark, believe that we can gain power in 
Newark through political means, and there are white-led, so-called radical 
groups, leftist groups, that are exploiting the people's desire for power, the black 
people's legitimate desire for power, exploiting it and actually using black 
people as the kind of shock troops to further their own designs * * *. 

Then he said a little later or : 

I think many times this whole idea of these movements, which might seem 
beneficial to black people, all seem like they're trying to bring about better 
understanding between the races. Actually, they are trying to manipulate the 
black people to gain power for themselves. 

And finally, "We know in Newark" — and this is again Jones speak- 

We know in Newai-k at this point that it is not beneficial to us to go up against 
policemen with guns and the possibility of tanks with just stones and rocks and 
things like that. 

We also know that political power can change hands in Newark without a 
shot being fired. We understand that. But as we said, there are people who are 
not interested in the transfer of power to black people, who are still interested 
in obtaining power for their own motives which have nothing, finally, to do with 
the benefit of the black people. 

It was a very happy occasion for me to find myself in total agree- 
ment with LeRoi Jones. 

Mr. Smith. Captain Kinney, do you have any additional informa- 
tion on Hutchings' activities postriot ? 

Mr. Kinney. On Sunday, September 24, Philip Hutchings was 
speaking at that previously mentioned group at the Essex County 
Courthouse steps in "support of justice for the riot defendants" whose 
trials were to be held the following day. 

On December 6, 1967, at a city of Newark council meeting, Philip 
Hutchings made a speech against the medical center site resolution in 
which he said in conclusion, "the people on South Orange Avenue are 
thinking about Project Burn." 

Mr. Smith. Do you have any additional information on Willie 
Wright's postriot activities ? 

Mr. Kinney. In August 196Y, in a series of articles by Louis Lomax 
in the Newark Star-Ledger, Wright was given considerable attention 
primarily because of his willingness to talk and be quoted. 

Lomax stated that Wright proudly admitted he is an out-and-out 
revolutionary and that he had no faith in the justice of the white man. 

Wright called for avengement of those Negroes killed during the 
Newark insurrection in July and called for amnesty for those arrested. 

Lomax then said that Wright addressed some 200 people attending 
a meeting of the board of trustees. Area 2, of the United Community 
Corporation after the July riots. 

At this meeting Wright stated : 

Yes, I called for black men in Newark to arm themselves. Now I want to add 
to that : I say we should arm ourselves with cannons, machine guns, bazookas, 
anything we can get our hands on ; and if you don't know how to get some heavy 
weapons, call my office and I will tell you where to go and how to get them. 

Lomax wrote that not only did the people cheer, save for the few 
white members of the board, that is, but they voted unanimously to 


keep Wright on the board despite the fact that the OEO had issued 
a veiled hint that all poverty funds to Newark would be cut off if 
Wright was not removed. 

On September 5, 1967, Willie Wright applied for a passport stat- 
ing he wanted to go to Paris, France, for 8 days to visit brothers. 
Shortly thereafter Wright, Thomas Hayden, and Carol Glassman 
went to Bratislava, Czechoslovakia, where they attended a conference 
with North Vietnamese and Viet Cong representatives. A total of 41 
Americans took part in the week-long session arranged by David 
Dellinger, editor of Liberation magazine. 

Returning to the United States in late September, Willie Wright, 
who had appeared to be quite broke before he left for Czechoslovakia, 
began to spend money more freely. He quickly became involved in a 
strike at radio station WNJR, where several colored announcers were 

Wright took advertisements in newspapers and hired buses, offer- 
ing free transportation to WNJR's studios at 1700 Union Avenue, 
Union, New Jersey, from Springfield Avenue and Prince Street, New- 
ark, on October 15, 1967. 

Wright arrived in Union, New Jersey, with two public service buses 
at 2 :45 p.m., October 15, 1967. The first bus contained about 50 people, 
the second bus about 15. During the course of the afternoon, other 
people arrived in private cars joining the demonstration. Among 
those were LeRoi Jones and James Hooper, chairman of Newark 
CORE. H. Rap Brown, who was supposed to attend, did not show 
up, but Cleve Sellers of SNCC, Brown's representative, was in 

In the Neio York Times of February 9, 1968, Cleveland Sellers, 
after being wounded in the demonstration at Orangeburg, South Caro- 
lina, was described as the "South Carolina Field Director for the 
Student Non- Violent Coordinating Committee." 

It should be noted that several of WNJR's announcers deplored the 
fact that Willie Wright was interested in WNJR's labor difficulties. 
They further said they could not stop him, but they knew in the long 
run the "Willie Wrights" would hurt their cause. 

Prior to his activities at WNJR and subsequent to his return from 
Czechoslovakia, Wright participated as a speaker in a rally at Essex 
County Courthouse on September 24, 1967. 

This rally again was in support of the riot defendants going on 
trial the following day. 

In October 1967 Wright sent out postcards calling for an antiwar 
meeting at 402 South Sixth Street in opposition to the "Support Our 
Men in Vietnam" parade in Newark which was held on Sunday, 
October 22, 1967. However, there was no meeting held by Wright due 
to lack of attendance. 

Also in October, Wright, at a meeting of October 19, 1967, opposed 
the naming of the new director of the United Community Corpora- 
tion, Dr. L. Sylvester Odom. Wright supported the acting director, 
Donald Wendell. Odom, however, was confirmed by a vote of 34 to 23. 

Also in October, Wright spoke at a protest meeting at Area 
Board 6, UCC, discussing "Law and Order and Police Brutality," on 
Wednesday, October 25, 1967. 

Word had been received from hundreds of sources that Halloween 
night, October 31, 1967, would see an outbreak of rioting in the city 
of Newark. The city administration and the Newark Police Depart- 


ment, taking cognizance of the multiplicity of the rumoi-s together 
with other intelligence, made special preparations to prevent such a 
recurrence of rioting. 

Willie Wright changed from his previous militant stand and 
walked into the director's office to appeal for a peaceful Halloween. 

At this time Wright interjected himself for the first time in calling 
for Captain Edward Williams to be placed in command of one of 
the city's precincts. 

In November 1967 Willie Wright placed himself into the Barringer 
High School controversy between colored and white students. On 
November 14, 1967, he spoke at a rally concerning this at the House of 
Prayer, 407 Broad Street, Newark. 

On December 7, 1967, Willie Wright held a planning meeting in 
the conference room of the headquarters of the UCC at 124 Brantord 
Place, Newark, New Jersey. This meeting, called for on United Afro- 
American Association stationery, was to discuss the planning of the 
means to get a Negro police captain "in full command of one of our 
Police Precincts." 

On January 23, 1968, Willie Wright was photographed for the New 
York Daily Neios accompanying a feature story by reporter Orven 

Wright is quoted as saying, "It seems that Newark has all the in- 
gredients for a new uprising next summer. I defy anyone to say things 
are any better now. They are not." 

Mr. Smith. Does that conclude your information on Wright? 

Mr. Kinney. That is correct. 

Mr. Smith. How about Hopson, his postriot activities? 

Mr. Kinney. In October 1967 Clinton Hopson Bey left Newark 
and went to Detroit, Michigan, where he lived at 2087 Ewald Circle 
in Detroit. His trip to Mississippi, which was previously mentioned, 
was from Detroit. 

In November and December 1967 Clinton Hopson was employed at 
the Neighborhood Legal Services Center No. 2 at 762 Gladstone, 
Detroit, Michigan. He was classified as a law intern in this federally 
funded program under the OEO. He left this job, however, around 
Christmas in 1967, and information is that he is not expected to re- 
turn. From Detroit he went to Washington, D.C., but he is now living 
with his brother in East Orange, New Jersey. 

Mr. Smith. Do you have any information on Glassman's postriot 
activities ? 

Mr. Kinney. Yes. To repeat, in September 1967 Carol Glassman 
went, with Thomas Hay den, Willie Wright, and others, to Bratislava, 
Czechoslovakia, where they attended a conference with representatives 
from Communist countries. 

Returning to the U.S., Carol Glassman and five other females, on 
October 22, 1967, attempted to walk in front of the Newark City Hall 
reviewing stand carrying placards protesting against the war in Viet- 
nam while the "Support Our Men in Vietnam" parade was in progress. 

At that time she told the newspapers that her sign was torn from her 
hands and she was struck on the side of the head with it. She was 
quoted in the press as telling the police, "We were just expressing our 
opinion like everyone else. We have a right to do that, don't we?" 

Mr. Smith. Do you have any information on postriot activities of 
Alvin Oliver? 


Mr. Kinney. Yes. We just briefly mentioned Oliver up to now. 
Oliver was born on August 8, 1920, in C!onnecticut. He is employed as a 
coordinator for eight antipoverty programs at the UCC headquarters. 

At the present time, he lives at 101 Ludlow Street in Newark, New 
Jersey. He classifies himself as single, although he has been married. 
Alvin Oliver is known to be in contact with Maxwell Curtis Stanford, 
Jr., alias Allah Mahamimad, one of the leaders of the Revolutionary 
Action Movement, RAM, and who is the leader of RAM in Philadel- 
phia, Pennsylvania. 

RAM has been linked to the Castro regime in Cuba and also has a 
Red Chinese orientation. J. Edgar Hoover has stated that the Revolu- 
tionary Action Movement is "dedicated to the overthrow of the capi- 
talist system in the United States, by violence if necessary." 

Oliver was arrested in Newark in 1966 on three traffic warrants, was 
found guilty and fined $44. In 196Y he was arrested in Newark on 12 
traffic warrants and again was found guilty and paid fines. At the 
time of his 1967 arrest, he told police that he intended to pay the 
tickets, some of them dating back 2 years, but that he had been short 
of funds. At the time of his arrest, he was receiving $9,200 a year as 
second in command of the UCC's area board program. He has been 
quoted as stating that 10 percent of the UCC budget is allotted for ad- 
ministration costs. 

He asks, "Who do they expect to hire at those salaries?" 

In a talk before the Northern Essex Lodge of B'nai B'rith at Temple 
B'nai Zion in Bloomfield, New Jersey, on October 24, 1967, Oliver, to 
make a point in his talk, compared his own son with H. Rap Brown, 
saying, "Brown is only five years older than my son who says to me, 
'Why do you spend time at meetings?' If you want something you 
have to take it." 

Oliver said further, "He's no more impatient in 1967 than I was 
in 1938." 

I have also information here that Alvin Oliver was a writer of a 
letter in the Communist paper. The Worker^ on April 9, 1950. At that 
time, he was listed as being from Jersey City, New Jersey. 

In this letter was, and these are Oliver's words : 

The limitations of the artists, as I see it, are no less a hindrance to him than 
those facing the American working class in its struggle to aid the liberation of 
the Negro people, its most militant ally. The more struggle, the less limitations. 

According to the Washington Sunday Star of October 30, 1960, 
Alvin Oliver was invited with two other Negroes to a reception at the 
Soviet Embassy in Washington on November 7, 1960, to celebrate the 
anniversary of the Communist revolution in Russia. 

Mr. Smith. Do you have any postriot activity information concern- 
ing Weinglass ? 

Mr. Kinney. Yes. As mentioned before, Thomas Hayden, when he 
went to Europe in September 1967, did not come back with Willie 
Wright or Carol Glassman. He stayed there. Then he flew from Europe 
to Cambodia where three U.S. Army sergeants were released from 
Communist captivity to Hayden, who said he was representing an 
American peace committee. It was stated at the time that this action 
was considered by antiwar advocates as a propaganda coup that they 
hoped to exploit to the fullest. 

Leonard Weinglass is reported to have received a cable from Hay- 
den from Paris asking him to meet Hayden at Kemiedy Airport be- 


cause Haj'^den anticipated trouble on his arrival. One of the first to 
greet Hayden at Kennedy International Airport was Leonard 

According to the Newark Evening News, Weinglass said, "We 
showed them what Newark could do." Followed by Hayden exclaim- 
ing, "We did it, we did it," as he was embraced by Weinglass first and 
others later. 

May I just paraphrase, it is not the typical attorney-client rela- 

In December 1967 Hayden, subpenaed to appear before the Essex 
County grand jury, was served in Leonard Weinglass' office. 

On May 13, 1967, Leonard Weinglass was arrested at Elm Street 
and McCarter Highway by Patrolman Harry Komeo for interfering 
with a police officer. He was paroled in his own custody by Judge 

The complaint was withdrawn by the officer in Municipal Court 
Part I before Chief Magistrate James Del Mauro. 

On January 22, 1968, at 5 :10 p.m., Judith Rubenstein, Weinglass' 
close friend who was a staff member of the Governor's Select Commis- 
sion on Civil Disorder, called police headquarters via phone and 
asked Captain Leonard Paradiso, who was in charge of the "com- 
mand post," several questions concerning our Newark Police Depart- 
ment communications setup. 

The questions she posed appeared to have no relation to the inquiry 
into the causes and remedies of the 1967 Newark riot, which investi- 
gation was almost then completed by the Governor's Select Com- 

For the past several months Leonard Weinglass has been observed 
with Thomas Hayden on many, m.any occasions. 

Mr. Smith. How about Joseph Price? Do you have any information 
on his postriot activities ? 

Mr. Kinney. We have not mentioned Joseph Price before. Joseph 
Price is 42, colored male, resides at 42 Emmet Street, Newark. He is 
married and has six children. 

For the past 15 years he has been employed by the IT&T, Inter- 
national Telephone and Telegraph Corporation. 

He is a trustee of Area Board 2 of the United Community Cor- 

During the public hearings on the Medical Center Urban Renewal 
Project conducted by the Newark Planning Board during June 1967, 
some 3 weeks prior to the riots, he said the following — 

you think there's a med school going up there. Oh, yes, maybe it will, but 
there is going to be a lot of blood that is going to be shed and you are going 
to be sorry because maybe it will be yours, it could be ... I don't want blood- 
shed but baby that's what we're going to have to do, we're going to have to 
put it red, that's what we're going to have to do. 

In Thomas Hayden's book, Rehellio7i in Neiuark, on page 48, Hay- 
den wrote : 

On Thursday, [July 13, 1967] Joe Price, a veteran of the Korean war and an 
employee of ITT for fifteen years, was beaten on the head, arms, stomach and 
legs by five Newark policemen inside the Fourth Precinct. He had protested 
police harassment of neighborhood teen-agers earlier in the day. * * * 

There are no substantiating facts to that story. The Newark Police 
Department has no record of this alleged incident and Price has 
refused to talk to police concerning it on the advice of his attorney, 
Annamay Sheppard of the Newark Legal Services Project, OEO. 


Mr. Smith. How about Willie Williams ? 

Mr. Kinney. Willie Asbury Williams, Jr., alias Saladine M. 
Mohaddan, alias Willie 16X, William Williams, 32, colored male, born 
in Georgia on January 22, 1936, but moved to Newark at an early 

He is married and father of two children and lives at 49 Berwyn 
Street in Orange, New Jersey. 

