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Full text of "Subversive involvement in disruption of 1968 Democratic Party National Convention. Hearings, Ninetieth Congress, second session"

6^5 ,U,^' ^-f II 



HARVARD COLLEGE 
LIBRARY 




GIFT OF THE 



GOVERNMENT 
OF THE UNITED STATES 



V*3 



Committee on Un-American Activities 
House 
90th Congress 



1. Subversive Involvement in Disruption 

of 1968 Democratic Party- 
National Convention, Part 
1. 

2, Subversive Involvement in Disruption 

of 1968 Democratic Party- 
National Convention, Part 
2. 

5. Subversive Involvement in Disruption 
of 1968 Democratic Party- 
National Convention, Part 
5. 



( U5Cbc2,79 

SUBVERSIVE INVOLVEMENT IN DISRUPTION OF 1968 
DEMOCRATIC PARTY NATIONAL CONVENTION 

PART 1 



DEPOSITED BY THE 
„N,TPn <;TflTF.'5 nOVERNMENT 

JUL 10 1969 



HEARINGS 

BEFORE THE 

COMMITTEE OX TX-AMEEICAX ACTITITIES 
HOUSE OF REPEESEXTATIYES 

NINETIETH COXGRESS 

SECOND SESSION 



OCTOBER 1. 3, AND 4. 1968 
aXCLUDING INDEX) 



Printed for the use of the 
Committee on Internal Security 




U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 
21-706 WASHINGTON : 1968 



For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. GoTernment Printing Office 
Washington, DC. 20402 - Price SI. 25 



.111? ">■; 

'.I ''>: '' '■ J. 



COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES 

United States House of Re^'Besentatives 
(90th Congress, 2(1 Session) 

EDWIN E. WILLIS, Louisiana, Chairman 
WILLIAM M. TUCK, Virginia JOHN M. ASHBROOK, Ohio 

RICHARD H. ICHORD, Missouri DEL CLAWSON, California 

JOHN C, CULVER, Iowa RICHARD L. ROUDEBUSH, Indiana 

ALBERT W. WATSON, South Carolina 

Francis J. McNamara, Director 

Chester D. Smith, General Counsel 

Alfred M. Nittle, Counsel 



COMMITTEE ON INTERNAL SECURITY 

United States House of Representatives 
(9l8t Congress, 1st Session) 

RICHARD H. ICHORD, Missouri, Chairman 
CLAUDE PEPPER, Florida JOHN M. ASHBROOK, Ohio 

EDWIN W. EDWARDS, Louisiana RICHARD L. ROUDEBUSH, Indiana 

RICHARDSON PREYER, North Carolina ALBERT W. WATSON, South Carolina 

LOUIS STOKES, Ohio WILLIAM J. SCHERLE, Iowa 

Donald G. Sanders, Chief Counsel 

Glenn Davis, Editorial Director 

Alfred M. Nittlb, Counsel 



CONTENTS 



October 1, 1968: Testimony of— !•»«« 

James Gallagher 2244 

Joseph J. Healy and Joseph Grubisic 2273 

Afternoon session : 

Joseph J. Healy and Joseph Grubisic (resumed) 2282 

October 3, 1968 : Testimony of— 

Robert L. Pierson 2390 

Afternoon session : 

Robert L. Pierson (resumed) 2404 

Robert Greenblatt 2412 

Quentin D. Young 2422 

October 4, 1968 : Testimony of — 

Quentin D. Young (resumed) 2438 

Afternoon session : 

Quentin D. Young (resumed) 2465 

Robert Greenblatt (resumed) 2475 

Index i 

in 



The House Committee on Un-American Activities is a standing 
committee of the House of Representatives, constituted as such by the 
rules of the House, adopted pursuant to Article I, section 5, of the 
Constitution of the United States which authorizes the House to 
determine the rules of its proceedings. 

RULES ADOPTED BY THE 90TH CONGRESS 

House Resolution 7, January 10, 1967, as amended April 3, 1968, by House 

Resolution 1099 

RESOLUTION 

Resolved, That the Rules of the House of Representatives of the Eighty-ninth 
Congress, together with all applicable provisions of the Legislative Reorganiza- 
tion Act of 1946, as amended, be, and they are hereby, adopted as the Rules of 
the House of Representatives of the Ninetieth Congress * * ♦ 



Rule X 

STANDING COMMITTEES 

1. There shall be elected by the House, at the commencement of each Congress, 

******* 
(s) Committee on Un-American Activities, to consist of nine Members. 

*:;■:***** 

Rule XI 

POWERS AND DUTIES OF COMMITTEES 

******* 

19. Committee on Un-American Activities. 

(a) Un-American activities. 

(b) The Committee on Un-American Activities, as a whole or by subcommittee, 
is authorized to make from time to time investigations of (1) the extent, charac- 
ter, and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the United States, (2) 
the diffusion within the United States of subversive and un-American propa- 
ganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origin and attacks 
the principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitution, and 
(3) all other questions in relation thereto that would aid Congress in any neces- 
sary remedial legislation. 

The Committee on Un-American Activities shall report to the House (or to the 
Clerk of the House if the House is not in session) the results of any such investi- 
gation, together with such recommendations as it deems advisable. 

For the purpose of any such investigation, the Committee on Un-American 
Activities, or any subcommittee thereof, is authorized to sit and act at such times 
and places within the United States, whether or not the House is sitting, has 
recessed, or has adjourned, to hold such hearings, to require the attendance of 
such witnesses and the production of such books, papers, and documents, and to 
take such testimony, as it deems necessary. Subpenas may be issued under the 
signature of the chairman of the committee or any subcommittee, or by any mem- 
ber designated by any such chairman, and may be served by any person desig- 
nated by any such chairman or member. 

******* 

28. To assist the House in appraising the administration of the laws and in 
developing such amendments or related legislation as it may deem necessary, 
each standing committee of the House shall exercise continuous watchfulness of 
the execution by the administrative agencies concerned of any laws, the subject 
matter of which is within the jurisdiction of such committee ; and, for that pur- 
pose, shall study all pertinent reports and data submitted to the House by the 
agencies in the executive branch of the Government. 



SUBVERSIVE INVOLVEMENT IN DISRUPTION OF 1968 
DEMOCRATIC PARTY NATIONAL CONVENTION 

Part 1 



TUESDAY, OCTOBER 1, 1968 

United States House of Representatives, 

Subcommittee of the 
Committee on Un-American Activities, 

Washington, D.G. 

PUBLIC HEARINGS 

A subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities met, 
pursuant to call, at 10 a.m., in Room 311, Cannon House Office Builcl- 
mg, Washington, D.C., Hon. Richard H. Ichord (chairman of the 
subcommittee) presiding. 

(Subcommittee members: Representatives Ichord, of Missouri, 
chairman; Edwin E. Willis, of Louisiana, chairman of the full com- 
mittee ; William M. Tuck, of Virginia ; John M. Ashbrook, of Ohio ; 
and Albert W. Watson, of South Carolina.) 

Subcommittee members present: Representatives Ichord, Willis, 
Tuck, Ashbrook, and Watson. 

Staff members present : Francis J. McNamara, director ; Chester D. 
Smith, general counsel ; and Herbert Romerstein, investigator. 

Mr. Ichord. The committee will come to order, a quorum being 
present. 

Under the Rules of the House of Representatives, since this is an 
investigative hearing the Chair is required to make an opening state- 
ment. I think before I make this opening statement it would be desir- 
able for the Chair to identify the attorneys who are present in the 
room representing clients who are scheduled to appear before the 
committee. 

I see you standing, sir. Will you please come forward ? Do we have 
other attorneys in the room representing clients who are witnesses 
appearing before the committee ? 

Officers, will you announce before we begin the hearing — will you 
announce outside if there are any attorneys representing clients who 
are witnesses to appear before the committee to make certain that they 
are now identified so that they can be present in the hearing room if 
they desire. 

Officers, before I begin the opening statement, did you ascertain 
whether any attorney representing clients who are to appear later 
before the committee is present ? 

Officer. Sir, there are some downstairs; the chief is going to get 
them now. 

2237 



2238 DISRUPTION OF 19 6 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

Mr. IcHORD. Very ^ood. I will delay the opening statement until 
they have an opportunity to be present. 

In order for the officers to ascertain whether there are any witnesses 
who have not gained entrance as yet, or their attorneys, the Chair will 
declare a recess for 5 minutes. 

(Brief recess.) 

Mr. IcHORn. The committee will come to order. 

The photographers will please retire. Gentlemen, may I have your 
cooperation ; will you please retire. 

The Chair had previously asked for attorneys representing clients 
to come forward so that the Chair might identify you. 

Are there any additional attorneys in the room representing clients 
who are witnesses to appear before the committee ? I have Mr. di Su- 
vero, Michael Kennedy, Mr. Melvin Wulf. Do we have another at- 
torney ? Will you please come forward, sir ? 

The co-mmittee will come to order. 

Under Rule XI, 26 (i) of the Rules of the House of Representatives, 
since this is an investigative hearing the Chair is required to make an 
opening statement. 

This subcommittee of the House Committee on Un-American Ac- 
tivities is convened to conduct hearings upon the subjects of inquiry 
and for the legislative purposes set forth in a committee resolution 
adopted on September 12, 1968. The resolution is as follows: 

WHEREAS, the Committee on Un-American Activities has received evidence 
over a period of months that Communist, pro-Communist, and other cooperating 
subversive elements within the National Mobilization Committee To End the 
War in Vietnam, Students for a Democratic Society, Youth International Party, 
and various other organizations were planning disruptive acts and violence in 
the City of Chicago, Illinois, during the week of August 25, 1968 ; and 

WHEREAS, evidence in the possession of the Committee on Un-American 
Activities reveals that a number of the Communist, pro-Communist, and other 
subversive organizations and individuals named in the Committee's report of 
April 1967, entitled, "Communist Origin and Manipulation of Vietnam Week," as 
having planned and organized that subversive activity, also were leading planners 
and organizers of the aforementioned disruption and acts of violence in Chicago, 
Illinois, during the week of August 25, 1968 ; and 

WHEREAS, the Chairman of the Committee on Un-American Activities on 
two occasions. May 13 and June 26, 1968, informed Members of Congress of the 
above-mentioned subversive elements' plans and organization for such disruptive 
acts in Chicago, Illinois, during the week of August 25, 1968 (Congressional 
Record, May 13, 1968, page H3698, and June 26, 1968, page H5698, respectively) ; 
and 

WHEREAS, the Subcommittee on Appropriations, House of Representatives, 
subsequent to the Chairman's initial remarks on the subject, released executive 
testimony of J. Edgar Hoover confirming what the Chairman had stated ; 

NOW, THEREFORE, for the purposes, and pursuant to the authority, con- 
tained in Rule XI, paragraph 18, of the House of Representatives Resolution 7, 
90th Congress : 

BE IT RESOLVED, that investigation be made, and hearings be held by the 
Committee on Un-American Activities, or a subcommittee thereof appointed by 
the Chairman for that purpose, in Washington, D.C., or at such place or places, 
and on such date or dates, as the Chairman may designate, relating to the extent, 
character, and objectives of Communist propaganda, foreign or domestic, and 
Communist activities within the United States to advance the objectives and 
purposes of the world Communist movement and in aid of foreign Communist 
governments and organizations, with particular reference to determining the 
extent to which, and the manner in which, the incidents and acts of force and 
violence which occurred in the City of Chicago, Illinois, during the week of 
August 25, 1968, were planned, instigated, incited, or supported by Communist 
and other subversive organizations and individuals, and all other questions in 



DISRUPTION OF 19 6 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2239 

relation to the above, which will provide factual information to aid the Congress 
in the proposal, consideration of, or the enactment of any necessary remedial 
legislation, in fulfillment of the authority and directives contained in Rule XI, 
paragraph 18, of the House of Representatives Resolution 7, 90th Congress. 

The free functioning and security of our democratic institutions are 
threatened by the activities of subversive organizations and individ- 
uals. "With adherents within the United States numbering in the 
thousands, such organizations seek to effect changes in our constitu- 
tional system of government by violence and illegal means. Although 
our system of government provides adequate opportunity for lawful 
and peaceful change, they have rejected the democratic process and 
seek to achieve their objectives by means totally inconsistent with our 
libertarian institutions. 

The objectives, control, methods of organization, recruitment, indoc- 
trination, and operation of subversive organizations are frequently 
concealed, and there does not appear to be any disposition upon the 
part of such organizations to make such information readily or pub- 
licly available. 

A number of these organizations have international ties. Some are 
actually controlled by foreign Communist powers which have, by 
word and deed, expressed unremitting hostility to our society. 

The ideologj^ of Marx and Lenin, to which several of them appear 
to adhere, teaches that there is to be no compromise with existing non- 
Communist governments, except only those "practical compromises" 
(to borrow the language of Lenin) which are necessary to accelerate 
the quarrels and conflicts which lead to the complete disintegration of 
society and the ultimate seizure of power by socialist revolutionaries. 

That these organizations, and persons affiliated with them, are deter- 
mined to effect a general breakdown in law and order, preparatory to 
their long-range objective of seizing the powers of government, is 
becoming increasingly apparent. In the Congress we are faced with 
insistent and growing demands, not only with respect to the examina- 
tion and appraisal of the administration and enforcement of existing 
law, but also for additional legislation, including demands for consti- 
tutional amendment if necessary, to cope with the activities of those 
organizations and individuals who are disrupting the orderly processes 
of government and unlawfully disturbing the tranquility of the 
Nation. 

We are thus faced with serious and complex problems requiring the 
attention of the legislative branch of the Government. In this Con- 
gress a number of bills have been introduced which are intended to 
cope with various aspects of the dangers posed by these revolutionary 
elements. A major bill, H.R. 12601, introduced by the chairman of this 
committee, my distinguished colleague Edwin Willis, was enacted into 
law in this Congress. I refer to P.L. 90-237 approved by the President 
on Januarv 2, 1968, amending the Subversive Activities Control Act 
of 1950. 

Other bills before this House, reported by this committee, include 
H.R. 8 to prevent the obstruction of our Armed Forces, H.R. 735 to es- 
tablish a Freedom Commission and Freedom Academy, H.R. 7025 to 
cope with organizational conspiracies, and H.R. 15626 for the protec- 
tion of defense facilities. H.R. 5942, regulating the travel of subver- 
sives, and a number of related bills are pending before this committee 
and the Congress. 



2240 DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

Among the questions to which we seek an answer are: Is existing 
legislation adequate? Is it duly administered and enforced? Is addi- 
tional legislation necessary? What form should such legislation take? 
The answers to these important questions require the most painstaking 
and comprehensive investigation into all aspects and activities of such 
organizations and individuals. 

In an effort to resolve such problems, this committee for some time 
has been inquiring into and conducting hearings on the varied activ- 
ities of such organizations and individuals. In making inquiry today 
into the circumstances of the violence perpetrated in the city of Chicago 
during the week of August 25, 1968, on the occasion of the Democratic 
National Convention, we seek particularly to determine the extent to 
which, and the means by which, these incidents were planned, in- 
stigated, incited, and supported by Communist and other subversive 
organizations. 

We are not interested in whether or not the news media distorted 
what actually happened in Chicago. We are not interested in whether 
the police underreacted or overreacted. 

We are interested in what happened and how it happened in the 
city of Chicago at the Democratic National Convention. 

In order to determine what legislation may be necessary and most 
effective in dealing with such activities, the Congress must know what 
organizations and individuals are involved, the objectives and purposes 
of such organizations and groups organized to support and assist them. 
The Congress must know how such organizations are created and con- 
trolled, who their key officers are, what may be their international ties, 
how they are financed — and that is very important. It is very difficult 
to find how many of these organizations are financed — how their opera- 
tions at Chicago were directed and carried out, the extent to which 
their purposes and activities are concealed. It must also know some- 
thing of the strength and scope of such organizations. In short, the 
Congress must know as much about them and their activities as it 
l^ossibly can. 

I now offer for inclusion in the record, the order of ajDpointment of 
the subcommittee to conduct these hearings : 

Septembee 12, 1968. 
To : Me. Francis J. McNamaea, 
Director, Committee on Un-American Activities. 

Pursuant to the provisions of the law and the Rules of this Committee, I 
hereby appoint a subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities, 
consisting of Honorable Richard Ichord, as Chairman, and myself, Honorable 
William M. Tuck, Honorable John M. Ashbrook and Honorable Albert W. Watson, 
as associate members, to conduct hearings in Washington, D.C., commencing 
on or about Tuesday, October 1, 1968, and/or at such other times thereafter 
and places as said subcommittee shall determine, as contemplated by the resolu- 
tion adopted by the Committee on the 12th day of September, 1968 authorizing 
hearings concerning Communist activities within the United States, with particu- 
lar reference to the extent to which, and the manner in which the incidents 
and acts of force and violence which occurred in the City of Chicago, Illinois, 
during the week of August 25, 1968, were planned, instigated, incited, or sup- 
ported by Communist and other subversive organizations and individuals, and 
other matters under investigation by the Committee. 

Please make this action a matter of Committee record. 

If any member indicates his inability to serve, please notify me. 

Given under my hand this 12th day of September, 1968. 

/s/ Edwin E. Willis, 
Edwin E. Willis, 
Chairman, Committee on Un-American Activities. 



DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2241 

With that out of the way, the Chair has been advised that it has 
been announced by certain individuals that there would be an attempt 
to disrupt these hearings. 

I think I should admonish everyone in this room — and bear in 
mind that I am only addressing my remarks to those who would seek 
to disrupt these hearings — I think I should read a recent statute 
which has been passed by the Congress of the United States, entitled 
Public Law 90-108, signed into law October 20, 1967, of fairly recent 
origin. Subsection (b) [of section 6] of 90-108 reads as follows: 

It shall be unlawful for any person or group of persons willfully and 
knowingly — 

Subsection 4 of subsection (b) : 

To utter loud, threatening or abusive language, or to engage in any disorderly 
or disruptive conduct, at any place upon the United States Capitol Grounds or 
within any of the Capitol Buildings with intent to impede, disrupt, or disturb 
the orderly conduct of any session of the Congress or either House thereof, or 
the orderly conduct within any such building of any hearing before — 

And this applies to these hearings. [Continues reading :] 

— any hearing before, or any deliberations of, any committee or subcommittee of 
the Congress or either House thereof ; 

Subsection (b) of section 8 reads as follows : 

Any violation of section 2, 3, 4, 5, 6(b), or 7 of this Act, and any attempt 
to commit any such violation, shall be a misdemeanor punishable by a fine not 
exceeding $500, or imprisonment not exceeding six months, or both. 

This statute applies to these hearings. The police have been in- 
structed to strictly enforce Public Law 90-108. We must have order 
in these hearings. The business of the Congress is the people's busi- 
ness. The public is welcome, but there must be order maintained in 
these hearings. And I intend to use not only Public Law 90-108, but 
also all of the powers and authority vested in me as chairman of this 
subcommittee to see that order is maintained. 

]^[ow the Chair has identified several of the lawyers. We had a delay 
of several minutes in order that some of the lawyers might arrive at 
the hearing because I did want to give them an opportunity to hear the 
opening statement. 

I would like at this time to address myself to the attorneys repre- 
senting clients because some of you may not have had the opportunity 
to represent a client before a parliamentary body previously. I know 
that some of you have, but I want to read the Rules of the House of 
Representatives in regard to the functioning of counsel in the event 
that some of you are not acquainted with the Rules of Procedure be- 
fore this committee. 

Rule XI, 26 (k) reads as follows : 

Witnesses at investigative hearings may be accompanied by their own counsel 
for the purpose of advising them concerning their constitutional rights. 

Rule VII and Rule VIII of the rules of this committee read as 
follows. I now proceed to read Rule VII entitled "Advice of Counsel" : 

A — At every hearing, public or executive, every witness shall be accorded the 
privilege of having counsel of his own choosing. 

B — The participation of counsel during the course of any hearing and while 
the witness is testifying shall be limited to advising said witness as to his legal 
rights. 



2242 DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

He will be limited to advising said witness as to his legal rights. 
[Continues reading :] 

Counsel shall not be permitted to engage in oral argument with the Committee, 
but shall confine his activity to the area of legal advice to his client. 

Rule VIII — Conduct of Counsel : 

Counsel for a vritness shall conduct himself in a professional, ethical, and 
proper manner. His failure to do so shall, upon a finding to that effect by a 
majority of the Committee or Subcommittee before which the witness is appear- 
ing, subject such counsel to disciplinary action which may include warning, 
censure, removal of counsel from the hearing room, or a recommendation of con- 
tempt proceedings. 

In accordance with those Rules on October 18, 1966, the chief officer 
of the House of Eepresentatives, the Speaker of the House of Repre- 
sentatives, made a ruling on the floor of the House of Representatives. 
I read from his ruling : 

The Chair will also point out, parenthetically, that subsection (k) of rule XI, 
provides that : 

that was Rule XI, 26 (k) — 

"Witnesses at investigative hearings may be accompanied by their own counsel 
for the purpose of advising them concerning their constitutional rights." 

These are the words of the Speaker : 

This privilege, unlike advocacy in a court, does not as a matter of right entitle 
the attorney to present argument, make motions, or make demands on the 
committee. 

I would say to the counsel representing clients before this committee 
that the Chair is also an attorney as well as a Member of Congress, 
sworn to uphold and defend the Constitution of the United States. 
And I intend to protect the constitutional rights of all witnesses ap- 
pearing before this committee and give you the opportunity as counsel 
to represent your clients within the rules of the committee. But I 
think it is obvious why the rules are different from a court proceed- 
ing. This is not a court proceeding. This is a parliamentary inquiry. 
This I think at times has been perhaps distorted by failures of cer- 
tain elements of the press to make that distinction. 

No one is on trial before this body. No one is about to be punished 
before this body. Trials and punishment are for the courts. We are 
interested only in gathering facts to serve as a legislative basis. The 
Chair is going to enforce these rules. 

Now some of the attorneys have mentioned to me that they have 
points of order, legal objections to present to the committee. 

I would ask that the attorneys representing clients present those 
objections to me in writing in the form of a brief, in the form of a peti- 
tion, however you wish, before 8 o'clock Thursday morning, and the 
Chair will have a meeting of the committee between 8 and 10 o'clock 
Thursday morning in order to rule on the points of order and the legal 
objections that you make. 

I think that will be the best way to protect your interest in order 
for you to save your points, in order for you to save any points that 
you may have in litigation that might develop in the courts. But I 
will not hear argument from the counsel during these proceedings. 

I might further for the benefit of counsel advise counsel that Rule 
XI, 26 (m) , which is always a matter of controversy between the com- 
mittee and counsel representing the witness, has been considered in 



DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2243 

the light of these hearings. Determinations have been made under rule 
26 (m) . Rule 26 (m) reads as follows : 

If the committee determines that evidence or testimony at an investigative 
hearing may tend to defame, degrade, or incriminate any person, it shall — 

(1) receive such evidence or testimony in executive session; 

(2) afford such person an opportunity voluntarily to appear as a witness; and 

(3) receive and dispose of requests from such person to subpena additional 
witnesses. 

A number of the witnesses have received the rule 26 (m) letter. I 
regret that the time element was very short but the committee is under 
the pressure of time. When were those rule 26 (m) letters sent out, Mr. 
Director ? 

Mr. McNamara. On varying dates, September 23, 25, in that area. 

Mr. IcHORD. Will you get those and supply them for the record ? You 
notified them that they had until 10 o'clock Saturday night to notify 
the director of the committee to take advantage of the executive session 
hearings which were to be held yesterday, on Monday. No one apx^eared 
at those hearings. 

Gentlemen, for what purpose do you rise ? 

Mr. Kennedy. Point of order, if I may. I am Michael Kennedy, 
representing Rennie Davis and Bob Greenblatt. If the record stands 
with reference to rule 26 (m) as stated by the chairman, then it would 
indicate that clients in fact received those letters. 

I represent to the chairman and to the committee that insofar as 
my clients are concerned they did not receive those letters. 

Mr. IcHORD. Let me advise the gentleman that, as I stated before, 
your witness will not be called any earlier than Thursday morning. 
Therefore, you have the opportunity to submit those points in writing 
to me. The committee will meet at 8 o'clock and rule on the points that 
you offer. 

Let us proceed. 

Mr. Kennedy. Mr. Chairman 

Mr. IcHORD. I believe the gentleman can talk to me later. I will ask 
that the gentleman retire. You will be given a chance to hear those 
points. We are not hearing your witness. The Chair will not entertain 
a point of order at this time. You will be given an opportunity. 

Mr. Ejennedy. A point of parliamentary procedure. I presume we 
are proceeding under parliamentary rules ? 

Mr. IcHORD. That is true. 

Mr. Kennedy. I will make a personal request for personal con- 
venience, based on two things. No. 1, there are larger hearing rooms 
available to which this committee can adjourn. I am sure the chairman 
wants these hearings to be as public as we do. There are a great num- 
ber of people outside who would like to come in. I make that request 
as a matter of parliamentary procedure. 

Mr. Ichord. The Chair will rule that this is the regular committee 
hearing room of the committee. I regret that there are more people 
outside than the committee room will hold. But we have had difficulty 
maintaining order in the past at some of these hearings. 

Arrangements have been made for security so as to have order in 
this hearing room. The Chair will have to deny your request. 

Mr. Kennedy. Mr. Chairman, I wish the record to reflect that there 
are seats available in the hearing room now that could be filled by 



2244 DISRUPTION OF 19 6 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

members of the public, relatives and friends certainly of the witnesses. 

Mr. IcHORD. The Chair is able to see that the room is filled. The Chair 
observes that there are many people standing at the present time. I 
will leave that up to the officers keeping the security. Will the gentle- 
man please be seated. The gentleman is not recognized any further 
at this time. You will have an opportunity to make your points. Will 
you please be seated, sir, so that the hearings can proceed? 

Mr. Counsel, call your first witness. 

Mr. Smith, Mr. Chairman, the first witness this morning will be 
Mr. Jim Gallagher, a research consultant on the committee staff who 
will present to the committee in summary form some of the basic facts 
developed in the course of his research and investigation into the 
factors involved in the disruption of the Democratic Party Conven- 
tion held in Chicago, the week of August 25, 1968. 

Will you swear the witness ? 

Mr. IcHORD. Just a minute, Mr. Counsel. Will the photographers 
please retire. Under the Rules of the House of Representatives the 
photographers are permitted to take pictures before the witness is 
sworn. That is the ruling of the Speaker of the House of Representa- 
tives. I will have to enforce that ruling and I ask the cooperation of 
the members of the press. 

Do you solemnly swear that this testimony you are about to give 
before this committee will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing 
but the truth, so help you God ? 

Mr. Gallagher. I do. 

Mr. IcHORD. Proceed, Mr. Counsel. 

TESTIMONY OF JAMES L. GALLAGHER 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Gallagher, will you state your full name for the 
record and your employment with the committee. 

Mr. Gallagher. Yes. My name is James L. Gallagher. I have been 
employed approximately 5 years with this committee. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Gallagher, what did staff research indicate was the 
basic purpose of the disruption in Chicago ? 

Mr. Gallagher. Staff research indicated that the basic purpose of 
the Chicago demonstration can perhaps best be summed up in one 
word, "Vietnam." Many placards, projects, and pieces of propaganda 
indicated that the proposals advocated by the demonstrators were 
clearly compatible with the policies of Hanoi, Havana, Peking, and 
Moscow. 

The Chicago convention was used as an instrument to further this 
anti-Vietnam war theme. 

The secondary purpose, in addition to that, was to create a break- 
down of our two-party system and to bring about the creation of a 
third party, an independent movement to the left. 

Another factor was the radicalization of America, particularly its 
youth, to disaffect them from their heritage and culture, to turn them 
against all established authority, both in the public sector and the pri- 
vate, whether city administration or college administration. And 
lastly, in general, to disrupt America's total political process, be it 
campaigns, conventions, elections, or the Congress itself; disruption 
directed at the national, State, and local levels of Government. 



DISRUPTION OF 19 6 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2245 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Gallagher, how many groups were involved or, in 
other words, how big was this operation ? 

Mr. Gallagher. News accounts have put the number of groups be- 
tween 100 to 300. We have here a list of 82 groups that had made plans 
to attend or were at Chicago. Many of these organizations were of a 
permanent nature, some temporary, ad hoc types, some large, some 
small. Some of the groups, in nature, were hippie groups. Communist 
Party groups. Socialist Workers Party, Trotskyite groups. Progressive 
Labor Party, pacifists. In short, a complete spectrum of the New Lfeft 
and Old Left. 

Mr. Smith. Do you have a list of such organizations assembled? 

Mr. Gallagher. Yes, I do, Mr. Counsel. 

As I said, it is a veritable litany of old and new left groups. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, may we accept this list in the record of 
evidence ? 

Mr. IcHORD. Bring it forward, Mr. Counsel. 

This is a master list of organizations and publications who did what, 
Mr. Counsel? 

Mr. Smith. Who participated in the disruptions in Chicago, in the 
planning and organizing. 

Mr. IcHORD. The list will be accepted for the record for what it 
means, if there is no objection. 

(Document marked "Committee Exhibit No. 1" follows:) 

Committee Exhibit No. 1 
LIST OF 82 ORGANIZATIONS AND PUBLICATIONS 

(* designates groups which publicized in advance the intentions of representa- 
tives or members to participate in demonstrations during Democratic National 
Convention and, in some cases, to encourage others to do the same.) 
*Ad Hoc Committee for Peace' Sake. 

American Friends Service Committee. 

Black Caucus Chicago Convention. 

Black Panthers. 

Blackstone Rangers. 

CAP AC (Cleveland Area Peace Action Council). 

Catholic Peace Fellowship. 

Center for Radical Research. 

Chicago Area Draft Resisters (CADRE). 

Chicago Peace Council. 
♦Cincinnati Action for Peace. 
♦Cleveland Draft Resistance Union. 

♦Clergy & Laymen Concerned (also referred to as Concerned Clergy and Laymen). 
♦Coalition for an Anti-imperialistic Movement (CO-AIM). 

Coalition for an Open Convention. 

Committee for Non Violent Action, New England. 
♦Committee of Returned Volunteers (CRV). 

Communist Party, U.S.A. 
♦Concerned Citizens. 

Connecticut Peace Coalition. 

Crusade for Justice. 
♦Detroit People Against Racism. 
♦Dow Action Committee. 

Episcopal Peace Fellowship. 

Fellowship of Reconciliation. 
♦Fifth Avenue Vietnam Peace Parade Committee. 

Fifth Estate, The (Detroit, Michigan). 

Free City Survival Committee. 

Guardian. 



2246 DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

High School Union. 

IWMRDC. 

International Committee to Release Bldridge Cleaver. 
♦Latin American Defense Organization (LADO). 

Liberation. 

Medical Committee for Human Rights. 

Midwest Committee for Draft Counseling, of the Central Committee for Con- 

scientious Objectors. 
♦Movement for a Democratic Society. 

National Blaclc Anti-War Anti-Draft Union (NBAWADU). 

National Conference for New Politics. 
♦National Mobilization Committee To End the War in Vietnam. 

National Unity for Peace. 

National Welfare Rights Organization (NWRO) . 
♦New University Conference. 

North Shore Women for Peace. 

Ohio Peace Action. 
♦Parent School. 

♦Peace Area Action Council (Cleveland). 
♦Peace and Freedom Party. 

People Against Racism. 

Philadelphia Mobilization. 

Progressive Labor Party. 
♦Radical Organizing Committee (ROC). 

Radical Women. 

Ramparts. 

RAT 

RESIST. 
♦Resistance. 

Socialist Worl^ers Party. 

Solidarity Bookshop (Chicago). 

Southern Conference Educational Fund. 
♦Student Health Organization. 

Student Mobilization Committee To End the War in Vietnam. 
♦Students for a Democratic Society (SDS). 
♦Summer of Support ( SOS ) . 

Teachers for Peace in Viet Nam. 

United Blacli Front (UBF). 
♦Veterans for Peace. 

Vietnam Veterans Advisory Committee. 

WRDA. 

W. E. B. DuBois Clubs of America. 

Washington Mobilization for Peace. 

West Side Organization (WSO). 

Wisconsin Draft Resistance Union. 

Women for Peace. 
♦Women Mobilized for Change. 

Women Strike for Peace. 

Women's Coalition. 

Womens Co-ordinating Committee. 

Workers World Party. 

Young Socialist Alliance. 

Youth for New America. 
♦Youth International Party (YIP). 

Mr. KuNSTLER. Mr. Chairman, will there be copies for counsel? 

Mr. IcHORD. Do you have extra copies of that ? 

Mr. Smith. Do you have extra copies? 

Mr. Gallagher. That is the witness' copy. That is the only one I 
have. 

Mr. IcHORD. Let the record show that Mr. Kunstler, representing Mr. 
Rubin, asked the question. Mr. Director, please reproduce this and 
provide a copy to Mr. Kunstler. 

Proceed. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Gallagher, in a geographical sense, how widespread 
was this operation ? 



DISRUPTION OF 1 9 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2247 

Mr. Gallagher. The groups that converged on Chicago came from 
the East Coast, the West Coast, the South, and Midwest, from cities 
like New York, Boston, Philadelphia, Los Angeles. I have here a few 
squibs on some of the local groups. If I may, I would like to read one or 
two as examples of what was gomg on prior to Chicago, in preparation 
for Chicago. 

DOW ACTION COMMITTEE 

In California, for example, the Dow Action Committee, located 
in the city of Los Angeles, stated in a preconvention circular that in 
addition to supporting the general line of the program of the Na- 
tional Mobilization Committee — the parent sponsoring, umbrella-type 
group which in effect ran the show in Chicago — it would also be re- 
sponsible among other specific projects to coordinate a movement- 
wide demonstration against Dow Chemical Company's large, Chicago- 
based facility. 

The Dow Action Committee assured its followers in California that 
this operation would be one of the largest support-type operations 
conducted, in addition to the regular demonstrations, during conven- 
tion week and that it was a great opportunity to have it offered to them. 

CLEVELAND AREA PEACE ACTION COUNCIL 

Over in the Midwest, in Cleveland, Ohio, the National Mobilization 
Committee [To End the War in Vietnam] worked through the Cleve- 
land Area Peace Action Council. In fact, they worked so close that the 
council's letter of instruction, that is the Cleveland Area Peace Action 
Council's letter of instruction of August 20, on the Chicago conven- 
tion, carried, in addition to the signature of its actual chairman, also 
another cosigner — the name of the vice chairman of the National Mo- 
bilization Committee, Dr. Sidney Peck. Mr. Peck had been the vice 
chairman of National Mobilization's antecedent body, the Spring 
Mobilization Committee, which we will go into later. 

In addition to the usual instructions from this group regarding 
housing, food, and communications while in Chicago, the Peace Action 
Council indicated it would be available in Chicago to handle antici- 
pated arrests and bail money. 

It was also advised that persons trained in first aid would accom- 
pany all the major demonstrations in Chicago. Both the legal and 
medical aid squibs in the council's sheet of instruction for Cleveland- 
ers going to Cnicago clearly indicated beyond doubt that the prospec- 
tive demonstrators were expecting to confront the lawful authorities 
in Chicago in such a way as would require the services outlined, on be- 
half of their members, in this circular. 

STUDENT HEALTH ORGANIZATION CLEVELAND 

Another group in Cleveland — note how the specialization of some 
of the local groups fits in — the Student Health Organization (SHO) 
of Cleveland was in fact the type of group which would actually ad- 
minister such medical aid in Chicago. 

In a memo to its Cleveland members calling for participation in 
demonstrations in Chicago, SHO's responsibility would be to set up 
first-aid stations and give medical attention to injured persons in jail. 



2248 DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

Medical supplies would be collected in Cleveland in the preconvention 
period. 

This, I think, is also noteworthy because it implies an intention of 
creating a confrontation. Its members were informed — that is, the Stu- 
dent Health Organization members in Cleveland — that a camera crew 
would be set up to take pictures of alleged police brutality and arrests 
in Chicago. 

MOVEMENT FOR A DEMOCRATIC SOCIETY 

A third Cleveland group that is of particular significance in showing 
disposition and intent prior to Chicago for a confrontation is the 
Movement for a Democratic Society. On August 5 the Movement for 
a Democratic Society met in East Cleveland to develop plans for the 
Chicago demonstration. This call was announced in a circular distrib- 
uted by the Movement for a Democratic Society in conjunction with 
the Cleveland Draft Resistance Union. 

The call also contained a statement that : 

We are going to Chicago to stop the Democratic Party's Convention, to not allow 
it to take place. We want the delegates and candidates to be forced out of that 
Convention Hall * * ♦. 

The group was told by one of its leaders how to get the police in- 
volved and that the correct time to get these police involved would be 
when it is to the disadvantage of the police and to put the police in a 
very embarrassing situation, but at the same time make the demon- 
strators "look like angels to the general public." 

The main idea was to put the Democratic Party in view — that is, 
in view of the mass media — of the entire Nation as a "very untrue 
form of government." Bring the troops home from Vietnam would 
be the demonstrators' main proposal at Chicago, this group was told. 

I have other little squibs from local groups during this preconven- 
tion time. I am not going to go into all of them. There is one here from 
Philadelphia, which I think again is significant. 

RADICAL ORGANIZING COMMITTEE — PHILADELPHIA 

In a memo sent out by the Radical Organizing Committee local in 
Philadelphia, it points out in addition to the housekeeping chores in 
Chicago, of housing, shelter, and so forth, it gives suggestions to its 
membership and tells them to wear sneakers, temiis shoes, for speed 
and boots for protection. It discusses the pros and cons of helmets to 
be worn in Chicago, both of the metal and plastic variety. Tips were 
provided on how best to protect oneself against tear gas and Mace 
by covering one's mouth and nose and moving upwind so that the gas 
will blow away from you. 

It appears to be a fair assumption that this group was showing 
through its circulars that they were fully prepared to take extreme 
action at this convention calculated to bring about proportionate 
counteractions on the part of the police. 

Mr. Smith. Can you tell the committee which were the principal 
organizations involved in planning and organizing the Chicago dis- 
ruption and would you give the comimittee a brief rundown on these 
organizations ? 



DISRUPTION OF 19 6 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2249 
NATIONAL MOBIIJZATION COMMITTEE TO END THE WAE IN VIETNAM 

Mr. Gallagher. There were perhaps about 10 major organizations, 
the key organization being the National Mobilization Committee To 
End the War in Vietnam. The National Mobilization Committee is the 
successor organization to the Spring Mobilization Committee [To End 
the War in Vietnam], which was cited by this committee as a Com- 
munist-dominated organization. 

The predecessor of Spring Mobilization Committee was known as 
the November S Mobilization Committee for Peace m Vietnam. 

The November 8 Mobilization was formed at a Cleveland conference 
in September 1966 to "make sure that the issues of peace in Vietnam 
* * * are forcefully injected as the primary issues of this electoral 
period.'' 

On November 26, 1966, the November 8 Mobilization met again in 
Cleveland, Ohio, and formed the Spring Mobilization. It was and is a 
coalition of the Communist Party (CPUS A) and Trotskyite Commu- 
nist and radical pacifist organizations. It was one of the prime organi- 
zations involved in the demonstrations held during Vietnam Week, 
April 8-15, 1967, and the "Days of Confrontation"" of October 20-22, 
1967, at which time they attempted to close down the Pentagon. 

That demonstration, according to its chairman, Dave Delluiger, 
"marked the birth of a 'new movement' whicli will be more militant, 
more persistent, and more insistent."' 

Mr. KuNSTLER. Mr. Chairman 

Mr. IcHORD. Just a minute. What point do you have? 

Mr. KuNSTLER. Making the point that if any witness friendly to 
this committee mentions the name of a client of mine, and Dave 
Dellinger is one, I want to move for the right to cross-examine this 
man in open session. 

Mr. IcHORD. I have read to you, Mr. Comiselor, and I shall read 
to you again — ^this is the second time you have interrupted the wit- 
ness. I want to be completely fair to you, sir, but I want you to under- 
stand the rules of parliamentary procedure. 

Now this witness is testifying, and I stated before this is not a court 
proceeding. This is not an adversary proceeding. This is the second 
time you have interrupted the witness with a point of order. 

I read again to you Kule VII, "Advice of Counsel." 

A — At every hearing, public or executive, every witness shall be accorded 
the privilege of having counsel of his own choosing. 

B— The participation of counsel during the course of any hearing and while 
the witness is testifying shall be limited to advising said witness as to his 
legal rights. Counsel shall not be permitted to engage in oral argument with 
the Committee but shall confine his activity to the area of legal advice to his 
client. 

"Counsel for a witness" — Kule VIII — 

shall conduct himself in a professional, ethical, and proper manner. His failure 
to do so shall, upon a finding to that effect by a majority of the Committee or 
Subcommittee before which the witness is appearing, subject such counsel to 
disciplinary action which may include warning, censure, removal of counsel 
from the hearing room, or a recommendation of contempt proceedings. 

Now, Mr. Counselor, this is a parliamentary proceeding. It is not a 
court of law. No one is on trial here. The Chair must proceed with 
these hearings in an orderly manner. 

21-706 — 69 — pt. 1 2 



2250 DISRUPTION OF 19 6 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

Under those rules and also under the Rules of the House of Repre- 
sentatives and the rulings of the Speaker. I will respectfully request, 
sir, that you save your points of order, make them in writing to me. 

I do not have, under the rules of parliamentary procedure, to give 
the counsel that right. But you will be permitted to make them in 
writing, to save your points of order, your legal objections, so that 
if you want to proceed in couit later on, in any court liearing in con- 
nection with these legislative hearings, you may do so. 

But I would appeal to the gentleman at this time not to interrupt 
the witness or the other witnesses that may appear before this com- 
mittee. 

Mr. KuNSTLER. ^lay I just say that People versus Klnoy^ cited by 
the court of appeals, had indicated that counsel did have the right to 
participate more than the i-ules indicate. 

Mr. IcHOED. Let me say I do not intend to argue with counsel at 
this point. I think the counsel well knows that Mr. Kinoy's conviction 
was overruled in the court of appeals strictly on a technicality. There 
was another statute involved which has no application at all to this 
hearing. 

I think the gentleman well knows that, but the chairman will not 
argue with the counsel further. I will appeal to his standing as a 
member of the bar of New York, a member of the District bar, to 
please be seated so that the hearings can go on. 

Mr. KuNSTLER. I will submit my objections in writing. 

Mr. Davis. Mr. Chairman, may I rise on a point of privilege ? 

Mr. IcHORD. Tlie Chair has stated his ruling. I ask the gentleman 
to be seated. You can raise those at another time. 

Mr. Davis. May I rise to a point of personal privilege ? 

Mr. IcHORD. Are you an attorney ? 

Mr. DA^^6. No. My name is Rennie Davis. I have been ordered to 
appear here. 

Mr. IcHORD. Mr, Davis, 3'ou will be brought before the committee 
at the proper time. Now, gentlemen, will you please be seated. 

Mr. Davis. My personal counsel is upstairs. If it is a parliamentary 
procedure as you claim, may I make a point of personal privilege ? 

Mr. IcHORD. The gentleman is not recognized at this time. You have 
been given a chance to testify before the committee. I read the statute, 
the rules. Public Law 90-108. I read the statute 90-108. I cannot per- 
mit these hearings to be disrupted further. 

Will the gentleman please be seated. I appeal to your sense of deco- 
mm and propriety to please be seated at this time. You will be recog- 
nized later on. 

Mr. Davis. Can I be recognized on a point of personal privilege? 

Mr. IcHORD. You cannot be recognized at this time. You have been 
given an opportunity to appear before the committee. Will the gentle- 
man please be seated. 

Counsel from audience. Will he have an opportunity to comply ? 

Mr. IcHORD. You will be given an opportunity to comply. 

Counsel from audience. I have in writing a certain procedure re- 
quest that I would like to file with the Chair, if I may, in compliance 
with the Chair's ruling. May I be allowed to do that, sir ? 

Mr. IcHORD. Do you have that in writing ? 

Counsel from audience. I have. 



DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2251 

Mr. IcHORD. Bring them forward. 

Counsel from audience. May the record reflect, Mr. Chairman, these 
are made not only on behalf of clients I represent, but on belialf of all 
seven subpenaed witnesses before this committee. 

May I read those procedural requests into the record at this juncture? 

Mr. IcHORD. The gentleman will be recognized later. We have a wit- 
ness before the committee. I appeal to the gentleman, as a member of 
the bar, to please be seated. That also goes for the other counsel. 

Counsel erom audience. I submit this on behalf of my client, 
Hoffman. 

Mr. IcHORD. Do we have further objections and procedural demands? 

Counsel from audience. May I file one additional document, 

Mr. IcHORD. The Chair has announced that the counsel will not be 
recognized for argument. The gentleman is a member of the New 
York bar, and I appeal to your sense of decorum, your sense of 
propriety. The gentleman will be recognized at tlie proper time. It 
will be taken under consideration by the Chair. 

Counsel from audience. I am attempting to comply with the Chair's 
ruling. 

Mr. IcHORD. Bring them forward. 

Counsel from audience. May the record reflect that this document 
is also filed on behalf of all seven subpenaed witnesses and is a copy 
of the complaint of Renard Davis^ Dave [Dav^d'] DeTlingei\ Boh 
{Rohert^ GreenhlaU^ Thomas Hayden^ Abhie Hoffman, Jerry Rubin 
versus Edioin E. Willis, et ah 

Mr. Ichord. Do you have fuither papers to file with the Chair? 

Counsel from audience. Not at this time, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Ichord. The Chair will announce that these matters will be 
considered at the proper time, but not at this point in the hearing. 

Proceed with the questioning. 

Mr. Gallagher. On ]March 24, 1968, the Neiv York Times reported 
on a secret meeting which had been planned by the National Mobiliza- 
tion Committee To End the War in Vietnam. According to this report, 
200 delegates from the Old Left. New Left, and black power leaders 
from coast to coast met in a wooded camp outside of Chicago to plan 
a coordinated antiwar effort for this election year: 

High on the agenda was a discussion of strategies for disrupting the Demo- 
cratic National Convention here beginning Aug. 26. Sentiment among the dele- 
gates ranged from ignoring the convention to "closing" it. 

On June 29 leaders of the National Mobilization Committee said 
at a news conference that massive direct action demonstrations at the 
Democratic National Convention would signal the start of renewed 
activity in the antiwar movement. 

Da\'id Dellinger, chairman of the committee, stated that activities 
at the Chicago convention would consist of a "'period of several days 
of escalating actions climaxed by a massive mobilization at the time 
of the nomination."' 

The Guardian announced, too, in its July 6. 1968, issue that Rennie 
Davis, Chicago spokesman for tho, National Mobilization Committee, 
had announced plans to conduct demonstrations in Chicago at the 
Democratic National Convention. 

On July 31 the National Mobilization Committee issued a letter 
to its supporters calling for their presence in Chicago on August 



2252 DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

24^29. It noted that Reniiie Davis and Tom Hayden were project co- 
directors and would head the Mobilization Chicago office which had 
been opened for almost 2 months. This was located at Room 315, 407 
South Dearborn. It had a stall' of approxunately 20 to 25 people. 

On August 10 the National Mobilization Committee advised its 
friends on wiiat progress had been made. A schedule for the week 
was enclosed in the mailing along with a call to "Confront the War- 
makers — Chicago— au^st 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29."' 

That concludes the tirst organization. 

YOUTH IXTEEXA'nONAL PARTY YIPPIES 

The second group, another key group in Chicago, was the Youth 
International Party, conmionly known as the Yippies. 

According to an article in the September 15, 1968, issue of the 
Neio York Times Magazine^ the Yippies were founded in January 
of this year at a New Year's Eve party in Greenwich Village by Jerry 
Rubin, Paul Krassner, Ed Sanders, Abbie Hoffman, and Keith Lampe. 

Mr. loHORD. Just a minute. 

Mr. Counsel, will you please be seated. The Chair has ruled several 
times that points of order will not be entertained at this time. 

Now the gentleman is seeking to disturb the hearings. I think you 
are seeking to delay the hearings. 

Mr. Di SuvERO. That is not so. This is the first time that my client's 
name has been mentioned. I would like for the purpose of the record 
to ask the committee to allow me to cross-examine any witnesses who 
appear in testimony in executive session, or otherwise., in relation to 
my client. 

Mr. IcHORD. The Chair will overrule the point of order for the rea- 
sons which I stated, that this is not an adversary proceeding. This is 
not a court proceeding. 

Now v/iil the gentleman please stop interrupting the hearing and 
let the witness proceed. Let the Chair admonish the people in the 
audience that you are guests of the conTinittee. It is necessary that the 
Chair maintain order. Boisterous conduct, laughing, emotional out- 
bursts will not be permitted. We must proceed with the hearing. 

Mr. DI SuvERO. I heard the Chair state to the committee and to the 
audience today the rules of the House Connnittee pertaining to the 
rights of counsel before this body. 

I also heard the chairman state that he was well versed in the 
Constitution. 

It is my suggestion, Mr. Chairman, that the various rules of the 
House Committee impinge upon the right of counsel and the right to 
cross-examine witnesses which are adversary to the clients which 
we represent. 

I am sure that, Mr. Chairman, you are very well aware, whatever 
rule the House may adopt, that that rule must be in accordance with 
the strict constitutional mandates under which we all live. 

In terms of that, Mr. Chairman, I would just like to state that I 
represent Thomas Hayden, I would like to make a representation for 
the record. 

If at any time ]Mr. Hayden's name is mentioned by any witness 
before this committee, I would like to have a chance to cross-examine 



DISRUPTION OF 19 6 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2253 

that person. One of the things I believe has happened, Mr. Chairman, 
is that there has been created a sort of intimidating atmosphere with 
respect to the attorneys by the kind of comments you have made. 

I think this intimidating atmosphere is reinforced by the kind of 
people that we are presently being visited with here in these council 
chambers. 

Mr. IcHORD. The gentleman will not be recognized further. I appeal 
to the gentleman as a member of the bar to please be seated. Your 
request is denied. There are no precedents in favor of what you state. 

The rights of cross-examination do not prevail in a legislative hear- 
ing. No one is on trial here. This committee is seeking to punish no one. 

Now for the last time I ask the gentleman to please be seated and 
not disrupt the hearings further. Will the gentleman be seated ? Will 
the gentleman be seated ? I direct the gentleman to be seated. 

Proceed. 

Mr. Gallagher. Hoffman, Rubin, and Lampe have a history of 
being radical activists. Abbie Hoffman was active in SNCC; Jerry 
Rubin was one of the leaders of the Vietnam Day Committee ; Lampe 
was a member of the Progressive Labor Party. 

The purpose of the Yippies was to organize the hippies into radical 
political activity. The Yippies formally announced "their intention 
of swooping down on Chicago during the Democratic National Con- 
vention," at a news conference on March 19, 1968, according to an 
article in the Washington Post of March 20. 

They reportedly declared, "We're going to Chicago not to drop out 
of society but to claim it as rightfully ours." However, the plans for 
Chicago had been set forth the previous month in an underground 
publication, the Washington Free Press. A two-page layout in its 
February 29 issue stated : 

Even if Chicago does not burn, the paranoia and guilt of the government will 
force them to bring in thousands of troops, and the more troops, the better the 
theater. 

Letters annomicing what they call their "Festival of Life" and 
signed by Krassner, Hoffman, Rubin, and Sanders, were printed in 
Neio Left Notes, a publication of the Studens for a Democratic So- 
ciety, in the Guardian, and in the Comxnm\\'&t People'' s World. 

The Yippies promised that the festival would include — 

daily publication of an underground paper; draft-card burners spelling out 
[the words] "Beat Army" with their fires ; guerrilla theater — lots of it ; a mock 
convention ; hundreds of continuing small-discussion groups ; and magic i * * * 

Other leaflets were distributed in March and later which called for 
donations of money, time, and talent to execute their plans for 
Chicago. 

However, what the Yippies had been proposing as a festival of life 
and fun and freedom took on a new look as convention time drew near. 
RAT., R-A-T, an underground publication, reported in its undated 
special convention issue that : 

About two and one-half weeks before the Democratic Convention, in a pre- 
convention funk, the Chicago yippies put out a statement saying, "It's no go". 
In a letter signed by most of the Chicago yippie leaders, for the Free City Survival 
Committee, they said, "* * * Chicago may host a Festival of Blood." * * * 



21-706 O— 69— pt. 1- 



2254 DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 
STUDENTS FOR A DEMOCRATIC SOCIETY 

The third group, Mr. Chairman, that I would like to comment on is 
the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) . This group is generally 
recognized as the largest radical student organization in the United 
States today. 

At the time of its last national convention in June 1968, SDS laid 
claim to some 30,000 members and about 300 local chapters in a highly 
decentralized operation. 

SDS was only a small group, rooted in a few universities, in 1959 
when it was selected as a new name for the youth arm of the socialist 
Lea^ie for Industrial Democracy. LID's youth group had been op- 
erating intermittently since the early 1930"'s under the title "Student 
League for Industrial Democracy." 

Among the policy shifts made by SDS was the abolition of a ban on 
Communist memberships. 

In 1965 the student organization formally adopted a nonexclusion 
policy. Today it openly acknowledges that its members include affili- 
ates of the Ccrmmunist Partv, U.S.A., as well as such Communist 
splinter groups as the pro-Peking-oriented Progressive Labor Party 
and the Young Socialist Alliance. However, in September of 1965, 
the League for Industrial Democracy severed all ties with the youth 
organization. 

Michael Klonsky and Bernardine Dohrn, two of the three newly 
elected national secretaries of the SDS, announced at a public session 
of the organization's June convention that they were "communists." 

They insisted, however, that the w^ord be spelled wnth a small "c" 
to distinguish SDS leadership from that of the disciplined Commu- 
nist organizations having an agreed-upon ideology — the CPUSA, for 
example. 

Counsel from audience. Most respectfully, Mr. Chairman, I would 
like to request of the Chair that inasmuch as my associate. Miss 
Bernardine Dohrn, who is here today, has been named, that she be 
given an opportunity to respond to her name. This is my parliamen- 
tary inquiry. I was wondering if under the rules of the committee there 
is such a procedure that can be made available in the interest of fair- 
ness and pursuit of the truth. 

Mr. IcHORD. Has Bernardine Dohrn been called as a witness before 
the committee ? 

Counsel from audience. She has not. 

Mr. Ichord. This has been brought up, Mr. Counsel — perhaps you 
are new before a parliamentary body — tnne and time again. You will 
not be recognized at this time. The Chair will overrule your request. 

Will you please be seated, sir. 

Proceed. 

Mr. Gallagher. SDS avowedly advocates "the necessity of an ac- 
tivist and revolutionary politics for the New Ix'ft." Its members have 
been extremely militant in expressing opposition to U.S. efforts to 
protect South Vietnam from a Communist takeover. 

SDS's delegations have repeatedly traveled to Communist Cuba, 
and its representatives have also conferred with officials from Com- 
munist North Vietnam and the pro-Communist National Liberation 
Front of South Vietnam, the political wing of the Viet Cong. 



DISRUPTION OF 1 9 6 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2255 

PBI Director J. Edgar Hoover has charged that : 

The protest activity of the new left and the SDS, under the ^ise of legitimate 
expression of dissent, has created an insurrectionary climate which has condi- 
tioned a number of young Americans — especially college students — to resort to 
civil disobedience and violence. * * * 

Mr. Hoover also revealed that the aforementioned convention odP 
SDS last June included a workshop on sabotage and explosives. He 
said that participants in this workshop discussed methods to disrupt 
selective ser\'ice facilities and law enforcement, and among the sug- 
gestions were flushing bombs down toilets to destroy plumbing ; use of 
tripod-shaped metal instruments to halt vehicles; firing of Molotov 
cocktails from shotguns; and dropping "thermite bombs" down man- 
holes to destroy communications systems. 

The SDS National Council meeting in December 1967 authorized 
an SDS representative to attend meetings of the National Mobiliza- 
tion Committee and to keep the student organization advised of plans 
for demonstrations at the forthcoming Democratic Convention. The 
leadership of SDS withheld official endorsement of the proposed mass 
mobilization in Chicago on the grounds that such a confrontation 
would project no "clear political message" and furthermore might 
give an impression that SDS hoped to influence the Democratic 
Party, whereas SDS had an aversion to both major parties. 

The national interim committee of SDS met on the weekend of July 
19, 1968, nevertheless, to work out a strategy for the Democratic 
Convention and decided to present official SDS participation in the 
confrontation in terms of week-long recruiting activity by SDS or- 
ganizers. 

SDS leaders predicted some 200 to 500 organizers would arrive in 
Chicago under this primarily "educational" program. At the same 
time, as SDS leaders observed — 

it is unreal to expect SDS people coming to Chicago not to get involved in the 
Mobilization demonstrations. 

and 

despite our lack of enthusiasm for the Mobilization demonstration, it is clear 
that if movement people are attacked by police, our organizers won't be off in 
an oflSce writing the "History of the Tactical Failures of the Democratic Con- 
vention Protest." 

National Secretary Klonsky and others writing in SDS publica- 
tions announced the National Mobilization Committee had assigned 
to SDS five "Movement centers" in Chicago where persons would 
gather to discuss ideas and actions. A daily wall newspaper as well 
as a special issue of the SDS publication. New Left Notes^ was prom- 
ised and was eventually issued. 

"Many individual SDS organizers will be in the streets," Klonsky 
announced on August 5, 1968. A warning from the Chicago area SDS 
office on the same date expressed hope that — 

wherever possible SDS people will organize support demonstrations with 
their local constituencies — especially if Daley's Pigs start rioting in the streets 
of Chicago. * * * 

SDS people coming to Chicago were also advised to — 

find out what your blood type is before you come and carry an identification 
card with that blood type on it. 



2256 DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

On August 28, 1968, Radio Havana, in Cuba, conducted a telephone 
interview with SDS National Secretary Klonsky, who reportedly 
made the following statement in Chicago : 

We have been fighting in the streets for four days. Many of our people have 
been beaten up, and many of them are in jail, but we are winning. * * * 

That concludes the third major organization, Mr. Chairman. 

CHICAGO PEACE COUNCIL 

The next group is the Chicago Peace Council, Among the local 
groups throughout the country which promoted planned demonstra- 
tions in Chicago during the Democratic National Convention in 
August, the Chicago Peace Council was perhaps the most active. 

Its geographical location in the host city for the convention was, 
of course, one factor. More significant, however, was its organizational 
experience which the Chicago Peace Council contributed to the Na- 
tional Mobilization Committee's program of confrontation at that 
Democratic Convention. 

It was the Chicago Peace Council, it should be recalled, which had 
issued a national call for, and then hosted a meeting of, young people 
throughout the U.S. in Chicago in December 1966. The purpose of 
the council's meeting at that time was to generate support for a 
nationwide student strike against the war in Vietnam proposed by 
Bettina Aptheker (Mrs. Jack Kurzweil), a member of the National 
Committee of the CPUSA. 

The Chicago Peace Council itself was characterized last year in 
a report prepared by the committee staff, entitled Communist Origin 
and Manij)ulation of Vietnam Week^ as follows : 

The Chicago Peace Council, organized in the saimmer of 1965, is run by a 
mixed group of Communists (both the Moscow and Trotskyist variety ), pacifists, 
and individuals from the so-called New Left. * * * 

Operationally, the council follows a united front policy, cooperating 
and participating in projects with pacifist groups, front organiza- 
tions, and Cormnunists. 

Its activities as the host group for Aptheker's student project and 
other pro-Viet Cong programs provided the council with suitable 
organizational credentials to aid the key sponsor at the Chicago 
convention demonstrations, namely, the National Mobilization Com- 
mittee, with many of the routine but necessary details and cliores, such 
as housing, preparing maps, communications, and so forth. 

Jack Spiegel, a top official of the Chicago Peace Council, was iden- 
tified as a member of the CPUSA before this committee in 1964 by 
an informant of the FBI. 

RADICAL ORGANIZING COMMITTEE 

The fifth group, Mr. Chairman, a group which I touched on before 
in a local way, was a seminational group called the Radical Organ- 
izing Committee (ROC) headquartered in Philadelphia. ROC was 
formed by a group of about 100 persons who walked out of a meeting 
of the Student Mobilization Committee To End the War in Vietnam 
(SMC). Disruption of the organization occurred on June 29 [1968] 
at the Hotel Diplomat in New York City. Five national officers walked 



DISRUPTION OF 1 9 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2257 

out and charged that the Young Socialist Alliance had stacked the 
meeting. 

The YSA — Young Socialist Alliance — is the youth arm of the 
Socialist Workers Party, a Trotskyite Communist organization which 
had been cited as subversive by the Attorney General of the U.S. 

Two of the national officers who walked out of that meeting, Phyllis 
Kalb and Paul Friedman, were members of the Communist Party. 
The group which walked out on SMC quickly formed the Radical 
Organizing Committee. It has been announced that the organization 
would support the liberation movements throughout the world of all 
oppressed people. It would also support the fight for student power. 

Student Mobilization, it will be remembered, was formed as a result 
of the conference to call a national student strike — the one proposed 
by Aptheker in December 1966. 

That proposal for a national student strike was completely Com- 
munist in origin. SMC was Communist dominated from its inception. 
There were Communists from both the CPUSA and the SWP in 
SMC until June 29, 1968. Trotskyites now in control have declared 
their intention to keep it a single-issue organization — demonstrating 
and agitating solely against the war in Vietnam. 

On August 12 Steve Scher, S-c-h-e-r, of the Radical Organizing 
Committee staff, which is headquartered in Philadelphia, stated in 
a letter that ROC intended to participate in organized demonstra- 
tions at the Democratic Convention. 

THE RESISTANCE 

The sixth group, Mr. Chairman, is the group known as The Resist- 
ance. A handbill datM May 17 [1967] stated that : 

THE RESISTANCE is a group of men who are refusing any cooperation 
with the draft. We are organizing now across the country for a dramatic "NO !" 
to the draft on Oct. For information contact THE RESISTENCE in Berkeley 
[California]. * * * 

By October 1967 The Resistance boasted that it had organized 
a mass protest. Its members throughout the country were to turn 
in their draft cards on October 16. Its handbill stated that : 

The Resistance is a nation-wide movement organized to encourage resist- 
ance to, disruption of, and non-cooperation with the warmaking machinery 
of the United States. 

On August 13, 1968, the New York City chapter of The Resistance 
was scheduled to meet to discuss its Chicago plans according to the 
[August 6, 1968,] Communist Z>«% World publication. 

The New England Resistance also distributed handbills on August 
18 announcing their intention to go to Chicago. They stated that they 
would "operate a movement center to coordinate demonstrations 
against api^ropriate targets." 

The handbill carried the addresses of the movement office in Cam- 
bridge and the proposed center in Chicago during the convention. 

FIFTH A\^iSrUE VIETNAM PEACE PARADE COMMITTEE 

The seventh group, Mr. Chairman, is the Fifth Avenue Vietnam 
Peace Parade Committee. This group has declared itself to be the 
New York arm of the National Mobilization Committee. 



2258 DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

Dave Bellinger and Norma Becker are coordinators of the Fifth 
Avenue Committee. Bellinger, of course, is also chairman of the 
National Mobilization Committee. 

The Committee on Un-American Activities pointed out in its report 
entitled Communist Origin and Manipulation of Vietnam Week 
that the Fifth Avenue Committee had a "mixed group of identified 
Communists, notorious fellow travelers, and pacifists in its leader- 
ship." 

The organization had provided housing in New York City for the 
Student Mobilization Committee until July 1968. At that time, a 
split between the CPUSA group and the Trotskyites in the Student 
Committee resulted in a walkout by the Communists (CPUSA) and 
the pacifists and a Trotskyist (SWP) takeover of the Student Mobili- 
zation Committee. 

The group which walked out "quickly formed a new organization 
called the Radical Organizing Committee," previously mentioned, 
stated the Neiv York Times of July 14, 1968. The Fifth Avenue Com- 
mittee promptly evicted SMC from its headquarters. In early August 
the Fifth Avenue Committee issued a letter and flyer, calling on its 
followers to "confront the warmakers" in Chicago. 

The letter, which was actually a progress report on plans for dis- 
rupting the Bemocratic National Convention, was signed by Linda 
Morse for the staff. Miss Morse, you will recall, was the executive sec- 
retary of the Student Mobilization Committee. 

The letter reported that housing was being arranged in Chicago and 
transportation from New York to Chicago was being organized by 
the Fifth Avenue Committee, which announced that it was organizing 
busloads of demonstrators to go to Chicago and that car pools were 
also being coordinated. 

The committee appealed for contributions to help pay the $34 fare 
for persons who wanted to demonstrate in Chicago. The New York 
Times reported that 200 demonstrators, most of whom were equipped 
with helmets, left Union Square aboard two buses on August 26. 

MEDICAL COMMITTEE FOR HUMAN RIGHTS 

The eighth group, Mr. Chairman, is the Medical Committee for 
Human Rights. The Medical Committee for Human Rights (MCHR) 
was formed in July 1964 at the request of the Council of Federated 
Organizations (COFO) in Mississippi, to provide emergency medical 
aid for civil rights workers injured while serving in the South. Ac- 
cordng to MCHR's former national chairman, Br. Aaron O. Wells, 
the group was designed to serve as the medical arm of the civil rights 
movement. 

Subsequent activities of the organization, however, have indicated 
a much broader scope. In June of this year, for example, members of 
MCHR attempted to disrupt the annual meeting of the American 
Medical Association in San Francisco. Further, the Medical Commit- 
tee has become increasingly involved in the antiwar movement. It was 



DISRUPTION OF 1 9 6 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2259 

included in a list of Vietnam peace committees in the United States 
compiled during the summer of 1966 by the staff of the National Co- 
ordinating Committee To End the War in Vietnam. It played a sig- 
nificant role in organizing legal-medical teams to support those in- 
volved in the October 21, 1967, massive demonstration on the Pentagon, 
organized by the National Mobilization Committee. 

Most recently, the Medical Committee, working in conjunction with 
a group known as the Student Health Organization (SHO), the one 
I previously mentioned in Cleveland, organized medical aid for dem- 
onstrators injured in Chicago during the National Democratic Con- 
vention. 

The Communist news weekly. Guardian^ reported in its issue dated 
September 21, 1968, that the Medical Committee had a staff in excess 
of 400 doctors, nurses, and medical students in Chicago during the dis- 
orders. 

The Medical Committee has vigorously disputed Mayor Daley's ver- 
sion of the disorders, particularly his estimates of the number of those 
injured, claiming some 1,000 people were injured during the demon- 
strations as against an official estimate of 60. In attacking this esti- 
mate. Medical Committee spokesman, Dr. Quentin Young, cast asper- 
sions on the entire version of the city's official position as to the violence 
and its results. 

Counsel from audience. A point of parliamentary privilege. I rep- 
resent Dr. Young. On his behalf I would like to ask the Chair that 
any information pertaining to Dr. Young or to the Medical Committee 
for Human Rights be produced for our inspection and that we also 
have the right to cross-examine any witnesses who have any informa- 
tion concerning Dr. Young or the Medical Committee. 

Mr. IcHORD. At this time the Chair will have to overrule the request 
of the counsel for Mr. Young. Mr. Young has been subpenaed before 
this committee. He will be given the opportunity to deny or refute or 
explain away any of the testimony given against him in this hearing. 

I would further point out that the committee took up the matter 
of subpenaing Dr. Young since he had not been mentioned before or 
considered in committee hearings previously. 

A rule 26 (m) letter was sent to him, mailed to him on September 20, 
1968, addressed to Dr. Quentin David Young, 1512 East 55th Street, 
Chicago, Illinois, in which he was given an opportunity to appear in 
executive session, and not a public session, to deny, explain, or refute 
any of the testimony that had been given against him in executive 
session also. 

Dr. Quentin David Young did not avail himself of the opportunity 
to have that executive hearing. Therefore, rule 26 (m) has been fully 
complied with by the committee. 

The Chair will have to overrule your request. 

Proceed. 

Mr. Gallagher. The membership of the Medical Committee appears 
to be fairly sizable. As of June 1968 the New York Times estimated 
it at about 5,000. 



2260 DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

However, in articles in that newspaper and in the Communist news- 
paper, Guardian^ subsequent to events in Chicago, the figure rose to 
some 7,000 persons. The organization's main office is in New York 
City, but the largest single chapter, with about 600 members, is in 
Chicago. 

RAMPARTS 

The ninth group, Mr. Chairman, is the role of the publication. Ram- 
parts, at the Democratic Convention. Ramparts is a radical, revolu- 
tionary magazine of the New Left which was uncharacteristically silent 
during the first 7 months of 1968 concerning the Democratic Conven- 
tion. 

Its special role, however, in Chicago became evident a few weeks 
before the convention commenced because local groups affiliated with 
the National Mobilization Committee made mention in their pre- 
convention circulars of the forthcoming role that Ramparts would 

The Dow Action Committee in California, for example, stated that it 
would provide reportorial and technical aid to Ramparts while in Chi- 
cago. Other local groups made mention in tlieir respective preconven- 
tion instruction sheets that Ramparts would provide the principal 
source of information for the demonstrators in Chicago. 

Ramparts'' proposed plans included a newspaper which would be 
published from August 24 to August 29. Its initial run would be ap- 
proximately 20,000 copies at 10 cents each. 

Ramparts^ top staff personnel were to be sent to Chicago, including 
both the editor and managing editor and several reporters. The various 
movement centers set up in Chicago would provide Ramparts with a 
distribution network. Ramparts stated, however, that : 

David Canter [C-a-n-t-e-r] has lines [sic] up our production facilities for us, and 
has been a great help. We wouldn't be anywhere without him. * * * 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, a check of the committee files reveals 
the following information concerning David Simon Canter just men- 
tioned by the witness. 

David Canter appeared before the Committee on Un-American Ac- 
tivities on July 12, 1962, and refused to answer any questions pro- 
pounded to him regarding past or present membership in the Com- 
munist Party, U.S.A. 

Canter was supenaed to appear before the committee regarding the 
Chicago publishing firm, Translation World Publishers, whicli he 
jointly owned with LeRoy Wolins, an identified Communist. Transla- 
tion World Publishers was an outlet for the distribution of Soviet 
propaganda. 

The committee found that this publishing house was subsidized by 
Soviet funds and was created by known Communists to serve the prop- 
aganda interests of the U.S.S.R. 



DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2261 

Translation World Publishers was initially formed for the pur- 
pose of publicizing: the admissions made by U-2 pilot Gary F. Powers 
during his trial in Moscow, 

Canter and Wolins failed 

Mr. IcHORD. Let the counsel suspend for just a minute. 

Counsel from audience. Is counsel for the committee going to 
testify or is the witness going to testify ? 

Mr. IcHORD. The gentleman will please be seated. The gentleman is 
interrupting the committee. Please be seated. 

The point of order is not recognized at this time. 

Mr, Wulf , I believe in your request you also requested the opportu- 
nity to subpena additional witnesses. Is that correct, sir ? 

Mr. WuLF. No, sir. I want to know who the witnesses were who had 
information pertaining to Dr. Young and to request production of all 
records pertaining to the committee and Dr. Young. 

Mr. IcHORD. The ruling will stand. Dr. Young will have an oppor- 
tunity to deny or refute any of the testimony about his activities. 

I thought that you had made a request under 26 (m) for the right to 
subpena additional witnesses. The committee would receive those and 
consider them, because we would welcome additional testimony about 
the activities that went on in Chicago. 

Mr. WuLF. If you will advise who the witnesses against Dr. Yomig 
are, we will be pleased to subpena them if we will be granted the right 
to cross-examine them. 

Mr. IcHORD. If you have those requests, submit them to the Chair. 
Counsel may proceed. 

Mr. Hoffman. A point of information, Mr. Chairman 

Mr. IcHORD. The gentleman will please be seated. Mr. Hoffman, the 
Chair does not intend to argue with you at this time. I do not intend 
for the hearing to be disrupted. 

Mr. Smith. Canter and Wolins failed to comply with the provisions 
of the Foreign Agents Registration Act in publishing two of their pro- 
Soviet books, Th^ Trial of the U-2^ The Case Against General 
Heusinger. 

During his appearance before the committee, Canter refused to 
answer any questions relative to the publication of both of these books. 
Canter was listed in the 1960 and 1962 editions of the Lawyers Referral 
Directory^ a publication of the National Lawyers Guild, a cited Com- 
munist-front organization. He was involved both in public relations 
work for the National Conference for New Politics, NCNP, and as the 
editor of NCNP's news])aper, Nenj Politics News, during its conven- 
tion held August 29 to September 4, 1967. 

The NCNP is a New Left-oriented group ^Vhich is heavily infiltrated 
by members of the Communist Party, U.S.A., and other subversive 
oreranizations. 



2262 DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

Mr. Gallagher, what does staff research show regarding the length 
of time spent by these organizations on planning and organizing the 
Chicago disruption ? 

Mr. Gallagher. I just want to conclude the last of the 10 major 
groups. 

Mr. IcHORD. Proceed with your summary. 

(At this point Mr. Willis left the hearing room.) 

COMMUNIST PARTY. U.S.A. 

Mr. Gallagher. The final and last group, surely by no means the 
least, is the Communist Party, U.S.A. 

During the months of planning and preparation for Chicago the 
Communist Party, through its controlled press and judicious use of 
concealed functionaries, played an important and continuing role. 
This was the logical outgrowth of two key elements in the Communist 
program : an unyielding agitational and propaganda campaign against 
our Vietnam involvement, and an equally determined attempt to dem- 
onstrate the alleged total bankruptcy of our political processes. 

As these hearings will show with conclusive documentary and testi- 
monial evidence, the Communist Party, along with several rival Com- 
munist groups, was deeply involved in the advance preparation made 
for Chicago. Time and again party functionaries, together with agents 
of other groups such as the Socialist Workers Party and the Workers 
World Party, were present at secret planning sessions, rendering or- 
ganizational expertise and other necessary forms of assistance. 

Further, while carefully avoiding outright endorsement of disrup- 
tion or violence in Chicago, the Communist press served as an in- 
valuable source of information for those groups that were committed to 
such a course of action in Chicago. Thus, the pages of The Worker, the 
Daily World, the Guardian, and, to a lesser extent. The Militant, gave 
feature coverage to the plans of such groups as the National Mobiliza- 
tion Committee, SDS, and the Fifth Avenue VietiTam Peace Parade 
Committee. Participants in the projected demonstrations could always 
turn to the key Communist press for such essential information as 
transportation arrangements, meeting places, and the course of action 
to be followed during the demonstrations. It should be pointed out that 
the anti- Vietnam war theme, pressed at Chicago, was tailor made to 
fit the overall Communist strategv as indicated by a long series of 
party directives on the subject, going back to at least 1964. This is an 
exhibit of a collection of such party directives on Vietnam which I 
would like to submit for the record. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request the exhibit be accepted as Com- 
mittee Exhibit No. 2. 

(Document marked "Committee Exhibit No. 2" follows:) 



DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2263 
Committee Exhibit No. 2 

DiRECTIA'ES OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY, U.S.A., COXCERNING THE WaR IN VIETNAM 

August 19, 1964. 
To All Districts : 

On August 7th our Party issued a statement condemning the military aggres- 
sion by the United States against North Vietnam and the danger of a world 
nuclear conflagration created by such an attack. 

That statement in full was published in The Worker of August 11 and called 
for all people "to speak out for peace" and for "all peoples organizations, trade 
unions, churches * * * to speak out before it is too late." 

We called for meetings, petitions, letters, telegrams to be sent to President 
Johnson, the Senators and Congressmen urging negotiation and the settlement of 
all the issues through the existing machinery of the 14-power Geneva conference 
and the good offices of the United Nations." 

During tae weekend of August S-9, there were many peace actions which raised 
the slogans of "No More Hiroshimas. End War in Vietnam."' Meetings were 
held in Washington Square in New York, the Boston Common, and other places. 
Picket lines and peace walks were also held in some cities. Full-page ads were 
placed in Chicago papers. Statements have been pviblished in newspapers. 
Leaflets have been issued. TV and radio programs have been promoted. There 
are many forms through which the broader mass movement has expressed the 
peace demand. All of this needs encouragement. We also want to know what 
has been done in your locality and what is being planned to help influence policy 
toward the negotiation of a peaceful settlement. 

We also want to know what activities have been conducted by our Party and 
by the Left forces. What use was made of our statement, what leaflets have been 
issued, what articles from The Worker have been reprinted, what statements have 
been issued and by whom. Let us also know what activities are planned for this 
in relation to the election campaign and which identify our positive contribution 
to the struggle for peace. 

It is obvious that the danger of expansion of the war in Southeast Asia remains 
high and that this and similar foreign policy issues will be central in the election 
campaign. In view of this situation and our special responsibilities because of 
the role of U.S. imperialism in Southeast Asia, we urge even greater initiative to 
stimulate pressure for a negotiated settlement and the convening of the 14-nation 
conference. 

Fraternally yours, 

Organization Department. 



NOVEMBEB 25, 1964. 
To All Districts : 

MEMO ON END THE WAR IN SOUTH VIETNAM 

1. The demand for peace is a key point in the election mandate and any imple- 
mentation of that demand calls for an end to the war in South Vietnam. The 
vote against Goldwater was a vote against reckless brinkmanship, a vote against 
the very proposals which are now being advanced by Gen. Maxwell Taylor. 

The demand for the end of the war in South Vietnam comes immediately on the 
agenda, and is urgent because of the scheduled policy conferences starting on 
November 27 with President Johnson and including Secretary of State Dean 
Rusk. Secretary McNamara, General Taylor, the Pentagon, and others. 

The real danger — and the major threat — is that the Taylor proposals would 
escalate the war into a world nuclear war. Such a threat places South Vietnam 
as a top priority and the urgent point for all mankind. This is no narrow 
demand for the organized peace forces. 

In presenting this demand it is essential to call attention to certain additional 
facts. The demand for peace comes from all parts of the world. It is the agonized 
cry of the people of South Vietnam. This is demonstrated again and again by the 
people on the .streets of Saigon as well as in all parts of that country. One puppet 
government after the other cannot cover up the demand for peace, for an end to 
war. 

Tliat war has brought suffering and terror to the mass of people in that country. 
Our government is held responsible for napalm bombing, the strafing of villages, 
the destruction of food supplies by chemical warfare, the imiirisonment of popula- 



2264 DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 
Committee Exhibit No. 2 — Continued 

tions in stc>ckaded concentration camps, the brutal torture of prisoners, and the 
-senseless killing of people. 

Our o'wn soldiers have been killed in battle. And any escalation can mean that 
thousands of American troops will be in battles. This warning is made in a New 
York Times editorial of November 25 which warns that the proposals of General 
Taylor imply "a willingness to send as many as eight American divisions to defend 
South Vietnam." and warns, "it could involve war with Communist China." 

This could mean a world nuclear war. That policy must be rejected. This 
must be the occasion for the beginning of an opopsite course — a peace policy as 
the will of the American people. 

II. Millions of Americans have demanded Peace : For 10 years, the people of 
South Vietnam have been denied their right of self-determination and the appli- 
cation of the terms of the Geneva agreement which promised free elections 
within 2 years. 

For 10 years mass organizations and individuals have demanded that the mili- 
tary intervention and war in South Vietnam be ended. During these years thou- 
sands have signed petitions, sent letters to the editor, placed ads in newspapers 
and participated in all kinds of activities which have involved people of varied 
political persuasions and from all walks of life. It is partly on this base that the 
immediate mass expression of the people should be organized. 

III. In the immediate situation, there is the need for mass demonstrative action, 
such as picket lines and vigils which can dramatize the issue to the American 
people. The youth of our country undoubtedly will welcome the opportunity to 
participate in such forms. 

Certain mass professional peace organizations in which many people of varied 
views today participate are sending delegations to Washington in an effort to see 
the President or the Secretary of State and to place the demand for peace. This 
is also true in regard to many prominent individuals who have been making tele- 
phone calls and visiting public officials. 

It is urgent that every form be used to bring the peace plea to the President, and 
we should aid in organizing cooperation with all organizations to this end. In 
some cities peace vigils have been organized, such as at Times Square in New 
York. In other cities plans are made for mass meetings. Some organizations 
have mass petitions and a mass mailing of post cards and letters. There should 
be cooperation on all of these. 

Campus activities are very important. This applies both to student meetings, 
articles in the student newspapers as well as distribution of leaflets and partici- 
pation in peace walks. 

Many congressmen were elected on the basis of a peace program. All congress- 
men and senators should be visited during these crucial days. Immediate actions 
should be organized with a perspective of continued activity until peace is estab- 
lished. 

To achieve this, the main forces of the trade union movement, the Negro people's 
movement, the youth and religious organizations are finally decisive. At this 
time church and other organizations raise the question of Peace on Earth and the 
key test is, of course, what they say on Vietnam. Many youth will plan on send- 
ing delegations to Washington during the Christmas holidays. The key on this is 
Vietnam. 

We will be issuing a mass piece of literature in the form of a small leaflet giving 
our point of view on Vietnam. We are also preparing now for a supplement to 
the Worker and for the writing of a more basic piece of literature which com- 
bines the issues involved in Vietnam with those involved in the Congo and the 
need for a change in U.S. foreign policy so as to have our country express the 
will of the people for peace. 
Fraternally yours, 

National Organization Department. 



December 3, 1964. 
To All Districts : 

Dear Comrades : While the proposals of Gen. Maxwell Taylor to extend the 
war into North Vietnam at the reckless risk of a world nuclear war did not get 
open administration support or repudiation, he was returned to his post. Taylor 
and his immediaite supporters should have been removed in accord with the de- 



DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2265 
Committee Exhibit No. 2 — Continued 

mand made by Senator Wayne Morse. TTie danger of all-out war continues and 
must be defeated. 

The popular movement to end the war in South Vietnam was intensified during 
the past 2 weeks and got some results. The mass actions in V^'ashington. D.C., 
New York, and other areas, and the many declarations and statements to the 
President are now being followed up by more actions in the cities and on the 
campus. These are becoming so effective that the HUAC and the ultra-Right 
sections of the press are trying to smear and suppress the peace demands of the 
people. 

This means that much more attenition must be given to sustained and growing 
activity. 

We urge special attention immediately to the full use of the "Peace on Earth" 
expression of the people during this month. Undoubtedly, the various peace 
organizations will be calling on the religious leaders to devote one Sunday this 
month to a sermon on ending the war in South Vietnam and to halting the military 
inter\'ention of the Congo as a practical application of the universal peace theme. 
The action of Rev. Martin Luther King and others in presenting the peace demand 
to the President and the speeches of Pope Paul with the emphasis on peace are 
important declarations which represent the desires of millions of Americans. 
Such declarations are a challenge to labor and other sections of the population to 
speak out for peace. 

It is reiwrted that trade unions in other parts of the world are dedicating the 
weekend of December 20 to the slogan of "End the War in South Vietnam." It 
is also reported that many church and religious organizations ai-e using this same 
weekend for this peace theme. We want to know what is being planned, as well 
as what has been done, by labor, youth, and women as well as church and pro- 
fessional peace organizations in your area to make the greatest use of these days 
when the world is calling for "Peace on Earth." 

During these days when Congressmen and Senators are at home — what dele- 
gations are visiting them with peace petitions and resolutions? 

And during these days, when the youth are still on the campus, what plans are 
being made to send delegations to Washington for peace activity during the 
Christmas holidays? During recent years, the student peace organizations have 
utilized these days for such a purpose. 

This deserves immediate attention. Every phase of this campaign must be 
followed up. 

Fraternally yours. 

National Organization Department. 



December S, 1964. 
To All Districts : 

Our letter of December .3 emphasized the need for all sections of the population 
to si>eak out "to end the war in South Vietnam." Every event makes this more 
urgent. 

We also urged that special efforts be made for mass activities and expressions 
for peace during the weekend of December 19 and 20 with the theme "Peace on 
Earth" being applied to South Vietnam. 

Since writing that letter, the enclosed "Appeal to the Conscience of America" 
has come to our attention. This deserves wide support. It is undoubtedly 
being sent to many people in your area. 

Please keep us informed as to all developments on this campaign for peace, 
and as to what activities are being planned by the varied peace forces in your 
area. 

Fraternally yours, 

National Organization Department. 



March 2, 196.5. 
To All Districts : 

Dear Comrades : Obviously the major crisis facing the American people at 
the present time is the threat of a world nuclear war arising from the escala- 
tion of the unjust war in South Vietnam to North Vietnam. The escalation 



2266 DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 
Committee Exhibit No. 2 — Continued 

is not only in the form of territory but also in its brutality and its use of 
weapons. The bankruptcy of U.S. policy and the failure to have any support 
for that policy among the people is one of the reasons for the stepped up 
military aggression. The so-called white paper indicates the crisis. 

Every step must be taken quickly to express every form of protest against this 
threatened world war. 

We arc enclosing a graphic folder which can be ordered directly from Massa- 
chu.setts. We are also enclosing a memorandum on the trial of March 16 and 
the Assembly of the Accused on March 15. We are also enclosing a copy of the 
recent Truman radio program. 

Please let us know what is happening in these fields. 
Fraternally yours, 

National Organization Department. 



Maech 5, 1965. 
To All Districts : 

Once in many years a book is capable of being a significant factor in changing 
history. Wilfred Burchett's "Viet Nam : Inside Story of the Guerrilla War" is 
such a book. The crucial character for all social progress in the U.S. of ending 
the brutal U.S. imperialist intervention in Vietnam makes the book so important. 
Its appearance at this moment and the nature of the book as an eyewitness 
account of the character of the war all demand that anything but a routine 
approach be used in promoting its circulation. 

There are, of course, an endless variety of ways to promote its use. One 
District has bought over 500 copies at $2.50 a book and is selling it to its clubs 
at $3.50 a copy. This enables the District to guarantee itself against a lo«s and 
permits the club to make some money, since they sell it for retail at $4.95. Every 
club is urged to buy at least two copies, one to be sold within the club and one 
to club contacts. In addition, a fund is being raised from friends to enable the 
District to give the book free to some key local people in the peace, trade union, 
Negro, and youth fields who would not otherwise buy it. The District is fclso 
mailing out to their local list several hundred copies of the attractive advertising 
brochure that is enclosed. 

The prices are as follows either to a local bookstore or to the District : 

1-4 copies : 25 percent discount, 

5-9 copies : % discount. 

10-499 copies : 40 percent discount. 

500 and over: 50 percent discount (or $3 apiece to District, including shipping). 

Retail price : $4.95 clothbound. 

Reasonable quantities of the advertising brochure for sending out to a mailing 
list can be acquired from : International Publishers, 381 Park Avenue South, 
New York, N.Y., 10016. 

Sate of the book, we understand, is moving so rapidly that the first edition is 
nearly sold out and there will be a delay before new edition appears. So get 
in your order and money rapidly. 

April 11, 1965, Vietnam march on Washington 

The enclosed call has come to our attention. This event is shaping up as the 
biggest single action calling for an end to the war in Vietnam. We understand 
that Women's Strike for Peace and other adult as well as youth groups have 
endorsed it and are making an all-out mobilization of people to produce thousands 
of i>eople in Washington, D.C., on April 17, from the Midwest, East, and even 
token representation from the West Coast. 

National Organization Department. 



March 31, 1965. 
jMemo to All Districts From National Organization Department : 

At this writing, the war drums are being beaten very loudly in connection 
with the current visit of General Taylor. All indications point to an attempt to 
escalate much further the atrocious war in Vietnam. As a result, within the 
framework of a generally very dangerous situation for world peace, this is an 
especially critical moment. 

We urge as many protest actions, big and small, as possible pinpointed at the 
Taylor visit. Despite the horror of the world at the use of nausea gas, "lazy 



DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2267 
Committee Exhibit No. 2 — Continued 

dog" and other weapons of a genocidal type and the growing isolation of the 
United States, the administration refuses to indicate a willingness to negotiate 
an end to the war, an end which, of course, can only come based on the United 
States withdrawing its military forces. Instead, it plans new provocations. 

April 17th is becoming the major point of concentration, not only for youth 
but also for adults in peace organizations, in many other circles, and among the 
Left, including the Communists. In the East and Midwest, the main drive is to 
get maximum participation in the march to Washington, D.C.. sponsored by 
Students for a Democratic Society and endorsed in most cities by Women's Strike 
for Peace. SANE, DuBois Clubs, etc. In some cities, there will be a city march 
with speakers to send the travelers off to Washington. 

On the West Coast, parallel actions are being organized and the iwint for 
Vietnam protests by the more advanced forces undoubtedly will be May Day. 

In connection with these developments, it is important to examine at all levels 
whether we are living up to our responsibilities and character as a Party of 
action, including strong protest. At each new stage, such as the announcement 
of the use of gas, did we react everywhere with sharp protests, mobilizing our 
forces on an emergency basis as a first step toward our mobilizing many others? 

Such ongoing examination and improvement and correction is necessary to 
build the Party in the course of struggle. 

New Outlook Publishers has just published a new pamphlet on Vietnam by 
Betty Gannett. We have been informed that the orders for this very important 
and timely pamphlet are very small and in many cases no order whatsoever has 
been placed. Only the Illinois order indicates anything more than a routine 
approach of sale to some of our own people and slightly beyond. 

The orders do not reflect plans to sell or distribute pamphlets widely at the 
April 17th events and the many other meetings and actions, or to put out a sub- 
stantial mailing. While we have often tended to treat everything as an emer- 
gency, if we are going to treat the Vietnam question in a routine manner, then 
what is a crucial question for extraordinary measures? 



September 10, 1965. 
To All Districts : 

I. To strengthen the campaign to end the war in Vietnam and for greater 
unity of all peace forces, the following slogans should be used : 

1. End the War in Vietnam I 

2. Stop U.S. Aggression Against Vietnam I 

3. Bring Our Boys Home ! 

4. Withdraw All U.S. Troops ! 

Ivet the People of Vietnam Determine their Own Affairs ! 

5. End Bombings ! Stop Escalation ! 

Create the Climate for Meaningful Negotiations with the National 
Liberation Front ! 

6. Halt all Acts of Torture ! 

End Gas and Chemical Warfare ! 

7. Restore the 1954 Geneva Accord for the Independence and 
Unification of Vietnam ! 

8. Peace in Asia ! Recognize People's China ! 
Give China its Rightful Place in the U.N. ! 

9. U.S. Imperialist Aggression in Vietnam Endangers World Peace ! 

Of course, local conditions will largely determine which slogans may be most 
effective for specific meetings, leaflets, or demonstrations. 

II. Gus Hall's "Open Letter to President Johnson" which was published in The 
Worker of September 12. is being reprinted in leaflet form In 100,000 copies as a 
public service by The Worker, for mass distribution. 

It can be ordered by the districts and other organizations from this oflSce 
or from The Worker at $5.00 per thousand. Send money with your order. Give 
this immediate attention. 
Fraternally yours, 

National Org, Deft. 



2268 DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 
Committee Exhibit No. 2 — Continued 

January 8, 1953 

To AH Districts & Leading Youth 

Re: International Student Strike -" 

Jcist a reminder that a conTercnco is being held In Chicago sponsored by 
.the Student Mobilization to discuss an international student strike. This Con- 
ference will take place on January 27-29 at the University of Chicago, In Chicago. 
All Indications are that it will be one of the most significant conferences in the 
student movement. Thousands of Invitations have been sent out Including rrvJre 
than 300 to Black student groups. • 

At the recent SDS Convention It was decided that while national SDS did 
not really "like" the Idea of the strike. If one took place It would not oppose It 
as SDS has on previous national mobilizations. Instead SDS would try to find 
some way to Integrate It Into thslr Call for ten days of resistance In April- 
SOS representatives v;lll be attending the conference to argue their approach. 
This development has resolved a number of problems but Important questions still 
remain. 

Still unresolved are the basic questions of: 

1. Whether in addition to "disruptive type" actions involvlng'the mors left, 
there will be a militant action which can reach out to hundreds of thous- 
ands (such as a student strike). 

2. Whether such a movement v/lU work for an alliance with Black students. 
And in general whether some attempts will be made by the Peace .nove- 
ment to deal with the racist attacks against Itself and the whole move- 
ment. 

At this point the possibilities for winning these points look good. But they are 
still unresolved and will require a lot of debate. 

We urge all_ young Communists to build this conference, to organize as 
many students to go as possible and to guarantee Black student attendance. 

The Du Bols Clubs has called a meeting of Interested young people to dis- 
cuss approaches to this conference. Their meeting will be held Janu ary 27-29 
In C^icago. 

In a previous memo we requested that you send us Information on v/hat you 
are doing to mobilize for this conference and also a list of students from your 
area to be proposed for a new Continuations Committee of the Student Mobiliza- 
tion.' 

If you haven't already answered, please rush this information to us immedi- 
ately. 

Black Youth Conference 

There will be a Black Youth Conference in Chicago. This Conference is 
an outgrowth of a series of regional conferences organized from the Nev/ark Black 
Power Conference. 

The dates are: February 3-5 in Chicago, at the University of Chicago. 

Specific Issues. In question are not known, but as soon as more Info.-mation 
is received it will be sent out. 

Mike Za^arell 
For National Youth Commission 



' (Committee Note: The International Student Strike, which is the subject of this Communist Party directive, was 
proposed by Bettina Aptheker, a member of the Communist Party's National Committee, for the purpose of protesting 
the Vietnam War (see Committee Report, ('ommumst Origin and Manipulation of Vietnam Week (April 8-15, 1967 ).] 



DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2269 

Counsel from audience. Mr. Chairman, on behalf of the parties 
that have been subpenaed, may counsel be supplied with copies of that 
exhibit? 

Mr, Chairman, I seem to observe also that the witness seems to be 
testifyina: from prepared testimonv. If that is the case, Mr. Chairman, 
we would like to have copies of that testimony made available to us. 

The other request I have, Mr. Chairman, is listed in terms of what 
the Chair said to me when I got up earlier. That is, that we would 
make the request, Mr. Chairman, to have at least one television camera 
posed in this room so that an accurate reporting can be made on both 
sound and film of whatever transpires in this room. 

Mr. IciiORD. The Chair will advise the counsel that the Rules of 
the House of Representatives prohibit the televising of proceedings in 
a committee of the House of Representatives. The Chair is bound by 
that rule. The Chair will enforce the rule. 

In re.Q:ard to the request of the gentleman for a copy of this docu- 
ment, Mr. Director, will you reproduce this and give him a copy of 
the document. 

Do vou have further requests ? 

Counsel from audience, I didn't hear the Chair's ruling on the 
witness' prepared testimony, as to whether we may have a copy, 

Mr, IcHORD. The gentleman is giving summary testimony of the 
activity of certain ore:anizations that participated in the organization 
and the planning of the Chicago disturbance. The Chair realizes that 
much of this testimonv is judgment and opinion. It will be accepted 
for what it is worth. The Chair will ask the gentleman to be seated, 
and the counsel will proceed with the questioning of the witness. 

Counsel from audience. Do I take it, Mr. Chainnan, you deny the 
request ? 

Mr. IcHORD. The request is denied ; yes. 

Proceed. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Gallagher, do you have anything else to add ? 

Mr. Gallagher. Not on the major groups ; no, 

Mr, Smith. What does staff research show regarding the length of 
time spent by these organizations on planning and organizing the 
Chicag-o disruption ? In other words, how early did these groups start 
their planning? 

Mr. Gallagher, Generally speaking, the major groups involved 
began their preparations for Chicago during the winter of 1967-1968. 
Actually, some may have started earlier, but based on what we have 
that appears to be a relatively good approximation. 

The earliest evidence of clearly subA^ersive involvement in plans to 
disrupt the Democratic Convention uncovered in the course of re- 
search for this hearing was provided in a meeting of the New York 
chapter of the National Conference for New Politics, which took 
place at the Schermerhorn Hall, Columbia University, New York 
City, on October 17, 1967. This' was just 9 days after it had been an- 
nounced that the Democratic Party Convention would be held in 
Chicago and just 4 days before the October 21, 1967, Pentagon 
demonstration.. 

The facts about what took place at this meeting were published in 
two columns written by the syndicated columnist Alice Widener and 
published in various newspapers throughout the United States, One 

21-706 O — 69 — pt. 1 4 



2270 DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

of the columns was published as early as October 20 and the other 
appeared m early December. Alice Widener wrote in her unchallenged 
and uncontested columns that plans for disrupting the [National Dem- 
ocratic] Convention were discussed at the meeting just mentioned. 

She revealed that John J. Abt, a member of the national committee 
of the National Conference for New Politics, was not only a speaker 
at this meeting, but that he dominated it. 

Other speakers were Seymour Copstem, C-o-p-s-t-e-i-n, and Laird 
Cummings. Several speakers mentioned "disruption" of the conven- 
tion and — 

boasted that the forthcoming demonstration at the Pentagon would serve as 
valuable experience in testing tactics for Chicago next August where "a real 
showdown" could be achieved. * * * 

Abt announced that the strategy and tactics for the Democratic 
Convention would be discussed at later meetings of the NCNP. 

Mr. Smith. Mr, Chairman, a check of the committee files reveals 
the following information concerning the individuals just named by 
the witness. 

First, John J. Abt. Wliittaker Chambers testified before the Com- 
mittee on Un-American Activities in 1948 that in the early 1930's John 
Abt was a member of the Ware-Abt-Witt group, which was com- 
posed of members of the Communist Party, U.S.A., employed by 
various agencies of the United States Government. Abt held lega.1 
positions with several Federal agencies from 1933 to 1938. Chambers 
stated that this underground Communist group to which Abt be- 
longed was organized to implement the CPUSA's plan to work its 
members into high policymaking positions in the Federal Government 
with espionage as one of its objectives. 

Elizabeth Bentley, who served as a courier between Soviet agents 
and Communist employees of the U.S. Government in the early 1940's, 
testified before the committee in 1948 that Abt was the leader of the 
Perlo group, an underground organization composed of Communists 
which had been operating since the early 1930's in the Federal Gov- 
ernment and which had been collecting intelligence information for 
the benefit of the Soviet Union for a number of years. Abt is the 
CPUSA's principal lawyer. He has signed numerous public state- 
ments in support of the Communist Party and has been affiliated with 
a great number of its front organizations. Abt is currently a member 
of the executive committee of the National Conference for New Poli- 
tics, an organization infiltrated by Communists. 

It is noteworthy that when Colonel Rudolf I. Abel, a high-ranking 
Soviet intelligence officer, was arrested in the United States in 1957 
on espionage charges, he requested to see Abt. Abt interviewed Abel 
in prison, but declined to represent him. 

Also, when Lee Harvey Oswald was arrested for the assassination 
of President Kennedy in 1963, he publicly called for Abt. Oswald at- 
tempted to contact Abt. However, he never actually reached Abt in 
connection with representing Oswald. 

The next, Seymour Copstein. Seymour Copstein was suspended 
from a teaching position in the City College of New York in 1941 for 
engaging in activities of the Communist Party, U.S.A. A witness be- 
fore hearings conducted by a [subcommittee of the] New York State 



DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2271 

Joint Legislative Committee ^ during 1940 and 1941 identified Cop- 
stein as a member of the Communist Party and as a member of the 
executive committee of the Communist Party, U.S.A.'s, City College 
unit. This witness testified that Copstein, whose party name was 
"Plaven," taught a course entitled "Principles of Communism" at the 
New York Workers School and was considered by the Communist 
Party, U.S.A., to be "a leading authority on political questions." 

In 1942 Copstein was an instructor at the School for Democracy and 
in 1947 served as a lecturer for the Jefferson School of Social Science. 
The New York Workers School, School for Democracy, and the Jef- 
ferson School of Social Science were Communist Party educational 
institutions. 

The Communist Party, U.S.A., formed the Jefferson School of So- 
cial Science in 1944 by merging the New York Workers School and 
the School for Democracy. 

Next, Laird Cummings. Laird Cummings is a member of the New 
York chapter of the National Conference for New Politics, a Com- 
munist-infiltrated organization. He was involved in a demonstration 
against Secretary of State Dean Rusk on November 14, 1967, which 
was sponsored by the Fifth Avenue Vietnam Peace Parade Commit- 
tee, an antiwar group headed by identified Communists, notorious fel- 
low travelers, and pacifists. He subsequently issued a statement charg- 
ing "police brutality" and claimed that he was physically attacked by 
police at this demonstration. 

Cummings was arrested during the Communist-supported "Stop 
the Draft Week" demonstration in New York City on December 4-8, 
1967. 

Proceed. 

Counsel from audience. Mr. Chairman, a point of parliamentary 
inquiry. I did not get the name of the person who was speaking at the 
table. May I have his name, sir ? 

(At this point Mr. Tuck left the hearing room.) 

Mr. IcHORD. Mr. James Gallagher. 

Counsel from audience. No, the person just making this state- 
ment. 

Mr. IcHORD. Mr. Chester Smith, the counsel for the committee ; he 
is not testifying. It will be accepted for what it is worth. 

The gentlemen will please proceed. 

Counsel from audience. He is not testifying? 

Mr. IcHORD. Mr. Chester Smith. 

Counsel from audience. He is not testifying ; he is not under oath ? 

Mr. Ichord. That is quite true. 

Proceed. 

Mr. Gallagher. The National Conference for New Politics, in a 
full-page ad published in the Neio York. Times December 10, 1967, this 
one here, stated : 

If necessary, we are also prepared to help mobilize the largest demonstration 
this country Ims ever seen. It would descend upon the National Democratic 
Convention in Chicago as a final reminder to the delegates of the strength of 
the opposition. * * * 



1 Joint Legislative Committee to Investigate Procedures and Methods of Allocating State 
Moneys for Public School Purposes and Subversive Activities (Rapp-Coudert Committee). 



2272 DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

This ad was signed by Dr. Benjamin Spock and James Rollins, a 
Negro community organizer in St. Louis. 

Paul Booth, former official of Students for a Democratic Society 
and also former board member of the National Conference for New 
Politics, in referring to the demonstration stated, as quoted in an 
article in the Nexo York Times of the same date : 

"There's no committee yet, and no call has gone out, but everybody is going 
on the assumption it will happen," he said. "It's an obvious thing to do." 

The Times continued : 

But Mr. Booth was not so certain the demonstration would be a passive one. 
"That's one of the topics under discussion," he said. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Gallagher, at what point in time did other groups 
begin their planning organization operation ? 

Mr. Gallagher. Concerning the Students for a Democratic Society, 
it appears that SDS began marshaling its program as early as Decem- 
ber 1967 when its national council suggested: "That a member of the 
NIC" — that is their national interim committee — 

be mandated to attend the meetings of the National Mobilization Committee or 
whatever coalition is ultimately responsible for the call to demonstration at the 
Democratic Party National Convention ; 

The SMC — the Student Mobilization Committee — the following 
month on January 19, 1968, the staff of the Student Mobilization Com- 
mittee proposed in a letter to its membership that its national con- 
ference discuss "possible action at the Democra4;ic Party national 
convention in Chicago in August." 

Jerry Rubin and the Yippies were beginning, it appears, to formu- 
late their plans for Chicago in early winter, as illustrated in a February 
3 article in National Guardia/ri entitled "What tactics for Chicago ?" 

Finally, the National Mobilization Committee itself. 

Although it seems rather certain that the National Mobilization 
Committee must have had some preliminary meetings prior to the 
secret, by-invitation-only meeting at a rural camp outside of Chicago, 
which I briefly touched on before, which is described by the Nev York 
Times on March 24 [1968], that date is, at least at this time, the only 
one we have. 

Counsel from audience. A point of order. 

I move that that be stricken. 

Mr. IcHORD. The witness will suspend. 

Counsel from audience. This is all hearsay. I don't believe you 
can accept it. "They must have had the meetings before," that goes 
beyond what any respectable lawyer can accept. 

Mr. IcHORD. The gentleman is sunnnarizing the activities of numer- 
ous organizations that particij^ated in the planning. 

Counsel from audience. "They must have had" is not a respectable 
summary. I move that it be stricken. 

Mr. Ichord. The gentleman and his client will be called before the 
committee at the proper time. The request will have to be denied. 
The motion will have to be overruled. 

Proceed. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, that completes the interrogation of this 
witness. 



DISRUPTION OF 1 9 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2273 

Mr. IcHORD. Are there any questions of the witness ? 

Mr. Ashbrook? 

Mr. Ashbrook. I liave no questions. 

Mr. IcHORD. Mr. Watson ? 

Mr. Watson. I have no questions. 

Mr. IcHORD. The witness may be excused. 

Mr. Gallagher. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. IcHORD. Call your next witness, Mr. Coimsel. 

Mr. Smith. Lieutenant Joseph Healy and Sergeant Grubisic. 

Will you swear the witnesses, Mr, Chairman ? 

Mr. IcHORD. Do you solemnly swear the testimony you are about to 
give before this committee will be the truth, the whole truth, and 
nothing but the truth, so help you God ? 

Mr. Healy. I do. 

Mr. Grubisic. I do. 

TESTIMONY OF JOSEPH J. HEALY AND JOSEPH GRUBISIC 

Mr. Smith. Will each of you please state your names, starting with 
Lieutenant Healy. 

Mr. Healy. Lieutenant Joseph J. Healy, subversive unit of the 
Chicago Police Department. 

Mr. Grubisic. My name is Joseph Grubisic. I am sergeant of police, 
Chicago Police Department, presently assigned to the subversive unit 
of the intelligence division. 

Mr. Smith. Will you please advise the committee of your back- 
ground and functions in the department, starting with Mr. Healy. 

Mr. Healy. I have worked all phases of police work with patrol 
division, vice control division, narcotics, prostitution. I was appointed 
commanding officer of the subversive unit in March of this year. 

Mr. Ichord. Mr. Healy, how long have you been a member of the 
Chicago Police Department ? 

Mr. Healy. Since May 1956. I was promoted to sergeant in 1962, 
lieutenant in 1966. 

Mr. Grubisic. I was appointed to the police department in Decem- 
ber 1959, In July of 1965 I was assigned to the subversive unit of the 
intelligence division, where I am presently. 

Mr. Smith. Did you undertake an investigation prior to the Demo- 
cratic Convention of activities by persons who intended to disrupt the 
convention ? 

Mr. Grubisic. Yes, we did. 

Mr. Smith. Would you please outline the information that you de- 
veloped prior to the convention concerning these disruptive activities ? 

Mr. IciioRD. Counsel, you have both witnesses here at the same time. 
Will you direct your questions to the particular witness by name ? 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Grubisic will testify. Lieutenant Healy will assist. 

Mr. Grubisic. The first information we received was during the 
latter part of 1967. Eennie Davis talked about antiwar, antidraft 
demonstrations and said that participants of such demonstrations who 
are not willing to join in direct acts of civil disobedience should at 
least form circles around others who are engaging in such acts to 
hinder or prevent arrest. 



2274 DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

Davis continued speaking on noncooperation and acts of civil dis- 
obedience and stated during the 1968 Democratic Convention in Chi- 
cago there are going to be a lot of demonstrations that will disrupt the 
proceedings. 

Mr. Healy. Counsel, this matter of these investigations started in 
the latter part of 1967 and continued on through and including the 
convention time. There is a great deal of information that we have 
compiled over this period of time. 

Mr. IcHORD. Lieutenant Healy, when did the investigation begin? 

Counsel from audience. Mr. Chairman, it is very difficult for 
counsel here to understand who is testifying, I understood Mr. Gru- 
bisic was testifying. Could the witness who is testifying state his name 
for the record for our understanding of what is happening ? 

Mr. IcHORD. I believe the gentleman is sitting close enough to the 
witness chair that he can tell who is testifying. The Chair has directed 
counsel to name the witness to whom he is directing the question. 

Counsel from audience. The backs of the witnesses are to me, and 
I am not in a position to find out who is testifying. I believe two people 
are testifying, but I am not sure of that. 

Mr. IcHORD. Will you mention names, Mr. Counsel, so that the 
counsel can tell who is testifying. 

When did the investigation begin, Sergeant? 

Mr. Grubisic. In the latter part of 1967. 

Mr. IcHORD. Proceed, Mr. Counsel. 

Mr. Grubisic. To continue, also we have received information when 
we became aware that the convention was going to be held in Chicago, 
there w^as some talk of gaining entrance into the Amphitheatre where 
the convention was going to be held. A John Rossen made the follow- 
ing comment regarding union leaders who are going to be given passes. 
John Rossen stated, "These passes can be duplicated quite easily." 

Mr. AsHBRooK. Mr. Chairman, is this Mr. Rossen associated with 
any of the 10 groups that we have named ? 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Ashbrook, I am going to put in some information 
on this. 

Mr. Chairman, I would like to enter into the record information from 
the files and published reports concerning Mr. Rossen just mentioned 
by the sergeant. In connection with the committee's publication, Com- 
Tminist Origin and Manipulation of Yietnom Week, on page 15, in a 
discussion concerning the Chicago Peace Council, it is stated that: 

The building in which it has its headquarters [meaning the Chicago Peace Coun- 
cil] (located at 1608 West Madison Street) is owned by John Rossen, formerly 
an oflBcial of the Communist Party and of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee. * * * 

Additionally, in 1957 in testimony before this committee Mr. Rossen 
availed himself of the fifth amendment when questioned about his 
Communist Party membership and activities. Further, in a case be- 
fore the Subversive Activities Control Board, Herbert Brownell, Jr., 
Attorney General of the United States, Petitioner, versus National 
Oowncil of Americans oviet Friendshi'p, Inc., Respondent, John Ros- 
sen is referred to as the executive director of the Chicago chapter, at 
least as late as 1953, and appears to be the important officer there. He 
was shown also to be an important member of the Communist Party, 
with activities which included membership on the Communist Party 



DISRUPTION OF 19 6 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2275 

City of St. Louis Central Committee, membership on the Missouri 
State Board of the party, and party organizer in southern Illinois. 

In 1941 and in 1947 he ran for elective offices on the Communist 
Party ticket. 

Continue, Sergeant Grubisic. 

Mr. Grubisic. I have here a copy 

Mr. IcHORD. What is the question pending, Mr. Counsel ? 

Mr. Smith. The question pending: Please outline the information 
you developed prior to the convention concerning these disruptive 

Mr. Grubisic. I have here a copy of THE MOVEMENT dated 
February 1968. It is entitled "The Democratic Convention, a Challenge 
to Organizers." 

Rennie Davis states : 

I think we can do better than attempting to prevent the convention from taking 
place, as some have suggested by closing down the city on the first day of pre- 
convention activity. The delegates should be allowed to come to Chicago, so long 
as they give their support to a policy of ending racism and the war. I favor letting 
the delegates meet in the International Amphitheater and making our demands 
and the actions behind those demands escalate in militancy as the Convention 
proceeds and as the TV's drum into everyone's home that we're moving towards 
a Johnson-Nixon "choice". I would like to see us be able to carry our incredible, 
imaginative actions even against Chicago's blanket injunction that will prohibit 
all demonstrations. Even against the two US Army regiments that will be "pro- 
tecting" the convention * * * 

Also : 

to release the real power of our many forces in a new and significant way at the 
time that Johnson is nominated, turning the delegates back into the amphitheater 
as they attempt to leave, demanding that the American i)eople be given a choice, 
demanding that they reconsider a decision not in the national interest, a decision 
that can only lead to the funeral of the democratic policies that support racism 
and the war, should carry not only us, but thousands of Americans into an 
active boycott of the elections and giant showdown in Washington to prevent 
the inauguration next January. 

Mr. IcHORD. For the record, Mr. Counsel, what is the witness read- 
ing from there ? 

Mr. Smith. Pie is reading from a publication, THE MOVEMENT . 

Mr. IcHORD. Wliat is the publication, THE MOVEMENT? 

What organization publishes THE MOVEMENT? Is the wit- 
ness aware of what organization publishes it ? 

Mr. Smith. This is SDS oriented, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. IcHORD. Is it an SDS publication ? 

Mr. AsHBROOK. There is no attribution. 

Mr. Smith. Nothing official, 

Mr. IcHORD. I think you can supply that for the record. Let us iden- 
tify what the papers are and get that into the record before you pro- 
ceed with the hearing. Let us proceed with the question so that we 
know what the witness is talking about. 

Counsel from audience. Mr. Chairman, I was not able to hear the 
answer of the witness. 

Mr. IcHORD. I have gotten no identification of it. The record will 
stand. The gentleman will please be seated. Let us proceed with the 
questioning. 



2276 DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

Counsel from audience. Then, Mr. Chairman, I move it be stricken 
because there is no identification to lay a foundation for the introduc- 
tion of this document. 

Mr. IcHORD. As I explained to the gentleman many times previ- 
ously, the gentleman has been on his feet several times objecting, this 
is not a court proceeding, this is a legislative inquiry for the commit- 
tee to endeavor to establish facts. The Chair will announce that the 
publication means nothing unless it can be identified, and it will be so 
considered by the committee. 

Now, please j^roceed. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request that the exhibit be received 
for the record pursuant to further identification. 

Mr. IcHORD. The Chair will take that under consideration at this 
time. Let us see if we can identify it for the record. 

Mr. Smith. Continue, Sergeant. 

Mr. Grubisic. I also have here a letter dated January 19, 1968, on 
the National Lawyers Guild stationery, signed by Ken Cloke, execu- 
tive secretary of such. The letter reads as follows : 

Dear Friend : 

A meeting will be lielcl at the office of the National Lawyers Guild, 5 Beekman 
St., Room 610 at 7 :30 [p.m.] on Friday, Jaunary [sic] 26th to discuss the estab- 
lishment of a nationwide legal defense appartus [sic] to deal with the projected 
legal problems arising out of the political protest planned for the Democratic 
National Convention to be held in Chicago this summer. 

The meeting will be attended by the * * * [illegible] of the political protest 
and by lawyers and law students nationally who wish to be of some help in sorting 
out the complex legal problems posed by the possibilities of injunctive suits to 
stop the convention procedings [sic], mass arrests, civil disobedience, coordinated 
nationwide protest, civil suits for police brutality, and numerous other legal 
problems we must begin to face noiv. We will prepare forms, affidavits, research 
memoranda, and a handbook on mass arrests. We desperately need your help, 
ideas, criticisms and suggestions. 

Please attend the meeting, but if you are unable, send us your name and 
address and any written suggestions you may have, and we will forward infor- 
mation to you. 

Signed, "Sincerely, Ken Cloke." 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request this be accepted as Grubisic 
Exhibit No. 1. 

Mr. IcHORD. What is the date of that publication ? 

Mr. Grubisic. January 19, 1968. 

Mr. IcHORD. There being no objection, the letter under the letter- 
head of the National Lawyers Guild, signed by Ken Cloke, will be 
accepted for the record. 

(Document marked "Grubisic Exhibit No. 1" follows:) 




DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2277 
Grubisic Exhibit No. 1 

5 BEEtCMAN STREET 

NEW YORK, N.Y. 10038 

(212) -227-1078 



VICIO? CAJIKOWIT 



Ja.ui-,--:y 19,1953 



KtNN'EIH ClOKE 

JOAN lEVENSON 

HON. GEOPGE B. CROCKETT. J5. 
OSMOND k'. FRAENKEL 
ARTHUR KINOY 
JOHN T. McTECNAN 

stanley faulkner 
eenja/'.in smith 
hepman v/i;lght 

MAX DEAN 

ANN fAGAN GINGER 

DOniS BRIN WAIKER 

FATHER ROEERT F. DRINAN. S. J. 

SECRETARY 

HERMAN D. GERRINGER 

TREASURER 

DAVID SCRIBNER 



JOHN M. COE 

PCNSAC01_A 

CARL B. DICKERSON 



BENJAMIN DREYFUS 

SAN FRANCISCO 

HON. ROBERT W. KENNY 

LOS ANGELES 

MALCOLM SHARP 

CHICAGO 

THO/AAS I. EMERSON 



Dear Friend: 

Fi raeeting v;ill be held r.t the office 
of the National Lsvjyers Guild, 5 EGekraan St., 
Room 610 et 7:30 on Friday, Jaunery 25 ch 
to discuGS the establishment of a nationv;ide 
legal defense appartus to deal v;ith the 
projected legal problems arising out of the 
political protest planned for the Democratic 
National Convention to be held in Chicago 
this sumraer. 

Tlie meeting will be attended by the 
plTT.v.'-.-cr. of the political protest and by 
lawyers and law students nationally who 
wish to be of sorae help in sorting out the 
complex legal problems posed by the 
possibilities of injunctive suits to stop 
the convention procedings, mass arrests, civil 
disobedience, coordinated nationv;ide protest, 
civil suits for police brutality, and numerous 
other legal problems we m.ust begin to face 
np\i._ We will prepare forms, affidavits, 
research memoranda, and a handbooJ: on mass 
arrests. We desperately need your help, 
ideas, criticisms and suggestions. 

Please attend the meeting, but if you are 
unable, fsend us your name and address and 
any written suggestions you may have, and 
w<? will forward in.for.mation to you. 

Sincerely, 

Ken CloJce 
Executive Secretary 



KC:ak 



ERNEST GOODMAN 

DETROIT 



<Cii>' 



2278 DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

Mr. Smith. Continue, Sergeant. 

Mr. Grubisic. I also have here a copy of the minutes of the meeting 
to discuss the setting up of the legal committee for Chicago referred 
to in the letter that I previously stated. 

Present at this meeting as listed under minutes were: 

Bernardine Dohrn, and they give her address as National Lawyers 
Guild, 5 Beekman; T^ee Webb, Washinorton, D.C.; Ken Cloke, Na- 
tional Lawyers Guild ; Connie Brown, 631 Hunterdon Street, Newark ; 
Tom Hayden; Harriet Van Tassel, 116 Market Street, Newark; 
George Logan, 116 Market Street, Newark; Alicia Kaplow, National 
Lawyers Guild; Eric W. Schmidt, 11 Park Place, New York; Wil- 
liam Schaap, 120 Broadway ; Arthur Goldberg, 204 Johnson Avenue ; 
Jonathan Lubell, 103 Park Avenue; Steven Halliwell, 210 West 109 
Street, New York; Rennie Davis, 820 Agatite, #D, Chicago; Paul 
Mitelman, 50 James Street, Newark ; Eric Walgren, 210 Forsyth ; Cecil 
C. Butler, 55 West Chestnut, Chicago. 

The minutes go on to describe Rennie asking or stating 

Counsel from audience. I object to this. This is as flagrant viola- 
tion of the sixth amendment as I have ever heard. This is a lawyers' 
meeting in New York City. And your committee is putting in this 
record confidential matters in violation of the United States Consti- 
tution. I think it is out of order. I think as an American lawyer you 
should say something about it. 

Mr. IcHORD. The Chair has been very lenient. I have explained to 
the gentleman, Mr. Counselor, who has now arisen, that this is not 
a court of law. The rules of the court of law do not apply here. This 
is a legislative proceeding. The document will be accepted for what 
it is worth. 

What was the date ? 

And the gentleman will please be seated. 

What is the date? 

Mr. Grubisic. The date of the meeting is January 26, 7:30 p.m., at 
the National Lawyers Guild office. 

Mr. IcHORD. Sergeant, how did you come into possession of the 
minutes ? Can you reveal the source ? 

Mr. Grubisic. I don't recall at this time where 

Counsel from audience. I move that that be stricken, Mr. Chair- 
man. 

Mr. IcHORD. Mr. Counselor, you are aware of the rules of parlia- 
mentary procedure. You are not in keeping with those rules. The 
Chair will conduct the proceedings. The Chair will make rulings on 
matters of constitutional law. I would ask that the gentleman please 
be seated and let us proceed. The gentleman has his opinion, the 
Chair has his. 

Proceed. 

Mr. Healy. May I explain where this came from, please? 

I am Lt. Joseph Healy. These came from an informant of ours who 
at that time was connected with NMC. 

Counsel from audience. We can't hear. 

Mr. Ichord. The gentlemen will please be seated. 

Gentlemen, I have been very patient with the attorneys. I want to 
let you represent your clients zealously, but you are in violation of the 
rules at this time. I would ask that the gentleman please be seated. 



DISRUPTION OF 1 9 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2279 

Counsel from audience. I would like to state for the record that I 
was not able to hear the response of the last witness. I feel I am entitled 
in representing my client 

Mr. IcHORD. I would say to the gentleman if some of the people in 
the audience would please be just a little quieter I think that the gen- 
tleman could hear. 

Proceed, Mr. Healy. 

Mr. Healy. My name is Lieutenant Joseph Healy. These records 
that have been read, the minutes of this meeting, were recovered from 
an informant of ours wlio at that time was connected with NMC. 

Mr. IcHORD. The Chair will observe that the witness will not be re- 
quired to name the informant. There are intelligence sources which 
do have to be kept secure. 

Proceed. 

Counsel erom audience. Mr. Chairman 

Mr. IcHORD. Who is rising ? 

Counsel from audience. Attorney for Mr. Hoffman. 

I would direct the committee to ask the witness to identify the source 
of the information and was it recovered by constitutional means ? 

Mr. IcHORD. The counsel for the committee will propound the ques- 
tions. The gentleman is out of order and in violation of the rules of 
parliamentary procedure. I ask that he please be seated at this time. 

Counsel from audience. This may be a violation of the constitu- 
tion of the State of New York 

Mr. IcHORD. Counsel, I have explained many times this is not a 
court of law. You are trying to raise points of order that would be 
applicable for action in a court of law, but this is a legislative inquiry. 
I have read the rules to you. You are aware of the rules. I ask that you 
abide by that rule and stop disturbing the hearing. 

Proceed. 

Mr. Smith. Was this the mimeographed document that was widely 
disseminated ? 

Mr. Grubisic. Yes, I believe this was. 

Mr. Smith. Continue with your statement. 

Mr. Grubisic. These are their own minutes of the meeting. 

Rennie Davis stated or asked Tom, referring to Hayden, to "talk 
about the political perspective and I will talk about the legal aspect." 

Tom Hayden replied : 

In the next several weeks there will be the development of an organizational 
machine. Now there is an office in Chicago and the beginnings of a staff. Tomor- 
row is a meeting of a small group of peoole [sic] to plan for a larger conference 
in Chicago late next month. We are now in the initial stages. Hope to see come into 
existance [sic] many related projects, i :e : legal project, a project consisting 
of a weekly newspaper and a daily during the convention. Another project is 
films. Idea is to mobilize people. * * * The third stage would be the convention 
itself in which we would have a pooling of 50 to 100 thousand people. Don't want 
these people to be passive objects, but on the other hand, don't want chaos. * * * 

Ken Cloke asked : 

What do you think is going to be the dynamic during the days of the conven- 
tion? i :e : there are going to be large numbers of people, cops, etc. Is there going 
to be mobile action ? 

Tom Hayden replied : 

We discussed this with a number of people, it is not as yet clear — should have 
people organized who can fight the police, i>eople who are willing to get arrested. 



2280 DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

No question that there will be a lot of arrests. My thinking is not to leave the 
initiative to the police. Have to have isolated, yet coordinated communica- 
tions. * * * 

Counsel from audience. Mr. Chairman, a point. The witness' testi- 
mony, it seems unbelievably clear that somebody had some sort of sur- 
veillance item on hand at that meeting. I would ask the chairman at 
this time to question the lawyers present here with their clients 

Mr. IcHORD. The gentleman is completely out of order, the request 
is out of order. It is not in compliance with the rules of parliamentary 
procedure. I ask the gentleman to please be seated and quit disturbing 
the hearing. 

Proceed. 

Mr. Grubisic. Rennie Davis stated : 

Biggest problem is going to be with Chicago lawyers. Real question for us is if 
500 to 1000 people are going to be in jail who can go into court? Movement has 
not been successful with building up a large number of attys. What we would like 
to do is to begin to get organizers and organize a committee of staff people and 
lawyers and law students. People who are radical politically and who are in 
agreement with most of what is happening. What we would like to do is to call 
sometime in the early Spring a conference of lawyers. (Chicago lawyers) We are 
approaching the ACLU to sponsor it. * * * 

Mr. IcHORD. Sergeant, you are reading from the minutes there. The 
time is now 12 :36. The bells have sounded. The Chair will declare a 
recess until 2 o'clock, and you can begin at that point. 

(Whereupon, at 12:36 p.m., Tuesday, October 1, 1968, the subcom- 
mittee recessed, to reconvene at 2 p.m. the same day.) 

(Subcommittee members present at time of recess: Representatives 
Ichord, Ashbrook, and Watson. ) 

AFTERNOON SESSION— TUESDAY, OCTOBER 1, 1968 

(The subcommittee reconvened at 2 :10 p.m., Hon. Richard H. 
Ichord, chairman of the subcommittee, presiding.) 

(Subcommittee members present : Representatives Ichord, Ashbrook, 
and Watson.) 

Mr. Ichord. The committee will come to order. 

Will the witnesses and the guests please be seated ? 

Will the photographers please abide by the rules ? 

The committee will come to order. 

During the morning session, a point of order was directed by one 
of the attorneys. 

There will be a slight recess until the guests get into the room. 

(Brief recess.) 

Mr. Ichord. All right. 

Counsel from audience. Before we commence, I would like to 
be heard on the issue that the Chair raised earlier, and that was that 
this was to be a public hearing. 

I would like the record to reflect that tliere are about 30 to 40 empty 
chairs in this committee room and that there are taxj^ayers of the 
United States who are seeking entrance right now who are being 
excluded, as I understand it, on the orders of the Chair. 

I wouldlike the Chair to reconsider !his decision of excluding these 
people and permit them to enter. 



DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2281 

I would like the Chair to take note that I observed at the close of 
the last session that there were about 20 plainclothes officers standing 
in the room. I believe these gentlemen are still present, occupying seats, 
to the exclusion of the public. I ask that they stand and make room for 
the people who are seeking entrance. 

Mr. IcHORD. The Chair will take the request of the gentleman under 
consideration. 

The Chair will advise the attorney, as the Chair believes the attorney 
well knows, that many people made the statement they were going to 
endeavor to disrupt these hearings. For this reason, the security is 
being exercised at the door. 

Now, the Chair would further advise the attorney that he has been 
informed by the police that some of the attorneys have been advising 
the police that certain people who have gotten into the room have been 
their associates. The police thought that they were associate attorneys 
of the attorneys. Tliey were not. 

The Chair will further advise the gentleman that the police have 
advised the Chair this morning that there were certain persons in the 
room who deliberately refused to use ash trays that had been provided 
by the committee. They have stamped out their cigarette butts on 
this very expensive rug. 

There has also been the burning of incense. 

The Chair will instruct the police at this time that if they observe 
any person burning incense or failing to use the plastic ashtrays which 
have been provided, ask them politely to leave the room. If they do 
not politely leave the room, the Chair instructs the police to remove 
them from the room. 

Now, there are certain people present apparently, Mr. Counsel, 
who do not believe in abiding by the rules of ordinary human behavior. 
Now, there may be some in the room who want to overthrow the 
existing social order, but there is no need to destroy public property 
today. 

This is an arm of Congress, a legislative investigation. I have ex- 
plained that to you time and time again. Order will prevail in this 
room. The Chair will use all of the authority vested in him as chairman 
and all of the statutes of the United States to obtain that order. 

The request of the gentleman is overruled as frivolous, and the 
Chair would further state that he believes the attorney knows that it 
is frivolous. 

Counsel from audience. Mr. Chairman, I would like to respond as 
a point of personal privilege. 

Mr. IcHORD. The gentleman is out of order. Will you please be 
seated ? The Chair will not recognize you at this time. The Chair di- 
rects the attorney to be seated so that the hearings can begin. 

Mr. Counsel, you will proceed with the questioning of the witness. 
But prior to that, the Chair will announce that this morning a point 
was raised by one of the attornevs in regard to the publication THE 
MOVEMENT. 

The Chair has been handed a copy of the publication THE MOVE- 
MENT. On the masthead it states : "Affiliated with SNCC and SDS." 
And also included on the publication are these words : 

THE MOVEMENT is published monthly by The Movement Press, 449 14th 
Street, San Francisco, California 94103, [telephone] 626-4577. 



2282 DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

This is not a court of law, as I have stated many times before. The 
ordinary rules of court procedure do not apply here. The ordinary 
rules of evidence do not apply. 

The document will be accepted for what it is worth. 

(Document marked "Grubisic Exhibit No. 2" and retained in 
committee files. ) 

Mr. IcHORD. Proceed with your questioning. 

TESTIMONY OF JOSEPH J. HEALY AND JOSEPH GRTJBISIC— Resumed 

Mr. Smith. Sergeant, at the time we recessed, you were reading ex- 
cerpts from the minutes of a meeting held in the offices of the National 
Lawyers Guild. 

Would you continue with your presentation ? 

Mr. Grubisic. Yes, sir. 

Ken Cloke asked: "What about raising political questions with 
law." 

Bernardine Dohrn replied : "Could be done in the streets. Could be 
done throughout the whole thing. It is just a device. 

"What are the other types of restrictions Illinois has — syndic, 
[alism] law." 

Tom Hayden replied : "Smith Act." 

Eric Schmidt stated : "Overview— have to have two hats — nice and 
violent." 

Bernardine Dohrn stated : "Could we go back to the problem of 
structure." 

Ken Cloke replied: "First thing that we have already done is to 
begin compiling a referral director [y]. Second thing is a conference 
we plan to hold in Chicago on Police Damage Actions and mass arrests. 
Third thing — putting together a hand book on mass arrests. Fourth — 
Bernadine ^ and I will be doing national travelling. Will be a Lawyers 
Guild convention in Los Angeles on July 4th." 

Rennie Davis stated : "How do you get 20 full time people." 

Bernardine Dohrn replied: "What are the finances?" 

Rennie Davis stated : "We at least need one person now." 

Ken Cloke: "Bernaadine,^ I, Alicia and Dennis Roberts will all be 
able to give approx.[imately] one month or more." 

Mr. Smith. At this point, may we make one clarification ? Was this 
your understanding that this was a meeting of lawyers or agitators in 
this National Guild office ? 

Mr. Grubisic. They were not all lawyers or agitators. Some were 
lawyers and some were agitators. 

[Laughter.] 

Mr. IcHORD. Could there be such a thing as a lawyer and an 
agitator ? 

Mr. Grubisic. Possibly. 

Mr. IcHORD. Proceed. 

Mr. Grubisic. Ken Cloke stated : "Hire a staff counsel now. In addi- 
tion you have to have a certam kind of feeling for hwat [sic] kinds of 
things are going to come up." 

1 Correct spelling "Bernardine." 



DISRUPTION OF 19 6 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2283 

Eennie Davis : "Ohica^o operations should find subsistance [sic] for 
50 law students. Guild should handle recruiting. For the time being 
Chicago should handle the research into Chicago and Illinois law." 

Ken Cloke: "Affirmative suits should be referred to Kunstler and 
Kinoy. Bail problems should be referred to Detroit." 

I have concluded reading excerpts from this document. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request that this docmnent be received 
as Exhibit No. 3. 

Mr. IcHORD. There being no objection by the members of the com- 
mittee, the document will be received. 

(Document marked "Grubisic Exhibit No. 3" appears on pages 
228^2291.) 

Counsel from audience. This evidence that is l)eing received, is 
this evidence legally received ? 



2284 DISRUPTION OF 19 6 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

Grubisic Exhibit No. 3 

Minutes of Meeting to Discuss 
Setting Up a Legal Conmittee for Chicago 

Jan. 26th 7:30 P.M. 

Nat'l Lawyers Guild Office 

Bernadine Generally this was called to discuss who will take 
up responsibility, what this groups relationship will be to the 
broarder group politically etc. 

Rennie ' Tom should talk about the political perspective 
and I will talk about the legal aspect. • 

Tom In the next several weeks there will be the 

development of an organ.lzstional machine. Now there is an 
office in Chicago and the beginnings of a strsTf. TSmOTTDV- is a 
meeting of a small group of peoole to plan for a larger conference 
in Chicago late next month. VJe axe now in the initial sira^es. 
Hope to see come into existance many related projects. i:e: 
legal project, a project consisting of a weekly newspaper and 
a daily during the convention. Another project is films. 
Idea is to mobilize people. Idea began to take shape of sometype 
of program that would begin early in the year and challenge at 
each leve"! the Uemocratic party. This is to climax at Ciricago 
when in the eyes of the people the country re-nev/s its democracy. 
We see a tightening up on the part of the government. Attempt 
by the party to isolate the anti-war movement. We see a major 
opportunity to organize a force that challenges the status-quo. . 
Clearly Johnson and others are going to define us by whether 
we are violent or non-violent. The basic question is the un- 
responsiveness of the parties. We propose to make an attack on 
the elitism of the Parties. This would take the form of attacks 
on the local and national levels. It would find more and more 
people in anti-war demonstrations against the Democratic Party. 
During April there v;ould be a change of focus on to the 
Democratic machine. (Mayor of Cnicago etc.) The next change — 
will be an enormous amount of people who will want concrete 
tasks during the summer. (Draft organizers, mass demonstrations) 
We would see at this point the need for flexible organization that 
would allow people to do many things, but that would try to 
relate these things to the Democratic Party. The third stage 
would be the convention itself in which we would have a pooling 
of 50 to 100 thousand people. Don't want these people to be 
passive objects, but on the other hand, don't want chaos. Will 
have to take into account that the eyes of the world will be on 
us. It will be the mostimportant national and international news. 
Must be organized orderly and politically. Have to build up not 
only a structural but a consensus on the political goals. We 
propose the beginning of a coordinating committee of a kind. 
This committee would generate ideas, discussion etc. Might not 
be clear what we do until July. What we have to do is to establish 
a framework. 



DISRUPTION OF 1 9 6 S DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2285 

Grubisic Exhibit No. 3 — Continued 

Ken First thing are there any national days of 

protest? ^ 

Tom April 3 and then ten days from April 20-30. 

Rennie The notion is that everywhere during those 10 days 

there would be a focus on the Democratic Party and its delegates. 
It would spark committees to take action throughout the country. 
Ken What kinds of plans have you made for people 

coming from other parts of the country? We really don't know 

what to expect will there be trains, buses, car-pools etc. 

Tom Probably be all of them. 

Have there been plans for another circus to 

try to get kids engaged before school lets out. This would prepare 

people to come to Chicago. 

Tom Don't think there is the machinery or the peopl® 

to do that. 

Rennie There is going to be a confernce in Chicago at 

which these type of things are going to be discussed. 

Ken Has there been any reception from any of the 

organizations i:e: Revolutionary contingent and Youth Against 

War and Fascism. 

Rennie Everything is moving along. 

Ken I don't think you can g^t a total consensus. 

Are there signs that others will go on their own? 

Tom Not yet 

Bernadine Talk about a Youth Festival 

Tom Is talk about bring in a lot of rock bands just 

prior to demonstration. 

Ken Is MFDP evolving separate plans? 

Tom There has been very little contact with the South. 

vrill have to go dov/n and find out. 

Dave We envision somekind of plural approach. There 

are many days and many types of actions. It may very will be 

decided by them that there should be separate calls and separate 

structure but close coordination. 

Ken What do you think is going to be the dynamic 

during the days of the convention? i:e: there aregoing to be 

large numbers of people, cops, etc. Is there going to be mobile 

action? 

Tom We discussed this with a number of people, it is 

not as yet clear --should have people organized who can fight 

the police, people who are willing to get arrested. No question 

that there will be a lot of arrests. My thinking is not to 

leave the initiative to the police. Have to have iscla-ted, yet 

coordinated communications. Don ' t want to get into the trap 

of violence vs. passive action. 

Bernadine You mention a summer project. 

Tom It; means past the elections. Has to be broad. 

V.'c v^ill have testing demonstrations. Try to organize areas by 

units. 

Ken Will we have an idea of who the units will be 

and vmere they v;ill be so that if there are law students they 

can v;ork v^ith them. 

Tom Lawyers will be involved all through both 

on the political and progamatic level. 

Bill V7crc there any intentions to have prclimenary 

demonstrations in Chicago — lawyers get tied up more after a 

demon.'-tration then before one, there is a danger of leaving you 

v;ith a legal aby£;s. 

Rennie April 21st will bo a march on city-hall. 

Bill Late July and Early August is whc.t I'm concerned 

with. 



2286 DISRUPTION OF 19 6 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 
Grubisic Exhibit No. 3 — Continued 

ReniTie City is very tight about the convention. Are developing 

a staff structure that can try to deal with this. Don't see any 

large demonstrations except perhaps in the Black corr.-rjnity. 

Dave That is v^hy we are ir.eeting with you tonij^ht. 

Rennie Demonstrations v;ill occur outside of the convention area. 

General feeling is to stay out of the immediate surrounding area. 

Basically the concerns of the organizers is to see to it that the 

Mayor can't organize whites to come an attack organized protest. 

(demonstrators . ) 

Ken First policy decisions v;e had to make in D. C. was 

whether to represent the Nazi. I think that there ought to be 

a policy decision. The other thing is what if there is a large 

reaction to the cops on the part of the Blacks. Whole question of 

bail or jail. ---v;hether to represent everybody other factor 

jail no bail. There ought to be a clear statement if there is 
any policy. 

Rennie Lets get into the project a bit. First of all jail 

no bail, we may not have any choice about it. All state misdeara. 
start at 1,000 dollars bail. (This means 100 dollars) 
Bill Do you have any experience on the disorderly conduct 
charges as against mis-'eamoanors. 

Rennie Charges a multiple state and municiple. Let me outline. 

hov; we see this project developing. Biggest problem is going to be 
v;ith Chicago lawyers. Real question for us is if 500 Co -1000 people 
are going to be in jail who can go into court? Movement has not been 
successful v;ith building up a larg.e number of attys. tJhat v;e would 
like to do is to begin to get organizers and organize a committee 
of staff people and lav/yers and law students. People u'ho are 
radical politically and who are in agreement with most of what is 
happening. iJhat we would like to do is to call sometircie in the 
early Spring a conference of lav;yers. (Chicago lawyers) We are 
approaching the ACLU to sponsor it. Hope is that conference could be 
very "broad, attract people on the basis of protecting civil liberties. 
At the same time would like to see created a national organizing 
committee for lav/yers. Would bring together a national conference. 
Now in Chicago, after the Chicago conference -- v;hat w-z see v;ould 
be a merging of the Chicago and national committees and that would 
be' the political decision making body. ( A la^>n^ers representative 
of this committee would be on the coordinating board.) 

Bill Legal Aid in Chicago courts what is the policy? 

Should we try to bog dov/n the legal aid system. 

Cecil In Chicago there is a public defender--.-there is no 

legal aid. 

Harriet Tnere is a technique we try to develop u.sing affirmative 

actions injunctions. Should we have guys in jail? 

Something else beyond staying in jail. 
Tom A lot of this remains to be studied. As far as the 

political orientation so far v/hould clearly come dowr: on the side of 

accusing them of atte. noting to wipe the demonstrators* off the streets 

There may be an injunction on the part of the government. 

Cecil Is an injunction in Chicago limiting demonstrations to 



DISRUPTION OF 19 6 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2287 
Grubisic Exhibit No. 3 — Continued 

ric Is it pretty much assumed that people v;ho are going 

o participate will be willing to stay in jail. 

ave Seems to me that there will be a significant number 

f people who are going to want to be out of jail. This is going to 
•e a different type of demonstration. Would be a bad mistake to 
ocus just on the convention, I think it is beginning already, 
lear that they will try to organize some type of preventative 
ction.Have to start to set up our own counter offensive. 

en One of the things we all have to think about 

ov; to or how you can use various legal forms do you want to go 

nto court to try to stop the convening of the convyention? 
lernadine We should direct our attention to • socne of the 

hings listed under number II the legal' needs during the Spring. 

'om Political point of view two things that are most 

mportant. a) argument that demonstrators will not be allov'/ed to 
emonstrate b) the local and national levels should be challenged, 
o reason why we can't get into the delegate challenges. Most 
mportant is to start giving them trouble where it hurts. Want to look 
or the underbelly. 

lernadine Seems to me the first thing you said is the most 

mportant. One consideration would be to push for that early. 

;ill This injunction that we talked about get 503 people to 

nnounce that they are going to have a demonstration. 
;en You just have to announce it. 

Need affirmative action that is going to allow the 
.emonstration. 

;en What about raising political questions with law. 

iernadine Could be done in the streets. Could be done 

hroughout the whole thing. It is just a device. 

What are the other types of restrictions Illinois 

as syndic, law. 

om Smith Act 

ric Overview have to have two hats nice and violent. 

ernadine Could we go back to the problem of structure. 

:en First thing that v;e have already done is to 

egin compiling a referral director. Second thing is a conference 

e plan to hold in Chicago on Police Damage Actions and mass arrests. 

hird thing putting together a hand book on mass arrests. Fourth — 

;ernadine and I will be doing national travelling. Will be a Lawyers 

uild convention in Los Angeles on July 4th. 

.ennie How do you get 20 full time people. 

iernadine What are the finances? 

Lennie We at least need one person now. 

Ken Eernaadine, 1, Alicia and Dennis Roberts will all 

le able to give approx. one month or more. 

;en - Chicago should request law students for the Law 

itudents Civil Rights Research Council — lawyers in Chicago have to 

lake the request. 

lave Everything now is June or July, but the most 

jnportant thing is now. Have to get sometype of staff set up. 

:n ter.T.s of financing , going to have at least 10 or 20 groups 

:hat e-re going to have important functions to pcrforra.If the 

:entr£:l committee has to fund them all they will not be able to. 

;ach group should raise its own money. h n <r 

Jernc;cir,e try to get big lav/ firms to ■Jii.-^l.:^r lnv/ students etc. 

iho wo.'.'t have to be at that particular office. 

Cen Dave is correct. 

5erna6ine Problem right nov; is to find the money for a skeleton 

:egal staff. 



2288 DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

Grubisic Exhibit No. 3 — Ckjntinued 

Ken Hirfic;>j a staff counsel now. In addition you have to 

have a certain kind of feeling for hwat kinds of things are 

going to come up. 

Rennie Chicago operations should find subsistance for 

50 law students. Guild should handle recruiting. For the tirae 

being Chicago should handle the research into Chicago and Illinois 

law. 

Ken Affirmative suits should be referred to Kunstler 

andKinoy. Bail problems should be referred to Detroit. 

Staff person in Chicago should form a whole series of questions to be 

sent around. Can put together a national contact list. 

Research coordination should corae from a small 
group of attorneys v;ho canframe the issues. 

Bernadine one thing that is gi.ng to be needed is some 
small legal committee to meet monthly in Chicago. 
Ken What kind of money is available in terms of 

K£>J>:a£2X hiring someone ? 

Rennie we can handle most of what is to be done. 

Cecil Kind of naive to go and formulate legal issues 

up in the air. We could challenge certain things but that could be 
held up until after the convention. This is the vehicle that they 
use. I think that really the most affective way that is going -. 
to be had for getting any kinds of concessions will have to be a 
political way. 

Ken Are a couple of other considerations. Can be 

expo sure.-.. In terms of the politics of the thing, v;ould like to 
Yb/q political development of lawyers and law students. 
Dave This is where the legal and political come 

together. On structure again — it seems to me that in this whole 
legal thing it seems to be you have to have some kind of 
top committee. 

Bernadine Question really is to get a wide spread commitcee 
and to get a smaller working committee that can cork with the 
Chicago group. 

Rennie Would like to see this conversation be geared 

toward the creation of a legal defense committea. 
Dave Tnink that the logical way to start is that 

after a certain amount is crystalized tomorrow is to call 
together people from the other legal groups between now and 
Feb. 24-- so that each of the groups can commit themselves. 
Bernadine vlhole Young Turk thing in the ACLU can work to 
our advantage. 

Ken Tnat meeting of all lav/yers should be called 

by the larger group. (Not the la;^/yers group) 

I have a series of questions related to what 
you can do for us. 'vlhat kind of money is available-'-- for 
travel, for an office. 

Rennie Should take responsibility for founding a law 

students group this summer and for office space. In terms of 
money, v/hat I think v/e should try to do is project 'should be 

self contained at the Chicago conference there should be 

an effort; to raise money from the lav/yers. 

Ken Another thing to do very quickly is to put; tcgcti'Cr 

a n:.tional list of people. Weed a decision making group. Ought to 
•-C r.li:ic.il ;u•^.^pU^ on the body Lhat is r.aking lo;:--;l docicicns. 



DISRUPTION OF 1 9 6 S DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2289 
Grubisic Exhibit No. 3 — Continued 

Dave It should work the other way too. 

Bernadine S^^ould have communication right after tornorr&v/. 
Tom Either Bernadine or Ken should come to the 

meeting tomorrow 
Ken You should take the perspective back to Cnicago . 

PRESENT AT THIS KEETING. 



Bernardine Dohrn 
Lee V.'ebb 
Ken Cloke 
Connie Brov/n 
Tom Hay den 
Harriet Van Tassel 
George Logan 
Alicia Kaplow 
Eric W. Schmidt 
William Schaap 
Arthur Goldberg 
Jonathan Lubell 
Steven Halliwell 
Rinnie Davis 
Paul Mit'alman 
Eric Walgren 
Cecil C. Butler 



Nat'l Lawyers Guild • 5 Beekman 212-227-1078 

Washington D.C. 

NLG 

631 Huuterdon St. Newark 



116 Market St. Newark 
II 

NLG 

11 Pare Place, N.Y. 

120 Broadv;ay 

204 Jjhnsdn Ave. 

103 Park .-.venue 

210 W. 109 St. N.Y. 

820 Agatite #D Chicago 

50 James St. Newark 

210 Forsyth 

55 West Chestnut, Chicago 



201-622-1467 



964-4540 
964-6500 
248-6250 
889-5290 
662-7743 
72S-2077 
643-5779 
674-4992 
312-664-8495 



2290 DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 
Grubisic Exhibit No. 3 — Continued 

CHICAGO COKVEi\iTIOi\ CI-IALLErJGE 

PROPOSED WEEDS OF A LEGAL APPAPJiTUS 

I. The Orf^niES'.tion of a Le^al Corninlttee 

— -relationship to specific orcanizations (iiPDP.SDS, 
Mobilisation, etc. ) inside coalition: I7rl0 i'AliES 

dl'cisio:js 

contacts and call to lavryors, referral directory 

— -division of labor anong lavryers (specialization 
of le2;al a.spects i:e: Federal court, adaission to 
Illinois courts, appellate'jiavxyers, ACLU , ECLC 
specialities, student research.) 

suH-jer project for lav; students 

follow up responsibility 

ADIuINISTRATICN 

office, staff 

conmunlcations 

operations during demonstration 

finances 

II Lecal Needs During Spring = Projection of V/hat is Expected 

responce to injunctions 

defense of pre-suinraer arrests (convention coitmittee 

leadership, Chicago blacks and co^'munity people, 

traveling organizers, local non-Chicago arrests , car-pools- etc, 

obtaining building space for challenge 

preparation for ball and bail fund 

research coordination (Illinois criminal la;;, procedure, 

la-i:s relating to practicing, Nuremberg, Democratic 

delegate challenge 

affiriiie-tive suits 

press conference 

III Suromer Legal Committee 

—All of II 

problems of housing 

- — transportation 

teenagers 

drugs 

negotiations 

- — legal observers documentation ( cameras, affadavits, 

v:itnesses) 

preparation of pamphlets etc. (Kno'.<; your Rights, 

affad'j:vit forms) 

trial of people arrested 

relationship uith monitors .operation of legal central 

national legal coordination, exposure 



DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 229 1 
Grubisic Exhibit No. 3 — Continued 

CHICAGO COHViL^/'lGK GliALEliKGE Li^GAL CCl\.:iTIi^i 

Jcnr-ry 26.1968 
7:30 p.... 
KLG Office 

I. Report on proposed action, orcanizatlon and needs 

II. Organization of Lavjycrc (see attached nu::bor I) 

A. Projected needs ( See- II & III Attached) 

B. Structure 

1. adi.ilnistrative (nuiribers, rccp, students, 
prc^Euaner T-Jorl:) 

2, political (policy decisions, relationship 
to larger ctiallenGe, specific croups, "ithin 
ciiallenge) ' 

C. Lr^T Students Project 

B. Lav;yers Keetinc in SPrlns 



2292 DISRUPTION OF 196 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

Mr. IcHORD. The gentleman is asking a parliamentary inquiry. The 
Chair will refuse to recognize him at this point. He may come forward 
later with his client. 

Mr. Grubisic. A meeting took place in Room 315, 407 South Dear- 
born Street. Our information about this meeting, which lasted from 
approximately 10 a.m. to 4:30 p.m., was obtained from the official 
publication issued by the meeting participants, entitled "Convention 
Notes," dated Febmary 17, 1968. 

The meeting was cochaired by Carlos Russell from New York and 
Rennie Davis from Chicago. 

This document lists the participants as being Kendra Alexander, 
NCNP, black caucus; Carolyn Black, National DuBois; Greg Calvert, 
SDS ; Dovie Coleman, WRDA ; Tom Cornell, FOR ; William Darden, 
WSO; Rennie Davis, CRR; Dave Dellinger, National Mob; Don 
Duncan, Ramparts ; Earl Durham, BCCC ; Corky Gonzoles,^ Crusade 
for Justice; Bob Greenblatt, National Mob; Vernon Grizzard, Boston 
Resistance; Fred Halstead, SWP; Don Hammerquist,- CP; Jim 
Hawley, Peace and Freedom; Tom Hayden; Frank Joyce, People 
Against Racism ; Sid Lens, National Mob ; Obed Lopez, LADO ; Lin- 
coln Lynch, UBF; Steward Meacham, AFSC; Charlene Mitchell, 
black caucus; Lucy Montgomery, Women's Coalition; Sue Munaker, 
Radical Women ; Sid Peck, Ohio Peace Action ; James Rollins, black 
caucus; Fred Rosen, New York Resistance; Paul Rupert, CADRE, 
Resistance ; Jack Spiegel, Chicago Peace Council ; David Welsh, Peace 
and Freedom; George Wiley, N^VRO; Dagmar Wilson, WSP; and 
Leni Zeiger, Berkeley campus. 

Mr. IcHORD. Let there be order in the room. 

Mr. Smith, Mr. Chairman, I request that this document be accepted 
for the record as Exhibit No. 4. 

Mr. IcHORD. Hand the record forward, please. 

Counsel from audience. Point of parliamentary inquiry, 

Mr. Ichord. The gentleman will be seated until the Chair looks at 
this. 

Voice, Would you spell out names, instead of initials ? 

Mr. IcHORD, The Chair has repeatedly admonislied some people in 
the room that there must be order in this room. You gave me no other 
choice. I ask you, if you insist upon bursting out in emotional out- 
bursts, please leave the room and do it outside. I appeal to your sense 
of decorum and your sense of propriety. Please abide by that request. 

Is there any objection to the admission of the document? 

Hearing none, the document will be admitted, 

(Document marked "Grubisic Exhibit No, 4" appears on pages 
2293-2298.) 

Mr. IcHORD. For what purpose does the gentleman rise ? 

Counsel from audience. I request that the documents subpenaed 

1 Correct speUing "Gonzalez." 

2 Correct spelling "Hamerquist." 



DISRUPTION OF 19 6 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2293 



Grubisic Exhibit No. 4 



ROOM 3)5 



407 SOUTH DEARBORN - CHICAGO 60605 PHONE 939-2666 



@°wif Wow ijdm 



published by the March 23^ 
CONVENTION CX)MMITTEE 




first issue 
february 17, 1968 



;. MINUTES: FEBRUARY 11 
'^'; ' . ^, summary: 

Qn Febtuary 11, an ad hoc committee of 34 
fceo^e (tfamea attached) met la Chicago to 
fiecuya-A ■rfthod fot making declalone about 
JK)>di<lVle cl>allenge to the Deawcratlc 
llat}.0narC0AVentlon. , > 

IfV, ■ ,H ,v ■■ *■,■♦... 

"tfle Bcetlftjuitaa co-cl^alred by Carlos Russell 
41^ New'jroric Slid Rennle Davis froa CMlcago. 



r. 



Meiuta.lAcludedi ' 



f,t ' i. )lomlns: General dlscuesl 

i>. \. ■'. * ternatlve perspe 
,L.""i"" ' programs for the 



n ot *i- 
ectlves'and 
Convention 



Afternoon (early):,. Black and white 
' ■ ' ' workshops to develop a demo- 
cratic method for making de- 
cisions about possible actions 
and programs related to the 
Convention 

Afternoon (late): Report from the two 
workshops. Establishment of 
an Interim committee. Adop- 
tion of a structure proposal. 

The decisions, stated briefly, were: 

(1) to establish an Interim committee of 
tha following people: Carolyn Black, Earl 
Durham, Corky Gonzoles, Lincoln Lynch, Carlos 
Russell; Rennle Davis, Dave Dellinger, Bob 
Greenblatt, Tom Hayden, Sue Munacker 



MEETING 



V*-. 






(2) to c^l and plan Ifor k r««««*n^at,lVe 
mtMrement cchfarence on March 2^23 in the 
mld-Weat. The" conference p«rtnt#«tl(Mi 
should Include represeatatlM^fa* all;' 
major black liberation and ttll-^fmt' ot- 
ganlcatlons with attention fiWA Wtht 
breadttv, conatltueocy base, •a* lateteei 

(3) to prepare people att«ti<l«|*ihfa cok- . 
.ferenee to Make polltfjtft (lAtlat^tM. l>o;$^lii^ 

papecs outlining four •lt«natlv«''«r^rategleb 
should be prepared and 'dlsttlb«rt4(> before*' 
the conference. Regional and oraaAlcatloAal 
Tieetlngs should be encouraged to^dlacusa tha 
various proposals prior to March i.i-Z^,,\ ■• 

14) to develop an agenda for the March con- 
(prence which can allow declalon-maklng on a 
general strategy for the Damocratlc ConventioB 
ind establlah machinery for daveloptng and 
:arrylng out that strategy. 



2294 DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 



Grubisic Exhibit No. 4 — Ckintinued 



nneeting minutes: 



(Apologies for ommlsslon or misrepreeenlal-lon , 
If any) 



Dave Dellinger: Reported on the background 
to this Chicago planning meeting. In Dec- 
ember, the National Moblization to End the 
War in Vietnam discussed the Democratic 
Convention as a possible target for a major 
movement coavergence. The Mobiliiation 
decided to initltate a broad conference of 
movement representatives to consider possible 
actions at the Chicago Convention. To plan 
this conference, the officers of the Nation- 
al Moblization called a meeting in New York 
to discuss the feasibility of such a confer- 
ence. The planning seasion in New York 
Uan. 27) had virtually no representation 
from black organizations. The New York 
meeting eetnbllihed an Interum committee to 
prepare for a second planning meeting in 
Chicago that would seek to be more rep- 
resentative of the movements. The interim 
committee Included Rennie Davis, Dave 
Dellinger, Tom Hayden, Carlos Russel, Cora 
Veiss. February U was set as the date 
iof a second planning meeting. 

The.nteetlng today Is meant to b^ open end- 
t6.' We may decide that we would not want to 
work together. We should not consider our- 
selveis bound by earlier meetings. 

Carlos Russell: Proposed agenda for the 
meeting. Morning: Discussion of alternative 
strategic perspectives on the Democrat ic 
Convention. Afternoon (early): black and 
white workshops to develop a democratic 
method for choosing a strategy. Afternoon 
(late): Discussion of any structure 
proposals. 

The agenda has beon discussed informally by 
groups that met last night. Is there add- 
itional discussion or suggestions? 

Sidney Peck: I uidn't know that people 
were going to meet last night and could have 
been present. We have had problems in the 



last two meetings with cotiirunlcat ion and 
must correct this if we are to work well 
togetl "t . 

Carlos: Suggest that Rennie Davis and 1 
report on informal meetings last night. 

Rennie Davis: Last night, 1 reported that 
I thought the major movement positions o^J 
the Demociatlc Convention could be reduce^ 
to four paragraphs and that the movement -■ 
should be given an opportunity to decide.© 
one of these four views. ; -. 

0) DISRUPTION, V4 

One view, popular In the press, holds tnaf 
the movement should prev«nt the Convention 
from assemblylng. The Democratic Party 1% 
totally illeglLlmate and should be destr^ 
The movement should do everything posslb^s 
to disrupt its deliberations in August. ^1 

(2) ELECTORAL AUtRNAnVES ' ■'•• 

r- — ■•' -t 

A second view says that the movement mia\ , 
offer a concrete «>olitlcal alternative to^ 
Johnson-Nixon race. We should call fdf. th 
creation of a third party and/or projec^j^ 
Presidential candidal* »*io runs against 
racism and impcriallsra.. Perhaps In AuguM 
w* should hold a counter -cixiveAt ton t9i.|ua» 
Inate our own slat*. • '''■'"' L 

(1) STAY HOME j 



:f 



and is setting up the aova-t 
It "bust" in which the "** 



A third view forscea any demonstration 
playing into Johnson's hands. Johnson 
wants violence 
D«nt for a gian 
movement will lose support from average m 
Americans. The best thing is to stay 'f,' 
home or organl?? demonstrations In every, -i 
city except Chicago. ,■<<( 

(4) asCI>nj>CD. COORDINAm) DEMONSTRA T ION •' 

A fourth view argues that thousands of 
people will cooe to Chicago whatever we dj. 
We should take advantage of this time to • 
dramatize to the world the millions of 
Americans who feel unrepresented by a 
Johnson-Nixon "choice." This view empMi«tl 
local organizing and . educat ion about th« 
Democratic Party to prepare the country "< 
for August, and organization against dis- 
ruption and violence in Chicago. 



DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2295 



Grubisic Exhibit No. 4 — Continued 



Art Wflskow haa sent us a memo which suggpsts 
some specific ideas fot the #4 approach. 
Art would emphasize local organizing thli. 
summer which helped the country to focus on 
the Illegitimacy of the Democratic Party and 
Its unwillingness to act creatively on th3 
crisis of our cities, racism, and the war. 
Perhaps Democratic People^ Assemblies could 
meet locally which would t<jke up these issues. 
People could then come to Chicago demanding 
that the Convention focus on the crisis and 
take up the major problems in an "open 
forum." On the first day, the demand would 
be that the Conventio.i focus on the crisis of 
of the cities. Derroustrationa could be or- 
ganized at welfare offices, police atatlons, 
schools and urban renewal offices to drama- 
t!je this demand. On the secon day, 
actions would draiiiatlzu tlie war and foreign 
pollc)i by focusing on draft boards, in- 
duction centers and corporate war manufac- 
turers. The last day might center on the un- 
rcpresentativeness of the Democratic Party 
>t an institution, which cannot claim to 
represent the lnt«rc<t of ordlaary Americans 
V«cau8e of Its control by business, military 
«(ii political interests tied to the Democratic 
l« gravy train. Art has developed his schene 
to^•everal pages and I^ suggest th*t you read 

|;j(hl» "meipo,: ; ' - 

■*• V * "^ « 

XlBr^os: I will raport on the black caucus 
i*«etln« last night. Mot everyone expactlng 
'co attanc^ the meeting today was able to cocne. 
ttf ^ tox example, had an emergency executive 
,^«mlttea meeting today In Mississippi and 
expressed regrets they could not have soate- 
one liere. George Wiley will be arriving lain 

today. Dave Del linger has reported that 
John Wilson is expected. 