He calls himself an insurance bi-oker and had a storefront office at 
266 Orange Street in Newark, New Jersey, where he operated a so- 
called Black Star Agency. 

Williams is one of those strange figures that are on the fringes of 
any movement. He knows everyone and is trusted to an extent by 
some militants because he has been a Muslim known as Willie 16X 
and he has a modicum of intelligence. 

On the other hand, he admits to being an alcoholic and says he was 
suspended from the Newark Mosque of the Muslims for drinking in 

Williams is violently anti-Semitic and appears to be in need of psy- 
chiatric help. Little is known about Williams' activity prior to the riot 
in July 1967, except for the fact he was a Muslim and he knew most 
of the militant figures in Newark. 

Also that he is a former employee of a Progressive [Life] Insurance 
Company, 369 Washington Street in Newark. At his office, 266 Orange 
Street, Newark, on June 29, 1967, he formed an organization called 
the Black Star Foundation, which called for "equal justice under the 
laws of the land." 

However, on August 17, 1967, Williams was passing out hate litera- 
ture concocted by LeRoi Jones as a "Black Survival Bulletin," which 
contained a staged photograph of James Rutledge. 

Williams was picked up on August 17, 1967, by police at 82 Strat- 
ford Place, Newark, and questioned about the "Black Survival Bul- 
letin" that he was distributing. 

At first, Williams said he received the literature in his office about 
2 p.m., August 16, 1967, from a Negro male he knew only as "Boboo." 
He said that "Boboo" left about 200 copies at his office. About 1 :45 
a.m., August 17, 1967, Williams said he began distributing the leaflets 
at five or six different locations. 

At about 3 a.m., August 17, 1967, Williams arrived at the Wliite 
Castle restaurant, 307 Elizabeth Avenue, Newark, where he distributed 
copies to the help and customers and left 20 more copies on the 

At 2 :30 p.m., August 17, 1967, he began distributing the circulars 
again and shortly thereafter Williams was picked up for questioning. 
Williams said he left his business card with the copies at the White 
Castle and said he saw no harm in the literature. 

At 4:30 p.m., Williams changed his story and said that his story 
concerning "Boboo" was a fabrication. He said he received the "Black 
Survival Bulletin" from LeRoi Jones. Williams said he believed the 
bulletins were put out "to shake the police up." 

On August 19, 1967, Williams stated that for $1,000 he could con- 
vince LeRoi Jones to ease up and that there would be no more trouble 
in Newark. 

The week prior to the riots in Newark, in July 1967, members of 
Williams' Black Star Foundation had placed canisters illegally, that 
is, without a permit, in various stores in the North Ward of the city. 


Most merchants took an apathetic attitude, feeling it was one more 
solicitation of funds, but arguments developed in several stores. 

At the Mascellino Bakery, 72 Nesbitt Street, Newark, which has 
been in business in our city for over 50 years, on July 10, 1967, mem- 
bers of the Black Star Foundation came in with an offer to purchase 
the bakery. When they were told it was not for sale, the members of 
the Black Star Foundation became extremely insulting and said they 
were going to take over anyway. 

During the early part of August 1967, Willie Williams, a former 
employee of the Progressive Life Insurance Company, came into the 
Newark office at 369 Washington Street. He spoke to one Arthur 
Andrews, showing Andrews a copy of a newspaper, Muhammad 
Speaks, and also showed him the "Black Survival Bulletin" containing 
the photograph of James Rutledge. 

Williams demanded a secured loan for $25,000 without any col- 
lateral, but was referred by Andrews to the company's main office in 
Red Bank, New Jersey. 

On the morning of August 23, 1967, Willie Williams, with two other 
colored men, came to the office of the Progressive Life Insurance 
Company in Red Bank, New Jersey. Upon being granted an interview 
Avith Lester Crubman, president, and George Fleming, vice president, 
Williams demanded a secured loan of $25,000 to b© ready on Friday, 
August 25, 1967. Williams threatened to put the company out of busi- 
ness if the loan was not granted. 

The purpose of the loan was to secure holdings in an unspecified 
area in order that members of the black race might have their own 

The sum was reduced to $5,000 by Williams before the interview 
ended. Williams said they were attempting to raise $43 million to 
start their own nation. He described all white men as "devils" and 
said that his people intended to start "a war on Jews." 

The Progressive Life Insurance Company refused to make a formal 
complaint, but they notified the Federal Bureau of Investigation, Red 
Bank police, Newark police, and their attorney concerning Williams, 
his proposition and threats. 

On September 17, 1967, at about 6:15 p.m., Willie Williams, ap- 
parently drunk, went to the Gemini Lounge at 97 Edison Place in 
Newark where he assaulted the bartender, James Longo. 

Williams is then alleged to have gone to the cash register, took some 
money, then walked to the front of the bar where he sat down and fell 
asleep. Patrolman William Damiano observed Williams sleeping on 
the floor of the tavern covered with Longo's blood. He was arrested 
for assault and robbery. He was indicted on February 26, 1968, and is 
awaiting trial. 

In November of 1967, William Williams was arrested for assault 
and battery, trespassing, and malicious damage. Disposition of these 
charges are pending. 

William Williams will expound on his beliefs at any and every op- 
portunity. He says he believes no white man has a right to own a 
business in a colored neighborhood. He admits to using threats, but 
says he does not believe in violence. 

The hate that he has been exposed to by the mouthings and writ- 
ings of the racists and the Mushm philosophy has apparently pushed 
him over the brink of reason. William Williams has been and will be 


exploited by others to make the seeds of discontent flourish and grow 
in the city of Newark. 

Mr. Smith. Lastly, Captain Kinney, do you have any information 
on Robert Curvin's postriot activities ? 

Mr. Kinney. In a public speech to the Hillside, New Jersey, 
Kiwanis Club on August 30, 1967, Robert Curvin admitted to being 
a leftist and a "militant." 

He further stated on that occasion that he believed in black power, 
but that he did not advocate violence. 

Mr. Smith. Captain Kinney, would you care to make a closing 
statement on your testimony ? 

Mr. Kinney. Before I make my closing statement. Counselor, with 
your permission and the committee's permission, I would like to bring 
up to date three of the verj^ latest leaflets that are being and have been 
distributed in our city within the past months. 

The first one I refer to [Kinney Exhibit No. 41] says "Black Power 
destroy White Power." It is signed, "Your dear friend, Mr. Molotov 

Again it indicates some of our department stores and schools burn- 
ing, and so forth and so on. 

I also would cite the fact that the day after Dr. Martin Luther 
King's assassination we had about 175 fires in the city of Newark, 
probably the worse day for fires that the city of Newark has ever had, 
and, of course, it is known that many of these were set. 

We have arrested some 14 arsonists along those lines. In addition to 
this, on this past Saturday evening we had a five-block area that was 
completely destroyed by fire, again paraphrasing the city of Newark's 
fire department, the worst fire that the city of Newark has ever had 
and, again, indications are that it was set by arsonists. 

I have here also, bringing things right up to date [Kinney Exhibit 
No. 42], that on Friday, April 26, this coming Friday, in the city of 
Newark, Stokely Carmichael will speak at the Central High School, 
345 High Street, Newark. Admission is $3. 

Mr. Tuck. Who is the sponsor of that meeting ? 

Mr. Kinney. The sponsors are a group called the United Brothers 
of Newark. 

The third item [Kinney Exhibit No. 43], the other item I have, is a 
circular being distributed because we have a presidential candidate of 
the United States in Newark, also : "Jesse Grey for President of the 
United States," whose campaign headquarters is about a block from 
the Newark police headquarters and Newark City Hall, and whose 
campaign manager is Clarence Coggins,^ who is well known to this 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request permission to receive these 
items as Exhibits 41, 42, and 43. 

1 Clarence C. Coggins was born on March 20, 1925. He graduated from Dickinson Higli 
School in New Jersey in 1942 after having completed an industrial course. Coggins was a 
member of the Communist Party, U.S.A., for approximately 10 years prior to his expulsion 
from the party in 1959 as a result of a factional dispute. Coggins met with Soviet leader 
Nikita Khrushchev during the latter's visit to the United States in October 196iO to com- 
plain about raicial discrimination in this country. 

In 1961, he organized a group in New Jersey called the Labor Negro Vanguard Conference, 
which included in its ranks other expelled members of the CPUSA. As chairman of the 
Labor Negro Vanguard Conference, Coggins has been active in the New Jersey area as an 
independent racial agitator. Coggins actively: exploited the riot which occurred in Jersey 
City and Elizabeth, New Jersey, in August 1964 and made concerted efforts to continue 
them. He was a "peace" candidate for the U.S. Senate from New Jersey in 1966, but was 
overwhelmingly, defeated in the primary after receiving only 5 percent of the votes. In April 
1967, Coggins sponsored the Spring Mobilization Committee To End the War in Vietnam, a 
Communist-dominated organization now known as the National Mobilization Committee To 
End the War in Vietnam. 


Mr. Tuck. It is SO ordered. . '.^ j ^o 5? 

(Documents marked "Kinney Exhibits Nos. 41, 42, and 43, 
respectively, follow :) 

Kinney Exhibit No. 41 



\AI e clo/v'-T^ /vee^c/ co/i/'/q^ 

Ne^J. /\ 1 1 \/\ie A/eec/ /i 
l5]f\^K Tovx/£r 

Mr. Kinney. Now, sir, briefly if I may, it has been emphasized by 
many people that FBI Director Hoover did not say that there were no 
local conspiracies in testimony before the President's Commission on 
Civil Disorders. . . 

In Newark, certain individuals conspired, and are conspirmg, to 
replace the leadership of the Newark Police Department. Other indi- 
viduals conspired, and are conspiring, to turn out of office the present 
city administration before its lawful term expires. 


Kinney Exhibit No. 42 







Fri. April 26, 1968 7pm 



Still other individuals conspired, and are conspiring, as part of the 
movement to replace the system of government under which we live 
in the United States of America, using any means to do so, including 
the use of force and violence. 

To these conspirators, the insurrection that occurred in Newark in 
1967 was a means to an end which they welcomed and exploited to 
serve their plot. 

To these conspirators, the accomplishment of any or all of the afore- 
mentioned goals was paramount, and if insurrection and riot be the 
catalyst to accomplish their mission or missions, so be it. 

David Lawrence, in his nationally syndicated column which ap- 
peared in the Star-Ledger of March 5, 1968, places the whole matter 
succinctly and clearly. 


Kinney Exhibit No. 43 




6Er OUT Of 



, ^^lllll nil! 

Our nation is facing its deadliest hour of peril. 
Our sons are dying in Vietnam and we are facing a 
world Atomic catastrophe. 

Stand up and be counted. 

Protest the insane war program of the Johnson 
administration in the coming June 4 th New Jersey 
Democratic Party Primary. 


Jesse Grey, natic- : .•■ »--,■■«— Negro leader of the Harlem Tenants m:ovement has 
announced his candidacy for the presidency of the United States. He is a peace candi- 
date and will run in New Jersey on the following platform: 

1. Get out of Vietnam now. Save our American youths' lives for a happy future 
here at home with their loved ones. 

2. Full first class citizenship for the Black People of the U. S., and their propor- 
tionate share of the total wealth and political power of America. 

3. Defend and advocate the interests of organized Labor. Divert the funds now 
being spent for war and death to use for improving the standard of living of the working 
people both white and black. 

4. We are against iT.y taxes being levied and ask the repeal of the New Jersey 
Sales Tax. 

'"7e need yo- .-.f — rr.'- iu";" snd financial!; . •■ - r -r s-;tp-:— . - . -": 

CLARENCE COGGINS, Campaign Manager 
Room 207, Douglas Hotel 
15 Hill Street 
Newark, New Jersey 

Paid for by:- Jesse Grey For Fresidenf Campaign Committee. Tel.; 642-5100 S.'^te Headquarters, Hotel 
Douglas, Room 207, 15 Hill Street, Newark, N.J. 

He wrote : 

Although the report of the President's Commission on Civil Disorders contains 
200,000 words, not a single sentence in it recommends the arrest and imprison- 
ment of the persons who have incited violence and the riots of 1967. 

Further, David Lawrence wrote : 

While the Commission said that it found no evidence that 'all or any of the 
disorders, or the incidents that led to them, were planned or directed by any 
organization or group, international, national or local," the next paragraph was 
seemingly contradictory and read as follows : 

"Militant organizations, local and national, and individual agitators, who re- 
peatedly forecast and called for violence, were active in the spring and summer 


of 1967. We believe that they sought to encourage violence, and that they helped 
to create an atmosphere that contributed to the outbreak of disorder." 

That definitely is my point, also. David Lawrence then questioned, 
"Then why weren't they prosecuted?" 

I have spoken to many thousands of Newark residents, New Jersey 
residents, and they are joined by millions of people throughout the 
United States of America who are asking the same question. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, that completes my interrogation of the 

Mr. Tuck. In view of the lateness of the hour I will forego any 
questions which I may have intended to propound but I will yield to 
the gentleman from Missouri for some questions. 

Mr. IcHORD. Mr. Chairman, the bell has sounded and I understand 
Captain Kinney wants to get away this afternoon. So I shall confine 
my questions to one or two. 

Captain Kinney, first of all, may I commend you on your testimony 
before the committee. Your testimony has not only been well docu- 
mented, but well articulated. 

Have you placed in the record the amount of monies which UCC 
has obtained from OBO? 

Has that been placed in the record ? 

Mr. Kinney. No, sir, it has not. I do not have that information. 

Mr. IcHORD. The reason why I ask that question is that your testi- 
mony links so many of the militants and the agitators to UCC. 
Coupled with other information that I have received from other cities 
throughout the United States, it makes me wonder as to whether or not 
OEO has not unwittingly financed some of the riots and disorders 
occurring throughout the Nation. 

Several of these people were connected with UCC and did receive 
salaries working for UCC, did they not ? 

Mr. Kinney. Yes, sir, that is true. 

Mr. IcHORD. Let me ask you one other question in regard to I be- 
lieve what is designated as Exhibit 17 or 18. 

Mr. Counsel, can you hajid me the exhibit quickly, please ? That is 
the one dealing with instructions as to how to make a Molotov cocktail. 

Mr. Smith. I believe that was introduced yesterday. 

Mr. IcHORD. Yes, it was introduced yesterday. Anyway, Captain 
Kinney, this leaflet contained instructions as to how to make a Molotov 
cocktail, with directions to throw it at either white people or white 
people's property. 

Now do you state that this leaflet was printed in the headquarters 
of UCC? 

Mr. Kjnney. No, sir. 

Mr. IcHORD. I thought you said you had traced that back to UCC. 

Mr. Kinney. We have traced some of the leaflets, but not that par- 
ticular one, sir. 

Mr. IcHORD. Let me ask you this : Are there any local ordinances or 
local State statutes which make the dissemination of such leaflets a 
penal offense ? 

Mr. Kinney. No, sir. The ordinance or the laws are very, very am- 
biguous to the extent that there has to be more than just the leaflet. 

In other words, the advocating of making of leaflets, there has to be 
the determination of ability to make, and so forth and so on. 

Our laws are not cognizant of this particular area. 

Mr. IcHORD. You mean the distribution, the dissemination of such a 
leaflet would not be a criminal offense ? 


Mr. Kinney. That is right. On just that particular item. In other 
words, it would be a contributoiy factor, but it would not be on that 
particular item. 

Mr. IcHORD. Captain Kinney, how long have you been with the 
Newark police force? 

Mr. Kinney. I am in my 22d year. 

Mr. IcHORD. You are still active in the service? 

Mr. Kinney. In the police service, yes, sir. 

Mr. IcHORD. Wliat primarily is your responsibility? 

Mr. Kinney. A¥ell, sir, since the Newark riots they have put me in 
charge of a special squad. This special squad was to determine whether 
or not there was a criminal conspiracy connected with the riots in 
July 196Y. 

Now from this investigation into the criminal conspiracy I have 
gone into the related fields of intelligence, and so forth. 

I am now doing intelligence work for the detective division of the 
Newark City Police Department. 

Mr. IcHORD. Did any of the members of the Civil Disorders Com- 
mission confer with you about the riots? 

Mr. Kinney. No, sir. To give them their due 

Mr. IcHORD. Any employees? 

Mr. Kinney. To give them their due, sir, they may not even know 
of my existence until some publicity received lately. 

Mr. IcHORD. Were you assigned this responsibility prior to the 
Civil Disorders Commission investigation? 

Mr. Kinney. I was assigned practically at the same time. In other 
words, my investigation was going on about the same time that theirs 

Mr. IcHORD. Mr. Chairman, I think the second bell has sounded. I 
shall cease my questions in order to give Congressman Watson an 
opportunity to ask some questions. 

Mr. Tuck. Congressman Watson has a number of questions. Could 
you be here at 2 :30 ? 

Mr. Kinney. Sir, I am here at the pleasure of the Congress. 

Mr. Tuck. If that is agreeable to the committee staff and members 
of the committee, we will now stand in recess until 2:30 p.m. 

(Wliereupon, at 12:30 p.m., Wednesday, April 24, 1968, the sub- 
committee recessed, to reconvene at 2:30 p.m. the same day.) 


(The subcommittee reconvened at 2 :4:5 p.m., Hon. William M. Tuck, 
chairman of the subcommittee, presiding.) 

(Subcommittee members present : Representatives Tuck, Ichord, and 

Mr. Tuck. The subcommittee will please come to order. 


Mr. Tuck. I am just wondering whether or not yon have a list of 
organizations that are paid for in part by the f imds made available by 
the Office of Economic Opportunity. 


Mr. Kinney. Sir, I have no such list. Actually in this assignment . 
that I had, my assignment wasn't to investigate the Office of Economic 
Opportunity or the United Community Corporation. 

Mr. Tuck. Mr. Watson. 

Mr. Watson. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Captain Kinney, I want to join the others in thanking you for your 
testimony. I think it has been extremely helpful to the committee and 
you are to be commended for the well-documented study that you have 
made on the Newark situation. 

As I understand it, you have just concluded an assignment to deter- 
mine whether or not there was a criminal conspiracy involved in the 
Newark riots in 1967. 

Mr. Kinney. That is correct, sir. 

Mr. Watson. That was your assignment ? 

Mr. Kinney. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Watson. Have you concluded that assignment ? 

Mr. Kinney. I have concluded that assignment. 

Mr. Watson. Have you reached any conclusions as to whether or not 
there was a criminal conspiracy ? Now, being a lawyer, I can appreciate 
the difficulties you would have, but have you reached any conclusions 
as to whether or not there was a conspiracy in the fomenting or the 
agitation or the instigation of the riots ? If so, what is that conclusion ? 

Mr. Kinney. Yes, sir. My conclusion is that there was a conspiracy 
and that these people that I mentioned in my report were in violation 
of certain State laws and some of them of certain Federal laws. 

Mr. Watson. You have concluded that there was a conspiracy. 
Have you made any recommendations to your superiors as to prosecu- 
tion of these individuals who may have been involved ? 

Mr. Kinney. Yes, sir, I have. 

Mr. Watson. Do you know whether or not any action has been 
taken on your recommendations ? 

Mr. Kinney. Sir, my report is quite current. It was submitted last 
Friday, on the l7th of April. The action where it is now, it has gone 
through channels from my direct boss to the highest superior in my 
department, who is Police Director Spina. Police Director Spina, in 
touch with me on Monday, asked me whether the prosecutor, who is 
the next highest law enforcement officer in our county, had contacted 
me concerning the report. At the time I had left, he had not contacted 

I do expect that will happen. 

Mr. Watson. Your study covered a period of some 7 or 8 months 
or 9 months. You started, I assume, just after the riots erupted, the 
period of July 12, 15, or 16, something like that. 

Mr. Kinney. Yes, sir. The squad that I had was formed in early 
August 1967. 

Mr. Watson. Your study was from that time until you made your 
recommendations last week ? 

Mr. Kinney. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Watson. Of course, it is quite evident that vou put more study 
into this and have investigated it in more detail than did the National 
Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders. 
Mr. Kinney. Shall I comment on that, sir? 
Mr. Watson. Yes, sir, I want your comment. 


Mr. Kinney. Well, the way I understand it, the National Advisory 
Commission on Civil Disorders was working for a deadline. I spoke 
to some of the investigators during the course of my investigation. 
I gave them some statistics. They were always rushing to complete 
the deadline. 

Then I understand the deadline was pushed forward for some rea- 
son. So I think there was a great deal of rush as far as that report is 

Mr. Watson. The facts will speak for themselves. You devoted a 
lot more time in studying this particular problem than did the Ad- 
visory Commission in its investigation. That is a fair statement, is it 

Mr. Kinney. I have no knowledge of that. I am not trying to quibble 
with you, sir. 

They had a lot of investigators in Newark, where I, my little squad, 
was a three-man outfit. I saw at least eight investigators from the 
President's Commission at one time or another in our building or in 
our area that were studying this. 

So the amount of time they gave to it, I don't know. 

Mr. Watson. You personally were never questioned by the Com- 


Mr. Kinney. Only as far as statistics were concerned. 

Mr. Watson. Were you ever questioned, or did you ever tell them 
about the involvement of all these leftists. Communist-leaning indi- 
viduals that you have enumerated over the past day and a half? 

Mr. Kinney. No, sir. I did not volunteer the information, and it 
was not asked of me. 

Mr. Watson. Do you know whether or not the director of police, 
Spina, ever told them about these particular individuals? 

Mr. Kinney. It is my understanding that Police Director Dominick 
Spina gave them a great deal of this information. 

Mr. Watson. The same information 

Mr, Kinney. A great deal of the same information. 

Mr. IcHORD. Will the gentlemen yield at this point ? 

Mr. Watson. Yes. 

Mr. IcHORD. You have made your report to Director Spina. Is this 
the first time your conclusions have been made public ? 

Mr. Kinney. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Watson. Captain, earlier you mentioned, as I recall, that one 
Morton Stavis was the attorney for John Smith, the cabdriver in- 
volved in the incident that allegedly triggered the riots. 

Mr. Kinney. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Watson. Do you know anything about Morton Stavis that you 
might give the committee, as to his background ? 

Mr. Kinney. I understand that he was before the House Un- 
American Activities Committee some years ago. I don't have the exact 
year. And he refused to answer the question whether or not he was a 
member of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Watson. Mr. Chairman, at this point I think the record should 
include, and I would like to submit for the record, the information 
that we have in our files in reference to one Morton Stavis, who did 
refuse to answer the question as to whether or not he was a member of 
the Communist Party, and also lists his affiliations witli various Com- 


munist front groups such as the Lawyers Committee to Keep the 
United States Out of War, the Emergency Peace Mobilization, the 
National La^yyers Guild, Washington Bookshop, Walt Whitman 
School of Social Sciences, and the Emergency Civil Liberties Com- 

I would like to ask unanimous consent. 

Mr. Tuck. Without objection, and I hear none, it is so ordered. It 
is already in the committee files. 

Mr. Watson. I wish to have it included in this file. 

(The information follows:) 

Information from the Files of the Committee on Un-American Activities 

U.S. House of Representatives 

Date: 1/12/68 
subject : morton stavis 

This Committee makes NO EVALUATION in this report. The following is 
only a compilation of recorded public material contained in our files and should 
not be construed as representing the results of any investigation or finding by 
the Committee. The fact that th(j Committee has information as set forth below 
on the subject of this report is not per se an indication that this individual, organ- 
ization, or publication is subversive, unless specfically stated. 

Symbols in parentheses after the name of any organization or publication men- 
tioned herein indicate that the organization or publication has been cited as being 
subversive by one or more Federal authorities. The name of each agency is 
denoted by a capital letter, as follows : A — ^Attorney General of the United States ; 
C — Committee on Un-American Activities; I — Internal Security Subcommittee 
of the Senate Judiciary Committee; J — Senate Judiciary Committee; and, S — 
Subversive Activities Control Board. The numerals after each letter represent 
the year in which that agency first cited the organization or publication. (For 
mor*^ complete information on citations, see this Committee's "Guide to Sub- 
versive Organizations and Publications.") 


Morton Stavis appeared as a witness in Executive Session before the House 
Committee on Un-American Activities, February 28, 1956 (Testimony later re- 
leased). When asked if he had ever been a member of the Communist Party, 
Mr. Stavis refused to answer on the grounds of the fifth amendment. [Investiga- 
tion of Soviet Espionage— Part 2, February 28, 1956, pp. 1937-1946] 


1940 Lawyers Committee to Keep the United States Out of War (C-1944) 

Member [Daily Worker, September 4, 1940, p. 3] 
1940 Emergency Peace Mobilization (A-1942; C-1944) 

One of the members of a delegation from Lawyers Committee to Keep the 
United States Out of War who attended meeting in Chicago, September 1, 
1940 [Daily Worker, September 4, 1940, p. 3] 
1940- National Lawyers Guild (A-1942; 0-1944) 

1967 Candidate for delegate to National Convention [Election Campaign 
letter, Washington, D.C., Chapter, May 18, 1940] 

Member at Large, Executive Board, 195<>-1967 [Lawyers Guild Review, 
Spring 1956, p. 33 and Spring 1957, p. b ; NLG 20th Anniversary Convention 
Program, February 21-24, 1957, p. 5; Convention Souvenir Program, 
July 28-31, 1960, p. 4 ; Program of 25th Anniversary Convention, 1962, p. 4 ; 
Guild Newsletter, May 1967, back page] 

Member, Resolutions Committee and Program and Arrangements Com- 
mittee of 20th Anniversary Convention [Program, pp. 8 & 12] 

One of "Those Guild members who contributed in the Courts to the 
defense of the Bill of Rights" in whose honor the New York City Chapter 
held a banquet, October 24, 1957, at Hotel Biltmore [Lawyers Guild 
Review, Fall 1957, p. 118] 

Listed in 1958, 1960 and 1962 Lawyers Referral Directories [NLG Law- 
yers Referral Directory, 1958, p. 11 ; Cuii. ention Souvenir Program, 
88-083 O— 68— pt. 4- 


July 28-31, 1960, p. 32; Program, Silver Anniversary Convention, 1962, 
p. 31] 

Member, National Project on Criminal Law Reform [Lawyers Guild 
Review, Winter 1957, inside front cover] 

Member of panel on Federal Habeas Corpus proceedings held during a 
lawyers civil rights conference in Atlanta, November 30-December 1, 
1962 ; conference was sponsored by NLG, National Bar Association and 
Southern Christian Leadership Conference [The Guild Lawyer, December 
1962, pp. 6-7] 
1941 Washington Bookshop (A-1942; C-1944) 

Member [Membership list subpoenaed by Special Committee on Un- 
American Activities, May 16, 1941] 
1945 Walt Whitman School of Social Sciences (A-1947) 

Instructor, "Labor Law" [Catalogue, Fall term, October-December 1945, 
pp. 7 & 14] 
1956- Emergency Civil Liberties Committee (C-1959; 1-1956) 
1967 Member, National Committee [Letterheads of May 7, 1956 thru Feb- 
ruary 14, 1958] 

Member, Executive Committee, National Council [Letterheads of June 23, 
1958 thru August 1967] 

Mr. Watson. Captain Kinney, you stated there were 1,465 arrests 
during the course of the 1967 Newark riots. 

Mr. Kinney. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Watson. What disposition has been made of those arrests ? 

Mr. Kinney. Well, many of them have not come to trial yet. Many 
of them, the charges were dismissed because of lack of evidence. 

We learned a great deal in the city of Newark since that riot to the 
extent that what happened in that first riot in July, here was a great 
deal of confusion. I don't believe the same situation would prevail 

In other words, you would have in a case like this of a mass arrest, 
which we had never experienced before, where it would be the fact of 
a looter being arrested and the evidence and he becoming separated and 
then 2 days later, perhaps, in court a policeman, who arrested maybe 
a hundred people that day or 50 people that day, would have to 
identify the looter and the particular article that he stole. And it just 
was impossible to do this. 

So, in many cases these cases were thrown out for lack of evidence. 
In other cases they are still pending trial. The LeRoi Jones case is the 
most notorious case. 

This morning's Times tells about the 23 homicides. There are no in- 
dictments that have been placed for any of those homicides. 

Mr. Watson. No indictments for any of them, including the police 
officer and the fireman, I believe you said ? 

Mr. Kinney. Yes, sir. We have no knowledge of who killed Detec- 
tive Toto or who killed Fire Captain Moran. 

Mr. Watson. I believe you stated that LeRoi Jones was out under 
$25,000 bond. 

Mr. Kinney. He is out at the present time under $25,000 bond. 

Mr. Watson. I believe you stated that apparently most of these peo- 
ple were unemployed or had no obvious means of income. Was LeRoi 
Jones in that category ? Was he working in Newark ? 

Mr. Kinney. Well, his work consists of being a playwright of sorts. 
He also receives money for making speeches at various colleges. 

I have in my report here where this money came from for the 
$25,000 bond, if I may give that. 

Mr. Watson. Where ^' ^ * ^t>^? from? That might be interesting. 