Radical whites today are basically occupied 
with anti-war activity. Blacks are focusing 
on black liberation. Any participation of 
blacks in a parallel strategy with whites 
at the Convention will be based on a dual 
theme of reclsm and Imperialism. Any prep- 
eratlon for the Convention would see blacks 
organizing around black liberation locally and 
and whites reaching out to their own cuitmunit- 
ies around the issue of war aud imperialism. 
The #3 position, advocated by some. Is a cop 
out. 



We would hope that the ^ ja^^^ent would com^ 
out of the convenU^ff" activities understand 
Ing that Johi^^otfper se Is not the enemy, . 
The enemjt^.^ the system of racism and 
Impe^i^lsm. 



We believe a parallel structure of anti-war 
and black liberation organltatlons around a 
Convention challenge Is possible. Leader- 
ship for the challenge jpMt^r Te sleeted 

The separate lea 
black and whl 



and black organlzatlooa"^ 



«lp ^^il^ hlye KPMaya >.» 
staffs to work In 



But on quaatlons of caomotv ^tl 



pollc^f^the two leadership groups would 
meet together and function together. 

Unleea there are questions about the reports,', 
I suggest «c get right Into the aenerat <11«- jj; 
cuaalon on persp«ctlv*«. V ^f 

Lincoln Lynch: We want a conf%-«ntatlonT , • *• 
What forms will this coofronMtlon taker'"*". 
What contingencies are «• pli 
hippies, yipples and so ont tJaJTaf yf golha^ ' 




filaclnn Tn ttin 

e aooa 6f the (lueMtons. - ;, ~> •-'v? 

,■ . .-^ '^ [, ' KuA 

Corky Gontelest ,1 tm won^artn^ what, ^lattoji^ 
^the Hexlcan-Amerlcaa oevwnlty will h«v» to^ 
•any possible structur*. I aust remind the'V 
blacks, who scaMtlaas overlook vs, about the-" 
oppression of their fcrown brothers and slater^ 
If the structure were dlvl««d into black 
and white, where would the browna fltt 

C«rloe: The black causcus^,^*StiBi«d that the 
Mexican-American L^nmuj^fc^^would be a part 
of the black coa^ixCnj but that would depend 
y>n declslon«*»fpaople like yourself and 
"bed Lj 

Sid Lens: At the Pentagon In October, we 
said we could no longer operate within the 
system. Now we must find ways to convince 
A.Tiericans outside the movement to Join us 
outside the system, it will not serve our 
purpose to disrupt the Convention. We must 
ixpo'.e It. Americans must learn that the 
chairman of thr Democrsty Party Is also the 
President of Con Edison, hardly a position 
lor a man who la expected to care about the 
poor. 



2296 DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 



Grubisic Exhibit No. 4— Continued 



I<,.ii Uajdi-ii: As organlz.ilion develops to 
cluii icnj;i.- the Deni<xralit ParLy, It must 
piojt?ct a non-violent, legal face. We can- 
not call for violence, although violence is 
.1 major method of change in this society. 
We cannot mobilize thousands to fight a war 
at thf Convention. Wars may be fought 
locally. A national mobilization ia another 
motlor. It must bo lej li and have a partic- 
ular kind 'of political meaning. It must be 
designed to reach out to new people. New 
people will come to the Convention not be- 
cause of ATicrica's racist and imperialist 
policies but because the party doesn't re- 
present anyone. 0>ir major emphasis should be 
on the unrepresentative nature of the Demo- 
cratic party. 

Fred Halstead: We should have a demonstra-1 
tlon In Chicago whether or not it Is allowed 
by the city. We should definitely go ahead 
^wlth an action. But It would be a mistake 
to develop a national organization as the 
't^al purpose behind such an action. Once 
ve agree on the action, we need a loose 
coordinating group lo brinn people to 
Chicago, and nothing more. 

Pnn T^flmmerni|1pf : Why do we want a coj^ron- 

tatlbn with the Democratic Party? J^the 

""political" framework of most peva/tf, there 

^1« an. identity with the Demo^^lc Party. 

lbs Illusion people hold abmTt the Country, 
, t^y ^Iso hol<l about th^^'urty. What w« 
^ fcwst do is make concrai^ demands oh tTie 
Convention which th^Conventlon cannot 
respond to. Our ^^rf rontat ion must be 



political In 



away fro m 
feanl za ti 



Be of winning peopli 



tops 



Ivity sh^ld er.iphaslze loc 



P arty . The or 
iround this jl 



organizing 



Lticjl e ducation. it should develop, 
•rnativo ideology and real leadership 
the left in the country. 

Sid Peck: Our previous national actions 
had limited objectives. Now there are signs 
that our objectives will br too broad. We 
cannot move too fast or beyond the meager 
base that we have. We do not yet have a 
base against Imperlallsfr,, for example. 
And we should not make a mechanical di- 
vision between Imperlalisir and racism 
either. The two Issues affect all 
Americans. 



Carlos Kussel 1 : I want to 

to a couplc' of points. 

not the fn.i [nr jpsue La^^b l acks. 



Blacks are 



concerned about 



own survival and 



liberat i on. 



are working from separate 
con d. i t is not our Intention 
3th er organization, like NCNP , 



fse anyone was thinking that. 



Sue Munacker: It is not premature to dis- 
cuss the issue of imperial I*™. Many people-- 
more than we realize--are ready to consider 
that perspective and with them, we should • 
talk about the war in those terms. Those •; 
who are not at that level, we should reach ,''' 
in other ways, without dismissing the ^ 
broader perspective in o\ir work. , ,*» 

' I 

It seems ludicrious to discuss what should ^ f 
happen on specific days in Chicago. Vie if 
should be focusing on what people do now.^ .*' 
Is the action of the suoner going to fit ., "', 
into the timetables of our different or- '''^''r: 
ganlzatlons? Do different groups, such as 4 
draft resistance, prefer many local actions, 
rather than one national •ctlen? We should _ 
be talking about how w« will organize betwe^ 
now and the spring. *>. ' 



Jim Rollins: I oppose, at this tliie, a 
demonstration In Chicago, because we can't 
come out with anything that (Ives us power 
We should continue ,te work locally. ,. 



i. 



Steward Heachaa: We should develop a paper' 
of demands, a prograai or docuaent on war, 
racism and self-determination. The document, 
should have radical content but be express- 
ed in a moderate tone with emphasis on rea- 
son and moral arguments. It should de- 
emphaslze Ideological terms. 

Mack Splegal: He can't call 200,000>fople 
Tfl v^Micito ahd then disassociate o)»^8elve8 
from violence. Disruption and it<^lence 
will occur. It's going to h^^n and we'll 
have to deal with that fac 
I it ink one form for th^/Chlcago demon- 

jlj be v>'^eople'a convention" 
We should gather at 
/Soldier's Fleld/'hold our Convent Ion, and 
cii oj>/the Democratic Convention. 
laps we/tould elect 300 to 50O represen- 
lo demand to enter the Convention 
to aijr'our grievances. 



DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2297 



Grubisic Exhibit No. 4 — Continued 



I 1 nc , c; il [I 1 yni !>' The question of iv^emon- 
str.itlon hae not yet been dct*rfed. Then 
are many approaches, i np><re^ and outside- 
the Onveniion. Pos><r^lity we could 
develop a pi alf ofurfor self-determination, 
calling for tire^DC vote, withdraw from Viet- 
nam and a^-'on. Before we go too far, we 
must Ji«x clear on our objectivea. 

F.^T-l Diirhnm: The question of blf 
tlclpatlon In the Convention ^^»^5a8ed on 
how it strengthens the bla^«^ase and or- 
ganizing In the black &Omriuni tv. That is 
why we stress the Li»<Mne oT racism and im- 
perialism. The„<^&nf rental ion should help 
lead to the t^^nsfer of power in the 
ghetto. Up must in«lBt that this be a 
tight a^Slnst racism !n rhe whlt« comm- 



irnvr "-^ ^►' • 1 have talked to radicals 
Inside and outside the Peace anfl Freedom 
Party and all are opposed to any petltionin 
of the D«notfatlc Party. Are we for re- 
forming the Democratic Party or building 
• mass movement? 1 { wc petition the Dcmo- 

■ crat* it will only serve the Interests of 
the dump-Johnson campaign. We should say '' 

V fuck the Dti.iocratic Party. Also, we fhould 
^focus on actions against the police, aa 

■ an Illegitimate use of state power. 

' Bob Greenblat t: 1 llke^ the idea of a 
."people's cJllVehtion." Since we should 

be discussing Ir August what happens In 

the fal 

on the 

march 

on next steps for the' movement. 



9CU89ing lu AugusL wiiaL iiayjpeiiw l ii 
ill, perhaps after the furmeral march! 
i Democratic Convention, we should I 
back to our own convention to decide] 



Dave Delllnaer: We are confusing t(<- dls-»- 



cussion of local organizing and spring and 
suniner activity with what will haprrn in 
August. We need to be more pretlst .itout 
what could happen In Chkagc. Certfliriv, 
there has to be many levels In whlcli peoplf 
can participate. While the Pentagon actioi 
moved the consciousness of the natlin and 
of the participants, there was not enough 
preparation and follow through. We should 
begin now to expose the Democratic Party. 
We must expose the electoral 'lluilon. 
Discussions and working papers should 
raise the Chicago action in a broader 
perspective. 



Lucy Moni)^p mcry: I want to agree with 
much ol w'. iL' s been said. I only want to 
say that I don't believe anyone can con- 
trol what will happen in Chicago. I 
like- the idea of the people's assembly. 

Charlene Mitchell: Why are we "opposed" 
to the war and "concerned" about racism. 
Whites have to begin to oppose racism. 
Blacks, each time they mention racism, 
must refer to the Mexlcana and Puerto 
Ricans. 

Fred Halstead: Kadicals should never ; 
petition the Democratic Party, unless 
we are petitioning to abolish capitalism. 
We must explain the need to break with the ■ 
Democratic Party. I believe It Is possible i* 
for the movement to set a tone for the 
Chicago action and I believe the movement •. '. 
should. Finally, 1 agree with the Idea , •" 
of a document which would have radical 
content but modn air tone. ■ ■ ^ 

Dagmar Wilson: At so^ point, w«'v« got ;" * 
to stop street walking and (o to war..' 
But 1 don't want lo go to war over nothing, .j 
It's not that I'm opclna owt, but It's ,7' 
too soon for war. I'b not sure about thlB \.' 
event. I feel wf need to do more than '•'■ - 
hack away at a dying sy«tc«. We need) *" 
sowehow, to construct an alternative.. '. ''" 



Cnrky Gonzoles : In our *ow«ment and 4enioaw 
strati on s, we must dlstlrKjulsh between v.j 
those who have something to loae and ,.■. 
those who do not. We must support those- 
who will put their bodies pn the line. ^, 
And we must find a way to get economic 
support to these people, before OEO 
and the Ford foundation buy them off. 



workshop reports: 



Afternoon: Nearly all afternoon was spent 
In black and white workshops considering 
ways that the Issues raised by the four 
alternative strategic perspe<^ tlvcs might 
be discussed and voted on In a represen- 
tative movement gatherltfg. The sumiary 
report of those two workshc|>s follows: 



2298 DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 



Grubisic Exhibit No. 4— Continued 



C-.-los K,iss,-ll: ilus.- W.Mi Lin- (K-<isi<.iis 
o1 llu- lil.uk woiksliop: iii we :is;rc.-.1 ..n 
till- Idea of .1 ilu.il movt-nuMil contproncc 
to coiisi<li:t and vole on Lilt' dilfcriiiL 
poi sped, i vcs; _(2) We will clrtulalc n 
position pjpiii on llic issues in tlic next 
sevei ,il vl.iys to ^ill bl.ick people wlio 
attended the ni.ick Power Conference in 
Ncw.T-k and Lhe NCNP Convir.i i on and to 
membei s ol Lhe Puerto R. .m and Mexican 
American communities; _( 3 ) we established 
an administrative group to carry out the 
details of preparing for the conference. 
The group i ■^ Caroline Kl ii-k. Corky Conzoles . 
I Jr.rr.ln I .n| 1. anH C| jil.is UusscU; (A) final 
decision .iljout the stmril strategy, the 
relationsliip between blacks and whites 
and the black leadership lor any coalition 
wmld be decided at the convention. The 
convention woul J operate somewhat like the 
planning meeting today. There would be 
some joint si ?:siong, but most of the work 
would take place iil separate workshops; 
(5) Th« four people on the administrative 
committee would function only to prepare 
for th« inovemeol conference. Any permanent 
s.tructure would come out of the conference 
Itself. 

Tom Hayden: These were the decisions of the 

anti-war workshop: 

(l) We should call and prepare for a large 

mtiveraent conference. The conference would 
be invitational and Include three types 
of representation: from constituency or- 
ganizations, from coalition or area-wide 
groupings, from individuals expressing 

'strong Ir^terest; (2) Ttie convention would 
be asked to consider the four perspectives 
and to establish machinery for developing 

'and carrying out the adopted perspective^ 
(3) An interim committee would (a) develop 
an invitational list in consultation witt 
the broadest -ipectrum of movement If ider- 
ship; (b) contact people to write workin)^ 
papers on the various positions and ideas 
circulating ahout the Democriitlc Convent on 
(c) organize prc-conferenf e meetings to 
discuss the various perspectives, through 
organizational or rej^lonal 'ontact";; Cd) 
take genrr.il n sponslbil i ty for the «d- 
iT.lnlBtratlon md management of the con- 
ference; (A) The suggested date for the 
conference Is March 23-2^; ( ^j) The In- 
terim committee would consist of lA peo- 
ple. 



The di-.iussion which followed attempted 
lo resolve divcr^;ences in the two pro- 
posals. The principal item dealth with 
the size ')l tlie two Interim committees. 

It was aigui'd that the committees did not 
have to be politically representative if 
a smaller, administrative conmlttee would 
follow the guidelines developed by this 
planning meeting. The final decision was 
to add Earl Durham, to be black Interim cool-; 
mittee and to cut back the whUD committee i 
to the following people: ft^jptp navies. , 

[)nvF ""' ' '"p^' , riiiii r rin- ,Tnin H°i"^f"i 

■Siif; Mu nnrlfCir ■"'''' individuals volunteered 

to work as siaff for t tie conleience pre- 
paration. — ' 

Participants; 

Kendra Alexander, NCNP, black caueus 

Carolyn Brack7 Nattpnal DuBole 

Greg Calvert, SD5 >i .*. 

Dovle Coleman, WkBA ' . L- ■ 

Tom Cornell, FOR . " 

William Darden, WSO ^' ' - 

Rcnnie Davis, CRR.. . •■*" •' ^,- •■, 

Dave Delllnger, Hatl Mob ' . ' , 

Don Duncan, R«mp»rt8 ** • * ' ' -■ ' 

Earl_Durha», BCCC vN • '' 

CorKy Conzoles," trusade (or Justice ' > 

Bob Greenblatt, H«tl Mob ■ ' ' *' < ;* 

Vernon Grizzard, Boston Rcslstaniee ' /• 

F red Ha lstead, jWP 

Don rtanmerqulBt , CP 

Jlfi Hawlc7,nPeac« and Freedom *,, ■*■'■. 

Tom Hayden, ,i> ~ 

Frank Joyce, People Against Racisn , i 

Sid Lens, Natl Mob .,; 

Obed Lopez, LADO 

Lincoln Lynch, UBK 

Steward Meacham, AFSC 

Charlene Mitchell, black caucus 

Cucy Montgomery, Women's Coalition 

Sue Mur/»ker, Radical Women 

Sid Peck, Ohio Peace Action 

James Rollins, black caucus 

Fred Rosen, NY Resistance 

Paul Rupert, CADRE,' Resistance 

J ack Sp let rl , Chicago Peace Council 

David Welsh, Peace and Freedoa 

Grorge Wi ley, NWRO 

Ddgmar Wilson, WSP 

Lent Zelger, Berkeley campus 

organizations listed for Identification 

only. 



—. •'• 



DISRUPTION OF 1 9 6 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2299 

Mr. IcHORD. This is the fourth or fifth time requests for documents 
have been made. The Chair is advised by the director of the committee 
that the gentleman has requested a copy of the transcript. That will 
Ix". provided to him under the rules of the committee at the cost of the 
gentleman. That will be provided to him tomorrow. He will have that 
in sufficient time to go over the record so that he can properly advise 
his witness. 

I cannot repeatedly be stopped, sir, by interruptions from you re- 
questing the documents be reproduced immediately. It is the feeling 
of the Chair, rightly or wrongly, that these are strictly delaying 
tactics. I will have to overrule your request so that these hearings 
can proceed. 

Counsel will proceed, and the gentleman will be seated. 

Counsel from audience. Mr. Chairman, I would like, as a point of 
clarification, to understand whether the witnesses who have been called 
thus far are here in answer to a committee subpena, or are here 
voluntarily. 

Mr. IcHORD. The gentleman is ajDpearing here at the request of the 
committee. Were subpenas issued to the gentlemen ? They are appear- 
ing here at the request of the committee. 

Proceed. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, at this point, I would like to read into 
the record information obtained from the committee's records and 
files concerning several of these individuals named as participants 
in this meeting. 

First, Kendra Claire Harris Alexander, Kendra Alexander is the 
wife of Franklin Delano Alexander, an identified member of the Com- 
munist Party, U.S.A., and former national chairman of the Communist 
youth group, the W. E. B. DuBois Clubs of America. 

Her husband was identified in the CPUS A press in September 1968 
as "a Commmiist youth leader in the black liberation movement." 

Kendra Alexander has been an active leader in the DCA and has 
served in this group as an organizer. She was one of four organizing 
members of the Committee To End Legalized Murder by Cops, a 
Communist- front group formed in May 1966 to foment racial discord 
in the Negro community of Watts, Los Angeles, California. 

Kendra Alexander was arrested on March 16, 1966, by police for 
drunkenness, in the company of her husband, at the approximate time 
and in the vicinity of the Watts riot number 2. At the time of her 
arrest, she gave her occupation as a DuBois Club employee. 

During the spring of 1967, Kendra Alexander and her husband were 
actively involved in organizing disruptive activities and racial agita- 
tion on the campus of Texas Southern University in Houston, Texas. 

Both Kendra Alexander and her hiisband attended the Communist- 
sponsored Ninth World Youth Festival held in Sofia, Bulgaria, [July 
28-August 6] in 1968. Subsequent to their attendance at the festival, 
the Alexanders visited the Soviet Union. 

According to the September 3, 1968, issue of the Daily Worlds East 
Coast newspaper of the Communist Party, U.S.A., Kendra Alexander 
toured the U.S.S.K. with her husband, "as a member of a Communist 
Party delegation of ten." 

Next, Donald Lee Hamerquist. 



2300 DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

Donald Hamerquist is a self -admitted Communist leader. He was 
elected to the National Committee of the Communist Party, U.S.A., at 
its 18th National Convention held in New York City on June 22-26, 
1966. 

In April 1967 Hamerquist publicly admitted to the press that he 
was the Oregon State organizing chairman of the Communist Party, 
U.S.A. His admission followed public disclosures by Russell K. Krue- 
ger, a former FBI informant who identified Hamerquist as the one 
who had recruited Krueger into the party. 

Krueger appeared before the Committee on Un-American Activities 
in executive session on March 12, 1967. However, only a portion of his 
testimony has been publicly released. 

Although the testimony relating to Hamerquist was not released to 
the public, Krueger stated to the press in April 1967 that full dis- 
closures regarding Hamerquist's Communist background were made 
during his appearance before the committee in executive session. 

According to press interviews, Hamerquist has readily confirmed his 
active membership, or leadership, in the Communist Party and the fact 
that he recruited Krueger into the party. 

Hamerquist has been an active leader in Communist youth groups. 
He served as a member of the national council of the Progressive 
Youth Organizing Committee and sponsored the founding convention 
of the W. E. B. DuBois Clubs of America in June 1964. 

Hamerquist is a second-generation Communist. His father, Donald 
Andrew Hamerquist, recently deceased, was a member of the North- 
west District Committee of the Communist Party, U.S.A. 

Next, Jack Drobny Spiegel. 

Jack Spiegel has been affiliated with the Communist movement since 
the 1930's. In 1934 he ran for public office on the Communist Party, 
U.S.A., ticket. 

Spiegel was identified as a member of the Communist Party, U.S.A., 
during the testimony of former FBI informant Lucius Armstrong be- 
fore the Committee on Un-American Activities in December 1964.^ 
He has been a supporter of numerous Communist- front organizations, 
including the Progressive Party, National Council of American-Soviet 
Friendship, Inc., Midwest Committee for Protection of Foreign Bom, 
and the National Labor Conference for Peace. 

Spiegel has signed several public statements in defense of the Com- 
munist Party, U.S.A., national leaders who have been convicted for 
Smith Act violations. 

He has served as a member of the board of directors of the Chicago 
Committee to Defend the Bill of Rights, a group headed by identified 
Communists. 

Spiegel has functioned as an activist in the anti-Vietnam war move- 
ment. He was one of the initial sponsors of a Communist-instigated 
Conference to plan a National Student Strike for Peace held in Chi- 
cago in December of 1966 and he took an active role in its delibera- 
tions. 



1 This identification was made by Armstrong in executive testimony on Dec. 17, 1964, and 
released by the committee on Oct. 4, 1907. 



DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2301 

He is an executive officer of the Chicago Peace Council, which has 
actively supported the Student Mobilization Committee To End the 
War in Vietnam, a Communist-dominated organization which stemmed 
from the Chicago conference. 

Spiegel has been a sponsor of the Fort Hood Three Defense Com- 
mittee. 

He has also sponsored the Communist-dominated Spring Mobiliza- 
tion Committee To End the War in Vietnam, as well as its predecessor, 
the November 8 Mobilization Committee. 

Spiegel has been employed as the Chicago district organizational di- 
rector of the United Shoe Workers of America. 

Next, Earl Durham. 

Earl Durham has served in numerous leadership posts in the top 
echelons of the Communist Party, U.S.A. He was elected to the Na- 
tional Committee of the CPUSA at the party's 16th National Conven- 
tion held in New York City on February 9-12, 1957, at which time he 
was also chosen to serve on the party's 11-member national administra- 
tive committee. 

Durham was later designated as a member of the national executive 
board, which was established by the National Committee of the Com- 
munist Party to function between quarterly meetings of the National 
Committee. 

At a meeting of the CPUSA National Administrative Committee in 
May 1957, Durham was named as youtli affairs secretary of the party. 
He was subsequently appointed as one of nine party secretaries, who 
functioned as "a collective leadership" for the CPUSA. 

Durham was identified in the Communist press in December 1957 
as the CPUSA national youth secretary and in 1958 as a party na- 
tional executive committeeman. 

During the period from 1950 to 1956, Durham serv^ed as a leader 
of the Labor Youth League, a former youth section of the Communist 
Party, U.S.A. 

Among his various Labor Youth League assignments were chairman 
of the Illinois Labor Youth League, national councilman, national vice 
chairman, and acting national chairman. 

Next, Charlene Mitchell, a member of the Communist Party Na- 
tional Committee who has been named and who is now rumiing for 
President of the United States on the Communist Party ticket. 

Fred Halstead, a long-time officer of the Trotskyist Communist So- 
cialist Workers Party. He is now the candidate of that party for the 
office of Vice President of the United States. 

In connection with Earl Durham, I would like to offer into the record 
as an exhibit a photostatic coipy of a clipping from Chicago's AMER- 
ICAN^ Monday, March 25, 1968, with a picture of Earl Durham in the 
office of the National Mobilization Committee in Chicago. 

Mr. IcHORD. If there is no objection, the publication will be ad- 
mitted into the record. 

(Document marked "Grubisic Exhibit No. 5" follows:) 



21-706 O — 69— pt. 1- 



2302 DISRUPTION OF 196 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

Grubisic ExHiBir No. 5 



24"" * 



ki4j J ki i^ ^^4A^mM ^LJ^/'^ ^ ^^ 







Af 



Off H^pvitnr tllrn'^ nn Iftlk mih olliir vf*iioi F..irl Durham. 



DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2303 

Mr, IcHORD. Proceed, Counsel. 

Mr. Smith. Sergeant, you mentioned an address a little while ago, 
South Dearborn Street. 

Voice from audience. May I make a motion, or shall I go outside 
to do it? 

Mr. IcHORD. The gentleman is not recognized for that purpose. 

Voice from audience. It is getting boring. 

Mr. IcHORD. We will have to ask you to remain orderly. 

Proceed, Mr. Counsel. 

Mr. Smith. You mentioned this address located at 407 South Dear- 
born Street, Room 315. What address — what is located at this address? 

Mr. Grubisic, This served as the headquarters for the National Mo- 
bilization Committee, which was the center for disruptive activities 
during the convention. 

Mr. Smith. I believe you have excerpts you want to read from. 

Mr. Grubisic. Yes. I desire to read excerpts from the publication I 
previously mentioned as the "Convention Notes." They identify 

Mr. Smith. Convention notes of what ? 

Mr. Grubisic, Published by the "convention committee," dated 
February 17, 1968, "minutes: February ii meeting, summary." 

Mr. Smith, Right. 

Mr. Grubisic. Carlos Russell is identified and is listed as stating 
the following: 

Proposed agenda for the meeting. Morning : Discussion of alternative strategic 
perspectives on the Democratic Convention. Afternoon (early) : black and white 
workshops to develop a democratic method for choosing a strategy 

Mr. IcHORD. Wliat meeting is this, Mr. Counsel ? 
Mr. Smith. This is the February 11 meeting, 1968, of the National 
Mobilization Committee. 

Mr. IcHORD. Where was the place of the meeting ? 

Mr. Smith. In Chicago. 

Mr, Grubisic. 407 South Dearborn, [Continues reading :] 

Afternoon (late) : Discussion of any structure proposals. 

The agenda has been discussed informally by groups that met last night. 
Is there additional discussion or suggestions? 



Art Waskow has sent us a memo which suggests some specific ideas for the 
#4 approach. Art would emphasize local organizing this summer which helped 
the country to focus on the illegitimacy of the Democratic Party and its un- 
willingness to act creatively on the crisis of our cities, racism, and the war. * * * 

Carlos Russell describes further : 

I will report on the black caucus meeting last night. Not everyone expecting 
to attend the meeting today was able to come. FDP, for example, had an emer- 
gency executive committee meeting today in Mississippi and expressed regrets 
they could not have someone here. George Wiley will be arriving later today 
Dave Dellinger has reiwrted that John Wilson is expected. 

Radical whites today are basically occupied with anti-war activity. Blacks 
are focusing on black liberation. Any participation of blacks in a parallel 
strategy with whites at the Convention will be based on a dual theme of recism 
[sic] and imperialism. * * * 

Mr. IcHORD. At that pomt, the Chair will declare a recess until 
3 :05 p.m. 



2304 DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

(Whereupon, at 2:45 p.m. the subcommittee recessed and recon- 
vened at 3:15 p.m. Subconmiittee members present when hearings 
resumed : Representatives Ichord, Ashbrook, and Watson.) 

Mr. IcHORD. The committee will come to order. 

Let the record show, Mr. Counsel, that Mr. di Suvero has made a 
request on behalf of all of the attorneys that the documents that are 
submitted for the record be reproduced and furnished to him. 

They will be delivered to Mr. di Suvero at his request, along with 
a transcript, of course, which will be at the cost of Mr. di Suvero. 

The staff is directed to reproduce these documents with a copying 
machine and give them to Mr. di Suvero tomorrow. 

With that, Mr. Counsel, proceed with the questioning of the witness. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, just before recess, the witness mentioned 
the name of Carlos Russell as one who had attended a special meeting 
of February 11, 1968, of the National Mobilization Committee. 

I would like to read into the record information obtained from 
committee files concerning Mr. Russell. 

Carlos Russell has been a supporter of the W. E. B. DuBois Clubs 
of America, youth front of the Communist Party, U.S.A. He was 
listed as a scheduled speaker at a forum held in October 1967 sponsored 
jointly by the DuBois Clubs of America and the New York School for 
Marxist Studies, the CPUSA's major school in the United States. 

Russell has been affiliated with the Fort Hood Three Defense Com- 
mittee, a Communist-supported organization. 

He has served as an activist in the National Conference for New 
Politics, a New Left-oriented organization which is heavily infiltrated 
by Communist elements. 

Russell was the chairman of the black caucus at NCNP's first con- 
vention, held in Chicago on August 29 through September 4, 1967, 
and is currently a member of the executive board of the NCNP. 

Sergeant Grubisic, will you continue your testimony ? 

Mr. Grubisic. Yes. 

I would like to continue reading some excerpts from this publication 
on this document dated February 17, 1968, which is published by 
the convention committee, which is also the minutes for the February 
11 meeting held at the National Mobilization office at 407 South 
Dearborn. 

Lincoln Lynch is described as stating : 

How are we going to discredit Daley and show him to be a liar? How will we 
present challenges to the Convention ? * * * 

Fred Halst^ad is described as stating : 

We should have a demonstration in Chicago whether or not it is allowed by 
the city. We should definitely go ahead with an action. * * ♦ 

Don Hamerquist is quoted as stating : 

What we must do is make concrete demands on the Convention which the Con- 
vention cannot respond to. Our confrontation must be political in the sense of 
winning i)eople away from the Democratic Party. The organization that develops 
around this activity should emphasize local organizing and political educa- 
tion. * * * 

Jack Spiegel is quoted as stating : 

We can't call 200,000 people to Chicago and then disassociate ourselves from 
violence. Disruption and violence will occur. It's going to happen and we'll have 
to deal with that fact. 



DISRUPTION OF 1 9 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2305 

I have concluded reading excerpts from this document. 

Mr. Smith. Sergeant Grubisic, who were the officers of the National 
Mobilization Committee ? 

Mr. Grubisic. The February 11 meeting established an interim com- 
mittee consisting of Carolyn Black, Earl Durham, Corcky "Gonzoles," 
Lincoln Lynch, Carlos Russell, Rennie Davis, Dave Dellinger, Bob 
Greenblatt, Tom Hay den, and Sue "Munacker." 

According to a press release issued by Davis on March 25, 1968, 
a conference of the group, which was held March 22 to the 24th in a 
location outside the city of Chicago, established an interim committee 
consisting of Davis, Dave Dellinger, and Vernon Grizzard. 

A letter received from the National Mobilization Committee in the 
latter part of August 1968 stated that a staff of 25 persons had been 
operating in Chicago, headed by Rennie Davis and Tom Hayden. 
The letter was signed by Dave Dellinger and Robert Greenblatt. 

Here is a copy of that letter. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request that this document be accepted 
for the record as Exhibit No. 6 — the National Mobilization Commit- 
tee letter. 

Mr. IcHORD. There being no objection, the document will be admitted. 

(Document marked "Grubisic Exhibit No. 6" and retained in com- 
mittee files.) 

Mr. Smith. Continue. 

Mr. Grubisic. I also have here a list received by the intelligence 
division in the latter part of August, which is an invitational list by 
the National Mobilization Committee inviting persons — or listing per- 
sons who have been formally invited to attend meetings of the adminis- 
trative committee. 

Mr. Smith. May I see the list, please ? 

Mr. Chairman, this list contains about 80 or 85 names. 

I would like to call the attention of the committee to some of the 
names listed on the invitational list, along with their identification. 

First, Herb Bleich. 

Mr. Ichord. This is an invitational list from whom ? 

Mr. Smith. The National Mobilization Committee To End the War 
in Vietnam. 

Mr. IcHORD. Proceed. 

Mr. Smith. Herb Bleich, B-1-e-i-c-h, care of the Progressive Labor 
Party, 132 Nassau Street, New York City, a member of the party. 

Stokely Carmichael, a former member of SNCC. 

Kipp Dawson, of 316 East 11th Street, Apartment 4— A, member of 
the Socialist Workers Party. 

Jesse Gray, identified before this committee on the 3d of February 
1960 as a member of the Communist Party and invoked the fifth 
amendment. 

Paul Friedman. His address, in care of the Communist Party, New 
York, 33 Union Square West, Room 802. 

Fred Halstead, whom I have previously identified as the vice pres- 
idential candidate on the Socialist Workers Party ticket. 

Lew Jones, care of the Young Socialist Alliance, which is the youth 
organization of the Socialist Workers Party. 

Otto Nathan, identified in our published reports — in the commit- 
tee's published reports — as a Communist Party member, affiliated with 



2306 DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

the Women's International Lea^e for Peace and Freedom, 55 East 
10th Street, New York City. 

Jack O'Dell, also known as Hunter Pitts O'Dell, identified before 
this committee on February 3, 1960, as a Communist Party member 
and invoked the fifth amendment; address, in care of Freedomways^ 
a publication of the Communist Party aimed at the Negroes, accord- 
ing to J. Edgar Hoover. 

Reverend Howard Melish, identified by Louis Budenz as a Com- 
munist Party member, affiliated with the Southern Conference Edu- 
cational Fund. 

Harry Ring, known publicly as a leader of the Socialist Workers 
Party, addressed at 873 Broadway, Second Floor, New York. 

Jack Spinel, whom I have previously identified before this com- 
mittee as a Communist Party member, Chicago, Illinois. 

Lastly, Arnold Johnson, 56 Seventh Avenue, publicly admitted 
leader and member of the Communist Party and the Communist Party 
legislative representative. 

Mr. Chairman, I request this document be received for the record 
as Exhibit No. 7. 

Mr. IcHORD. There being no objection, this docunruent will be ad- 
mitted. 

(Document marked "Grubisic Exhibit No. 7." See pages 2369-2374.) 

Mr. Smith. Sergeant, what preparations were made in Chicago for 
legal defense of those demonstrators breaking the law and engaging in 
violent action ? 

Mr. Grubisic. On July 29, 1968, at approximately 7 :30 p.m., a meet- 
ing of the Chicago Legal Defense Committee took place in the home 
of Lucy Montgomery, 1000 North Lake Shore Drive, in Chicago, 
Illinois. 

Sylvia Kushner, in recent years married to Sam Kushner, acted as 
chairman of this meeting. Also present at the meeting was Lucy Mont- 
gomery, Ida Terkel, and others. 

Sylvia Kushner said that the Chicago Legal Defense Committee 
needs office space and is temporarily using space located at 127 North 
Dearborn, Chicago. 

Kushner said they need at least $500 to start a bank checking account. 
She went on to say, in the meantime, any checks should be made out to 
a Mark Simons of the National Mobilization Committee, located at 
407 South Dearborn. 

She also went on to say to inform any movement people who are 
coming to town to bring their own bail money and deposit it with the 
Chicago Legal Defense Committee. 

She said that when she and Jack Spiegel went to Washington, D.C., 
they each carried $1,000 and had to send back for more. 

Sylvia Kushner and Lucy Montgomery stated that they would start 
making phone calls in order to raise funds. Ida Terkel said she would 
collect at least $50 by contacting some friends. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, at this point I would like to read into the 
record information from the committee files concerning Sylvia 
Kushner. 

Mr. IcHORD. Proceed. 

Mr. Smith. Sylvia Kushner is the wife of Samuel Kushner, an iden- 
tified member of the Communist Party, U.S.A., who has served on the 



DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2307 

party's National Committee and as Los Angeles editor of the People's 
World, the Communist Party, U.S.A.'s, West Coast newspaper. 

Sylvia Kushner is the secretary of the Chicago Peace Council, a 
mixed group of Communists, Trotskyists, pacifists, and individuals 
from the so-called New Left, which is devoted to agitational work and 
propagandizing against U.S. military involvement in Vietnam. 

The council, that is, the Chicago Peace Council, was one of several 
groups which sponsored the Communist- instigated Conference to 
plan a National Student Strike for Peace held in Chicago in December 
1966. 

The Student Mobilization Committee To End the War in Vietnam 
was an outgrowth of this conference and operated its Chicago head- 
quarters from the office of the Chicago Peace Council for several weeks 
during the outset of 1967. 

The Committee on Un-American Activities has found the Student 
Mobilization Committee to be a Communist-dominated organization. 

Continue with your presentation, Sergeant. 

Mr. Grubisic. I would also like to submit a couple of news articles 
that appeared in the Washington Post, dated September 4, 1968 
[Grubisic Exhibit No. 8], relating to the Chicago Legal Defense Com- 
mittee, and also another article that appeared in the Baltimore Sun 
pertaining to the Chicago Legal Defence Committee, dated September 
3, 1968 [Grubisic Exhibit No. 9], also seme letterhead stationery of the 
Chicago Legal Defense Committee [Grubisic Exhibit No. 10]. 

Counsel from audience. A point of order. 

Mr. IcHORD. For what purpose does the gentleman rise? 

Counsel from audience. A point of parliamentary inquiry, Mr. 
Chairman. 

Inasmuch as I am affiliated with the Chicago Legal Defense Fund, 
and they are associated with us in a lawsuit against this committee, I 
would like to know the relevancy and germaneness, if any, of the at- 
tack that apparently is bein^ made on the Chicago T^egal Defense. 

Is the committee suggestmg that we were not entitled to legal de- 
fense? 

Mr. loHORD. The Chair, in answer to the gentleman, will state that 
there will probably be many names and many organizations come be- 
fore this committee in testimony. 

As I have explained many times to the gentleman previously, this is 
not a court of law. No one is on trial here. The committee is not seek- 
ing to punish anyone. These are not adversary proceedings. 

The point of inquiry I think is answered by those words, and I would 
ask that the counsel proceed with the questioning of the witness. 

Counsel from audience. If I may, sir, the fact that this is a par- 
liamentary inquiry, if in fact it is such, should the committee be in- 
terested in the pursuit of truth, the committee should be interested in 
the minimum requirement of due process, because the chairman paid 
lipservice, at least, to the LTnited States Constitution at the commence- 
ment of this proceeding, and like all of us who are members of the bar, 
we have taken an oath to support and defend the Constitution. 

If I am to be emasculated as a law^yer before this committee, then 
I cannot possibly participate before this committee. 

We are attemptmg to raise the minimum procedural 

Mr. IcHORD. Let me advise the gentleman that his client whom he 
represents will be called later on before the committee. I imagine. 



2308 DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

however, that his client will probably refuse to testify, as so many 
have in the past. 

Counsel from audience. I move that be stricken from the record. 

Should my client choose to take his constitutional privileges under 
the fifth amendment, that is his right. And should he not so choose, 
that is also his right. 

Mr. IcHORD. Let me assure the gentleman he will be permitted to take 
his constitutional privilege. 

The gentleman is arguing with the committee. 

Counsel from audience. Mr. Chairman, it seems eminently clear to 
me at this point — I demand a hearing, Mr. Chairman, on the proce- 
dural demand filed with this committee. The matter presently before 
this committee 

Mr. IcHORD. The gentleman is out of order. I direct the gentleman 
to be seated at this time as a member of the bar of the State of New 
York. 

Will the gentleman please be seated ? 

Counsel from audience. Mr. Chairman, if the Constitution is to be 
razed and we as lawyers are to be emasculated in this armed camp, I 
should be allowed to make a slight protest and stand here silently in 
protest, because I am not allowed to participate as a lawyer in these 
proceedings at all. 

Mr. IcHORD. The gentleman is not required to participate. If the gen- 
tlemen wish to leave, they are permitted to leave. 

Other Counsel from audience. We wish to stand in protest silently. 

Mr. IcHORD. The Chair would have to rule that that would be in 
violation of the rules of the committee and that you would be dis- 
turbing the committee. 

First Counsel from audience. The police are standing throughout 
this hearing. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. Mr. Chairman, I think you have done a fair job of 
keeping order. 

The gentleman (counsel) is operating on the presumption he came 
here to participate in the hearing. As you stated so many times, he 
did not come here to participate in the hearings, but to advise his 
client. Obviously he has not understood the rules of the House so ably 
explained by you. 

I merely suggest he be reminded he did not come here to participate 
or engage in debate with the Chair or this committee. 

Mr. IcHORD. I have advised the gentleman many times — will the 
gentleman please desist? I have ad^dsed the gentleman many times 
heretofore that under the rules of parliamentary procedure, which are 
as old as the English parliamentary system, this is a legislative hear- 
ing. The ordinary rules of evidence do not prevail here, as in a court 
of law, because no one is on trial. No one is sought to be punished by 
the committee. 

I have advised this gentleman, Mr. di Suvero — is that the correct 
name? 

Mr. Kennedy. My name is Michael Kennedy. 

Mr. IcHORD. I have advised Michael Kennedy many times that under 
the rules of the House, the rules as announced by the Speaker, and also 
under the Constitution of the United States, that he will be restricted 
to advising his client. 



DISRUPTION OF 196 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2309 

You have interrupted with objections, and the Chair has been very 
lenient. 

Mr. Kennedy. I cannot advise my client in an armed camp. 

Mr. IcHORD. Your client has not been called yet. These are other 
witnesses before the committee. Your client has not been called. At 
a proper time, your client will be called. 

The Chair has always permitted the gentleman to file legal objec- 
tions in writing as to these hearings. Those matters will be taken 
up by the committee and will be decided by the committee. 

Now, I appeal to you, sir, as a member of the bar of New York — 
and I resent your statement. This Member of Congress is also a 
member of the bar, not only a member of the bar of the State of 
Missouri, but also a member of the Supreme Court bar, and I am 
acquainted with the Constitution. 

It will be my intent, my sincere purpose, to protect the constitu- 
tional rights of your clients. Those rights have not been violated, as 
the Chair announces at this time. 

So I would ask that the gentlemen please be seated. If not, I will 
respectfully request that you retire from the proceedings. 

We do not require your presence here. You are welcome here if 
you want to remain in order. But if you insist upon standing, I shall 
have to ask that you leave the hearing room. 

Let the record show that. 

Mr. Kennedy. Mr. Chairman, most respectfully, sir, if in fact we 
are in accord on our feelings about the United States Constitution, 
this committee should in fact be willing to provide us a hearing at 
this juncture on the procedural request filed before the committee, 
because it will be mooted, sir 

Mr. IcHORD. I think we all know what is going on. 

Let me advise the gentleman that the Chair will interpret the Rules 
of the House of Representatives and the constitutional provisions 
governing these proceedings. 

The Chair has interpreted that the constitutional rights of your 
clients have not been violated. 

If you wish to take that matter into a court of law, you have the 
opportunity to do so, but the Chair will not permit the attorney to 
make the rulings for him. 

Mr. Kennedy. I am not trying to make the rulings for the com- 
mittee. I am merely pointing out errors wherein I most respectfully 
disagree with the application that the Chair is making of the United 
States Constitution. 

Tiie House Un-American Activities Committee has historically 
acknowledged only one amendment, and that is the fifth. 

I am not relying on the fifth at this point. I am relying on the sixth 
amendment, the right of coimsel, the sixth amendment right of con- 
frontation, which has historically been a democratic ideal and should 
remain so, including it should remain so in the hallowed halls of 
Congress. 

I most respectfully request a hearing, sir. 

Mr. Ichord. Let me say to the gentleman that all of the precedents, 
all of the past procedures of the House of Representatives are not in 
agreement with what the gentleman says. 

The Chair will have to overrule your point of order. 



2310 DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

Mr. Kennedy. Mr. Chairman, if I am emasculated as a lawyer, 
there is no point in my being here at this time. I cannot participate 
at this time in a proceeding before this committee, in an armed camp 
atmosphere, where I am not allowed, as a member of the bar of the 
U.S. Supreme Court and the bar of California, to participate. 

Mr. IcHORD. Let me say to the gentleman again, this is not a court 
of law. This is a legislative proceeding. Your client will be called at 
the proper time, and you will be permitted to participate, under the 
Rules of the House of Representatives, which are established rules 
of parliamentary procedures. 

Mr. Kennedy. I would request permission to stand in protest. 

Mr. IcHORD. Not on your terms. 

Mr. Kennedy. In my dedication to the United States Constitution 
and to my oath as a member of the bar. 

Mr. Ichord. I ask again that you be seated. If not, I ask that you 
retire from the room. Will you please retire ? 

I warn counsel again as to Rule VIII and I shall read it again: 

Counsel for a witness shall conduct himself in a professional, ethical, and 
proper manner. His failure to do so shall, upon a finding to that effect by a 
majority of the Committee or Subcommittee before which the witness is appear- 
ing, subject such counsel to disciplinary action which may include warning, 
censure, removal of counsel from the hearing room, or a recommendation of 
contempt proceedings. 

Now, I direct the counsel to please be seated or else retire from the 
room. 

Mr. Kunstler. Mr. Chairman, is it our understanding that unless 
we sit down, you will take some action against counsel ? 

Mr. Ichord. That could very well be. It is your alternative. 

I would also point out to the counsel, perhaps you are not familiar 
with the statute, so that at least members of the press and members 
of the public who may have come into the hearing will be aware of it, 
and I am going to read it again to the counsel and to the witnesses 
and to their associates, Public Law 90-108 : 

It shall be unlawful for any person or group of i)ersons willfully and know- 
ingly— 

(4) to utter loud, threatening, or abusive language, or to engage in any 
disorderly or disruptive conduct, at any place upon the United States Capitol 
Grounds or within any of the Capitol Buildings with intent to impede, disrupt, 
or disturb the orderly conduct of any session of the Congress or either House 
thereof, or the orderly conduct within any such building of any hearing before, 
or any deliberations of, any committee or subcommittee of the Congress or 
either House thereof ; 

I cannot conduct these hearings in an orderly manner with the 
counsel remaining standing. 

Mr. AsHBROoK. Mr. Chairman, I would say I think the Chair has 
conducted this meeting with tact and with patience. 

Also, as a lawyer, and I say this particularly to Mr, Kunstler, who 
was present at the time that the unfortunate incident happened with 
Mr. Kinoy, no member of the committee — I know Mr. Kunstler was 
not pleased with what happened then. Certainly it is not our desire, 
if there are those present who want such an incident to happen again, 
to accommodate you. We certainly don't want that. Speaking for my- 
self, and speaking for all of us present, not a one of us liked that 
incident. 



DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CX)NVENTION 2311 

There may be a difference of opinion as to whether it was inflicted 
upon us, or whether we responded improperly. We hope we don't get 
to that stage. 

He has issued a warning. I would hope, in all fairness, unless this 
is an effort to make a confrontation with this committee, that the at- 
torneys will accede to what I think is a reasonable request from the 
chairman, who has exercised great patience and tact, which might not 
always have been the case in some other hearings. 

I would hope that you certainly will respond to what seems to me 
to be the very fair request of our Chair. I direct that particularly to 
Mr. Kunstler, who was present at the other time. 

Maybe there are those who want to make a confrontation with this 
committee. We don't want it. We are doing everything to avoid it. 

I would certainl}^ commend the Chair for the way he has handled 
this. Unless the request is acceded to, I think you have nothing left 
to do except to remove them from the room. 

Mr. IcHORD. Let the record show that standing are Mr. di Suvero, 
Michael Kennedy, Mr. Melvin Wulf , Mr. William Kunstler, and Mr. 
Gerald Lef court. 

Gentlemen, I have no alternative 

Mr. Watson. Mr. Chairman, may I say a word ? 

I also would like to commend the chairman for his patience. I think 
you properly have stated now the action of the group at this time ; not 
only of the lawyers standing, but also all of the witnesses, and a num- 
ber of others are standing. And if it is the intention of the lawyers 
and others to stand in silent protest, I for one would like to certainly 
welcome the silence, but I wonder if you could not make your silent 
protest be in the form of sitting down, so that we might conclude the 
hearings. 

If that is not your wish, then it is perfectly obvious that you are 
desiring a confrontation with the Chair and it is your purpose, as 
lawyers, in advising your clients, to disrupt this hearing and to pre- 
vent its continuing in an orderly fashion. 

I stated to one of the gentlemen of the bar earlier that I was a little 
shocked at apparently the lawyers joining in with the frivolity, and 
such as that. 

Mr. Chairman, I would agree with you that if they do not wish to 
sit in silent protest, which I think the committee would welcome, but 
they continue to stand up, then we will have no alternative but to 
impose the rules of the House. 

Mr. Kunstler, May I say a word ? Mr. Ashbrook addressed a word 
tome. 

One of the great reasons for the standing protest is the fact that, 
one, we have been surrounded in this hearing by a great number of 
armed, uniformed officers in this hearing room and also by nonuni- 
formed officers, many of whom I recognize from prior occasions. 

Even more important than that — and that is certainly important — 
is the fact that we have seen discussed here in public what we think 
are the most sacred confidential communications of lawyer and client. 

Lawyers have been singled out. John Abt for one. Others have been 
singled out in recitation of old and public history designed to reach 
an audience in a different fashion. 



2312 DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

Mr. IcHORD. The gentleman is not doing that now ? The gentleman 
is not trying to reach an audience by word of mouth? 

Mr. KuNSTLER. Of course I am trying to reach an audience. We all 
are. It is a question of one against the other. We have to at least coun- 
teract what is bein^ done. 

Mr. IcHORD, I think the Chair is being extremely lenient, but proceed. 

Mr. KuNSTLER. I just want to finish up in this respect, that it is 
mainly because of what we consider the attack directly on some law- 
yers, an attack on lawyers' duties and obligations to their clients, that 
makes the lawyers stand up. This is different, Mr. Ashbrook, than in 
1966. The attack was a physical attack on the lawyer. 

Mr. IcHORD. Just a minute. That is certainly in vilification of the 
committee, Mr. Comiselor. 

I have read the rules to you. These are rules which have never been 
overthrown in any of the courts of the land. They are established 
parliamentary procedures, because, as I have explained time and time 
again, the rules of evidence in a court, where a person is being tried, 
sought to be punished, do not prevail in a legislative inquiry. 

You have, and the other members of the bar have, repeatedly stated 
objections, contrary to the rules of the House, contrary to the ruling 
of the Chair, and I am, as a Member of Congress, sw^orn to carry out 
the duties that have been thrust on me as chairman of this committee. 

So, for the final time, I order you to sit down, or please retire from 
the room. If you fail to do so, I will entertain a motion from the com- 
mittee that you be directed to sit down or retire from the chamber, or 
the officers, if you refuse to do that, will escort you outside. 

Counsel from audience. I want to make it clear, I am leaving un- 
der dual compulsion. I am leaving under compulsion, first, because I 
am unable to effectively represent my clients. I see no purpose in my 
being here. Secondly, I am leaving under compulsion of being threat- 
ened with prosecution under the statute which you read. And the two 
of those combined will persuade me to go, but I do so under the 
strictest protest. 

Mr. IcHORD. The Chair has not ruled that there has been a disrup- 
tion, as yet. The Chair w411 entertain a motion from a member of the 
committee. 

Mr. Ashbrook. Mr. Chairman, I move that under Rule VIII, in- 
asmuch as the Chair has issued what I think is a fair and clear warning 
which has not been met wdth an affirmative response by those who are 
now, I believe, disrupting our meeting, that the Chair hereby order 
all of those standing to retire from this room and, if there is failure to 
do so, that he order them to be escorted from the room. 

Counsel from audience. Does that include the members of the 
police and detectives and others who are standing ? 

This is the first time I have opened my mouth. I don't think I am 
disrupting the hearing, or anybody else is, either. I am standing here 
silently. 

Mr. IcHORD. The gentleman will please cease. 

The motion has been made that the Chair be directed to direct the 
attorneys and the witnesses standing to be seated so that the proceed- 



DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2313 

ings can go on, or else that they retire from the room ; if they fail to 
do so, that the officers be requested to escort them from the room. 

All in favor say "Aye." 

Mr. AsHBROOK. Aye. 

Mr. Watson. Aye. 

Mr. IcHORD. Those opposed ? 

(No response.) 

Mr. IcHORD. The ayes have it. The motion is adopted. 

In pursuance to that motion, I direct that you be seated or retire 
from the room. 

Let the record show that they are still remaining standing and are 
disrupting the hearing. 

I would inform the police that it appears that there is an attempt 
to have a confrontation not only with the committee, but with the 
police. I would direct the police to escort them without the use of force, 
unless necessary, and the police are so directed. 

(Police escort standees out of hearing room.) 

Mr. IcHORD. Let the record show that the lawyers and their wit- 
nesses and others who joined with them have left the hearing room. 

The hearing will continue. Proceed, Mr. Counsel. 

Mr. Smith. Continue, Sergeant Grubisic. 

Mr. Grubisic. I would also like to submit two flyers distributed by 
the Chicago Legal Defense Committee j ist prior and during the Demo- 
cratic National Convention. 

One flyer is entitled "YOUR 'RIGHTS' UNDER THE LAW" 
[Grubisic Exhibit No. 11]. 

Mr. Smith. Will you identify the date, if you have it? 

Mr. Grubisic. And the other flyer is entitled "IF YOU ARE AR- 
RESTED" [Grubisic Exhibit No. 12]. 

Mr. Smith. Mr, Chairman, I should like to request that these docu- 
ments be accepted for the record and be received. 

Mr. IcHORD. There being no objection, the documents will be ad- 
mitted into the record. 

(Documents marked "Grubisic Exhibits Nos. 8 through 12," re- 
spectively. Exhibit No. 9 retained in committee files; Nos. 8, 10, 11, and 
12 follow:) 



2314 DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 



Grubisic Exhibit No. 8 

[Washington Post, Septemtier 4, 1968, page A-2] 

Chicago Demonstrators 
Are Released From Jail ' 

CHICAGO, Sept. 3 (AP)— i Most of the 583 arrested 
All of the 583 persons arrested were charged with disorderly 
In demonstrations last week conduct and some with resist- 



during the Democratic Na- 
tional Convention have been 
released, according to the Chi- 
cago Legal Defense Commit- 
tee. 

"As far as we know every- 
one is out," a spokesman said. 
'*Now, there may have been 
one or two lost in the shuffle, 
but we don't know of any." 

Earlier reports had said that 
Dick Gregory, civil rights ac- 
tivist, had refused bail at first, 
but today Gregory's wife said 
that he was released after post- 
ing a $25 bond. 

Gregory submitted to volun- 
tary arrest Thursday night 
when he tried to ipass through 



ing arrest. About 75 per cent 
of the bail bonds set were for 
$25, the spokesman said. 

However, bonds ranged as 
high as $25,000 in some cases. 

An official of the Cook 
County state's attorney's of- 
fice said that the few high 
bonds resulted from a com- 
bination of charges including 
aggravated battery and unlaw- 
ful use of a weapon. 

The majority of the arrests 
were made Wednesday and 
Thursday nights. 

The Chicago police depart- 
ment, meanwhile, said today 
only one of the 152 policemen 



a police blockade at the end injured in last week's disor- 
of a line of marchers. I ders still is in a hospital. 



Grubisic Exhibit No. 10 

CHICAGO LEGAL DEFENSE COMMITTEE 

127 NORTH DEARBORN STREET, 
CHICAGO, ILLINOIS 60605 
PHONE: 641-1470 



ERRATUM 

(Subversive Involvement in Disruption of 1968 Democratic Party 
National Convention, Part 1 of hearings October 1, 3, and 4, 1968) 

Tlie following Grubisic Exhibit No. 10 should be substituted for the 
one now appearing on page 2314 : 



Grubisic Exhibit No. 10 
CHICAGO LEGAL DEFENSE COMMFfTEE 

127 NORTH DEARBORN STREET, 
CHICAGO, ILLINOIS 60605 
PHONE: 641-1470 



Co-Cha,rmen HArV^^^O COLLEGE LIBRARY 

JrYinn Pirnhnum DEPOSITED by the 

. FHwnrH Tpri V^.p ^^^^ 5^^^^3 GOVERNmf^- 

ExecuUve Secretary: «rn^2(y/jj 

Mark Simons 



/^^( 



DISRUPTION OF 196S DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 23 1 5 



Grubisic Exhibit No. 1 1 
YOUR "RIGHTS" UNDER THE LAW 

The "Catch 22^' to this vi^hole discussion is that you are required 
under law to obey the orders of a cop even if those orders are un- 
lawful. The other point to keep in mind is that your rights under 
the law are basically irrelevant and that the decisions of the powers 
that be will be based on political and not legal analysis. 

You have a right to peacefully picket or leaflet or speak on any side- 
v;alk so long as you do not block the sidewalk or cause it to be 
blocked, without any permit. The exception to this is picketing on a 
sidewalk in front of a private residence, v/hich is prohibited. 

Police can regulate traffic pretty much as they see fit. That means 
they can stop you at intersections and keep you out of the street. 

You have a right to speak and leaflet on publicly owned property, public 
paries and plazas, for example. 

A recent Supreme Court decision holds that you have a right to leaflet 
GV€=n on private property if it is used for public access (for example, 
the parkmc lots of large shopping centers). Don't push on this one; 
Its liT.it-j: are narrow and poorly defined. 

F-:3 anil train stations in Chicago are private property. 

-•J yo-,; enter a building or other property and are asked to leave by the 
o'.'ier cr his duly authorized agent, you must do so or you are guilty of 
' :::i3^. This is true even of publicly owned buildings. 

Unc-r th3 new stcp-and-frisk law, a cop can stop you, a k for your 
icl-ntificaticn and frisk you if he feels that you "might" have a 
deadly v/e^.pon. 

To a cop, a protestor is alv ays guilty of disorderly conduct, no 
matter v/hat he is doing. The city ordinance on this is very vague 
end is probably unconstitutional. 

Ke-ienoer: The law, the courts and the cops are there to serve someone's 
interest - but that sc-neone isn't you. 

ML3C , 

Out of state drivers licenses cannot be used for bond in traffic 
arror-.s. You will need a bond card or $25 cash if you get picked up on 
a tr^rfic violation. ^ ^ r- t- 

^"V'^Vlf-,'^^^'" ^"^ questions, call the Chicago Legal Defense Committee at 
fc-.i--1470-l-2. But DON'T TIE UP THEIR LINES IF THERE HA\/E BEEN I1ANY 
ARI^STS. Unless, of course, you are one of those arrested or you have 
bond money for someone in jail. 



2316 DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 



Grubisic Exhibit No. 12 

if you are arrested 



Remain organized. 



2. Have the phone number of the Chicago Legal Defense Committee 
(CLDC) , 641-1470, 1471, 1472, and the Friends of Chicago Legal 
Defense (FCLD) , 2'i3-2672, 2673, with you at all times. 

3. Get the h-jne (or badge number) of the cop who ACTUALLY arrests 
you. This is very important since they will later assign an 
"arresting officer" \iho you never saw before and who will tes- 
tify as to your guilt. 

4. Don't talk to the cops. Don't give them any statement of any 
kind. You should give them your correct name and address. 

5. Try and get names of v/itnesses and note the presence and iden- 
tity of any photographers v/ho might have gotten a picture of the 

events surroundina the arrest. 

6. As soon as possible, learn the names of all people arrested with 
you and determine whether or not they have bond resources. If they 
have outside contacts who can raise bond money, find out how to get 
in touch V7ith those contacts. 

7» As soon as anyone in the group arrested can make a phone call, 
they should call the CLDC at 641-1470,1,2. Give the CLDC: 
1.) The names of all persons arrested, 2.) the bond resources 
of those persons, 3.) tell them what jail or detention center 
you are at and the charges against you. If you can't get through 
to CLDC, call FCLD at 243,2672,3. 

8. When you get into court, demand that you be represented by a 
CLDC lawyer. If, for manpower shortage, a CLDC attorney is not 
in your court, the Bar Association volunteer is better than 
nothing--unless they arc clearly messing over our people. 

9. Make sure your lawyer knows your oersonal history (background 
is important is setting bond amounts) before your bond hearing. 

10. Ask your lav/yer to make a demand for immediate trial and to 
ask for copies of all charges. 

11. After you are out on bond, come to the CLDC office at 127 North 
Dearborn, room 637. Bring with you: 1.) a bond receipt, 2.) 
the time and place of your bond hearing, 3.) copies of charges, 
4,]_ a description of events (in triplicate). The description of 
events should include: 1.) Your name, address, and phone, 2.) 

a narrative of all events surrounding the arrest (political 
rhetoric excluded), 3.) identification of police, witnesses, 
photos or photographers, medical data (if any), 4.) name of your 
attorney, and 5.) statements of anyone who has knowledge of your case. 

12. Under lav;, your rights in jail are: 1.) a right to make one 
phone call, 2.) a right to have bail speedily set, 3.) a right 
to consult an attorney of your choice, and 4.) a right to remain 
silent. 

REf4AIN ORGANIZED 



IMPORTANT NOTE: AS SOON AS YOU ARRIVE IN THE CITY, FILL OUT AN ARREST 
FORM AT ANY OF THE ORGANIZED HOUSING FACILITIES, MOVEMENT CENTERS, 
OR OTHER MOVEMENT PLACES. THEN RETURN THEM!!! WE MUST HAVE THESE 
FORMS TO GET YOU OUT OF JAIL IF IT COMES TO THAT. 
The best place to pick up arrest forms is at the housing center: 
547 S. Clark 



DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2317 

Mr. Smith. Do you have anything further to add in connection 
with this? 

Mr. Grubisic. No, I don't. 

Mr. Smith. What medical facilities were planned in case demon- 
strators were injured in violent confrontations with the police? 

Mr. Grubisic. The Medical Committee for Human Eights sent a re- 
port to its members which contained the following information: 

Medical Committee for Human Rights and the Student Health Organization 
have been asked to provide medical oresence by a number of organizations whose 
members plan to be visiting Chicago from August 26-30, 1968. 

In response to these requests. MCHR and SHO have set up an apparatus for 
medical presence to become effective Saturday, August 24th and to continue 
through Friday, August 30th. This apparatus will include medical alert phone 
lines, mobile first aid teams, stationary first aid centers, private physicians' 
back-up oflSces, other general information about medical care resources in 
Chicago and housing for out-of-town medical volunteers. 

Just prior to the convention, first aid classes were conducted in 
Lincoln Park. 

Mr. IcHORD. What was the date of the first aid classes. Sergeant ? 

Was that back in the early part of the year ? 

Mr. Grubisic. No, it was not. I am almost positive it was just the 
week before the convention. 

Mr. IcHORD. I realize you are testifying to a voluminous number of 
facts. If you wish to refer to any documents, please feel free to do 
so, 

Mr. Grubisic. One class was conducted on August 13 at approxi- 
mately 7 :30 p.m., at 960 East 59th Street, in Chicago, Illinois, believed 
to be the headquarters of the Student Health Organization. 

Mr. Smith. Was there a specific plan to march on the Convention 
Hall or the Amphitheatre during the convention, regardless of the 
danger that this would create to the delegates and public officials gath- 
ered there ? 

Mr. Grubisic. Yes. According to the official minutes of the NMC 
meeting held on August 4 and chaired by Dave Dellinger, the discus- 
sion moved to the massive march proposal, analyzing the various routes 
to'the Amphitheatre and the length of the different routes. 

Dave pointed out their calling for action not related to the Amphi- 
theatre on the 28th was ignoring the natural magnetism of the place, 
that the meeting would be at the Amphitheatre, and the necessity of 
having military surrounding masses of people at a Democratic Con- 
vention would lend political content to the action. 

There was a discussion on the possibility of proceeding in the face 
of a curfew threat or denial of a permit. 

It was pointed out that Mob, or National Mobilization Committee, 
has rallied people before without a permit and that insistence on ful- 
filling an announced aim made a strong bargaining position in nego- 
tiating their permit. 

A curfew, according to Bob Greenblatt, would be clearly an oppres- 
sive measure to disobey. 

Much of the material distributed by the National Mobilization 
Committ-ee included reference to this mass march for which the city 
of Chicago has denied permit due to the dangers which it would create. 



21-706 O— 69— pt. 1- 



2318 DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

A letter sent to persons in Cincinnati who intended to come advised 
that in this demonstration they would carry both American and Viet 
Cong flags. 

A special issue of the newspaper, RAT^ which is controlled by SDS, 
was distributed to the demonstrators. It carried maps, including one 
of the Amphitheatre area, which showed the line of march of the 
proposed illegal demonstration which would carry them directly to 
the helicopter landing zone, where dignataries would be coming in. 

Mr. Smith. Do you have a copy of the RAT that you mentioned, the 
publication that showed the route ? 

Mr. Grubisic. Yes, I do. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request that these two documents be 
received for the record as exhibits. 

Mr. IcHORD. Your request is that this special issue of the RAT be 
admitted into the record ? 

Mr. Smith. Yes. 

Mr. IcHORD. And the second document ? What is this ? 

Mr. Smith. Medical Committee for Human Rights. 

Mr. IcHORD. Article from the Medical Committee for Human 
Rights? 

Mr. Smith. Yes, sir. 

Mr. IcHORD. Is there any objection ? 

If not, it will be admitted. 

(Documents marked "Grubisic Exhibits Nos. 13 and 14," respec- 
tively, follow :) 



DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 23 1 9 



Grubisic Exhibit No. 13 

'JKedical Committee for Human Rights and the Student Health Crgani- 
zation have been asked to provide medical presence by a number of 
prcanizations whose members plan to be visiting Chicago f rom 
August 26-30, 1968, 

In response to these requests, HCHR and SHO have set up an ap- 
paratus for medical presence to become effective Saturday, August 
24th and to continue through Friday, August 30th, This apparatus 
-vill include medical, alert phone lines, mobile first aid teams, 
stationary first aid centers, private physicians" back-up offices, 
other general information about medical care resources in Chicago 
and housing for out-of-town medical volunteers, 

There will be three levels of service. The first will be first aid 
centers which will be equipped with personnel and supplies to ren- 
der first aid if required. The second will be mobile first aid 
teams which will be dspatched to the sites of activities as indica- 
ted. These will be supplied with first aid equipment. The third 
will include physicians whose services will be available in their 
offices as necessary. 

The mobile first aid team will bear the primary responsibility 
for service at tlie site of activity. This service Will include 
giving information about health or medical care if requested; ren- 
der first aid, if necessary; act as a calming influence, if pos- 
sible^ should panic situations arise; make referrals to first aid 
center-:', or doctor's offices or emergency rooms as indicated and 
transv>':rt, if possible, sick or injured persons away from the site 
of activity and to a source of medical care, VJhc revcr p Qgg ible 
patiei:t:3 should be rwnoved from a site of activity to another 
source of care. Vans identified with red crosses will be at the 
sites of activity. 

The first aid center will be more fully equipped and will care 
for persons, or refer them if indcated, to other sources of care. 
However, physicians are requested to bring their bags supplied for 
em?-rgency care, (If you have a scissors and flashlight, please 
'label It with your name and bring it with you, ) The first aid 
center ..'ill also be the point of dspatch for mobile teams so that 
all m-'jile teams will be as'ad to report to a center and will be 
assign;>:( from there with their entire team. They will report back 
to the center (by phone or in person) at the end of their assign- 
ment. 

All medical volunteers are requested to. maintain a neutral posture 
relative to any activites at the site, Kedical volunteers will 
wear arm-bands with the red cross on white coats or uniforms at 
all times ti.at they are on duty at a site of activity, hjedical 
volunteers wishing to partcpate in the activity at the site are 
requested to remove their white coats and arm-bands and act as 
individuals, Ko volunteer should participate in the activity at 
a site if he is actively on duty as a member of a medical aid 
team. Any volunteer who does not feel it is possible to submit 
to this discipline is asked not to serve on a medical team, 

I'fedical volunteers wearing the arm-band with the red cross have 
some assurances of safe conduct from the police. It is hoped 
that the medical symbol on the arm-band will be recognized as a 
neutral, medical insignia and vjill be treated as such,' If, des- 
pite the neutrality of medical personnel and present assurances 
of safety, any of the medical .-are personnel are detained or ar- 
rested, legal counsel will be avaiable. 



2320 DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 



Grubisic Exhibit No. 14 



AMPHITHEATER AREA 




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DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2321 

Mr. Smith. Serjeant Grubisic, what was the role of the marshals 
organized by the National Mobilization Committee? 

Mr. Grubisic. Just prior to the convention, our investigators watched 
as marshals were being trained in violent tactics in Lincoln Park. 

Mr. Smith. Who was in charge of the marshals ? 

Mr, Grubisic. The contacts were John Fronies or Vernon Grizzard, 
and David Baker was observed leading a number of people participat- 
ing in what they called the snake dance. 

I have here some photos of this dance. 

Mr. Smith. Is this a method of resisting the police that they were 
being trained in ? 

Mr. Grubisic. Yes, it was. The purpose of the snake dance training 
was intended to break police lines, which these people have found were 
very effectively used by Japanese students against the police in Japan. 

Mr. Ashbrook. I don't quite understand. You mean you go up to 
the police line, and as a form of protest, you enter in a snake dance, 
you whip around and bring a confrontation of that type with the 
police ? 

I am not quite sure I understand how this would help the demon- 
strators. 

Mr. Healy. I am Lieutenant Healy. Possibly I can help on this. 

They lined up in a group of eight, holding a pole in their hands. It 
was strictly a defensive maneuver, along with other actions that took 
place in the park. 

They described this as defensive maneuvers. They were far from 
defensive maneuvers. 

This plan, here, they interlocked arms, holding a pole. They marched 
along, a large group of 30, 40, or 50, the front group holding this pole. 
The momentum of this group, they felt, by marching along, yelling 
"Bo shai," a Japanese term I have no knowledge of — if the police 
attempted to stop them, they were unable to break through this line. 

Another tactic they used in the park was a defensive tactic taught 
by a man known as Wolfe Lowenthal. He is supposedly a judo expert. 
He was imported into Chicago to show the marshals how to protect 
themeslves or how to protect their people. 

Now, myself and members of my unit observed these defensive tac- 
tics. They would start by stopping a blow apparently from a police- 
man who was striking them over the head. 

This was their conversation prior to the discussion. It was immedi- 
ately followed by a kick to the groin area. This is one of their defensive 
tactics. 

They claim these were defensive tactics. These snake dances and de- 
fensive tactics were practiced every day for approximately a week prior 
to the convention, at Lincoln Park in Chicago. 

It was attended by members of the Yippies ; some members of NMC 
were observed on the scene every day. 

We have pictures here that we could show you how they line up, 
holding the bar, and another picture showing a group of approximately 
50 people, with David Baker, who is the man from Detroit who came 
into Chicago to demonstrate this procedure. He is the man that initi- 
ated this idea into the preconvention plan. 



2322 DISRUPTION OF 196 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

You will observe from the picture what type of force would be 
behind this type of maneuver. 

Mr. IcHORD. Do they march with the pole, or do they actually run 
with the pole ? 

Mr. Healy. They hop from foot to foot and "Bo shai, Bo shai" as 
they go on. 

Mr. IcHORD. Was this so-called defensive tactic used during the 
convention to your knowledge ? 

Mr. Healy. No, sir, it was not. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request these pictures be received for 
the record and marked accordingly. 

Mr. IcHORD. Have they been properly identified ? 

Mr. Smith. Yes, sir. 

Mr. IcHORD. I have three photographs. Lieutenant. 

Where were these taken ? 

Mr. Healy. They were all taken in Lincoln Park, near Chicago, 
where the confrontation between the Chicago police and Yippies took 
place. 

Mr. IcHORD. This was immediately prior to the demonstration in 
Chicago ? 

Mr. Smith. That is right. 

Mr. IcHORD. Is there any objection to the admission of the pho- 
tographs ? 

They will be admitted. 

(Photographs marked "Grubisic Exhibits Nos. 15-A through C," 
respectively, follow :) 

Grubisic Exhibit i\o. 15-A 




DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2323 

Grubisic Exhibit Nd. 15-B 




No. 1 identified as David Baker. 



Grubisic Exhibit No. 15-C 




No. 1 identified as Lowen Berman. 



2324 DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

Mr. Smith, Mr. Chairman, Sergeant Grubisic mentioned Vernon 
Grizzard as being in charge of the marshals. 

I would like to enter into the record information from the committee 
files concerning Mr. Grizzard. 

A publication issued by the League for Industrial Democracy in 
1964 and 1965 reflects that Students for a Democratic Society is affili- 
ated with the League for Industrial Democracy and that Mr. Grizzard 
is vice president of the Students for a Democratic Society. 

In addition, a clipping from the National Guardian of May 7, 1966, 
advertising or announcing a forum known as democracy and the draft 
EXAM, indicates that Vernon Grizzard was the past vice president of 
the Students for a Democratic Society. 

Further, in a clipping of the Neio York Times, June 15, 1965, page 
C-26, under the title of "Left-Wing Student Group Elects a New 
President," Vernon Grizzard is listed among 200 at the closing session 
of the organizational meeting, and as having been succeeded by 
Jeffrey Shero, a student at the University of Texas, as vice president 
of the left wing student group. 

Jeffrey Shero is now editor of the EAT newspaper that was just 
introduced into the record. 

Further, in a publication by the Students for a Democratic Society, 
Vernon Grizzard is indicated as vice president of the organization, and 
the publication reflects the objectives and the projects of the Students 
for a Democratic Society. 

Further, in a Washington Post newspaper item of September 21, 
1968, page A-3, under the title of "U.S. War Foes Met With Hanoi 
Group," Vernon Grizzard in an interview indicated that he had at- 
tended the antiwar group meeting in Hungary in September, meeting 
with representatives of North Vietnam and of the National Liberation 
Front to review the war and discuss strategy on U.S. campuses. 

The meetings held in Budapest were organized in the United States 
by David Dellinger, head of the National Mobilization Committee, a 
coalition of antiwar groups. 

Mr. Chairman, I request that these exhibits be accepted for the 
record. 

Mr. IcHORD. Is there any objection ? 

If not, the exhibits will be accepted. 

(Documents marked "Grubisic Exhibits Nos. 16 through 20," respec- 
tively, and retained in committee files.) 

Mr. Smith. Did the demonstrators compile additional maps and 
security information to enable them to engage in disruptive activities? 

Mr. Grubisic. Yes. 

I have here a description and maps of two National Guard armories 
in Chicago. One is the Humboldt National Guard Armory located on 
the southeast corner of Kedzie and North Avenue. 

The other is a report on the Chicago Avenue Armory, the west end of 
block E of Seneca Avenue north of Chicago Avenue, just south of 
Pearson. 

I would like to read from some of the reports, particularly the 
last two paragraphs 

Mr. Smith. What report ? 

Mr. Grubisic. Of the report on the Chicago Armory. 

Mr. Smith. This is a report by whom ? 



DISRUPTION OF 1 9 6 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2325 

Mr. Gritbisic. This report was obtained by a confidential source 
who was active with the National Mobilization Ck>mmittee. 
This report states : 

750 could easily block all doors symbolically, also possible provo action : ^ 
detour Lake shore drive traffic into immediate neighborhood with wooden 
horses, etc, then stop cars with other wooden horses, then saturate with people, 
then let air out of tires of more and more cars until tanks, etc in armory 
can't get out. A few cars sacrificed for most direct blocking of garage doors. 
Aluminima door could be bent out of operation. Could NWU [which we believe 
is Northwestern University, which is in very close proximity to the Chicago 
Avenue Armory] form a sanctuary? Source of cadre? 

Lots of fire hydrants for further confusion, first aid for gas attacks Con- 
struction site(s) would provide barricade materials. Apartment houses and 
hotels provide many blind alleys, which connect, for possible escape through 
confusion. 

I would like to submit Xeroxed copies of the report and the maps 
of the two armories. 

Mr. SMrrH. This is a report of the National Mobiliz'ation 
Committee ? 

Mr, Grubisic. This is a report that our confidential source, active 
with the National Mobilization Committee, obtained. 

Mr. SMrrH. Does it have a date indicated on it ? 

Mr. Grubisic. No, it does not. 

Mr. Smith. Can you give a reasonable time element? 

Mr. Grubisic. I believe it was approidmately 3 to 4 days just prior 
to the convention. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request that these documents be ac- 
cepted for the record and marked as Exhibit 21. 

Mr. Ichord. If there is no objection, the document will be accepted 
for what it is worth. 

(Documents marked "Grubisic Exhibit No. 21" follow:) 



1 The committee believes the term "provo action" means "provost marshal action." 



2326 DISRUPTION OF 19 6 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

Grubisic Exhibit No. 21 

REPORT ON HUIIBOLDT PAffli NAT'L Guard Armory 

Address (Southeast corner of Kedzie and North Ave. 

Talked to guard on duty, said there vrould probably be little action 

here, although 4,000 could be pulled if needed, most riot duty v/ent ftrom 

South Side and Chicago Ave. arinori es , had only 3 Or '+ men In armory 

on vjeckedds, monthly drills. 

There were steel bars on all ground floor windovjs. 

Neighborhoofl mostly white and Puerto Rican lovfcr middle class, paik 
is haven for vjinos. Many young kids in nelghboi'hood, private homes, vdioden 
houses. 

The park on the south and eastern sides forms a natural place to gither 
or regroup people, North Ave has heavy traffic with a narrovj concrtfe 
divider do\m the middle. The blocks to the north all have alleys riming 
dovm. the middle serving garages behind houses. 

There are 8 miigor entrances, a row of five on the v;cst side that 
look like a rovj of troops could come out of, and three big doors onihe 
north V'herc trucks and tanks could drive out. 

Peaceful picketing could be kept to the north and west sides of Ihe 
building, as few as 100 persons v;ould lock OK. An attempt to block 
exits vfould call foz- at Ikeast 750 real cadre and would only be synirolic 
anyway . 

Starting at NW corner and proceding clockwise entrances are: 
^basement level garage -sliced doors vrith ramp up, facing xvest^small dear 
for' single person facing Nj J. gaiv.ge-sized double doors facing N,also 
slightly above street level, raiup to strefct;'!-. sane as 2: 5« same asl, 
facing ii(i-5 all symotrically ceneterd on N side of armory; 6. double 
person-sized doors, up ramp from street, facing Z;7'^r:mo as 6; O.sligtly 
larger, around corner, facing 3j 9. 3 lai-ge doors big enough for motorcycle, 
about 3 ft above ground level face 3 but enclosed by fence, hard torn 
maneuver J3 out of.jlO. sane r:. 2, next to 9!ll. double doors to offices, 
•up about 5 ttepc; fro- stre-t ?, facing Wj 12- If . ^laj.-gc double, doors, ccch 



DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2327 

Grubisic Exhibit No. 21 — Continued 

2. 

Eumboldlt Park Armory 

recessed into vjall of building, big enough for motorcycles with sidecars, 
but not cars to drive through, all face W;l^. same as 11, In addition, 
there are three lovr.climable wooden gates at entrances to ramps to 
doors 1 and 5(1?' <fcl9) on the street level and to the fenced enclosi;© 
ure of doors 9&10, facing V7(20). 

In addition there is a basement door on the east side with two cboors, 
one of which is blocked by scrap metal, the other may still open. Ks^e 
a surprise entrance/oxit.dovm a flight of steps from groung level. 

It vrould seem impossible to get in or out through v7indows. 

There is a gas pump at bottom of slight ramp doirn from east side 
raised paSitform. 

There is a pond vjith bushes, etc, In the park about 200 yds SK of 
armory, can't be seen from ground floor og armory but from roof. SlG3it 
of surprise after dark more likely. 



2328 DISRUPTION OF 1 9 6 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

Grubisic Exhibit No. 21 — Continued 

REPORT Oil CHICAGO AVii. ARIiOHY 

Address: ',7 end of bloc): 3 of Ueneca Ave,N of Chicago, 3 of Pearson 

Noticed sign at top of main stairs Inside ; "Demcon Briefings 3i'd a," 
E end of building is offices on 2nd and 3*^^ floors, maybe 1st, too. 
V/ end is large parking lot 2nd floor-would be indoor parade ground, 
motor pool probably belovj that- door 5 had ramps leading up and down, 
large enoughs for tanks . 