Mr. Kinney. Of the $25,000 bond, $2,500 was put up in cash by his 
father, Coyt Jones. Frances Elizabeth Ford, residence 555 Elizabeth 
Avenue, put up a piece of property located at 126 Watson Avenue, 
Newark, assessed at $14,900. And one Helen Saparo, residence 555 
Elizabeth Avenue, put up a piece of property located at 119 Littleton 
Avenue, assessed at $8,900 — for a total involvement of $26,300. 

Mr. Watson. In reading the President's Civil Disorders Commis- 
sion report, and I am sure you have read it yourself, at least part of 
it that related to Newark, some rather serious charges are made against 
the police. And I assume, since you are a captain there, that you are 
knowledgeable, and especially as we think of the study you have made, 
that you are knowledgeable of what transpired. 

I would like to read just two paragraphs and ask your comment in 
reference to this. 

On page 66 of the report it reads, and I quote : 

At 5 :30 P.M., on Beacon Street, W.F. told J.S.,— 

Again the initials, as so often used — 

whose 1959 Pontiac he had taken to the station for inspection, that his front 
brake needed fixing. J.S., who had just returned from work, went to the car 
which was parked in the street, jacked up the front end, took the wheel off and 
got under the car. 

The street was quiet. More than a dozen persons were sitting on porches, 
walking about, or shopping. None heard any shots. Suddenly several state troopers 
appeared at the corner of Springfield and Beacon. J.S. was startled by a shot 
clanging into the side of the garbage can next to his car. As he looked up he saw 
a state trooper with his rifle pointed at him. The next shot struck him in the 
right side. 

At almost the same instant, K.G., standing on a porch, was struck in the right 
eye by a bullet. Both he and J.S. were critically injured. 

Now, from that I assume that this man was just innocently working 
on his car and not firing or anything and the police just walked up 
and shot that man. 

Do you know anything about this incident ? 

Mr, Kinney. No, sir, I don't know anything about that particular 
incident. But we have encouraged people, if there are people in our 
community, though they shouldn't, that don't trust the Newark Police 
Department, they have the county prosecutor's office to go to. If they 
don't trust the county prosecutor's office or the Newark police, they 
have the attorney general of the State of New Jersey to go to or the 
U.S. attorney who is stationed in Newark. 

Certainly, there must be somebody under our form of government 
that these people would trust, I would hope. 

Mr. Watson. Personally do you know anything about this particu- 
lar incident that is listed here in the report ? 

Mr. Kinney. No, sir. As far as I am concerned, that is a fabrica- 
tion of somebody's mind. 

Mr. Watson. Have you noticed that before and, if so, have you 
checked into it to find out anything about it ? 

Mr. Kinney. I have read this, and we have checked — I and my 
associates have checked— and done everything we possibly could. But 
this type of information is almost impossible to check out. 

Mr. Watson. You certainly have no record of any such incident as 


Mr. Kinney. We do not. 

Mr. Tuck. Is there any basis of authority for making that 
statement ? 

Mr. Watson. No basis at all, Mr. Chairman. This is commentary 
about various initials. You might be able to identify the initials, but 
certainly they are meaningless to me. It gives no authority. It just 
states that as a fact that it happened. 

And you are unaware of such a situation ? 

Mr. Kinney. 1 cim unaware of any such incident. 

Mr. Watson. Now, we have another statement on page 68. I quote 
again from the Commission report : 

In order to protect his property, B.W.W., the owner of a Chinese laundry, had 
placed a sign saying "Soul Brother" in Ms window. Between 1 :00 and 1 :30 A.M., 
on Sunday, July 16, he, his mother, wife, and brother, were watching television 
in the back room. The neighborhood had been quiet. Suddenly B.W.W. heard 
the sound of jeeps, then shots. 

Going to an upstairs window he was able to look out into the street. There 
he observed several jeeps, from which soldiers and state troopers were firing 
into stores that had "Soul Brother" signs in the windows. During the course of 
three nights, according to dozens of eye witness reports, law enforcement of- 
ficers shot into and smashed windows of businesses that contained signs indicat- 
ing they were Negro owned. 

Tell us about that. 

Mr. Kinney. Well, sir, the accusation was made primarily that 
members of the New Jersey State Police and members of the National 
Guard committed these acts because they were not indigenous to our 
city and therefore were unknown. 

The New Jersey State Police and the New Jersey National Guard 
have made a thorough and complete investigation of these charges, 
and they have received no substantiation whatsoever. No one can come 
forth to identify individuals. There is no backing for that particular 
statement to give it the veracity and to give it the weight that appears 
in that particular Commission report. 

Mr. Watson. Before the Commission put that out as supposedly 
factual information for the American people — and I understand they 
are shipping it around the world so that everybody will get the right 
image of America and the right image of Newark — did they question 
you or anyone in the Newark Police Department or anyone else about 
the authenticity or the truthfulness of this particular statement? 

Mr. Kinney. To my knowledge, they did not. To my knowledge they 
did not talk to me, and to my laiowledge they did not talk to anyone 
in our police department about those particular incidents, 

Mr. Watson. Captain, related to the question that our chairman 
asked a moment ago, who specifically in the employ of the United 
Community Corporation or any other OEO-financed organization 
participated in the preriot agitation in the early part of the last year ? 

Mr. Kinney. Derek Winans, Mrs. Dazzare Jefferson, James Walker, 
James Kennedy, and Donald Tucker. 

Mr. Watson. Now, of those people, who, if any, are still employed 
by any of the OEO-financed organizations? 

Mr. Kinney. To my knowledge, they are all still employed by the 

Mr. Watson. All employed ? 


Mr. Kinney. To my knowledge. 

Mr. Watson. Despite the fact that your investigations show that 
they were active participants in aggravating or instigating the riots 
back on July 12-16? 

Mr. Kinney, May I add, sir, that most of these actions and activ- 
ities were reported prior to the riots in the public press. 

Mr. Watson. They were reported in the public press, but have you 
specifically or anyone advised the UCC of the activities of these par- 
ticular individuals ? 

Mr. Kinney. No, sir, but I am quite certain that everyone is aware 
of them. 

Mr. Watson. In fact, the UCC, as I recall, provided the meeting 
place for one of the Black Panther meetings. Did you not make that 
statement earlier? 

Mr. Kinney. That is correct, sir. - 

Mr. Watson. And the UCC was responsible for the publication of 
some of these inflammatory pamphlets and leaflets, and so forth, 
that you have put into the record ? 

Mr. Kinney. Some of these pamphlets were printed on a mimeo- 
graph machine in UCC headquarters. 

Mr. Watson. Then instead of reducing tensions, instead of being 
of benefit to the people in the Negro ghetto there, of the area, actually 
some of the officials on the payroll of the Office of Economic Op- 
portunity were hurting the Negroes by encouraging participation in 
the so-called nonviolent or violent demonstrations ? 

Mr. Kinney. Yes, sir, I believe that. I am glad you said so, because 
I think that there are many, many people in that United Community 
Corporation who have a desire to do good for the city and probably 
are doing very good for the city. But definitely there are some people 
in there who have the idea of not only destroying the city but 
destroying everything. 

Mr. IcHORD. Will the gentlemen yield at that point ? 

Mr. Watson. Yes. 

Mr. IcHORD. Technically, they would not be employees of OEO, 
would they ? They would be employees of a nonprofit corporation set 
up, or at least financed, by OEO. 

The question was about OEO employees, and you said yes, but I 
believe that would not be accurate, would it ? 

Mr. Kinney. I believe you are absolutely correct. 

Mr. Watson. That is what we meant, some organization financed 
by funds from the Office of Economic Opportunity. 

I was particularly interested in this Exhibit 36, calling for a mass 
rally on March 31 — I assume this year. 

Mr. Kinney. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Watson. In other words, the activity and the agitation, the 
troublemaking is still going on ? 

Mr. Kjnney. It is going on right up to this moment. 

Mr. Watson. This Reverend — and apparently all these people are' 
"reverends" involved in this thing here — but Reverend Albert Cleage 
is listed here as a "dynamic militant leader from Detroit, Michigan." 
Yet that is sponsored by the United Community Corporation, is that 
correct ? 

Mr. Kinney. That is correct, sir. 


Mr. Watson. This was printed and distributed and this alleged 
militant leader was sponsored by the United Community Corporation ? 

Mr. Kinney. That is right, sir. 

Mr. Watson. Do you know of any other such individuals that they 
have sponsored ? 

Mr. Kinney, I don't recall any at the moment, sir. 

Mr. Watson. I have been handed this note, Captain, and let me read 
this into the record, and then you might comment on it if you know 
anything about it. 

In May 1967, prior to the riots, Director Spina sent Sargent Shriver a tele- 
gram complaining of the activities of the United Community Corporation, which 
would, if not stopped, lead to violence. 

The OflSce of Economic Opportunity investigators went to Newark, never met 
with Director Spina to see his evidence, but gave United Community Corpora- 
tion a clean bill of health. 

Subsequent investigations by Federal agencies in the UCC have never, despite 
evidence allegedly in the possession of Director Spina, they have never shown 
any criticism of UCC. 

Are you aware of this ? 

Mr. Kinney. Sir, I know this to be a fact, because I have discussed 
this with Police Director Spina. 

Mr. Watson. That even in May before the riots the director sent the 
telegram up here, and still nothing was done in reference to this United 
Community Corporation ? 

Mr. Kinney. That is correct, sir. 

Mr. Watson. Basically the same employees and/or officials of the 
United Community Corporation are still in office today ? 

Mr. Kinney. They are, sir. 

Mr. Watson. Thank you. 

Mr. Tuck. Mr. Ichord. 

Mr. Ichord. Captain, specifically, what charge was LeRoi Jones 
convicted of ? Was that carrying a concealed weapon ? 

Mr. Kinney. I think the term, sir, is "possession." I have it right 
here. Let me make sure. 

He and his two companions were convicted of illegally possessing 
weapons, the two guns that were found in the automobile they were 
riding in. 

Mr. Ichord. Captain, in your report are you making recommenda- 
tions to your superiors as to what action should be taken by local 
police and local authorities for the control of such disturbances and as 
a matter of prevention of such disturbances in the future? Are you 
restricted to the causes insofar as conspiracy is concerned ? 

Mr. Kinney. My investigation has brought me into the intelligence 
field, and the basis of my report, my recommendations on this matter, 
recommendations concerning intelligence matters, what we should do 
and what we should look for to prevent future riots from an intelli- 
gence angle. 

Mr. Ichord. Mr. Chairman, the witness has testified to certain facts 
which are in direct conflict with the findings of the President's Na- 
tional Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders,, This report is un- 
doubtedly going to be quite controversial. 

I think Captain Kinney already has rendered a great service to his 
community and to this Nation and to this committee. But I think he 


should be ATjj-ued to watch out in the future, because he is going to be 
the subject o"^' attacks from many angles. I would predict that with a 
great degree of certainty. 

Mr. Kinney. Sir, I am well aware of this. As a matter of fact, I 
have talked to other members of this committee who told me they 
found out that there were certain things they never knew before about 
themselves until they became members of the House Un-American 
Activities Committee. 

Mr. TuoK. I know of nothing that this committee or any of its mem- 
bers can do to assist you, but I can say this : I feel confident that I 
express the sentiments of all that we will support you to the fullest 
extent in every appropriate manner. 

Mr, Kinney. Thank you, sir. 

Mr. Tuck. Do you. Captain, have any knowledge of anything that 
the city government of Newark has done or failed to do that would 
create a schism that did exist in that city between the races? 

Mr. Kinney. No, sir. Of course, I don't have to tell the distin- 
guished members of this committee that this is not just a Newark prob- 
lem. It is a national problem. 

The mayor of our city, Mayor Addonizio, a former Member of 
Congress, has used every method known to man 

Mr. Tuck. Yes. Many of us know him. I have served with him, 

Mr. Kinney. He has used every method known to man to placate 
at times, to bring together, to use every possible solution that will help 
this awful thing that is happening to our city. 

Mr. Tuck. Then it is obvious, to me certainly, if not to the other 
members of the committee, and maybe it is, that almost the sole cause 
of the riot in Newark was the agitation carried on by these subversive 
elements. Communists or others. Is that your opinion ? 

Mr. Kinney. Again, my opinion is the fact that they aggravated 
every tension, they enlarged on every possibility of a schism. They 
did everything they could to divide the black and w'hite communities, 
which caused the riots in our city. 

Mr. Tuck. You have had many governmental agencies bringing 
relief to that city, such as the antipoverty program, the Office of 
Economic Opportunity, that is more or less new. 

Did you have any difficulty between the races prior to the passage of 
the first Civil Eights Act in 1957? 

Mr. Kinney. We certainly had no open conflict like we have had 
since then. 

I understand that Newark was the first city in the United States to 
become part of this federally funded program. 

Mr. Tuck. Did you have any riots or racial disorders or other 
disturbances of a serious nature during the depression of the 1930's? 

Mr. Kinney. No, sir, we did not. 

Mr. Tuck. Are the economic conditions in Newark, comparatively, 
as good as they are in other cities of that size in the East? 

Mr. Kinney. I think the economic conditions in Newark are 
probably better than in most cities in the United States. 

Mr. Tuck. Are the employment opportunities there ample? 

Mr. Kinney. The employment opportunities there are ample. We 
have unemployment, of course. 


Mr. Tuck. Then all this razzle-dazzle that we have read here in this 
report about economic conditions and racial injustice just did not 
exist prior to this time. 

Mr. Kinney. They may have existed, but the instigators exploited 
the slight differences that did exist. 

Mr. Tuck. Captain Kinney, I want to take this opportunity to 
thank you for your cooperation with this committee and to con- 
gratulate you on the testimony you have given. 

You have made an excellent presentation during the 2 days you have 
been before the committee. It is clear that you have unquestionably 
made a very careful, analytical study of developments in Newark 
related to the riot of July 1967. 

We all know that police departments and policemen have come in 
for an awful lot of abuse in the last few years. As these hearings have 
revealed, Communists have played a very large role in provoking 
much of this criticism which has been overwhelmingly unjustified. 

Numerous unfounded and inflammatory charges have been made 
against police everywhere, and everywhere we hear the cry "police 
brutality" — which, incidentally, I believe is a Communist expression 
— when the brutality and violence involved have actually been used 
not by the police but against the police and by violators of the law 
they were taking into custody. 

louring these hearings we have received the testimony of a number 
of police officers, both Negro and white, from other cities. All of them 
have shown themselves to be a credit to the profession to which they 

You have been outstanding among them as a witness. Your conduct 
and presentation before this committee should, and I am sure it will, 
serve to convince at least some of the American people that our police 
overall are a very fine group of men doing an excellent job under try- 
ing circumstances. 

The enforcement of the law and suppression of public mischief be- 
longs exclusively to the localities and the States. In my judgment it is 
the duty of all good citizens and the duty of local government to sup- 
port the police and to encourage them in their lawful endeavors to 
suppress public mischief and to keep down crime. 

I have always had the view — maybe it is not entertained by others — 
that the police have the right to use such force as is necessary to pre- 
vent violation of the law and to subjugate them and bring them into 
custody. I think much of the troubles we have had recently would 
have been spared us if police had used a little bit more of these night- 
sticks and a few bullets once in a while. That is the kind of law I was 

If a person was caught committing a felony, the police had author- 
ity to use such force as was necessary to prevent him from committing 
that felony. I think it is the duty not only of the local government 
to support the police in their lawful endeavors, but I think also it is 
the duty of the State government, when requested, to do so, and even 
the duty of the Federal Government, rather than their agents coming 
into localities as they have done in some instances, hampering and 
harassing the police and making it almost impossible for them to 
enforce the law. 


I hope that you in your endeavor — as a representative of the police 
department of the city of Newark — I hope that you have the full, un- 
qualified support of the city government, the full unqualified support 
of the law-abiding citizens of Newark. I hope also that, if necessary, 
the authorities in the State of New Jersey will support you, and even if 
it should be necessary, the Federal Government will send you help. 

These riots must be stopped. They will destroy everything that is 
fine and good in America unless they are stopped and stopped now. 

I am in favor of taking such repressive measures as may be neces- 
sary, irrespective of how drastic they may appear, to bring about this 
solution of the problem. 

I thank you very much indeed. And, again, let me say that your 
testimony has been most helpful. 

Much as I deprecate what has happened, as disappointing as it is 
to have to listen to all of this, I have gained a lot of valuable niforma- 
tion as to what took place. You have brought us certainly a full share 
of information on this subject. 

Thank you very much indeed. 

Mr. Kinney. Thank you very much, sir. 

Mr. Tuck. The latter part of my remarks are my own views. 
Whether they are concurred in by the other members of the committee, 
I do not know. I am simply expressing my view. 

I might add that I had some little experience as a law enforce- 
ment officer when I was chief executive of one of the States for a long 
time, 4 years, with responsibility to enforce the law, and we enforced 
the law. We didn't have any difficulties. 

I see no reason why we should have any now. I don't believe there 
would be if our police officers and others charged with the administra- 
tion of the enforcement of the law would deal with these situations 
with a firm hand and a resolute will. 

Thank you, sir. 

If there is no further business before the committee, the committee 
will stand in adjournment and be called in session again at the call of 
the chairman of the committee. 

(Whereupon, at 3 :25 p.m., Wednesday, April 24, 1968, the subcom- 
mittee recessed, to reconvene at the call of the Chair.) 

(Kinney Exhibits Nos. 1-A and 1-B introduced on page 1868 and 
Kinney Exhibit No. 26-B introduced on page 1922 follow :) 


Kinney Exhibit No. 1-A 

Negro leaders demand 
Guard leave Newark 

{jhe Star-Ledger 

Negro leaders jointly issued 
a set of demands yesterday 
which they said must be ful- 
filled before the rioting that 
exploded in Newark Wednes- 
day night could end. 

Tliose represented included 
leaders from the Congress of 
Racial Equality, Student Non- 
violent Coordinating Commit- 
tee and the United Commu- 
nity Corp.— the local a:.ii- 
poverty organization. 

Earlier in the aay, UCC .ind 
Negro community leaders 
urged ministers with Negro 
congregations to make "play 
it cool" speeches in church, 
urging people to stay off the 
streets and keep their chil- 
dren off the streets. 

, Newark, N.J. , July 

During a press conference 
at the American Civil Liber- 
ties Union office in downtown 
New^irk the civil rights rep- 
resentatives called for: 

• Immediate withdrawal 
of National Guard units and 
State and Newark police from 
the ghetto area. 

• Provision of an adequate 
supply of food for ghetto resi- 

• Food and water for all 
those arrested and not yet 

• Prosecution of while night 
riders who are "terrorizing" 
the Negro community. 

• Independent review of 
police brutality charges aris- 



17, 1967, 

ing out of ai 

e Immediate payment of 
checks to welfare recipients. 

Those at the conference in-i 
eluded Jesse AHen, organizer 
at UCC ^oird'No, 3; James 
Hooper, cnairman, Newark 
COflE: Dqaald Tucker, or-^ 
^ainizcr, UCC area Board NaT" 
5 and ,CCRE;_ Mrs. "Warian 
KTiU'l, chairraan^jydf^c^ofh-' 
miltee, V^ area Baac^ZKo. 
3 (Peoples Action Group) and 
Phil Higngng, J5NCC ,91-, 

'DirougtMut the meeting the 
five repeated charges that the 
riot is a result of ^'indiffer- 
ence by Newark - city oHir 

(Pteane ton to Page 5) . 


Kinney Exhibit No. 1-A — Continued 

Negro leaders demand 

ciaU" and that violence has 
increased since State Troop- 
ers and National Guardsmen 
Were brought in. 

The prime target of the 
group was Mayor Hugh J. 
Addonizio. Sharp criticism 
was leveled ^ the mayor, by 
Hutchins in particular. 

According to James Hooper, 
the riot had been building for 
many years and he p'nned its 
causes on discrimination in 
government jobs, poor hous- 
ing, the medical school and 
board of education controver- 
sies, and the lack of adequate 

"We've pleaded wth the 
iMayor, the Governor and with 
Washington, but nothing has 
been done," said Hooper. 


"The Governor, told us to 
talk to the mayor, who in 
turn said,' sveryttaioj is under 
c<jntrol Slid, "if jou d(»t lifee 
what I'm doing wait until 1970 
and elect me out.' But we 
can't wait," he said. 

UCCs" Je?se Allen also laid 
the blame for the riot on the 
steps of City Hall. 

"I work with these people 
every day. I know their prob- 
lems. Every day 200 to 300 
youngsters come crying for 

"They have no money and 
nothing to do. Their parents 
are making poor wages and 
can barely provide decent 
clothing for them. Many are 
barely existing on county wel- 
fare," said Allen. 

"For two years we asked 
for more recreational facili- 
ties, but got nothing. The '-ops 
come around and tell tiie kids 
to move, but there's nowhere 
I to move. 

But the nwst scathing ttttl- 
cism of Addonizios atdmltas- 
tratkHi came from Hutchins. 

He raked the city for wbat 
he charged was its failure to 
enforce its housing code by 
not providing adequate low 
cost housing, the county wel- 
fare program for degrading 
its recipients and Newark's 
education facilities. 

According to Hooper, 'The 
Mayor's so-called committee 
of Negro leaders is worthless. 
.Most of them have little ro:>^ 
munity work in their back- 

grounds, and the people have 
little respect for them." 

Said Hutchins: 

"These people are not crim- 
inals. They haven't come 
oi;' of the jungle. They are 
fightuig the one way they are 
allowed to fight." 

Measiiiiila, Dr. ReynaMs 
E. SapSa of East Cm0, 
:bead o{ l^eaguers, Inc of 
Ne#»fk, y«s&trda7 formed 
a coemJttee of IS to "End &e 
Riot in Newark." 


Burch sent a telegram to 
President Jdinson calling for 
the integration of Army troops 
and charged "wanton destruc- 
tion and murder by Newark 

He said inflamatory state- 
ments by Mayor Hugh J. Ad- 
donizio and Governor Richard 
J. Hughes had caused the po- 
lice action. 

He also cited new mobili- 
7ation of white vigilantes in 
border areas as a result of 
the "ignorant" statements 
made by the mayor. 


Kinney Exhibit No. 1-B 





an inJtptacleat radical ncwsweekly 

VOL 19. NO. 43 

NEW YORK. JULY 29. 1967 

But revolt stirs 
pride, unity 

By WUllam A. Price 

OasrdlsB itsff corrMpondeBt 

Newark, N.J. 
"I Just had goddsmi had Itl" 
This Is the way one even-tempered 
Newark anti-poverty worker explained 
the accumulated frustrations of years 
and especially of recent months that 
had brought him close to violence. He 
expressed the mood of thotisanrds of 
blacks in Newark who now view the July 
rebellion — and they accept no other de- 
scription for It — with pride, as a turning 
point in Newtu-k history. 

"People are Just not afraid any more," 

said Jesse Allen, at a GUARDIAN spon- 
sored roimd-table of black militants. 
"They're determined to get what they 
want even If they have to give up their 
lives for it." 

Do people feel defeated by the "mas- 
sive retaliation" by Newark and state 
police and the National Ouard, an at- 
tack which left 24 blacks dead — or do 
they feel stronger'' 

Betty Moss answered; "They're 
stronger now. People stop you on the 
street and talk to you and say 'soul 
sister, soul brother' — you get hoarse from 
talking so much. It's really beautiful." 

Allen, chairman both of the Newark 
Community Union Project and the Peo- 

ples Action Group (Area Board Tliree 
of the city's anti-poverty program), pin- 
pointed the basic cause of the ghetto iip- 
rlsing. The whites in control look et 
Newark, the state's industrial center, "as 
a money-making machine for tl^m," 
Allen said. "They don't give a damn" 
about bettering conditions in the ghetto, 
he added, "because they don't want any 
change and they know that day by day 
the whites are moving out to the sub- 

Run dow n th e list of griev ances that 
accumlated in Newark, they are the 
same as any other ghetto: Joblessness, 
police brutality, antiquated schools and 
teachUig methods, super-exploitation by 
slumlords and white store-owners. In- 
adequate health and recreational faclll- 
ties, political powerlessness. 

But two things were happening In 
Newark which distinguished it from 
other ghettos. Pirst, the ethnic popula- 
tion ratio has changed rapidly so that 
Newark is estimated now to be approxi- 
mately 63% non- white (the only such 
majoc US. city except Washington, 
D.C.), And second, without fanfare, ef- 
fective neighborhood organizing began 
long before the rebellion broke out. 

One such project was NCUP, started 
in 1964 by Tom Hayden of the Students 


Kinney Exhibit No. 1-B — Continued 


]wrrT MOSS 


for a Democratic Society. (In the mid- 
dle of the r«o-"' " Hoyden, still in 
Newark, began the compilation of depo. 
sitions alleging police brutality.) Play- 
wright LeRoi Jones opened his Spirit 
House theatre in the midst of the ghetto 
and organized a neighborhood group. 
The Student^ Nonviolent Coordinating 
Committee chose Newark as one of two 
Northern cities in which it woiild work. 

While other cities erupted In 1966, 
Newark was relatively quiet. Activist Le- 
roy Hush recalls, "we have been fighting 
our oppresser v^-lLh every means legally 
avaiinble." Confrontations with the ar- 
chaic city political system and the fed- 
eral government ended in virtually every 
case with rude rebuff to the ghetto. Fi- 
nally. Hush continued, "we had no oth-/ 
er alternative. This has been known 
throughout the centuries — when people 
havo' been oppressed so long, they 
have to use some avenue of escape." 

SNCC's program— and that of the 
Black Liberation Center with wWch It 
worked — ^was black power and, as SNCC" 
stote project director Philip Hutchings 
says, "especially to get people to think 

HutcbingB adds, "We think that a 
real change has come over Newark this 
last year that has made this rebellion 
on e of liberation. This could not have 
happened a year ago." 

"We will try to bring this city to Its 
knees," Hutchings said, "and if black 
people do not get their own black lead- 
ers no one will run this city." 

LeRoi Jones echoes this assessment. 
At a Juiv 22 press conference in the con- 
verted ground 'loor of a ghetto home 
which has been madr <nto Spirit House, 
Jones said, "Again ana again ... we 
have sought to plead through the refer- 
ence of progressive humanism . . . again 
and again our plaints have been denied 
by an unfeelinR, Ignorant, graft-ridden, 
racist government." Now, he added, "We 
will govern ourselves, or no one will gov- 
ern Newark, N.J." 

In recent months, the Welfare Moth- 
ers committee of the People's Action 
Group picketed, Ixjycotted and finally 
closed down the white-owned Clinton 
Hill Meat Market, "Your Southern Store 
Up North." which sold chitterlings as well 
as chopped meat. The mothers' targets 
were pricing and credit practices that an- 
tagonized everyone In the area. One of 19 
including Hay den and other NCUP ac- 
tivists) arrested on the nonviolent picket 
line. PAG chairman Allen recalls that a 
ponce officer told him, "You all Just 
don't Jhave any respect for the police and 
we're just waiting for the word ao we 
can go out and kill you all and get it 
over with." 


Kinney Exhibit No. 1-B — Continued 


Ouardlaopboto* by WllllMn A. Price 

He loos shot, she said, protecting three Negro children 


Said LeRoi Jones: 39 bullet holes proved "an act post murder" 


Kinney Exhibit No. 1-B — Continued 

Playwright LeRoi Jones charges police with "violence bordering on madness" in Newark. 
(Center to r.) Jones; Rap Brown, SNCC; Floyd McKissick, CORE. 

When the ghetto exploded — as Jones 
says— the city and state police and the 
National Guard responded with "fana- 
ticism and violence bordering on mad- 

A witness told the GUARDIAN: 'Tvc 
seen and witnessed police shooting into 
crowds with no discretion. Just brutal- 
ity, shooting into crowds that were run- 
ning away. They were miming. And be- 

cause they ran, they were shot at." Hush 
adds, "They didn't do It Individually, 
they did it massively." 

David Crooms, a free-lance photogra- 
pher whose two cameras were smashed 
by police, said, "It was the suppression 
of the rebellion that brought about the 
extreme militancy tJiat is in the area 
now. And this will not die down." 

That's where Newark's at todt^. 


Kinney Exhibit No. 26-B 


The Eighth Grand Jury of the I967 Term v/as assisncd 
the task of Investieatlns the 26 deaths that occurred during 
the civil disturbances in Ncv/ork during the period from 
July 13 through July l8j I967. A previous Grand Jury has 
already handed" dovm an IndicLrnent in one of these cases. The 
members of the Grand Jury faced this undertaking in the 
spirit of our solemn oath to "diligently inquire and true 
presentment make of all such matters and things as shall be 
given you in charge, or in any way come to your knov/ledge 
touching the present service," During our deliberations in 32 
sessions v;e heard testimony from more than 100 v/ltncsses over 
a period of eight v/ccks. Narnee of potential wltnocscs v/erc 
obtained from the Prosecutor's Office, the staff of the 
Governor's Select Commission on Civil Disorder, the Ne'.rark 
Legal Services Project and from witnesses testifying before 
us. In addition to civilian witnesses, the Essex County 
Medical Examiner and numerous officials, experts and 
personnel of the New Jersey State Police, the New Jersey 
National Guard, the Nev/ark Police, and the Federal Bureau 
of Investigation testified. All persons presumed to have 
any knov;ledge of the deaths were subpoenaed. Based upon 
the testimony submitted, the Jury herewith presents its 
findings«and the action taken in each of the 25 cases. 