Immediate neighborhood: upper class N parks S and W, Restaurant, 
campus S.ghospitals further 3, business fKrbher W, Lake further E, 
Chicago campus of North-western Unlv to immediate SE. 

Seems lllce easily deiaonstEated around or even Mocked. 

Doors: starting N'.7 corner & clockwise 1. Large double doors up a few steps 
probably for off ices, facing N, 2 sane as 1,3. large doors center of E side, 
face E, up a few steps, lead to flight of steps to of f ices .about 10 
feet vjide ;^. three single person doors, street level or a few steps up, j 
5. street level large double doors big enough for tanks; 6. large alufeura 
door, slide up, big enough* for tanks; 7. set of ^ small doDi's,fac3 W,S. 
same as 7. large vrindows belovr groung level, in vjells, along M wall, 
indicate lovier level, probabl y S side is ramps to these two levels. 

North side Pearson St, 2 v?ay street E of Seneca, one v?aj'- E W of Seca. 
Michigan Avenue very wldct'c busy. Parking lot on N side of EtrsEk Peairon 
between Kich,& Seneca, vacant lot with 2 large billboards on 
W end of same block, church on SW corner of Ilich and Dol:avrare, 
big construction on block betvreen Mich and Seneca and Dela. & Chestnut. 
High rise vrealthy apartments due N, Blind alleys-parkingsx lots off 
DeVJitt PI between Chestnut and Pearsfcn, one blind alley, one thru alley 



DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2329 

Grubisic Exhibit No. 21 — Continued 

2. 

Chicago Ave. Armory 

to S off Dowitt between Chestnut amd Dela., also stairs doim to baatient level 
shopping center, hallv7ay leading to elevator In a hotel-escape route.? 

Construction work NE of armory ^ trailers on a side of Pearson, 
N slde.sone open area, piles of s sand, concrete bags , vjooden horses, cdj 
cement blocks, lunerber, timbers , iron pipes, iron U's for setting conrrete, 
roclcs. Also a truck, and entrance to undergound parking lot. 

Broad sidevjilk runs along E side of armory with concrete stumps at 
each end to keep cars, not motorcycles out. S of that a low chain ll'k 
link fencee,then a cindei' track, fenced with iron spike k ft fence, knrd to 
climb. but 8 ft gaps. Tennis courts genced in, then baseball field, £ 
facing 3E Drivexiay for park hcvlcles runs heti<ieen Pearson and Chiefs 
then payground and park admin, buildings, then Lake 3hore drive, a 
natural military hvry, better than Mich. Tunnell for pedestrians at 
SS corner of this n block crosses under to lake, which is concrete ^abs. 
Park area about J/'i- mile south . Loc3.1 lanes area W of iix press, easy to 
vjalk across, too., only one lovf guardrail to hop across, but much tr^c. 
Campus has two alleys rnning U-5 vrith loclcable fence in middle-posdble 
escape, regroup- points (large lavm on N3 corner of that block, also. 

Sma.ll parking lot E off Faibanks, possible escaije routs. Superior 
one way Kast, Huron U, S o^. Superior and E of Fairbanks are parking Hots 
for hospital, S of Huron is VA research hosp. , N is private h&pp. 
Block S'»'V of Huron & Fairbanks is private parking lot, block north oT 
that is 3 story city parking lot. 

The block due S of armory has alley in line with door #6, goes thiigh to 

Superior, also braches \-I and through to Ilich.? Kosp on S2 corner of -■ 

that block with fire ale.rm out front, 

Veyy vride sidewalk S h side of Chicago, vrith overliiing bullding-stbr;, 
vrtth a large area just ',1 of arraory irhcre fountain not fully instalted. 



2330 DISRUPTION OF 19 6 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

Grubisic Exhibit No. 21 — Continued 

3. 
Chicag o Ave, Armory 

good for regrouping, hidden by aiming for Carriage Hose, 3 of Arnq?. 
V/ of arnory is small park,b4irdered by 4 ft chain link fence, easily 
climbefi,tv7o exits S, one N, large exit V aroun(£ small first aid garge/ 
office, which has parking lot vrith exit M on P aarson, wide grass sti: 
strip S to Chicago, stone vjall to '.7 seperates from vraterviorks offices. 
Good place to gather and march froiji. 

750 could easily block all doors symbolically, also possible prove 
action; detour Lake shore drive traffic into immediate neighborhood 
with wooden horses, etc, then stop cars with other wooden horses, then 
saturate with people, then let air out of tires of more and more caars 
until tanks, etc in armory can't get out. A fevr cars sacrifl&ced for 
most direct blocking of garage doors. Aluminum door could be bent di 
out of operation. Could NUU form, a sanctuary? Source of cadre? 

Lots of fire hydrants for further confusion, first aid for gas attacks 
Construction site(s) would provide barricade naterials. Apartment hnuses 
and hotels provide many blind alleys, v/hich connect, for possible 
escape through confusion. 



DISRUPTION OF 196S DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2331 



Grubisic Exhibit No. 21 — Continued 



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2332 DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 



Grubisic Exhibit No. 21— Continued 




DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2333 



Grubisic Exhibit No. 21 — Continued 




21-706 O - 69 (pt. 1) - 8 



2334 DISRUPTION OF 19 6 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 



Grubisic Exhibit No. 2 1 —Continued 









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DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2335 



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2336 DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

Mr. Smith. Sergeant, was an attempt made to get Negroes in Chi- 
cago to join in the violent demonstration ? 

Mr. Grubisic. Yes, but this was generally unsuccessful. 

On March 8, 1968, a letter was sent from the National Mobilization 
Committee office to black militants throughout the country, asking for 
their participation to help involve the black people of Chicago. 

The letter, which gave a Brooklyn, New York, return address, was 
signed by Kendra Alexander, Corky Gonzalez, Lincoln Lynch, Carlos 
Russell, Hosea Williams, and John Wilson. 

Very few Negroes participated in the demonstration, despite the fact 
that one of the feature activities was a speech by Bobby Scale, a leader 
of the Black Panthers. 

I would like to submit a copy of the letter I just described. 

Mr. Smith, Mr. Chairman, I request that the document be accepted 
for the record. 

Mr. IcHORD. Without objection, the exhibit will be admitted. 

(Document marked "Grubisic Exhibit No. 22" follows:) 



DISRUPTION OF 1 9 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2337 

Grubisic Exhibit No. 22 

U86 Brooklyn Avenue 
Brooklyn, New York 

March 8, 1968 

Dear Brothers and Sisters : 

Several black folks interested in the black community's reaction to the coming Demo- 
cratic National Convention got together informally on February 11 in Chicago. Our 
interest was in discussing activities that could be meaningful the the black community 
in the coming election year 1968 as a means to strengthening the grass roots organiza- 
tions among the black people. We felt that one area of the struggle against racism 
was exposing the racist, corrupt, imperialist character of the Democratic Party and 
the U.S. as a whole through a meaningful election year program for the black community. 

Many of the predominantly white anti-war organizations were also present at the Febru- 
ary 11 Chicago meeting. After a preliminary exchange, we separated into a black caucus 
to discuss the desirability of participation in actions at the Democratic National Con- 
vention. We took the position that we could not commit our black brothers and sisters 
to any participation until we had a full consultation. We are, therefore, taking this 
opportunity to cons\ilt on the widest basis possible and to gather a consensus and di- 
rection. 

On March 22-2U in Chicago, separate conferences are scheduled for black liberation and 
white anti-war organizers with the goal of creating a parallel organizational structure 
in which black and white people operate from a basis of separate and equal strength. 

We are asking you for your opinions. We made it crystal clear that we would not be 
committed to any policy or activity until we heard from you. The final decision as 
to our participation lies in your response. The program and activities for blacks 
will be determj.ned by you. If you agree to meet in Chicago, those of us who have been 
in on the first discussion will take the responsibility only for structuring the black 
caucus, arrangements of travel where possible, housing and other physical arrangements. 
However, we must hear from you as soon as possible. Please send ideas and comments 
with the enclosed sheet to: Carlos Russell 

U86 Brooklyn Avenue 

Brooklyn, New York 

Also, as you prepareto come to Chicago, we would suggest that thought be given to the 
format, structure and content of a meaningful challenge to the Democratic National 
Convention. • Our emphasis must be on meaningful and effective action that helps us to 
build in the ghettos against racism and war and for black self-determination. Our 
participation in this event must lead in this direction. We must act together for: 

Freedom, Power and Peace, 

Kendra Alexander 
Corky Gonzales -^ 
Lincoln Lynch~ 
Carlos Russell 
Hosea Williams 
John Wilson 

""osed working paper is for discussion only and to stimulate your reaction 
to the idea. 



2338 DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

Mr. ICHORD. Serjeant, it is my understanding that you did come into 
possession of certain maps that some elements had prepared concern- 
mg the city. Would you describe these maps and the source of the 
maps? 

Mr. Grubisic. Some of our confidential sources supplied to the in- 
telligence division maps of the Sherman House Hotel, the Tribune 
Building, the Chicago Board of Trade Building, and the Tribune- 
Equitable Buildings area, specifically the lobby area of the Tribune 
Tower ; the same building, the Tribune-Equitable Buildings, the lower 
level exterior ; and an exterior view of the Tribune-Equitable Build- 
ings area. 

I would like also to submit these to the committee. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request that the documents be accepted 
for the record and marked as an exhibit. 

Mr. IcHORD. Sergeant, can you tell the committee from what organi- 
zation they were obtained ? 

I am not askingyou to reveal the source. 

Mr. Grubisic. These maps were received by the intelligence division 
from a confidential source after the National Mobilization Committee, 
who were planning and mapping out the areas they mentioned for dem- 
onstrations, but as one can actually see, they went to great effort to be 
very detailed in their description of the area. 

Mr. IcHORD. There being no objection, the maps will be accepted 
into the record. 

(Documents marked "Grubisic Exhibit No. 23" follow :) 



DISRUPTION OF 19 6 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2339 



Grubisic Exhibit No. 23 



TRICUNE-EQUITABLE DUtLDIMG AREA 

Ma^) 1 - An exterior view of the area. The efltire area is dual-level 
wit"i uvjper aid lower MicUit^an Ave. Oa thla nap Lot;i Illiooia St. and 
!lu. . ard Ave. are lower level. Itoneer Terrace, directly south of 
Mic'ii^aa Ave. , appears to be a good spot for a derionstratioa. How- 
ever, there Is no exit oa t'lrec of t le four sides of the terrace. 
Stairways to the lower levfll are i-iarked. 

Map 2 - is aa exterior view of the lower level of the Tribine Tower- 
EquitaMe Uuildin^ area. Escape routed are inarked. 

Map 3 - is an i.iterior view of t'.e lol.>y of the Trituiie tower. 
Note position of ttie doors a>id guards. Security is lis'^t. 

Map 4 - is an ir.terior view of the lo. y of the IQ Equita'. le Euildlng, 
(whlcn houses Tine naiiaxine offices oa the 30th floor.). Note the escal< 
ator to t :e lower level. 

Map i - is an interior view of the lower level of tie Equitalle Duild- 
in;^. Due to linlted egress, coi^re^jation of deuonstrators in this 
area is not reco ciended. 



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2340 DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 



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DISRUPTION OF 19 6 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 



^341 



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2344 DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 



Grubisic Exhibit No. 23 — Continued 



SHERMAN HOUSE HOTEL 



1. FrontB on Randolph 

2. Sides on Clark, alley and Dearborn 

3. Front contains nunierous small shops 

h. Dearborn side across from Greyhound station 

5. Randolph separates Sherman House from City Mall. 

Civic Center on a diagonal from Sherman House across Randolph-Dearborn 

6. Shapiro Geadr-uarters are on a diagonal from Sherman House across 
Randolph-Clark 

7. Access easy to Lobby, Ist and 2nd floors. 




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DISRUPTION OF 19 6 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2345 



Grubisic Exhibit No. 23 — Continued 



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561-3656 



2346 DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

Mr. Grubisic. I also would like to submit the August 17, 1968, issue 
of the Guardidn^ which also has a map of the Chicago Loop area. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request that this exhibit be received for 
the record and marked Exhibit 24. 

Mr. IcHORD. This is an issue dated August 17, 1968, of the Guardmn% 

Mr. Smith. Yes, sir. 

Mr. IcHORD. Showing a map of parts of the city of Chicago. 

There being no objection, it will be accepted. 

(Document marked "Grubisic Exhibit No. 24" appears opposite this 
page) 

Mr. Healy. Also, I would like to add something to Sergeant Grubi- 
page.) 

We came into custody of a book from a person in the park. There 
are hand drawings in this book, which apparently were taken from this 
book and transposed on this copy of maps. It is a very extensive and 
lengthy booklet, containing a lot of information. If it is necessary for 
the committee to see this book, there are names on here which we hope 
they would keep confidential. 

Mr. Smith. Are you offering it as an exhibit ? 

Mr. Healy. No. 

Mr. IcHORD. Do you have intelligence information here ? 

Mr. Healy. We have a good deal of information in this booklet 
which at the present time we would not want to read. 

Mr. IcHORD. At this time, the Chair will not ask that the book be 
entered into the record, but this will be available to the staff of the 
committee for examination ? 

Mr. Healy. Yes, sir, it will be. 

Mr. Watson. Mr. Chairman, may we ask the lieutenant a question 
or two about these maps that I am looking at ? 

I notice some notations on them about very good demonstration tar- 
get, politically, and so forth. 

What does your investigation conclude is the meaning of that nota- 
tion? 

Mr. Healy. There were a great number of sites which were planned 
for demonstration, the Tribune Tower, the other buildings, the ar- 
mories, all were mentioned as possible demonstration sites. 

Each one of these maps and graphs that we showed you, maps and 
overlooks of buildings, were all areas where demonstrations had been 
planned. Fortunately, the demonstrations did not take place. 

Mr. Watson. One is of the Tribune-Equitable Building area. There 
are some very interesting notes made on this. I wonder whether, per- 
chance, we might conclude that something other than a demonstration 
was planned. 

I see a notation here, "Security is light," and another one, "Escape 
routes are marked." 

Mr. Healy. That is correct. 

We received information regarding the Tribune Building that there 
might be an attempt to cause damage at that location. 

Mr. Watson. In other words, you concluded that perhaps more 
than a demonstration was planned, at least at this particular site? 

Mr. Healy. That is correct, as well as at the armory. 

Sergeant Grubisic read that there were plans to tie up the armory 
and to cause physical damage to the exterior of the armory. 




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DISRUPTION OF 1 9 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2347 

Mr. Watson. Thank you, sir. 

Mr. Smith. Sergeant, do you have anything further to add in con- 
nection with the attempt to enlist the Negroes in this disruptive 
action ? 

Mr. Grubisic. Yes, I have. 

This is a copy of the minutes of the National Mobilization Com- 
mittee, I should say their own minutes, of the National Mobilization 
administrative meeting held in Chicago — of the administrative meet- 
ing of the National Mobilization Committee, held in the Chicago area 
on August 4 and chaired by Dave Bellinger. 

I would like to quote from these minutes : 

As to the attitude of the black community to the demonstration Dave [Del- 
linger] pointed out that the opinions of Lincoln Lynch, Cleveland Robinson, John 
Wilson, and Ralph Abemathy have been solicited and informal contact with 
MFDP [Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party] and other groups has been 
maintained. He felt the Chicago office must make greater effort to keep lines of 
communication open with Blackstone Rangers and other Chicago blacks. 

I would like to submit to this committee the National Mobilization 
minutes of this meeting. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request the document be received for 
the record and marked Exhibit 25. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. Mr. Chairman, may I ask a question ? 

Mr. IcHORD. Proceed. 

Mr. Ajshbrook. I assume from what you were saying there was an 
effort to enlist some support of the so-called black community. On the 
basis of your observation, they were very unsuccessful in doing it ? 

Mr. Grtjbisic. Yes, they were very unsuccessful. 

Mr. IcHORD. There being no objection, this document will be ad- 
mitted. 

(Document marked "Grubisic Exhibit No. 25" follows :) 



2348 DISRUPTION OF 19 6 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

Grubisic Exhibit No. 25 
SUM#RY OF ADMINISTRATIVE MEETHK HEUD IN CHICAGO ON AUG 1;, CHAffiED BY DAVE DELLINGER 

IN AITENDANCE: Huntley Barad; $kl W min; Madison Wisc.j Wise. Draft Resistance Union 
Tom Hickler;. 5li60 Potter; Des Plaines Iil.j ROC 

Irving Belnin; 170 E 3rd St; NYC - t^r 

Betty Boardnan; B7h2 Dogwood Pl.j Jfedl son Wise. . ■ 

Irwin A. Bock; hlli N Oaikley; Chicago 111; Vets for Peace , Chicago 
Mary Boyer; 105'60ak; Winnetka II].; Nocth Shore Women for Peace ' ■ - 

Joyce Braunj 5328 S HydePk. Blvd; Chicago 111; W F P - 
Bsrhira. Britts; 2238 W. Geneva Terrace; Chicago 111; SHO, MCHR 
RIchErd D. Conrad- 70^3 McCallum St; Chicago 111.; ROC 
Grace Daramann; $Qh$ Blackstone; Chicago 111; Student Health Orgaii. 
Rennle Davis; Rm. 31^; ii07 S. Dearborn; Chicago 111; Natl. Mob. Comm. 
Dave Dcllinger-j $ Beekman St; NYC; Natl. Mob. Coram. 

Ted Dostal; Box 2^98; E. Cleveland Ohio; Workers World Party . . 

Eddie Edmonds; 69^9 S. Emerald; Chicago Ijl; 

Helen GvreMltz; 1112 Quebec St; Chicago 111; Wash. Mobil, for Peace 
Ri Chard Hill; 3039 Walton; Chicago 111; SMC , 
Ecb C^reeriblatt; 5 Beekman St; NYC; Natl. Mob. Coram. 
Ton Kayden; Nat-1. Mobil. Coram. $ Beekman St; NYC 

Betty Hellman; li9 W 12th St; NYC; Natl Mob. Coram. •. . : 

Wayne Heimbach; l6o8 W. I4ad; Chicago 111; SDS 
Hei'jj Hoover; R2; Oskaloosa Iowa; Natl. Unity for Peace 
DoraM Kalish; l5lU2 Mulhelland Dr;- Los Angeles Calif; NMC ,' 

Klonflqr; l6o8 W. Tladison; Chicago 111; SDS 

Sylvia KuJ^hner; 14911 N. Glen; Chicago 111; Chicago Peace Council 
Marilyn Lerch; U6l H St. N.W.;Wa£hIngton D.C.; Wash. Mobilization 
BarbFi-a LIkan; lliU E.' Ontario St; Chicago 111; Womens Co-ord. Comm; SOS 
Otlo Lir.janstople; .l608 W. ^fadiscn; Chicago 111; FCR; Chicago Peace Council 
Lowe.il Livezey; 1213 E. $Uth St;. Chr'cago 111; Clergy & Laymen Concerned . . 

John McAulIff; Box 380, Cooper St a; NYC; Comm of Returned Volunteers 
Rose McKicman; 6335 N» Winthrop; Chicago 111; SDS 

I -J Montgomery; 1000 N. lake Shcre Plaza; Chicago 111; Coalition for an Open Con- 
vention; Women Mobilized for Charge 

Mrs. Philip W. IToore Jr; lOO Green Bay Rd; Hubbard Woods 111; Women Mobilized for 
Chance 

Lesley Moore; 58U5 Black&tone; Cf-Icago 111; National Mobilization 
Sidney Peek; 3^29 Hilverton; ClevelandOhio; Ohio Peace Action 
Meg Plaxton; 36OO P^'.e Grove; Chicago 111; CRM Chicago 
Ruth Pierce; 5U0 Miltou; Glencoe 111; 111 N. Shore Women for Pgace 
Ffexwell Primack; U8OO S. Dordhester; Chicago 111; Chicago Peace Council 
Ben Radford; 8^0 S. Loomlg; Chicago 111; Catholic Peace Fellowship 
Rod Kobinsom $ Beeckraan St; NYC; Resistance 
Don Rose; 13U0 Madison Park; Chicago 111; Natl. Mob. Comm, 
Ruth Samuels; Fairlaim Ave; Dobbs Ferry NY; ROC 
Jay S::haffner; 95l5 Leamington; Skokic 111; WEB DuBois Clubs 
Ruth Shriman; h21 W. Melrose; Chicago 111; Teachers for Peace in Viet Mam. , 
Haraich Sinclair; 1608 Madison; Chicago 111; SDS 

Joan Spiegal-; '6jxl Bu.ckingham PI; Chicago 111; Chicago Peace Council 
Syd S-;apleton; ''9 S. "-Ibinto n St; Chicago 111; Sffi 



DISRUPTION OF 19 6 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2349 



Grubisic Exhibit No. 25 — Continued 

Albert Stergar; U666 N." Sheiftstyj ijil^waukee Wiscj Workers World 

Erl^. j/e'.-ijer-jtr; c,o Parade Coirnnj 17 E 17th Stj NYGj $th.Ave Vietnam Peace Parade Coim 

Ll2 ^eats J 317 N Drooks; Madison Wise. .'\ : -. 

Preferring to go through the inter-related events of the proposed demon- 
stration, setting up a framewcrkj -Dave suggested we abandon a formal agenda 1:. 
for a general one. . _ ■'.-•" 

GEJIERAL AGENDA: SaTtaary of plans to date tiy Dave Bellinger 

Series of pfofosals flcshiiig out the- ideas formulated at 
Cleveland by Ronnie Davis with additions from his Chicago staff 
Implementation ; 

WHERE WE ARE BY DAVE: According to decisions "of previous meetins, the most recant 
being held July 20 in Cleveland, Hob is planning a 6 day. program at the Chicago 
ccnvention. Instead of focusing on particular candidates., the activities will 
be issue -oriented, centering around the twin demands: IMMEDIATE WITHIRAWAL OF ' 
TTOOPS FROM VIETNAM AND AN END TO THE OPPRESSION OF BLACK AND P0(» PEOPLE AT "• 
HOfE. The broad outline of the plan specif ies; several daysi of diversified 
activities emenating from about kO movement centers around Chicago, and a . 
massive "iction at the time of the nomination. Dave emphasized two points; 

1. Our purpose is not to disrupt the convention, but to demonstrate 
en behalf of the central issues. 

2. Though we do not focus en any of the candidates we wish to have a : 
positive relation-Jiip uitH th^ -mass of their supporters on the i.ssues around 
which we anregj-naiisly, the. ending of agression in Vietnam 'and in the black ' 
communities. •■ - ' . . _ '• .'civ, 

P30I0'-Z-- SCETIARIO AS REOD.fJlMEMlED BY THE STEERING GOMTIITTEE, mESENtED BY ' 
KI.?'?iIE'TA\/lS After a icsek of learings of permanent, platform and credentials ■' 
committees, the convention' will open on the 26th of August. " 

On'Saturdayj the 2Uth the People's Assembly, a unifying term for the 
moveneit centai-r. and vorkshopr. across the city, will begin. Th.e projected 
nuTisr of centers is UO with 2? now available, and liO more prospective 
institutions weighing the possibilities of opening their facilities. The 
2hth will alro mark the debut of the Ramparts Daily, edited by Fred Gardlnef ' 
anl staffed by representatives of the movement centers. "The^ first issue will 
contain lists of. movement cent "^rs, housing facilities, delegates' hotels,' ' 
schedules etc. . . ' - ..■ . . 

Sunday, the 25th, will mark the continuance of the workshops, since 
thz majority of supporters probably vill'not have arriyed and. indoor meetings • 
will continue to be feasible. On the 25th as the majority of delegat,es arrives, 
how-ever,; a greeting is propose! for them in the form. of a gigantic" picket" 
line along H'.chin^n Avenue-. It is thought this action will test the rigidity , 
under which the pilice xjill opjrate and the extent to which the National 
Ci:ard will be employed. • , . ; . 

When the convention opens on Monday the 26th, a rally Is scheduled by 
tha Coalition for an Open. Convznt ion. Jfo!b will .not sponsor the rally or 
coUsborate politically, but will accept an invitation from the Coalition 
to use the Mqb's marshals to help protect the civil rights of those attending. 
Though teb \rlll not plan any competing activity, it Is expected that, with 
the arrival of more demonstrators, the movement centers will become admin*" • 
Istratlve units and some meetings of the movement centers will move out to 
Lincoln Park, Grant Park or the midway (I^de Park) area, 

Tuesday, the ?7th, v/hile the media will be focusing on LBJ's birthday. 



21-706 O - 69 (pt. 1) - 9 



2350 DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 



Grubisic Exhibit No. 25 — Continued 

tentatively designated for Soldiers Field, a multiplicity of activities will 
occuf to counter the party. A Yippie festival, an amnesty meeting called 

'by the clergy arid draft resisters, and decentralized actions at irar research 
centers, draft bbards, and police stations will materialize. At Strawberry 
Fields Mobilization will sponsor, f6r that day and the entire week, a mixed 
media of theatre, f ^Im, and sculpture in an artistic statement on the plight 
of the country. A large indoor show, focused on the issues and highlighted 
by birthday greetings from a well known writer and a performance of MACBIRD, 

.will- serve as a fund raising event and a cap'^for the 27th. 

■ The day of the nomination, Wednesday, the 28th, will see the massive r. 
march. At about 3 PM, marchers will gather north of the Loop, proceed through 
the central downtown business area to the Amphitheatre. In a specified one- 
mile area along Halstead neighboring to the Amphitheatre, the demonstrators 
can hold a vigil, picket, create theatre or rally for as- long as the convention 
^asts; and when it concludes the marchers will leave as a unit to the Grant 
Pti^k bandshell where they will disperse'. This event, which will be aided by 
experienced marshals, will include a teach-in for the troops stressing our 

; differences are not. with them. 

Qn Thursday the 29th decentralized actions aimed at institutions repre- 
senting militarism, exploitation, and racism are scheduled, (e.g. Illinois 
Institute of Technology, induction centers, urban renewal centers, police 
stations) From those sites a sidewalk march to Grant Park will be held 
where the aims of the election year will be enunciated. 

Tfiere was a long discussion opened by John McAuliff on the possibility 
of placing a speaker from Mob at the Coalition rally in addition to using 
our marshals there. It iras finally agreed that ke have cooperated with the 
Coalition on such technical matters as finding facilities and scheduling^' 
but we should not exchange speakers to avoid confusing our political stand 
which focuses not on candidates but issues. Dave summed up the consensus 
that we should play a peace-keeping role which should be extended Impartially 
but without compromising ourselves politically. 

In answer to cpjestLons about movement centers, Tom Hayden e>qDlained 
they will be contacts for information, v/orkshops for discussion and planning 
areas, for action. The informative function will continue for the entire period 
while the second and third activities will expand into the parks as the 
numbers of people Increase. Some questions were raised about the feasabiltiy. 
of moving to the parks and the matter was referred to the steering committee. 
It was announced that Paul Potter will be coordinator for the centers, that 
Rennie, Tom, or Agnes Vlinkler, all in Chicago, can be contacted for information, 
and also that lOOC, ooo copies of a special issue of RAT (the Demonstrator; s 
Guide) will be available by the 20th to reveal movement center information, 
political information, and telephone number's. 

The discussion moved to the massive march proposal, analyzing the ' 
various routes to the Amphitheatre and the length of the different routes. 
Dave pointed out that calling for an action not relating to the Amphitheatre 
on the 28th was Ignoring the natural magnetism of the place, that the media 
would would.-oe at the Amphitheatre, and that the neclssity of having the 
military surround masses of people at a democratic convention would lend 
political content to the action. There vras a discussion on the possibility 
of proceeding in the face of a curfew threat or denial of a permit. It was 
pointed out that Mob has rallied people before without a permit, and that 



DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2351 



Grubisic Exhibit No. 25 — Continued 

insistence- on fulfilling an announced aim made a strong bargaining position 
in negotiating a permit, A curfev according to Bob Greenblatt, vrould be r 
clearly an oppressive measure to be disobeyed. If a curfew is imposed, Otto 
Liljenstolpe suggested volunteers be orged to disobey in order to force the ■■ 
city into the predicament of mass arrests. ; ■ •' 

Ifark Simmon, at this point, interwove his report on negotiations with 
the city, saying the city had shown a positive attitude and had hinted no 
curfew would be imposed, Irv Beinen suggested a title with political content 
be given the march to help unify the divergent composition of the demonstration. 
Dave mentioned that Mob could snly provide a framework. under which people 
could interact, and that hopefully the movement centers would build up. organic, 
nuclei i to set the tone of the march. •■ ; , ,. ... 

The administrative committee informally voted to approve the action of 
the 2.8th. 

To elaborate on the People's assembly on the 29th, Dave explained it as 
a grand finale, givingan opportunity to evaluate what has happened and to, 
present an agenda, for the coming period. It would be preceeded from 13-12 in: ' 
the morning by actions at draft boards and police stations, etc. using methods- 
from picketing to mobile tactics depending on the rer.^itl'^n of Ch.'rago. Rennie 
felt that an attempt to effectively close the focal institutions should be ■ 
made by the sheer numbers of people converging on them. Since the outcome of i 
the massive march the preceeding night, and the mood and physical condition of ' 
its participants will remain uncertainj it -was decided to take a middle Covirse 
between spontaneous and rigid plans for this day: to set a framework, to 
define specific targets, but to allow the participants to decide the nature' ' 
of the action; - ■ - ■■-.-•-; 



STAFF R£PC«TS WERE BEGUM BY GENE CERUTTI ON LEGAL DEFENSE.' He described 
recruiting, law students who were doing legal preparatory memos and finding 
politically responsive lawyers who could -function in mass arrests. Hi? announ- 
ced a Chicago based central legal office, permanent legal apparatus for the 
movement, and also the funnelling of bail through the legal office. , • • 
He mentioned prepublicity aspects of orienting the Political awareness of 
the lawyers and of educating prospective defendents in their legal i^ights. 
It was decided to di-scuss the question of accepting or refusing bail in 
workshops. , , •. . ;- - . -' 

CONCERNING MEDICAL MATTERS, Barbara Britts said she was working with 
SHO, arranging for mobile teams plus -four permanent stations in Grant Park, 
Lincoln Park, Hyde Park and the amphitheatre area. She is. trying to establish 
a hospital neutrality policy and announced she needs first aid and medical, 
supplies, nurses, doctors, and private cars for ambulances. 

Donna Gripe, in charge of HOUSING, said that cooperation with the 
Coalition, large mailings, posters, and rallies were being used to locate 
housing. Various administrative committee members suggested demonstrators 
try to arrange housing from their personal contacts, and that national r 
organizations with local offices in Chicago take responsibility for housing - 
their members. , . • 

On PUBLICITY Don Rose said his prepublicity tried to distinguish 
National Mobilization from the pro-McCarthy organizers and emphasized a ^- 
non-violent policy. He described a central press room, during the demonstrat- 
ions where leaders -would communicate their agendas and participate in press 
conferences to create a broad base image. 



2352 DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 



Grubisic Exhibit No. 25 — Continued 



When the nonviolent line was questioned J Iw^ explained that Mob included 
groups vfliose beliefs ranged from pacififfl|?'to militant self defense. While 
our aim is not to pfiSi^cally disrupt the convention nor to advocate violence. 
Mob has never repud^p^d the actions of its const.} tnenl-^.q YTt will be stressed, 
In addition, that It is well known that unicago police Jre responsible for 
violence. Rennie said that at the next day's press conference we would make 
public a request that had been made to the Justice Department to investigate 
the Chicago police, a request based on a newly-released citizens report 
•identifying police responsibility for the violence at an April 2? demonstration 
in Chicago. Tom expressed his concern over the sensitive area of press 
relations, describing the difficulties of speaking for such a divergent 
group as Mobilization. 

ON STRUCTURE: As at the Cleveland meeting, Rennie proposed the steering 
Committee, which will meet daily during the convention, consist of officers 
of National Mobilization, the National Coordinator, the two Project 
Directors, a representative of the Chicago Peace Council plus five project 
area directors. For the latter he proposed; 

1. Paul Potter for movement centers. 

2. Fred Gardiner to edit the Ramparts Daily aided by all groups. 

3. Mark Simmon for city, state, and federal negotiations with assistance 
from Dennis Cunningham, Gene Cerutti, Rennie Davis, Otto Liljenhople, 
and the officers. 

U. Gene Cerutti for legal and medical concerns. 
5. Vernon Grizzard for marshals. 

In a discussion of the possibility of movement centers being represented 
on the steering committee, it was feared that selection of leaders would 
divide the centers into competing factions. It was felt that movement 
centers could, instead, contribute to the marshals, and that as we got closer 
to the convention a method could be worked out for adding to the steering 
committee. 

As to the attitude of the black community to the demonstration Dave 
pointed out that the opinions of Lincoln Lynch, Cleveland Robinson, John 
Wilson, and Ralph Abernathy have been solicited and informal contact with 
MFDP and other groups has been maintained. He felt the Chicago office must 
make greater effort to keep lines of communication open with Blackstone 
Rangers and other Chicago blacks. 

Regarding pre-organization in the surronding amphitheatre community 
Rennie described some preliminary work with a local association of community 
leaders. 

In the marshals department Rennie told of a 30-UO man Chicago coninittce 
making concrete proposals and conducting training sessions. Eric suggested 
local organizations designate their own marshals and bring their own sound 
ecpiptment. 

In the funding department to keep the Chicago office operating Rennie 
outlined plans for part.ies and mailings. But 1H0,000 must be raised 
immediately for sound and communication equiptment. A total of about $2^,000 
must be raised in loans and contributions by August l8. When sources of 
loans wer<; discussed it was announced that the Cleveland Area Peace Action 
Cotmcil had pledged a $1,000 loan. Rorry Darrah is in charge of this department. 

The next administrative meeting was set for August 18. 



DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL (CONVENTION 2353 

Mr. Smith. Sergeant Grubisic, who was the person in charge of 
communications ? 

Mr. Grubisic. In charge of communications was a Carol Glassman, 
G-1-a-s-s-m-a-n. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I should like to draw the committee's 
attention to the fact that Carol Glassman is known to the committee as 
having attended the Bratislava, Czechoslovakia, conference of Septem- 
ber 1967, meeting there with the Viet Cong. I pointed out previously 
that this group was organized by David Bellinger. 

Please summarize the role of the Communist Party and other sup- 
porters of the Viet Cong in these demonstrations. 

Mr. Grubisic. At almost every stage of the planning, members of 
the Communist Party participated in organizing funds, legal services, 
and medical services. Persons who have publicly urged victory for the 
Viet Cong and North Vietnamese constituted all of the prime movers 
and organizers, 

Mr. IcHORD. Going back for a moment to the communications area 
and Carol Glassman's duties, what sort of communications were these? 
Did they have walkie-talkies ? 

Mr. Grubisic. Yes, they had walkie-talkies. 

Mr. Smith. Did they have a central headquarters? 

Mr. Grubisic. They had a daily paper, called TJie Ramparts.'^ 

Mr. Ashbrook. Sergeant, that was from the magazine Ramparts^ 
was it not ? Their own publication ? 

Mr. Grubisic. This is the name that they gave to their daily news- 
paper. The Rmnparts. 

Now, I believe a Fred Gardner was mentioned as being an editor of 
this publication. Now, whether or not he has any connection with the 
magazine Ramparts^ I am not sure at this time. 

Mr. Smith, Mr. Chairman, the magazine Ramparts published this 
particular newspaper item during the convention in Chicago for the 
purposes of communicating with the people they had assembled. 

Mr. Ashbrook. It was a special issue ? 

Mr. Smith. Yes, sir, 

Mr, Grubisic. In addition to communications, these people had 
loudspeakers, walkie-talkies, and of course bull horns and verbal 
communications. 

Mr. Smith. Please continue with your summarizing of the Com- 
munist Party activities in this disruptive action. Do you have anything 
further to add to that, other than what you have already stated in 
regard to the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Healy. Could we have a consultation first ? 

Mr. Smith. Yes. 

Mr. Ichord. The gentlemen have requested consultation with the 
counsel. There will be a brief recess, 

(Brief recess.) 

Mr. IcHORD. Are you ready to proceed, Counsel ? 

Mr. Smith. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Ichord. The committee will again be in order. 

Mr. Grubisic. One point I would like to bring out, and not related 
to the Communist Party, was on August 1 at a Chicago Peace Council 

1 Full title of paper : The Ramparts Wall Poster. 



2354 DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

meeting, Rennie Davis displayed two large maps of the Chicago area. 
On the maps he showed the routes that the delegates would take to the 
Amphitheatre. Also on the maps were shaded portions which indicated 
the positions of the police and National Guard. 

Rennie Davis stated that he expected this disorder to occur when 
McCarthy loses the nomination. His very words were, "The Loop will 
go up." 

Davis went on to say he expects 100,000 to participate in the protest 
demonstrations and some might be hurt, and even killed. He also 
stated that he didn't know what role Jerry Rubin was planning, and 
laughed. 

Also, on August 2, Rennie Davis stated that Tom Hayden will be 
criticized greatly by members of the National Mobilization Commit- 
tee, especially some administrative officers from New York, because of 
his plans to burn down the city and to forcefully enter the convention 
with mass marches, open bloodshed. 

Mr. Smith. What did you understand to be meant by, "The Loop 
will go up" ? 

Mr. Grubisic. That it will be demolished. 

I think what Rennie Davis meant here, that if his demands aren't 
met, that the Loop will be demolished. 

Mr. Smith. Have you completed your presentation ? 

Mr. Grubisic. Yes, I have completed my presentation on that point. 

Mr. Smith. Sergeant, who was in charge of organizing the prmting 
of the special issue of The Ramparts newspaper? 

Mr. Grubisic. David Canter. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, you will note that I have previously 
entered into the record information about David Canter. 

Mr. Ichord. Proceed, Counsel. 

Mr. Smith. Are there any other incidents of significance which you 
would like to bring out at this time ? 

Mr. Grubisic. Yes. 

On August 29, in the Grant Park area, John Connis, Wolfe Lowen- 
thal, Lee Weiner, and Kreg Shimabukuro stated that at 7 :30 the same 
evening, the 29th, they intended to firebomb the middle level of the 
Grant Park underground garage. There are three levels to the Grant 
Park underground garage. 

We received this information from a confidential source at approxi- 
mately 6 :30 p.m. on the 29th. We were immediately dispatched to the 
scene and conducted a surveillance. Lieutenant Healy, myself, and 
other members of the intelligence division. 

At approximately 7 :30 on the 29th, while in the middle level of the 
Grant Park underground garage, Kreg Shimabukuro entered the 
garage. He immediately started looking into a number of cars that were 
parked. 

Lieutenant Healy and other members of the intelligence division 
were crouched down in an unmarked squad, and Kreg Shimabukuro 
observed them, which I believe prevented him from doing what he 
wanted to do. 

We detained Kreg for a short while. 

About 10 minutes later, which made it about quarter to 8, Lee 
Weiner was observed by Lieutenant Healy and other members of the 
intelligence division entering the middle level of the Grant Park un- 



DISRXJPTION OF 1 9 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2355 

derground garage. He was with two or three other persons that we 
could not identify. He went to a car and drove out. 

On August 30, on a farm just outside of the city of Chicago, John 
Connis, Lee Weiner, and others discussed the planned guerrilla sabo- 
tage that was to have taken place on the Grant Park garage on the 
29th. 

It was mentioned that Kreg Shimabukuro was the first to enter 
the garage on the evening the incident was to have taken place, but 
was confronted by several police officers secreted there who detained 
him for a short time. 

Lee Weiner said, "If it wasnt for the fact that he wasn't able to 
arrive there until later, he might have been caught right in the act." 

Mr. Smith. You mentioned fire bombs a while ago. Were there any 
other types of weapons used against the police ? 

Mr. Grubisic. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Smith. And do you have samples of them ? 

Mr. Grubisic. Yes. Thrown at the police were assorted bricks, stones, 
especially what we call here a whiffle ball, a type of golf ball with nails 
driven through it. 

Also thrown at police during the convention were tiles that the dem- 
onstrators had taken from the washrooms, the public washrooms in 
Lincoln Park, and these tiles were sailed at the police. They also threw 
balloons filled with urine and human ercreta at members of the police 
department. On occasion, they ripped or tore part of the park benches 
situated in Lincoln and Grant Parks and used this to throw at the 
policemen. 

We have photographs of all the missiles and other assorted weapons 
that were thrown at the police, but unfortunately, they have not ar- 
rived. They will be made available to this committee. 

Mr. Healy. In our files we have a great deal of information which 
we will make available to the committee, if they would like it; at any 
time you would like to look at them, as long as they are not made 
public. These are a type of reports that we will need in the future. We 
don't want to expose them. 

So any time that the committee would like to look at our files, 
and the whole planning of some of the things we have not brought 
out here for a lot of reasons, will be made available to you. 

Mr. IcHORD. I would like to say. Lieutenant, one person who was 
present in Chicago has described to me incidents of public collection 
of urine to throw on police. Did you yourself personally observe any 
public collection of urine ? 

Mr. Healy. I was in Grant Park on the 28th of August, when the 
American flag was pulled down from the pole in Grant Park. A num- 
ber of policemen went over to make the arrest. The demonstrators at 
that time began throwing rocks, bricks, stones, sticks, bottles, tiles, 
that he mentioned before, and balloons filled with human waste. 

I myself was struck twice, once on the right leg and once on the left 
leg, by these objects. 

This ball that you have in front of you — I was in front of the Conrad 
Hilton Hotel the night of the 28th or 29th, when approximately 20 
to 25, I would judge, I am not sure how many, were thrown, but this 
one landed at my feet. 



2356 DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

Mr. IcHORD. Were any of the policemen who were injured, injured 
by these balls, to your knowledge ? 

Mr. Healy. I am not certain. 

Mr. IcHORD. Proceed. 

Mr. Smith. Sergeant, it was mentioned some time ago that some 60 
persons were injured in the confrontations with the police from the 
side of the National Mobilization personnel. Is that correct? Is that 
correct, or was that 60 policemen that were injured ? 

How many police were injured ? 

Mr. Grubisic. Approximately 180 or so. I don't know the exact 
figure. 

Mr. Smith. Were any of them injured very severely ? 

Mr. Grubisic. Yes, one was. He was hospitalized a week or so. I don't 
know his name, offhand, but he was hit in the face with a brick which 
had a steel rod protruding from it. I believe if the missile would have 
gone an inch or so to the left, it would have probably ruined his eye- 
sight. 

Mr. Smith. Since the end of the convention, have you obtained any 
information as to future plans of the National Mobilization Com- 
mittee ? 

Mr. Healy. I have in front of me a pamphlet issued by the National 
Mobilization Committee To End the War in Vietnam. On the top of 
it is wording, "confront the warmakers." 

This is from 5 Beekman Street, New York, New York, 10038. It is 
dated September 1968, but underneath the peace symbol it says, "Chi- 
cago, August 1968." 

This is signed by Dave Dellinger. 

It goes on, giving the future plans of the groups of the National 
Mobilization. 

If you will give me a minute, I will read them : 

Confront the candidates : When the presidential candidates speak this fall, 
demonstrators should confront them with the issues of Vietnam * * * to remind 
people that the election is a -contemptible mockery without any meaningful 
choice on Vietnam. Schedules of appearances of the candidates will be printed 
weekly in the Guardian, and are available through this office. 

One point. No. 3 on page 3 of the pamphlet, is : 

Mob would encourage the American peace vote to refuse to give legitimacy 
to the three major candidates and instead "strike the election" through a series 
of actions on Nov. 5. Proposed actions include : 

******* 

c. Sit-ins at polling booths until meaningful choices are presented 

d. National demonstrations and draft card turn-ins at the sites where the 
candidates themselves vote 

******* 

f. Rallies in major cities the night of the elections where people can demon- 
strate their repudiation of the election farce 

Rennie Davis concluded : 

if the elections were thrown into the House of Representatives we should con- 
verge on Washington for that event in a manner similar to Chicago. 

On page 4 : 

* * * Tim McCarthy said that no candidate should speak unemcumbered [sic] 
by demonstrations and suggested the Guardian publish the schedules of the candi- 
dates * * *. Irving Beinen called for militant demonstrations to challenge the 
rigged elections by recreating Chicagos all over the country. * * * 



DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2357 

These are just small sections that we picked out here. 

Included in here is a summary of the committee meetings held in 
Washington, chaired by Dave Dellinger. 

Mr. Smith. Who were present at the meetings? 

Mr. Grubisic. Fifty or sixty people. 

Mr. Healy. If you would like, we will submit this as an exhibit. 

Mr. Smith. Yes, please. 

Mr. IcHORD. Mr. Counsel and Lieutenant Healy, the Chair has been 
advised that this group has announced that they would attempt to dis- 
rupt the inauguration of the next President of the United States. 

Is there anything contained in this document in that regard? 

Mr. Healy. I am not certain if it is contained in that document. 
We have received information concerning this ourselves in Chicago. 

Mr. IcHORD. Can you tell the committee the nature of that informa- 
tion? 

Mr. Healy. I would have to do some research first for a minute. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I might make the point at this stage that 
Arnold Johnson, legislative representative of the Communist Party, 
was present at this meeting. 

Mr. IcHORD. At this point, Mr. Counsel, you mentioned several times, 
marshals. 

I am sure it has been clear to the Chair, but it may be thought that 
these could be U.S. marshals. 

What do you mean by the term "mar ]hal," when you use that term. 
Sergeant ? You used the term "marshal" quite often in your testimony. 

Mr. Healy. That was an organization formed to lead the demon- 
strations, walk on the sides of all marches and demonstrations, and 
supposedly keep their people in the line of march. These were not 
Federal marshals. 

Mr. IcHORD. They were members of the organizations that were 
causing disturbances ? 

Mr. Healy. That is correct. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request that this document concerning 
a meeting in Washington of the National Mobilization Committee per- 
sonnel be accepted for the record and marked "Grubisic Exhibit No. 
26." 

Mr. IcHORD. Hearing no objection to that request, the document will 
be admitted. 

(Document marked "Grubisic Exhibit No. 26" follows:) 




2358 DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

Grubisic Exhibit No. 26 

CONFRONT THE WARMAKERS 



NATIONAL MOeiLIZATION CCTMMITTEE 
TO END THE WAR IN VIETNAM 

5^ Beekman Street, New York, NY. 1\J038 \ ; 
(212) 964-643(1 

CHICAGO ♦ AUGUST 1968 i 

... ,^ ' September, 1968 

Dear Friend, ■ . . ., 

As -we lick our wounds . ar»cl analyse the political lessons^of the battle of 
Chicago, we roust not lose sl^ht of the urgency of a rontlnolTig, nlany-f tceted program 
to challenge the status-quo o£ y»ar' and racism with decent; viable^ htuiian Relationships. 
Hundreds of Americans and' thousands .of Vietnamei^ are being killedevery week that the 
war is allowed to continue. Ihg victims of represBlon and poverty continue to suffer in 
the ghettoes and in large^secti.ons of the white nQn-conmunity . Youfig people are still 
beinj^ brought up in a society which. stresses the false values and asSumes 'the "ultimate 
righteousness of the American. Empire. ^ '. '^ ' ' ' 

Our presence in Chicago caused the guilt-ridden Johnson-HtBnphrfey-Daley- 
adminlstratlon to bring out into the open the forces of intimidation and ^lltlcal 
suppression which are used far more brutally and regularly in" the -ghetto and in- Vietnam 
Despite the -fact that Chicago xlpped to shreds the Democratic facade, the" Democrat ic 
administration and its Republican and Wallace-ite alter-egos are pressing tTi^lr fraud- 
ulent election campaigns In a .desperate attempt to pacify the American people. First 
the sti-ck, and now the meaningless carrot. After the" rigged convention's^ and the clubs, 
the polling- booths. e - 

Chicago was stjrong in the mllltance and courage of th^ demonstratots and 
weak in over-ail participation at the bxoad range of forces that make up our^ total 
movement. It's not .surprising that millions decided, hope against hop6, to play the 
McCarthy gane .as long as it seemed .to offer a viable alternative (or supplement) to 
active resistance. In the end, hundreds of them joined us' In the streets or learned 
that the police state could find them o.ut even In their hotels. It Is not surprising 
that many others stayed away from Chicago because x)f uhcertainty "as to' the nature of 
the confrontat,ion that would take place oV out of reluctance to face police rt'ate 
tactics of Humphrey-Daley head on. But Chicago revealed that it is possible to jitand 
up to such tactics to win politically.. * ~ o • - 

JIow we must reunite our forces' anU 'proceed to" the tasks' ahead. In this 
spirit the administrative committee adopted the following pr'o"(Jiam""at Its meeting in 
.Jashington D.C. on September 14. It provides a framework within which i %^tde ;v«Ttety 
of activities can take place and in which we can reintroduce some of its political 
content that was partially obscured in the fury of the Chicago street scenes. You will 
.see that the stress for the coming weeks is on the local actions and local initiatives 
without which periodic national mobilization would have little meaning. But together 
these local iniatives will form a nation^^l pattern whose impact will be unmistakable. 

Let us hear from you, your reactions, plans and reports. 

Sincerely, 



Dave Del linger 

Chairman of the National Mobilization 



(HAIRMAN: DAVF DELLINGER • NAT'L COORDINATOR: ROBERT GREENBUATT • PROJECT DIRECTORS: TOM HAYDEN. RENNIE DAVIS 



I 



DISRUPTION OF 19 6S DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2359 



Grubisic Exhibit No. 26— Continued 

FROCi^M 



1. Confront the -candidates: When the presi<ienttel camUdaUS st)Mk this fan ^» 
n«n5trators should confront the:n with the i LsucrTvieSrSTBlSTu^S^ ut 

|i^i:e;^"^Trc^dSe7wr :^f p,^^ sc^^4r:f 

• able' through this office i^ui^^ weetuy In the Guapcilan, and are avail- 

Of 3;idfer's1frSu;;^t*civT!fan"nf1 "''li^'rTl'^^''^ ^^^' ^- the rlg^.t 
for the Immediate SthdraS of Prions 'fr^^r^"^ '^^"''"^^ ^^ ''""'^ ^= ^ ^^ ^^ ^^te 
Itarism, and express kfJ^^Mn iL ^ T ^^*"^^ ''PPose U.S. imperialism arxl mil^- 

die iVan^loSII^d Ueoal^r TT '".", "'^ '"'" ""^^ '"^^ ^'^^^^= t° "S'^t ^ 
towns throughout tS coSy f t^iu": tl soSL'^'^H ^^ = ^\^"^ ^^^^^ -^ --"^ 
On NovepJber 2 and 3 Vietnam <;ahhSh ^ foldiers and report their grievances, 
services for AmSican se^o^ ' ^'^f '^f ^"^ synagogues will hold special 
demnding aLSty f or deStSs ' oT^'^r^7 ^'l'"'' withdrawal from Vietnam and 
-ther political opponen^sTf TJ' ^'^T'^^l^^^ prisoners, draft resisters, and 
mny commun ties STtJno nnt^" ^^^"9^^ the week, public hearings in 

blanketed with ikfletr^^.nnJnT?. fl! stations, and USO centers should be 

3 Anti CTr- iTiTr '^^^PP"^ from the peace movement. 
Monday eJenl^ TolJ^% Country-wide pub2ic rallies- on the eve of the election, 

0.V iov"e.^?'t4 tht^^LteTLt^^Ms'S^eSl'"' ^^'^^'^^ "^^'^^^ ^''' ^^^^ 
abroad, asaa fair exoressIonT? fl™2^i« ^^f^tion will not be seen at home or 

us an opportunity f^^esen? I r^ZT ^'^^^'^ "P^^^""' ^^"^ ^^^^l" "^^^ Sive 
the election. ^ ^ "^^""^^ '^ programs and policies that are frozen out of 

Wali;cef n"t':Uh'rS,v°at'i::e'-!°? ''%%- ^^e "no" to Humphrey, Nixon, and 
the rel^t noHMr^f?^/ home" boycott, but with an active campaign to raise 

P^ers and a ,r f^^f ^^Iv ^r P^f^^t signs, flaming draft cards and discharge 
SSdreds S ;e:pirL^? ^^tHUa th '' oH-"''"^ "" ''^""*"' ^' ^^ talked with' 
the movement afLr S ele^tlons^ the^chxnery necessary to continue and : .oaden 
towns- of the i-alor SndiSir^: f^ descending by the thousands on the "home 
the next presiSt i^thel^: cvu^Vr^^U^' announce our determination to place 
•EJ last March. We proposeTs^St L^J . pressx^re that became too much for 
and high schools en Section H^v 1^ strike to close down American universities 
• T for loc^i peace"o^i^Sates b,; S"^.?"^^' will vote for opposition candidates 
d^er Will Zt recSS 0^ v^es •-^^lf"'?.■^'^^""^^"-^^-^^' ^'^d Tweedle-de- 
pression must be end^nc^atferV^ elected'''" '"'' '"' ^^ ^"' ^^^^^^ °^- 

detLin^tiSn^K'rSis't'anotS V: ''"' '"/'^^ '^^ ^^^ - ^ time to assert our 
and racism. NauS acSon could^o^'ro.'^r''/"'^'^^"' repressions, poverty 
if the electoral colle^fSls ti r^,^ • ^'' """"'"^ of J^eps^. . en January 3, 

aucuration .f JanSylS or both ' "^'^"''^'^ '° ^ candidate, or on the in- 



2360 DISRUPTION OF 19 6 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 



Grubisic Exhibit No. 26 — Continued 

SIL'WRY OF ADMINISTRATIVE OOMKITTEE .MEETING HELD IN WASHINGTON ON SEPTEMBER lU 
CmiRED BY DAVE DELLINGER 

Gerald Schwinn; box 380, Cooper Station, NYC, Comm, of Returned Volunteers ' 

Tim McCarthy; 1779 Lanier Place, NW, "Washington, DC, Washington SDS 

Richard Ochs; 3 Thomas Circle, Washington, DC, 

Red Robinson; 5 Beeknan Street, NYC, Resistance ' - 

Ken Katz; 199 Church Street , New Haven, .Conn. , Conn; Peace Coalition 

Irving Belnin; 170 E-3rd Strsct,' NYC, The C-uardlan. 

Emily Sack; 312 E 8Uth Street, ,NYC, / • 

Lenny Brody; 5 Beekman Street, WYC, Resistance 

Kar 1. Baker } ;bQX 6252,. Univ. o. Rochester, Rochester, MY, SDS 

Toil Hayden; 6'U68 Benvenue, Oakland, Ca., National Mobilization 

AUn Gross; 33(^ E 6th Street, iiJYC, ROC 

Bob Kowollik; S Beekman Street, NYC, Resistance 

Judith Simmons; 906 Maple Ave., Rockville, Md. SANE, Washington Mobilization 

Dave Dellinger; ^ Beekman St. NYC; National Mobilization 

Rennie Davis) 5 Beekman St. NYC; National Mobilization 

B. cy Bellman; 5 Beekman St. N\C: National Mobilization 

Harry Ring; NYC; SWP 

Lew Jones; hi Union Square West; NYC; YSA " 

Susan La Mont; 30^ E. 21st St. JJYC; NYSMC 

Hike Maggi; SMC National staff; 9 S, ^Clinton St.; Chicago, Illinois' 
La;rry Seigle; YSA 

Pa: Grogan; YSA ., ... 

Jonn Tillman; NYC; NBAWADU • -■ 
Waiter Reeves; NBAWADU. , ■• _ ■ . 
John Wilson; ino Fifth Ave., JIYC, SNCC 
Willy Louvallen; 100 Fifth Ave. , NYC, SNCC 

Irwin Gladstone; 135 W lith^Strcet, NYC, National ROC . - . . . ' '' 
Jooh Brnvm; 135 W Uth Street, NYC, NYROC 

Marcia Kallen; Washington,- DC ■ . _ , 

Ab(2 Bloom; 3313'Hardell Street, Wheaton, Md., Washington Mobilization 
Jolui Benson; 312 N 37th Street, Philadelphia, Pa., Philadelphia »{obilIzation- 
Leland Sommers; 1717 19th Street, NW, Washington, DC., Washington Mobilization 
Thomas L. Hayes; 30n Ninth ^e., NYC, Episcopal Peace Fellowship 
Gabrielle Edgcomb; 3'^l5 Idaho Avenue, NW, Washington, DC, 
Walter Schneir; U2-3U Elbertson, Wlmhurst, NY 
Arnold Johnson; 23 W 26th Street, NYC, Communist Party, USA 

Marc Dedner; llOLA Hellerman Street, Philadelphia, Pa., Univ. of Pa. Vietnam Week 
Richie Lesnik; 312 N 37th Street, Philadelphia^ Pa., Univ. of Pa. .Vietnam Week 
Eric Weinberger; 17 E 17th Street, NYC, Fifth ^^Ivenue Vietnam Peace Parade- Committee 
Bill Ayers; 6l6 Felch, Ann Arboe,"" Michigan, Ohio-MIc higan SDS 
Terry Robbins; 3118 Lorain A, Cleveland, Ohio, Ohio-Michigan SDS 
Joan Campbell; 3030 Eaton Road, Shaker Heights, Ohio, CAPAC 
Marilyn..^rdh; U6l^ Street, NVJ, #U09, Waahlngton, DC, _"_ • 

Barbara Deming; Wellflcet, ffessachusetts. Liberation - ■ ■ 

Sidney Lens; 5U36 Hyde Park, Chicago, Illinois . . ■ . 

Bradford -Lyttle; 217 Mott Street, apt 2R, NYC, NECNVA _ . 

Louis Kampfj 763 Massachusetts Avenue, Cambridge, Mass., RESIST 
Allan Brick; box 271, Myack, NYi, Fellowship of Reconcllatlon 
Trudi Schutz; 2016 .Walnut Street, Philadelphia, Pa. 
Ron Young; box 271, Nyack, NY, Fellowship of Recsnclllatlon 
Marty Teitel; U630 Newhall Street, Philadelphia, Pa 
Josie Teitel; I163O Newhall Street, Philadelphia, Pa 



DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2361 



Grubisic Exhibit No. 26— Continued 

Sandy Lutz; 5 Beekman Street, NYC, National Mobilization ■ 
Arthur Waskow; l8o8 Wyoming, Washington , DC, '. - 

Donna Grlpej, 

Lee Webbj 1916 Calvert Street, NW, -Washington, Bamparts 

Jim Estes; l60 N l^th Street, Phlladelpllia,-. Pa., AFSC 

Bernice Smith; 112 Calvert Road, Rockville, .Hi., , ' 

Barbara Bick; 2231 Bancroft Place, WW, #1; Washingto-n,DC 

Tibi Texler; 20-25 Seagirt Blvd., Fa* Rockaway, NY, SCEF 

Nona Stanton; 61i3 N 33rd Street, Philadelphia, Univ. of Temple Vietn&ra Coinmittec 

Greg Sandow;27 Stanhope Street, Boston, >fess.. New England Resistance 

Terry Gross; 36-11 217th Street, NYC, Rhode. Island Resistance 

Ted Yarow; 531 W 122nd Street, NYC, IWmDC 

Helen Gurevitz; 1112 Quebec Street, Silver Springs, Md., Washington Moblliiratlon 

Richard M. Gold; 14939 Wayne ^enue, Philadelphia, Pa. 

Edward Henderson; 550? Uth Street, NE, Washington, DC 



Agenda: Brief reports 

Concerns relatinp to press, Daley TV programs and possibility of ' 

response 

Program suggestions and prospective for future 

Sidney Lens opened the meeting with an 8 point report. .. ' 

1. Chicago still feels like a pnllcc state with hysteria rvinning strong. 
There were 660 odd arrests during the week of the convention and, 5l other 
arrests since September 1. 100 stranded people need travel money. Bail has 
been running high and is still needed, and there are $8900 In loans tn be 
repaid. 

2. There is a move by" Judge Can^ibell to indict five leaders, Dellinger,- 
Haydeur Davls^ Jert-y Ruhift and Abble Hoffman. 

3. A follow-updenionatratlon is planned for September 28 by the 
Chicago Peace Council and Women Mobilized for Change. 

k. A press conference was held announcing the Chicago Rebuttal Paper 
with fair coverage. 

-5- The National Council of Churches has refused to hold conferences 
In Chicago. Much mileage was obtained from the report of Dr. Quentin Young 
ef the Medical Committee on ?iuraan Rights. 

6. One hundred newsmen have handed together to follow through with 
reports to counter attacks by Chicago authorities. 

7. A "DonJt Forget Chicago" ad' has, been placed in the Nation and 
New Republic. 

8. Donna Gripe of Legal Defense requests statements from brutalized 
participants or witnesses be sent to 127 North Dearborn, 6th fl«or, Chlcaa*, 
Illinois. 

Dave Dellinger reported that vheri he and Keith Lan^e had sent a telegram 
to Metromedia requesting eqxial time a response was received indicating it would 
be granted if the program appeared. News media people in cooperation with 
American Documentaries have worked out a possible format including interviews 
in rebuttal. 



2362 DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 



Grubisic Exhibit No. 26 — Cqntinued 

Rennie Davjs was asked to.raake a proposal for a fall progr ju n, "election 
- offensive".. In introducing two dove-tailing projects, RennJe sunmarized 
proposals, stemming from meetings he had held after Chicago, on both coasts. 
One proposal outlined plans related to the election period for decentralized 
actions focusing on the illegitimacy of the three major Presidential candidates 
and injecting the issue of Vietnam into the election. The other idea de&lt 
.with building a viable ant i -war coalition representing active forces in moti'.n, 
and encouraging broader participation in the National rfobilization. The 
specific decentralized actions revolving around the election period (the 
first idea), would corroborate .the attempts to strengthen the organizational 
framework, (Uje, second id?a). Specif Lc proposals for action incladei 

1. The Mnbllization staff, would publicize the itineraries of- Humphrey, 
Kaskie, Nixon, Agnew ^ni Wallace and help coordinate continual confrontations 

'of mass demonstrations where^/-er .they speak or travel. 

2. The ant i -war movement would focus on the plight of the soldier irfiich 
is ignored by Presidential aspirants, and dramatize support of the right of 
the soldier to come home. Ronnie outlined a "National -GI Week" to be held 
during the election period (Nov. 1-5). Mob would encourage sympathetic church 
services on Nov. 3, send delegations to forts, investigate stockade conditions, 
hold press conferences, leaflet, promote amnesty for deserters and organize 
public. hearings featuring returning GIs. 

3. Mob would encourage the American peace vote to refuse to give 
legitimacy to the three major candidates and instead "strike the election" 
through a series of actions on Nov. 5. Proposed actions include: 

a. A national student strike on November 5 

b. Picketing and leaflet ing ^t polling places 

c. Sit-ins at polling booths until meaningful choices are presented 

d. National demonstrations and draft card tum-ins at the sites where 
the candidates themselves vote 

e. Actions at Humphrey & Nixon campaign headquarters, the evening 

.of Nov. 5 . - ■ : 

f . Rallies in major cities the night of the elections where people 
can demonstrate their repudiation of the elaction farce 

Rennie concluded that If the. elections were thrown into the House of 
Representatives we should canv3rge-on Washington for that event in a manner 
similar to Chicago. 

Dave Interjected reports from two absent Mob coordinators, Donald Kalish 
and Sidney Peck. Kalish endorsed. GI week, and stressed continuing pressure be 
exerted against draft boards and concerns like Dow Chemical in an effort to 
apply the diversity of the movement and enunciate specific political content. 
On structure, he emphasized the participation of new geographical ' areas and a 
. larger role for women in the Mobilization. Peck wrote that he was willing to 
focus on the Illegitimacy of the Presidential candidates, but didn't want to 
rule out support of local candidates or other Presidential candidates like 
Halstead and Cleaver. 



DISRUPTION OF 19 6 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2363 



Grubisic Exhibit No. 26 — Continued 

A long discussion followed with sent Imefita expressed that emphasis in ■ 
the fall should not be on the Presidential candidates, but on the issue gf . 
the war which has been. blurred by the resignation of Johnson and the Paris, 
peace talks. Others felt we should focus not only on the candidate?; and the 
disintegration of the Deniocratic Party, but the rise, of the facist dangers .. 
of a police state. Lee' 'Webb and Arthur Waskow advised we lucidly present. , 
ourselves as thealternativc to the electoral system, .united as an extra-, 
parliamentary power In the streets to express the'cppbsition denied, ty^. the 
ballot box. To dramatize the central issue of the Vietnam. war, L$e suggested . 
the anti-war rallies be planned for the Saturday prior. to election day, to, ■ 
use a 'weekend date and avoid 'competition of vrork schedules and election 
returns. He advised no disruptinrt to the voting be planned in order not to 
conflict with the ordinary voter'.s pride Jtn his voting j>riv.llege. Several 
people argued that our prograio must appeal "not only to radicals hut to "a 
broader constituency by soliciting the lower middle class, the working 
class, and the dissident liberals. Tom Hayes warned not to alienate voters 
by attempting' to tamper with their belief In the electoral .system.. Sidney ■ 
Lens joined with Tom and Brad Lyttle In ef^qrting the Mobilization to assume 
a non-violentf stance, 

- Tom Hayden ejqjlafned' that the removal of. 'Johnson to silence the. anti- 
wai:- sentiment underscores the strategic relationship of the. war to the 
election and the candidates. He felt the outlined Davis ,prdpos^_ would •. ^ 
successfully surface anti-war, antl-racl.st, sentiment, .woyld allow moderate's 
to participate in the rallies and permit more. militant action for, the youth,, 
He explained that working classes wouldn't be changed, by "copling. It" or 
by educational" statements, but that the Uork. with the axmed forces during 
GI week would prepare new ground. He argued against the' conservative tone 
b"3lng injected into the meeting, . ..,' ., .•_ •. 

When discussion was channeled to the particular plan, to follow the 
candidates, Tim McCarthy said that no candidate shotdd^speak unemcumTiered 
by demonstrations and suggested the Guardian publish the schedules of the 
candidates to facilitate organization^ Irving Beinen called for militant 
demonstrations to challenge the rigged. elections by recreating Chicagos all 
over the bountry. Dave explained that a. pcst-<3hIcago demoftstfat ion. in Flint 
Michigan had used picketing and leafletlng and had created an organized mass 
wa.lk-out during a candidate's speech. Dave said that while the Koi? CQuld 
disseminate Information, It could not resolve on exclusive patterns for. the 
local demonstrations. In contrast. Brad Lyttle felt Mobilization could m^ke ._ 
recommendations on the tone and spirit of the demonstrations' .which .should 
be 'hon-vlolent and finally, Sid Lens "warned if we prevented speeches from 
beihg heard, we would appear to represent the voice, of facisra and, not of. 
democi'acy. " .'' ^ ., . ,. . , 

In exploring 'the ideas for a Gl WeeJ^,. John Tillman .reported he had, been . 
working on a Vietnam Sunday In whIcK miniisters across the country, "woul.d. speak 
cut agalr^st the war. It was also suggesled the plans, emphasize th£ pligji.t of , 
the black GIs, that we defend the right of the GIs to demonstrate, an^ji coprd-., 
Inate oi^r efforts with a Japanese protest strike beginning October 21, Whea,. .■ 
some speakers felt that GI Week would deflect from other issues, Lee Webb 
suggested that it should be placed after elections to facilitate lengthier 
planning and to project our focus beyond the specific election period. A vote 
recommended the choice of a date for GI Week be sent to the Steering Committee. 



2364 DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 



Grubisic Exhibit No. 26 — Continued 

Concerning the date for the proposed election rally it vras voted that the 
Steering Committee set a date during the election week but not <^n tuesday 
itself. The suggestion to encourage people at polling places to organize 
counter polling hooths to vote I'n other candidates or issues was defeated. 

Discussion then focused on the idea to demonstrate at the sites where 
the major candidate? would vote. Speakers felt it was better to stay anti 
sink roots in local communities by picketing and distributing five million 
leaflets against the war. A vote recommended we supplement local actions 
and leaf le' ;I'\j"with an attempt to dramatize the is3ues( particularly the 
draft) at areas where candidates cast votes. (Minnesota, New York and 
Maryland would be emphasized). Another vote expressed opposition to 
civil disobedience or disruption inside the polling places. 

Concerning structure revisions in the National Mobilization Rennle 
Davis proposed the present Steering Committee be abolished and that after 
regional discussions, regional representatives be elected to the Committee. 
He suggested a more aggressive, organized staff, capable or developing 
long range organizing projects in addition to single national actions he 
supported. He recommended regional staffs with strong communication ties 
with the national staff. 

Dave explained that the steering committee, which has been composed 
of officers and committee chairman, waa intended to be small and capable 
of day to day decisions. He thought it must jump the generation gap and 
open Itself to young representation, not only on a regional but functional 
basis. Strong opposition was expressed by Harry Ring who said that 
structural proposals were actually designed to build an organization to 
supplant the present broad coalition, and that people who would he 
eliminated wou^d not necessarily be jr-'.ctive, but simply be left out. 

A committee vras set up to discuss these proposals, composed of Rennle 
Davis, Dave Dellinger, Irving Beinen, Barbara Bick, John Wilson, Greg Sandow, 
Steve Halliwell, and Harry Ring. 

The next meeting was set for October 12, and structural revision 
discussions were postponed to the meeting to be held after the 12th. 



DISRUPTION OF 1 9 6 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2365 



neiiie 
adcL-e: 



Grubisic Exhibit No. 26 — Continued 
LiJT US tiiii'Jl F.IOM YOU 



phone 



ortjanization 



v/hat are you planninc;? 



MOBILI2JiTI01-7 LITERATURE FOR ELi2CTION VIEEK 



(indicate quemtity needed) 
. leaflet for GIc (single oheet) 
Vietnam GI ( nev/s.^aper ) 
"National GI Ueek" posters 
GI Uee]; bur.oor ctic'cers 
election buttons 



olease enclose a donation to cover ex"3ense: 



return to: National jiobilization Connittee 
5 Bee]c:.ian Street 
NYC 100 3G 
phone: 554-6436 




21-706 O - 69 (pt. 1) - 10 



2366 DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

Mr. Smith. Sergeant, do you have anything further to add ? 

Mr. Grubisic. No, not at this point. 

Mr. IcHORD. Lieutenant Healy, do you have anything further to 
add? 

Mr. Healy. No, sir. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, this completes the interrogration of these 
witnesses. 

Mr. IcHORD. Are there any questions by members of the committee ? 

Mr. AsHBROOK. First of all, I would like to commend both Lieu- 
tenant Healy and Sergeant Grubisic for this testimony. 

As you know, this was called, as you heard the opening statement 
of our chairman, to determine whether or not there was planned and 
organized subversive effort. 

While the question may sound trite, is there any doubt in your 
mind but what there was planned and organized subversive effort to 
bring about a disruption of the Democratic National Convention ? 

Mr. Grubisic. Very definitely. I think our testimony has indicated 
that there were these unwholesome forces present and actively work- 
ing to disrupt the convention. 

This information was available to us prior to the convention, as I 
previously stated, in the latter part of 1967 and 1968, and this infor- 
mation was disseminated through the city officials. 

If I may add my personal comment, this is one of the reasons that 
the city of Chicago, Mayor Daley, and Superintendent Collins went 
to the elaborate security measures, or had taken the elaborate security 
measures. 

Mr. Ashbrook. Also, I would add, as a part of your testimony, you 
have made reference to not only those documents and matters of infor- 
mation which have come about through your intelligence unit, but also 
to those matters that have been in the public record that have been 
printed openly by the people who attempted to disrupt. 

It is not just a question of your intelligence unit uncovering these. 
These are for everybody to see. 

This is one of the amazing things about it. This is not all under- 
cover, but an open cover. 

Mr. Grubisic. Definitely, by the minutes of the meeting that were 
taken and distributed to people who attended the meetings and others. 

Mr. Ashbrook. You are like us, you work with it every day, so it 
does not surprise you. Sometimes it surprises me, where so much pub- 
licly can be read and understood. 

As you point out, the effort to firebomb, we have seen time and time 
again on this committee that the basic element that is necessary is the 
intent to do it. 

There were not many people involved in blowing up tlie Statue 
of Liberty. The thing we found was that they had the intent, they 
had the dynamite, they would have been on their way to do it, and 
it would have been accomplished, except for the intelligence, such 
as yours, in New York. 

There was intent to have an act of destruction, including fireboanb- 
ing. Except for your efforts, it might have happened. If nothing else, 
you have certainly indicated the clear intent of these people. 



DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2367 

Mr. Grubisic. Yes. Just last week we made an arrest — ^you probably 
read it in the paper — of four individuals who were planning and had 
the ingredients to make bombs. They intended to blow up Carson 
Pirie Scott, a large department store m the Chicago Loop, and Gold- 
blatt, which is another department store in the I^op, on the 28th of 
September, during the antiwar and police brutality demonstration. 

It was through our efforts that we were able to prevent these people. 
This case is pending. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. I recognize it is better not to comment too much 
on a pending case, but it certainly indicates what we have said right 
along, there is the intent on the part of people to either disrupt or 
engage in acts of violence. 

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

I merely want the record to show that they have done a wonderful 
job in presenting this information to our committee. 

Mr. IcHORD. Mr. Watson. 

Mr. Watson. Mr. Chairman, I likewise would like to commend the 
lieutenant and sergeant for what I consider a well-documented case, 
here. 

I don't believe we have had any figures mentioned here as to how 
many were involved in the activity out there. Not the leaders; we 
have had a discussion of the leaders. 

How many were involved as demonstrators? 

Mr. Grubisic. It varied from day to day. At some points it was up 
to seven or eight thousand people. 

Mr. Watson. Seven to eight thousand? 

Mr. Grubisic. Yes. 

Mr. Watson. Were you able to ascertain whether they were local, 
or were most of them outside of Cliicago? 

Mr. Grubisic. Our observations, and I think the lieutenant will 
bear me out on this, were that very many of them were out-of-towners, 
the majority. 

Mr. Watson. Apparently it is rather widespread, the communica- 
tions system that they have and the following that they have through- 
out this Nation. 

Mr. Grubisic. Yes, definitely. 

Mr. Watson. You are no sociologist, but let me ask this question any- 
way, since we are trying to elicit all types of information, for whatever 
it is worth, as the chairman often says. 

We have seen Rubin and Hoffman and some of these, whatever 
they are, here. How would you account for anyone following such peo- 
ple as that ? 

I mean through the human senses, they would invoke anything 
but a following. They are truly repulsive in every shape, form, and 
description. Yet, apparently, the young people out there were follow- 
ing them right down the line. 

I wonder what accounts for it, other than they are different. Do you 
have any ideas, personally ? 

Mr. Grubisic. I think I had better not comment on that. 

Mr. Watson. I can be a little more open than you, Sergeant, so you 
needn't comment. 



2368 DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

Mr. Grubisic. Yes. I must recognize my position as a police officer. 

Mr. Watson. I appreciate you have a lot of problems. 

I tell you, down our way, if some people had come in like that, 
we would have scrubbed them up in a hurry. The police would not 
have to do it. 

Mr. IcHORD. I imagine the sergeant does have difficulty in finding out 
how so-called idealistic youth follow such gentlemen. 

Have you concluded, Mr. Watson ? 

Mr. Watson. Yes, sir. 

Mr. IcHORD. There being no further questions, the Chair, too, wants 
to join in the commendation of the witnesses. 

I know you are not accustomed to testifying before a legislative com- 
mittee, but you have done a very excellent job. 

The gentleman from South Carolina has mentioned the march-out, 
the leaving of the room by counsel and witnesses and some of the en- 
tourage. Let the Chair observe that I believe that they were no doubt 
trying to seek a confrontation with the committee and with the police. 
It appeared to me that there was an attempt to goad the Chair into 
precipitous action. That did not occur. 

I highly doubt if they are going to muster any sympathy, from the 
objective press, anyway, or the American public, because the testimony 
has revealed here today that some of the witnesses who marched out 
were the very ones involved in the planning and the organization of 
the Chicago disturbance. 

This committee has a very difficult job, and as most of the people 
know, I have repeatedly said that I thought the mandate of the com- 
mittee was ambiguous and needed clarification. 

It is true that the court decisions surrounding the work of the com- 
mittee have made the mandate of the committee clear. We do have au- 
thority to investigate Communist activity. We do have authority to 
investigate subversive activity. 

Of course, here we are dealing with some very emotional matters, 
probably one of the most difficult problems the American people have 
ever faced — ^that is, how to protect ourselves from subversion and still 
retain the constitutional liberties which we all cherish so much. 

Where does legitimate dissent end, and where does criminal dis- 
obedience begin ? 

I point out to the gentleman from South Carolina, I said criminal 
disobedience, and not civil disobedience. 

This is a problem which is going to require responsible action, not 
only from the Congress, the duly elected legislators in our democracy, 
but from the policy and all responsible citizens. We must be careful 
not to overreact and thereby destroy these constitutional liberties which 
we have. 

I will adjourn the committee until 8 o'clock Thursday morning. 

("Whereupon, at 5:05 p.m., Tuesday, October 1, 1968, the subcom- 
mittee recessed, to reconvene at 8 a.m., Thursday, October 3, 1968.) 

(Subcommittee members present at time of recess: Representatives 
Ichord, Ashbrook, and Watson.) 

(Grubisic Exhibit No. 7, introduced on page 2306, follows:) 



DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2369 



Grtjbisic Exhibit No. 7 

Invitational List 

NATIONAL MOBILIZATION COMMITTEE TO END THE WAR IN 

VIETNAM 

(The following persons have been formally invited to attend meetings of the 
Administrative Committee) 

Rev. Ralph Abemathy 

690 Laveme Drive 

Atlanta, Ga. 

H: 404-524-1464 
. O: 404-794-6580 
John Anderson 

22327 Cleveland 

Dearborn, Mich. 48124 

(313) LO 1-8856 
Dixie Bayo 

% MPI 

PO Box 241 

Stuyvesant Station 

New York, N.Y. 10009 

OR 5-7443 (Dixie Bayo) 

TR 7-0700 (Pedro Rua) 
Irving Beinin 

170 E. 3d Street 

New York, N.Y. 10009 
Karl Bemhard 

14 Scholar Lane 

Levittown, N. Y. 11756 

(516) MU 8-0928 (o) 
Fr. Philip Berrigan 

St. Peter Claver R.C. Church 

The Josephite Fathers 

Fremont at Penn. Ave. 

Baltimore, Md. 21217 

(301) 669-0512 
Rev. James Bevel 

% Washington Mobilization 

St. Stephen & Incarnation Church 

16th & Newton Sts. NW 

Washington, D.C. 20010 

(202) 387-7374 (o) 
Barbara Bick 

% Women Strike for Peace 

2016 P Street NW 

Washington, D.C. 20036 

(202) 232-0803 (o) 

(202) EM 2-0602 (h) 
Karl Bissinger 

Support-In- Action 

252 W. 91st St. 

New York City 

PL 8-2651 
Nelson Blackstock 

Box 6262 

Atlanta, Ga. 30308 

(404) 874-4942 
Greater Boston Coord. Com. 

% Linda Sheppard 

14 Howard Street 

Cambridge, Mass. 02139 

(617) 864-4661 



Herb Bleich 
% PLP 

132 Nassau Street 

New York City 
Thompson Bradley 

240 Ridley Creek Road 

Moylan, Pa. 
(215) LO 6-2499 (h) 
(215) KI 3-0200 (o) 
Jim Bristol 

160 N. 15th St. 

Phila, Pa. 19102 
(215) LO 3-9372 
Prof. Robt. McAfee Brown 

Stanford University 

Palo Alto, Calif. 
Robert S. Browne 

214 Tryon Ave. 

Teaneck, N.J. 07666 

(201) 833-1718 
Greg Oalvert 

Vo SDS 

1608 W. Madison 

Chicago, 111. 60612 

(312) 666-3874 
Stokely Carmichael 

% SNCC 

360 Nelson St. SW 

Atlanta, Ga. 30313 

(404) 688-0331 
Pearl Chertov 

2708 W. Sterner St. 

Phila., Pa. 

(215) B A ^2426 
Prof. Noam Chomsky 

15 Suzanne Road 

Lexington, Mass. 02173 
Ron Clark 

National CORE 

200 W. 135th Street 

New York, N. Y. 

: 281-9650 

H : SW 5-5466 
William Sloan Coffin 

Yale University Station 

New Haven, Conn. 
Tom Cornell 

Catholic Peace Fellowship 

5 Beekman Street 

NYC 10038 

964-8367 
Sue Craig 

3432 Harvest 

Indianapolis, Ind. 

(317) 898-7099 



2370 DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 



Kipp Dawson 

316 E. 11th St.— Apt. 4A 

New York City 10003 

H : 477-7353 

: 255-1075 
Dave Dellinger 

LIBERATION 

5 Beekman St.— 10th Floor 

NYC 10038 

CO 7 1468 
Barbara Deming 

Wellfleet 

Cape Cod, Mass. 
Ivanhoe Donaldson 

Inst, for Policy Studies 

1900 Florida Ave. NW 

Washington, D. C. 

(202) 234 9382 
Peggy Eberbach 

36 Commerce St. 

NYC 10014 

691-5347 
Nick Egleson 

SDS National Office 

1608 W. Madison 

Chicago, 111. 60612 
Al Evanoff 

District 65 

13 Astor Place 

NYC 10003 

OR 3-5120 
Ralph Featherstone 

Program Director 

SNCO 

360 Nelson St. SW 

Atlanta, Ga. 30313 

(404) 688-0331 
Abe Feinglass 

2800 N. Sheridan Road 

Chicago, 111. 60657 
Rev. Richard Fernandez 

% Clergy Concerned 

475 Riverside Dr.— Rm 560 

NYC 10027 

: 870-2283 

H: (215) EV 2-7920 
W. H. Ferry 

PC Box 4068 

Santa Barbara, Calif. 

(805) 969-3281 
Moe Foner 

Trade Union SANE 

300 W. 45th St. 

NYC 
James Forman 

% SNCC 

100 Fifth Ave. 

NYC 
Paul Friedman 

% CP NY 

33 Union Sq. West 

Room 802 

NYC 10003 
Ruth Gage-Colby 

307 B. 44th St. 

NYO 

MU 9-3800 



John Gerassi 

789 West End Ave. 

NYC 10025 

OR 5-2470 
Allen Ginsberg 

408 E. 10th St.-Apt. 4C 

NYC 10009 
Patrick Gorman 

2800 N. Sheridan Road 

Chicago, 111. 60657 
Jesse Gray 

300 W. 121st Street 

NYC 

864-8644 

864-9221 
Prof. Robt. Greenblatt 

316 West 94 St.-Apt. 5D 

NYO 

866-5790 
Pat Griffith 

107 Dryden Road 

Ithaca, N.Y. 14850 

(607) 273-7158 
Carol Grosberg 

Angry Arts 

36 E. 10 Street 

NYC 10003 

929-3824 
Abner Grunauer 

252 E. 61st Street 

NYC 

Sane: TN 7-6140 
TE &-7941 
Fred Halstead 

288 10th Ave.-Apt. 5F 

NYC 10001 

565-5471 
Jim Haughton 

% Harlem Unemployment Center 

139 W. 125 St. 

NYC 10027 

66&-0787 
Tom Hayden 

227 JelliflE 

Newark, N. J. 
Charles Hayes 

United Packinghouse, Food & Allied 
Workers 

608 Dearborn St. 

Chicago, 111. 60625 
Tom Hayes 

% Episcopal Peace Fellowship 

NYC 10022 

: 752-5150 

H: (201) 833-8083 
Norman Hodgett 

245 W. 2nd Ave. 

Denver, Colo. 80203 

(303) 322-2835 
Dr. Eric Holtzman 

1899 Harrison St. 

Bronx, N.Y. 

430-2046 
Herbert Hoover 

National Unity for Peace 

Rt. 2 

Oskaloosa, Iowa 



DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2371 



Arnold Kalish 

56 Seventh Ave. 

NYC 

H : WA 9-6211 

O : MU 5-5755 
Jeff Jones 

SDS 

41 Union Sq. West-Rm. 436 

NYC 10003 

675-2626 

YU 2-3191 
Lew Jones 

% Y S A 

41 Union Sq. West 

NYC 10003 

989-7570 
Prof. Donald Kalish 

15142 Mulholland Drive 

West Los Angeles, Calif 

(213) 472-0194 
EJdward Keating 

54 Rosewood Drive 

Atherton, Calif. 

DA 3-5851 
Bettina Aptheker Kurzweil 

2224 Roosevelt St. 

Berkeley, Calif. 94703 

(415) 841 9120 
Bernard Lafayette 

AFSC 

3543 W. Jackson Blvd. 

Chicago, 111. 

312 626-4900 

312 HA7-2533 
Mrs. Hinda Larky 

Milwaukee Mob. Com. 

2805 Kenwood Blvd. 

Milwaukee, Wise. 53211 
Debbie Leonard 

5265 15th NE 

Seattle, Wash. 98105 

(206) LA 2-4325 
Ben Levy, Esq. 

204 Braeswood Center Bldg. 
2244 W. Holcombe Blvd. 
Houston, Tex. 77025 

(713) MO 5-7824 
John Lewis 

343 W. 21st St. 

NYC 

YU 6-6688 

691-6172 
Joleigh Luckett 

205 Third Ave. 
NYC 10003 
254^8454 

Lincoln Lynch 

% CORE 

200 W. 135 St. 

NYC 10030 

281-9650 
Staughton Lynd 

26 Court St. 

New Haven, Conn. 



Brad Lyttle 

% CNVA 

5 Beekman St. 

NYC 10038 

: 227-5535 

H: 964-8083 
Otto Nathan 

WILPF 

55 E. 10th St. 

NYC 10003 

GR 7-2948 

OR 7-5100 
Nation of Islam 

% Muhammad Speaks 

634 East 79 Street 

Chicago, Illinois 

(312) AB4-8622 
National Lawyers Guild 

5 Beekman Street 

NYC 10038 

227-0385 

Ken Clok(^-67^-3298 
Negotiation Now 

381 Park Avenue So. 

NYC 
Jack O'Dell 

% BYeedomways 

799 Broadway 

NYC 
Jody Palmour SSOC 

Box 15474 

Atlanta, Ga. 30333 

(404) 633-9936 
Massachusetts PAX 

Jerry Grossman 

44-A Brattle Street 

Cambridge, Mass. 02138 
Prof. Sidney Peck 

3429 Milverton 

Shaker Heights, Ohio 44120 

H: (216) 991-6759 

O : (216) 231-7700 x 2385 and 2182 
Jack Peebles 

1244 Esplanade — Apt. 1 

New Orleans, La. 70116 

(504) 525-5848 

(50i) 525-0447 
Bill Pepper 

% NCNP 

250 W. 57th St.— Suite 1528 

NYC 10019 

265-5626 
Sam Marcy 

% Workers World 

46 West 21 Street 

NYC 

AL 5-6352 
Key Martin 

% YAWF 

58 West 25 St. 

NYC 

675-2520 



2372 DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 



Mike McCabe 

819 S. New Hampshire 
Los Angeles, Calif. 
Floyd McKissick 
% CORE 
200 West 135 St. 
NYC 10030 
281-9650 
Dave McReynolds 
5 Beekman Street 
NYC 10088 
CO 7^592 
Stewart Meaeham 
% AFSC 

160 N. 15th Street 
Phila., Pa. 19102 
(215) LO 3-9372 
Rev. Howard Melish 
SCEF 

799 Broadway 
NYC 

: 475-8775 
H : 858-0896 
Patti Miller 
1957 N. Bissel 
Chicago. 111. 
(312) 525-5722 
Milwaukee Org. Comm. 
1012 No. 3d Street 
Milwaukee, Wise. 53202 
Linda Morse 

317 E. 9th St.— Apt. 12 
NYC 10009 
Harry Purvis 

217 Woodbine Avenue 
Northport, N.Y. 11768 
(516) AN 1-60S2 
Monroe Rapaport 
305 E. 63 St. 
NYC 10021 
PL 9-5966 
Rt. Rev. Msgr. Chas. Rice 
7141 Kelly St. 
Homewood, Pa. 
Harry Ring 

873 Broadway— 2nd Fir 
NYC 10003 
H : OR 4-1867 
: 533-6414 
Jose Ristorucci 
%DuBois Clubs 
862 Sixth Ave. 
NYC 10011 
889-4125 
Cleveland Robinson 
District 65 
13 Astor Place 
NYC 10003 
OR 3-5120 
Rabbi Michael Robinson 
% Jewish Peace Fellowship 
Glengary Road 
Croton-on-Hudson, N.Y. 
H: (914) CR 1-4458 
O: (914) CR 1-8006 



Evelyn Rose 

935 - 12th St. 

Boulder, Colo. 80302 
Fred Rosen 

Draft Denial 

5 Beekman St.— Rm 1033 

NYC 10038 
Sumner Rosen 

675 West End Avenue 

NYC 

O : WO 4-8700 

H : UN 5-0843 
Frank Rosenblum 

Amal. Clothing Workers 

15 Union Square 

NYC 10003 

255-7800 
SCEF 

799 Broadway 

NYC 10003 

(See Rev. Melish) 
David Shroyer 

1116 Columbus 

Houston, Texas 77019 
Rev. Fred Shuttlesworth 

710 N. Crescent Ave. 

Cincinnati, O. 45229 
Malford Q. Sibley 

Minneapolis Mb. Com. 

2018 Fairmont Ave. 

St. Paul, Minn. 55414 
(617) 781-6311 

George Small 

1096 Judith Way N.E. 

Atlanta, Ga. 30324 
Jack Spiegel 

647 W. Buckingham PI. 

Chicago, 111. 

(312) AR 6-3670 (o) 

(312) GR 2-3450 (h) 
Mrs. Eldora Spiegelberg 

7200 Pershing 

St. Louis, Mo. 
Dr. Benjamin Spock 

541 Madison Ave. 

NYC 10022 
William Standard 

% Lawyers Committee 

38 Park Row 

NYC 10038 

732-9855 
Prof. Morris Starsky 

8002 E. Fairmount Ave. 

Scottsdale, Ariz. 
Amy Swerdlow 

9 Ridge Drive East 

Gt. Neck, N.Y. 

(516) HU 2-7612 
Harriet Tanzman 

Ft. Hood 3 Defense Comm. 

22 East 17 St.— Rm 615 

NYC 10003 

243 5116 



/ 



DISRUPTION OF 1 9 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2373 



Teachers Committee 

Rebecca Berman 

5 Beekman Street 

NYC 10038 
Mrs. Ruth D. Terzaghi 

3 Robinson Circle 

Winchester, Mass. 
Arthur Tuden 

University of Pittsburgh 

Dept. of Anthropology 

Pittsburgh, Pa. 15202 
Ruth Turner 

CORE 

200 West 135 Street 

NYC 

: 281-9650 

H : 289-6445 
Rev. Richard Venus 

3991— 14th Street 

Detroit, Mich. 

(313) 831-7023 
Veterans for Peace in Vn 

7127 South Chicago Ave. 

Chicago, 111. 60619 
Vets Ad Hoc Coord. Comm. 

% Vets & Reservists 

5 Beekman St. 

NYC 10038 
War Resisters League 

5 Beekman St. 

NYC 10038 

(Dave McReynolds or 

Ralph Di Gia) 
Washington Mobilization Committee 

St. Stephen & the Incarnation 

16th & Newton Sts. NW 

Washington, D.C. 20010 

(202) 387-7374 
Lee Webb 

% Vietnam Summer 

129 Mt. Auburn Street 

Cambridge, Mass. 
Bertram Weinert 

Executive Director ADA 

1.56 Fifth Avenue 

NYC 10010 

67.5-7020 
Abe Weisburd 

300 West 49th St.— #707 

NYC 10019 

H : CI 5-5612 

OR 9-0600 X 583 

Tr. Un. for Peace : 
242-9791 
Norma Becker 

68 Charles St. 

New York, N.Y. 10014 

691-5748 
Prof. Douglas Dowd 

Dept. of Economics 

Cornell University 

Ithaca, N.Y. 
Rev. Richard Newhouse 

195 ]Maujer Street 

Brooklyn, N.Y. 11206 

EV 4-3567 



Cora Weiss 

5002 Waldo Avenue 

Bronx, N.Y. 10471 

H : KI 9-4478 

: 254-1925 
Rosalind Wells 

% Committee of the Professions 

250 West 57th Street 

NYC 

O : 247-3&45 

H : 799-^191 
West Coast Mob. Comm. 

55 Oolton Street 

San Francisco, Ca. 94103 
Dagmar Wilson 

1406— 29th St. N.W. 

Washington, D.C. 
James Peck 

5 Beekman St., 10th floor 

New York, N.Y. 10038 

CO 7^592 
Thalia Stern 

1710 Daytonia Rd. 

Miami Beach, Fla. 
Women Strike for Peace 

799 Broadway 

NYC 

254-1925 
Bill Yates 

216 Oxford Avenue 

Buffalo, N.Y. 14209 
Rev. Andrew Young 

% SCLC 

334 Auburn Ave. N.E. 

Atlanta, Ga. 30303 
Ron Young 

% FOR 

Box 271 

Nyack, N.Y. 

O : LO 8-8200 

H : (914) 942-1151 
Howard Zinn 

24 George Street 

Newton, Mass. 02158 

H: (617) 244-0779 

Univ: (617) 262-4300 
Karl Bissinger 

1108 2nd Ave. 

New york, N.Y. 

PL 8-2651 
Abe Egnal 

5223 Diamond St. 

Philadelphia, Pa. 19131 
Pat Griffith 

1337 E. State St. 

Ithaca, N.Y. 

(607) 273-7158 
James G. Holland 

Learning Research and 
Development Center 

University of Pittsburgh 

Pittsburgh, Pa. 15213 

H: (412) 441-2852 

O : (412) MA 1-3500 ext. 7554 



2374 DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 



Arnold Johnson 

56 7th Ave. 

New York, N.Y. 

H : WA 9-6211 

O : MU 5-5755 
Barry Johnson 

475 Riverside Dr., Rm. 510 

New York, N.Y. 10027 

870-2283 
Clark Lobenstine 

University Christian Movement 

475 Riverside Dr., Rm. 758 

New York, N.Y. 10027 

H : 222-0513 

: 870-2367 



Rev. Richard Neuhaus 

195 Maujer St. 

Brooklyn, N.Y. 11206 

EV 4-3567 
Eric Weinberger 

5 Beekman St. Rm. 1033 

New York, N.Y. 10038 

227-5535 
Deborah Weisburd 

300 W. 49th St., Apt. 707 

New York, N.Y. 10019 

CI 5-5612 



SUBVERSIVE INVOLVEMENT IN DISRUPTION OF 1968 
DEMOCRATIC PARTY NATIONAL CONVENTION 

Part 1 



THURSDAY, OCTOBER 3, 1968 

United States House of Representatives, 

Subcommittee of the 
Committee on Un-Ameeican AcnvrriES, 

Washington, D.G. 

PUBLIC HEARINGS 

The subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities met, 
pursuant to recess, at 10:25 a.m., in Room 311, Cannon House Office 
Building, Washington, D.C., Hon. Richard H. Ichord (chairman of 
the subcommittee) presiding. 

(Subcommittee members: Representatives Richard H, Ichord, of 
Missouri, chairman ; Edwin E. Willis, of Louisiana, chairman of the 
full committee; William M. Tuck, of Virginia; John M. Ashbrook, 
of Ohio ; and Albert W. Watson, of South Carolina.) 

Subcommittee members present : Representatives Ichord, Ashbrook, 
and Watson. 

Staff members present : Francis J. McNamara, director ; Chester D. 
Smith, general counsel; Alfred M. Nittle, counsel; and William J. 
McMahon and Herbert Romerstein, investigators. 

Mr, Ichord. The committee will come to order. Will the guests 
please be seated ? 

The committee will be in order, a quorum being present. 

On Tuesday, the first day of the meeting, the Chair did make an 
erroneous statement, which I want to correct. My memory is that the 
Chair stated that there had been more than one rule 26 (m) letter sent 
by the committee. The correct number is only one — one rule 26 (m) 
letter sent by the committee. 

On Tuesday, October 1, at the commencement of these hearings — • 
let there be order in the committee room until I finish this statement. 

Mr. Director, are the attorneys for the witnesses in the room ? 

Mr. McNamara. They are coming in now, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Ichord. What I have to say concerns the attorneys for their 
clients. I think they will be very interested in the ruling I am about 
to make. 

The Chair observes that Mr. Michael Kennedy, representing Green- 
blatt and Davis, is present. 

Mr. Henry di Suvero. 

2375 



2376 DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

Are you present, Mr. di Suvero ? 

Mr. DI Suvero. Yes, Mr. Chairman, I am. 

Mr. IcHORD. Thank you. 

Mr. Mel Wulf? 

Mr. Wulf. Yes, sir. 

Mr. IcHORD. Thank you, sir. 

Miss Nancy Stearns, representing Mr. Bellinger. 

Miss Stearns. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Ichord. Thank you. 

Mr. William Cousins, representing Mr. Rubin. 

Mr. Cousins. I am here, and Mr. Dellinger as well. 

Mr. IcHORD. And Miss Harriet Van Tassel. 

And Mr. Gerald Lefcourt, representing Mr. Hoffman ? 

Counsel from audience. He is not here, may the Chair please, be- 
cause his client was arrested and assaulted when Mr. Lefcourt and his 
client tried to enter this hall. 

Mr. IcHORD. We will take the matter up later on, after I finish this 
ruling. 

He has chosen not to be here. The Chair will proceed. 

Gentlemen, let there be order in the hearing room until I finish this 
statement. 

Will the gentleman please be seated ? 

Counsel from audience. May I introduce one additional counsel, 
is all I want to do. There is an additional counsel. 

Mr. IcHORD. You have another counsel present ? 

Will you come forward, sir, and identify yourself ? 

Mr. Katz. My name is Sanford M. Katz. I represent the witness, 
Mr. Greenblatt. 

Mr. IcHORD. Mr. Greenblatt. Associated with Michael Kennedy? 

Mr. Katz. Yes, sir. 

Mr. IcHORD. And how do you spell the last name ? 

Mr. Katz. K-a-t-z. 

Mr. Ichord. The first name is ? 

Mr. Katz. Sanford, S-a-n-f-o-r-d. 

Mr. GuTMAN. Mr. Chairman, my name is Jeremiah S. Gutman. 

Mr. Ichord. Mr. Gutman. 

Mr. Gutman. I represent Dr. Quentin Young and Mr. Dave 
Dellinger. 

Mr. Ichord. Associated with Mr. Wulf ? 

Mr. Gutman. Yes, sir. And my colleague from Chicago, Mr. Wil- 
liam Cousins. 

Mr. Ichord. William Cousins? 

Mr. Cousins. William Cousins, Jr. 

Mr. Ichord. You are also representing Mr. Dellinger and Mr. 
Young ? 

Mr. Cousins. No, I am cocounsel for Dr. Young. 

Mr. Ichord. Thank you very much, sir. 

And you, sir ? 

Mr. Adelman. I am an attorney associated with Mr. Sutro. 

Mr. Ichord. Would you spell that ? 

Mr. Adelman. A-d-e-1-m-a-n. 

Mr. Ichord. And you are representing and associated with whom? 

Mr. Adelman. Mr. Sutro. 

Mr. Ichord. Representing Mr. Hayden. 



DISRUPTION OF 1 9 6 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2377 

Mr. Katz, may I ask, you are a member of what bar ? 

Mr. Katz. I am a member of the bar of the State of New York and 
the United States Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit and the 
Southern and Eastern Districts of New York. 

Mr. IcHORD. Mr. Gutman, I believe you are a member 

Mr. Gutman. [Inaudible.] 

Mr. IcHORD. Could you state that just a little slower? 

Mr. Gutman. United States Supreme Court, the New York bar. 
Circuit Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit, the Fifth Circuit, 
the Eighth Circuit, maybe some others. 

United States District Courts, Southern District, Eastern District 
of New York, Northern District of Mississippi. 

Mr. IcHORD. The Chair observes that you are an attorney with con- 
siderable experience, sir. Thank you very much. 

Mr. William Cousins, you are a member of what bar ? 

Mr. Cousins. Illinois bar and the district court, sir. Northeastern 
District of the Illinois and Indiana area. 

Mr. IcHORD. Mr. Adelman ? 

Mr. Adelman. New York bar. 

Mr. IcHORD. New York bar ? 

Mr. Adelman. Yes. 

Mr. IcHORD. Thank you very much, gentlemen. 

Are there further attorneys present representing clients? 

If not, the Chair will proceed. 

On Tuesday, October 1, at the commencement of these hearings, 
I had advised counsel of the Rules of the House of Representatives 
and of this committee with respect to the participation of counsel. 

I also accorded counsel the privilege of submitting, on behalf of their 
clients, written points, objections, and briefs on legal matters, 
provided they did so prior to 8 a.m. of today, that is, Thursday, 
October 3. 

Shortly following, on October 1, there was submitted on behalf of 
all counsel for subpenaed witnesses a statement titled "Jurisdictional 
Objections," containing three numbered objections; a statement titled 
"Procedural Demands," containing 15 numbered demands; and a copy 
of a complaint filed in the United States District Court for the Dis- 
trict of Columbia titled "Complained for Injunctive and Declaratory 
Relief." Quote, "Complained for Injunctive and Declaratory Relief." 

I don't know whether this is a typing error or not. 

Mr. McNamara. It should be "Complaint." 

Mr. IcHORD. Is that the exact wording on it ? 

Mr. NiiTLE. Yes, sir. 

Mr. IcHORD. The latter complaint has been submitted evidently in 
support of paragraph 11 of the statement of Procedural Demands. 

The subcommittee met this morning, prior to this meeting, to con- 
sider these objections and demands. The subcommittee rules as follows : 

With respect to the statement of Jurisdictional Objections, these 
are general objections challenging the authority of the committee to 
conduct this investigation. 

(The information follows:) 

JURISDICTIONAL OBJECTIONS 

1. Inasmuch as Congress can make no law abridging the First Amendment 
guarantees of freedom of speech, press, assembly, petition, silence, privacy, asso- 



2378 DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

elation or the Fifth Amendment rights of due process of law or the Sixth Amend- 
ment rights of counsel, confrontation of witnesses, and fair, public trial and the 
Ninth Amendment rights reserved to the people, it follows that neither Congress 
nor any of its Committees can constitutionally derogate any of these sacred 
freedoms by investigating, intimidating or attempting to interfere with the exer- 
cise of these freedoms. Consequently, Congress and this Committee are without 
jurisdiction to hold these hearings for the purposes stated. 

2. Even if Congress could legally make inquiry into constitutionally protected 
activities, the delegation of this authority to HUAC by Rule XI of the Rules of 
the House of Representatives is improper and void for vagueness and over 
breadth, in violation of the First, Fifth and Ninth Amendments to the United 
States Constitution, in that said delegation of authority fails to meet the require- 
ments of definiteness and certainty demanded of statutes which are enforced by 
criminal sanctions. 

3. Even if Congress had authority to constitutionally make the inquiry herein 
sought, and even if Congress could and had properly delegated this authority to 
HUAC, this Committee's present exercise of that authority and this Committee's 
authorizing resolution of September 12, 1968 is unconstitutional for the same rea- 
sons set forth above. 

PBOCEDUBAL, DEMANDS 

1. Right to cross-examine any and all persons who have given or may give, 
either in executive or public session or otherwise, any testimony or information 
regarding clients. 

2. The right to inspect and photocopy the verbatim transcript and/or state- 
ment (s) of any and all persons who have given or may give in executive or 
public session or otherwise, any testimony or information regarding clients. 

3. A verbatim transcript of any and all executive sessions or HUAC meetings 
wherein the matters and/or persons here under investigation were considered or 
discussed. 

4. Complete copies of any and all statutory authority, House of Representatives 
authority and HUAC authorizing resolutions pertaining to these hearings and/or 
the matters and/or persons here under investigation. 

5. The number, title, sponsor (s) and complete text of any and all proposed 
legislation relating to these hearings presently under consideration by HUAC or 
any of its sub-committees. 

6. The right of each client to voir dire each congressional and staff committee 
member on his fairness, impartiality, lack of bias or prejudice towards each sub- 
poenaed witness ; his prior knowledge if any, of subpoenaed witness ; his opinion, 
pre-disposition or pre-deliction [Sic] towards the HUAC authorizing resolution 
herein and/or the legislative matters here under investigation. 

7. A detailed statement by the Committee as to its definition of "Un-American", 
"subversive", "Communist", "world Communist movement", "propaganda", "sub- 
versive-front organization" as used in the House and HUAC rules and the au- 
thorizing resolution. 

8. The right to inspect and photocopy any and all reports, documents, state- 
ments or written memoranda relating to the client (s) here under investigation. 

9. The right to inspect the counsel table and witness area to insure the privacy 
of lawyer-client consultations. Plus the unequivocal assurance from HUAC that 
lawyer-client privacy has not been and will not be invaded in any way what- 
soever. 

10. The disqualification of HUAC members Willis (La.) and Watson (S.C.) 
because elected by electorates from which Negroes have been systematically 
excluded. 

Auth : 1965 Voting Law defines La. and S.C. as such. Also authorizing resolu- 
tion and subpoenas void because executed by Willis. 

11. (file copies of HUAC and Chicago complaints). Take notice of Chicago 
Grand Jury and F.B.I, investigations into very matters under investigation 
here. Take notice of suits pending covering these matters. Take notice that 
criminal prosecutions are pending against several of the witnesses. 

Therefore, the unequivocal assurance of the Committee that matters presently 
in litigation will not be inquired into because to do so would violate due process, 
separation of federal powers, and states' rights. 

12. The "public" hearings be, in fact, public ; that at least one-half of the 
visitor and spectator seats, exclusive of those reserved for the press, be reserved 
for and allocated to relatives, friends and supporters of the subpoenaed wit- 
nesses. 



I 



DISRUPTION OF 1 9 6 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL OONVENTION 2379 

13. All marshalls [sic], policemen and agents be completely disarmed in and 
throughout the hearings, and that each and every such marshall [sic], policeman 
or agent conspicuously display his badge, identification and credentials in and 
throughout the hearings, and that the name, employer and duties of each such 
marshall [sic], policeman or agent be provided the subpoenaed witnesses and their 
lawyers immediately. 

14. The Committee publicly apologize to Arthur Kinoy, eminent professor and 
lawyer, and to the bar in general for the indignities, abuses, brutalities and 
harassment perpetrated upon him by this Committee in August, 1966 when HUAC 
had Mr. Kinoy forcibly removed from the Committee room and arrested. Mr. 
Kinoy was fully exonerated by the Court of Appeals for Washington, D.C. 

HUAC gives its complete and unequivocal assurance that no member of the 
committee will in any way attempt to harass, intimidate or interfere with the 
professional activities of counsel for any of the subpoenaed witnesses. 

15. The right to a precise statement by the Committee to each subpoenaed wit- 
ness as to why the witness was subpoenaed, the necessity for the witness' testi- 
mony, the source(s) of the Committee's information regarding the witness and 
the relevancy of the witness' expected testimony and the subject matter of in- 
vestigation. 

Mr. IcHORD. We overrule each of the three numbered objections, and 
I will direct the recorder to put these Jurisdictional Objections and 
Procedural Demands in the record immediately prior to my ruling 
here. 

With respect to the statement of Procedural Demands, we disposed 
of each of these as follows : 

The first, denied. The committee sees no reason to depart from normal 
and customary procedures in this respect. 

Second procedural demand, denied. The Chair will announce that 
the committee has ruled that this is obviously excessive. Moreover, we 
have previously advised counsel of the availability of transcripts of 
public sessions for inspection or purchase. 

The third procedural demand is denied. Demand, again, is obviously 
excessive. 

The fourth is denied as moot. 

Counsel have available the committee rules of procedure, the chair- 
man's opening statement, and other references, including the House 
and committee authorizing resolutions. 

Fifth procedural demand is denied. The legislative purposes ade- 
quately appear in the House and committee resolutions and the chair- 
man's opening statement. 

Six and seven are denied. We regard the demands to be frivolous 
as stated. 

Eight is denied as excessive. 

Nine is denied, and this demand is regarded as an impertinence and 
will be stricken. 

Ten is denied. This demand is regarded also as an impertinence and 
will be stricken. 

Eleven, we defer ruling on this demand, following rulings on other 
points. 

Twelve is denied. We have previously adverted to this subject. This 
is a public hearing. 

Thirteen is denied. Thirteen reads as follows : 

All marshalls [sic], policemen and agents be completely disarmed in and 
throughout the hearings, and that each and every such marshall [sic], policeman 
or agent conspicuously display his badge, identification and credentials in and 
throughout the hearings, and that the name, employer and duties of each such 
marshall [sic], policeman or agent be provided the subpoenaed witnesses and 
their lawyers immediately. 



2380 DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

This demand is denied, and the Chair in denying this demand might 
explain that it has been publicly stated by many persons that they 
would attempt to disrupt these hearings, despite what may have been 
printed in some newspapers, and I am particularly referring to one 
cartoon. 

The Chair will not permit these hearings by a committee of Congress 
to develop into a circus. There will be all of the powers used by the 
Chair and statutes to maintain order, and the Chair will again request 
all of the guests, the witnesses, and all in this room to maintain order, 
and I appeal again to your sense of deconnn and propriety. 

Fourteen is denied. This demand is regarded as an impertinence and 
will also be stricken from the record. 

Fourteen reads as follows: It is a demand that "The Committee 
publicly apolo^ze to Arthur Kinoy," and so forth. 

Let the Chair point out that this particular incident, and I make no 
regard to the merits of either side, occurred in 1966. Despite what may 
be in the minds of some members of the public and also despite the 
fact that it is sometimes distorted in the press, this committee is not a 
continuing committee. 

This is a new committee every Congress, composed of individuals 
elected by the Members of the House who are duly elected to the House 
of Representatives. Nothing that occurred — even if the committee in 
1966 were the party at fault, even if that were true — would be a 
reflection upon this committee. 

Fifteen — all witnesses have been subpenaed because the subcom- 
mittee has reason to believe that each has information or knowledge 
pertinent and material to the subject under inquiry set forth in the 
committee resolution and the chairman's opening statement. 

The demand is denied at this stage. 

The witnesses shall not be denied any right to make appropriate 
objections to pertinency or relevancy or other proper objection after 
he is qualified as a witness. 

Now with respect to demand No. 11, it is necessary that the Chair, 
in order to be able to rule, obtain further information from counsel 
and the witnesses. 

Mr. Kunstler, you represent Mr. Rubin. The Chair certainly has 
knowledge of the fact that you are an attorney of considerable experi- 
ence. I think I will start with you. Would you come forward, please? 
I would like to ask you some questions in regard to this procedural 
demand. 

There is some information which the Chair does not have in order 
to be able to dispose of No. 11. 

This states : 

(file copies of HUAC and Chicago complaints). Take notice of Chicago Grand 
Jury and F.B.I, investigations into very matters under investigation here. Take 
notice of suits pending covering these matters. Take notice that criminal prose- 
cutions are pending against several of the witnesses. 

Therefore, the unequivocal assurance of the Committee that matters pres- 
ently in litigation will not be inquired into because to do so would violate due 
process, separation of federal powers, and states' rights. 

I think we should make this a matter of record, Mr. Kunstler. 
Would you advise the Chair what prosecutions are now pending 
against Mr. Rubin ? 



DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2381 

Mr. KuNSTLER. Mr. Rubin has several criminal prosecutions pend- ■ 
ing in Chicago with reference to the events of the week of August 25. 
They are iDending in the State courts in Chicago. 

Mr. IcHORD. Only in the State courts ? 

Mr. KuNSTLER. In the State courts in Chicago. 

There is, of course, a Federal grand jury, which has been convened 
m Chicago by Federal judge, which is at this moment sitting to con- 
sider the events of the week of August 25. 

Our claim with Mr. Rubin was, since he was, one, under the State 
charges and, two, there may be criminal charges preferred out of 
the grand jury action on the Federal side of the ledger, we feel very 
strongly that it would violate most of his fundamental rights to be 
questioned in this forum with respect to any matters which are or 
may be taken up by these courts and grand juries, which were seated 
prior to this hearing. 

Mr. IcHORD. Yes. 

Well, let me ask this, now, I have to know, what are the specific 
charges ? 

Mr. KuNSTLER. I have Mr, Rubin here, and if I could have him step 
forward, he can indicate more expressly than I can. 

Mr. IcHORD. Could you ascertain that from your client and then 
relate it to me ? 

Mr. Rubin. No, I will step forward. 

Mr. KuNSTLER. I think it might be more convenient if he did come 
in. 

Mr. Rubin. Existing, living, disorderly conduct. 

Mr. IcHORD. Disorderly? 

Mr. Rubin. For bringing a pig, our presidential candidate, into the 
Civic Center. I was arrested for disorderly conduct. 

The first presidential candidate to be arrested in Chicago, or in the 
country. That was one charge. Another charge was disorderly conduct 
for walking down the street, looking for a restaurant. 

These two gentlemen over here popped out of a car, and I said, "I am 
going home," and they said, "You are under arrest." 

Mr. IcHORD. Now, Mr. Counsel. 

Mr. Rubin. Also resisting arrest. I am telling you the charges. 

Mr. IcHORD. The witness is not a lawyer. 

Could you advise with him and relate it so that we can understand 
what the nature of the charges is ? 

Now disorderly conduct. 

Mr. Rubin. We have got two counts of disorderly conduct, the pig 
and walking home. Resisting arrest. And a sex offense, "solicitation to 
commit mob action." 

"Solicitation" — I don't know. Strange word. 

That is it. 

Mr. KuNSTLER. Those are the charges. 

Mr. IcHORD. There are four charges pending in State court. 

Mr. KuNSTLER. Four charges, none of which have been disposed of. 

Mr. IcHORD. Two disorderly conduct charges, one resisting arrest, 
and the fourth, "solicitation to commit mob action." 

Mr. Rubin. One solicitation. 

Mr. IcHORD. Now at what stage is the prosecution ? 

You may retire, Mr. Rubin. 

21-706 O— 69— pt. 1 11 



2382 DISRUPTION OF 196 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

Mr. Rubin. I can stay. Can I stay ? 

Mr. IcHORD. Go ahead. 

Mr. Rubin. He doesn't know the answers to all these questions. I 
come up October 29. 

Mr. IcHORD. On what charge ? 

Mr. Rubin. On everything. 

Mr. KuNSTLER. On all of them he has pleaded not guilty, as I under- 
stand. He is out on bond. He must return to Chicago on October 29. 

Mr. IcHORD. And set for trial on October 29 ? 

Mr. KuNSTLER. It is set for the next stage. It may be a trial, it may 
not be, depending on what moves we make in the interim, but it is set 
for a proceeding, for all purposes. 

Mr. IcHORD. Mr. Ashbrook, do you have a question ? 

Mr. Ashbrook. Yes, I particularly wanted to ask Mr. Kunstler, due 
to Mr. Rubin's professed desire to testify, that were we to acknowledge 
your request under point 11 and call off his subpenaed testimony, is 
it his desire to specifically waive this right ? 

Mr. Kunstler. No, he has made no professed desire to testify. He 
takes the position, since he is a party m a Federal lawsuit, that the 
committee is unconsitutional. He has raised all sorts of constitutional 
objections, including the ones that are contained in point 11. 

What he is saying, that if he is forced to testify, under penalty of 
contempt, that he might testify. He hasn't professed a desire. 

Mr. Ashbrook. Were we to rule that way, he would not waive? 

Mr. Kunstler. That is right. 

Mr. Ichord. And then there is the grand jury, Federal grand jury. 

Mr. KuNSTLEiR. That has been sitting, I think. 

Mr. Iohord. What is the status, 10 days ? 

Mr. Kunstler. I think for at least 10 days. 

Mr. IcHORD. Do you have any other information j>ertaining to the 
grand jury proceedings? 

Mr. Kunstler. Yes ; we know that Federal Bureau of Investigation 
investigators are now in the process of investigating many people in 
this room, as well as Mr. Rubin himself, and it is our supposition, 
what we have heard, that they are doing this in connection with the 
grand jury which is presently sitting in Chicago, and perhaps for tliis 
committee, but we have no definite way of knowing, except that they 
are investigating. That we do know. 

Mr. Ichord. Do you fear, Mr. Counsel, and perhaps I should direct 
it to you as the attorney, that the client's testimony may incriminate 
him with respect to the prosecution of the grand jury investigation ? 

Mr. Kunstler. Well, we fear this, essentially: that it would be 
unconstitutional to question him about matters from which he may be 
subject to criminal prosecution. And I could tell you, Mr. Chairman, 
that in many other areas. New York and elsewhere, where this has 
occurred, many of the legislative agencies — I am talking now about the 
board of education, of higher education, city of New York — have de- 
ferred questioning students who are under criminal charges for acts on 
school grounds, on the grounds that it might violate the constitutional 
rights. 

Mr. Ichord. You don't necessarily feel, then, that it might tend to 
incriminate him? 



DISRUPTION OF 19 6 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2383 

Mr. KuNSTLER. I think anything you say in any legislative hearings, 
because I know the state of the world today and the state of informers 
in general, might tend to incriminate any man that testifies. 

Mr. IcHORD. Will you please be seated ? And thank you very much, 
sir. 

Is there any other information. Counsel ? We would like to have it. 

Mr. GuTiviAN. Mr. Chairman, may I call to your attention 

Mr. IcHORD. Just a minute, Mr. Gutman, I am proceeding in an 
orderly manner here. 

Mr. Gutman. I have these 

Mr. IcHORD. Will you please be seated, sir? 

We have to have order in the hearing room. 

Mr. di Suvero, will you please come forward? You represent Mr. 
Hay den ? 

Mr. DI SuvERO. Yes, sir ; I do. 

Mr. IcHORD. Are there any prosecutions pending against Mr. 
Hay den ? 

Mr. DI SuvERo. Yes, there are. 

Mr. IcHORD. Wliat are they ? 

Mr. DI SuvERO. There are two counts of disorderly conduct, two 
counts of resisting arrest, one count of obstructing a police officer. 

Mr. IcHORD. And where are they pending ? 

Mr. DI SuvERo. They are pending in Chicago, in the State courts. 
Also, as 

Mr. IcHORD. At what stage is the prosecution ? 

Mr. DI SuvERO. They are awaiting trial. 

Mr. IcHORD. Hasn't been set for trial ? 

Mr. DI SuvERO. I think certain of them have been set for trial ; yes, sir. 

Mr. IcHORD. Do you know whether or not he is involved in any grand 
jury proceedings? 

Mr. DI SuvERO. Well, all that I can say is what has been stated by the 
Federal district judge. Judge Campbell, impaneling the grand jury. 
Judge Campbell instructed the grand jury to take into account and to 
investigate and to hear evidence on the question of any possible viola- 
tion of the so-called antiriot provisions of the 1968 Civil Rights Act. 

And the reason why we press this particular point is not 

Mr. IcHORD. The Chair — I want to proceed with tliis. 

The Chair will not entertain argument at this time. 

Let me ask you this : Do you feel that your client may incriminate 
himself if he testifies in these proceedings with respect to the grand 
jury investigation? 

Mr. DI SuvERO. I don't think it is a question of incrimination, sir. I 
think it is a question of separation of powers. 

I think that there is a proper legislative function and a proper 
judicial function, and for the legislature to convene a hearing of this 
nature to inquire into matters that are now pending in the judicial 
branch is a violation of this doctrine of separation of powers, and 1 
would contend that this is patently unconstitutional. 

Mr. IcHORD. You may be seated, sir. Thank you very much. 

Mr. Kennedy, are you the principal lawyer for Mr. Greenblatt and 
Mr. Davis? 

Mr. Kennedy. I certainly am for Mr. Davis, and I associate with 
Mr. Katz. 



2384 DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

Mr. Katz. I am here for Mr. Greenblatt. 

Mr. IcHORD. Will you gentlemen please come forward ? 

I think we can speed the proceedings up. You know the questions 
that I am asking about your clients, so that we will be able to rule on it. 

What prosecutions are pending against Mr. Davis ? 

Mr. Kennedy. There are no criminal prosecutions presently pend- 
ing against Mr. Davis. However, Mr. Davis is, as we plead on informa- 
tion in the brief based on Judge Campbell's statements at the time 
he impaneled the grand jury, one of the individuals who is the sub- 
ject of that grand jury investigation. 

Point No. 2 is that the Federal Bureau of Investigation, of course, 
an arm of the executive branch, has attempted to contact Mr. Davis 
repeatedly and has called me, as Mr. Davis' attorney, asking for in- 
terviews to determine whether or not there were any violations of the 
antiriot provisions of the Civil Rights Act of 1967.^ 

Mr. IcHORD. It would appear some of his activities are being in- 
vestigated, at least, by the 

Mr. Kennedy. Oh, indeed. 

Mr. IcHORD. But there are no criminal cases. 

Mr. Kennedy. No criminal prosecutions against Mr. Davis. 

Mr. IcHORD. Thank you very much, sir. 

One more question, Mr. Kennedy. 

As the counsel, do you fear that the client's testimony may incrimi- 
nate him with respect to any possible grand jury proceedings? 

Mr. Kennedy. No, I don't think that is the point at all. I don't think 
incrimination with reference to my client lias anything to do with it. 
What I think is critical is that the Federal Government has distinct 
division of powers, and I think the executive branch and the judiciary 
branch, the judiciary as the grand jury impaneled by Judge Campbell, 
have moved into the field and presently occui^y it ; therefore, it would 
do violence to the separation of powers for these hearings to continue 
on the Chicago matters. 

Mr. IcHORD. Thank you very much, sir. 

Now Mr. Greenblatt. Attorney for Mr. Greenblatt. 

Mr. Katz. Right here, sir. Mr. Katz. 

There are no criminal charges presently pending, growing out of 
the incident in Chicago. 

(At this point Mr. Willis entered the hearing room.) 

Mr. Katz. However, I would reaffirm all the statements made by 
cocomisel and only add that it has been in the past a sad fact that many 
of the hearings, minutes, and reports, indeed, the investigative facil- 
ities of this committee, have found their way into files of other arms of 
the Government. 

I think the separation of powers concept here is underscored by that 
fact. 

Mr. IcHORD. Let me ask you this. 

You say there are no specific charges pending against him ? 

Mr. Katz. Not growing out of the incident in Chicago ; no, sir. 

But any grand jury investigating in this area obviously has great 
power in its investigation. 



1 The "Civil Rights Act" in question was passed in 1968. 



DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2385 

Mr. IcHORD. Was he in Chicago ? 

Mr. Katz. As far as I know, he was in Chicago; yes, sir. 

Mr. IcHORD. Thank you very much. 

Mr. Katz, could I aslk you one more question ? 

You say there are no criminal charges pending against him ? 

Mr. IvATz. Growing out of the Chicago incident. 

Mr. IcHORD. Yes. And, of course, you brought up the grand jury 
proceedings. 

Mr. Katz. Yes, sir. 

Mr. IcHORD. Do you feel that your client's testimony may incrimi- 
nate him with respect to the grand jury ? 

Mr. Katz. Again, sir, I don't see that as the crucial issue. I see the 
crucial issue being one of separation of powers, and I think this com- 
mittee should very well permit the grand jury to do its business first. 

Mr. IcHORD. Thank you very much, sir. 

Mr. Watson. Mr. Chairman, 

I note that counsel has qualified his answer in response to your origi- 
nal question as to whether or not there were any criminal prosecutions 
pending against Mr. Greenblatt, and your answer, as I recall, was 
"Not arising out of the Chicago matters." 

Mr. Katz, That is correct. 

Mr, Watson. Then I think it would likewise be important, so that 
we might protect all of his rights, are there any criminal prosecutions 
pending against him anywhere ? 

Mr. Katz, Well, Congressman Watson, if that does come up and if 
the question is relevant or irrelevant, proper objections will be made, 
and I should think the Chair 

Mr, Watson, You do not raise that objection now, in reference to 
the others. 

Mr, Katz, I can't anticipate any question now. 

Mr. IcHORD. Let me say that I don't want counsel to think that, by 
asking these questions, I am denying any right that the witness will 
have to avail himself of the fifth amendment if the proper occasion 
arises. 

Mr. Katz. Again, sir, it is not a question of the fifth amendment. 

Mr. IcHORD, Thank you very much, sir. 

Now, Miss Stearns ? 

Miss Stearns. Yes, sir. 

Mr. IcHORD. You are representing Mr. Dellinger. 

Would you please come forward ? 

Are there any prosecutions pending against Mr. Dellinger? 

Miss Stearns, Not relating to the Chicago incidents, but he is a po- 
tential subject for grand jury investigation. 

Mr. IcHORD. Wliy do you feel that he is a potential subject? 

Miss Stearns, Well, the grand jury is investigating what did go on 
in Chicago, 

Mr. IcHORD. You indicated that there are other prosecutions? 

Miss Stearns, No, I did not, I just say that he was not presently 
under prosecution, 

Mr, Ichord. Do you feel that the client's testimony may incriminate 
him? 



2386 DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

Miss Stearns. It is not a question at all as to whether the testimony 
would incriminate him. It is not in any way concerned with that possi- 
ble consideration. 

He is very much concerned with the question of separation of powers 
and whether or not this hearing would interfere with any kind of 
judicial function that might be going on and has been advised by his 
attorney that this would be the case. 

Mr. IcHORD. Thank you very much. 

Mr. Lef court is not present? 

Mr. KuNSTLER. He is with his client at the jail. 

Mr. IcHORD. Mr. Cousins, representing Mr. Young? 

Mr. Cousins. The Attorney Gutman. 

Mr. IcHORD. And Mr. Gutman. I am sorry. 

Mr. Gutman, are there any prosecutions pending against Mr. Young ? 

Mr. Gutman. As far as we know, sir, there are no prosecutions 
pending or contemplated against Dr. Young. However, there is a grand 
jury impaneled in the city of Chicago, Illinois, investigating the 
events in which the Medical Committee for Human Rights, with which 
Dr. Young is associated, took part. 

There is a Federal Bureau of Investigation proceedinar now going 
on into the police brutality and excesses in the city of Chicago, and 
Dr. Young and his committee are cooperating in that investigation 
with the Federal Bureau of Investigation and the Department of 
Justice Civil Riorhts Division. 

Mr. IcHORD. You feel that your client's testimony may incriminate 
him with respect to prosecution ? 

Mr. Gutman. In no way, sir. None whatsoever. However, we do 
certainly feel that the legislative arm of Government, once the ju- 
diciary and the executive have set in motion the investigatory proc- 
esses and grand jury processes which are now underway, should defer 
its activities in respect for due order, due process of law. 

Furthermore, Mr. Chairman, there is now pending in the United 
States District Court for the District of Columbia, civil action No. 
2455, 1968, entitled, "Quentin Young against Edwin E. Willis" and 
others. 

I believe the action entitled. "Renard G. Davis against Edwin E. 
Willis" and others is already, in the form of its complaint, a part of 
this record. And I would now tender to be marked in evidence the 
complaint in the Young action, in which Dr. Young 

Mr. IcHORD. Of course, now, the Chair is ruling on No. 11. I don't 
think that is material. 

Mr. Gutman. Well, I think it is, sir, because in No. 11 one of the 
objections is that there are suits pending covering these matters, and 
this is one of those suits, and therefore I believe it is germane be- 
cause it sets forth not only all the objections set forth in objection No. 
11, but sets forth the basic unconstitutionality and raises an issue 

Mr. IcHORD. I will receive it into the record. Thank you very much. 

(Document retained in committee files.) 

Mr. Gutman. And it raises an additional issue, if I may, sir, which 
I think is most important, as set forth here, and that is this: Dr. 
Young and the Medical Committee for Human Rights are physicians 
and health professionals; their rights to be with their patients, treat 
their patients, and respect the confidence of their patients are pro- 



DISRUPTION OF 1 9 6 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2387 

tected by the ninth and first amendments to the Constitution, and this 
committee has no right to inquire. 

Mr. IcHORD. Thank you very much, sir. 

Mr. GuTMAN. Thank you, sir. 

Mr. IcHORD. Do we have any further witnesses ? I believe that is all 
of the attorneys for the witnesses. 

The committee will now retire to take point No. 11 under advise- 
ment. 

Mr. KuNSTLER. Mr. Chairman, we have one more introduction of 
counsel. 

I would like to introduce Mr. Arthur Kinoy as one of the counsel 
for Mr. Rubin, Mr. Bellinger, and Dr. Young. [Applause.] 

Mr. IcHORD. Let the Chair remind you, the audience, that you are 
guests of the committee, and this hearing can't proceed with emo- 
tional outbursts and the committee will now declare a brief recess 
for the purpose of ruling on the motions. 

Mr. Kinoy, from the New York bar. 

Mr. KixoY. Yes, if, Mr. Chairman, you could ask the reporter to 
note that I am appearing of counsel for Mr. Dellinger, for Dr. Young, 
and for Mr. Rubin. 

Mr. IcHORD. That will be done. 

Mr. KixoY. Thank you. 

Mr. Kennedy. Mr. Chairman, one brief point before you retire, sir. 

Mr. IcHORD. We will now retire. We will bring that up later on. 

Mr. Kennedy. With reference to a — sir, may I be heard? 

Mr. IcHORD. Will the gentleman please be seated ? 

Now, gentlemen, I think at this time — will the gentleman please 
be seated ? I think at this time that I again should read for the benefit 
of the audience, and also of the attorneys, the rules under which this 
committee is meeting. 

Again, I remind you that this is not a court proceeding. No one is 
on trial. This is not an adversary proceeding, and the Rules of the 
House of Representatives prevail, not the rules of evidence in a court. 

And I read again, for the information of the learned counsel from 
New York, Rule No. VII : 

A — At every hearing, public or executive, every witness shall be accorded the 
privilege of having counsel of his own choosing. 

B — The participation of counsel during the course of any hearing and while 
the witness is testifying shall be limited to advising said witness as to his legal 
rights. Counsel shall not be permitted to engage in oral argument with the 
Committee, but shall confine his activity to the area of legal advice to his client. 

And the Rules of the House of Representatives, ruling pronounced 
by the Speaker, presiding officer of the House, and I read from the 
Congressional Record, October 18, 1966 : 

The Chair will also point out, parenthetically, that subsection (k) of rule 
XI, provides that : 

"Witnesses at investigative hearings may be accompanied by their own counsel 
for the puri>ose of advising them concerning their constitutional rights." 

This privilege, unlike advocacy in a court, does not as a matter of right entitle 
the attorney to present argument, make motions, or make demands on the 
committee. 

Now the Chair was quite lenient on Tuesday. Twenty-six times, 
according to a newspaper report, these committee hearings were in- 



2388 DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

terrupted, but let not the lenience of the Chair be considered as 
acquiescence in violating the rules of the House. 

My job carries the authority vested in me as chairman, and I intend 
to use that authority to enforce the rules of the House. Now I make 
no threats, but I do insist upon having order in these proceedings. 

I have declared a recess. 

Let me say, Mr. Kennedy, that I personally feel two times Tuesday 
the Chair was charged with "raping the Constitution."' Now that is a 
conclusionary statement, which is not a proper argument in the Chair's 
opinion. I am not going to argue with counsel. I think there is just as 
much evidence that someone in this room might be trying to over- 
throw the Constitution of the United States, but I do not mean to 
argue with counsel or with anyone in this room. 

I have announced what the rules of this committee are, and the 
Chair will enforce those rules, and I do not consider, when you, in 
violation of the rule, arise 26 times, such conduct to be ethical conduct. 
I consider it higlily reprehensible, and not conduct becoming a member 
of the bar. 

Now, the Chair declared a recess. There will be a recess while the 
committee considers these objections. 

And I leave it to you and your sense of decorum to keep order while 
the committee is in recess, Mr. Kennedy. 

(Whereupon, at 11 :05 a.m. the subcommittee recessed and recon- 
vened at 11 :30 a.m. Subcommittee members present at time of recess: 
Representatives Ichord, Willis, Ashbrook, and Watson and when hear- 
ings resumed : Representatives Ichord, Willis, and Watson.^) 

Mr. Ichord. The committee will come to order. 

Members of the audience will please be seated. 

Mr. Di Stjvero. Mr. Chairman, I have an application 

Mr. IciiORD. Will the gentleman please be seated ? 

Mr. DI SuvERO. I have an application miconnected with any matter 
now pending before the hearing; that is, that certain members of the 
press have been excluded from the hearing room. 

I would like to make application on behalf of certain publications; 
namely, the Liberation News Service, Ramparts, the Yale Daily News^ 
Newsreel, which is a documentary film company, and the Evergreen 
Review^ to allow their representatives to be here and know what the 
subcommittee is doing, to report to their audiences. 

Mr. Ichord. The gentleman has been warned that he can participate 
only as counsel under the rules of the House. 

The motion, I believe, was raised yesterday, if my memory is 
correct. 

The Chair will reject the motion as frivolous. We do have limited 
space in this room. I have turned the matter of press entry over to the 
Press Gallery. In view of the circumstances surrounding this hearing, 
the Press Gallery will be upheld in their admissions to the hearing 
room. 

Now, will the gentleman please be seated ? 

Mr. DI SuvERo. May the record reflect 

Mr. Ichord. Will the gentleman please be seated? Obviously, the 
gentleman is trying to goad the Chair. 

^ Representative Ashbrook entered after hearings had resumed. 



DISRUPTION OF 19 6 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL C50NVENTI0N 2389 

Mr. Di SuvERO. No, I am not, not in the least. 

Mr. IcHORD. There is a word, Mr. Counsel, for this, and that is "pet- 
tifoggery." I have explained the rulings to the gentleman. 

Will you please be seated? I appeal to you as a member of the 
bar. Please be seated. 

The Chair is about to rule. Will the gentleman please be seated ? 

The Chair and the committee have taken under advisement the points 
raised by counsel in point No. 11 of the Procedural Demands with re- 
spect to possible indictments by grand jury investigations. This is en- 
tirely too speculative. 

Where is the list of the witnesses who do not have cases pending 
against them ? 

The Chairman. Will the chairman yield at this point ? 

Mr. IcHORD. Could I finish just a minute, Mr. Chairman ? 

There are four witnesses who do not have cases pending against 
them arising out of the incidents in Chicago. They are Mr. Davis, Mr. 
Greenblatt, Mr. Dellinger, and Mr. Young. 

As to those witnesses, the Chair will rule that point 11 has no 
application. 

Possible indictments are entirely too speculative. I cite the case of 
Hutcheson versus United States^ a Supreme Court case decided May 
14, 1962. 1 read from page 14 of that case as follows : 

Nor can it be argued that the mere pendency of the state indictment ipso facto 
constitutionally closed this avenue of interrogation to the Committee. "It may be 
conceded that Congress is without authority to compel disclosures for the pur- 
pose of aiding the prosecution of pending suits ; but the authority of that body, 
directly or through its committees, to require pertinent disclosures in aid of its 
own constitutional power is not abridged because the information sought to be 
elicited may also be of use in such suits." * * * 

This case definitely applies to the four witnesses that I have just 
named. It is not the purpose of these hearings to assist any State court 
in the prosecution of any case. The purpose of these hearings is to 
inquire into what happened in the city of Chicago and how it hap- 
pened, as a basis of possible remedial legislation. 

As to those witnesses who have prosecutions pending against them, 
the Chair will reserve a ruling at this time because it was not the inten- 
tion of the Chair to call these witnesses today. The witnesses who will 
be called today are Mr. Pierson of the Chicago police force; it is the 
intention of the Chair to call Mr. Greenblatt and also Dr. Young. 

I would also state, in regard to the petition that has been filed in the 
district court, the Chair would rule that a decision enjoining this com- 
mittee in its present functions would be so speculative the Chair would 
not consider such a possibility. It would be so flagrantly and patently 
unconstitutional because of the matter of separation of powers. 

I am sure that even those Members of the House of Representatives 
who might vote in favor of doing away with the House Committee on 
Un-American Activities certainly would rise up in arms against such 
a possible decision, because if it can be done against one committee, it 
could be done against all committees. A tyranny of power might exist 
in one of the three coequal branches of Government, 

The Chair will rule against the point raised by the gentleman, the 
attorney from New York. 



2390 DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

The counsel, in the inquiries that I directed to them, have stated that 
it is not a matter of incrimination, but a question of separation of 
powers. 

If and when the question of the fifth amendment comes before this 
committee, the Chair will dispose of the point at that time. 

With that ruling out of the way, Mr. Counsel, call your first witness 
for today. 

Mr. Kennedy. May I rise to a point of personal privilege ? 

Mr. IcHORD. Will the gentleman please continue ? 

Mr. Kennedy. I thought we were proceeding under the rules of 
parliamentary procedure. 

Mr. IcHORD. I would direct the attorney that you are in violation of 
the rules of the House. I appeal to your ethics as a member of the 
New York bar to please be seated. 

Mr. Kennedy. I cannot do that. My partner is being excluded. She 
is Miss Dohrn, who has worked with me in preparation for my clients. 
She is standing outside and has been excluded from the hearing room. 

Mr. IcHORD. Is she outside the hearing room, Mr. Kennedy ? 

Mr. Kennedy. Yes. 

Mr. IcHORD. The Chair will direct the police to escort Miss Dohrn in. 

I am happy that was not an attempt to interrupt the proceedings. 
The Chair will apologize. 

Call your witness, Mr. Counsel. 

Mr. Smith. The witness is Mr. Robert Pierson. 

Mr. IcHORD. Before the witness is sworn, the Chair will yield to the 
chairman of the full committee, Mr. Willis. 

The Chairman. I would like to add these additional reasons for the 
disposal of the matter just discussed by my friend from Missouri. 

With reference to the possible indictments, the situation is this : If 
it be determined by the prosecuting attorney that these proceedings are 
considered to be prejudicial, the prosecuting attorney could, and no 
doubt would, continue them for a reasonable time, or even consent to a 
change of venue. 

Then, too, Mr. Chairman, all of these objections addressed to this 
committee are not before the proper forum. We operate, as the Chair 
has said time and time again, under the rules of the House. This is not 
the forum to test these proceedings. If anyone is dissatisfied with what 
is going on, go to court. Test them there. It has already been done. 

Mr. IcHORD. I thank the gentleman for his observation. 

The witness will rise and be sworn. 

Do you solemnly swear that the testimony you are about to give be- 
fore this committee will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but 
the truth, so help you God ? 

Mr. PiERsoN. I do. 

Mr. IcHORD. Proceed, Mr. Counsel. 

TESTIMONY OF ROBERT L. PIERSON 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Pierson, will you give the committee your full 
name? 

Mr. PiERSON. Robert L. Pierson. 

Mr. Smith. Would you give us some background information about 
yourself and your employment ? 



DISRUPTION OF 19 6 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2391 

Mr. PiERSON. I am currently employed in the Cook County State's 
attorney's office as a civilian investigator. Previously, I have been em- 
ployed with the Chicago Police Department, with the counterintelli- 
gence of the United States Army, and with the police departments of 
Fontana and Williams Bay, "Wisconsin. 

Mr. Smith. Have you had any training or educational courses in 
the investigative field ? 

Mr. PiERSON. Yes, sir. While with the Fontana and Williams Bay 
Police Departments, I attended the FBI training school in Beloit, 
Wisconsin. I have attended the prosecuting attorney's course at North- 
western University. I have attended the Chicago Police Academy. 
I have attended and graduated from the Counterintelligence Acad- 
emy at Fort Holabird, Maryland, and I have attended other short 
courses for police officers. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Pierson, as you have been informed, the committee 
is investigating the extent of subversive influences being involved in 
the attempt to disrupt the Democratic National Convention in the city 
of Chicago during the latter part of August of this j^ear. 

Several groups, such as the National Mobilization Committee, the 
Students for a Democratic Society, and the Yippies, or Youth Inter- 
national Party, the Black Panthers, and so forth, had publicly an- 
nounced their intention some time before the convention to create gen- 
eral disruption in Chicago during and immediately preceding the 
convention. 

Did you, Mr. Pierson, in the course of your official duties, come 
into direct contact with any of the known leaders of any of the or- 
ganizations which I have just mentioned ? 

Mr. Pierson. Yes, sir, I did. 

Mr. Smith. Would you explain to the committee the circumstances 
under which you met these leaders and exactly what your involvement 
was? 

Mr. Pierson. On August 16, 1968, I discussed with Mr. William J. 
Martin, assistant State's attorney in charge, the feasibility and/or 
necessity of infiltrating the various groups of people who had specifi- 
cally stated to the press and to reliable confidential informants of my 
office that they intended to completely disrupt the Democratic Na- 
tional Convention and to create grave problems for the city of Chicago. 

Our information indicated the following-named persons to be the 
leaders of these contemplated activities: Dave Dellinger and Rennie 
Davis of the National Mobilization Committee; Jerry Rubin, Abbie 
Hoffman, and Wolfe 

Mr. KuNSTLER. You have ruled that you are deferring Mr. Rubin's 
case with reference to his pending prosecution. If he testifies here, he 
hopelessly prejudices Mr. Rubin's case in Chicago. 

Mr. IcHORD. On what ground ? 

Mr. KuNSTLER. On the ground the whole country will read what this 
man says. It will hopelessly prejudice under Estes against Texas, under 
Ruby against the State, will hopelessly prejudice any chance of a fair 
trial in the city of Chicago. 

Mr. IcHORD. The Chair will overrule the legal objection of the 
counsel. I will ask his indulgence in further objections because there 
is no intent on the part of this committee to aid any prosecution of 
the case against Mr. Rubin or any other witness. 



2392 DISRUPTION OF 19 6 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

Mr, KuNSTLER. But it will happen, Mr. Chairman. Irrespective of 
intent, it will happen if the papers in Chicago, and there are papers 
here from Chicago, cover this hearing. 

Mr. IcHORD. The Chair has ruled as to the participation of Mr. 
Rubin. The Chair will reserve that ruling whether he will be called, 
since he is a witness himself. But the people of the United States of 
America have a great interest in what went on in Chicago, how it 
happened, and I think it is particularly important, when I read in 
the newspapers, Mr. Kunstler, that your client has boasted that he 
is going to disrupt the entire Federal election process. 

I cannot possibly consider your objection to have any merit at this 
time. I would appeal to the ethics of the gentleman, to his sense of 
demeanor as a member of the bar, and permit this hearing to proceed. 
You can always challenge this proceeding in another forum. 

The gentleman interprets the Constitution of the United States in 
one way, and I, also, as a lawyer and a member of the bar of the 
State of Missouri and a member of the United States Supreme Court 
bar, interpret the Constitution. 

I am ruling at this time. It is my duty to carry out the authority 
vested in me as I see it. I have so ruled and I would ask the gentle- 
man to please sit down and be in order so that the proceedings can 
continue. 

Mr. Kunstler. You have already recognized that by deferring the 
ruling on our motion with reference to Mr. Rubin that there is a 

Mr. IcHORD. That was in regard to hearing testimony by Mr. Rubin, 
his personal testimony. 

Will the gentleman please be seated? Will the gentleman please 
be seated ? 

Mr. Rubin. I rise on a point of personal privilege. 

Mr. IcHORD. I direct you to be seated, Mr. Rubin. Your presence 
is not required here. 

Mr. Rubin. One point must be made : that this lies on the basis of 
my arrest in Chicago. If he testifies here, he hopelessly prejudices 
the case. 

Mr. IcHORD. The Chair has already ruled. 

Proceed. 

Mr. PiERSON. — Jerry Rubin, Abbie Hoffman, and Wolfe Lowenthal 
of the Youth International Party ; Tom Hayden of the Students for 
a Democratic Society ; and Bobby Scale of the Black Panthers. 

It was decided by my office an undercover effort was necessary and, 
further, that I w^ould attempt to infiltrate through a motorcycle gang 
known as the Headhunters. It was determined that this would be an 
excellent method of learning what plans, goals, and purposes these 
people had. 

On August 21, 1968, I rented a motorcycle and purchased appro- 
priate attire which would be acceptable for riding with the motorcycle 
gang. I made research to determine the headquarters of the Head- 
hunters and I learned as much as possible about the activities and 
personnel of this gang. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Pierson, will you tell the committee what your 
research uncovered as pertains to the Headhunters ? 

Mr. Pierson. Well, sir, the Headhunters are a group of motorcycle 
riders with headquarters at 147th and California in Posen, Illinois. 



DISRUPTION OF 1 9 6 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2393 

The total membership is unknown, but it is estimated at approximately 
75 to 100 male members. 

The president of this group is a white male, approximately 26 
years of age, who uses the name of "Gorilla," whom I will later identify, 
further for the record. 

This group is involved in constant and obvious usage of marijuana 
and LSD. Usually the cyclist carries a gun mounted in a holster under 
the seat of the cycle if he is riding alone. If he has his girl along, it 
is customary for the woman to carry the gun for him. 

They use a variety of weapons in fights in which they become in- 
volved. Some examples are stems of sunglasses which are filed down to 
points and used as ice picks, belt buckles filed down to the sharpness of 
a knife and leaded on the inside and used by swinging the buckle at 
their victims, switch-blade knives, and a general conglomeration of 
objects used as clubs. 

Their initiations usually involve sadism, such as in a carwash 
establishment where they are washed down. There is a prodder used on 
the private parts of their body. And also at times they are beaten when 
they become members of the club. 

I would like at this time to go into a further identification of the 
man I have previously identified as Gorilla. 

On Saturday, August 24, 1968, while in Lincoln Park at approxi- 
mately 2 :30 p.m. and in the company of Gorilla, whose real name is 
Charles Lucas, and other members of the Headhunters gang. Gorilla 
stated to me that he might blow up the ball park in Lincoln Park, and 
that is where the man- — and by "man" he is referring to police officers^ 
congregate and it would show the man that they mean business. 

Gorilla further stated that he would get his hands on the dynamite 
in a matter of a short time, as he has some dynamite readily available. 
To the best of my knowledge, Lucas stated that "We might or we 

should blow up the ," and he used an obscene four-letter word, 

"ball park to show the man we mean business and we would get a few of 

those ," again using an obscene word but referring to police 

officers, "while we are at it." 

On September 9, 1968, Sergeant Edward 

Mr. IcHORD. Will the witness suspend ? 

Wliat is the difficulty with the electronic system? 

Proceed. 

Mr. PiERSON. On September 9, 1968, Sergeant Edward Nevell and 
company went to a garage located at 10936 South Indiana where, in 
a search of the garbage, they uncovered approximately 1,250 pounds of 
dynamite. Freely translated, this is 2,500 sticks of dynamite of 40, 50, 
and 60 percent nitroglycerin. 

The garage had been rented from one Arthur Matthews by a man 
named Charles Lucas, alias Gorilla. 

In further investigation, it was learned that Lucas and another 
man, by the name of Arthur Cadwell, had tried to sell the dynamite 
to Matthews some time after the Democratic National Convention 
in 1968. Matthews was given a polygraph test and passed the test as 
to his version of whom the dynamite belonged to. 

The source of the dynamite has been checked and found to have 
been stolen from an area in Ohio sometime between the 7th and l7th 
of August 1968. 



2394 DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

On Friday, September 13, 1968, the reporting investigator signed 
complaints against Charles Lucas, alias Gorilla, and Arthur Cad- 
well, alias Hangnail, for possession of explosives. On this same date, 
Detective Frank Kasky, from the Chicago bomb and arson unit of 
the Chicago Police Department, signed complaints against Lucas and 
Cadwell for theft and illegal storage. 

Judge Powers, the chief justice, signed the arrest warrants and set 
bonds for both men at a total of $80,000 bond for each person. 

As of this date Arthur Cadwell is in police custody in Ohio and 
Detective Kasky is en route to return Cadwell to this jurisdiction. 
Charles Lucas, alias Gorilla, remains at large and is being sought 
by this office and by the Chicago Police Department. 

If I might divert to one thing with Mr. Cadwell, he is currently 
fighting extradition in the State of Ohio on this matter. 

On Friday, September 13, 1968, at approximately 9 : 20 p.m., the 
reporting investigator, along with Detectives Corbett and Carlisle 
of the State's attorney's office and Lieutenant J. Harmon and other 
members of the Cook County sheriff's office, raided the headquarters 
of the Headhunters at 147th and California, Posen, Illinois, where 
we photographed and fingerprinted some 50 members of this gang, 
but Charles Lucas, alias Gorilla, was not among them. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Pierson, were you successful in penetrating this 
group ? If so, would you please tell us of your activities ? 

Mr. Pierson. Yes, sir. I did manage to infiltrate the Headhunters. 
On August 23, 1968, I went via motorcycle to Lincoln Park and met 
with a member of this gang who called himself Banana. I talked 
for some time with him, his girl friend, and another Headhunter 
known as The Prospect. 

At about 2 :30 that afternoon, I was introduced to a Negro by the 
name of Fred, who I cannot identify by his full name, nor can I 
identify the previously mentioned Banana, The Prospect, or the girl 
with him. 

While lying in the park, I observed a constant use of narcotics by 
Banana and his girl friend, by The Prospect, by Fred, and by many 
other unidentified Yippies. These narcotics included numerous types 
of pills, capsules, seed from flowers, and marijuana. 

I might divert one second and add that the way I determined these 
to be narcotics was these people admitted to me that they were taking 
narcotics. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. How did you determine them to be Yippies? 

Mr. Pierson. Many of these people identified themselves as members 
of the Youth International Party. 

During this period the various groups were given instructions by 
the marshals, who are subleaders, not Federal marshals, in resisting 
arrest. The main thought conveyed by the marshals was to foul "up 
the pigs" — again I use this word "foul" diverting from using the 
obscene four-letter word which they used — when they attempted to 
make an arrest. 

I spent the rest of the afternoon talking with different groups and 
listening to how they intended to disrupt the convention. Up to this 
time it was not apparent that there were the strong, revolutionary 
militants directing these people, as I was to learn later. 



DISRUPTION OF 1 9 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2395 

Mr. Smith. One question at this point : You mentioned Fred as an 
unidentified individual. Did you learn that he had any particular 
position ? 

Mr. PiERSON. Yes, sir. Fred was actually the main enforcer for 
these people and he would assign the bodyguards to the various leaders 
in the park. 

Mr. Smith. Continue, please. 

Mr. PiERSON. Late that afternoon Banana made an appeal for the 
motorcycle gangs to come to Lincoln Park to join the Yippies in their 
fights. The deal between the Yippies and the Headhunters was simply 
girls and dope supplied by the Yippies in exchange for the cyclists' 
fighting power. 

Banana then invited me to a party with the Headhunters that night 
at 11 p.m. at the Lemont Quarry. This particular area is located a con- 
siderable distance off the main highway in Lemont, Illinois, a Chicago 
suburb, and does provide a degree of privacy. 

Mr. Smith. Did you attend this party, Mr. Pierson ? 

Mr. PiERSON. Yes, sir, I did. I arrived at the party area about 
11 :30 p.m. Between then and 3 a.m. in the morning, when I left, all 
these people did was drink, take pills by their own admission to be 
narcotics, engage in various sex activities, and smoke marijuana. 

There were brief scuffles between some of those present, and I did see 
knives displayed during these fights. A few were carrying guns, the 
outline of which could be seen when they neared the campiire. 

The group seemed more for partying than discussing the previous 
day's activities. I returned to Lincoln Park again about 11:30 a.m. 
on August 24, 1968. I spent most of the day and early evening just 
talking with various groups and attempting to learn of any disrup- 
tive plans they might be making. 

During the day Fred did tell me that that night some of his people 
were going to set fires along Michigan Avenue, in Old Town, and some- 
where on the South Side. He also asked me if I knew where kerosene 
could be purchased. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Pierson, after having spent these past 2 days with 
the Headhunters, did you have occasion during this period to meet 
any of the known leaders of the groups involved in the Chicago 
disruption ? 

Mr. PiERSON. No, sir, I did not ; that is, not during this period. 

Mr. Smith. Did you ever meet any of the leaders personally during 
this undercover assignment ? 

Mr. PiERSON. Yes, sir, I did. 

Mr. Smith. Would you name the leaders whom you personally met? 

Mr. PiERSON. Abbie Hoffman, Jerry Rubin 

Mr. KuNSTLER. Abbie Hoffman's lawyer is not in the room. Mr. 
Hoffman was arrested and seized on the steps trying to get into this 
building this morning. I object, in the absence of his counsel, to any 
testimony on Abbie Hoffman until he is back in this room. 

Mr. IcHORD. The Chair is not responsible for the conduct of Mr. 
Hoffman either in this room or outside this room. But since you are 
bringing this point up, I do observe that there is some activity to dis- 
tract the hearings. The Chair caimot tolerate this type of action in 
the committee room. 



2396 DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

I would bring up, again, Mr. Kunstler, since I forgot it at the be- 
ginning, yesterday I was advised by the police that some of your 
clients — at least one of the witnesses, or two of the witnesses before 
the committee — were snuffing their cigarettes out on this rug that has 
been newly installed. I examined the places where they were sitting, 
and there are still five burn spots in the rug that did not come out 
with cleaning. 

So I will advise just a few people in the audience that such behavior 
cannot be tolerated. 

The Chair is not rasponsible for Mr. Hoffman's conduct outside 
this committee room. He should have conducted himself in such a 
manner that he would not have been arrested. 

I will overrule your point of order. 

Mr. Kunstler. You are prejudging. 1 saw him seized by police. He 
was doing nothing but climbing the steps to come into this building. 

Mr. IcHORD. Mr. Kunstler, that matter can be handled by the courts 
downtown. You are interrupting the proceedings, sir. Please be seated. 

Mr. Smith. Please continue. 

Mr. PiERSON. Wolfe Lowenthal, Tom Hayden, Bobby Seale, and 
Rennie Davis. 

Mr. Smith. Would you please relate to the committee the circum- 
stances under which you met these leaders ? 

Mr. PiERSON. On Sunday, August 25, I spent most of the morning 
in Lincoln Park talking with different Headhunters. Sometime around 
noon Fred approached me and asked me if I would like to give him 
a hand by watching some of the leaders of the movement, whom he 
named as Abbie Hoffman, Jerry Rubin, Wolfe Lowenthal, Tom Hay- 
den, and Bobby Seale, when he was to come into Chicago on Tuesday. 

Fred also mentioned other leaders like Rennie Davis and Dave Del- 
linger. 

I agreed and asked exactly what he wanted me to do. Fred told me 
that my job was to fight the cops whenever they would try to arrest any 
one of these leaders he had previously named. He also said that he 
and other enforcers would assist me in this task. 

I spent the rest of that day at the park 

Mr. IcHORD. Just a moment. 

Mr. Rubin, the Chair will have to remind you that your presence is 
not required in this room. You will have to conduct yourself in an 
orderly manner or I will have to ask you to remove yourself from the 
room. You are entitled to be here, but the Cliair cannot tolerate constant 
interruption of these hearings. I advise you, sir, that if you interrupt 
again, I will have to ask you to leave the room. 

Proceed. 

Mr. PiERSON. I spent the rest of that day and evening at the park 
mingling with the Headhunters and other groups. The mood of these 
people was one of belligerence. They continually talked of tlie arrests 
which had been made and of fighting the police when the opportunity 
was present. 

By evening the crowd grew to substantial size, and Fred, together 
with some of the marshals, began to go around asking everyone to stay 
and fight for the park. 

Mr. Smith. Will you explain what you mean by "the marshals"? 



DISRUPTION OF 19 6 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2397 

Mr. PiERSON. These are people who are subleaders of these groups 
and they self-named themselves as marshals. But they are subleaders 
of these groups. 

The Headhunters had originally agreed to stay, but later decided 
to leave and have a party at their headquarters at 147th and California, 
Posen, Illinois. 

The police finally cleared the park without too much of a problem. 
The Yippies roamed the near North Side, turning over trash cans, 
hurling bottles and objects at passing cars, and committing other dis- 
ruptive acts. 

My personal meeting with Hoffman came the next day, August 26. 
I had arrived at Lincoln Park about 10 :30 a.m. and shortly thereafter 
I met Fred. Fred told me that he wanted me to be a bodyguard for 
Abbie Hoffman. I agreed, and Fred introduced me to him, telling 
him that I could be trusted. 

Hoffman made various comments as we walked among the groups 
in the park, the main theme being to, as he put it, using again an ob- 
scene word, but meaning to foul up the convention. 

Hoffman also said they intended to hold the park that night and 
cause a big confrontation with the police. I was told by Hoffman to 
pass the word that we were to hold the park at all costs and to fight 
the police as necessary. 

Shortly after these comments by Hoffman, two Negro enforcers 
joined me as bodyguards, and we escorted Hoffman to a Volkswagen 
which was located on Eugenie Street. I declined an invitation to go 
along with Hoffman, telling him that I had to go back to the park to 
join some of my cyclist friends. Hoffman said that he would see me 
later. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Pierson, when did you first meet Jerry Rubin? 

Mr. PiERSON. After leaving Hoffman I returned to the park and met 
Fred. Fred told me that he wanted me to be a personal bodyguard to 
Jerry Rubin on a full-time basis. 

Mr. Smith. This would have been on Monday, August 26 ? 

Mr. Pierson. Yes ; that is correct. 

Mr. Smith. Would you please continue ? 

Mr. Pierson. Wliile Fred, Rubin, and I were talking, Rubin was 
interrupted by a man who told him that he was from London, Eng- 
land, and showed him a letter from someone in New York, saying that 
the letter was, in effect, his credentials. 

Rubin smiled and told me to advise the marshals that this guy was 
okay and that he was free to roam around and draw pictures of the 
different groups. I did not, and at this time do not, know who this 
man is. 

At about this time the police moved in and arrested Tom Hay den 
and Wolfe Lowenthal. Rubin immediately grabbed one of the marshals 
and directed him to notify the Legal Aid people. He directed another 
marshal to find out what the charges were, and one of the marshals 
present told liim that they, the charges, were conspiracy or solicita- 
tion to mob action. 

Rubin then began damning the police and vowed he would get even. 
Rubin mentioned these charges would cause a high bond ; further, that 
he was afraid of a bust, referring to an arrest, especially from one of 

21-706 O — 69 — pt. 1 12 



2398 DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

Hoover's, meaning the Federal Director, Mr. Hoover, again referring 
to him with an obscene word, but especially from one of his "pigs." 

Eubin stated that "We have to kill the fouled up pigs and kill 
the ," again using the foul word, "Mayor Daley." 

Mr. KuNSTLER. If this testimony was heard in executive session, as 
I understand it was yesterday, then I believe you are in violation of 
your own rules under 26 (m) and the other rules of the subcommittee. 
I would like to know whether it was heard in executive session yester- 
day or any time. 

Mr. IcHORD. The Chair will overrule the point of order. The testi- 
mony was not heard in executive session. 

Mr. PiERSON. He further stated that that night, the 26th, we would 
hold the park and, once we were pushed to the streets, we would riot 
and disrupt the Old Town area. Rubin turned down the suggestion of 
one marshal that they disrupt the whole city. Instead, Rubin directed 
that the riot be restricted to the Old Town area so that places to hide 
from the police would be available after "setting the fires and break- 
ing windows." 