Kinney Exhibit No. 26-B — Continued 

23 • JAf4rS HU Tr.KDOK 

DATK: July I6, I967 

TlMk: Bctv/ocii 5:05 and 5:32 P.M. 

PLACE: Tavern and Liquor Store located at Bergen Street 
and Custer Avenue 

James Rutlcdge was fatally shot by police officers 
v/hllc burclarlzlng the packar.e store annex of a tavern 
at Custer Avenue and Bergen Street. The County Medical 
Examiner testified that the autopsy report shov/ed evi- 
dence of four, or possibly five, separate shotgun wounds 
in the back and six bullet v/ounds in the back of the head, 
any of which could have been fatal. He further testi- 
fied that, based on the condition of the body tissues, 
all of these shots had been fired within seconds of one 
•nothcrj almost slmultanebuBly. 

Shortly after 5:00 P.M. a car containing four 
Nev/ark police officers closely follov/ed by several cars of 
State Police had arrived at the tavern in response to a 
radio alarm advising of breaking and entering and pos- 
sible larceny at the location. They found the tavern 
closed and completely boarded up except for a window on 
the Custer Avenue side, whei-e the boards' had been par- 
tially removed. Insldsthis window/ ibacfcs of beer were , 
i observed. Two Nev/atk. police officers fientertd the tavern 
through this window hhd began to searOh' the prftmlses; 
they v/er^ followed fchdrtly by two 8tat*'iPolice officers. 
All testified that th6 Interior of the tavern and ad- 
Joining liquor store was very .dark and the' visibility 
correspondingly poor* Their testlthony la^. to what then 
occurred Inside the tavern IS'conf lie blrtg, 1 vague and In 
many respects contradlfitory. ' 'The icOnseAsui'Of their 
testimony, substantiafted bj^' physleal *viaen4l? at the •scene. 



Kinney Exhibit No. 26-B — Continued 

Indicates that the fatal chootlne of Rutlcdcc occurred In 
the liquor store annex of the tavern and that the victim 
at the time- was behind a counter located along the wall 
of the store next to the tavern and near the entrance from 
the tavern. The Nev;ar'< police, after a search of the 
tavern, entered the adjoining liquor store v;lth. the State 
Police close behind. As they moved toivards the center 
of the store, v/hich was in extreme but not total darkness, 
they suddenly observed a man rise from behind the counter, 
holding a knife in a raised position; the police opened 
fire simultaneously. The testimony of most witnesses. 
Including officers stationed outside the tavern, agreed 
that the shots were fired in rapid succession, although 
a few witnesses reported a pause between the first shots 
and the final shot or shots. 

The testimony of a ballistics expert Indicated 
that at least tv/o revolvers and one or more shotguns 
had been fired, but none of the spent bullets or slugs 
could be traced to any particular gun although tests were 
conducted. Testimony of police radio personnel placed 
the elapsed time between the first alarm as to "looting" 
at the tavern and the final report of the shooting of the 
suspect at only seven minutes. 

The Jury also heard testimony to the effect that 
three Juveniles, who had accompanied Rutledge to the tavern 
were later apprehended in the back room of the tavern 
some distance from the package store. These Juveniles 
had previously made statements to the effect that they 
were eyewitnesses to the shooting of Rutledge but they 
repudiated these statements before the Grand Jury. 

The Jury finds that, although some of the tes- 
tlmony was conflicting as to the actual chain of events 


Kinney Exhibit No. 26-B— Continued 

Inside the tavern after the arrival of the police officers, 
certain facts are supported by the preponderance of evi- 
dence heard: 

1. A breaking and entering had been com- 
mitted at the" scene of the tavern. 

2. Intent to conunlt larceny was clearly 
evident from the cases of beer stacked Inside the opened 

3. A knife was recovered near the victim. 
After considering all of the facts, the Jury found 

that the police officers were Justified In their use of 
firearms, although too many shots were fired from too 
many guns. This manifest error in Judgment on the part 
of the police the Jury attributes to the condltiona pre- 
valllns In Newark at the tlmc« and more speclfioally to 
the conditions within the darkened tavern and liquor store 
where the officers confronted the suspect. The Jury 
further round no evidence of malice, criminal Intent or 
wanton use of unreasonable force. In the absence of such 
criminal misconduct, the Jury found no cause for Indict- 

It has come to the Jury's attention that many, 
erroneous and deliberately false accounts of this Inci- 
dent have been published and transmitted to various 
government agencies and to the public, in the form of 
leafletSj^ news accounts and a book entitled "Rebellion 
in Newark," Moreover, the Jury found that a distorted 
photo of the victim depicting a complete mutilation of 
the body, not resulting from the shooting was distributed 
,in. Newark with the, inflammatory leaflets attached. The 
Jury finds this act to be despicable and flagrantly 


Kinney Exhibit No. 26-B— Continued 
Irresponsible and deslcncd to Inflame unncccScarily an 
already trembled conununity. The Jury is concerned and 
believes that adequate steps should be taken by re- 
sponsible persons in the various agencies such as Newark 
Legal Services Project and The American Civil Liberties 
Union to assure themselves that irresponsible and un- 
authorized persons should not and will not have access 
to documents and physical evidence. Including photographs, 
which are the work product of said agencies. 

» » * » » * • 

In sujiunarlzinc the circiuastanccs Surrounding each 
of the deaths the Jury found that three v;ere from causes 
not' directly related to the riots. The remaininc; twenty- 
tv/o homicides v;ere all the result of gunshot v/ounds re- 
ceived in situations directly related to the disturbances. 
Of these, eight v/ere suffered by persons actively par- 
ticipating in the commission of high misdemeanors, in- 
cluding burglaries and like crimes (commonly referred to as 
"looting") and assaults upon police officers, or of persons 
suspected of such acts who v/ere fired upon while fleeing; 
nine deaths resulted from gunfire by persons unknovm 
upon individuals not participating in the riots, who were 
either in or near their homes or v/ere innocent bystanders; 
tvfo resulted from the accidental shooting of persons in 
Inoiclcnts related to the riots; two deaths, probably the 
result of sniper fire, were those cf a police officer and 
a fire captain on active duty; one case involved a man in 
circumstances unknovm and to which no witnesses were found. 

The Jury found that, with some exceptions, police, 
both Local and State, together with National Guardsmen 
acquitted themselves with courage and restraint in the 
early stages of the riot. They v/ere handicapped by lack 
of training, appropriate equipment, effective direction 
and experience In dealing with the type of situation In 
v/hich they v/ere involved. In the later stages of the dis- 
turbances, there were examples of poor Judgment, excessive 
use of firearms and a manifestation of vindlctlveness that 
cannot be tolerated in law enforcement personnel. 


Kinney Exhibit No. 26-B — Continued 

IVTOcd upon the testimony hoard and the facUs 
as they were presented, the Jury submits the follov/in^ 
a'cconi.K'ndaCionG with respect to procedure by law enforce- 
ment personnel in future civil disturbances: 

1. Streets should be cleared in strict 
conformance v/ith the curfew and at any other time neces- 
sary to prevent Injuries to bystanders. 

2. Looting should be effectively controlled 
at its earliest manifestation, 

3. There should be a clearly defined chain 

of command, particularly within small groups of lav/ enforce- 
ment personnel dealing vfith localized incidents. 

4. Radio communication facilities must be 
improved, not only between command posts and unite In the 
field, but alao between the conunands of the various law 
enforcement acencles responding to the' emergency. This 
should Include the making availabl.e of additional radio 

-channels for the exclusive use of lav/ enforcement personnel. 

5. All personnel should receive more effec- 
tive training in riot control procedures to reduce the 
Indiscriminate use of firearms and the consequent danger 
to Innocent persons. 

6. Equipment should be Improved and updated, 
and particularly, the use of chemicals and non-lethal 
gases should be explored and considered. 

7. Of major importance Is the maintenance 
at all times of a state of preparedness. Including an 
up-to-the-minute tactical plan of operation to anticipate 
and suppress any outbreak of civil disorder. 

.. - 8. It Is Imperative that relations between 

the police and the public whom It Is their duty to protect 
be Improved. An atmosphere of mutual respect m\ist be 
effected wherein there Is no place for abusive language 
or ill treatment of any group of citizens. 


Kinney Exhibit No. 26 B — Continued 

9. There ohould be no necessity In times of 
cmcr^'-.ency for lav; cnrorccnicnt personnel tQ carry or ys? 
pcrsonally^ov/ncd flrcarins vfhllc on duty. 

In the initial stages of its investigation the 
members of the Jury were shocked by the apparent lack of 
cooperation and communication betv/een the lav; enforcement 
authorities and the various community organizations .knov;n 
to possess information concerning the homicides. Much 
vital information was made available reluctantly and only 
after many requests. . 

Early in its investigation, the Jury became aware 
of the Nev/ark Legal Services Project, an organization 
existing for the avowed purpose of providing legal counsel 
in civil matters to the underprivileged In hfewark. In 
this area thl3 agency has unquestionably gained the con- 
fidence and trust of those it serves and. In fact, one 
of its officials was named to the Governor's Commission. 
Because of the regard it haJ gained in the community, 
many persons having knowledge of the homicides and other 
incidents related to the riots either voluntarily or 
through the advice of friends went to the Legal Service 
Project offices where statements v;ere prepared from the 
Information proffered. The Jury considered it significant 
that none of these persons were directed to the Prosecutor's 
Office with their information. In fact. It was only after 
requests by the Prosecutor that these statements were 
finally made available to the Grand Jury. Thereupon, all 
persons who could be located and identified as having 
made such statements were subpoenaed and subsequently 


Kinney Exhibit No. 26-B — Continued 

testified. From this testinony and from an examination of 
the statements made available by the Project, the members 
of the Jury found themselves confronted v/ith certain dis- 
turbing facts: 

•1, A substantial number of statements 
purported to have been made to the Legal Services Project 
by v/itnesses appearing before the Jury were unsigned by 
either the v/itness or by the person taking the statement. 

2. Some v/itnesses denied In whole or In 
part having made statements attributed to them. 

3. In some cases, the testimony of witnesses 
before the Jury differed from the statements, and some 
repudiated their prior statements while testifying before 
the Grand Jury. 

4. Many of the statements v/ere couched in 
language untypical of the persons purported to have made 
them and In fact many of these persons appeared not to 
understand the meaning of phrases attributed to them, 

5. According to the evidence no one who 
had gone to the Legal Services Project with information 
regarding any of the homicides under investigation was 
Instructed by the Project to convey such information to 
the Prosecutor's Office, 

Certain other information was brought to the at- 
tention of the Jury during Its investigation of these 

1. It v;as found that some of the state- 
ments v/ere taken by persons with limited training for this 

2. Many of the statements, although with- 
held from the law enforcement authorities, somehov/ became 
available to per sons not associa ted with the Legal Service 


Kinney Exhibit No. 26-B — Continued 

Project and \icrc quoted freely In the press where they 
became the basis for what viere purported to be factual 
accounts of riot incidents. 

3, In the matter of the homicide of James 
Rutlcdee, certain statements, later repudiated, v/cre 
v;ldcly circulated by extremist groups along v/lth photo- 
graphs of the victim's body v;hich had been taken by 
photogi^aphcrs engaged by the Nevfarlc Legal Services Project. 
These photographs shoi/ed the body during the embalming 
process, a fact ignored or disregarded, but which, in 
conjunction v;ith the accompanying statements, were well 
calculated to inflame the minds of those exposed to them. 

So disturbing were these facts to the members 
of the Grand Jury that several officials as well as members 
of the staff of Newark Legal Services Project v/ere called 
upon to testify. From their testimony, the Jury as- 
certained that during and immediately after the July dis- 
turbances, the offices of the Project were In a state of 
great confusion and v;ere overrun vflth nev/spaper reporters, 
persons v/lth statements^ to make, volunteer v/orkers In 
addition to the Project's oim staff, and others. It v/as 
apparent that little or no Investigation was undertaken 
of the background of many vrorkers and volunteers. The 
Jury could only conclude that during the excitement many 
of those taking statements from persons Involved In the 
riots either deliberately or unconsciously distorted 
these statements and In many ways conducted themselves 
so as to create In the minds of the public a biased and 
Inaccurate Impression of many events connected with the 


Kinney Exhibit No. 26-B— Continued 

In Its survey of the traclc events that took 
place In Nev/arlc In July, 1967 the members of the Grand Jury 
v/erc affortled a unique opportunity as Individuals to come 
face to face i/ith these events in the testimony of persons 
directly and indirectly involved, police and civilians 
alike. Vie have had to revise many previously held ideas 
and impressions. All the Jurors, hoi/ever, have reached 
certain firm conclusions that they feel cannot be too 
Etronely emphasized. Riots and disturbances of the kind 
that took place in Newark and other cities in the summer 
of 1967 cannot be tolerated in a free society. The rights 
and safety of the many peaceful and law abiding citizens 
must be protected. 

Those v/ho are entrusted with the enforceraent of 
lavr and order must have the support and respect of all 
law abiding men and women and they in turn must so conduct 
themselves as to deserve that respect. The confidence 
and trust of the ordinary citizen In our legal processes 
and our law enforcement agencies must be fostered and aug- 
mented. All men and v/omen of good will in the community, 
of v/hatever station or background, must strive together 
to foster this mutual understanding and respect. Hope- 
fully, many representative groups of concerned citizens 
have been formed since the disturbances to further these 
alms. These groups must be continuously encouraged and 

In the final analysis, the responsibility for 
the loss of life dnd property that Is the Inevitable pro- 
duct of rioting and mass lav;lessness cannot be placed 
upon those whose duty It is to enforce law and protect 
the freedom of our society. It rests squarely upon the 
shoulders of those who, for whatever purpose,' Incite and 
participate in riots and the flouting of law and order 
in complete disregard of the rights and v/ell-belng of the 
vast majority of our citizens. 


Kinney Exhibit No. 26-B — Continued 

The members of the Grand Jury request that.copteo 
of thi5 Presentment be made available, v/ithout delay, to 
the press. 

It is respectfully urged by the Grand Jury that 
the press make every effort to reproduce in full the 
conclusions, observations and recommendations of the Grand 
Jury. The Grand Jiu'y foresees the possibility of a grave 
disservice to the public should the press quote In part or 
out of context the conclusions, observations, and recom- 
mendations of this Presentment. 

The Grand Jury further requests that the Court 

provide a sufficient number of copies of this Presentment 

for distribution, under the supervision of the Court, to 

those Interested and responsible persons and agencies 

who make application for the same, in addition to the 

following individuals and agencies: 

National Advisory Commiseion on Civil Disorder 
10l6-l6th Street, N.W. ' 
Washington, D.C. 