Rubin stated that we had to develop a new culture like that of Red 
China and Russia. We could do this, he said, by killing the candidates, 
all the candidates, for President, and cause revolution throughout the 
country. 

During this period of time, Rubin had a march formed to go to 1121 
South State to protest the arrest of Hayden and Lowenthal. 

Mr. Smith. What is located at 1121 South State Street? 

Mr. PiERSON. That is the central police headquarters. 

Mr. Smith. Continue, please. 

Mr. PiERSON. As we got close to police headquarters, there was such 
a show of force that Rubin decided to take the march by headquarters 
and go to the area across from the Conrad Hilton Hotel. We proceeded 
east on 11th Street to Michigan Avenue and then started north on 
Michigan toward the Hilton. 

At this time the people were carrying the black power flag, the Red 
flag, and the Viet Cong flag. They ran toward the statue of General 
Logan screaming, "Take the hill." Wlien these flags were displayed 
on the statue, Rubin said that this was better than Iwo Jima. 

The police moved in to remove 

Mr. IcHORD, The Chair has repeatedly warned some of the wit- 
nesses and certain people sitting on this side of the hearing room 
that we cannot tolerate these outbursts. Thus far the interruptions 
have not been too bad, but I intend to maintain order in these pro- 
ceedings. If necessary, I will just have to have the whole room cleared 
and leave only the press in. 

Mr. Dellinger. Could I explain something, Mr. Chairman? I 
laughed because it was so ridiculous 

Mr. IcHORD. I direct the gentleman to be seated. 

Mr. Dellinger. I can't help but laugh, and I apologize. 

Mr. Ichord. Go ahead. 

Mr. PiERSON. The police moved in to remove one youn^ man from 
the statue and after a brief confrontation, with insults bemg directed 
to the police, this young man was finally pulled off the statue. 



DISRUPTION OF 1 9 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2399 

We then went to the area across from the Hilton Hotel, where the 
crowd joined in various chants such as "Hell no, we won't go," "Sieg 
Heil," and other verbal insults to President Johnson. 

At this time I told Rubin that I had to go to get my motorcycle and 
then proceeded to have myself arrested. 

I was taken immediately to the first district of the Chicago Police 
Department, where I related to the intelligence division that evening's 
plans by the various groups. Later on in the evening I returned to the 
park and walked among the various groups. 

The main conversation was holding the park and fighting the cops. 
Bottles, rocks, boards, sticks with nails imbedded at the ends, and other 
objects were gathered to be hurled at the police. 

The police, after numerous announcements telling us to leave the 
park, finally began to advance. This would be around 11 :30 to 12 
o'clock. They were met with a variety of objects such as I have just 
mentioned. Tear gas was thrown and a general confrontation began. 
Numerous police were in hand-to-hand combat with some of the 
Yippies. 

I was struck quite hard by a police club, but did manage to make my 
way to the street. The Yippies were yelling to beat and maim, again 

using the obscene word, " cops." I heard one Negro enforcer 

say, "Pull fire alarms all over the Old Town area. Start some fires and 
foul up this city real good." 

I finally got to a police sergeant and warned him of the proposed 
plans for that night. You will recall that earlier I had reported to 
intelligence that fire alarms would be pulled and fires would be started. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Pierson, were there any fires started or false alarms 
pulled that night ? 

Mr. Pierson. To the best of my knowledge, fires were set in trash 
barrels and alarms were pulled. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Pierson, did you have occasion to see Jerry Rubin 
affer that night? 

Mr. Pierson. Yes, sir, I did. On Tuesday, August 27, I met Rubin 
in the park sometime before noon, and we discussed the preceding 
night's confrontation. Rubin stated that he was glad that the police 
had a confrontation with the newsmen and said that, "We knew this 
would happen as it was one of our goals." Rubin continued the conver- 
sation, stating that, "We should isolate one or two of the police and 
then kill them." 

As my report to my superior reflects, Rubin stated, "We have to foul 
up the November elections by any means possible. We should create 
little Chicagos throughout the country and at the right time we should 

take the ," again using an obscene word, "Government over 

just as Russia did." 

There have to bo riots in every city, he stated, and also that during 
these next few months, "we will create little Chicagos everywhere 
that a candidate appears and, above all, we will foul up the universities 
to get all young people to join in the revolution that will turn the 
country over to us." 

Rubin stated that the SDS, the Students for a Democratic Society, 
had been told as to where the live cameras were going to be and that we 
should have confrontations in these areas. Rubin continued his tirade 



2400 DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

saying that the Yippies wanted the young people from all over the 
country to join the revolution and that "we could take this country 
away from the Johnsons, the Humphreys, the Nixons, the McCarthys, 

and any other ," again using an obscene word, "imperialist who 

wanted to tell us what to do." 

About this time I started talking to Barry Opper from New York, 
who told me that Abbie Hoffman was to meet at 2 p.m. this day, 
August 27, with the Blackstone Rangers in an attempt to get them to 
"join forces in our revolution." 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Pierson, to your knowledge, did this meeting take 
place ? 

Mr. PiERSON. I personally do not know, but I was told by Jerry 
Rubin that the meeting had taken place. 

Mr. Smith. Did Rubin tell you what took place at the meeting ? 

Mr. Pierson. Yes. Allegedly, that the Rangers agreed to help them, 
the Yippies, defend Lincoln Park against the pigs, meaning the police. 

Mr. Smith. Did the confrontation with police take place ? 

Mr. Pierson. Yes ; but not with the Blackstone Ranger being pres- 
ent as a gang. There were a few individuals that I know to be members 
of the Blackstone Rangers. But, again reverting back to some con- 
fidential informants, I had previously been told long before the Demo- 
cratic National Convention that the black power groups would not 
become in any way involved in these activities, as they did not wish to 
be identified with white people or with the white groups. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Pierson, can you further identify Barry Opper? 

Mr. Pierson. No, sir, I cannot. 

Mr. Smith. Please continue. 

Mr. Pierson. As Rubin and I walked in Lincoln Park among the 
numerous groups of marshals and others assembled there, he con- 
stantly advised the marshals to keep the crowd active. Rubin also dis- 
cussed Bobby Seale coming to give his talk. 

Throughout this period many of the marshals would approach 
Rubin and tell him of different devices which would be used to maim 
or blind a policeman. Rubin's reaction in such instances was one of 
encouragement. 

Rubin told me that he and Abbie Hoffman wanted the park held 
that night at all costs. He mentioned starting fires in the Loop to get, 
as he put it, the National Guard to come in full force so that people 
could see we were living in a police state. 

It was now becoming more and more apparent to me that the at- 
titude of these leaders was becoming one of complete militancy. 
Rubin stated that we had to get to the Amphitheatre on Wednesday 
to foul up the convention. He complained bitterly about the National 
Guard and the police show of force which he said stopped thousands of 
supporters of the movement from coming to Chicago. 

He stated that he would make Daley sorry when we got to the 
Amphitheatre the following day. Rubin also spoke at tliis time, and 
he, too, advocated taking to the street and not letting the pigs foul 
over us any more, again referring to an obscene word. 

Rubin told the group not to get caught in large groups any more. 
He advised them to take to the streets in small groups and to use their 
own ideas on how to foul up the city. 



DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2401 

After a meeting in Lincoln Park, Nancy, Rubin, Stu, Judy, Al, and 
a girl and I went to a restaurant on Clarke Street. On the way Jerry 
handed me a diary and told me to protect it from the pigs. This book 
was turned over to the intelligence department of the Chicago Police 
Department. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, at this point I would like to interrupt by 
stating that this diary he referred to as having been turned over to 
the Chicago Police Department is the same diary that the police de- 
partment's Lieutenant Healy and Sergeant Grubisic referred to in 
their testimony the day before yesterday. 

Mr. IcHORD. All right. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Pierson, can you identify for the record Nancy, 
Stu, Judy, and Al ? 

Mr, PiERsoN. Stu Albert I can identify. I refer to an article I re- 
ceived yesterday which, if you wish to enter as an exhibit, is dated 
September 6-12, the Berkeley Barh^ page 9, the Berkeley uiiderground 
press weekly. 

In tliis article, the article is headlined "Jerry's Chi[cago] Bust Bail, 
Busts Records," by Stewart Albert. In it he refers to Rubin's arrest in 
Chicago and some of the activities I previously mentioned. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I request the document be received in 
evidence as Pierson Exhibit No. 1. 
• Mr. IcHORD. Pass it forward, please. 

Is there any objection to the inclusion of this document in the 
record ? 

Hearing none, the document will be accepted. 

(Document marked "Pierson Exhibit No. 1" follows:) 



2402 DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

PiERSON Exhibit No. 1 

SEPT. 6 - 12 BERKELEY BAjR.B^AGE_9 

MRY'S CHI BUST 



BAIL, BUSTS RKORDS 



by Stewart Albert 

They busted Jerry agaia. It is 
ha{>peaiiig with boring corporate 
refpUarity. He is being charged 
wiA solicitation to riot (it sounds 
like a sexual offense) and his bail 
is set at $25,000 — the highest 
bail so far in the white movement. 

It looks like the pigs are going 
to blame the Chicago riots on Jerry 
and some of his friends. A Yippie 
conspiracy is being woven in the 
head of Richard Oaley and the fed- 
erals may pick up on his vibes. 

The state's key witness will be 
Robert Pierson, a Chicago fuzz 
vrtio passed himself off as a mot- 
orcycle gang member and was a 
self-proclaimed bodyguard of Jer- 
ry's, 

Pierson grew a beard for the 
job and was very convincing. He 
told people he would kill anybody 
who laid a hand on Jerry, and 
voiced a concern that we est prop- 
erly and get a good ni^t's sleep. 

This cop never got into any im- 
portant meetings and really has 
nMhing on us. In conversation, 
he was a hard-liner, always try- 
ing to push us into dangerous ac- 
tions. We disagreed with him and 
figured him to be an exuberant 
tough guy new .to the movement. 

Jerry was really kidnapped off 
the street by the pigs. They 
yanked him into a cop-car by his 
hair and threatened to dump him 
into the river. They really be- 
lieved he was responsible for the 
whole thing. 

At the pigp>en, after several 
hours of questioning and in a room 
filled with the entire Chicago red 
squad, they produced Pierson, 
cleanshaven and with a thick 
dossier on Jerry. 

Now everyone on the scene knows 
the organizers of the riot were 
Richard Daley and the Democratic 



If they hsd given us a permit 
for Lincoln Park and another for 
our march, the whole thing prob- 
ably would have been a peaceful 
offsir. Amidst the running blood, 
McCarthy liberals were turned 
into revolutionaries, and their 
greatest teachers were blue thug 
cops and the National Guardsmeiu 

A word about Jerry. The gov- 
ernmental gangsters consider him 
to be the Incarnation of every an- 
archist bombthrower who ever 
lived. He seems to possess a 
magic evil which threatens the 
very existence of their bourgeois 
empire — tiie Pentagon siege, 
where Jerry was project director; 
and now Chicago, where Jerry was 
the leading publicist. 

The enemy's view of Rubin is 
greatly exaggerated, for the spon- 
taneous movement of the streets 
has no real leaders. It hangs 
loose and responds to circum- 
stances. 

But It is truer to reality than 
a view of Jerry I heard expressed 
at a meeting of the radical caucus 
of the Am Arbor Pesce and Free- 
dom Convention. Jerry was des- 
cribed aa a fun-lonrlng hippie who 
once fought imperlsiism but now is 
interestecl only in having a good 
time. 

It seems the man has a greater 
grasp on the reality principle than 
some of our comrades. 

It is going to come down hard 
on us and on Jerry. The esub- 
lishmeot would like to see us 
deader than the Barrows gang, so 
we better be ready for it. 

We must get the best lawyers 
and take advantage of all liberal 
opportunities, but our battle is 
going to be won on the streets with 
many more and bloodier Chlcagos. 
We better get out heads straight 
about that. 



DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2403 

Mr. Smith. Please continue. 

Mr. PiERSON. All along the way to the restaurant, Stu and Eubin 
were talking of fighting the police and of holding the park that night. 
We finally sat down and had dinner, and before the others were 
through I told Jerry that I had to move my motorcycle and that I 
would meet him back in the park in about 30 minutes. He said all 
right, and told me that some ministers were going to hold a pray- 
in, to help us hold the park. 

I then left and contacted intelligence to give them the diary, along 
with other information of their plans to pull fire alarms and start a 
general melee in the streets that night. 

I went back to the park and met Jerry, Nancy, Stu, Judy, Al, and 
other marshals. 

A pray-in was started, and some of the ministers said they would 
stay and others began to leave. The police unsuccessfully asked that a 
representative from the ministry speak v/ith them. While the police 
were speaking with the ministers, a police car slowly drove towai^ its 
own ranks and about 10 of the marshals began to throw bottles, bricks, 
boards, and bags of liquid at the police car. The police car was hit 
numerous times and quickly got out of ran^e. 

After that the mob began yelling, "Kill the pigs," "Death to the 
imperialists," as the police-demonstrators confrontation began. 

A number of members of the group started throwing rocks and other 
objects at buses and police cars. Like the incidents occurring the pre- 
vious night, I noted, as the Yippies left the park, they ran down side 
streets overturning garbage cans, tossing matches into them, breaking 
car aerials, and committing other acts of vandalism. 

One of the most active, if not most vicious, of the rock-throwers in 
this group was Stu Albert, a friend of Rubin's. It should be noted that 
during the melee in the park, when the police began to clear it, many 
objects thrown by the Yippies in the rear of our group would often 
strike the marshals and Yippies in the front lines, often injuring them. 
On one occasion this happened to Stu. 

Upon reaching the park, Rubin, Nancy, Stu, Judy. Vince, Al, and 
myself proceeded west on Armitage Avenue, and as a bus passed us at 
Cleveland and Armitage they threw a rock at one of the bus windows. 
Judy, meanwhile, set a garbage can on fire about one block east on 
Cleveland from Armitage. 

Mr. IcHORD. The witness will suspend. 

We will begin at this point at 1 :30. It is now 12 :19. The committee 
will be in recess until 1 :30. 

(Members of the subcommittee present at time of recess: Repre- 
sentatives Ichord, Willis, Ashbrook, and Watson.) 

( Wliereupon, at 12 :19 p.m., Thursday, October 3, 1968, the subcom- 
mittee recessed, to reconvene at 1 :30 p.m. the same day.) 

AFTERNOON SESSION— THURSDAY, OCTOBER 3, 1968 

(The subcommittee reconvened at 2:03 p.m., Hon. Richard H. 
Ichord, chairman of the subcommittee, presiding.) 

Mr. Ichord. The committee will come to order. 

The committee will be in recess until a quorum appears again. There 
are only two members present. We will wait for the appearance of Mr. 
Watson. 



2404 DISRUPTION OF 19 6 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

(Wliereupon, a brief recess was taken from 2 :04 p.m. to 2 :10 p.m.) 
(Subcommittee members present: Representatives Ichord, Ash- 
brook, and Watson.) 

Mr. Ichord. The committee will come to order. 

TESTIMONY OF ROBERT L. PIERSON— Resumed 

Mr. Smith. Continue with your presentation, Mr. Pierson 

Mr. Ichord. Let there be order. 

Mr. PiERSON. On Wednesday morning, August 28, I went to Lin- 
coln Park to meet Jerry Rubin, but instead met Wolfe Lowenthal. 
Wolfe asked me to stay with him until we saw^ Jerry. 

Wolfe started talking about the necessity for a revolution in this 
country and that what Comrade Lenin teaches us is true. Other 
references were made about Red China and about Russia and about 
Cuba. 

At about the noon hour Wolfe, Steven, Mary, and I drove in Steve's 
cai'to Grant Park where we met Rubin, 

Mr. Smith. Can you further identify "Steve" and "Mary," Mr. 
Pierson ? 

Mr. Pierson. No, sir, I can't. 

Mr. Smith. Continue. 

Mr. Pierson. Everyone was talking about the night before and 
laughing about the fire and stoning of the bus and the incidents with 
the police. 

We then went over to the bandshell, where about 4,000 people had 
gathered for a rally before the march on the Amnhi^heatre. Rubin 
stated that Robin was going to bring a live pig to the bandshell. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Pierson, can you further identify "Robin"? 

Mr. Pierson. No, sir, I can't. 

Mr. Smith. Continue. 

Mr. Pierson. A short time later some of the Yippies attempted to 
lower the American flag and wanted to raise a Red flag. At this time 
the police moved in and made an arrest and retrieved the American 
flag. 

With this, a barrage of bottles, rocks, et cetera, where thrown at the 
police officers, and the crowd started to surge towards them. 

Rubin became extremely agitated and began shouting, "Kill the pigs. 
Kill the cops." 

Stu Albert yelled at me to give them a hand in breaking a bench to 
throw at the pigs. I stayed with Rubin, and he kept screaming for the 
marshals to stay ofi^ the microphone so that we could keep fighting the 
cops. 

At this time some of the marshals had told the crowd to sit and that 
the cops would not attack them. Rubin became enraged and screamed 
to me and everyone to keep fighting. The fight finally stopped, and 
hmidreds of Yippies started picking up debris for the next confronta- 
tion. 

Rubin then said that we should now go get the live pig, and things 
would start again. 

After this episode Rubin, Stu, Robin, and I s<^arted to walk toward 
the Out^r Drive, toward Soldier Field to get the live pig. It was at 
that time that two of the Blackstone Rangers recognized me and started 



DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2405 

to come toward me. I told Jerry I had to leave for a few minutes and 
quickly left the area. 

I immediately reported the plans of the Yippies to the Deputy 
Superintendent of Field Services Radford of the Chicago Police De- 
partment. 

On Wednesday evening, August 28, 1 went to the police headquarters 
at 1121 South State Street, where I identified Rubin and signed a com- 
plaint against him for solicitation for mob action. 

He had already been charged with disorderly conduct and resisting 
arrest. Bond was then set at $25,000, and court set for September 6, 
1968, and continued to September 9, 1968, and at present is pending. 

And that concludes my testimony. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Pierson, based on your experience, which you have 
just related to the subcommittee, have you formulated any conclusions 
as to the goals of these organizations and individuals you have named 
in your testimony ? 

Mr. Pierson. Yes, sir, I have. 

Mr. Smith. Please inform the committee. 

Mr. Pierson. The goals of the Youth International Party, the Stu- 
dents for a Democratic Society, the National Mobilization Committee, 
and the Black Panther Party are obviously the same, which is to 
violently overthrow the Government of the United States. 

The leaders of these groups would exchange information as to how 
they would disrupt the National Democratic Convention, but to my 
knowledge they would do this on an on-the-run tactic. 

By this I mean that I did not see any written battle plans as such 
for the convention, but it was quite apparent that these groups had 
conspired with each other to accomplish these specific goals of dis- 
rupting the Democratic National Convention, embarrassing Mayor 
Richard J. Daley, win the support of the news media by confronta- 
tions with the police, and win sympathetic support from the liberal 
delegates attending the convention. 

These leaders, prior to my abrupt departure from them, felt that 
they had accomplished these specific goals and set forth the follow- 
ing new goals : 

(1) Create havoc on every university or college campus in the 
country ; 

(2) Have little Chicagos every place where the candidates of our 
democratic system appear ; 

(3) Prevent or disrupt all election areas or polling places on elec- 
tion day ; 

(4) Resort more to guerrilla-type warfare; 

( 5 ) Go underground whenever possible. 

Much is relied upon the training of the marshals to make the crowd 
react to spontaneous situations to create confrontations. The leaders 
feel that the time to overthrow the Government of the United States 
is not too far off and that they will recognize when to engage our 
Government in an out-and-out revolution. 

They place this entire strength in the solicitation of young people 
from all phases of youth ; use certain subterfuge, such as sing-alongs, 
to make the public believe that they are, quote, flower children. 



2406 DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

It is not possible to single out one of these leaders as the greatest 
threat to our country. Kather, each of these leaders represents an 
individual threat in himself. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Pierson, I have one point which I would like to 
bring up for clarification. 

I have here an article from the New York Post^ dated September 
25, 1968, by James A. Wechsler, wherein he says, and I quote, and 
this is a Post article entitled "Preview" : 

One such hell-raiser — Robert L. Pierson — has indiscreetly told the Chicago 
Tribune (as published Aug. 31) how he gained Rubin's confidence and, to con- 
firm his credentials, threw rocks and bottles, hurled epithets at the police and 
even participated actively in lowering an American flag and raising a red flag 
in Grant Park — an action that touched off a police assault. How many other 
such disguised emissaries of law and order helped to stage scenes that would 
later be adjudged "provocative"? Why has Pierson's role been so inadequately 
explored? 

Would you care to address yourself to that ? 

Mr. Pierson. Yes, sir, I would. 

First of all, to the best of my knowledge 

Mr. IcHORD. Mr. Pierson, just a minute. 

Mr. Counsel, this is an editorial from the New York Post? 

Mr. Smith. It is a columnist in the New York Post, James A. 
Wechsler, New York Post of September 25, 1968. 

Quoting from the column 

Mr. IcHORD. What is Mr. Wechsler's position with the New York 
Posfi. 

Do you have that knowledge ? 

Mr. AsHBROOK. Yes, he is editor. And, in addition, he writes a 
column. 

Mr. IcHORD. Very well. Proceed with the questioning. 

Mr. Pierson. Yes, sir, to the best of my knowledge, I was the only 
police infiltrator that was present during this experience which I have 
related to the committee. 

At no time during my entire period that I was with these people 
was I the first, nor did I engage in an attempt, to create havoc with the 
police. I did participate in the rock -throwing, once it had begun. I as- 
sure you I did not attempt to create scenes and I, above all, was not 
one of the first to throw rocks. What actions I did, took place as a re- 
sult of my undercover activity and to assure these people that I could 
be trusted. 

As a result of the lowering of the American flag, many people have 
quoted that I participated in that. I would like to correct that and state 
that, at the time that occurred, I was at least 30 to 60 feet away from 
that incident and at no time did I ever comment on doing anything to 
desecrate our American flag. So I was not present at that and I re- 
iterate that at no time did I attempt to create any incident with either 
the police or the National Guard. 

Mr. Smith. Thank you, sir. 

Mr. Chairman, that completes the interrogation of this witness. 

Mr. Ichord. Are there any questions of the witness by members of 
the committee ? 

Mr. Ashbrook? 

Mr. Ashbrook. No questions, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Ichord. Mr. Watson ? 



DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2407 

Mr. Watson. Mr. Chairman, I certainly should like to commend the 
gentleman for his work and I am sure, as we have heard some of your 
relation of the accounts out in Chicago, I am sure that it was at con- 
siderable personal risk that you undertook the job that you were doing. 

I would like to ask whether or not you could give us a better idea of 
the constituency or the makeup of the particular crowd out there? 
Give me some idea as to the percentage of teenagers, young people, and 
such as that. Could you be helpful in that regard ? 

Mr. PiERsoN. Yes, sir. I believe that in describing what took place, 
either in Grant Park or Lincoln Park, we would have to break the 
participants into three categories. 

The first category, I would state, would be the hard-core group, and 
these are the leaders that I have previously mentioned and their 
marshals. Now they number somewhere in the neighborhood of ap- 
proximately 150 to 200 people. 

The second group were the troublemakers, the motorcycle people, 
who, along with this hard-core group, wanted confrontation with 
the police, wanted confrontation between the police and the news 
media. 

The third group 

Mr. Watson. If I may interrupt you at that point. 

Mr. PiERsoN. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Watson. You referred to the motorcycle groups. Were Rubin, 
et al., the hard-core leaders you referred to, were they giving direc- 
tions to the motorcycle groups, or from whence came their specific 
instructions ? 

Mr. PiERSON. Well, these leaders had solicited the cooperation and 
the musclepower of these motorcycle gangs. And as a result of that, the 
motorcycle gangs, namely, the Headhunters and other gangs that I 
saw out there, the Chicago Outlaws, they did come to the park for the 
sole purpose of defending the park and of fighting the police. 

Mr. Watson. Continue. Excuse me. 

Mr. PiERsoN. Then the third and final group — and I assure you this 
is the large majority of the people that were there — were unsuspecting 
young people. 

While I was out there, I saw an occasion where they took Oreo 
cookies, broke the cookies in half, poured LSD between the cookies, 
and then passed them out afnong the group. They had people also that 
would go among the group, the marshals, that would try to instigate 
and try to build up the antagonism of these young people against the 
police, so that what originally began to be the vast majority of 
unsuspecting people — which to use Rubin's and other people's own 
words, to use them as "dupes" — such as the McCarthyites, the hippies, 
and any other young people that went out there, they used them to 
create this antagonism, so that when the spontaneous incident did take 
place, these young people did actively participate in confrontations 
with the police. 

Mr. Watson. What percentage of the young people would you esti- 
mate received the LSD or the various other drugs which may have 
been distributed, as you indicated a moment ago ? 

Mr. AsHBROOK. Could I ask a question at that point first ? 

How do you know that it was LSD ? 



2408 DISRUPTION OF 19 6 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

Mr. PiERSON. Well, again, sir, by their own admission, I was told 
numerous times when they would smoke marijuana, which I have seen 
and I know the odor of from previous experience, the same with LSD. 
And on top of that, I was told that this was LSD and that the cigarettes 
they were smoking were marijuana. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. Of your own knowledge and participation? 

Mr. PiERsoN. I did not participate in it. They handed me capsules ; 
I would break the capsule and take the empty plastic and act like I 
was taking it, but at no time could I take it, where I could actively 
tell that I knew the results of it. 

Mr. IcHORD. Would you repeat your question ? 

Mr. Watson. Was it fairly widespread, the distribution of these 
particular drugs? 

Mr. PiERSON. Yes, sir, it was. I can't say on a percentage basis how 
many people consumed the various type narcotics, but I was told by 
numerous people that it was being used in food and that it was being 
prepared in the theater across from the park and was quite widespread 
among the youth and among the young people that were there. 

Mr. Watson. And again, what would be your estimate of the teen- 
agers, the percentage of teenagers involved in this particular 
movement ? 

Mr. PiERSON. I would say that on Sunday and again on Wednesday, 
when the larger amount of people were there, there was a fairly sub- 
stantial amount of teenagers, but by far and large the groups that did 
actively engage in these confrontations were by no means teenagers. 
They would range, I would say, within the 20- to 30-year bracket. 

Mr. Watson. I asked this question earlier, and probably you may 
not be qualified to answer any better than the earlier witness, and cer- 
tainly I am at a loss to understand it myself, but having observed the 
demeanor and the general dress, and so forth, of some of the leaders 
that you have named, can you explain why, regardless of the merits 
or demerits of their cause, why any person would follow such revolting 
leadership as that? 

Mr. PiERSON. Well, sir, I think it is rather difficult to answer. How- 
ever, I do feel that these people have picked on possibly the minority 
groups, such as where they would refer to using the black power people 
as dupes, they try to pick anyone that feels that tliey are oppressed, 
and I do feel that a lot of our young people today unfortunately feel 
that they are being oppressed by the adult people in our community 
and in our society. And consequently, as oppressed youth, they are 
easily susceptible to this type of suggestion. 

Mr. IcHORD. In other words, it is an agitation or manipulation of 
either real or existing ills ? 

Mr. PiERSON. Yes, sir; because they also mentioned, Mr. Ichord, 
where they had planned on infiltratino- various areas of the Armed 
Forces through places where the servicemen would hang out, so to 
speak, and they talked about passing out their literature there and 
trying to get these people to win support towards this Yippie move- 
ment. And they felt that if they took servicemen when they first en- 
tered the various branches of the Armed Forces, this was the time they 
were most susceptible to being swayed one way or the other. 

They are very well organized in the means and methods in which 
they attempt to gain support of our young people. 



DISRUPTION OF 19 6 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2409 

Mr. Watson. And I believe you stated that Chicago was not the 
end, it was just one in a chain of events that they plan later on. I be- 
lieve your language was to create "little Chicagos" all over the 
country and foul up universities everywhere? Was that basically it? 

Mr. PiERSON. Yes, sir. All of these leaders spoke of that and spoke 
of when our candidates, of our system, would appear, that they would 
create "little Chicagos" at that time ; they would create them at such 
time as on election day. 

Mr. Watson. Thank you verv much. 

I again commend you for tlie splendid work you have done. 

Mr. PiERsoN. Thank you, sir. 

Mr. IcHORD. Thank you very much, Mr. Pierson, and I, too, join in 
the commendation of the witness. I don't think you need to be con- 
cerned about the column about which you were questioned. The over- 
whelming majority of the American people feel as I do. You are a 
great officer, and I think you performed a tremendous service to your 
country in the city of Chicago and appearing before this committee 
today. 

Thank you very much. 

Mr. PiERSON. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. KuNSTLER. Mr. Chairman, in the absence of cross-examination, 
I would move to strike all his testimony as something no self-respect- 
ing lawyer or Congressman could ever base legislative action on. And 
in the absence of being able to cross-examine nim and in view of the 
testimony by Congressmen on this man's testimony, I think we ought 
to be able to cross-examine him or strike it. 

Mr. IcHORD, The demand of the attorney, Mr. Kunstler — let the 
record show now rising — has been heard. I think I answered that, Mr. 
Kunstler, many times, as to the reasons for the denial of your request. 
It is denied. 

Again I repeat, for members of the press who may not have been here 
Tuesday, this is not a court of law. This is a legislative proceeding, a 
legislative investigation. The rules of legislative bodies and their com- 
mittees differ from those of the courts. No one is being tried in this 
liearing. The committee seeks to punish no one. I think it is readily 
apparent that the rules of a legislative body must be different than the 
rules of the court. I think it has been evidenced time and time again 
here, Mr. Kunstler, by the repeated interruptions and violations of the 
rules of the Rouse, even though I have explained to you that you are 
present in a legislative investigation only for the purpose of advising 
your client, yet you repeatedly tried to test the patience of the Chair 
by raising theue repeated objections. 

I deny your request for the reasons many times stated and I would 
ask that you abide by the prior rulings of the Chair, and now be seated 
and let the Chair call the next witness. 

Mr. Kunstler. I just wanted to say we are not trying to test any- 
body's patience; we are just trying to live under a Constitution which 
I thought governed all of this. 

Mr. Bellinger. I object to the statement that my lawyer is trying 
to test the patience of the committee. I have been insulted and put on 
public trial here and I appreciate his efforts on my part. 

Mr. IcHoia). The gentleman is not on trial, I will say, and your re- 
quest is also denied. 



2410 DISRUPTION OF 196 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

Mr. WuLF. I have an application pursuant to the rules of the House 
and this committee, Mr. Chairman. May I read it? 

Mr. IcHORD. Who is the gentleman now standing ? 

Mr. WuLF. Mr. Wulf, sir. 

Mr. IcHORD. You represent whom ? 

Mr. Wulf. Mr. Bellinger and Dr. Young. 

Mr. IcHORD. What is the nature of your request ? 

Mr. Wulf, It is a motion for issuance of subpenas, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. IcHORD. If the gentleman will present that motion to the Chair, 
we will take that under advisement at the regular time, but the Chair 
will control the way these hearings will be carried out. 

Mr. Wulf. Well, I would like to read it. 

Mr. IcHORD. If the gentleman wishes to file that with the commit- 
tee, we will take it under consideration. 

Mr. Wulf. I would like to read the motion now, Mr. Chairman, 
because we understand that Mr. Pierson 

Mr. IcHORD. Again, I shall read the rules of the committee and of 
the House of Representatives to the gentleman. I read that to him 
this morning, that the purpose of counsel in a legislative proceeding, 
a legislative investigation, is to advise his client, not to engage in oral 
argiunent with the committee, and I do not like having to do this, but 
I must cite Rule VIII of the committee rules, reading as follows : 

Counsel for a witness shall conduct himself in a professional, ethical, and 
proper manner. His failure to do so shall, upon a finding to that effect by a 
majority of the Committee or Subcommittee before which the witness is appear- 
ing, subject such counsel to disciplinary action which may include warning, 
censure, removal of counsel from the hearing room, or a recommendation of 
contempt proceedings. 

Now the Chair wants to proceed with these hearings in an orderly 
manner. I do not want to use all of the powers vested in the Chair, nor 
in the committee. So, therefore, I would ask the gentleman to please 
be seated and let the proceedings continue. 

Mr. Wulf. May T hand the motion up, then, Mr. Chairman ? 

Mr. IcHORD. We will accept it. 

(Motion handed to chairman.) 

Mr. IcHORD. Now before the next two witnesses are called, the Chair 
believes, and I may be in error, that because of the nature of the in- 
formation the committee has, or for whatever reason that the witnesses 
may have, that either one or both of the next two witnesses may well 
carry out atactic previously used before the committee, that is, walking 
out and refusing to testify. 

I say that I hope I am in error in that l)elief . The evidence concerns 
financing of the Chicago disturbances and connections with foreign 
Communist powers. 

Now I make this announcement in order to be completely fair with 
the witnesses because I intend to call other witnesses at the proper time 
to show this evidence. And I hope that the witnesses will testify before 
the committee because the best evidence will be the witness himself, 

I thought I should bring this to the attention of the witnesses and 
the attorneys in the event that such tactics as have been previously 
used in committee hearings are carried out at this time. 

Call your next witness, Mr. Counsel. 

Mr. Smith. Will Mr. Robert Greenblatt come forward, please? 



DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2411 

Mr. GuTMAN. Mr. Chairman, on behalf of Dr. Young, concerning 
whom I presume the remarks were made 

Mr. IcHORD. Let the gentleman identify himself. 

Mr. GuTMAN. My name is Jeremiah Gutman, and I am one of the 
counsel for Dr. Young. Dr. Quentin Young is one of the two I 
presume 

Mr. IcHORD. The gentleman is out of order because Dr. Young has 
not been called yet. 

The Chair has now called Mr. Greenblatt, and I would ask the 
gentleman to please sit down, and the gentleman, when Dr. Young 
is called, will be permitted to come forward with his complaint. 

Mr. Gutman. I understand, Mr. Ichord 

Mr. IcHORD. Will the gentleman be in order ? 

Let us proceed. 

Mr. Gutman. Mr. Chairman, a point of information. 

Mr. IcHORD. These rules, which I have announced and which I have 
the duty to enforce as chairman of this committee, are as old as the 
history of the English parliamentary system. I have explained time 
and time again why the ordinary rules of court do not apply in a 
legislative investigation. 

Mr. Gutman. I do not — the rules, Mr. Ichord, I rely upon rules 
of 

Mr. IcHORD. The gentleman is out of order, and I would direct that 
the gentleman please sit down. I direct the gentleman to sit down. 

Mr. Gutman. May I then, may I ask a point of information ? 

Mr. IcHORD. Mr. Greenblatt, will you please come forward? 

Will the witness please be sworn ? 

Mr. Greenblatt. I would like to make a statement to the commit- 
tee, if I may. 

Mr. IcHORD. Under the ordinary — under the rules and practices of 
the committee, and aijain the Chair is being quite lenient as far as 
the rules are concerned, but it was evidently practice in the past for the 
Chair to permit the witness to make a brief statement after he is 
sworn. 

If the gentleman will please rise and be sworn, then he will be 
recognized. 

Mr. Greenblatt. Mr. Chairman, in my reading of previous hear- 
ings of this committee, I have noted that witnesses have been allowed 
to make a statement before being sworn. 

Mr. IcHORD. Well, now, you are out of order. Let's have order. I 
appeal to your sense of reason and decorum. If the gentleman wishes 
to make a brief statement, he will be recognized once he is swom. 

Mr. Greenblatt. I am suggesting to the Chair that statements by 
witnesses before this committee have been made before they were sworn 
in the past, and I ask why this distinction is being made at the present 
time. 

Mr. IcHORD. Does the gentleman refuse to be sworn ? 

Mr. Greenblatt. I do not refuse to be sworn. I refuse to testify. 

Mr. Ichord. I direct the witness to be sworn. 

Do you solemnly swear that the testimony you are about to give be- 
fore this committee will be the truth, the whole truth, so help you 
God? 

Mr. Greenblatt. I do. 

Mr. IcHORD. Please be seated. 



2412 DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

TESTIMONY OF ROBERT GREENBLATT, ACCOMPANIED BY COUNSEL, 

SANFORDi KATZ 

Mr. IcHORD. Now under the rules, I will have to ask the witness to 
restrict himself to matters of jurisdiction, to legislative purpose, and 
subject of the hearing, also, objections concerning compliance with 
the rules and the validity of the subpena. But first, I think you should 
identify yourself so that it will be a matter of record. 

Mr. Katz. Mr. Chairman, before that occurs, I would like to make 
a statement which goes to the very heart of the jurisdiction of this 
committee. 

I was seriously disturbed 

Mr. IcHORD. Now, Mr. Attorney, will you please be seated. 

Mr. Katz. I would like the opportunity at some point, sir, to make 
this statement. 

Mr. IcHORD. I have explained to you time and time again that your 
purpose in being here in representing your client, under the Rules of 
the House of Representatives and the rules of this committee, is to ad- 
vise and otfer your client legal advice. 

I will have to refuse the right of counsel at this time to make a state- 
ment. However, the witness will be permitted to make a statement. 

Mr. Greenblait. May I make the statement at this time ? 

Mr. IcHORD. Proceed, sir. 

Mr. Greenblatt. There have been numerous objections raised in 
the past, and in the past few days, to the very legitimacy, the very 
legality of this committee. The unconstitutionality of this committee 
is well known by people across this Nation, by people across the world. 
That this committee ostensibly plans to hold hearings, is holding hear- 
ings, for various purposes cited by the Chair last Tuesday, I think 
it is clear from the past history of this committee that that is not the 
intention of HUAC, and is clear from the actions of this committee 
and of the Chair and of counsel and staff of this committee this Tues- 
day past and earlier today. 

I was well aware of the restrictive methods and of the intentions of 
this committee primarily as one of a kangaroo court, to act in violation 
of the Constitution, to smear members of the American public, to 
smear people who are in opposition to their political views. 

I was not aware directly, until this morning, that the armed camp 
which this hearing room has been turned into was being used for 
anything but psychological intimidation of witnesses and intimidation 
of the people in this room and intimidation of people who watch these 
hearings and read about them in the mass media. 

Mr. IcHORD. You realize that these hearings are not being televised ? 

Mr. Greenblatt. I understand that. And I think this is, in fact, 
an example of the restrictive measures taken by the chairman of the 
committee. 

Mr. IcHORD. I would ask you to restrict yourself to four matters. 

This constitutes haranguing and harassing the committee, and per- 
haps you should memorize that statement again, because they are not 
being televised. 

Mr. Greenblatt. I am not memorizing a statement. 



DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2413 

Mr. Katz. The last witness wandered all over the map with his 
absurdities. Let the gentleman make his statement. 

Mr. IcHORD, Will the counsel be seated ? 

I would advise the audience that the witness is out of order. He is 
not restricting himself to points concerning jurisdiction. He is mak- 
ing the speech which we hear time and time and time again, and it 
is almost identically the same line of witness after witness that appears 
before this committee. 

But proceed, sir. 

Mr. Greenblatt. It is, indeed, difficult to know how" to respond to 
the irresponsibility and to the intimidation of the Chair, and specifi- 
cally to the kind of intimidation that took place this morning, when 
one of the very people that was subpenaed to appear before this 
so-called tribunal 

Mr. Watson. Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Greenblatt. — was arrested and physically removed from these 
premises. 

Mr. IcHORD. I hope the gentleman testifies as freely as he is speaking 
now. 

Mr. Greenblatt. I am willing to testify to any question put to me 
in this room, so long as I am given some assurance that the physical 
well-being of the people that come to this room, whether as witnesses 
or as friends of witnesses or as members of the. public, will be in some 
way safeguarded. 

Mr. IcHORD. Let me assure the witness — are you finished with your 
statement ? 

Mr. Greenblatt. I am not finished with my statement, no. 

Mr. Ichord. Well, let me assure the witness at that point, it is not 
a statement in order, but the Chair and the committee have ordered the 
security that prevails in this room because of statements from various 
persons that they are going to disrupt the hearings. And as long as 
the Chair presides over any of these hearings, we will have the same 
kind of security that we are having today because I will not, the 
Chair will not, permit some of the people who have tried to get into 
this room, with the intent of disrupting and disturbing the hearing 
and causing a circus to develop. 

And the Chair will take complete responsibility for the security 
that exists here today. 

Mr. Greenblatt. The Chair has said time and again, and made 
reference to these unnamed persons, which the Chair has not named, 
from unnamed sources, that these hearings are going to be disrupted. 
I think the only disruption taking place here has been done as a dis- 
ruption of the legal procedures of the Congress, legal procedures of 
the Government of the United States, and has been done by the Chair 
and by members of this committee. 

The incidents that took place specifically outside of this building 
this morning regarding Abbie Hoffman were clear to any observer 
there. 

Mr. IcHORD. The witness is completely out of order. 

I give you an inch, and you take a mile, Mr. Witness. 



21-706 O — 69 — pt. 1 13 



2414 DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

Let's proceed with the questioning. I don't think we are accom- 
plishing anything at alh He has not made one valid point, or even 
stated one, other than the jurisdiction. 

Proceed with your questioning. 

Mr. Watson. Mr. Chairman, may I make a statement at this junc- 
ture? 

Mr. IcHORD. Yes. 

Mr. Watson". We want to hear anything the gentleman might say, 
for whatever it might be worth, but one thing I as a member will not 
tolerate is a matter of personal abuse of this committee, and the law 
will not tolerate it. And your statement a moment ago, charging ir- 
responsibility to this chairman and assigning other derogations of 
the Constitution to members of this committee, is not going to be 
tolerated, and I would hope that the witness would be mindful of the 
law which was read earlier, concerning that anyone or any group who 
uses abusive language in reference, or intimidates a committee of the 
Congress subjects himself to $500 fine or 6 months' imprisonment or 
both. Just passed last year. And I, for one, would intend to use that 
provision of the law if there is a continuance of this. And I would 

Mr. Katz. Congressman Watson, that is the clearest form of intimi- 
dation of a witness I have ever heard. 

Mr. Watson. And I appeal to the witness to state whatever he has 
to state and I am sure that he should be able, within his intelligence, 
to present the matter in the factual fashion without trying to intimi- 
date, harass, or abuse this committee. 

I, for one, am not going to tolerate it. 

Mr. IcHORD. Proceed with your questioning, Mr. Counsel. 

Mr. Greenblatt. There is no law to prevent intimidation of oth- 
ers who are not Members of Congress, and it is to this that I was try- 
ing to speak, and I was speaking about factual matters that happened 
this very day. 

Mr. IcHORD. We are familiar with these tactics. They have been 
used very, very many times before, Mr. Witness. 

Proceed, Mr. Counsel. 

Mr. Smith. Will you state your full name and address for the record, 
please ? 

Mr. Greenblatt. My name is Robert Greenblatt. 

Mr. Smith. And what is your address ? 

Mr. Greenblatt. My home address? 

Mr. Smith. Yes. 

Mr. Greenblatt. I don't think I want to give my home address at 
this time. 

Mr. Smith. I see. What address would you give? 

Mr. Greenblatt. 5 Beekman Street. That is my mailing address. 

Mr. Smith. Where ? 

Mr. Greenblatt. In New York City. 

Mr. Smith. You are here today in response to a subpena served 
upon you by John T. Brophy, United States — assistant United States 
marshal in New York, under date of September 27, 1968? Is that 
correct ? 

Mr. Greenblatt. That is correct. 

Mr. Smith. Wliere and when were you born ? 

(Witness confers with counsel.) 



DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2415 

Mr. Greenblatt. I was born in circumstances not very unlike the 
circumstances right here. In circumstances of an armed camp, of 
fascism, much more advanced perhaps and overt than in most cases 
here, but nevertheless of the same kind of intimidating nature. I was 
born in a country and at a time when individual citizens of that coun- 
try, if they held particular political points of view 

Mr. IcHORD. The witness is not responsive to the question. 

Mr. Greenblatt. I am trying to explain. 

Mr. Katz. Mr. Chairman, the witness is replying in the best fashion 
possible. 

Mr. IcHORD. Well, Mr. Counsel, counsel will still follow the instruc- 
tions of the Chair and abide by the rules of the House. Counsel well 
knows that the answer is not responsive to the question. 

Mr. Greenblatt. I am trying to answer the question in the way I 
understand it. 

Mr. Ichord. The question is when and where was he born. Where 
were you born, Mr. Greenblatt, not the circumstances under which 
you were bom? 

Mr. Greenblatt. I am trying to describe the country in which I 
was born and I suggest that I am describing that country. 

Mr. IcHORD. What is the country ? 

Mr. Greenblatt. The country is the country of Hungary, at a time 
when fascism was rising in Hungary and at a time when this kind of 
intimidation was at approximately the same stage as it seems to be in 
the events surrounding these hearings. I think this answer is responsive, 

Mr. Smith. Wliat date were you born ? 

Mr. Greenblatt. May 14, 1938. 

Mr. Smith. Thank you. 

When did you come to the United States ? 

Mr. Katz. May I inquire how that is relevant to the subject matter 
of this inquiry, Mr. Chairman ? 

Mr. IcHORD. Please advise your client. You may feel free to do so, 
but the Chair, Mr. Attorney 

Mr. Greenblatt. I would like such advice. What is the relevance 
of the question ? 

Mr. Smith. Purposes of identification. 

Mr. Greenblatt. You mean you don't know who I am at the present 
time? I am the man upon whom the subpena was served. 

Mr. Smith. Are you a citizen of the United States ? 

Mr. Greenblatt. What is the relevance of that question ? 

Mr. Smith. Backgi'ound information. 

Mr. Greenblatt. What kind of background information is relevant ? 

Mr. Smith. All. 

Mr. Greenblatt. For what purpose? 

Mr. Smith. Determining your qualifications. 

Mr. Greenblatt. My qualifications as a witness ? 

Mr. IcHORD. What is the question pending, Mr. Counsel? 

Mr. Smith. Please answer the question. 

Mr. Greenblatt. I have yet to receive an answer to the relevance 
of the question. 

Mr. Ichord. The witness is definitely out of order, Mr. Greenblatt 

What is the question. Counsel ? 



2416 DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

Mr. Smith. When did you come to the United States? 

Mr. Greenblatt. May I ask the Chair how he can know I am out of 
order when he doesn't know w^hat the question is ? 

Mr. IcHORD. Ask the question, Mr. Counsel. 

Mr. Smith. When did you come to the United States ? 

Mr. Greenblatt. May I ask again for an answer to what is the 
relevance of that question ? 

Mr. Smith. The question is relevant. 

Mr. Greenblatt. So you have stated. I would like to have an expla- 
nation of the relevance. 

Mr. Ichord. Let the witness be advised that the Chair will determine 
the relevance of the question, and the Chair rules that the question is 
relevant as to when you came to the United States. 

Mr. Greenbl^vtt. It is absolutely clear to me that the Chair will rule 
the relevancy of every question raised by the Chair's counsel. I pre- 
sume that I do have the right to have an explanation of the relevance 
so that I can understand it. 

Mr. IcHORD. We will have to wait and see that. It is a matter of 
identification. 

Mr. Katz. What is the question before the witness ? 

Mr. Smith. When did you come to the United States ? 

Mr. Greenblatt. I came to the United States after spending several 
years in concentration camps in Nazi Germany. I came to the United 
States after spending several years 

Mr. Smith. I want the date, Mr. Witness, of when you came to the 
United States. 

Mr. Greenblatt. I will get to the date. I will tell you when I came 
to this country. After spending several years in ghettos, in repressive 
institutions in Hungary and Germany, 

Mr. Ichord. The answer is not responsive to the question. 

Mr. Greenblatt. I am trying to respond to the question, in a way, 
in the only wav that I can understand the relevance of the question. 

Mr. IcHORD. Proceed. 

Mr. Greenblatt. I spent several years in ghettos in Hungary. I spent 
years in concentration camps in Germany under the most blatant kind 
of Fascist rule — which again, and at that time, was justified, in the 
name of protecting the security of the countries then involved. It was 
at that time justified as a way of separating out the people that were 
endangering the security of that country, and I may remind the Chair 
that ultimately the people who were so described were exterminated. 

Mr. IcHORD. The witness is definitely out of order. When did you 
come to the United States ? 

Mr. Greenblatt. I came to the United States when I had had 
enough of that kind of fascism and thought I could meet with a differ- 
ent kind of condition in this country 

Mr. IcHORD. Mr. Witness 

Mr. Greenblatt. In the year 1949. 

Mr. IcHORD. Mr. Witness, you are not responsive at all. 

But at last, we got it. [Laughter.] 

Thank you. 

Now proceed, Mr. Counsel. 

Mr. Greenblatt. I am not sure you are welcome. 

Mr. Smith. Are you a citizen of the United States ? 



DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2417 

Mr, Greenblatt. A^ain, I ask the relevancy of that question. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. IcHORD. Explain the relevancy of the question. 

Mr. Smith. To determine his status within the United States. 

Mr. Katz. Mr. Chairman, just for the elucidation of counsel, can 
you advise me on what ground that question is relevant ? 

Mr. IcHORD. The attorney is out of order. 

Proceed with the questioning, Mr. Counsel. There is no question 
about tlie relevancy of such a question. 

Mr. Smith, Are you a citizen of the United States ? 

Mr. Greexblatt. It seems to me that the rights to 

Mr, IcHORD, Just as a matter of identification, the Chair rules the 
question is relevant, 

Mr, Greenblatt, I would be the same person in either case. Yes, I 
am a citizen of this country. I am proud to be a citizen of this country, 
except for today, if this is in fact acting in accordance with the laws of 
this country. 

Mr. Smith. When and how did you obtain citizenship ? 

Mr. Greexblatt, I again must ask for the germaneness or the rele- 
vancy of that question, 

Mr, Smith, Background information, 

Mr, Greexblatt, I know of only one procedure of becoming a citi- 
zen of this country, and as far as I know — that is, for someone not born 
here — and as far as I know, I would presume that counsel is acquainted 
with that procedure, I don't see any particular reason for my trying to 
recite that procedure right now, 

Mr, Smith, When and how did you obtain citizenship ? 

Mr, Ichord, Just a minute, Mr, Counsel, I don't believe we got an 
answer to that question. The question is relevant, Wlien did he become 
a citizen of the United States, When did you become a citizen of the 
United States? 

(Witness confers with counsel,) 

Mr, Greexblatt, In 1956. 

Mr, Ichord, Proceed. Mr, Counsel, and I direct you to get to the 
meat of the matter as quickly as possible, 

Mr, Smith, How did you obtain citizenship, Mr, Greenblatt? 

Mr, Greexblatt, I repeat the question : as far as I know, there is a 
perfectly standard procedure, which every counsel, I presume, would 
be familiar with, I don't see why I have to try to give at this time, 

Mr, Ichord, Let's move along, Mr, Counsel, I think we have him well 
identified. We are going to be here all day long, with the attitude of 
the witness. He only answers, apparently, when I direct him to an- 
swer. 

Mr. Smith. Do you possess a United States passport? 

Mr. Greexblatt. How is that relevant to the matter at hand? 

Mr. Smith. The question is relevant and pertinent to this inquiry. 

Mr. Greex'^blatt, In what way ? 

Mr. Ichord. Let me explain to the witness that the Chair has been 
advised that many participants in the riots in Chicago and many of 
the persons who participated in the planning and the organization of 
the Chicago disturbances have traveled abroad, have visited Hanoi, 
have visited many other Communist nations. And it is relevant, and 
the Chair so rules and directs you to answer the question in regard to 
passport. 



\ 

2418 DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

Mr. Greenblatt. It hasn't been established. 

Mr. IcHORD. Now you may have forgotten the question. 

Miss Reporter 

Mr. Greenblatt. It has been already established in my testimony 
that I have traveled abroad. I already stated that I was born in 
Hungary in 1938, that I came to this country in 1949, after several 
years of fascism. 

Mr. Ighord. The Chair directs the witness to cease. 

Mr. Greenblatt. That fact has already been established. 

Mr. IcHORD. Restate your question. Mr. Counsel. 

Mr. Smith. Do you possess a United States passport ? 

Mr. Greenblatt. Mr. Chairman 

Mr. Ichord. I direct the witness to answer the question. 

Do you possess a United States passport ? 

Mr. Greenblatt. I intend to answer the question, if I may do so in 
my own way. 

Mr. Katz. Mr. Chairman, I suggest the matter will be resolved. 

Mr. IcHORD. Mr. Counsel, will you please be seated and abide by the 
rules under which these hearings are being conducted ? 

And I might again state that they are as old as the history of the 
English parliamentary system, and I ask the counsel as a member of 
the bar of the State of New York, I believe, to abide by the rulings 
of the Chair, the duly constituted appointed authority of this com- 
mittee. 

Mr. Katz. If only we were permitted to act as attorneys, rather 
than stand for this procedure. 

Mr. IcHORD. The gentleman is free to advise with his client on any 
of these questions and direct him how to answer. Apparently the 
witness is doing a very good job 

Mr. Katz. I think so. 

Mr. IcHORD. — of avoiding the question. 

Now, restate your question, Mr. Counsel. 

Mr. Greenblatt. I think counsel is doing a very good job of re- 
fraining from explaining the relevancy of the question and refraining 
from exolaining of the 

Mr. Smith. Do you possess a United States passport ? 

Mr. Greenblatt. You mean am I in possession of a passport right 
now? 

Mr. Smith. Do you possess one, do you have one ? Have you been is- 
sued a passport ? 

Mr. Katz. May we have a date ? 

Mr. Smith. That's what I want you to tell me. 

Mr. Katz. Well, you asked that first. 

Mr. Smith. How about June 3, 1968 ? 

Mr. Greenblatt. To the best of my recollection, at approximately 
that date, I did in fact apply for and receive a passport. 

Mr. Smith. Thank you. 

Did you claim that you had lost an earlier passport ? 

Mr. Greenblatt. Can I again ask what the relevancy of that ques- 
tion is ? 

Mr. Smith. Answer the question. 

Mr. IcHORD. The relevancy of the question, I believe, has already 
been explained by the Chair. 



DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2419 

There is evidence, information received by the committee, that the 
gentleman has traveled to certain Communist nations; there is evi- 
dence also that there is some connection between the Chicago riots 
and this travel by certain individuals in the United States. And this is 
a matter of background information, leading up to other questions to 
be asked. 

Mr. Katz. Mr. Chairman, your counsel obviously knows the answer 
to all of these questions, and what you are trying to do, trap 

Mr. IcHORD. Mr. Counsel, I will again have to direct you to abide by 
the rules of the committee, and not only the rules of the committee, the 
Rules of the House of Representatives. 

Now this is about the fifth or sixth time. You are permitted to ad- 
vise your client and give him whatever legal advice you think he may 
need, but you are not reco^ized for the purpose of making objections. 
This is not a court proceeding. 

Mr. Katz. I am painfully aware of that, sir. 

Mr. IcHORD. The witness is not on trial. The committee is trying to 
develop certain facts and information. If we have to stay here for the 
rest of the year, we will have it. 

Mr. Katz. May we confer ? 

Mr. IcHORD. Yes ; proceed. 

(Witness confers with counsel.) 

Mr. Smith. Can you claim 

Mr. IcHORD, Wait a minute. 

Mr. Smith. The question is, Did you claim you had lost an earlier 
passport ? 

Mr. Greenblatt. I had, in fact, lost an earlier passport; yes. 

Mr. Smith. How and where did you lose the earlier passport? 

Mr. Greenblatt. If I knew how and where I lost it, I probably 
would have been able to retrieve it. 

Mr, Smith. Where did you lose the earlier passport ? 

Mr. Greenblatt. I really don't know. I was in transit, and when 
there came an occasion for me to need it again, I couldn't find it. I 
have no idea where I lost it. If I had known I lost it, I would not 
have lost it. 

Mr. Smith. Did you have it when you reentered the United States? 

Mr. Greenblatt. I don't understand that question at all. 

Mr. IcHORD. Rephrase your question. 

Mr. Greenblatt. When I reentered the United States when? 

Mr. IcHORD. Let counsel rephrase his question. He will withdraw 
that question. 

Mr. Smith. To rephrase my question, did you have the passport 
when you reentered the United States, returning from the trip that 
you had been discussing a few moments ago ? 

Mr. Greenblatt. What trip are we discussing? The only trip I dis- 
cussed was the trip when I came here in 1949. If that is the passport 
you are talking about, I still have that one. 

Mr. Smith. You mentioned you were in transit. In transit where ? 

Mr. Greenblatt. I was traveling in the United States, as far as I 
know, when I lost my passport. 

Mr. IcHORD. Next question. Counsel. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Greenblatt, you are the national coordinator, are 
you not, of the National Mobilization Committee To End the War in 



2420 DISRUPTION OF 19 6 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

Vietnam, which is also referred to as Mob, National Mobilization, 
and National Mobilization Committee, as well as being a cochairman 
of the organization ? 

Mr. Greenblatt. I have been identified in both of those capacities. I 
have so identified myself. 

Mr. Smith. Is it also true that you have served in these capacities 
with the National Mobilization Committee from the time it assumed 
that name in April 1967 ? 

(Witness confers with counsel.) 

Mr. Greenblatt. Mr. Chairman, if I may be allowed to make a brief 
statement which will explain the context of my response to this next 
question and subsequent questions, I want to make it absolutely clear 
that I came to Washington, I came to these committee hearings, de- 
spite reservations and the very strong feeling that I have about them, 
as I indicated earlier, with the full intention of testif^^ing and respond- 
ing to any questions that may be put to me about my own actions, about 
my own activities, although I do feel and feel ver\^ strongly that I am 
not legally, morally, and constitutionally under an obligation to do 
so for reasons that have been cited by counsel and that I have tried to 
cite myself. 

I am still willing, perfectly willing, to go forward with this attempt 
to testify, although I will not be willing to testify about actions and 
activities of other people. 

I will be willing to testify about my own actions and my own activi- 
ties because I am proud of them. However, as I tried to indicate earlier, 
I am very concerned about the general atmosphere in which these 
hearings are being conducted, both inside and outside this hearing 
room. 

I am very concerned about the kind of actions that the committee 
and law enforcement officers, or people who should be enforcing the 
law, have taken against myself, attorneys, other witnesses, colleagues 
of mine that have appeared or tried to appear before this committee. 

I am almost finished, Mr. Chairman. 

And I must say at this time, specifically, that the greatest outrage 
was reached in the last few days when, in fact, one of my colleagues, one 
of my brothers, was physically assaulted outside this committee. Until 
I know the whereabouts and the well-being 

Mr. IcHORD. The Chair recognizes this as propaganda. 

Mr. Greenblatt. I am trvine; to complete my statement and explain 
the background under which I will proceed at this point. 

Mr. IcHORD. The Chair will direct the witness to answer the question. 

Mr. Greenblatt. It is difficult for me to answer the question when 
one of these seven people who have been supenaed to this hearing was 
arrested for trying to walk into the hearing room and trying to walk 
into the building in which this hearing room is located. 

I find it very difficult, indeed, to be responsive under those kinds of 
circumstances of intimidation and of use of force. 

Mr. IcHORD. And you are going to ^efl^se to answer on those grounds ? 

Mr. Greenblatt. I am unwilling to testify until I know that these 
kinds of tactics will no longer be emnloved, until I have some kind of 
assurance as to the well-being of Mr. Hoffman. 



DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2421 

Mr. IcHORD, Let me assure the gentleman that the Chair is not 
aware of the whereabouts of ]Mr. Hoffman, except that he has been 
informed that he was arrested on some charge, I don't know exactly" 
what the charge is. The Chair is not responsible for the conduct of 
Mr. Hoffman outside this hearing room. 

Mr. Greenblatt. I am not asking the Chair to be responsible for the 
action of Mr. Hoffman. But the Chair 

Mr. IcHORD. Mr. Coimsel, will you restate your question to the 
witness ? 

Mr. Smith. The question is : Is it true that you have served in these 
capacities, that is, as national coordinator of the National Mobiliza- 
tion Committee and as cochairman of that organization, from the 
time it assumed that name In 1967 ? 

Mr. Greenblatt. I am willing to be responsive to all questions put 
to me about my own 

Mr. IcHORD. I direct the witness to answer the question. 

Mr. Greenblatt. I must stand by the statement I made earlier. 

Mr. IcHORD. Next question, Mr. Counsel. 

Ask your next question. 

Mr. Katz. I respectfully request that the witness be able to com- 
plete his statement. 

Mr. IcHORD. Will the gentleman be seated ? 

Mr. Katz. We have been intimidated. My bag was searched before 
I came into this building. Under such circumstances 

Mr. IcHORD. "WTio are you trying to propagandize, Mr. Katz? 

Mr. Katz, I am a very bad propagandist, Mr. Chairman. My bag 
was opened and was searched, 

Mr. IcHORD. Please sit down and abide by the rules of the committee. 

Mr, Katz. I am frightened to go on with this hearmg. I am fright- 
ened for my own personal safety, for Mr. Greenblatt's safety. They 
have buses out there with bars in them, in front of our hotel, in front 
of this building. We have not been permitted to act as counsel. 

Mr. IcHORD. I direct the counsel to be seated. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Greenblatt, on Tuesday of this week, you filed a pe- 
tition in the court, in which you stated that you were the founder 
and cochairman of the National Mobilization Committee To End the 
War in Vietnam and became the national coordinator of the Mobiliza- 
tion Committee in the summer of 1967. Is that correct? 

Mr. Greenblatt. Mr. Counsel, I have tried to explain that I am 
willing to be responsive to these questions as soon as I am given some 
assurance 

Mr. IcHORD. Go to your next question. 

Mr. Greenblatt. — of my own safety. Otherwise, I cannot continue 
with these proceedings, I will be willing to come back and appear 
before this committee as soon as I can receive some sort of 

Mr. Katz, Mr. Chairman, we are at the Congi-essional Hotel. We 
are ready and able to come before this committee tomorrow. 

Mr. IcHORD, The Chair thought this would happen. Let the record 
show that the attorney, Mr, Katz, and Mr, Greenblatt, the witness, 
are now leaving the hearing room, even though the Chair has directed 
the witness to answer. 



2422 DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

Mr. Greenblatt. The Chair has not allowed the witness to answer 
the questions in the way he knows how to answer them. 

Mr. Katz. I am agreed as to how you anticipated this would happen. 

Mr. IcHORD. We will develop that later on. 

Proceed. 

Let there be order in the hearing room. 

Call your next witness, Mr. Counsel. 

Let the record show that the witness and his attorney have left the 
hearing room. The witness will be continued under his subpena. We 
will expect the witness to return tomorrow morning under the 
subpena. 

Call your next witness. 

Mr. Smith. The next witness is Quentin D. Young. 

Mr. IcHORD. Will the witness rise and be sworn ? 

Do you solemnly promise the testimony you are about to give before 
this committee will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the 
truth, so help you God ? 

Dr. Young. I do. 

TESTIMONY OF QUENTIN D. YOUNG, ACCOMPANIED BY COUNSEL, 
JEREMIAH S. GUTMAN AND WILLIAM COUSINS, JR. 

Mr. GuTMAN. Mr. Chairman, I would like to proceed with a brief 
statement, if I may, before the witness answers questions. 

You indicated that it was your presumption that the next two wit- 
nesses, presumably Mr. Greenblatt and Dr. Young, would get up and 
refuse to testify. 

Mr. IcHORD. Let me correct the gentleman. 

I said I did believe that that would be true, but I hoped it was not 
true. I hope that I was in error. 

Mr. GuTMAN. I hope, Mr. Chairman, you will divulge at this time 
the source of the data from which you came to the conclusion that you 
believed 

Mr. IcHORD. We will at the proper time, Mr. Gutman. 

Counsel will please be seated. He is out of order in violation of the 
rules of the committee. 

Proceed with the questioning and identification of the witness, Mr. 
Counsel. 

Mr. Gutman. I have another motion, if I may, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. IcHORD. You are not recognized. The Chair is confining the 
counsel to the Rules of the House of Representatives and the rules 
of the committee, that is, advising and conferring with his client. 

I will ask the counsel, as a member of the bar, not to argue with the 
Chair. It is not permissible under the rules. 

Proceed. 

Mr. Smith. Would you give your full name and address, please? 

Dr. Young. My name is Quentin Young. My office address is 1512 
East 55th Street, Chicago, Illinois. 

Mr. Smith. You are here in response to a subpena served upon you 
on September 23, 1968. by a United States marshal ? 

(Witness confers with counsel.) 

Dr. Young. Although I deny the validity of that subpena, I am 
here. 



DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2423 

Mr. IcHORD. Dr. Young, do you have a preliminary statement you 
want to make ? 

Dr. Young. I do, indeed, sir. 

Mr. IcHORD. In regard to jurisdiction and the validity of the sub- 
pena? 

Dr. Young, Yes. If I may, sir, since counsel was not allowed, I 
would appreciate your apology for the implied insult that I would not 
appear at this time. 

Mr. IcHORD. If the witness is going to appear and testify, and I said 
it was my belief that at least one — the other witness has already left. 
I will apologize to Dr. Young, and it will stand if you go ahead and 
testify. 

Dr. Young. I will testify, as my statement will show. I appreciate 
that Mr. Ichord has seen fit to correct the record and purge the record 
of the insult that was implied by the fact that I wouldn't cooperate. 

Mr. IcHORD. It wasn't meant for you, sir, if you are appearing to 
testify. 

Dr. Young. I thank you. 

Mr. Ighord. You appear to be conducting yourself in a much differ- 
ent manner, and I do apologize for any reflection upon you. I said one 
of two, not both. 

Dr. Young. Thank you very much. 

Mr. Chairman, I wish to inform you that on October 2 I instructed 
my counsel to enter a suit in Federal court reflecting my belief that 
the House Un-American Activities Committee is now and has been an 
illegal and unconstitutional tribunal. 

Sir? 

Mr. Ichord. Proceed. 

Dr. Young. Naturally, certain of the unconstitutionality of this 
tribunal, I would not be a party to its hearings. However, since the 
Medical Committee for Human Rights played such an exceptionally 
courageous and humane role during convention week, and since city 
officials of Chicago and more recently police officers of Chicago have 
sought to besmirch this record of unselfish service, I must tell the 
American people the truth of our Medical Committee's actions. 

This obligation is all the more imperative because the apologists for 
the brutality that shamed Chicago, and I am a Chicagoan, are attempt- 
ing, on the other hand, to conceal the incredible record of indifference 
and irresponsibility of city officials. Their failure to offer even the 
most elementary health precautions, even as Armed Forces at the 
division level were being deployed, is what forced the Medical Com- 
mittee for Human Rights to put together a team of volunteers which 
alleviated so much of the hmnan suffering inflicted on citizens that 
week. 

In appearing at this time, I want to make clear that I am not 
acknowledging the constitutionality of the Un-American Committee, 
nor will I in any way compromise constitutional guarantees relating 
to physician-patient privacy, freedom of speech, association, and 
press — sir? 

Could you direct the interrogator to be quiet ? 

Mr. IcHORD. Yes. 

Proceed. 

Dr. Young. I didn't hear the direction. 



2424 DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

Mr. IcHORD. I am hearing the gentleman. 

Dr. Young. I will start that sentence over. 

Nor will I in any way compromise constitutional guarantees relat- 
ing to physician-patient privacy, freedom of speech, association, and 
press, due process, and equal protection under law. 

In particular, I will under no circumstance cooperate with your 
Un-American Committee where it seeks to violate rights of others. 

The suit which each member of the committee should by now have 
received clearly defines the constitutional violations, the character 
defamations, and the chilling effect on guaranteed liberty that have 
been the hallmark of the HUAC in the 30 years of its ignoble existence. 

In this framework, I welcome the opportunity to tell the American 
people the whole story of events in Chicago from the viewpoint of the 
Medical Committee for Human Rights. 

Mr. IcHORD. Does that conclude your statement? 

Dr. Young. No, it does not. 

Mr. IcHORD. How long is your statement ? 

Dr. Young. It is about 30 seconds more. 

Mr. IcHORD. It is in violation of the rules, but proceed. 

Dr. Young. I appreciate the opportunity you have given me. 

I would just add that I would like, in this interrogation, to have a 
chance to comment on the medical aspects of the last friendly witness 
and move on to quash the subpena served on me. I am happy to give 
the information to the American people, but deny the rights and powers 
of this committee to compel it. 

I would like to cite in defense of that, my attorneys have helped me, 
the first, fourth, sixth, and ninth amendments and the due process 
clause, as well as separation of powers of the legislative — I am more a 
doctor than a lawyer, but we have to get that way at times. 

Will you please accept my motion to quash ? 

Mr. IcHORD. The Chair has received your motion. I will point out 
to the doctor that these objections have been raised time and time again 
by witnesses and attorneys for the committee. They have no basis under 
the court decisions. 

This is a legislative investigation. We are looking into what hap- 
pened and how it happened in Chicago, and the questions which will 
be directed to you will be relevant. 

As a member of the bar and chairman of this committee and a Mem- 
ber of Congress, I will endeavor to protect the constitutional rights of 
Dr. Young. 

Dr. Young. I will call upon you to do that, sir. I would like to point 
out all the objections I raised in my lawsuit. 

Mr. IcHORD. The objections are overruled. 

Proceed with the questioning, Counsel. 

Mr. Smith. Dr. Young, you stated in your ^^etition to the court, filed 
with this committee today, that you are a member of the governing 
council and executive committee of the Medical Committee for Human 
Rights and a member of the executive committee of the Chicago chap- 
ter of the Medical Committee for Human Rights. Is that correct ? 

Dr. Young. That is correct. 

Mr. Smith. Are you a practicing physician in the city of Chicago ? 

Dr. Young. I am, sir. 



DISRUPTION OF 19 6 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2425 

Mr. Smith. Dr. Young, are you a member of the Communist Party ? 

Dr. Young. Sir, apparently you did not hear my earlier statement 
or 3^ou wouldn't have bothered to ask me that question. It is perfectly 
clear that that question not only is irrelevant to anything that hap- 
pened in Chicago during the week under question. It is also further 
clear that I could answer that question without any embarrassment. 
But I would not compromise the rights of all Americans by respond- 
ing to such an obvious violation of the first amendment privileges and 
the variety of" others I have cited. You may relax on that one. 

Mr. IcHORD. The Chair will advise the witness that the legislative 
purpose of this investigation is to determine the extent of Communist 
and subversive activities, the parts they played in the planning, in the 
organization, of the disturbances in Chicago. 

The committee does have information that you have played a part. 
The Chair has been presented with a ruling on that question time and 
time again. The question is relevant to these hearings. 

I direct you, sir, to answer the question. Your invocation of the first 
amendment is not accepted. 

(Witness confers with counsel.) 

Dr. Young. Taking the Chair's statement in good faith, which I do, 
sir, I want to inform you that I am prepared to describe all of my 
activities relative to the week, and if the Chair and the rest of the 
committee is eager to hear what I have to say, they will get very im- 
portant evidence for understanding those events. 

Mr. IcHORD. Doctor, the Chair is sorry to advise you again that the 
question is relevant. I warn you of the possible penalties of contempt 
of this committee if you fail to answer the question. 

Again, I direct the doctor to answer the question. 

Dr. Young. I would like to indicate that I have stated I feel fully 
confident in the guarantees of the first amendment of the Constitution 
protecting my rights of free association and speech. I have no need 
to rely on any other amendments. 

My answer to the question is that it is an unconstitutional invasion 
of my rights and under these circumstances I would never answer. 
I chastise the Chair for daring to ask me that question. 

(At this point Mr. Willis entered the hearing room.) 

Mr. IcHORD. Ask the next question. 

Again I warn you that the invocation of the first amendment is not 
sufficient, and there are possible penalties of contempt in failing to 
answer the question. This has been decided time and time again before 
this committee. 

Proceed, Mr. Counsel, with the next question. 

Mr. Smith. Dr. Young, the committee has received information that 
you have been a member of the Communist Party, specifically, a mem- 
ber of the doctors' club of the party on the North Side of Chicago, a 
club tliat was called the Bethune Club. 

Would you affirm or deny this information ? 

(Witness confers with counsel.) 

Dr. Young. I am sorely tempted to answer those ridiculous 
charges 

The Chairman. It is not a charge, it is a question. 

Dr. Young. Sir, let me answer in my own way, please. 



2426 DISRUPTION OF 196 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

My answer is that this is a repetition of a question I have already 
answered, fully confident that the first amendment and other protec- 
tions will take care of it. When do we get to Chicago ? 

Mr. IcHORD. The question is more specific, Doctor, than the first ques- 
tion, and involves membership in a specific Communist organization, 
a specific club. The question is relevant. The Chair directs you to 
answer. 

Dr. Young. I can only remind the Chair that my rights of association 
are inviolate. 

Mr. IcHORD. Again I advise the doctor of the possibility of contempt 
in failing to answer the question, because the invocation of the first 
amendment is not sufficient. That has been decided many, many times 
in the courts of the United States. 

Proceed with your next question. 

Mr. Smith. Did you serve as a member of the governing council of 
the Medical Committee for Human Rights pursuant to a plan or direc- 
tive of the Communist Party ? 

(Witness confers with counsel.) 

Dr. Young. I am advised by counsel that that question is best sep- 
arated into two parts. If you will please do so, I think I can handle 
them. 

Mr. IcHORD. Separate the question. 

Mr. Smith. The first part is: Did you serve as a member of the 
governing council of the Medical Committee for Human Rights? 

Dr. Young. I believe I have answered that question. 

Mr. IcHORD. I did not understand your answer, Doctor. 

Dr. Young. My answer was "yes." 

The Chairman. By the way, for your convenience in expedition, you 
could, if you desire, say that you refuse to answer for reasons previous- 
ly stated. You wouldn't have to repeat them. 

Dr. Young. Thank you very much. 

Mr. Smith. The second part of the question : Did you serve in this 
position 

Mr. IcHORD. The Chair would advise the witness, tliough, that there 
would still be the possibility of contempt in that he has invoked the 
first amendment. 

Proceed, Counsel. 

Dr. Young. I don't feel, sir, that the first amendment can be invoked 
too often. I am sure you feel attached to that right at least as much as 
lam. 

The Chairman. It was with that in mind that I suggested you could 
say you refuse to answer on the grounds previously stated. 

Dr. Young. I would like to hear the question. I might have different 
grounds for different questions. 

Mr. Ichord. I think the chairman of the full committee is trying to 
expedite the proceedings. 

Dr. Young. I see that, but I am interested in getting to the Chicago 
matter. Will we ? 

Mr. IcHORD. We shall in a minute. 

Dr. Young. I see no signs of it. Let's go. 

Mr. Smith. The second portion of the question : Did you serve in 
this position, as a member of the governing council of the Medical 



DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2427 

Committee for Human Eights, pursuant to a plan or directive of the 
Communist Party ? 

(Witness confers with counsel.) 

Dr. Young. No. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I would like to explain the origin of 
the name of the doctors' club of the Communist Party on Chicago's 
North Side, which I mentioned a moment ago. 

Dr. Norman Bethune was a Canadian surgeon and a secret Com- 
munist. He served with the Communist 

Mr. Cousins. Are we interrogating the witnesses here or are we hav- 
ing counsel make a statement, or rendering a statement, to which the 
witness would be bound in some way ? 

Mr. IcHORD. Mr. Counsel, I think you can put that in, in another 
way. 

Proceed. 

Mr. Smith. Dr Young, did you attend a mass meeting of the Com- 
munist Party held in Chicago at the Ashland Building auditorium on 
October 10, 1948 ? 

Mr. IcHORD. Let there be order in the committee room. 

The Chair will advise the members of the audience you are guests 
of the conmiittee. There must be order. 

(Witness confers with counsel.) 

Mr. IcHORD. Ask the next question. Counsel. 

Dr. Young. Sir 

Mr. IcHORD. Just a minute. Counsel is ready to propound the next 
question. 

Mr. Smith. Dr. Young, you have indicated you were affiliated with 
the National Mobilization Committee To End the War in Vietnam. 

Dr. Young. I beg your pardon ? 

Mr. Smith. You have indicated. 

Dr. Young. I have indicated? Would you please clarify your 
memory ? 

Mr. IcHORD. Doctor, are you affiliated with the National Mobilization 
Committee To End the War in Vietnam ? 

Dr. Young. I am not. But why did he say I "indicated" ? 

Mr. IcHORD. All right, you are not. 

Proceed to the next question. 

Mr. Cousins. I would like for the counsel to apologize. 

Mr. IcHORD. Now, Counsel, counsel will confine himself to the proper 
role of a counsel. There is no need for that kind of conduct. As a 
member of the bar, you know your role. 

Proceed. 

Mr. Smith. Dr. Young, have you been affiliated with the National 
Mobilization Committee To End the War in Vietnam, the principal 
organizer and coordinating agency for the disruptions which took 
place in Chicago during the Democratic Convention ? 

Dr. Young. Sir, would you please clarify what you mean by affili- 
ated ? I think I will be able to answer your question. 

Mr. Smith. Were you associated with it? Did you participate 
with it? 

Dr. Young. Are you referring relative to medical presence of our 
committee, or am I a part of its governing 



2428 DISRUPTION OF 19 6 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

Mr. Smith. In any way. 

Dr. Young. I still don't understand tha4:. It is a matter of record 

Mr. Smith. As an individual, were you affiliated with it, did you 
participate with it, in any of its activities ? 

Dr. Young. You are giving me different verbs. The relationship of 
our committee and, to that extent, myself has been the relationship of 
the Medical Committee exclusively. In that sense, I am not affiliated 
with the National Mobilization. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I would like to state thai committee 
investigation reveals 

Mr. Cousins. Mr. Chairman ? 

Mr. IcHORD. The counsel can advise the witness and will be restricted 
to that. 

Dr. Young. Sir, as I understand it, counsel is testifying. Could he be 
sworn at this time ? 

Mr. IcHORD. Counsel will ask the questions in such a way that he is 
not testifying. 

Dr. Young. Thank you. 

Mr. Smith. Dr. Young, is it not a fact that you paid $1,000 of the 
$1,500 due for the rent of the National Mobilization Committee office 
in Chicago, located at 407 South Dearborn ? 

(Witness confers with counsel.) 

Dr. Young. That is not true. Would you like me to clarify that ? 

Mr. Smith. I think you should. 

(Witness confers with counsel.) 

Dr. Young. I lent $1,000 to somebody which was promptly paid 
back in cash over a 2-day period. 

Mr. IcHORD. Who was the somebody. Doctor ? 

(Witness confers with counsel.) 

Dr. Young. Mr. Rennie Davis. 

Mr. IcHORD. You lent him how much money ? 

Dr. Young. $1,000 over a 48-hour period. 

Mr. IcHORD. And what was this money in the form of? Was it in the 
form of cash ? 

Dr. Young. It was a check. He just showed me a photostat of it. 

Mr. IcHORD. Very good. We appreciate your candor. 

Dr. Young. It is not only candid — if I may respond 

Mr. IcHORD. You say the whole sum was returned ? 

Dr. Young. Yes, it was. 

Mr. IcHORD. In what form ? 

Dr. Young. Sir, I do not honestly recall. That $1,000 was returned. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. He said in cash. 

Dr. Young. I didn't say that. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. I think the record will show that. 

Dr. Young. Why don't we read the record ? 

Mr. IcHORD. Was it paid in cash ? 

Dr. Young. Sir, I am not being evasive ; I don't recall. 

Mr. IciiORD. I direct the witness to answer the question. The witness 
has said that the money was paid back by Mr. Davis, and the (question 
pending is : Was the money paid back in cash ? I direct the witness to 
answer the question. 