Governor's Select Commission on Civil Disorder 

Robert D. Lilley, Chairman 
Raymond A. Brown, Vice Chairman 

Bishop John J. Dougherty 
Alfred E. Drlscoll 
John J. Gibbons 
Ben Z. Leuchter 
. Oliver Lofton 
Robert B. Meyner 
Bishop Prince A. Taylor 
William A. Wachenfeld . . ' . 

Governor Richard J. Hughes 

Attorney General Arthur J. Sills 

Superintendent of State Police Col. David B. Kelly 

Mayor of Newark Hugh J. Addonlzlo 

. VPolice Direct or Doml nick A. Spina . '' .■ ■;■ - ' 


Kinney Exhibit No. 26-B — Continued 

Mnjor General James K. Cantv/oll, New Jersey National Querd 

Newark Hmian Rights Co.vjaission 

Dickinson Debevoise, Esq., Chairman Board of Trustees, 
Nev/ark Legal Services project 

United States Attorney David M. Satz, Jr. 






Adams, James L 1897 

Addonizio, Hugh J 1895, 1935, 1937, 1965, 1969, 1984 

Adefumni, Oscrjeman 1918 

Ahmed, Hassan Jeru. (See Osborne, Albert Roy. ) 

Ahmed, Omar 1918, 1943 

Allah Mahammad. (See Stanford, Maxwell Curtis, Jr.) 

Allen, Jesse 1851, 1852, 1863, 1867, 1868, 1883, 1885, 1886, 1898, 1968-1971 

Andrews, Arthur 1950 

Ansar, Abu (also known as Harold Ceyes Foster) 1943 

Aptheker, Herbert 1851, 1865 

Arendt (Hannah) 1871 

Arnold, John C 1903,1904 


Baldwin, James 1930 

Barnes, John 1902 

Bennett, John 1897 

Bey, Clinton Raymond Hobson. (See Hopson, Clinton Raymond.) 
Bey, Clinton Raymond Hopson. (See Hopson, Clinton Raymond.) 

Bey, Ozzie (Mrs. Clinton Raymond Hopson) 1&54, 1884, 1888, 1889 

Black, Albert 1902 

Booker, Alfred C 1888 

Boston, Raymond 1891 

Braden, Anne (Mrs. CarlBraden) 1872 

Braden, Carl 1872 

Bradenburg, Arthur 1897 

Branch, Ralph 1901, 1902 

Brent, Absalom 1893 

Broughton, Shirley 1939 

Brown, Constance (Connie) 1852, 1863, 1867. 1869, 1873, 1905 

Brown, H. Rap 1884,1891,1921,1945,1947,1973 

Brown, Raymond A 1984 

Burch, Reynolds E 1969 

Byers, David 1897 


Cantwell, James F 1985 

Carmichael. Stokely 1854, 1855, opp. 1871, 1884, 1891, 1921, 1951,1953^ 

Cason, Sandra (Casey'* . (-SecHayden, Sandra.) 

Castro (Fidel) 1858, 1866, 1947 

Caufield, John 1888 

Cefalu 1943 

Chaneyfield, Joe 1891 

Charles 37X. (See Morris, Charles.) 

Chenowitz, Alex 1938 

Clark. Elias 1897 

Clarke, John Henrik 1953 

Clay, Cassius (also known as Muhammad Ali) 1891 

Cleage. Albert B., Jr 18.57,1930,1986,1937.1963 

Coffin. William S 1897 

Coggins, Clarence C 1951, 1954 

Incorrectly spelled "Stokeley Carmichal." 



Cole, Dorothy 1^3 

Coleman, Charles 188J 

Critchley 1893 

Crocker, John, Jr 1897 

Crooms, David 19'^3 

Crubman, Lester 1950 

Curvin, Robert (Bob) 1856, 1885, 1886, 1892, 1899, 1900, 1918, 1943, 1951 


Damiano, WiUlam 1950 

Danzig, Daniel 1888 

Davis, Benjamin J 1920 

Davis, Leon J 1917 

Davis, Rennie 1895, 1897 

Dawson, Darrell (also known as Captain Rafik) ____ 1889 

Debevoise, Dickinson 1985 

Del Mauro, James 1902,1948 

Del Itifo 1948 

Dellinger, David (Dave) 1858,1881,1882,1945 

DeSimone 1898, 1902 

Dougherty, John J 1984 

Driscoll, Alfred E 1984 


Eagle, Vernon 1897 

Eichmann (Adolf) 1871 

Epperson, Louise 1930 

Epton, William (Bill) 1889,1894,1895,1918 

Everett, Ronald McKinley. {See Karenga, Ron.) 


Fales, Corinna 1852, 1857, 1863, 1873, 1874, 1915, 1916 

Ferguson, Herman J 1918, 1921 

Finck, Victor 1915 

Finck, Mrs. Victor 1915 

Fleming, George 1950 

Ford, Frances Elizabeth , 1961 

Foster, Harold Ceyes. (See Ansar, Abu.) 

Fruchter, Norman (Norm) 1851- 

1853, 1863, 1869, 1870, opp. 1871, 1871, 1872, 1877 
Fullilove, Robert E 1884 


Garrigal 1893 

Gary, Richard 1897 

Geismar, Maxwell 1872 

Gessner, Steve opp. 1871 

Gihbons, John J 1984 

Gibson, Kenneth 1953 

Gillett, Charlie opp. 1871 

Giuliano, James R--, 1974 

Glassman, Carol 1852, 1863, 1868, 1869, 1873, 1892, 1945-1947 

Gray, Jesse (Willard) 1918, 1951 M954 ^ 

Green 1898 

Guevara, Ernesto "Che" 1919 


Haggstrom, Warren C 1897 

Hall, Gus 1920 

Hallin!an, Vincent 1872 

Harap, Louis 1871 

Harris, Earl 1918 

Harrison, Gilbert A 1897 

Hassan Jeru Ahmed. (See Osborne, Albert Roy.) 

Hayden, Sandra (Casey) (Mrs. Thomas Emmett Hayden ; nee Sandra 

Cason) 1867, 1895, 1896 

1 Incorrectly appears as "Grey" in the reference. 



Hayden, Thomas Emmett (Tom) 1851- 

1855, 1857, 1858, 1863, 1865-1867, 1869, 1874, 1877, 1880, 1881, 1883, 
1885, 1886, 1892, 1895, 1897, 1903, 1905, 1914, 1922, 1938-1941, 1945- 
1948, 1970, 1971 

Heckel, O. Willard 1891 

Hedgemian, Anna 1807 

Hedgesipeth, Junious 1922 

Hewlett, Gregory 1875 

Hitler (Adolf) 1863 

Hooper, James 1945, 1968, 1969 

Hoover, J. Edgar 1857, 1858, 1864, 1866, 1917, 1947, 1952 

Hopson, Clinton Raymond (alias Clinton Raymond Hopson Bey and Clin- 
ton Raymond Hobson Bey) 1854,1884,1888-1890,1946 

Hopson, Gwendolin (formerly Mrs. Clinton Raymond Hopson) 1889 

Hughes, Richard J 1895, 1937, 1969, 1984 

Hush, Leroy 1971 

Hutehings, Philip (Phil) 1854, 

1856, 1884^1888, 1900, 1918, 1943, 1944, 1968 S 1969 \ 1971 


Imi)ei"iale, Anthony 1943 


Jefferson. Dazzare (Terry) ___ 1852, 1863, 1869, opp. 1871, 1871, 1885, 1886, 1962 
Johnson (Lyndon B.) 1954,1969 

Jones, Arthur 1875 

Jones, Coyt 1961 

Jones, Everett Leroy. (See Jones, LeRoi.) 

Jones, LeRoi (bom Everett Leroy Jones) 1856, 

1857, 1872, 1876, 1910, 1911, 1913, 1914, 1917, 1918, 1922, 1925- 
1928, 1930, 1942-1945, 1949, 1960, 1964, 1971-1973 


Karenga, Ron (bom Ronald McKinley Everett) 1930 

Kauffman, Joseph H 1897 

Kelly, David B 1984 

Kelly, Oliver 1896 

Kelly, Samuel 1891 

Kennedy, James 1856, 1894, 1903, 1930, 1962 

Kenyatta, Charles. {See Morris, Charles.) 

Khrushchev, Nikita (Sergeevich) 1951 

Kidd, Marian 1968 

King, Martin Luther 1858, 1944, 1951 

Kinney, Charles 1851-1859, 1861, 1862-1984 (testimony) 

Kinney, Charles Richard 1862 

Kissinger. Clark 1895, 1897^ 

Kramer, Robert 1851-1853, 1863, 1869, 1870, 1877, 1883 

Landau, Saul 1871 

Lawrence, David 1953-1955 

Lee, J. Oscar 1897 

Leiken, Sam 1897 

Leuchter, Ben Z 1984 

Lilley, Robert D 1984 

LinPiao 1864 

Linder, Mrs. E 1872 

Lippman, Harold 1938, 1939 

Lofton, Oliver 1893, 1896, 1898, 1899, 1942, 1984 

Lomax, Louis 1858, 1914, 1915, 1944 

Longo, James 1950 

Love, John C 1896,1902 

^ Incorrectly spelled "Hutchlns" in this reference. 
2 Incorrectly S'pelled "Kissenger." 



Lynd, Staughton : 1851, 1865 

Lynn, Conrad J 1918-1920 


Machover, Robert opp. 1871 

Mahammad, Allah. (See Stanford, Maxwell Curtis, Jr.) 

Malcolm X 1921, 1923 

Mallory, Mae 1918, 1920, 1921 

Mann, Eric 1875 

Mao Tse-tung 1864 

McAdoo, WilUam 1852, 1871-1873 

McOall, H. Carl 1897 

McCormick 1^10 

McCray, Charles 1910, 1917, 1924, 1925, 1927, 1928 

McKissick, Floyd (B.) 1973 

McLucas, Leroy 1872 

Mekas, Jonas 1870 

Melchior, Kenneth 1893, 1898, 1900 

Meredith, James 1875 

Merrill, Charles 1897 

Meyner, Robert B 1984 

Millard, William 1922, 1924 

Miller, S. M 1897 

Minnis, Jack 1854, 1883, 1895 

Mitchell, Clarence 1938 

Mohaddan, Saladine M. (See Williams, Willie Asbury, Jr.) 

Moody, Kim 1874 

Moore, Audley (also known as Queen Mother) 1855, 1894, 1895, 1918 

Moran, Michael 1862, 1960 

Moritz, Orven 1946 

Morray, J. P 1872 

Morris 1893 

Morris, Charles (also known as Charles Kenyatta and Chiarles 37X) 1857, 

1918, 1919, 1943, 1953 
Moss, Betty 1856, 1900, 1970, 1971 


Narol, Aaron 1943 

Nelson, Truman 1872 

Noyce, Gaylord B 1897 


Odom, L. Sylvester 1924, 1945 

Oliver, Alvin 1858, 1930, 1946, 1947 

Osborne, Albert Roy (also known as Colonel Hassan Jeru Ahmed and 

Tony Williams) 1854, 1855, 1884, 1887-1889, 1895, 1905, 1940, 1941 

Owens 1868 

Oxfeld, David 1901, 1902 


Page, John N 1985 

Paradiso, Leonard 1948 

Patterson, William L 1920 

Pontrelli 1898, 1902 

Price, Elmer 1898 

Price, Joseph (Joe) 1948 

Price, William A 1970,1972 

Queen Mother. (See Moore, Audley.) 


Rabinowitz, Victor 1871 

Rafik. (See Dawson, Darrell.) 

Redden, John 1899 



Reisen, Beth__ 1868 

Riessman, Frank 1897 

Ring, Harry 1868 

Ring, Priscilla (Mrs. Harry Ring) 1868 

Robinson, Mike opp. 1871 

Rollack, Sandy 1891 

Romeo, Harry 1948 

Rothlein, Frederick 1924 

Roundtree, Malaclii 1903 

Rubenstein, Judith E 1914,1948 

Russell, Bertrand 1920 

Rustin, Bayard 1897 

Rutledge, James 1918, 1921, 1922, 1924, 1949, 1950, 1972, 1975-1977 


Saparo, Helen 1961 

Satz, David M., Jr 1985 

Scarpone 1910 

Sehappes, Morris U 1871 

Sehleifer, Marc 1872 

Sellers, Cleveland (Cleve) 1945 

Sexton, Patricia 1897 

Sheppard, Annamay (T.) 1948 

Sherrod 1896 

Shriver, Sargent 1964 

Siegel 1898 

Sigal, Clancy 1871 

Silberman, Charles E 1897 

Sills, Arthur J 1984 

Sinclair, Hamish 1883 

Singer, Arthur L., Jr 1897 

Slie, Samuel N 1897 

Smith, John (Smitty) 1855-1857,1893,1896-1903,1915,1927,1929,1958 

Smith, Ruby Doris 1896 

Solondz, Irvin L 1896 

SpeUman, A. B 1872 

Spiegel, Hans 1897 

Spike, Robert 1897 

Spina, Dominick A 1866, 

1876, 1896, 1900-1903, 1905, 1906, 1938, 1957, 1958, 1964, 1984 

Stalin (Josef) 1863 

Standora, Leo 1968 

Stanford, Maxwell Curtis, Jr. (alias Allah Mahammad) 1858,1947 

Stassen, Harold 1897 

Stavis, Morton 1896, 1958, 1959 

Stewart, Paul 1932 

Still, Timothy 1899, 1924 

Stone, Martha 1869 

Strickland, William 1897 

Stringfellow, William 1897 

Sweezy, Paul 1872 


Tate, James 1885 

Taylor, Prince A 1984 

Toto, Fred 1862, i960 

Tse-tung, Mao. (/See Mao Tse-tung.) 

Tucker, Donald 1962, 1968 

Turner 1926 

Velez, Ted 1868 

Vernon, Robert l-".l~~2""_l 1936 


W Page 

Wachenfeld, William A 1984 

Walker, Albert Jesse. (See Walker, James Albert.) 

Walker, James Albert (also known as Albert Jesse Walker) 1855, 

1856, 1892, 1893, 1898, 1900, 1901, 1962 

Ward, Eulis 1^30, 1941 

Watts, Daniel (H.) 1^36 

Weinglass, Leonard Irving 1867, 1914, 1938, 1947, 1948 

Wendell, Donald 1890, 1045 

West 1^26 

Whitley, Joe 1884-1887 

Wilkins, Roy 1921, 1938 

Williams 1868 

Williams, Edward 1946 

Williams, Junius - 1854, 1884-1887 

Williams, Robert (Franklin) 1920 

Williams, Tony. (See Osborne, Albert Roy.) 

Williams, William. (See Williams, Willie Asbury, Jr.) 