Dr. Young. I am answering you. I don't recall. I rather think it was 
paid in check, but I really don't recall. 



DISRUPTION OF 1 9 6 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2429 

Mr. IcHORD. You really don't recall the payment of $1,000 ? Was it 
paid at one time, Doctor ? 

Dr. Young. It was indeed, and if it was — — 

Mr. IcHORD. You do not recall whether it was paid in cash or paid 
by check or some other means ? 

Dr. Young. I have answered that three tim.es. What I am wondering 
is, is the Chair impugning me ? 

Mr. IcHORD. The Chair is merely wondering why the doctor must 
handle large sums of money if he is paid back $1,000 and doesn't 
remember tlie payment. 

Dr. Young. Just a minute, sir. I am a busy doctor, and we handle 
a lot of money. We spend a lot of money. If I give a personal loan to 
somebody for that purpose for 48 hours and it is paid back in 48 
hours, I don't keep a mental note or any other. I rather think it was 
paid in cash, and I will search my records to see if it was. You can be 
sure that I am not attempting to conceal the fact that I loaned it or 
that it was paid back. 

Mr. IcHORD. Were these your own personal funds, Doctor? 

Dr. Young. They sure were. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. Could I ask a question ? 

Mr. IcHORD. Proceed. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. This loan that you have discussed was not in the 
form of a payment to Mr. Davis? Was it not in the form of a direct 
check to the company ? 

Dr. Young. If you are interested in the details, thev were renting 
an office, and he said could I lend $1,000 for 48 hours. Normally, I 
wouldn't do it, but they said they couldn't make it without it, and I 
lent them the money. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. The check was made to Sudler and not Mr. Davis. 

Dr. Young. Sudler is the realtor. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. That was at Mr. Davis' request, so it took the form 
of a loan to him via the real estate ? 

Dr. Young. Yes, sir. 

Mr. IcHORD. Proceed. 

Mr. Smith. Dr. Young, would you tell the committee the signifi- 
cance of the word "trustee" on the check ? 

Dr. Young. Yes. I have seA^eral accounts, and one is dubbed trustee 
account. It has no legal significance. I wrote a check out of that be- 
cause that is probably the only account I had $1,000 in. 

Mr. IcHORD. Would you hand the check to the witness, Mr. Counsel, 
and let him identify it ? 

Mr. Smith. Is this the check that you have reference to? 

(Document handed to the witness.) 

Dr. Young. That is correct. 

Mr. IcHORD. Mr. Counsel, do you offer this for the record? 

Mr. Smith. Yes, sir. I request it be accepted for the record as Young 
Exhibit No. 1. 

Dr. Young. The witness has no objection, none whatsoever. 

Mr. IcHORD, The Chair will rule on the objections. Doctor, if you 
please. 

Would you hand me the check ? 

This check, Doctor — if there are no obiections, it will be admitted 
for the record, included in the record — this check at the top, at the 

21-706 O — 69 — pt. 1 14 



2430 DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

left-hand side says, "Quentin D. Young, Trustee." The number of the 
check is 101. The date is 4/1/1968. It is made to the order of Sudler 
and Company, $1,000, drawn on the National Bank of Hyde Park, 
and signed by Quentin D. Young, Trustee. 

(Document marked "Young Exhibit No. 1" follows:) 

Young Exhibit No. 1 




Quentin D. Young, Trustee 









Mr. IcHORD. These were your own funds even though you signed 
the check as trustee ? 

Dr. Young. Yes. Would you like an explanation of it? 

Mr. IcHORD. Yes, I would. 

Dr. Young. I have four bank accounts. One is a business account — 
it is very hard to have four different accounts, so you have your name 
in different ways. My business account is Q. David Young. My per- 
sonal account is Quentin Young, M.D. I have an account for my chil- 
dren's education called Quentin Young, Trustee, and because it was 
the only account with that much money and because I was assured that 
it would be paid back within 2 days, which it was, I used that ac- 
count. There is nothing more sinister than that, Mr. Ichord. 

Mr. IcHORD, Mr. Counsel, do you intend to continue questioning 
concerning this check ? 

Mr. Smith. No, sir. 

Dr. Young. When do we get to Chicago, please ? 

Mr. Watson. I thought this was paid in Chicago. It was not paid 
in Chicago ? 

Dr. Young. I presume it was. 

Mr. Watson. Now we are already in Chicago with the check. 

Mr. IcHORD. Let me advise the doctor there have also been threats 
made to not only disrupt the convention processes in the future, but 
the Federal election process. Let's not handle this matter with levity. 

Proceed, Mr. Watson. 

Dr. Young. Sir, I must make clear there has been no levity here. 
I think we are in the gravest crisis this country lias ever seen. I am 
still responding, 

I feel that it is terribly important if the purpose of this committee 
to understand what happened in Chicago is to be achieved that you 



DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2431 

question me about what our committee did, what I did in relation to 
it, talk about the casualties we treated, and so on. 

Mr. IcHORD. Let me advise the doctor that I announced at the open- 
ing of the hearings — and then I will recognize Mr. Watson for ques- 
tions he wishes to direct to you — that the purpose of this legislative in- 
vestigation is to determine the extent of Communist and subversive 
participation in the Chicago disturbances. "We have asked you one ques- 
tion, which you refused to answer, about membership in the Commu- 
nist Party. Mr. Watson has additional questions to ask you about this 
check. It seems very strange to the Chair, indeed, that there has been 
nothing about the security behind this loan, Mr. Counsel, though I 
am sure Mr. Watson is going into that. 

The Chair recognizes Mr. Watson at this time. 

Dr. Young. I also heard the Chair state that the purpose of this 
hearing was to find out what went on in Chicago. Those are his very 
words. 

Mr. Ighord. Yes; and I will say. Dr. Young, that a count of the 
testimony yesterday, performed by the committee staff, indicated that 
the witnesses testifying identified 21 Communists who were active in 
the Chicago disturbances. 

Mr. Cousins. Mr. Chairman, I am going to object to this statement 
because there are implications which are unwarranted. 

Mr. IcHORD. There are no implications involved. It is a statement of 
fact. You will abide by the Rules of the House of Eepresentatives, 
Counsel. Please abide by the rules announced by the Chair and confer 
with your client. 

Proceed, Mr. Watson. 

This is serious business, gentlemen, 

Mr. Watson. Dr. Young, you stated that you were not formally 
affiliated with the National Mobilization Committee except in your 
capacity as a leader or an officer in the medical group — ^What was the 
name of it? 

Dr. Young. — for Human Rights. What I did state 

Mr. Watson. That is your only affiliation with the National Mobi- 
lization Committee? 

Dr. Young. I don't even have an affiliation in that role. 

Mr. Watson. I believe your subcommittee or committee did help in 
the activities of the National Mobilization Committee. 

Dr. Young. May I explain my answer, sir ? 

Mr. Watson. Yes. I am just asking whether or not you did. I am 
sure you are not apologizing. 

Dr. Young. By no means. Counsel here asked such a multiple ques- 
tion 

Mr. Watson. I will try to get to specifics. 

Dr. Young. Now to answer. Many organizations that had planned 
to exercise normal political rights during the convention period ap- 
proached our committee, among which was the National Mobilization 
and the Coalition for an Open Convention and informally representa- 
tives of the Yippie group, and others made overtures. 

So it is fair to say that in the tradition of our committee, which is 
to respond to bona fide requests for medical reference, we did so. I 
resent any implication that we are any more affiliated with the National 
Mobilization than we were with the Southern Christian Leadership 



2432 DISRUPTION OF 196 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

Conference when we gave the same kind of service at that time, or in- 
deed that we were affiliated with the police department of Washington, 
D.C., when we served them in the same capacity. Is that clear? 

Mr. Watson. That is very fine. Then, of course, I am to conclude 
that you were not a part of the planning of the disruptions in Chicago? 

Dr. Young. You may conclude that with confidence. 

Mr. Watson. That is a correct statement ? 

Dr. Young. That is correct. 

Mr. Watson. You just entered the picture just prior to the rioting 
to be prepared ? 

Dr. Young. If asked general questions on how our committee par- 
ticipated, it would be my pleasure to enlighten you. 

Mr. Watson. Is that correct ? You had no part in the planning, did 
you? 

Dr. Young. Are you speaking of me personally ? 

Mr. Watson. Yes. You are the one testifying. 

Dr. Young. The answer is, I had no part in the planning. 

Mr. Watson. You had no part in it whatsoever ? 

Dr. Young. That is correct. 

Mr. Watson. In fact, I am to assume you didn't even know Mr. 
Davis prior to these riotous conditions, this activity in Chicago? 

Dr. Young. You can hardly assume that when I said that I lent 
him $1,000 on his face 4 months before. 

Mr. Watson. I see. 

How long have you known Mr. Davis ? 

Dr. Young. Approximately a year. 

Mr. Watson. Approximately a year ? 

Dr. Young. Yes. 

Mr. Watson. Is your acquaintance with him one of friendship, or 
just a casual one ? 

Dr. Young. He is a patient of mine and he is a friend of mine. 

Mr. Watson. He is a patient of yours ? 

Dr. Young. Yes, he is. 

Mr. Watson. And a friend of yours for the past year ? 

Dr. Young. At least a year. 

Mr. Watson. In that capacity he has never asked you anything 
about participating with the National Mobilization Committee? 

Dr. Young. That is correct. Sir, we are getting very close to the line 
of discussion of my rights to discourse with people. 

Mr. Watson. I have asked you nothing about the ailments of Mr, 
Davis at all. I have my own ideas about them. But I have asked you 
nothing about them. 

Dr. Young. Sir, as a physician I know I need all the help I can get. 

Mr. Kennedy. Mr. Chairman, point of order. I move that Mr, 
Watson be disqualified from this committee. 
[Loud demonstration from floor.] 

Mr. IcHORD. There will be order in the hearing room. Either leave 
the room or be seated. 

Mr. Dellinger. Mr. Chairman ? 

Mr. IcHORD. Mr. Dellinger, we know what is going on. The commit- 
tee knows what is going on. I think if the press will accurately report 
what is going on, the American people will know what is going on. 

Proceed, Mr. Watson. 



DISRUPTION OF 1 9 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2433 

Mr. Watson. I apologize, Mr. Chairman, if apparently I have struck 
a very sensitive nerve on the part of anyone here. 

Mr. Cousins. May I haA^e a point of personal privilege? 

Mr. IcHORD. The gentleman will confine himself to the rules as de- 
scribed by the Chair. 

Mr. Cousins. Mr. Chairman, I think it would expedite the proceed- 
ings 

Mr. IcHORD. The gentleman is out of order. I must caution the gen- 
tleman that if I have to use the authority vested in the Chair, I snail 
do so. 

Proceed, Mr. Watson. 

Let there be order. 

Mr. GuTMAN. Just a moment, sir. The witness wishes to confer with 
counsel. 

(Witness confers with counsel.) 

Mr. IcHORD. I think the counsel had better confer. 

Dr. Young. Mr. Ichord, may I address 

Mr. Ichord. Just a minute. Doctor. With the interruption that came 
from the audience, the Chair is not aware of the question now pending. 

Mr. Watson, have you a question in mind ? 

Mr. Watson. I believe I stated at the time I was not concerned 
about your medical relationship with Mr. Davis, but I was inquiring 
about your relationships other than medical, specifically, your relation- 
ships in reference to the National Mobilization Committee. My ques- 
tion was whether or not, in view of your close relationship, whether 
or not Mr. Davis had ever discussed the matter of working with him 
in the activities that were staged in Chicago. 

(Witness confers with counsel.) 

Dr. Young. The answer is that only in relation to the Medical Com- 
mittee's activities in the sense of their interest in having medical 
presence at any demonstrations. 

Mr, Watson. And, of course, in your presence he did discuss the 
fact that they were going to have demonstrations and there might be a 
necessity for medical care, against the specific request for your assist- 
ance ? That is a fair statement, isn't it ? 

You might confer on that one. 

(Witness confers with counsel.) 

Dr. Young. I am trying hard. I sense that the questions are very 
carefully phrased. I want to be responsive. On the other hand, I want 
to listen very carefully. I^t me say the conversations were limited to 
the questions of medical presence, which is a concept I would like to 
explain, if it would be useful. Our committee was born in 1964 in 
response to a request for medical presence, first aid teams and the like, 
in the South. At the time there developed a kind of social role in rela- 
tion to people who at that time were demonstrating for their rights, 
which essentially brought in health professionals aimed at having a 
calming influence on the tense situations that were generated in those 
Southern days. 

The committee, while it has many, many other activities now, views 
with great honor this source of its beginnings. So it is a commonplace 
in cities across the land for people of all persuasions to approach the 
committee and ask for medical presence. This has no presumption of 
anything other than having neutral medical personnel present. 



2434 DISRUPTION OF 196 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

Mr. Watson. Is your committee a formal branch of the Medical 
Society in Chicago? Is it a fully constituted arm of the Medical 
Society ? 

Dr. Young. Of the American Medical Association ? 

Mr. Watson. Or the Medical Society in Chicago, either one. 

Dr. Young. I don't understand your question. 

Mr. Watson. Is the organization to which you refer, the Medical 
Team for Human Rights 

Dr. Young. I am not the head of it, and it is not the Medical Team 
for Human Rights. 

Mr. Watson. What is it? 

Dr. Young. Medical Committee for Human Rights. 

Mr. Watson. The Medical Committee for Human Rights, is that 
organization an arm of the Chicago Medical Association or the Ameri- 
can Medical Association or the State of Illinois Medical Association ? 

(At this point Mr. Willis left the hearing room.) 

Dr. Young. I think I understand your question. 

Referring to the Chicago Medical Society or the Illinois Medical 
Society or the American Medical Association, the answer is it is not 
affiliated with any of those three organizations. 

Mr. Watson. You mentioned earlier that Davis did discuss with 
5'ou the matter of demonstrations and at least he anticipated the neces- 
sity for some medical care being available at the time of the 
demonstrations. 

Dr. Young. I think my answer would be useful to you if I expand. 
I see Mr. Davis very inf reauently. Typically in the office, in the nature 
of medical practice, one talks beyond the nature of the illness at hand. 
These remarks would go just as I would talk with a sociologist about 
his work. I would like to divest you of any implication that Rennie 
Davis and I planned in this direction. 

Mr. Watson. And you are obviously aware of Mr. Davis' activities. 
They have been well publicized. I am sure you are aware of them as a 
friend. You knew that he was in the business of demonstrating, didn't 
you? 

Dr. Young. I am aware of that, certainlv. He is a very well-known 
citizen and widely respected in our community. 

Mr. Watson. And I am sure your discussions with him relative to 
this activity were more than casual ; were they not, sir ? 

Dr. Young. They were casual. 

Mr, Watson. Just casual ? 

Dr. Young. Yes. 

Mr. Watson. Yet on the basis of that casual conversation, you 
brousrht your medical committee into play at the time of the violence 
in Chicago? 

Dr. Young. That, of course, is completely untrue. 

Mr. Watson. You didn't ? I thought you did. 

Dr. Young. No, sir. The response to your question is that I brought 
nothinflf to bear. A request from the Mobilization, the Coalition for an 
Open Convention, other groups normally made to the Chicago chapter 
of the Medical Committee for Human Rights, was discussed and it was 
duly agreed to attempt to offer some kind of assistance. It is the devel- 
opments of that assistance and the role it served that I would like to 
talk about. 



DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2435 

Mr. IcHORD. I am sure, Doctor, you would like to talk about many 
other things than the question the gentleman is now asking you. 

Dr. Young. I think I responded to it. 

Mr. IcHORD. We will proceed with other questions before we con- 
clude these hearings. Your answer is not responsive. 

Continue with the questioning, Mr. Watson. 

(Witness confers with counsel.) 

Mr. Watson. Doctor, I believe you state not what, in addition to 
Mr. Davis, other representatives of other groups contacted you with 
reference to your committee's participation. 

Dr. Young. They didn't contact me, sir. I don't believe I said that. 
Wliat I would like to convey is that our committee was, in a normal 
organizational way, approached by other groups. There were many at 
one time that were considering activities in the Chicago area. I recall, 
for the gentleman, Mr. Watson, that there has been great concern in 
this countrv since at least the first of the year as to the direction, and 
there has been increasing public expression in this regard. I think the 
most important point to make at this juncture is that the estimates of 
the various groups as to the number of people who demonstrate ap- 
proach the half million. It has been shown historically that this was 
greatly exaggerated. But, at the time, the Medical Committee was 
naturally responsive to the best of its abilities to any such request be- 
cause, among other things, our presence seems to have a calming effect, 
an effect that is useful in creating an orderly expression of protest. We 
are Drond of this role. 

Mr. Watson. You said various groups came to your committee to 
ask assistance. Wlio, representing those groups, came to your commit- 
tee, in addition to Mr. Davis ? 

Dr. Young. I can't remember the particular names. I can get them 
for you if you want. They refer to representatives of the groups I 
mentioned. 

Mr. IcHORD. Are any of those persons known by you to be members 
of the Communist Party, Doctor? 

(Witness confers with counsel.) 

Dr. Young. Repeat the question, sir, I will try to answer it. 

Mr. IcHORD. Were any of those persons who approached you known 
by you to be members of the Communist Party ? 

(Witness confers with counsel.) 

Dr. Young. I am trying to be as accurate as I can. To the best of 
my knowledge and belief, nobody who was a Communist ever ap- 
proached me for this service. A variety of groups approached the 
committee. I think it is important to remind the questioners again 
that I am not 

Mr. IcHORD. The Chair will rule on the matter of what questions are 
relevant and what questions are not. 

Dr. Young. Here is what I am trying to say : When I say they 
didn't approach me, I don't want to imply they didn't approach the 
committee. I am trying to explain things. But I am not the person to 
whom all these things go. We have a vigorous and thriving group of 
people who would be resentful if I sfave the impression that everything 
went through me. The contrary is true. I am a national officer in the 
sense that I edit the newspaper and have national activities in thei 
sense that I am a past chairman and am invited to speak to chapters 
and other medical groups, student health organizations, and so forth. 



2436 DISRUPTION OF 196 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

Mr. IcHORD. What is your specialty ? 

Dr. Young. I am a specialist in internal medicine. Tf I may finish 
my point, the facts are that this kind of demand on my time plus 
my practice makes me very little involved in the events you are ques- 
tioning me about. I want tlie record to be clear that I am not trying 
to be evasive. These overtures were made and they were responded 
to. I am proud of the way our committee did it. But if you keep asking 
me did I get approached and did I get this, you are going to get 
negative answers. 

Does that help explain my answer ? 

Mr. Watson. I am sure that it is an explanation. 

Doctor, getting back to the matter of the check that you issued, I 
believe you stated it was a loan to Mr. Davis. 

Dr. Young. That is correct. 

Mr. Watson. Why didn't you make the check out to Mr. Davis 
if it were a loan to him ? 

Dr. Young. The exact circumstances, as I recall, is he was out of 
the city. He called me and asked me if I could make the thing out to 
the realtor. As I have testified here, I hnve no inclination to conceal 
the fact. When asked, I responded immediately. The check was made 
out to the person to whom it was to be delivered since Mr. Davis 
wasn't even around to receive it. 

Mr. IcKORD. Mr. Watson, the bells have sounded. I think we are 
going to have to hurry over to make the rollcall. 

It is now 3 minutes until 4 o'clock. We wouldn't have much time to 
continue for the rest of the afternoon. 

The Chair will adjourn these meetings until 10 o'clock tomorrow 
morning, at which time we will 

Mr. GuTMAN. Before you drop the gavel, an important matter. We 
are all, of course, busy people. This is an im]:)ortant matter. Certainly, 
Dr. Young is not one to underestimate its importance. However, he is 
a physician. He does have patients w^ho rely upon him. He has been in 
Washington since yesterday. If we compel him to stay over another 
day, it will seriously interfere with the rights of the people who rely 
upon him for his professional services. I appreciate your obligations as 
Congressmen to respond to the bells. By the same token, I hope you will 
make it possible to come back here after the call and conclude with Dr. 
Young this evening. 

Mr. IcHORD. Let me advise the attorney that what has developed here 
today makes it highly imperative that he continue tomorrow. I would 
advise the attorney, and I api^reciate the busy schedule of the doctor, 
that I have to catch a plane to ISfissouri at 15 minutes after 4 to keep 
a speaking engagement in a place Avhere I have canceled out twice be- 
fore. I must keep it. I shall be on the plane all night and be up all 
night and return for these hearings tomorrow morning. That is how 
important I think it is. The request will have to be denied. 

Mr. GuTMAN. Dr. Young similarly has a s):)eaking engagement in 
Philadelphia this evening. He will be faced with the same problem, 
unfortmiately, on the train both ways. 

Mr. IcTioRD. The doctor will be required to return tomorrow morn- 
ing under the subpena. The hearing is adjourned. 

(Whereupon, at 4 p.m., Thursday, October 3, 1968, the hearing was 
recessed, to be reconvened at 10 a.m., Friday, October 4, 1968.) 

(Subcommittee members present at time of recess: Representatives 
Ichord, Ashbrook, and Watson.) 



SUBVERSIVE INVOLVEMENT IN DISRUPTION OF 1968 
DEMOCRATIC PARTY NATIONAL CONVENTION 

Part 1 



FRIDAY, OCTOBER 4, 1968 

United States House of Representatives, 

Subcommittee of the 
Committee on Un-American Activities, 

Washington^ B.C. 

public hearings 

The subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities 
met, pureuant to recess, at 10:20 a.m., in Room 311, Cannon House 
Office Building, Washington, D.C., Hon. Richard H. Ichord (chair- 
man of the subcommittee) presiding. 

(Subcommittee members: Representatives Richard H. Ichord, of 
Missouri, chairman; Edwin E. Willis, of Louisiana, chairman of the 
full committee; William M. Tuck, of Virginia; John M. Ashbrook, 
of Ohio; and Albert W. Watson, of South Carolina.) 

Subcommittee members present: Representatives Ichord, Ash- 
brook, and Watson. 

Staff members present: Francis J. McNamara, director; Chester 
D. Smith, general counsel; Alfred M. Nittle, counsel; and William 
J, McMahon and Herbert Romerstein, investigators. 

Mr. Ichord. The committee will come to order. 

Will the photographers please retire ? 

Let there be order. People standing wnll please be seated. 

The witness will resume the chair. Dr. Young? 

Prior to the continuation of the questioning, the attorneys for 
several of the witnesses filed a Motion for Issuance of Subpoenas. 

(The motion referred to follows :) 

MOTION FOR ISSUANCE OF SUBPOENAS 

Pursuant to Rule III of the Rules of the House Committee on Un-American 
Activities, Rule 26(m) (3) of the Rules of the House of Representatives, and the 
invitation of the Chairman extended on October 1, 1968 at page 51 of the tran- 
script of the hearings before this Committee, the subpoenaed witnesses Renard 
G. [sic] Davis, David Dellinger. Robert Greenblatt, Thomas Hayden, Abbie Hoff- 
man, Jerry Rubin and Quentin Young, move for the issuance of subpoenas duces 
tecum to compel the attendance of the following persons and documents before 
this Committee to be examined under oath as hostile witnesses by the attorneys 
for the moving parties ; 

James L. Gallagher, Joseph J. Healy, Joseph Grubisic, and Robert Pearson 
[sic] together with all records and documents pertaining to the subject matter 
of their testimony before this Committee on October 1, 1968 ; 

2437 



2438 DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

Chester D. Smith together with all records and documents pertaining to the 
subject matter of his unsworn testimony before this Committee on October 1, 
1968; 

Francis J. MaNamara [sic] together with all documents and records pertaining 
to the preparation for and conduct of the hearings before this Committee begin- 
ning October 1, 1968 ; 

Richard J. Daley, Mayor of Chicago, together with all correspondence, 
memoranda, applications for parades and assemblies, and documents of all kinds 
connected with or related to the events in the City of Chicago which are the 
purported subjected matter of these hearings. 

The moving parties further request the names and addresses of all persons 
both overt and covert from whom the Committee has secured information of 
whatever nature pertaining to the moving parties, and for the issuance of 
subpoenas to such i)ersons to appear with all records and documents in their 
possession or subject to their control concerning the purported subject matter of 
this investigation. 

/s/ Melvin L. Wulf 
Melvin L. Wulf 
Attorney for the Moving Parties. 

October 3. 1968. 

Mr. IcHORD. The Chair will now nile on the motion presented to the 
subcommittee by Melvin L. Wulf, whose name is subscribed to the 
document as attorney for the moving party. The subcommittee at that 
time deferred ruling on the motion. 

The subcommittee has met this morning and considered the motion. 
We now make our ruling. 

We find that the motion is not pertinent to the purposes and limita- 
tions of committee Rule III and House Rule XI, 26(m). We further 
find that the motion is frivolous. We therefore deny the motion. 

Mr. Counsel, you will resume the questioning of the witness. 

TESTIMONY OF QUENTIl^ D. YOTJNO, ACCfOMPANIED BY COUNSEL, 
JEREMIAH S. GUTMAN AND WILLIAM COUSINS, JR.— Resumed 

Mr. GuTMAN. Mr. Chairman, may I at this point enter on the record, 
if you please, our exceptions to the Chair's ruling on this matter and 
file with the committee another matter ? 

Mr. Icho'rd. The exceptions can be entered. The Motion for Issuance 
of Subpoenas and the denial will be printed in the record. 

Mr. IcHORD. The Chair will receive the motion filed by the gentleman. 

Mr. GuTMAN. Mr. Chairman 

Mr. IcHORD. The Chair has repeatedlv advised the witnesses and the 
attorneys that this is not a court hearing. I have repeatedly advised 
the attorneys that under the rules their function is to serve as an 
adviser and giving legal advice to their clients. 

The gentlemen of the bar have repeatedly \dolated the rulings of the 
Chair. Again I point out that this is not a court hearing. No one is 
being tried in these proceedings. The committee seeks to punish no 
one. It has been brought to the attention of the Chair in contentions 
made by attorneys repeatedly that it is obvious how the Chair is going 
to rule on all of the questions presented. 

Let me point out to the audience and to the attorneys that the Chair 
is not in a position of a judge in these hearings. This is a legislative 
hearing. We are here for the purpose of gathering facts and informa- 
tion on what happened and how it happened in Chicago. 

The attorney will please be seated and abide by the Rules of the 
House of Representatives and the ruling of the Chair. 



DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2439 

I want to point out again that the repeated violation of these rulings 
must not be construed as acquiescence by the Chair. 

Let's resume the questioning. 

Mr. GuTMAN. May I make one statement, Mr. Chairman ? 

Mr. IcHORD. The gentleman is denied the privilege of making a 
statement at this time. Perform 3'our function. 

Mr. GuTMAx. That is what I am attempting to do, Mr. Chairman, 
under ver}^ difficult circumstances. The right to counsel and the living 
up by an attorney to his oath vigorously to defend 

Mr. IcHORD. Let me assure the counsel he can confer with his client 
any time. 

Mr. GuTMAx. Mr, Chairman, we are making a record here, and on 
this record it is incumbent upon each of us as an attorney to make 
sure that every position, every objection, every violation of right which 
we see taking place be recorded. We are making a record. These mat- 
ters will be, and are now, under the jurisdiction of the L^nited States 
Federal court. It is essential that all that goes on here be recorded. This 
is a record 

Mr. IcHORD. I direct the attorney to please be seated. 

Mr. KuxsTLER. Mr. Chairman, I have a point of order that I think 
should be in the record of these proceedings. 

Mr, IcHORD, The gentleman now arising from the audience is Mr. 
Kunstler. The gentleman is not recognized. I have read repeatedly 
the Rules of the House of Representatives. Since this is another session, 
I suppose the Chair should do it again, read the rules 

Mr. Kunstler. ]Mr. Chairman, do we have to go through that 

Mr. IcHORD. The gentleman is out of order. 

Mr. Kunstler. "We will waive the reading. 

Mr. Ichord. The gentleman is out of order. I will ask the gentle- 
man to please be seated. 

Mr. Kunstler. I want my client to make a statement. I think it is 
important for the continuance of this hearing. 

Mr. Ichord. The request is denied. 

Mr. Rubin. Last night the 

Mr. Ichord. Mr. Rlibin, will you please retire from the room ? 

Mr. Rubin. They telephoned me and told me they were going to 
get me. 

Mr. Ichord. The gentleman will please retire from the room. If the 
gentleman continues to do this, if the gentleman does this one more 
thne, I have no other alternative except to ask you to please retire from 
the room. If vou do not, the Chair will be compelled to have you re- 
moved from the room. 

I warn Mr. Rubin that I will not tolerate another interruption of 
these committee hearings. The police are so instructed. I don't want to 
do this. As I have stated repeatedly, this committee is not here for the 
purpose of punishing anyone or tr\'ing anyone. But we cannot con- 
tinue to have these hearings interrupted. You leave me no other alter- 
native. The Chair is not conducting a circus here, and I will have to 
maintain order. That warning has been given you, Mr. Rubin. I shall 
appeal to your sense of decorum, your sense of propriety, to abide by 
that ruling. 

Proceed with the questioning, Mr. Counsel. 

Mr. Smith. Dr. Young 

Mr. WuLF. Mr. Chairman 



2440 DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

Mr. IcHORD. The gentleman is out of order. 

I shall read again the rules under which these hearings are being 
conducted. 

Rule No. VII of the House Committee on Un-American Activities : 

A — At every hearing, public or executive, every witness shall be accorded the 
privilege of having counsel of his own choosing. 

B — The participation of counsel during the course of any hearing and while 
the witness is testifying shall be limited to advising said witness as to his legal 
rights. Counsel shall not be permitted to engage in oral argument with the Com- 
mittee, but shall confine his activity to the area of legal advice to his client. 

Rule No. VIII, "CONDUCT OF COUNSEL"— 

Counsel, the Chair will state at this time, have not abided by this 
rule, even though the Chair has read the rule several times, and I 
again read it today, since it is a new hearing : 

Counsel for a witness shall conduct himself in a professional, ethical, and 
proper manner. His failure to do so shall, upon a finding to that effect by a 
majority of the Committee or Subcommittee before which the witness is appear- 
ing, subject such counsel to disciplinary action which may include warning, 
censure, removal of counsel from the hearing room, or a recommendation of 
contempt proceedings. 

In a ruling by the Speaker of the House of Representatives, the rules 
of the committee were confirmed. The Speaker held that the Rules 
of the House of Representatives in legislative hearings provide only 
for the counsel to advise his witness as to his legal rights. 

With that warning again, the patience of the Chair, gentlemen of 
the bar, is being sorely tried. Rightly or wrongly, I believe you are 
trying to goad the Chair into precipitous action. There is certain in- 
formation and facts which this committee wants. I shall demand order. 
I shall enforce order in an effort to obtain those facts. 

Mr. Counsel, resume your questioning of the witness. 

Mr. Smith. Dr. Young 

Dr. Young. Excuse me. Counsel. Mr. Ichord 

Mr. IcHORD. The record will show that the witness is still under 
oath. 

Dr. Young. Good morning, Mr. Ichord. Did you have a good trip ? 

Mr. IcHORD. The gentleman is out of order at this time. 

Dr. Young. I would like to, at this point, on reconsideration of one 
of the questions that Mr. Watson put to me — I feel my answer was 
incomplete and, with your permission, I would like to give a full 
answer. 

Mr. IcHORD. What was the question given to the witness ? 

Dr. Young. We spent several questions over affiliation with the 
American Medical Association and its subsidiaries. 

Mr. Ichord. As long as you do not indulge in haranguing and come 
to the point, if you want to explain your answer, that will be all right. 

Dr. Young. Sir, at any time have I indulged in haranguing? 

Mr. IcHORD. Proceed with your answer. 

Dr. Young. I would appreciate it if the Chair would not 

Mr. Ichord. The gentleman has been a very courteous witness in 
comparison with the preceding witness, I will say. 

Mr. GuTMAN. And in the abstract and objectively. 

Mr. IcHORD. Proceed. 

Dr. Young. Mr. Watson was deeply concerned with the affiliation 
of the Medical Committee and myself with the American Medical 



DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2441 

Association. I am, of course, not necessarily, of course — I am a mem- 
ber of the American Medical Association and its affiliates in the State 
of Illinois. I have been president of the branch of the Chicago Medi- 
cal Society and have been a counselor in the Chicago Medical Society. 
Indeed, I am a counselor today. I have been a delegate to the State 
convention for the past several years. I am proud to represent the doc- 
tors in my community. However, there is another relationship that 
would be of interest to Mr. Watson and the committee which I would 
like to identify now. 

I am a national adviser to the Student American Medical Associa- 
tion. I am sure the Chair will be kind enough to let me indicate the 
closeness of that bond by reading a very brief statement from that 
group. 

Mr. IcHORD. Proceed. 

Dr. Young. The Student American Medical Association is, of course, 
a group of some 60,000 medical students and doctors, house officers, 
which is an expression of the American Medical Association in that 
area. The statment very briefly is from C. Clement Lucas, president 
of the Student American Medical Association, and the statement was 
issued just a few days ago. I am very proud of it : 

The United States is involved in a severe crisis as relates to the effective 
delivery and distribution of the highly developed health technology and medical 
skills which we possess to all sectors of our society. This problem has been clearly 
docimiented by citizens, legislators, physicians and students of all health 
professions as well as by the health professions organizations in the recent 
Presidential Commission on Health ManjKiwer. 

As the full extent of this problem and the needs of our society have been 
realized, students, practitioners and organizations of all the health professions 
have joined together in concert in trying to find the answers that are so 
necessary and the answers that are not crisis-oriented, but related to long-term 
programs to correct this deficiency. 

The Student American Medical Association has assumed a major role in trying 
to be a part of this large and necessary effort. To do so requires the active 
support and advice from many areas of our society as is represented by the 
National Board of Advisers of the Student American Medical Association. Dr. 
Quentin David Young, National Adviser to the Student Medical Association, has 
worked diligently and demonstrated the very highest ethical standard and with 
a genuine concern to the relevant and basic issues and suggesting possible 
answers, solutions and modes of actions in meeting these problems. 

Not only has he advised the Student American Medical Association in the 
areas of medical education and community health, but he has been an effective 
force in bringing together diverse student viewpoints into SAMA to form a 
strong, united, logical and active approach to the problems of which we are 
all well aware 

He has been a moving force and has made a significant contribution not only 
to the progress of medicine, but to the general welfare of all mankind within 
our society. 

I am proud of that statement. 

Mr. IcHORD. I am sure you should be, sir. 

Let me explain to you at this time. Perhaps you do not understand 
the nature of these proceedings. 

Dr. Young. I am well aware of the nature. 

Mr. IcHORD. The Chair hasn't called you here, and the committee 
has not called you here, to ridicule you. We haven't called you here to 
subject you to any punishment. But the committee has been advised 
that you do have access to certain facts and information which would 
be of great interest to the committee and are relevant to these hear- 
ings. 



2442 DISRUPTION OF 19 6 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

Let me point out the relevancy of the question, for example, again, 
as to whether you had been a member of the Communist Party. It has 
been charged that Communists in this country have inspired, have 
planned, and played a part in the instigation of the riots in Chicago. 
It has been charged that certain organizations in the TTnited States 
have connections with foreign Communist powers. 

I am not getting into an argument about the merits or the demerits 
of the war in South Vietnam. But we can take cognizance of the fact 
that American boys are engaged in a war with the Communist nation 
of North Vietnam, I believe over 30,000 of them have been killed up 
to this time. 

You were asked yesterday about a check. We are concerned about 
the financing of certain organizations. You were asked about a check 
written by you- 

Dr. Young. Sir 



Mr. IcHORD. I am explaining the relevancy to you. I permitted you 
to reply. The witness will be in order. Perhaps we need to understand 
one another. 

You gave a check to Sudler & Comoany in the amount of $1,000. 
You said that was a loan to Mr. Rennie Davis. Mr. Rennie Davis was 
a coordinator of the National Mobilization Committee To End the 
War in Vietnam. He has traveled to Hanoi. You explained this as a 
loan. You said that it was returned in the form of cash, you thought, 
but you weren't clear; you weren't exactly clear as to how it was 
returned. 

We are not trying to get into the doctor-patient relationship at all, 
but it does look strange to the committee that a resident of the State 
of New York whom you had only known at this time for a year, you 
stated, you had only known for 6 months, that you loaned him $1,000, 
and that is returned and you don't know how it was returned. 

We are interested in the financing of these organizations. All of 
these questions, I think, will be relevant. That has been brought out. 
The Chair doesn't want to ridicule you. The Chair is not going to 
punish you. We are interested in the facts about what happened in 
Chicago. I think you can help us and I hope you will freely answei 
the questions. 

Dr. Young. Right. Sir. I am. of course, deeply interested in the facts. 
As the Chair knows, I res])onded to every question that was put to me. 
Your reopening the matter of my response to the questions of my asso- 
ciations and freedom of speech and all the rest of it, I have answered. 
I have stated, and I restate, in no way would an answer to that ques- 
tion embarrass me. But I also state, sir, that I am so attached to the 
first amendment that I could not, no matter what the penalty before 
this tribunal, give away the rights of Americans in that area. 

Now, let me proceed. 

Mr. IcHORD. Go ahead. I think we might understand one another 
and perhaps get the information that we need and that we might not 
if we don't understand one another. Go ahead. 

Dr. Young, Yes. 

Sir, the Chair has said that it is not ridiculing me, but then links the 
fact that American boys are dying in Vietnam, about which I feel as 
strongly as the Chair, with the fact that I lent a young man $1,000 for 
48 hours and swore here that it was returned. I feel that is an innuendo. 



DISRUPTION OF 19 6 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2443 

Mr. IcHORD. But a young man who had traveled to Hanoi during 
a time that the war was going on. 

Dr. Young. What does the Chair mean by that ? In every loan that 
you gave somebody, if you ever lent money, do you get a complete dos- 
sier on the traveling ? Is it really relevant, sir ? 

I feel my right to su]3port these young people and I must admit that 
I am deeply concerned with the neAv energies that young people across 
this country have. They are our only hope. I remind the Chair of the 
silent generation of the fifties. The Chair, forgive me, is old enough to 
remember that, those dark days. 

I think of those days and I am enthusiastic about young people of all 
political hue who are expressing themselves. I exult in it. Because I am 
a physician and make a bit more than the rest, I am happy on occasion 
to lend them money and on occasion to donate money. I will not answer 
here to whom I give money. If I break the laws of the land, it is up to 
that section of the Government 

Mr. IcHORD. Dr. Young, you say you have refused to answer the ques- 
tion w^hether you were a member of the Communist Party on the first 
amendment. The Chair has ruled that that was not a sufficient invoca- 
tion of a constitutional right not to answer under the possibility of 
contempt proceedings. 

I don't want to institute any contempt proceedings. At this time I 
think I would be inclined to vote against any contempt proceedings of 
the witness in the chair. 

Dr. Young. I think that would be very fair. 

Mr. IcHORD. I do warn you, however, prima facie that is not a suffi- 
cient invocation. 

May I ask you this : Would you perjure yourself if you said "no" in 
regard to the question about being a member of the Communist Party ? 

Dr. Young. You embarrass me, sir. How could you possibly 

Mr. IcHORD. I don't see any perjury on that. 

Dr. Young. I am a physician and I am not aware of lawyers' tech- 
niques, but I see through that one. I have given you an answer to that 
question. 

Mr. IcHORD. Let me tell you. Dr. Young, that the courts have decided 
time and time again that. the rights under the first amendment do not 
give you the right not to answer such a question. 

Dr. Young. You have reminded me of that a dozen times, sir, and 
I have responded each time. 

Mr. IcHORD. Let the record stand. I thought maybe we could under- 
stand one another. Perhaps we are too far apart. 

Proceed, Mr. Counsel. 

Dr. Young. One last point. We are separated only by the first amend- 
ment. 

Mr. IcHORD. Let me assure you of this : that the fact that a person 
may take the fifth amendment would not necessarily mean, in my view, 
that he is or is not a Communist. 

Dr. Young. I share your view that the fifth amendment is a right 
that every citizen has and should use. There is no presumption of guilt 
in its utilization. 

Mr. IcHORD. I agree with you. 



2444 DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

Dr. Young. But I want to remind the Chair that at no point did I 
invoke the fifth amendment, the privilege against self-incrimination. 

Mr. IcHORD. You have invoked the first amendment. 

Dr. Young. That is correct. I hope, sir, when we proceed to question- 
ing, that we will very soon get to the chronology of events that hap- 
pened in Chicago. 

Mr. IcHORD, There are still some pertinent questions which should 
be directed to the witness. 

Dr. Young. I am sure there are. But can I plead that we do get to 
these things ? The committee and the American people will once again 
be enlightened about what happened in Chicago. 

Mr. IcHoRD. Proceed, Mr. Counsel. 

Mr. Smith. You testified yesterday that you had no affiliation, as- 
sociation, or tie with the National Mobilization Committee other than 
the technical or formal relationship involving the Medical Committee 
for Human Rights. 

I have here a copy of a letter — is that correct ? 

(Witness confers with counsel.) 

Dr. Young. Is that verbatim from the record ? 

Mr. Smith. Verbatim from the record? "Were you associated" 

Mr. Gutman. Where are you reading from, sir ? 

Mr. Smith. Page 273 of the record : 

[Q.] Were you associated with it? Did you participate with It? 

[A.] Are you referring relative to medical presence of our committee * * * 

* * * * i: if * 

[Q.] As an individual, were you affiliated with it, did you participate with it, 
in any of its activities? 

Mr. Gutman. You are reading the questions, Mr. Smith, not the 
answers. You are skipping the answers. 

Mr. Smith. "You are giving me different verbs" 

Mr. Gutman. Now you are quoting the witness. 

Mr. IcHORD. Mr. Counsel, will you please remain silent for a while 
and abide by the rules ? 

Mr. Gutman. If Mr. Smith will abide by the rules of fairness, I 
will, too. 

Mr. IcHORD. Let's permit the question to be put. If the counsel can 
put the question, that is. If your client does not want to answer, advise 
him of his rights. 

Mr. Gutman. Indeed, if Mr. Smith can put a question, I would like 
to hear it. 

Mr. Smith [reads]. 

Mr. Smith. As an individual, were you affiliated with it, did you participate 
with it, in any of its activities? 

Dr. Young. You are giving me different verbs. The relationship of our commit- 
tee and, to that extent, myself has been the relationship of the Medical Com- 
mittee exclusively. In that sense, I am not affiliated with the National Mobiliza- 
tion. 

Dr. Young. Yes, I so testified. 

Mr. Smith. Thank you. 

Dr. Young, I have here a copy of a letter which has been supplied 
to the committee by a reliable confidential source, and we know that it 
came from the office of the National IVIobilization Committee in Chi- 
cago. The heading: of the letter indicates that it emanated from Room 



DISRUPTION OF 19 6 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2445 

315, 407 South Dearborn Avenue, Chicago, under date of March 7, 
1968. It is addressed to "Dear Friend." I should like to read a few 
paragraphs of this letter. 

Mr. IcHORD. Let the witness examine the letter. 

Mr. Cousins. I would like to have the whole letter read, perhaps, if 
it is going to be read. 

(Document handed to witness.) 

(Witness confers with counsel.) 

Mr. GuTMAN. Mr. Chairman, I am going to object to the use of this 
on several grounds. 

First of all, there is no explanation whether the fourth amendment 
of the Constitution was violated or not. 

Second of all, it is obviously incomplete. It consists of page 1 and 
page 5 of a letter which obviously contained at least six pages. So it 
isn't complete. 

Mr. IciiORD. The Chair again admonishes the attorney. 

Mr. GuTMAN. It is not a document, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. IcHORD. Examine the document and let's proceed. 

Mr. GuTMAN. It is an incomplete piece of paper that is barely legible. 
Half of the second page cannot conceivably be read. 

]Mr. IcHORD. The attorney is out of order. 

]\Ir. GuTMAisr. Mr. Smith is out of order. 

Mr. TcHORD. Let's go on with the questioning. 

Mr. GuTMAN. There is some typing that has been added to this after 
the copy was made. I demand that it be submitted to an expert docu- 
ment examiner and that it be now marked for identification so it can- 
not be substituted. It is an altered document, Mr. Chairman. I haven't 
read it yet, but it is obviously a forgery. Look at it. It contains dupli- 
cation and tj^ping both. 

Mr. IcHORD. Let there be order. 

]Mr. GuTMAx. Indeed, let there be order. 

Mr. IcHORD. Counsel, please come forward. 

Mr. GuTMAN. Is that me ? 

Mr. IcHORD. No. The committee counsel. 

Mr. GuTMAN. Mr. Chairman, an emergency situation has just 
arisen. I represent to the Chair that it is an emergency. 

Mr. IcHORD. An emergency ? 

Mr. GuTMAN. Yes. Mr. Abbie Hoffman, who was arrested yesterday, 
has Ijeen ordered released to this committee by an order of Judge 
Charles Halleck. He has been turned over pursuant to that order to the 
X'nited States marshals who have him here in Longworth Building 
in a cell. Tlie order of the judge is that he be brought to this committee 
room. 

The United States marshal is specifically disobeying that order, and 
they say they were directed to do so by this committee. Counsel for Mr. 
Hoffman is here. 

Mr. IcHORD. The attorney is obviously propagandizing and is out of 
order. 

Let there be order. 

Let me advise that the Chair has no knowledge of the whereabouts 
of Mr. Hoffman. 

Mr. GuTMAN. I am not accusing the Chair, Mr. Ichord. I wouldn't 
suggest that you would deprive a person of his liberty without due 
process of law. 

21-706—69 — pt. 1 15 



2446 DISRUPTION OF 19 6 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

Mr. IcHORD. The Chair is not responsible for Mr. Hoffman's conduct. 

Mr. GuTMAN. The U.S. marshals say he is. 

Mr. IcHORD. The marshals will be directed here and now. Mr. Hoff- 
man's presence is not required in this room. I am not responsible for 
his conduct. They can return him to the cell as far as the Chair is con- 
cerned. Please stop interrupting these hearings and please be seated. 

Mr. Lefcourt. I am the attorney for Mr. Hoffman. I just left him in 
the Guardroom of the Longworth Building. Tlie U.S. marshals inform 
me that he is being held there 

Mr. IcHORD. If you want Mr. Hoffman returned to his cell where 
he has been arrested on certain charges about which the Chair is not 
informed, as far as the Chair is concerned, he can be returned to the 
cell. 

Mr. GuTMAN. Or here ? 

Mr. Lefcourt. He has been released from that jail by order of Judge 
Halleck. 

Mr. Watson. I thought we were questioning Dr. Young. I didn't 
know this other individual was testifying. If counsel has any argu- 
ment, I should think it would be with Judge Halleck. 

Mr. GuTMAN. Judge Halleck has already ruled. 

Mr. Watson. I don't want any discussion with anyone. I am ap- 
pealing to the Chair that we proceed in orderly fashion. And if and 
when Mr. Hoffman is called, we will deal with that at the time. Mean- 
while, counsel can take up any arguments with Judge Halleck. 

If counsel insists, I should think we should invoke the rules of this 
House so far as moving along in an orderly fashion. 

Mr. IcHORD. Counsel leaves the Chair no other alternative. The 
Chair is not responsible for Mr. Hoffman. His presence is not required 
in this room. ^V^lateve^ Judge Halleck or the proper authorities 
dispose 

Mr. Gtttman. May I suggest a solution to the impasse? The mar- 
shals say that they recognize that Judge Halleck has directed that he 
be brought here — released. He is released. 

Mr. IciiORD. He has been released? As far as the Chair is con- 
cerned 

Mr. Gtttman. Tell the marshals that you don't want him locked up. 
They say you do. 

Mr. IciiORD. As far as the Chair is concerned, he can come to the 
hearing room, as long as he behaves himself. We must continue with 
the hearings. Obviously, this is an attempt to interrupt. 

Mr. Lefcourt. It is not such an attempt. My client is being held 
illegally. The court has released him. It is a work-release order, wliich 
means he is released as of 7 a.m. this morning. 

Mr. IcHORD. I leave it up to Judge Halleck. As far as I am con- 
cerned, if he comes into this room and wants to behave himself, it will 
be permitted. 

Mr. Lefcourt. Can the Chair direct the marshals to release him ? 

Mr. IciioRD. Counsel is out of order. I direct the gentleman to be 
seated. If not, I ask that he be escorted from the room. 

Mr. KuNSTLER. INIr. Chairman, I represent Mr. Hoffman as we^l. 
Order the marshal to bring Mr. Hoffman into the room. You have th*^ 
power to do it. 

Mr. IcHORD. Mr. Hoffman, as far as the Chair is concerned, is a free 
man. 



DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2447 

Mr. KuNSTLER. Mr. Marshal, will you bring liim here ? 

Mr. IcpioiiD. This is obviously an attempt to disrupt the hearing. 

Mr. GrnraiAN". It is not, sir. 

Mr. KuNSTLEE. I am his lawyer. He is released. Bring him to the 
room. He is released by the court. 

Mr. IcHORD. Let him come into the room. 

Mr. KuNSTLEK. Mr. ^Marshal, will you please do so ? 

Mr. Butler. Mr. Ichord, as you know, I am the chief deputy marshal 
for the District of Columbia. These gentlemen are in error. Judge Hal- 
leck, late yesterday evening, issued an order to produce the man before 
the committee when he was needed. The order covered yesterday and 
today. 

Later in the day, apparently Judge Halleck had some second 
thoughts. He issued a work-release order. As Mr. Lefcourt knows, who 
is the counsel for Mr. Hoffman, Judge Halleck failed to put a date on 
the work-release order, only a time. The jail will not honor a work- 
release order without a date. 

Mr. Lefcourt was informed of that, and the order has been sent back 
to Judge Halleck. When Judge Halleck corrects it, then we can act 
on it. Until that time we cannot. 

Mr. IcHORD. The Chair will leave that to Judge Halleck. If Judge 
Halleck releases Mr. Hoffman and he behaves himself, he will be per- 
mitted to come into this room. I am not trying to interfere with Judge 
Halleck's order at all. I leave that to Judge Halleck and the marshals. 

From the floor. Mr. Chairman 

Mr. IcHORD. I direct the gentleman to be seated or I shall have to 
ask him to leave the room. 

From the floor. I will leave the room, Mr. Chairman, because I 
understand Mr. Lefcourt has been barred from the hearing room by 
the police. 

Mr. IcHORD. Will you please retire from the room, sir? 

From the floor. I certainly will, sir. 

Mr. KuNSTLER. We are all going to leave the room until Mr. Lef- 
court is back here. You can't do this to counsel like last time. 

Mr. IcHORD. Let the record show that counsel are now leaving the 
room. 

]Mr. KuxsTLER. Until you order Mr. Lefcourt back 

From the floor. Will the record show that some of the victims are 
leaving the room also ? 

Mr. IcHORD. I only ordered him to be orderly. He refused to be 
orderly. 

]Mr. GuTMAN. Let him in, Mr. Chairman, We will not get anywhere. 

Mr. IcHORD. Let the record show that certain counsel and witnesses 
are leaving the room. 

Let there be order in the hearing room. Perhaps now we will have 
some order. 

Mr. Cousins. Mr. Chairman, if counsel proposes to read from the 
document, we would like to see it. 

Mr. IcHORD. The Chair directs the attorney to please abide by the 
rules. 

Dr. Young. One quick comment. My counsel did want to leave with 
the other counsel. I pled witli them to stay, and they graciously acceded. 

Mr. Ichord. Very good, sir. 

Proceed. 



2448 DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

Mr. Smith. Dr. Young, I would like to establish the fact that this is 
a two-jDage letter. It is true that some of the mimeographed material on 
the preceding document was smudged on the second page, but it is not 
a five-page document as indicated by the counsel. 

Mr. Cousins. Can we inspect the document, Mr. Chairman? 

Mr. IcHORD. Hand the attorney the document. 

(Document handed to counsel.) 

Dr. Young. Sir? 

Mr. IcHORD. State your question. 

Dr. Young. You asked me to inspect this, and I have done so. I 
think the Congressmen have also done so. Although I have already 
pled I am not a lawyer, I will now plead I am not an expert in forgery. 
This is a remarkable document with superimposition, and I cannot 
believe the Congressmen would expect anybody to accept this 

Mr. IcHORD. Your answer is that you have not participated in 
JVIobilization To End the War in Vietnam activities; is that correct? 

Dr. Young. That is correct, sir. I can't believe that any reasonable 
person would look at this and say that it could be useful. 

Mr. IcHORD. Proceed with your next question, Mr. Counsel. 

Mr. GuTMAN. Has it been marked for identification, Mr. Ichord? 

Mr. IcHORD. The document has not been marked. 

Mr. GuTMAN. May I request that it be marked for identification? 

Mr. Ichord. The document will be marked for identification. 

Dr. Young. In particular, sir, I would like to note for the record 
the superimposition of several different documents. 

Mr. Ichord. Let it also be noted for the record that the document 
does have a list of sponsors. 

Mr. GuTMAN. Typed on it after mimeographing. 

Mr. Ichord. It is a mimeographed reproduction. The name of Dr. 
Quentin Young does appear as one of the conference sponsors. 

At the request of counsel for the witness, it is included in the 
record for what it means. This is at request of the counsel.^ 

Mr. GuTMAN. For identification. 

Dr. Young. The Chair also takes note 

Mr. Ichord. Gentlemen, we must have order. You have repeatedly 
violated the instructions of the Chair. I am trying to get some in- 
formation from this witness. You have violated the Rules of the 
House of Representatives. I again warn you of the rules of the House 
and the rules of the committee. 

]\Ir. AsHBROOK. Dr. Young, you have challenged this document, but 
you have not in any way said that you know nothing about it or you 
know 

Mr. GuTMAN. He wasn't asked. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. I am asking him now, Mr. Counsel. 

Do you in fact know that such a document, which we have just 
shown you, is in existence, was produced, and was produced with 
your knowledge? 

Dr. Young. I want to be as responsive as I can, and it is in complete 
honesty that I say that I cannot look at what was given me and 
say I am aware of it. 



1 See Davis Exhibit No. 5, pt. 2. pp. 26S6 and 2687 of Dec. 3, 196S, hearings. 



DISRUPTION OF 1 9 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2449 

I see a list of names. My name is there, and someone has generously 
underlined it. But I put it to Mr. Ashbrook, who presumably is a law- 
yer, that I could not be asked about that. 

Mr. Ashbrook. We certainly can ask you whether or not you have 
been a conference sponsor, whether you ever served in the group. 

Dr. Young. That is more like it, but don't hand me junk like that. 

Mr. Ashbrook. I think the gentleman knows that in investigating 
work original, perfect copies do not always come into our hands. 

Dr. Young. That fell far short, of the mark. 

Mr. AspiBROOK. It was produced in the office we referred to and it 
was produced by the committee we are now studying, so it certainly 
is pertinent. You might challenge the way it looks. I certainly would 
say it is not a perfect copy. But let's get to the merits of it and indi- 
cate whether or not you were a conference sponsor, whether you have 
served with the group that had a temporary administrative committee 
including Remiie Davis, Dave Dellmger, Bob Greenblatt, and Sue 
Munaker. 

Does that strike a responsive chord ? 

Dr. Young. Would you repeat the first question you gave me? 

Mr. Ashbrook. Are you aware of being a conference sponsor of a 
group which includes — you have seen the names, down through the 
alphabetical order, which includes Dr. Quentin Young ? 

Dr. Young. My answer to that would be this is so obviously an en- 
croachment of my rights of free expression that I would be inclined 
to invoke that once again. But I have no knowledge of my name being 
on that list, or being a sponsor of that conference. 

Mr. Ashbrook. You have no knowledge of being associated with 
this group in any way ? 

Dr. Young. I have answered that question explicitly yesterday. I 
think counsel read it back. 

Mr. Ashbrook. Do you mean the first amendment ? 

Dr. Young. No. He read back the relationship. By the way, what 
is this group ^ There is nothing on that that says what group it is. 
That is the exciting thing about that document. 

Mr. GuTMxiN. There is no signature on it and it is incomplete. 

Dr. Young. What would you say was the group from that ? 

Mr. Ashbrook. This comes from the office where you loaned $1,000 
to Eennie Davis. It comes from 407 South Dearborn Avenue, the room 
that was rented by Mr. Davis. 

Dr. Young. I have no knowledge what room was rented. 

Mr. Ashbrook. You have no idea that the money you sent to Sud- 
ler & Company was to rent 407 South Dearborn ? 

Dr. Young. I have no knowledge of what room was rented. 

Mr. Ashbrook. Until we now are telling you, you had no idea that 
the group working for the Chicago effort on the Democratic Conven- 
tion emanated from 407 South Dearborn ? 

Dr. Young. I didn't say that. I said I had no knowledge what room 
was rented for the money. 

Mr, Ashbrook. But you do know the office ? 

Dr. Young. Of course I know. That is the office of the National 
Mobilization. 

Mr. Ashbrook. Now we are getting somewhere. 



2450 DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

X)r. Young. Was that hard? I have answered every question you 
have put to me. 

Mr. AsHBROoK. You are now saying that this document, which 
has tlie list of conference sponsors, inchidino- yourself, was issued 
witliout your permission ? You know nothino^ about it ? 

Dr. Young. I don't recollect it. I don't know what the group is. 
There is no letterhead name on it, or what-have-you. I have answered 
that question. I have no knowledge of my name being on that list. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. Could I read these two paragraphs and see if they 
strike a responsive chord ? 

Dr. Young. I read that when inspecting it, and my answer stands. 

Mr. IcHORD. Let's have some order. Read the paragraphs. 

Mr. AsHBRooK. It says: 

We have made arrangements for a meeting on March 22-24 in Chicago. 

This conference will climax several weeks of discussion initiated by the Na- 
tional Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam. After two meetings 
among various anti-war, student and black power leaders, and after consultation 
with many other individuals, plans to call a March 22-24 conference were made. 
A temporary administrative committee, whose members are listed below, was 
established to organize the gathering. 

The two major purposes of the March conference are, first, to consider and 
adopt general proposals for an election year strategy, including possible 
actions in Chicago at the time of the Democratic National Convention and, second, 
to set up the administrative machinery which can cooperate with other organiza- 
tions in carrying out the program. 

It goes on to say : 

We have oi>ened an office at Room 315, 407 South Dearborn, Chicago, telephone 
93&-2666. 

As I stated, it says : 

A temporary administrative committee, whose members are listed below, was 
established * * *. 

You say there is no name on the letterhead. It indicates it is a tem- 
porary administrative committee. At that point it probably did not 
have a name. But it does, rightly or wrongly, list vour name along with 
the temporary committee of Rennie Davis, Bob (xreenblatt, and others. 

Dr. Young. But you are making clear, are you not, that they don't 
suggest I am part of the administrative committee even in this docu- 
ment ? 

Mr. AsHBROOK. It lists you as a conference sponsor. 

Dr. Young. That is right, a long list of conference sponsors. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. And you have testified that, to the best of your 
knowledge, you know nothing about being a conference sponsor? 

Dr. Young. That is right. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. Were you, then, a conference sponsor? Your name 
appears there incorrectly, is that what you are saying ? 

Dr. Young. It appears without my knowledge. 

Mr. IcHORD. Dr. Young, were you a conference sponsor ? 

Dr. Young. Sir, to the best of my knowledge, I was not. 

Mr. IcHORD. Mr. Watson, have you any questions ? 

Mr. Watson. Doctor, you say to the best of your knowledge you 
were not. 

Dr. Young. Yes, I said that. 

Mr. Watson. Of course, you would know whether you were or not ; 
wouldn't you ? 



DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2451 

Dr. YorTNTG. I would believe I would, but I don't quite get the thrust 
of that question. 

Mr. Watson. It is very simple. You would know whether or not you 
were one of the conference sponsors. That is not a difficult question. 
Were you, or were you not ? We are playing with words, Doctor. You 
can answer verj'' simply. 

Dr. Young. Sir, do you find an answer, "To the best of my knowl- 
edge, I was not," an unresponsive answer? 

Mr. Watson. That is your position ? 

Dr. Young. That is my position. 

Mr. Watson. You were not. 

Dr. Young. That is correct. 

Mr. Watson. You were not. And whoever put this on this paper did 
it without your authority or knowledge? 

Dr. Young. Obviously, if that is the case. 

Mr. Watson. And, further. Doctor, that you knew nothing about 
this initial planning of a meeting for the National Mobilization Com- 
mittee ? 

Dr. Young. What is obvious about that ? 

Mr. Watson. Perhaps it isn't so obvious. I was trying to follow 
through from your original position that you were not a sponsor and 
you knew nothing about this. Perhaps you would like to qualify your 
position and you know something about it. 

Dr. Young. My answer is that I didn't say that I know nothing 
about it and I am not asserting I know nothing about it. 

Mr. Watson. We do know something about it ? 

Dr. Young. We do know something about it ? 

Mr. Watson. You do know something about it ? 

Dr. Young. I know something about it. 

Mr. Watson. Were you aware of the plans and did you attend any 
meeting in Chicago in reference to this matter ? 

(Witness confers with counsel.) 

Dr. Young. Here is a fully responsive answer, Mr. Watson, if I may 
hold your attention and the rest of the committee. 

Sir ? I am testifying. 

Mr. IcHORD. Let there be order. Proceed. 

We might be getting somewhere here. 

Dr. Young. Yes, indeed. This, I believe, although it is impossible 
to tell with confidence from this complex reproduction wliich we have 
already commented upon, refers to a meeting that was held in the 
Chicago area — I don't know the date, but it is probably recorded 
there — and widely publicized in the press and hailed as some kind of 
a secret meeting in that area. I had no part in the planning of that 
meeting ; repeat, no part in the planning of that meeting. 

Mr. Watson. You had no part in the planning of the meeting. 

Dr. Young. That is correct. I attended that meeting for 2 hours, as 
I recall. It is a long distance from my home up there in the northwest 
suburbs. The meeting was, to the best of my knowledge, not even in 
session. 

I want to make it very clear to this committee, so they will spare 
themselves the effort, under no circumstances will I tell you who was 
there. It was well publicized in the Chicago newspapers. My rights of 



2452 DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

association and my sense of honor prevent me from letting this com- 
mittee hold lip to defamation other people by making these kinds of 
innuendoes at this time. I testified fully to my participation. 

Mr. IcHORD. Let the question be placed, Mr. Witness. 

Mr. Watson. Doctor, then, the presence of anyone, according to 
your interpretation, would tend to defame them ? 

Dr. Young. My interpretation is that this committee is intent on 
defaming people, has done so for years — I am answering the question. 
May I complete my answer ? 

Mr. IcHORD. It IS out of order. It is not in response to the question. 

Dr. Young. He asked if I felt this would tend to defame a person. 
I am answering him. 

Mr. IcHORD. Proceed. 

Mr. Watson. You said you would not reveal the names, and I have 
not asked you to reveal any names. But you said you would not be- 
cause it would defame them, as I recall. If you would like to correct 
that 

Dr. Young. No: if we could have read back Avhat you said, did I 
feel this would tend to defame them 

Mr. Watson. Earlier you said you would not reveal the names 
because it would defame them. 

Dr. Young. No. I meant to say, and I feel I said, and I am now stat- 
ing that this committee defames people, has done so for 30 years. 

Mr. IcHORD. The witness is out of order. I direct the witness to 
cease at tliis time. 

State your next question. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. One point on that. We have gotten mteresting in- 
formation. At least I am honest in thinking you profess no Imowledge 
at all about the meeting and now I find you were at the meeting. 

Dr. Young. Sir, I didn't say I had no knowledge of the meeting. 
When asked, I said I had knowledge of the meeting. I said I had no 
knowledge of the planning of the meeting. I said I was not aware 
of my name being listed as a sponsor. I respond to all that, and you 
propound a question that is insulting. This is a good example of what 
I mean by defamation. 

Do you get the feel about it? 

Mr. AsHBROOK, No, I don't. 

Dr. Young. Think about it. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. Let's go back to the question I wish to propound 
and see if this puts it in proper light. 

You admit you indicated at first that this document had to be 
scurrilous, or your counsel did. 

Dr. Young. That is correct. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. Amazingly enough, it appears to be accurate in that 
this meeting was held and that it was, on the best of our information, 
something that emanated from that meeting. Now it appears that 
while you were not one of the organizers, by the statement, you did 
appear at the meeting. You end up as a conference sponsor which, 
under my questioning, you said you were not. 

Dr. Young. I denied it and I deny it again, sir. 

ISIr. AsHBROOK. When, between INIarch 7 and this time, did you find 
that you were a conference sponsor? Is this the first you have known 
about that ? 



DISRUPTION OF 19 6 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2453 

Dr. Young. I have learned that today, here, sir. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. You did not know up until this time you were listed 
as a conference sponsor? 

Dr. Young. Yes. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. That is all I wanted to know. That is a responsive 
answer. 

Mr. IcHORD. Let's get this matter clear. This check is made out to 
Sudler & Company. Is that the company which owns the office? 

Dr. Young. Mr. Davis, as I testified, asked the check to be made out 
to the realtor. That is, to the best of my knowledge, the realtor. Has 
the committee not checked that? 

Mr. IcHORD. Did you know that the loan of the money to Mr. Davis 
was going to Sudler & Company for the rent of the office ? 

Dr. Young. Sir, what was the question again? 

Mr. IcHORD. Did you know that the loan of the money to Mr. Davis 
was going to the company for the rent of the office ? 

Di*. Young. Well, I knew it was going to the company because that 
is the name I wrote on the check, but is the purport of your question, 
did I know it was going for rent? 

Mr. IcHORD. Yes, 

Dr. Young. The answer is yes. 

Mr. IcHORD. Proceed, Mr. Counsel. 

Mr. Smith. Dr. Young, wasn't your attendance at the conference we 
have been talking about by invitation only, and did they not bar the 
Socialist Workers Party representatives at that meeting? 

Dr. Young. I was not invited to come. I was made aware of the 
meeting, and my general interest in these things brought me there. 

As I say, I had a chance to spend 2 hours meeting people whose 
names I will not reveal, no matter how hard this committee tries to 
get me to do it, people of all political hue. I don't know an}i;hing about 
the Socialist Workers Party. I don't know anything about it being 
barred. 

Mr. IcHORD. Your answer is not responsive to the question. The 
Chair has been very lenient because I do think we are getting 
somewhere. 

Dr. Young. Wlierein wasn't it responsive ? Would you instruct me ? 

Mr. IcHORD. "\Ylien you started talking about this committee trying 
to 

Dr. Young. I answered abo^^t the Socialist Workers Party. I an- 
swered whether I was invited. My answer was imbedded with 
responsiveness. 

Mr. IcHORD. The record will stand as made. 

Mr. AsHBRooK. Could I ask one question on that? 

Dr. Young. Please. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. It is our information, rightly or wrongly, that it 
was by invitation only. You said you were not invited, but you heard 
about it and for your own reasons went. Would you give us informa- 
tion as to how you heard about it? 

Dr. Young. Certainly. It was in the press, and people I knew were 
going and indicated it would be an interesting meeting. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. People you knew 

Dr. Young. Sir? The record will show I am very interested in 
meetings. I spend all too much of my time in meetings, although I do 



2454 DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

have a considerable time spent in the practice of medicine. This is one 
of hundreds of meetinirs I go to. I find it remarkable that the com- 
mittee wants to talk about this meeting and not the meetings where 
we planned medical care for the people who were brutalized in Chi- 
cago. 

Are we going to get to that ? 

Mr. IcHORD. That is not responsive, Doctor. 

Dr. Young. Some of the times I answer, I indicate I don't remem- 
ber all the details. I want it clarified that going to meetings is some- 
thing I do a lot of. 

Mr. IcHORD. At least I can say we are getting some testimony and 
some information. 

Dr. Young. Sir, you have already commented, and I would like 
you to reiterate, I have been responsive to everything. Is that correct ? 

Mr. AsHBROOK. That is correct. 

Dr. Young. Mr. Ashbrook said it is correct. 

Mr. IcHORD. Proceed. 

Mr. Smith. Dr. Young, it is the committee's information that the 
National Mobilization Committee operates its Chicago office in a very 
businesslike manner. It maintains a card file of members, contacts, 
sympathizers, and so forth. 

It is also the committee's information, and this comes from a re- 
liable confidential informant, that there was a card in that file bear- 
ing the following information which had been typed on it 

Mr. GuTMAN. I would ask that Mr. Smith be sworn if he is going 
to testify. 

Mr. Cousins. I would like to see the card if there will be any read- 
ing from it. 

Mr. IcHORD. Let the attorneys inspect the document. 

Mr. Smith. This is not a document. 

Mr. Cousins. Could we inspect what he is going to read from ? 

Mr. GuTMAN. With what passed for a document before, that will 
be all right. 

Mr. IcHORD. The Cliair will examine it. 

Rephrase your question, Mr. Smith. 

]Mr. Smith. Information has been furnished to the committee by a 
confidential source that the cards in the office of the National Mobili- 
zation Committee contained the name of Dr. Quentin Young, M.D., 
with his home address, telephone numbers, and contained notes as 
follows 

Mr. Cousins. Mr. Chairman, we want to inspect what he is going 
to read from. 

Mr. Gutman. We are getting unsworn testimony in violation of the 
fourth amendment, I presume. 

Dr. Young. If you will hear me — sir, will you lipar me ? 

Mr. IcHORD. I am trying to get the question put and then I will rule. 
You are not permitting the question to be put. 

Dr. Young. Mr. Ichord, you have been extremely fair. Listen 
carefully. 

]Mr. Ichord. I am trying to be. 

Dr. Young. If I nm going to be defamed by this ridiculous stuff, 
it is on your head. Sir, it is on your head. Read it and make sure that 
if that can't be cross-examined, I will not be defamed. 

Do you want that stated ? Do you want to defame me ? 



DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2455 

Mr. GuTMAN. Wliy don't yon read it before you let him make it 
public? 

Dr. Young. I don't know what it, says, but I fear the Chair is too 
anxious to have that read. 

Mr. IciiORD. Eephrase your question, Counsel. 

Mr. Smith. Are you aware that your name was in the files of the 
National Mobilization Committee to receive invitations, to receive mail, 
to receive funding requests, and that you were a primary contact, 
noted as a primary contact of MCHR ? 

Dr. Young. No. 

Mr. Smith. Did you ever make a contribution to the National Mo- 
bilization Committee in the sum of $125 by check? 

Dr. Young. Sir, I can't recall that, but I would not deny that I 
made that. I have made many contributions 

Mr. IcHORD. The answer is yes or no. Doctor. 

Dr. Young. Why is it yes or no ? I am not denying. 

Mr. IciiORD. Do you mean you don't know whether you did or did 
not make a contribution ? 

Mr. GuTMAx. That is not his answer. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. He started to say he contributed something. 

Dr. Young. That is right. Listen to me. Listen carefully. Don't in* 
terrupt me because my answer is responsive. 

Mr. IcHORD. Proceed. 

Dr. Young. I give money, to the best of my ability, to many causes 
of a variety of political persuasions. I find this a shameful invasion 
of my right to donate money. 

I don't know, sir, whether I gave that money. I don't deny I 
gave it. 

Mr. IcHORD. In other words, you may or may not ? 

Dr. Young. That is correct. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. You know you gave some ? 

Dr. Young. I don't even know that. That sounds remarkable, doesn't 
it? 

Mr. AsHBROOK. No, I don't think it sounds remarkable. 

Dr. Young. All right. 

Mr. IcHORD. "\Ve can well understand. 

Mr. Smith. Dr. Young, on September 10 

Mr. Gutman. We are read}^, Mr. Smith. 

Mr. IcHORD. Mr. Counsel, will you please abide by the rules? I have 
instructed you time and time again. You have the right to advise your 
client of his rights. I think we are getting somewhere if the counsel will 
properly phrase his questions. 

Mr. GuTJiAN. I agree, if he will do so. 

Mr. Smith. Dr. Young, on September 10, after Mayor Daley had 
made his report on the demonstrations, which stated tha»t 60 persons 
had been injured as reported in the Neio York Times on September 11, 
1968, you held a press conference in the offices of the American Civil 
Liberties Union in Chicago, in which you branded Mayor Daley's re- 
port as "incredibly inaccurate." 
Is that true ? 

Dr. Young. Sir, the question has so much information in it. It is 
generally true. Let me correct one part of it, the statement that the 



2456 DISRUPTION OF 19 6 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

mayor's report asserted there were 60 casualties. The mayor's report 
explicitly said, and when confronted with our figures spokesmen for 
the mayor, indeed, on a local television show, apologized in the sense 
that he said the report was, this was a partial count. 

It was 60 casualties, give or take 1,000, 

Mr. IcHORD. Let there be order. 

Dr. YouxG. The question asked me, did I have the press conference? 

The answer is, of course. It is a matter of public record. Press con- 
ferences tend to be. I was the spokesman for the Medical Committee, 
and I have the press release here which I would like to read into the 
record, if I may. 

Mr. IcHORD. That would not be responsive to the question. 

The witness is denied that privilege at this time. 

Dr. Young. Could I at least have it put into the record as a docu- 
ment ? 

Mr. IcHORD. The Chair will not permit the witness to absolutely con- 
trol tlie questioning. 

Dr. Young. He just asked me about the press conference. I have the 
full text of it. 

Mr. IcHORD. Yes, we would like to have that for the record. 

Dr. Young. Will it appear in the record ? 

Mr. IcpioRD. It will appear in the record. It will be considered, at 
least, by the committee. 

Dr. Young. I don't know the difference between those categories. 

Mr. IcHORD. I want to look over it. If this is a correct copy — the 
Chair will examine it — if this is a correct copy of your conference, the 
Chair will see that it is included in the record. But I do want to ex- 
amine it. 

Dr. Young. You will not mind if I note it is slightly clearer than 
the thing handed me a few minutes ago. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. We note that. 

Dr. Young. Mr. Ashbrook noted. 

I would like to read this statement. I feel it is of great interest to 
the committee. I will be responsive 

Mr. IcHORD. The witness is not recognized for the purpose of reading 
a statement at this time. 

Dr. Young. I was asked about this conference. 

Mr. IcHORD. I have been very lenient with you. Dr. Young, because 
I think we are at least getting questions and answers, if the counsel 
will proceed. 

Dr. Young. Will I be given a chance to read it later ? 

Mr. IcHORD. Not necessarily. The Chair will take that under advise- 
ment, if you will hand it to the chairman. 

Dr. Young. Sir, I would like to think that the Chair agrees 

Mr. IcHORD. The Chair has not called you here, Doctor, for the pur- 
pose of making anv statement that you wi=!h to make. 

Dr. Young. This is not a statement. This is for the record. 

Mr. IcHORD. You have been called here for the purpose of answering 
questions that are relevant to these hearings. I liave no way of knowing 
whether your statement would be relevant to the hearing. 

Mr. GuTMAN. Mr. Ichord, if I may be heard for just a moment, sir, 
the question posed by Mr. Smith to Dr. Young was : Did you hold a 



DISRUPTION OF 19 6 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2457 

press conference and did you say during the course of tlie press con- 
ference tliat Mayor Daley was incorrect ? 

Mr. IcHORD. The Chair will examine the statement. 

Mr. GuTMAN. Dr. Young wishes to expand that answer so that the 
committee will have the entire facts. 

To ask him, in a forum in which we are not permitted to cross-ex- 
amine, in which we are not permitted to examine our own clients 
directly, to ask him a yes or no q^uestion out of context and forbid 
him to read the entire facts to this committee, you may decide, sir, 
that you don't want to pay any attention to it. 

I would like the opportunity 

Mr. IcHORD. Since the witness is testifying, I will go ahead and let 
him read it. 

Dr. Young. That is extremely fair: "the strategy of contu- 
sion" 

Mr. IcHORD. That is the first time that has been said to this com- 
mittee for a long time. 

Mr. GuTJViAN. I want to compliment the Chair on the new look. 

Mr. IcHORD. Let us have order. 

Dr. Young. This is the press statement. I will read it as rapidly as I 
can, although it contains a wealth of information of great interest to 
this committee, and I can see enormous legislative purpose, national, 
local, and state, involved in reacting to this problem : "the strategy of 
CONTUSION. The city's official report, 'The Strategy of Confronta- 
tion,' " — and this is dated, sir, Tuesday, September 10, 1968, and was 
given in a press conference which the American Civil Liberties Union 
in Chicago was generous enough to let us use their offices for. This 
report — 

"The strategy of Confrontation," states that sixty civilians and more than two 
hundred policemen were injured in demonstrations attendant upon the Demo- 
cratic National Convention. If the Mayor's information in other areas is as in- 
complete and unreliable as his medical intelligence, the entire report is called 
into question. 

In fact, the Medical Committee for Human Rights, which treated most of the 
injured civilians — and a number of the injured policemen — was not even con- 
sulted by any agency of the city. That the authors of the report were willing to 
express observations based upon incomplete and fragmentary evidence may ac- 
count for the overall quality of incredibility the report imparted. Our medical 
care effort, formed cooperatively with the Student Health Organization of Chi- 
cago, involved more than 400 physicians, nurses, health science students and 
health professionals during Convention week. Some served several hours : many 
worked round the clock with brief naps for several days. This summary of our 
experience is based both on our records and careful discussion with the scores of 
health workers at the scene of injuries. 

Our estimate is that more than 1,000 civilians required medical care as a result 
of i)olice action during the demonstrations. Approximately 425 i>ersons were 
treated at our seven stationary medical facilities or referred to hospitals : 125 
were treated in the emergency rooms of only seven hospitals contacted by 
MCHR ; 200-300 persons were treated by our mobile medical teams ; 

I might explain that groups went out into the demonstration area^^ 
and this estimate, has to be considered a very modest estimate. [Con- 
tinues reading :] 

and 400-600 persons were given first aid for tear gas and Mace. 

Again, not from this statement, we know that we did not treat all 
the people by any means; that several times more people than we 



2458 DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

treated were treated by other physicians, received no first aid, went to 
hospitals, and so forth. So it is extremely important the coaunittee 
understand this is a small portion of those treated. [Continues read- 
ing:] 

Several conclusions are forced by our observation of the timing, nature and 
source of the injuries we treated : 

1. Most of these patients did not require hospitalization. However, we have 
ascertained that 95 per cent of the injuries were the result of police action, 
rather than of the National Guard, other law enforcement agents on the scene 
or accidental causes. 

2. 

Mr, IcHORD. xit that point, did you ascertain liow many policemen 
were injured and hospitalized, Doctor? 

Dr. Young. Yes, I can answer that at this time. 

Mr. IcHORD. Do you have that in your statement ? 

Dr. Young. Yes. 

I think I answered it in regard to questions. We treated seven police- 
men in the course of that event. 

Mr. IcHORD. That was your medical group ? 

Dr. Young. That is correct. 

The tear gas and several abrasions. I would add that the police did 
liave a team of — they had their own medical resource, and the city 
announced that 193 policemen were injured, listed all the policemen, all 
their injuries. 

We have no inclination or suggest tliat those figures are wrong. We 
don't loiow about them. We treated seven policemen. 

Mr. IcHORD. There are other medical services besides the medical 
services you offered ? 

Dr. Young. That is correct. But on that day, as my testimony will 
reveal, we were the ones in the field despite enormous efforts of every 
agencv in the city, both official and in the medical field, to have rea- 
sonable first-aid preparations against what was obviously going to be 
an enormous confrontation. 

Perhaps the Chair in asking that question would welcome the knowl- 
edge of the planning, of the arrangements that were made in the sev- 
eral weeks before the demonstration. 