Williams, Willie Asbury, Jr. (also kno^vn as Saladine M. Mohaddan, i 

Willie 16X, and William Williams) 1922,1949,1950 

Willie 16X. ( See Williams, Willie Asbury, Jr. ) 

Wilson, Harold 1930 

Winans, Derek 1863, 1873, 1874, 1876, 1898, 1962 

Wright, William T. (See Wright, Willie.) 

Wright, Willie (also known as William T. Wright) 1854, 

1855, 1857, 1858, 1869, 1875, 1885, 1886, 1890-1892, 1914, 1915, 1918, 

1927, 1928, 1931-1933, 1943-1947 
Wynn, Barry 1910, 1927, 1928 


Yesselson, Abraham 1867 

Young, Whitney (M.) 1921 



ADA. ( See Americans for Democratic Action. ) 
ASU. ( fifee American Student Union. ) 

African Students Union 1920 

American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) 1968,1978 

American Student Union (ASU) 1863 

Americans for Democratic Action (ADA) 1853,1876 

Essex County, N.J., chapter 1853, 1876 

Americans for Law and Order 1935 


BICC. (See Business and Industrial Community Corporation.) 

Black Arts Repertory Theater 1857, 1913, 1914 

Black Liberation Center 1854, 1884, 1885, 1888, 1910, 1911, 1971 

Black Panther Party (known variously as Black Panthers, Black Panther 
Political Party, Black Panther Political Party for Self Defense, and 

Black Panther Party for Self -Defense (BPSD)) 1854,1885,1963 

Black Star Agency 1949 

Black Star Foundation 1949,1950 

Black United Front 1920 

Blackman's Volimteer Army of Liberation 1855, 1887, 1888, 1889 ' 

Black Star Regiment 1855, 1887 

B'nai B'rith : 

Northern Essex Lodge 1947 

Business and Industrial Community Corporation (BICC) 1875 

1 Referred to as "Black Liberation ATmy" in this reference. 

INDEX vii 

OERGE. {See €ommittee to Defend Resdstance to Ghetto Life.) 

CIA. (See United States Government, Central Intellfigenee Agency.) 

CORE. {See Congress of Racial Equality.) 

CPUSA. {See Communist Party of the United States of America.) Page 

Camera News, Incorporated 1870 

Camp Abelard (Hunter, N.Y., 1966) (formerly known as Oamp Webatuck, 
Oamp Calumet, Camp Unity, Wingdale on the Lake, and Wlingdale 

Lodge, Inc.) 1857, 1915-1917 

Oamp Calumet. ( See Oamp Abelard. ) 
Oamp Unity. {See Oamp Abelard. ) 

Oamp Webatuck (Wingdale, N.Y., Dec. 1962 to late 1966). {See Oamp 
Abelard. ) 

Central Ward Democratic Oommittee 1930 

Citizens' Oomjtnittee To Free Earl Browder 1917 

Civil Rights Congress 1917,1936 

Oomimittee for Miners 1884 

Committee on Negro and Puerto Rican Survival 1930 

Oommittee to Aid the Monroe Defendants {see also Monroe Defense Com- 
mittee) 1920 

Committee to Defend Resistance to Ghetto Life (OERGE) 1852, 

1871, 1872, 1890 

Communist Party of the United States of America (OPUSA) 1855, 

1857, 1894, 1917, 1919, 1920, 1936, 1939, 1951, 1958 
National Structure : 

Women's Commission 1855, 1894 

Youth Section 1940 

Stktes and Territories : 

New Jersey 1869 

New York State: 
New York City : 
Manhattan : 

Harlem Section : 

Women's Commission 1804 

State Committee 1804 

Communist Political Association 1894 

National Structure: 

National Oommittee 1855,1894 

Conference of Solidarity of the Peoples of Asia, Africa, and Latin America 
(also known as Afro- Asian-Latin American Peoples' Solidarity Confer- 
ence and Trieontinental Conference) : 

First Conference, January 3-15, 1966, Havana, Cuba 1866 

Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) 1854, 1868, 1885, 1900, 1968, 1973 

Newark chapter 1856, 1892, 1945 


Day Care Center 1876 

Drug and Hospital Employees Union (Local 1199, New York). {See entry 
under Retail, Wholesale and Department Store Union (AFL-OIO).) 


East Harlem Tenants Council 1868 

Emergency Civil Liberties Committee 1959, 1960 

Emergency Peace Mobilization 1959 


Fair Housing and Equal Opportunities Council 1875 

Fair Play for Cuba Committee : 

New York Chapter 1913 

Free School of New York (FUNY) 1852,1870 

Free University of New York. {See Free School of New York.) 

viii INDEX 

Freedom Now Party : Page 

Michigan 1936 

Friday Night Socialist Forum (see also Socialist "Workers Party) 1932 


Governor's Select (Commission on Ciyil Disorder 1857, 1905, 1914, 

1942, 1948, 1974, 1980, 1984 

Harlem Community Council on Housing 1868 


International Cultural Congress, January 4-11, 1968 1866 

International Labor Defense 1917 

International War Crimes Tribunal 1920 


Jack and Jill of America 1885 

Jazz Art's Society 1913 

Jesse Grey for President Campaign Committee 1954 

Jesse Grey for President Committee 1954 


Labor Negro "Vanguard Conference 1951 

Latin American Solidarity Organization (LASO) 1919 

First Conference, Havana, Cuba, July 31-August 10, 1967 1866 

Lawyers Committee to Keep the United States Out of "War 1959 

League for Industrial Democracy 1863, 1864 

Local 1199 (New York, Drug and Hospital Employees Union). (See entry 
under Retail, "Wholesale and Department Store Union (AFL-CIO).) 


MPI. (See Movlmiento Pro IndependenOia de Puerto Rico.) 

Mau Mau Society 1857, 1919 

May 2nd Movement (M2M) (see also Progressive Labor Movement) 1890 

Mid-Century Conference for Peace 1936 

Militant Labor Forum (see also Socialist Workers Party) 1852, 1868, 1936 

Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party 1890 

Monroe Defense Committee (see also Committee to Aid the Monroe 

Defendants) 1920 

Movimiento Pro Independencia de Puerto Rico (MPI) (Movement for the 

Independence of Puerto Rico) 1866 


NAACP. (See National , Association for the Advancement of Colored 

People. ) 
NCNP. (See National Conference for New Politics.) 
NCUP. (See Newark Community Union Project.) 
NLG. (See National Lawyers Guild.) 

National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders* 1876, 

1899, 1952, 1954, 1957, 1958, 1961, 1962, 1964, 1984 

National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) 1878, 


National Bar Association ; 1960 

National Conference for New Politics (NCNP) : 

Executive Board 1852, 1869 

National Coordinating Committee To End the War in "Vietnam 1890 

National Lawyers Guild (NLG) 1959,1960 

National Mobilization Committee To End the War in Vietnam (formerly 

known as Spring Mobilization Committee To End the War in Vietnam) __ 1951 

1 Sometimes referred to as "President's Commission on Civil Disorders." 



National Student League 1863 

National Urban League, Inc i^-^l 

New Jersey State Patrolmen's Benevolent Association : 

Special Investigating Committee 1914 

New York Black Community 1937 

New York Board of Rabbis 1870 

Newark Area Planning Association 1854, 1887 

Newark Community Union Project^ (NCUP) 1851- 

1853, 1856, 1863, 1865, 1867-1870, opp. 1871, 1871, 1873, 1877-1881, 
1883, 1884, 1887, 1892, 1894, 1895, 1897, 1898, 1900, 1912, 1914, 1915, 
1939, 1970 

Newark Coordinating Council 1875 

Newark Day Care Council, Incorporated 1875 

Newark Human Rights Commission 1985 

Newark Planning Board 1948 

Non-Partisan Committee in Defense of Bill Epton 1894 

Northern Student Movement 1895,1897 


PAG. (See United States Government, Office of Economic Opportunity, 
United Community Corporation (UCC), Area Board 3 (Peoples' Action 
PAL. {See Police Athletic League.) 

PLP. {See Progi-essive Labor Movement (or Party).) 
Peoples' Action Group (PAG). {See United States Government, Office of 
Economic Opportunity, United Community Corporation (UCC), Area 
Board 3.) 

Police Athletic Leape (PAL) 1915,1916 

Poverty Rights Action Center 1873 

Progressive Labor Movement (PLM) (or Party (PLP)) 1852, 

1864, 1872, 1873, 1890, 1911, 1919 

Harlem branch or chapter 1857, 1889, 1894, 1913 

Harlem Progressive Labor Club 1911 


RAM. {See Revolutionary Action Movement.) 

Retail, Wholesale and Department Store Union ( AFL-CIO) : 

Local 1199 (New York), Drug and Hospital Employees Union 1915, 1917 

Revolutionary Action Movement (RAM) 1858,1889,1947 

Philadelphia, Pa 1947 

Revolutionary Contingent (RC) 1919 


SDS. {See Students for a Democratic Society.) 
SLID. {See Student League for Industrial Democracy. ) 
SNCC. ( See Student Nonviolent Coordina ting Committee. ) 
SWP. {See Socialist Workers Party.) 

Socialist Workers Party (SWP) 1852,1857,1868,1913,1920,1936 

Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) 1960 

Southern Conference Educational Fund, Inc. (SCEF) 1872 

Spring Mobilization Committee To End the War in Vietnam {see also 

National Mobilization Committee To End the War in Vietnam) 1853, 

1876, 1951 
Student League for Industrial Democracy (SLID) 1863,1864 

^Also appears as "Newark Project," "New Jersey Project," and "Newark Community 


Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) 1854, 

1856, 1865, 1867, 1871, 1883, 1884, 1888, 1895, 1896, 1900, 1945, 
1968, 1971, 1973 

Newark, N. J., chapter 1936, 1987 

Voter Education Project (VEP) 1895 

Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) 1851, 

1852, 1854, 1863-1865, 1867, 1869, 1870, opp. 1871, 1871, 1873, 1874, 
1877, 1879, 1883, 1884, 1890, 1895, 1970, 1971 

Economic Research and Action Project 1881 

Radical Education Project 1852, 1871 


TEAM. ( See Total Employment and Manpower. ) 

Theatre for Ideas (New York City) 1989 

Total Employment and Manpower (TEAM) 1875,1900 

Center No. 1 (Newark, N..T.) 1855,1892 

Tricontinental Conference, January 3-15, 1966, Havana, Cuba. {See Con- 
ference of Solidarity of the Peoples of Asia, Africa, and Latin America, 
First Conference.) 

Tri-Continental Information Center 1865, 1866 


U.A.A.A. (See United Afro-American Association.) 

UCC. (See United States Government, Ofllce of Economic Opportunity, 

United Community Corporation. ) 
UFT. ( See United Freedom Ticket. ) 
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, Government of : 

Embassy, Washington, D.C 1947 

United Afro-American Association (U.A.A.A.) 1855, 

1857, 1890, 1891, 1927, 1928, 1931, 1932, 1933 \ 1934 \ 1946 

United Blacks Against Genocide 1920 

United Brothers of Newark 1930, 1951, 1953 

United Freedom Ticket (UFT) 1878-1880 

United States Government : 

Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) 1921 

OflBce of Economic Opportunity (OEO) 1852, 

1855, 1857, 1867, 1891, 1892, 1915, 1937, 1942, 1945, 1946, 1955-1957, 

Neighborhood Legal Services Center No. 2 1946 

Newark Legal Services Project— 1898, 1^42, 1948, 1978, 1980-1982, 1985 
United Community Corporation (UCC) 1853-1855, 

1857, 1858, 1867, 1875, 1877, 1881, 1885, 1891, 1892, 1898-1900, 1903, 
1905, 1906, 1915, 1916, 1923, 1924, 1927, 1930, 1937, 1945-1947, 1955, 
1957, 1962-1964, 1968 

Area Board 2 1856, 1858, 1894, 1903, 1910, 1944, 1948 

Area Board 3 (also known as Peoples' Action Group 

(PAG)) 1852- 

1854, 1867, 1869, 1875, 1877-1881, 1883, 1886, 1968, 1970, 1971 

Bessie Smith Community Center 1853, 1875 

Welfare Committee , 1967 

Welfare Mothers Committee 1971 

Area Board 5 1968 

Area Board 6 1945 

Summer Vacation Program for Children , 1915, 1916 

1 Appears as "United Afro Americana Association" in this reference. 



VEP. (See Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, Voter Education 

Project.) Page 

"Veterans of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade 1920 


WNJR (radio station) 1945 

Walt Whitman School of Social Sciences 1959, 1960 

Washington Bookshop. (See Washington Cooperative Bookshop (District 
of Columbia).) 

Washington Cooperative Bookshop (District of Columbia) 1959,1960 

W. E. B. DuBois Clubs of America , 1890 

Wtngdale Lodge, Inc. ( Sec Camp Abelard. ) 
Wingdale on the Lake. (See Camp Abelard. ) 

World Peace Appeal 1936 

World Youth Festivals: 

Eighth Youth Festival, 1962, Helsinki, Finland 1851,1865 

Workers World Party (WWP) 1920 

Youth Against War and Fascism (YAWF) 1920,1936-1938 


YAWF. (See Workers World Party, Youth Against War and Fascism.) 
Youth Against War and Fascism (YAWF). {See entry under Workers 
World Party.) 




Arm Yourself or Harm Yourself (play) (LeRoi Jones) 1943 


Black Ghetto, The (pamphlet) 1936 

Black Newark 1943 

Blackman's Defender (newsletter) 1941 

Daily World 1868 

Floating Bear, The 1913 


Going Away (book) (Clancy Sigal) 1871 

Guardian (formerly National Guardian) 1884,1921 


Had Us a Time (film) opp. 1871 

Hanoi— Tuesday 13th (film) 1940 


Liberation (magazine) 1858, 1881, 1945 

Liberator (magazine) 1936 


Militant, The (SWP newspaper) 1870,1936 

Mission to Hanoi (book) (Herbert Aptheker) 1851,1865 

Monthly Review (magazine) 1872,1936 

Movement of Many Voices, A ( SDS pamphlet) 1871 

Muhammad Speaks (newspaper) 1950 

Muhlenberg Weekly (Muhlenberg College publication) 1943 

Nation, The 1852 

National Guardian , 1868, 1884, 1970 

New Politics News 1852, 1869 

xil INDEX 

Other Side, The (book) (Staughton Lynd) . 1851,1865 


Ramparts 1852 

Rebellion in Newark (book) (Thomas Hayden) 1858,1938,1939,1942,1948 

Revolution in Mississippi (SDS pamphlet) , 1865 

Studies on the Left (magazine) 1852, 1853, 1869, 1870, 1873, 1877 

Troublemakers (film) 1852, 1870, opp. 1871, 1871 

A'^iet Report 186S 


We Got to Live Here (film) , opp. 1871, 1871 

Worker, The 1873, 1921, 1947 

Workers World , 1921 



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