We have a chronology set up here indicating, and I won't take the 
liberty to read the eight-page document closely typed, indicating all of 
the efforts to reach city officials, conferences with the deputy mayor, 
conferences with board of health officials, conferences with the fire 
deparrment — you mJght wo7ider why in Chicago, but the only public 
ambulance is the fire department ambulance — conferences witli the 
police department. And in that respect I might say we had cordial 
conferences with Captain Patrick Needum of the police department, 
who, upon hearing our intent and recognizing our purpose, said that 
he would make every effort to afford our committee safe-conduct. 

I am pained to report that, although carefully marked and in white 
jackets with red crosses, it was not the experience overall that our 
people who were helping those injured were accorded that safe- 
conduct. Indeed, five members of our teams were beaten. One medical 
student was beaten very badly at the time they were attending patients. 

I might say, sir, that you had an exhibit put in. Witli all due 
respect, this is an example of what I mean by defamation. A policeman 



DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2459 

from the city of Chicago — this is the only document I could find when 
allowed to read the transcript that relates my committee to tiie activi- 
ties of that week. 

He read in two paragraphs, the first two paragraphs of which I am 
not ashamed. They merely state that the Medical Committee for 
Human Rights and the Student Health Organization had been asked 
to provide medical presence b}^ a nimiber of organizations whose mem- 
bers planned to be visiting Chicago from August 26 to 30, 1968, and 
the second paragraph is in the same vein, describing what was to be 
done. 

Unread was the rest of tlie document. In particular, unread was this 
paragraph : 

Ail medical volunteers are requested to maintain a neutral posture relative to 
any activities at the site. Medical volunteers vrill wear arm-bands with the red 
cross on v^'hite coats or uniforms at all times that they are on duty at a site of 
activity. Medical volunteers wishing to participate in the activity at the site are 
requested to remove their white coats and arm-hands and act as individuals. No 
volunteer should participate in the activity at a site if he is actively on duty as a 
member of a medical aid team. Any volunteer who does not feel it is possible to 
submit to this discipline is asked not to serve on a medical team. 

As of this moment, sir, though over- 



Mr. IcHORD. I will state. Doctor, this is not relevant to this hearing. 

Dr. Young. — over 400 health professionals volunteered. They were 
heroic. There has not been a single allegation from any source in the 
city or elsewhere that these people conducted themselves in other than 
a neutral and impartial posture. 

Not one of our people were arrested, although I want to point out 
that it was easy to get arrested. Innocent bystanders were arrested. 
Five of our people were indeed beaten. But that is the only conflict 
they had at that time. 

I want to emphasize how proud we are of those wonderful people 
durino; that time. 

Now to proceed with the press statement. 

To continue the press statement, I indicated that 95 percent of the 
injuries were as a result of police action, although the National Guard, 
it should be noted, had almost equal responsibility. That is to say, they 
were in relationship to the demonstrators as much time as the police. 
But the police somehow were responsible for 95 percent of the injuries. 
[Continues reading :] 

2. On each day of the demonstrations, there was a consistent one-third of the 
patients who exhibited injuries to the head, face and neck. An additional 20 per- 
cent, consistently, suffered injuries to other organs, including the limbs, the 
groin, the abdomen and the back. All of these injuries are of a potentially serious 
nature. 

3. Beginning with the first night, Sunday, August 25, patients came to us in 
roughly equal numbers on each day of demonstrations. From Sunday through 
Tuesday we saw approximately 200 patients at our permanent stations. 

I might identify these stations. The two most active ones were in 
the Church Federation of Greater Chicago offices on 116 South Michi- 
gan, and the second most active one was near Lincoln Park in an Epis- 
copal church, St. Chrysostom-Chrysingers Church, 1424 North Dear- 
born. Both of these agencies cooperated with our humane effort and 



2460 DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

have subsequently congratulated us on our service. [Continues 
reading :] 

The police department has stated that the vast majority of injuries sustained 
by police officers occurred on Wednesday night. This forces us to the conclusion 
that police over-reaction (brutal and irresponsible attacks on citizens) com- 
menced at the very beginning, several days prior to the alleged provocation with 
golf balls, excrement and spiders. 

In contrast to the Mayor's statement in an interview with Walter Cronkite that 
the presence of medical personnel on the scene was evidence of violent intent on 
the part of the demonstrators, the facts are that MCHR carefully explained 
its history and prupose [sic] to the authorities in advance of Convention 
week, and attempted to persuade several agencies, including the Board of Health, 
the police and fire departments and the Mayor's office to establish medical 
facilities at the proposed sites of demonstrations. We did this with the experi- 
ence of the April 27 peace march in mind. 

To enlighten the committee, that statement would mean something 
to Chicagoans, not necessarily something to natives of Ohio, Mis- 
souri, or North Carolina. 

Mr. Watsox. Did your committee participate in the April 27 peace 
march ? 

Dr. Young. Some student volunteers participated in that. 

Mr, Watson". Did you yourself ? 

Dr. Young. No ; I did not, sir. 

Mr. Watson. But your committee did ? 

Dr. Young. I again have to state I am not certain whether we did. 
It is perfectly possible for us to have done so. 

Mr. Watson. What about the Pentagon demonstrations? Did your 
committee participate in that ? 

Dr. Young. Our committee, as INIr. Watson himself elicited from me 
yesterday, has a tradition of medical service in a variety of demonstra- 
tions. This is where we were born, this is what we are proud of. 

The committee has been in demonstrations across the country, 
many of which I do not know. In response to your question, there 
were Medical Committee personnel at the demonstrations. 

Mr. Watson. Thank you. 

Dr. Young. The committee's efforts in this behalf are well known,, 
something we are proud of. It is a matter of public record. It prob- 
ably is not even necessary to ask me. 

The point on the April 27 peace march is simply that there again 
police excess and overreaction was manifest. In this instance, medical 
students were beaten blocks away from the demonstrations while 
they were trying to board the IC train. 

In Chicago, again, we have a situation where the police are able 
to conduct themselves in a perfectly orderly fashion, upholding the 
rights of citizens, within a week after completely opposite behavior 
takes place. 

On April 27 we had this terrible day for our city. Many people 
have suggested it was a dress rehearsal for the convention, about 
which there was so much concern. 

The next week a larger march went very peacefully. The police 
were courteous. It shows that, when policemen are so instructed and 
so ordered, things go very well. 

The problem we feel we saw, and we are reporting to the com- 
mittee for the legislative purpose, is the importance of responsible 



DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2461 

city officials in these things. We liave not found it necessary to iden- 
tify policemen as such ; policemen will uphold the law and the rights 
of citizens when that stress is made. It was not made on April 2T, 

The very next week it was and it went well. In Chicago, as recently 
as a week ago, 40,000 people marched and there was not one incident. 
The slogans were the same. The mood of the crowd was the same. The 
ditference was the confrontation and the posture of brutality was 
away. 

What I am saying to you, sir, and this committee, as Congressmen 
and as representatives of people from their own districts, defenders 
of the Constitution, defenders of people's liberty, legislation so that 
we can have an America where people can talk, where people can 
march down the street, where we can have this free expression that 
we all cherish. 

Let me continue. 

Mr. IcHORD. That is one of the problem.s. Doctor, if I may interrupt. 

We have the problem of determining in this countiy the fine point 
where legitimate dissent ends and criminal disobedience begins. That 
is one of the things that might possibly develop out of these hearings. 

Dr. Young. I understand your remark, sir. I hope that your con- 
cern will be with the rights of citizens. I presume that is what it is. 

Mr. Watson. All citizens. 

Dr. Young. All citizens. 

]Mr. IcHORD. I assure you we ai-e concerned. 

Mr. GuTMAN. The extreme right and the extreme left, as long as 
they stay within the law. Isn't that so, sir ? 

Mr. IcHORD. Counsel, let us continue wnth the witness. 

Dr. Young. You have opened up a very important point. I would 
say the right to health care is something very close to a right. I think 
it is not too extreme an interpretation of the Constitution to say that 
the right to be treated, if injured, or to have medical assistance is a 
cherished right. 

Our committee's work is a chronicle of an effort to get responsible 
authority to act in this vein, and only when we found that there was 
going to be indifference and no plans were made, even while troops 
were mustered to the division level and policemen were forced to work 
12 hours a day for every day of the week to the point of fatigue, not 
one single provision was made for medical care except in the Democra- 
tic Convention hall itself, where public health personnel for this parti- 
san convention — I don't mean to offend any Democrats here — the facts 
are that at that convention there were some 30 or 40 public health 
personnel assigned, while for people in the streets of Chicago, citizens 
of this Nation and of that city, there was a total resistance to do any- 
thing. 

Mr. Watson. May I interrupt you at that point ? 

Of course, you knew the objectives of these demonstrations; didn't 
you ? 

Dr. Young. I did. 

Mr. Watson. You knew one of the objectives was to disrupt the 
Democratic National Convention ? You knew that ? 

Dr. Young. I did not know any such thing, sir. 

Mr. Watson. You didn't see it in the paper ? I assume you read the 
paper in all of your busy activities. You didn't notice that in the 
paper? 

21-706— 69— pt. 1 16 



2462 DISRUPTION OF 19 6 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

Dr. Young. I have seen many such charges, but I don't believe 
everything I read in the papers. I do not believe that was the goal of 
the demonstration. 

I think the Democratic Party 

Mr. Watson". At the meeting of March 24, the conference that you 
attended, and so forth, there was no discussion about that at all at 
that meeting ? 

Dr. Young. Sir, I was there for 2 hours. I heard no such discus- 
sion in those 2 hours. I have sworn to that. Let me proceed. 

Mr. Watson. You don't know what transpired otherwise? 

Dr. Young. I don't understand. 

Mr. Watson. In the conference. 

Dr. Young. I read a great deal in the Chicago press. There were 
colmnns and columns of it. Insofar as that is a representation of what 
happened, I know that. 

Mr. Watson. If they intended for this to be peaceful dissent, just 
a bona fide, constitutional expression of their beliefs, and so forth, I 
wonder why they made such elaborate medical preparations, even 
calling in your committee. 

Dr. Young. To the best of my knowledge, they made no elaborate 
medical preparations. 

Mr. Watson. Doctor, yesterday you told me specifically under oath 
that they contacted you and asked you and your committee to be there. 
Do you deny that ? 

Unless they asked you to participate as a demonstrator, obviously 
they were asking you to participate as medical people, anticipating 
some injuries. 

Dr. Young. May I respond to your question ? 

Mr. Watson. Surely. 

Dr. Young. The question, as I understood it, is that they made 
elaborate medical plans. We made plans. I am not aware of any plans 
they made. However, I want to remind the Congressman that it is 
unfortunately true that in this country peaceful demonstrators need 
medical assistance. The Congressman, I am sure, recalls the bridge at 
Selma, when the Alabama police 

Mr. Watson. We are discussing Chicago. 

Mr. IcHORD. Let us stay on the one point, Doctor. 

Dr. Young. He leads me away. 

Mr. IcHORD. We are talking about Chica^fo, not Selma. 

Dr. Young. Our committee has an experience and a tradition. It 
was born out of bitter experiences. It was born out of things we didn't 
believe would happen in this country and have confessed to tlie south- 
erners that one time we thought they happened only in the South. 

We have learned it is not only in the South. 

Mr. Watson. On the basis of what you have said, could I ask you 
one question ? 

Dr. Young. Of course. 

Mr. Watson. I think the record will reflect that you pointed out 
that th'^ April 27 mf^eting was basically peaceful ? 

Dr. Young. No. It was a peaceful march on the part of the demon- 
strators. There was an enormous amount of police action. 

Mr. Watson. I thought you gave testimony that there wasn't the 
violent reaction by the police. 

jr-- 



DISRUPTION OF 19 6 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2463 

Dr. YouMG. You might not have imclerstoocl Avhat I said. On April 
27 there ^Yas a peace march, totally peaceful on tlie part of the demon- 
strators, a terrible amount of police brutality. Tlie next week a march 
was ]ield to protest that brutality, which was totally peaceful. What I 
am saying is that in Chicago you have a week of brutality followed by 
a week of peace. We would like to make it every day peaceful in 
Chicago. 

Mr. Watson. Then on the basis of your experience in April, is this 
why there was such a buildup of medical preparation for the Demo- 
cratic Convention, or was it because you felt that there was going to 
be a confrontation which would require medical attention ? 

Dr. Young. I think I can answer that. 

Certainly the April 27th was on our minds, but what the committee 
should understand is that there was no buildup. There was an explora- 
tion with the responsible agencies for v eeks before. 

Counsel reminds me it was government agencies, city agencies, as 
well as the established medical forces in the city. It was only in the 
days before — I mean literally 3 or 4 days before — it was clear there 
M'ould be nothing that we built up, sir, as you say, and we start out 
with a moderate number of volunteers . 

It was after that first terrible night when the television and the 
newspapers showed the brutality and the hurt of people that we were 
inundated with volunteers, whole house staffs from hospitals coming 
■down on their off hours. 

As I repeat, we didn't start with 400 ; we ended with 400, because to 
their eternal pride the health professions of Chicago rose to the 
occasion to help their fellow citizens in a terrible situation. 

I hope the committee will study that very carefully. 

Mr. Watson. And your services would not have been needed had 
there not been the initial provocation ? 

Dr. Young. Let me put it this way 

Mr. Watson. I am sure you are concerned with the medical aspects. 

Dr. Young, That is correct. 

Mr. Watson. You don't have to try to convince me of that. Most of 
this statement is alleging police brutality, and so forth. I think every- 
one can easily see your interest in this. 

But the thing is, there would have been no necessity for medical 
treatment of anyone by anyone, your group or the local or other offi- 
cials, had there not been the provocation which resulted in the con- 
frontation which ultimately ended in violence. That is a fair statement. 
In other words, you can't have a reaction unless you first have an ac- 
tion. 

Dr. Young. Right. I don't think it is a fair statement, Mr. Watson. 
I would like to explain my answer. 

First of all, you have not yet grasped the concept of medical pres- 
ence, the purpose of which is to add — with the presence of physicians 
and uniformed people in white coats and red crosses — to calm these fre- 
quently tense confrontations our country has had over the past years. 
I feel it is a matter of record. We have been told that by many. 

Mr. Watson. Doctor, to calm the situation, and I am sure you are 
interested in that, let us explore that in a question. 

Did you take the lead in telling these people to back up, to settle 
down, and don't have this confrontation ? I assume you took the lead 
in telling them not to do that ? 



2464 DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

Dr. Young. I have already testified that I had no part in the aspects 
of the demonstrations. 

Mr. Watson. But you are concerned about peace. Of course, you are 
interested in treating people, but you prefer people not to be hurt 
initially ? 

Dr. Young. Exactly, sir. 

Mr. Watson. What did you do since you were on the scene? Did you 
tell them to stop and back up ? 

Dr. Young. Sir, as a matter of fact, when the police charges came 
and people were in danger of trampling over each other, it was our 
Medical Committee that stood and said, "Don't nui. Don't trample 
yourself." That was done all the time. 

Mr. Watson. And you tried to use your influence with your friend, 
Mr. Davis, to whom you loaned $1,000 by telephone, without any se- 
curity — you tried to use your influence with ISiv. Davis to tell them 
to stop? 

Dr. Young. To the best of my knowledge, sir, I didn't see Davis for 
that entire week one time. I did not, sir. And I am under oath. 

Mr. IcHORD. Do you remember when he repaid you the money ? 

Dr. Young. Yes. He paid it within 48 hours. If he hadn't, 1 never 
would have lent him another dollar. 

Let me say this, because I think it is germane. 

The Congressman is interested in the way our committee works in 
other demonstrations. In this city, the District of Columbia, in the wake 
of the death of Martin Luther King, there were, as there were through- 
out the country, civil disorders. I would like to read, if I may, sir, let- 
ters from just two commanding captains of the police force of this very 
District commenting on the work of our committee. I would be glad 
to enter them into the record, if I have your permission. 

Here is a letter from Captain Michael F. Molesky, commanding 12th 
precinct, Government of the District of Columbia, IVIetropolitan Police 
Department. This is May 17, 1968 : 

Perhaps more than most police precincts, I and my personnel are fully aware 
of the value of the medical assistance offered to us during this time. The soldier 
who was treated had been stationed in my precinct and I am sure he would have 
lost his life if it were not for the prompt medical assistance rendered. On receipt 
of the call, the doctors stationed at my precinct were at his side within minutes. 
My oflBcers are well aware of this incident and are truly grateful. It was a great 
morale booster to all of us, knowing that in case of emergency, medical aid was 
nearby. Please be assured that we are ever grateful for the assistance given us 
by your committee. 

It is signed. 

Mr. TriioRD. Doctor, at this point 

Dr. Young. I have another letter, 

Mr. IcHORD. We have gone far afield. It is now 1 minute after 12. 
I liope we can get back on more relevant matters. 

Dr. Young. Sir? 

Mr. IcHORD. The Chair has announced the purpose of these hear- 
ings — ^the nature and extent of Commimist and subversive organiza- 
tion planning in the riots in Chicago. We are departing from that. We 
have been very interested in your testimony. 

Dr. Young! Let me respond to that. 

One quick sentence. It seems to me that what I did is important. An 
innuendo — and, again, Mr. Ichord, it was there 



DISRUPTION OF 19 6 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2465 

Mr. IcHORD. There was no innuendo intended at all. 

Dr. Young. I hope you are getting a feel for my committee and what 
I did. Are you not, sir ? 

Mr. IcHORD, We understand wliat the committee did. 

Dr. Young. Very good. I am very proud of that. 

]\Ir. IcHORD. The committee will be in recess until 2 o'clock. 

(Whereupon, at 12 :03 p.m., Friday, October 4, 1968, the subcom- 
mittee recessed, to reconvene at 2 p.m. the same day.) 

( Subcommittee members present at time of recess : Representatives 
Ichord, Ashbrook, and Watson.) 

AFTERNOON SESSION— FRIDAY, OCTOBER 4, 1968 

(The subcommittee reconvened at 2:15 j>.m., Hon. Richard H. 
Ichord, chairman of the subcommittee, presiding.) 

(Subcommittee members present: Representatives Ichord, Ash- 
brook, and Watson.) 

Mr. Ichord. The committee will come to order. 

Will the photographers please retire. 

Counsel, you will resume the questioning of Dr. Young. 

Mr. GuTMAN. If I may a moment, Mr. Chairman, as we were ad- 
journing for lunch. Dr. Young had just read into the record the 
letter of Captain Molesky of the 12th precinct in the District of Co- 
lumbia, Metropolitan Police. He was about to read a similar letter 
by Captain Shuttlesworth. 

Mr. Ichord. The committee will take that under advisement. The 
Chair has been lenient, but these matters are not relevant to the hear- 
ing. They will be taken under consideration. 

Mr. GuTMAN. All right, sir. 

Mr. Watson. Mr. Chairman, may I ask at this ]>oint unanimous 
consent that we give the officials in Chicago an opportunity to present, 
either in writing or orally, an explanation, rebuttal, or other comment 
that they might have concerning the matter which Dr. Young just 
put in the record ? 

]Mr. Ichord. Yes. Let me say that that will be taken also under 
consideration by the committee. This is not the last day of the hear- 
ings, and we will have time because we have just begun to scratch 
the surface of this matter. 

Proceed, Mr. Counsel, with your questions. 

Tlie witness would be reminded that you are still under oath. 

TESTIMONY OF aUENTIN B. YOUNG— Resumed 

Mr. SinrrH. Dr. Young, just before we recessed, you were discussing 
your report on the medical services rendered in Cliicago by your 
committee. 

Dr. Young. Yes, sir. 

]Mr. Smith. Would you tell the committee. Dr. Young, whether you 
conferred with officers or representatives of the National Mobilization 
Committee prior to your press conference of September 10, I believe 
it was, on the contents of the remarks you made therein ? 

Dr. Young. To the best of my knowledge, I did not. The answer 
is no. 



2466 DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

Mr. IcHORD. Next question, Mr. Counsel. 

Mr. Smith. Dr. Young, were you invited by the National Mobiliza- 
tion Committee to attend a meetina' of that organization in Washing- 
ton, D.C., on 14 September 1968 ? 

Mr. IcHORD. The Cliair will admonish, since he observes some of 
tlie witnesses have returned to the room, that we will not tolerate 
waving or demonstrations in this hearing room. This is the last warn- 
ing that I am giving to the witnesses. The Chair observes that several 
witnesses were waving while the witness, Dr. Young, is testifying. 

I appeal to j^ou again, to your sense of demeanor, let us have order 
in the hearing room. 

Proceed with your question, Mr. Counsel. 

Mr. Smith. Would you like me to repeat the question? 

Dr. Young. Would you, please. 

]\Ir. Smith. Dr. Young, were you invited by the National Mobiliza- 
tion Committee to attend a meeting of that organization in Washing- 
ton, D.C., on 14 September 1968 ? 

Dr. Young. I don't remember receiving such an invitation. 

Mr. Smith. Did you attend such a meeting? 

Dr. Young. I did not attend such a meeting. 

Mr. Smith. Did you, Dr. Young, receive a letter from the National 
Mobilization Conxmittee dated simply "September 1968," sigTied by 
Dave Dellinger, in which he reported on the results of the meeting 
and the individual reports received from various attendees ? 

Dr. Young. The answer is I don't remember, but counsel or 
Congressmen 

Mr. Ichord. The witness has responded. 

Dr. Young. I have responded, sir. May I say 

Mr. IcpiORD. Dr. Young, we got along very well here 

Dr. Young. I want to remind you that I have made objection to 
these hearings. I would like now to respond to this aspect, please. 

The problem T see here is that I get perh.aps 200 letters a day as a 
busy physician. I am on everybody's list for collections, invitations. 
I get reports from scores of organizations. 

Under the threat of perjury, I am bemg asked questions. I am giv- 
ing my best, honest answer. 

Mr. Ichord. I assure you, Doctor, that it was not the intent of this 
Chair to call this witness before this committee for the purpose of pun- 
ishing him. It is true there are perjury provisions, but we assume the 
doctor is telling the truth. 

Dr. Young. I am. I recently 

Mr. Ichord. I don't have to remind you that under the circumstances 
under which you were called on this check again, this gives the ques- 
tion relevancy. 

Dr. Young. l^Hiether or not somebody wrote a witness to proceed 
reporting on the findings of what happened in Chicago 

Mr. Ichord. The Chair will rule that it is a relevant question be- 
cause you testified that you had no affiliations or associations with 
National Mobilization. 

Dr. Young. That is correct, and does the receipt of a letter which I 
deny receiving under oath show my affiliation ? 

Mr. Ichord. I thought you did not deny receiving it. I thought you 
said vou had no knowledge of receivinsf it. 



DISRUPTION OF 196S DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2467 

Dr. YoFNG. That is correct. That was my answer. 

Mr. IcHORD. Proceed with the next question. 

Mr. Smith. Dr. Young, point 5 of an eight-point list at the meeting 
by Sidney Lens states 

Mr. Cousins. May we see a copy of this? 

Mr. IcHORD. Just a minute. The attorney will please be in order and 
will please be seated. The Chair hasn't heard the question. 

The witnesses will please be in order. 

State your question again, Mr. Counsel. 

Mr. Smith. Point 5 of an eight-point report submitted at the meet- 
ing by Sidney Lens 

Dr. Young. "\^^iich meeting is that, sir ? 

Mr. Smith. This meeting that we had reference to in Washington.. 

Dr. Young. I see. 

Mr. Cousins. Mr. Chairman 

Mr. GuTTviAN. If we could have a copy, we would get along so much 
better. It would be so much faster. 

Mr. IcHORD. The Chair would remind counsel that he is here to 
advise his client. 

Mr. GuTMAN. Without the document 

Mr. IcHORD. I don't think any person in the room can say the Cliair 
has not been lenient. Counsel has the right to state his question. 

Mr. Smith. Point 5 of an eight-point report submitted by Mr. 
Lens 

Mr. Cousins. Mr. Chairman, this is not a question. This is a state- 
ment. 

Mr. IcHORD. Let us finish, Mr. Counsel. Please abide by the rule^ of 
the House. 

Mr. Smith. — stating: "Much mileage was obtained from the re- 
port of Dr. Quentin. Young of the Medical Committee on Human 
Eights." 

Dr. Young, will you inform the committee concerning the particu- 
lars of the report ascribed to you in this statement and in this docu- 
ment I now refer to you ? 

(Document handed to witness.) 

Dr. Young. I spent a good part of the morning giving this report 
in opening hearing — I am still responding, sir — to the entire body. 
That is the report that somebody named Lens said that he got "much 
mileage." What has that got to do with me ? 

Mr. loHORD. This is not responsive. 

Mr. GuTiMAN. The question was — will he comment on it, please. He 
is continuing his comment. 

Mr. IcHORD. Rephrase the question, Mr. Counsel. [Laughter.] 

Mr. Smith. Point 5 of an eight-point report submitted at the meet- 
ing in Washington, D.C., on 14 September 1968, by Lens, Sidney Lens, 
states: "Much mileage was obtained from the report of Dr. Quentin 
Young of the Medical Committee on Hiunan Eights." 

Dr. Young. What does that mean ? 

Mr. SivHTH. The question is, Will you inform the committee concern- 
ing the particulars of the report ascribed to you ? 

Dr. Young. My response is that you have heard every word of the 
report. 



2468 DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

Mr. IcHORD. Do you know anything about the report, Doctor? 

Dr. Young. No, sir. 

Mr. IcHORD. Proceed with the next question. 

Mr. GuTMAN. Sir 

Mr. IcHORD. Proceed to the next question. The witness has replied 
adequately. 

Mr. GuTMAisr. The witness doesn't think so, Mr. Chairman. 

Dr. Young. You gavel every time I start to talk. 

The response is that this is as good an example I can give the com- 
mittee — vou anticipate me, sir, and I resent that. 

The Chair was attempting to imply that I was going to not respond 
to the question. You gaveled me. 

]\rr. IcHORD. I didn't imply anything, Doctor. 

Dr. Young. T am proceeding. All right. This is a good example of 
what I mean when I speak about my first amendment risfhts and 
privileges that should be proscribed from congressional participation. 
I know nothing about this 

Mr. IcHORD. The Chair has not required you to answer that question. 

Go on to your next question, and the witness will be in order. 

Mr. Smith. Do you know Sidney Lens? 

Dr. Young. Yes. 

Mr. SivnTH. Thank you. [Laughter.] 

Mr. Smith. Dr. Young, have you been associated with or supported 
the Students for a Democratic Society in any way ? 

Dr. Young. Sir, my response to that is that you are now getting 
very close to the areas that are protected by my first amendment 
rights. I am not now, and never have been, a member of the Students 
for a Democratic Society. I am responding to the question. 

Many of that group are known to me. I think they are fine young 
people, dedicated, eager to do what they think is right. 

Mr. IcHORD. Doctor, you are not being responsive. The answer is 
sufficient. 

Let's go on to the next question. 

Dr. Young. I don't feel my answer was complete. 

Mr. IcHORD. The question has been answered. 

Proceed to the next question, Mr. Counsel. 

Mr. Smith. On July 14-16, 1967, the Radical Education Project of 
SDS staged a conference on "Radicals in the Professions," in Ann 
Arbor, Michigan. An account of this conference published in the 
National Guardian of August 5, 1967, in describing what took place at 
the conference, reported : 

The political importance of the health profession was hisrhlighted hy Qnentin 
Toun? of the Medical Committee for Human Rights who points out that by 1975 
one out of every 10 persons entering the work force will be in health, a 10 per 
cent that is also the largest unorganized sector of the working class. 

Dr. Young, I hand you a reproduction of the National Gimrdian ac- 
count referred to and I ask you : Did you speak at the conference in the 
manner indicated in the National Guardian as so marked ? 

Dr. Young. Certainly I did. 

Mr. SivriTH. Thank you. 

Dr. Young, would you inform the committee as to the meaning you 
intended by the statement ascribed to you which has just been read? 



DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2469 

Dr. Young. I will be more than happy to, Counsel. What I stated 
there is a statement I have made many, many times. It refers to the 
fact that the health needs of this country are in such desperate shape, 
despite the fact that some 60 billions of dollars are being expended 
each year in this sector, and yet we have perhaps 40 million Americans 
getting inadequate health care, that more and more people in the health 
professions and without, and even an occasional Member of Congress — 
do I have your attention, Mr. Ichord ? 

Mr. IcHORD. You have my attention. Dr. Young. 

Dr. Young. Do I have Mr. Ashbrook's attention? [Laughter.] Do 
I have his attention? 

Mr. Ichord. Let there be order. 

Dr. Young, you are not being responsive to the question at all. 

Dr. Young. Sir, I am testifying. 

Mr. GuTMAN. There is a pending question, Mr. Chairman, which the 
witness has not been permitted to answer. 

Dr. Young. He asked what I meant by that statement. 

Mr. IcHORD, Let the Chair remind counsel that this is a legislative 
proceeding. It is not a court procedure. I am being very fair with the 
witness. The witness is not required to answer any further on the 
question. 

Dr. Young. I have not completed my answer. If I am giving testi- 
mony, in all due respect, I want the attention of the Congressmen. 

Mr. IcHORD. You have had the attention of the Chair. 

Dr. Young. To proceed, what I meant when I said that is that at 
least 40 million people in America get inadequate health care, and the 
rest of us are not getting that good health care. As a result of this, 
there has been a vast expansion of the number of people entering the 
health professions. 

Large segments of our population are denied admission. We have 
denied black people the opportunity to enter the health professions. 
That makes me nervous when you do that. [Laughter.] 

Mr. IcHORD. The gentleman should be. 

Go ahead. 

Dr. Young. When you pick that gavel up, I get nervous. 

]Mr. IcHORD. I have been lenient. 
_ Dr._ Young. I don't think you have been lenient. You have been 
listening to me testify. That is the best way to put it. 

Let me go further. We have 5,000 black physicians in this country 
out of 300,000, reflecting the fact that there has been systematic ex- 
clusion of blacks in the participation of this country's health system. 
^ In addition to that, we have in major cities of the country, my own 
city included, death rates and maternal and infant mortality rates, 
death from preventable diseases, like tuberculosis, of such proportions 
that it would give shame to a so-called backward country. When we, 
the richest nation in the world, cannot meet the needs, it is a shame. 

This country has not seen fit to meet these needs. 

Mr. IcpiORD. Do you think we are going to solve those ills by such 
demonstrations as occurred in Chicago ? 

Dr. Young. I am confident that the provisions of the free-speech 
provisions of the Constitution, and that people influencing their gov- 
ernment in an orderly way — I am in the middle of a sentence. 

Mr. Ighord. Will you continue to lend money to Mr. Davis 



2470 DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

Dr. Young. If I choose to do so, I will do so, and that is my business. 

Mr. IcHORD. Proceed. 

Dr. Young. I am not through with my answer, 

Mr. IcHORD. Dr. Young, I cannot tolerate this kind of behavior any 
more. The question has been answered. 

Dr. Young. Mr. Ichord, sir, I will be very brief. 

Mr. IciiORD. We are going too far. 

Dr. Young. I didn't respond. 

]\lr. Ichord. The question has been answered. 

Ask your next question. 

Mr. Smith. Dr. Young, on September 14, 1955 

Dr. Young. '55 ? 

Mr. S]\nTH. Yes. Attorney Koyal "W. France of New York City and 
Mr. Laurent B. Frantz of California filed in the Supreme Court of 
the United States a motion and brief for leave to file brief as amici 
curiae supporting the Communist Party in the case of the Comtwimist 
Party of the United States versus the Subversive Activities Control 
Board. 

Were you a signer of this brief ? 

Dr. Young. Sir, in signing that amicus brief, I was joining with 
hundreds, if not thousands, of Americans, exercising my right— — 

Mr. Ichord. Were there thousands who signed the brief ? 

Dr. Young. I don't know. But I think there must have been hun- 
dreds. Maybe counsel knows how many signed it. 

Mr. Ichord. Did you sign the brief ? 

Dr. Young. I answered that question. 

In doing so, I was using the proper forum, which is the courts, the 
judiciary, which is separate, sir, from the legislative, and I was re- 
sponding in exercising my rights and opinions through the courts. 

I think counsel and the Congressman, who is a counsel 

Mr. Ichord. We have the answer. Proceed. 

Dr. Young. Mr. Ichord, would you 

]\Ir. GuTMAN. Mr. Chairman 

Mr. Ichord. I will advise vou 



Mr. GuTMAN. Mr. Chairman, if we are to proceed on the theory that 
a man who signs an amicus brief before the United States Supreme 
Court and is brought here and questioned as to whether he is doing 
something wrong, this is way out of bounds. 

Mr. Ichord. I 

Mr. GuTMAN. I hope that got in the record, and I hope you will stay 
out of the Supreme Court of the United States. 

Dr. Young. Do you think this has a chilling effect on citizens — ■ 
could we pull the shades ? 

Mr. Ichord. The purpose of the investigation 

Dr. Young. It is very distracting to have the sun in my eyes. 

Mr. Ichord. Can the officer see if he can close the shades ? Can you 
move over, Dr. Young ? 

Dr. Young. Yes. 

Mr. Ichord. We have your answer, Dr. Young. 

Dr. Young. I don't have yours. 

Mr. Ichord. Proceed with the next question. 



DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2471 

Mr. Smith. Dr. Young, I would like to ask you a question about a 
statement contained in this motion and brief. The following appears 
on page 2 of the text : 

(Document handed to witness.) 

Moreover, no matter how ably the attorneys for the Communist Party may 
present the ease, it is their right and duty to present it from the point of view of 
and the effect on the Communist Party and Communists. We desire to present the 
evils of the Act from the point of view of non-Communists. * * * 

Dr. Young, were you a member of the Communist Party at the time 
this brief was filed with the United States Supreme Court ? 

Dr. Young. Here we go again. 

Mr. Smith. Was this brief a fraud on the Supreme Court ? 

Mr. GuTMAN. When did you last beat your wife, sir ? 

Mr. IcHORD. For the last time, the Chair advises Mr. Gutman to 
abide by the rules under possible penalties of contempt of the 
committee. 

Mr. Gutman, I am being very patient. The purpose of counsel, the 
function of counsel before a legislative investigation is to advise his 
client. You have repeatedly, time and time and again, violated the rules 
of this committee and the Rules of the House of Representatives. And I 
am trying to be fair with the witness. You do not intend, apparently, to 
abide by those rules. 

Mr. Gutman. May I respond to the remarks, sir ? 

Mr. IcHORD. I am not threatening you, Mr. Gutman, but we must 
have order in these proceedings, and you may not reply at this time. 
Please be seated, sir. 

Mr. Gutman. May I ask a point of procedure ? 

Mr. IcHORD. Mr. 'Gutman, you have no respect at all for the Con- 
gress of the United States or you would be seated and abide by your 
proper function. 

Now proceed with the next question, Mr. Counsel. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. This question has not been answered. 

Mr. Smith. I ask the witness be directed to answer the question. 

Mr. IcHORD. Read it again. 

Mr. Smith. I would like to ask you a question contained in this 
motion and brief. The following statement appears on page 2 of the 
text: 

Moreover, no matter how ably the attorneys for the Communist Party may 
present the case, it is their right and duty to present it from the point of view of 
and the effect on the Communist Party and Communists. We desire to present 
the evils of the Act from the point of view of non-Communists. * * * 

Were you a member of the Communist Party at the time this brief 
was filed with the United States Supreme Court? 

Mr. IcHORD. The question is a proper question, and I direct the good 
doctor to answer the question. 

Dr. Young. Sir, my response is, of course, the response I gave when 
I first came in. I warned that — I stated to the committee that I would 
not, before this tribunal, violate the rights of myself or any other 
citizen by responding to any question regarding the political beliefs 
or associations. I am not through talking. 

Mr. IcHORD. The Chair will 

Dr. Young. Let me finish. 

Mr. IcHORD. Proceed. 



2472 DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

Dr. Young. The eagerness to interrupt me worries me. 

Mr. IcHORD. We are being very patient with you, Dr. Young. 

Dr. Young. I have just this morning, when interviewed by the 
press 

Mr. IcHORD. The answer is not responsive. 

Mr. Cousins. Mr. Chairman, the 

Mr. GuTMAN. Mr. Chairman 

Mr. IcHORD. Gentlemen, obviously you are trying to goad the 
Chair. 

Mr. Cousins. Not true, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. IcHORD. Abide by the rules of the House. I have repeatedly 
instructed the attorneys that you were in violation of the rules, and 
we have tried to proceed. 

Now, go on to the next question. 

Dr. Young. I want the record to show I did not finish my answer. 
I did not finish my answer. 

Mr. IcHORD. The record will show what happened. 

Mr. Smith. I have no further questions of this witness. 

Mr. IcHORD. Are there further questions of Dr. Young ? 

Mr. Cousins. Will you permit Dr. Young to answer the question, Mr. 
Chairman ? 

Mr. IcHORD. Dr. Young started out on a harangue against the com- 
mittee, apparently. It was not in response to the question, and the ques- 
tion was simply : Were you a member of the Communist Party at the 
time you signed that brief ? 

Do you care to answer that, yes or no, and then I will let you explain. 
Were you, or were you not ? 

Dr. Young. Sir, I was commencing the answer. I was cut off. 

Mr. IcHORD. Were you, or were you not, a member of the Communist 
Party at the time you signed that brief? That is the question, and I 
direct the witness to answer. Then you will be permitted to explain 
your answer, yes or no. 

Dr. Young. The only way I can answer that question is the way I 
have answered it 

Mr. IcHORD. Mr. Ashbrook — the question can be easily answered, Dr. 
Young, yes or no. 

Dr. Young. Sir, that is your opinion how easily this question can be 
answered. But I submit that this is the heart of the problem this com- 
mittee is burdened with, and I really feel today that the Chair 

Mr. IcHORD. You have many, many 

Dr. Young. I feel the Chair is beginning to get the feeling of re- 
sponsibility 

Mr. Ighord. The Chair is lenient with the witness because we wanted 
his answer. 

Mr. Cousins. Mr. Chairman, the witness is going to give an answer 
if the Chair will permit him to give an answer. 

Mr. Ighord. Are you going to finally answer? All right, you may 
answer. 

Dr. Young. First of all, I don't think when a citizen sits before his 
Congressmen, his servants, that the Chair is being lenient. 

As stated, I cannot remotely permit this tribunal to invade my rights 
of free expression or association, and much as I can answer that ques- 
tion, without the least bit of shame or cavil, with great ease, I will not 



DISRUPTION OF 1 9 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2473 

before this tribunal do that. I did, as I started to say, speak to the 
press today, and answered a question, and my answer is true to the 
press. But I will not answer it in this room, sir, and I know the penalties 
that you mention. 

Mr. IcHORD. You will admit you were not under oath when you 
spoke to the press ? 

Dr. Young. I am under oath now, and what I said is true. Do you 
understand ? 

Mr. GuTMAX. Read the mornino; papers, sir. 

Dr. Young. I expressed myself to the press and prepared — no com- 
pulsion, as a citizen, expressing myself when I saw fit to, not under 
the aegis of Congressmen. 

Mr. IcHORD. May we remind you again. Doctor, that the question is 
certainly a relevant one. It has been charged many, many times in the 
press, by various individuals, that the Communist Party played a great 
part in instigating and planning of the Chicago disturbances, and the 
question is certainly a relevant one. You have explained why you will 
not answer, and the answer stands. 

Dr. Young. Yes. 

Mr. IcHORD. Mr. Ashbrook, do you have any questions? 

Mr. Ashbrook. I have no further questions. 

Mr. IcHORD. Mr. Watson, do you have a question ? 

Mr. Watson. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

I believe it has been established that you have known Mr. Davis for 
some period of a year. 

Dr. Young. At least that long. 

Mr. Watson. At least that long. How long have you known him ? 

Dr. Young. At least a year. 

]Mr. Watson. Thank you, sir. 

I assume during the course of that time, since you made a loan of 
$1,000, unsecured, to him, that you would consider yourself good 
friends, more than a casual acquaintance ? 

Dr. Young. The answer to your question is, sir, he is one of the per- 
sons I am willing to lend a thousand dollars to. I trust him to return 
the thousand dollars. 

Mr. Watson. And inherent in that action would be the fact that he 
is more than a casual friend. 

Dr. Young. I am very disturbed about what you want to say here. 
Do you want to go into my friendships now ? What next ? 

Mr. Watson. As long as those friendships are involved in the leader- 
ship of the violence in Chicago, that is the thrust of this hearing. 

Mr. Kunstler (from the audience) . May I object for my client ? You 
haven't submitted who caused that violence. You make 

Mr. Ichord. Order. 

Mr. Kunstler (from the audience). You said the leaders of the 
violence. 

]\Ir. Ichord. Counsel, will you again be seated ? 

]Mr. Watson. During the time that you have known Mr. Davis, has 
he ever discussed with you his theory of how to change this country 
and specifically his plans concerning Chicago — that is, aside from 
the seekincr of vour help as an official of the Medical Committee for 
Human Rights ? 



2474 DISRUPTIOX OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

Dr. Young. Yes. Again, we are in this very terrible area where 
what I said to people and what we discussed is being a part of def- 
amation of character. 

Mr. Watson. Is it defaming for you to talk with Mr. Davis? 

Mr. Davis (from the audience). Your Honor, I am in the room, I 
will be glad to explain that 

Mr. IciiORD. The witness will please be in order. 

Mr. Da^t:s (from the audience). Just call me up. I am happy to 
speak. 

Mr. IcHORD. The Chair will remind the witness that his presence is 
not required in this room. Apparently, they leave and return, leave and 
return. 

Dr. Young. I want to address myself to Mr. Ichord. I feel he has 
learned a lot of lessons today. 

Mr. IcHORD. Let me assure you that I have learned a lot of lessons 
today, and not necessarily from you, because we have heard this time 
and time again. 

Dr. Young. I think you have learned some from Mr. Watson, 
where we see, by taking conversations with a person whom I have 
stated is a patient and friend of mine, he is going to proceed by 
innuendo that I am part of a plot. That's what's wrong with this 
committee, and 

Mr. IcHORD. Mr. Davis has made some violent statements. 

Dr. Young. Talk to Mr. Davis about it. Is there any person in this 
room who would want Congressmen asking them questions about 
every conversation they had? I find it repulsive. 

Mr. IcHORD. Let me assure you that Mr. Davis will be given the 
opportunity to testify. 

Dr. Young. Don't ask me what he said to me. 

Mr. Watson. Mr. Chairman, if I may again try to explain to the 
doctor, I had not asked you anything that Mr. Davis said to you at 
all, and I underscore that word "never." I shall never ask you any 
question concerning your medical relationship with him. 

Dr. Young. Thank you. You asked what we discussed. 

Mr. Watson. I simply asked you, during the period of your rela- 
tionship with him, whatever it is. whether or not you and he dis- 
cussed tlie plans for the activities in Chicago during the time of the 
Democratic Convention. 

Dr. Young. No. 

Mr. Watson. You never discussed it? 

Dr. Young. That is right. 

Mr. Watson. In other words, now, you had no discussion with him 
even concerning, as you stated yesterday, supplying the medical as- 
sistance for the demonstration ? 

Mr. GuTMAN. Mr. Watson, the record does not bear out the import 
of your remark. 

Dr. Young. I don't recall 

Mr. IcHORD. Just a minute. 

ISIr. Watson. Mr. Chairman, I shall not ask the witness for an 
answer. 

Dr. Young. I want to answer the question. 

Mr. Watson. It is obvious that we are getting in a verj^ sensitive 
area. 



DISRUPTION OF 1 9 6 S DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2475 

Dr. Young. No, you are wrong. I am getting in a sensitive area. You 
are reduced to this kind of junk, and I am happy to answer the 
question. 

Mr. IcHORD. I don't think it is junk. 

Dr. Young. That I had a conversation with Rennie Davis ? 

Mr. IcHORD. AYlien you loan a thousand dollars to a revolutionary 
like Mr. Davis, and you have money returned 

Dr. Young. I swore the money was returned. Do you doubt it was 
returned ? 

Mr. IcHORD. You did loan it to him, didn't you ? 

Dr. Young. Yes. 

First of all, I never said I talked to him, although I wouldn't be 
ashamed to say I talked to him. 

Let me finish this. 

The other nonsense there — it slipped my mind. Go ahead. 
[Laughter.] 

Mr. IcHORD. The witness will be excused. 

Dr. Young. I am excused. [Applause.] 

(Documents returned to committee counsel.) 

Mr. IcHORD. Let there be order in the hearing room. 

Mr. GuTMAN. Mr. Chairman ? 

Mr. IcHORD. The attorney is excused, also. 

Mr. GuTMAN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I would ask the indulgence 
of the committee for 2 or 3 minutes. 

Mr. IcHORD. It will not be permitted. The business of the committee 
has been disrupted many, many times during these proceedings, but I 
am trying to get some facts. I am getting a lot of lectures. But we have 
got even a few facts. 

The witness is excused, and I would ask the witness to please retire 
and be seated, so we can be in order. 

ISIr. GuTMAN. I will be happy to do that if I may comment on the 
role you have assigned to counsel in these hearings. You have before 
you a motion dealing with the role of counsel. 

Mr. IcHORD. The Chair does not wish to remove you. 

Mr. GuTMAN. I don't wish to be removed. 

Mr. IcHORD. Sit down, or I will have to direct the police to remove 
5^ou. 

The Chair observes that one of our witnesses who left earlier has 
returned to the committee room, Mr. Gutman. 

As I told the audience earlier, there will be no demonstrations in the 
hearing room. 

Mr. Gutman — Mr. Greenblatt^ — I am sorry. Will you please come 
forward ? 

Mr. IcHORD. The Chair would remind the witness he is still under 
oath. 

Mr. Counsel, we will resume the questioning. 

TESTIMONY OF ROBERT GREENBLATT, ACCOMPANIED BY COUNSEL, 
SANFORD KATZ— Resumed 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Greenblatt, earlier this year, in June 1968, did you 
and David Dellinger travel to Paris, where you met with representa- 



2476 DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

tives of the Communist government of North Vietnam and also U.S. 
representatives to discuss the peace talks then taking place ? 

Mr. Greenblatt. Could the counsel please break up that question 
into several parts? I believe there are a number of parts in that. I 
can't answer the q^uestion in its complicated form. 

Mr. IcHORD. Did you travel to Europe, ]Mr. Greenblatt, in June of 
1968— this year? 

Mr. Greenblatt. Yes, I did. 

Mr. IcHORD. Go ahead with that question. 

Mr. Smith. With whom did you travel ? 

Mr. Greenblatt. I traveled to Europe alone for the purpose of 
making some consultations with various people about issues relevant to 
the war in Vietnam, to the state of the talks which have been billed as 
"peace talks" in this country, but which, in fact, in my conclusion, were 
not peace talks, but were merely delaying tactics by representatives of 
the Government of the United States. 

This was the basic purpose of my travel. While there, I made con- 
sultations with many people, including the Ambassador from the 
United States, Mr. Harriman. 

Mr. Ashbrook. Including Colonel Lau of North Vietnam ? 

Mr. Katz. How do you spell that, sir ? 

Mr. Ashbrook. L-a-u. 

Mr. Greenblatt. I believe I did meet a Mr. Lau, a Colonel Lau, in 
Paris. 

Mr. IcHORD. Proceed. 

]\Ir. Smith. Mr. Greenblatt, did you ever see this letter ? 

( Document handed to witness. ) 

Mr. Katz. Let the record show this is a photostat. We would like 
to seethe original of this. 

Mr. IcHORD. The record will show that it is a photostatic letter. 

The question is. Have you ever seen the original of which that is a 
photostat ? 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, may I read the letter into the record ? 

Mr. IcHORD. Counsel will be directed to read the letter into the record 
at this time. 

Mr. Smith. The letter is dated June 4, 1968, addressed to "Dear Col. 
Lao;*'^ [Reads:] 

This note is to introduce to you Mr. Robert Greenblatt, the coordinator of the 
National Mobilization to End the War in Vietnam. He works closely with myself 
and Dave Bellinger, and has just returned from Hanoi. 

If there are any pressing questions you wish to discuss, Mr. Greenblatt will 
be in Paris for a few days. 

We hope that the current Paris discussions go well for you. The news from 
South Vietnam seems very good indeed. 

We hope to see you this summer in Paris or at a later time. 

Good fortune ! 

Victory ! 

It is signed "Tom Hayden." 

Mr. Ashbrook. Mr. Chairman, the record will show that we pre- 
sume Colonel Lau to be one of the North Vietnamese negotiators in 
Paris. 



' Correct spelling "Lau." 



DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2477 

Mr. IcHORD. The Chair will take judicial notice that Colonel Lau 
is — just a minute. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, we can now state positively that 

Mr. IcHORD. Wait just a minute, Mr. Counsel. You have a question 
pending. 

Mr. Greenblait. What is the question pending? 

Mr. IcHORD. Read back the question, Mr. Reporter, that I directed 
to the witness. 

I will restate the question as best as I can recall. 

Did you ever see the original of this photostatic copy ? 

Mr. Greenblatt. To the best of my recollection, I believe I did see 
the origmal to the photostatic copy I have been shown. 

Mr, IcHORD. Did you have the letter in your possession ? 

Mr. Greenblatt. At one point, yes, I did. 

Mr. Smith. Did you present the letter to Colonel Lau ? 

Mr. Greenblatp. I don't believe the occasion ever arose. I met, as I 
testified earlier — I met Colonel Lau, along with many other people in 
Paris, Vietnamese, Americans, Parisians, and others concerned with 
the great problems revolving around the American aggression in 
Vietnam. 

I was introduced to Colonel Lau, or introduced myself — I don't re- 
call now the exact nature of the first confrontation, exactly where it 
took phice. 

As I recall, I did not have occasion to use the letter of introduction. 
I introduced myself, and this is my answer. I don't recall using the 
letter, but I would have had no hesitation in using it. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. Then, Mr. Greenblatt, for the record, it was a letter 
of introduction, the purpose of which was to introduce you to Colonel 
Lau, which you did not find necessary to use ? 

Mr. Greenblatt. I believe the photostatic copy shown me is ex- 
plicitly about what it is, and it describes itself. 

Mr. Smith. Did you have a second letter of introduction with you ? 

Mr. Greenblatt. I have various documents with me. If the Chair 
could show me, your counsel could show me 

Mr. Smith. Did you have the original of this photostatic copy with 
you? 

(Document handed to witness.) 

Mr. Katz. Just a minute. 

Mr. Ichord. Just a minute, Mr. Counsel. Will the counsel read it. 

Mr. Ivatz. Before this letter is read, the letter, along with the other 
docmnents, was seized by agents of the United States Government 
back in June of this year. Mr. Greenblatt is presently facing, as a 
matter of fact — charges in the Federal court have been lodged against 
him. 

Mr. IcHORD. What is the nature of those charges, Mr. Katz ? 

Mr. Katz. In the narcotics area, but those documents were seized 
and are in the possession of the United States attorney or the Depart- 
ment of Justice. 

Now, I note that Congressman Ashbrook on Tuesday indicated at 
page 150 of the record that it would be much better, or would be better, 
to use his exact words, not to comment too much on a pending case. 
This was in a different context. 

Mr. Ichord. Is there a pending case ? 

21-706— 69— pt. 1 17 



2478 DISRUPTION OF 19 6 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

Mr. xVsHBROOK. On that, but not on 



Mr. Katz. The documents, sir, are in the possession of the United 
States Government. 

Mr. KuNSTLER (from the audience) . I object to anything about that 
charge going into this record. 

]Mr. IcHORD. Tlie gentleman will be seated or retire from the room. 

Mr. Katz. He is Mr. Greenblatt's attorney in connection with that 
charge. 

Mr. IcHORD. You are Mr. Greenblatt's attorney ? 

Mr. KuNSTLER (from the audience) . I am, and I do not want a word 
of it in this record. 

Mr. IcHORD. Tlie Chair will rule on that at this time. 

Mr. Smith. I request j)ermission to read this 

Mr. IcHOKD. Let the Chair have a copy of the letter. 

(Document handed to chairman.) 

Mr. IcHORD. The Chair will rule on the objections raised. 

The letter has no connection at all with any pending marijuana 
charge, but it is relevant in comiection with the hearings. 

The Chair would direct the counsel to again — or direct tlie witness 
to answer the question. 

If you have in your possession the original of this photostatic 
copy 

Mr. Katz. I vigorously protest, Mr. Chairman. This is a blatant 
denial of due process. 

The Government, the United States attorney has the possession of 
these documents. He obviously intends to make use of it in a fashion we 
do not know. This man is facing serious criminal charges in the United 
States District Court in the Northern District of New York. 

Mr. AsHBRooK. ^^Hiat serious charges, Mr. Katz? Maybe you can 
help them out. 

Mr. Kunstler (from the audience). I want to object both to this 
counsel and to the committee counsel. I think this is a violent disregard 
of this man's rio-hts, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. IcHORD. The Chair will pass upon that. 

Mr. Kunstler (from the audience). You are ruling 

Mr. IcHORD. That is a matter of opinion. You have repeatedly 
charged that the Chair is raping the Constitution. This has been done 
time and time again. This reminds me of the argument we used to have 
back in law school. 

The question was : "Does the Constitution mean what it says, or does 
it mean what nine particular men on the Supreme Court at any one 
time say what it means?" 

Mr. Katz. We are talking about fundamental fairness. 

Mr. IcHORD. The Chair will endeavor to protect the constitutional 
rights of the witness in this case. 

Mr. Kunstler (from the audience). I will take what the Supreme 

Court says 

Mr. IcHORD. Let the record show that the committee had not brought 
up any charge in connection with marijuana. It had never been stated 
by the committee, and the Chair sees no connection between this letter 
and any marijuana charge. So the Chair will rule that the question is 
a proper one. 

I again direct the witness to answer the question. 



DISRUPTION OF 19 6 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2479 

Mr. Greenblatt. Mr. Chairman, I have repeatedly, through counsel 
and through personal inquiry, made requests of the authorities of the 
Government that have seized these materials for the return of various 
materials seized from me at that time, which I felt had no connection 
and which coimsel felt had no connection with the charges lodged 
against me, materials that varied from documents, letters, address 
books, all the way to trousers, shirts, other articles of apparel, and 
so on. 

I have been advised by the representatives of these Government 
agencies that all of this material, all the material that they seized from 
me, was being held as evidence, evidence toward what was not revealed 
to me. 

In the li^ht of that statement and in light of that position of the 
representatfves of the Customs and of the Department of Justice, I 
feel that I cannot be responsive to this question, because it would be in 
violation of due process accorded me. It would, in fact, jeopardize the 
proceedmgs that are now lodged against me. 

I again urge the Chair to, if it is possible — for the Chair to recon- 
sider or to consider its ruling and perhaps to deviate from the historical 
policy of this committee to violate the constitutional rights of wit- 
nesses appearing before it, and so rule in this instance. 

^fr. KrxsTLER (from the audience) . I might add, Mr. Chairman 

Mr. IcHORD. Mr. Counselor, you are out of order. Will you please 
sit down. 

Mr. Counselor, if you cannot be seated 

Mr. KuxsTLER (from the audience) . If you are going to make a deci- 
sion without the relevant material, go ahead. 

Mr. IcHORD. You are interrupting these hearings, Mr. Counsel. 

Mr. Witness, I think the Chair ruled on this veiy point, either 
earlier in the day or yesterday, and pointed out the case of HiitcJieson 
versus TJnifed States, where, if it was not the purpose of the legis- 
lative investigation to aid the Government in the prosecution of any 
suit — and I can assure the witness that that is not the purpose of the 
Chair or of this comniittee — but this is relevant to the hearing at hand. 

The Chair will have to rule that the question is in order. I must di- 
rect you again to answer the question. 

Mr. Greexblatt. If the Chair please, I must recall that the instruc- 
tions that I received from, the Chair, in my opinion, I think, on their 
face contradict the specific directions and advice that I received from 
the Justice Department. I must stand on my original statem.ent. I 
wmdd like to advise the Chair at this time that I still stand completely 
willing to testif;\' before this committee, before thi=; hearing, to be 
sure, under duress and under the objections that I raised earlier. But, 
nevertlieless. I am willing to testify on my own activities and on my 
own troubles. 

But I cannot and will not give up or sacrifice the legitimate rights 
that I enjoy, and that all Americans enjoy, before this committee or 
before any other branch of Government in this countiy. 

I am. willing to talk about the places that I have been to, the purposes 
of why I went to those places, actiidties that I have participated in 
in this country and outside this country. I think that to do so will 
simply bring before the American public the nature of the ills and 
the horrendous difficulties and tragedies that the policies of this Gov- 



2480 DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

eminent have inflicted on Americans and on people outside of this 
country and on people in Vietnam particularly. 

And I think that such testimony will also substantiate the need for 
my having participated in those activities. Therefore, I am willing 
to testify on those grounds. But I cannot answer this question for the 
reasons I have already cited, and I must refuse to do so. 

Mr. IcHORD. Just a minute, Mr. Ashbrook, and then the Chair will 
recognize you. 

The Chair would advise the witness again that this is a legislative 
investigation to explore all possible connections between organizations 
in this country and foreign powers, whether they, insofar as the Chi- 
cago riots are concerned, are related to instigating, planning, and orga- 
nizing. 

It is not my purpose to penalize a witness. I realize that he does 
face some charges. It is not the purpose of this conmiittee to punish 
the witness. However, I do feel that in the interests of this investiga- 
tion, trying to determine the facts about the disturbances in Chicago, 
that I must direct you again to answer the question, under possible 
penalty of contempt. 

Mr. Katz. To testify about documents now in the possession of the 
United States Government, the Department of Justice, under an open 
charge, where an indictment may be returned by the grand jury, en- 
larging the crimes charged in the complaint, and to counterpose the 
possible legislative assistance that these letters will have — it is a 
predudice to this defendant. 

Mr. Watson. May I ask counsel a question ? 

Mr. IcHORD. I would remind you that I am not asking the witness 
to take the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Katz. You would be delighted if he would, I am sure. He won't. 

Mr. IcHORD. The Chair doesn't care whether this witness takes the 
fifth amendment or not. It is not the position of this Chair that a 
person before this committee who takes the fifth amendment auto- 
matically means he is guilty. If he feels this letter would tend to 
incriminate him, he has that right. 

I am sure you have explained to your witness the significance of the 
fifth amendment. But I can only enforce the Rules of the House of 
Representatives and the rules of this committee. And it was because 
I thought it was to obtain the objectives of this investigation that I 
directed him to answer the question. 

Mr. Greenblatt. It seems to me the Chair has stated repeatedly that 
it is not the policy of this committee to use the fifth amendment for 
the sake of innuendo, and yet it seems to be the policy of this commit- 
tee to solicit people to use the fifth amendment. 

Every time anyone raises any objection whatsoever to the possi- 
bility of answering some question, the Chair also advises, "Use the 
fifth amendment." 

I would like to suggest to the Chair that there are other amend- 
ments, other rights, and other laws governing the legal actions of men 
in this country besides the fifth amendment, without impugning the 
legitimacy of that amendment. 

The Chair has repeatedly said that this committee — that no one 
is on trial before this committee. I respectfully suggest that everyone 



DISRUPTION OF 19 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2481 

is on trial before this committee. The very procedure of this commit- 
tee puts everyone before it on trial and the very country on trial. 

Mr. IcHORD. That is a statement of opinion. 

Mr. iVshbrook, did you have a question ? 

Mr. AsHBROOK. Yes. 

Mr. IcHORD. Perhaps I should redirect the witness to answer the 
question. 

Mr. KuNSTLER (from the audience) . I direct him not to answer. You 
may hold me in contempt. As his attorney on that charge, I direct him 
not to answer that question. I stand ready to be responsible for that 
statement. You may hold me in contempt. 

Mr. IcHORD. I think the record will show what has happened. He 
didn't invoke the fifth amendment. 

Mr. KuNSTLER (from the audience). It has nothing to do with it. 

Mr. Greenblatt. I again resent the Chair bringing in the fifth 
amendment. That is the only number he is familiar with. 

Mr. Katz. We are invoking due process 

Mr. IcHORD. The Chair has explained his position on the fifth 
amendment. 

Mr. Ashbrook? 

Mr. Ashbrook. For purposes of asking a question, this letter very 
clearly indicates activities which are within the legitimate purview of 
this committee. The postscript says : "Greenblatt can be trusted for dis- 
cussions of the conference and to transmit any messages. He works 
verv closely with Dellinger." It is written in hand, of course, signed 
"Albert." ' 

Are you refusing to discuss these facts? It certainly seems to me 
that these actions are within the purview of the committee and are rele- 
vant to these hearings. 

Mr. Kunstler (from the audience) . This letter has been seized from 
him, and it is an admission that he had the letter at the proceeding, 
and that violates his rights. 

Mr. Ashbrook. The activities 

]Mr. Greenblatt. Ask me about the activities and see if I am will- 
ing to answer those questions. 

Mr. Ashbrook. It says you are 

Mr. IcHORD. Read the entire letter. 

Mr. Ashbrook [reads]. 

Sorry that communication has been so badly disrupted, but I know the cause 
is just. Enclosed in [sic] copy of message to NLF sent to Prague via DRV 
embassy. 

Do not know if you have received Alex's report on trip of Phillippe to USA. 
* * * I hope to be in Europe somewhere around the middle of June. Will contact 
you then through whatever channels are possible. If not, someone will be coming. 

It is signed "Albert." It is signed not in hand, but typed "Albert." 

As I said, the postscript indicates Greenblatt can be trusted for 
two things, for discussion of the conferences and to transmit any 
messages. 

"We wanted to talk about activities. How about talking about the 
discussion of the conference and transmitting any messages? That is 
what this committee is interested in. 

Mr. Katz. If you put your question, we will see what the answer 
is. 



2482 DISRUPTION OF 19 6 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

Mr. AsHBROOK. Did you transmit any message pursuant to this? 
Mr. Greenblatt. Pursuant to what ? 

Mr. AsHBROOK. Pursuant to this letter 

Mr. Greenblatt. I have already explained to this committee my 
reasons for not discussing the letter or that document whatsoever. If 
you wish to phrase questions to me without regard to that letter, then 
we can deal with it, I think, in those terms. 

Mr. Ashbrook. Let us get specific. In Paris did you see T-u-o-n-g 
B-y to discuss a projected conference in Paris rather than in Cuba, as 
apparently had been determined before in some of these meetings ? Did 
you meet with Tuong By in Paris ? 

Mr. Greenblatt. To the best I can understand your pronunciation 

of that name 

Mr. Ashbrook. I spelled it for that reason. 

Mr. Greenblatt. I did meet with a member of the delegation in 
Paris, a member of the delegation who was there for the conference 
with the American delegation. I believe that that was the name given 
to me. I met with such a man in Paris. 

Mr. Ashbrook. On June 16 in Prague, Czechoslovakia, did you meet 
with Tran Van An and Phan Van Chung, who were representatives of 
the Viet Cong ? 

(Witness confers with counsel.) 

Mr. Greenblatt. Again, I believe that around that time, since I am 
under oath and I don't have documents about the dates before me at the 
present time, I do not want to say whether it was the 16th, the 15th, 
or the 17th. 

Mr. Ashbrook. About that time ? 

Mr. Greenblatt. During that period of time I did, in fact, journey 
to Prague because I was interested to meet, if possible, with representa- 
tives of the National Liberation Front, the people who are spokesmen 
and representatives of the people in South Vietnam, trying to remove 
the American aggression from that country and trying to work for an 
improved structure for the people in that troubled land. 

Mr. Ashbrook. That is a response, and I appreciate your answer. 
Mr. Katz. I don't believe the witness finished. 

Mr. Ashbrook. He said he met on or about the time, which is what 
I wanted to know, June 16, or about that time. 

Mr. Greenblatt. I do not recall specifically at this time the names 
of the members of the National Liberation Front and in that res-ard 
I just can't answer. 

Mr. Ashbrook. That is a responsive answer. 

Did you discuss forthcoming conferences of Vietnam and American 
youth? Was that a matter of discussion among these gentlemen, who 
were Tran Van An and Phan Van Chung, but you don't remember 
exactly who ? 

Mr. GREENBLATr. One of the things I had been very concerned with, 
although it certainly wasn't the sole purpose of my visit — I explained 
that the purpose of my visit was to make what discovery I could about 
the situation in Paris, to make what discoveries I could with regard to 
the state of the talks going on in Paris at the time, and with regard to 
the state of war and the state of siege that the Vietnamese people were 
under. 

Mr. Ashbrook. Was there a discussion 



DISRUPTION OF 19 6 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2483 

Mr. Greenblatt. At the same time, I did have occasion, while meet- 
ing with the Vietnamese, to try to explore what other occasions and 
opportunities there might be for people from this country, as many 
people as possible from this country, to come into contact with and to 
meet directly as many people from the troubled country of Vietnam so 
that we could have a better understanding, more of an understanding, 
of the nature of the life there, of the nature of the suppression there, 
and of the nature of the suffering in Vietnam, 

To this end, I had whatever discussions I had the opportunity to 
have with the Vietnamese to see if such trips were possible. If it were, 
indeed, possible, given the nature of the war against the Vietnamese 
people, given the nature of the ravages that the people were under dur- 
ing the time of war, whether it was possible on their behalf to meet 
with Americans sometime in the future. 

Mr. AsiiiiROOK. Then you could generally say you did discuss forth- 
coming conferences between the Vietnamese and the Americans ? 

Mr. Greenblatt. I discussed the various kinds of meetings, and the 
number of meetings did, in fact, take place. There were delegations of 
other Americans that went to Paris to meet with Vietnamese. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. Further, did you agree that the youth attending the 
conference would be limited to what was referred to as hard-core 
activists, with any groups or gullible activists totally excluded ? 

Mr. Greenblatt. We discussed what the nature of such a conference 
would be. We discussed the kind of people that the Vietnamese would 
be able to bring to such a conference. 

Mr. AsHBROoK. What about the people that we would be able, in the 
sense of Americans, to bring to such a conference ? That is what we are 
interested in, not the Vietnamese. 

Mr. Greenblatt. You imply there were some kind of decisions made 
as to what the composition of the conference there would be. There 
were no decisions made. We made it absolutely clear that it would 
be 

Mr. Ashbrook. Wait a second. 

Mr. Katz. Let the witness finish. 

Mr. Ashbrook. He is going far afield. 

Is it not true that at this conference there was actually a discussion ? 
You are saying there was not. There was actually a discussion of Amer- 
ican organizations which could logically be used. Were not the names 
of the SDS, the Youth Against War and Fascism, War Resisters 
League, national antidraft groups, SNCC, Southern Student Orga- 
nizing Committee, Student Mobilization Committee, National Mobi- 
lization Committee, and the DuBois Club, just to name several men- 
tioned there, as the type of organizations which could be utilized ? 

Is that a correct or an incorrect statement ? 

The witness is saying that there was no indication given. It is our 
information that there was a very clear indication given of the type 
of youth organizations in particular in this comitry which could be 
utilized for this purpose. 

(Witness confers with counsel.) 
^ Mr. Greenblatt. I believe I did describe the nature of the discus- 
sions I had there, the nature of the talks that I had. Mr. Ashbrook is 
saying that he has an indication that this was not, in fact, the nature 
of the talks. 



2484 DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

I would like to know what the indications are. I am not quite sure 
I luiderstand what the indications are and what the source of these in- 
dications is. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. Mr. Greenblatt, wasn't this, in fact, this meeting we 
are referring to, a meeting at which the preparations for meetings 
which were actually held in Budapest, Hungary, attended by a group 
of Americans organized and led by Dave Dellinger ? 

Wasn't this, in fact, where this meeting was set up, and these specific 
groups that I mentioned were indicated at that meeting as Ajnerican 
antiwar youth groups, et cetera, who would participate? 

Mr. Greenblatt. I pointed out before that I am willing and have 
been willing to discuss my part in various activities. If now Mr. Ash- 
brook wants to link this up to something that was organized by Mr. 
Dellinger, I suggest that you ask Mr. Dellinger about things that he 
organized, if indeed he organized them. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. Did you not specifically at this meeting in Prague 
agree to supply the Viet Cong reports on the following subjects : work 
of the antidraft movement, especially since the Tet offensive and 
President Johnson's decision not to run for reelection, and also reports 
on antiwar agitation or experiences of the organization at work among 
the armed members of this country ? 

That is a specific question not on Mr. Dellinger's activities, but on 
your activities. 

Mr. Greenblatt. Would you repeat that ? 

Mr. AsHBROOK. Did you not agree at the meeting in Prague to supply 
the Viet Cong reports on the following subjects : the work of the anti- 
draft movement, with special emphasis on activity since the Tet offen- 
sive and President Johnson's decision not to run, and also reports on 
the antiwar agitation or experiences of organizations at work among 
the members of the Armed Forces ? 

Mr. Greenblatt. Let me reiterate again for Mr. Ashbrook and for 
the other members of the committee, as I have said earlier, that there 
were no agreements, as such, made. These were exploratory discussions 
of the kind of meetings that could conceivably be held, the kind of in- 
formation or discussions that we could have. 

I think it is perfectly clear and perfectly obvious that not only 
Vietnamese, but people across the world and people in this country, 
have been interested in the kind of work that the antiwar movement 
and the antidraft movement have been doing in this country. 

We have been willing in the past, and I will be willing in the future, 
to discuss the nature of these activities, the nature of these movements, 
to end the war in Vietnam, to end the repressive draft, and to end the 
militarism in this country. 

I am willing to discuss these matters and have discussed them in 
front of conferences involving many kinds of people, all kinds of 
people. I would specifically be willing to discuss these with Viet- 
namese, who are the most immediate objects of this military macliine 
at the present time. I think it would be perfectly appropriate to do so. 

I may very well have expressed at that meeting, as I have at so 
many other meetings, my willingness to discuss these matters. 

Mr. Katz. Mr. Ashbrook, I think I suspect that you are reading from 
materials probably supplied you by the Federal Bureau of Investiga- 
tion or the U.S. attorney for the Northern District of New York. 



DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2485 

I would point out how essentially unfair it is for a man under 
criminal charges to be forced to reply, to answer the questions that you 
have prepared for you by the prosecuting agencies. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. You are dead wrong, I would say, Mr. Katz ; abso- 
lutely wrong. 

Mr. IcHOKD. The Chair has ruled on that, Mr. Katz. There are no 
pending charges against the witness now in the chair in regard to 
these matters being questioned about. 

Mr. Katz. Sir, documents were seized by the U.S. attorney and 
somehow have found their way before this committee. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. Mr. Katz, would you explain ? We are not talking 
from documents. We are talking from our understanding of what 
transpired at meetings which at no place is reflected in any documents 
in the FBI, the Justice Department, or this committee. 

Mr. KL^Tz. You just made up all of those ? 

Mr. AsHBRooK. If I made them up, he is answering responsively to 
my questions, if you were listening. 

Let's go to the next one. I think you answered, circuitously, the last 
question, that you did, in fact, agree to make available this informa- 
tion. 

Did you agree also to make available to the Viet Cong recordings 
on tapes or discs and to send them to the Viet Cong office in Prague 
for transmission to North Vietnam ? 

That is a simple question. 

Mr. Greenblatt. None of these questions are simple, because I 
think they touch on very complex matters, in addition to the com- 
plexities of the legal matter. They touch on the very nature of the war 
in Vietnam and touch at least with innuendo on what is legiti- 
mate 

Mr. AsHBROOK. That is a simple question that can be answered yes 
or no, without dissertation. 

Mr. Greenblatt. If Mr. Ashbrook can answer the question, I sug- 
gest he do so. I tried to answer the question in the way I think it 
should be answered. 

Mr. IcHORD. The Chair has been very liberal in letting you go 
afield, Mr. Greenblatt. 

Mr. Greenblatt. Perhaps the Chair is indeed being liberal. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. I will rephrase the question. Did you agree also at 
this meeting in Prague to which we have been referring, aoout which 
there are no documents, did you agree also to make available to the 
Viet Cong recordings on tapes or discs and send them to the Viet Cong 
office in Prague for transmission to North Vietnam ? 

Mr. Greenblatt. I have said already several times that there were 
no explicit agreements, Mr. Ashbrook. You seem to imply that there 
was some kind of contractual agreement. There were no agreements 
made at this meeting. 

Mr. AsHBROOK. Let's change the word "agreement." Did you sug- 
gest that you could make available to the Viet Cong recordings on 
tapes or discs which, in turn, could be sent from Prague to North 
Vietnam? Did you suggest that this would be possible? Not that you 
contracted, 

Mr. Greenblatt. I have said on many occasions, and again I can- 
not recall exactly what I said on that particular occasion, that I will 



2486 DISRUPTION OF 19 6 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

do everything that I can find legitimately within my power to try to 
bring an end to the illegitimate and illegal policy of this country in 
its war against the Vietnamese people and in its war against their 
struggle for liberation. 

]Mr. AsHBROOK. Including sending records to Prague? 

Mr. Greenblatt. Includmg, Mr. Ashbrook, if you will, going to 
Hanoi, which I also did, which I am sure you will get to, including, 
if you will, speaking to the Vietnamese people and telling them the 
very things I am telling you right now. 

If I were willing to do that, I would certainly be willing to give 
them matters of the public record. These are all matters of public 
record : the activities of the antiwar movement, the activities of the 
antidraft movement, our appeals to the people in this country that 
they do what they can to In'ing pressure, legitimate pressure, on the 
Government of the United States to bring this war to an end. And 
I would be willing to give these materials to anyone in the hope that 
they would read it, in the hope that this would have some kind of an 
effect on them and have some kind of effect in bringing this war to 
a speedy conclusion, and bringing the American soldiers who are dying 
there unnecessarily back to this country to fulfill their normal lives 
without having to serve in the oppressive Armed Forces of this 
country. 

Mr. Ashbrook. If I am to assume from your answer that you did 
either agree or suggest that you could make them available, whatever 
your termiu-ology, would you tell us, then, what were these recordings, 
in fact, that you were going to send to Prague ? 

Mr. Greenblatt. I don't know what assumptions you are making or 
you would like to make on the basis of my answer. I believe that I 
answered the question that you put to me in the best way that I know 
and that I believe possible. 

Mr. Ashbrook. As I recall, you said if you were willing to do all 
these other things, obviously you would be willing to do this. I assume 
from that you are saying to my previous question that you did suggest 
or agree, not a contractual agreement, to use your words, you did 
suggest or agree that you would make available to the Viet Cong 
recordings on tapes or discs which would be sent to the Viet Cong in 
Prague and from there for transmission to North Vietnam. 

Mr. Greenblatt. Again, this is 

(Witness confers with counsel.) 

Mr. Ashbrook. If I made a wrong assumption, straighten me out. 
Your exact answer, as I recall it, was "If I was willing to do these 
other things, obviously I would be willing to do that." 

I took that to be somewhat of an affirmative answer to the question. 
Maybe I was wrong. 

Mr. Greenblatt. I don't think you were wrong. As I said, I would 
be willing to send — and would, if I had in my possession right now, 
be willing to send — to the Vietnamese people, by whatever means I 
was able to do so, if the only way to send the kind of documents and 
the kind of recordings — if I may answer the question — the kind of 
documents and kind of recordings which are matters of public record 
which represent the nature of the American aggression in Vietnam and 
the reasons for that aggression in Vietnam and the fact that there are 
many millions of people in this country who are opposed to this Gov- 



DISRUPTION OF 1 9 6 8 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2487 

ernment policy, that this country not be labeled in the eyes of all the 
world as simply a repetition of other countries, the names of which, 
wlien I mentioned them the other day, for some reason the chairman 
became very concerned about, that there is not hopefully a repetition of 
G'ermany of the 1940's and not simply a repetition of Hungary in the 
lOoO's and lOlO's, which is still possible in this country, and with the 
people in this country who will fight this kind of genocidal war in 
Vietnam. 

These are the kinds of materials, Mr. Ashbrook, that I would be will- 
ing to supply to the people of Vietnam and to anyone else, and will do 
everything in my power to supply such material. 

]Mr. Ashbrook. One last question. 

Mr. IciiORD. You stated your position, if I may interrupt, very 
strongly, Mr. Greenblatt. Do I understand that you support the North 
Vietnamese in the war? 

Mr. Greexblatt. I support the position that all people have a right 
to make their own decisions within the confines of their country, that 
they have the right to be free of invasion and aggression by other coun- 
tries. I believe that the United States is fighting an illegal and il- 
legitimate war against the people of Vietnam. I suggest to the Chair 
that I am, if you will, almost an expert witness by the nature of my 
own history and by the nature of my own experiences of what it feels 
like to be the victim of aggression and to be the victim of militarism. 

Yes, I do sympathize with, and I am very much concerned for the 
welfare of, the Vietnamese people, as I am concerned for the welfare of 
all people who are being subjugated and suppressed by the policies of 
whatever government subjugates or suppresses them or tries to annihi- 
late them. 

I think this is what is going on in Vietnam because of the policies of 
this Government. 

]Mr. IcHORD. Thank you for your answer. 

May I ask you this question, Mr. Greenblatt : Who is the Alex re- 
ferred to in the letter which Mr. Ashbrook read ? 

(Witness confers with counsel.) 

]Mr. Ktjnstler. I object again. You are getting into the area of his 
prosecution. I direct him not to answer and open myself 

Mr. IcHORD. "What prosecution, Mr. Kunstler ? 

Mr. KuivrsTLER. The prosecution that you have bandied about in this 
room in the Northern District of New York, a serious criminal charge. 

I now understand why the prosecution was instituted in the first 
place, as a conduit to this committee of certain documents. 

]Mr. TciiORD. Of course, you can take this matter up in the courts. 

Mr. KuNSTi.ER. But I am directing him not to answer. 

Mr. IcHORD. Let there be order. 

I repeat the question. I direct the witness to answer. 

]Mr. Greenblatt. I stated to this committee before, and I think it is 
relevant for me to repeat at the present time, that I am willing to speak 
and I think I have, as Mr. Ashbrook has noted, and be responsive about 
my own activities and my own conduct. 

I have in the past before this committee, and will continue to, re- 
fused to answer questions which will embarrass or which are being 
brought forward so as to expose for exposure's sake other people I 



2488 DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

have been associated with, and that in particular, in this instance, 
making reference to these documents will, in addition, have the pos- 
sibility of prejudicing litigation. 

But the first part of my statement I think will apply in other in- 
stances that will come before this committee, that I am not in a posi- 
tion to speak about the activities and the actions of other people. 

I think that the committee has apparently the very, very pervasive 
ability to get ahold of records, to get ahold of information, without 
the help of any of the witnesses. I suggest that most of the questions 
I have been asked, if not all of the questions that have been put to 
me, the committee at least assumed it had the answer to before it 
was put to me. 

I suggest that the committee bring those people to this hearing 
and let them speak for themselves. 

Mr. IcHORD. We may or may not have the answer, Mr. Greenblatt. 
We will go to another question. 

Vnio is the "Albert"? 

Mr. Greenblatt. I believe I have already stated my position on 
this. The same applies as to the question previously. 

Mr. IcHORD. Mr. Greenblatt, how long have you been the coordina- 
tor of the National Mobilization Committee To End the War in 
Vietnam ? 

Mr. Greenblatt. I have been associated with the Mobilization Com- 
mittee. I was a cochairman or a coordinator of that committee from 
the beginning of the formation of that committee. I helped, and I am 
very proud to say that I helped, found the committee, along with 
other people who were concerned with the war in Vietnam. 

I cannot pinpoint the date at which time I used the title again to 
identify myself as coordinator of the committee as opposed to identi- 
fying myself solely as cochairman of the committee. My functions 
did not substantially change. 

Mr. IcHORD. Who is the other cochairman? 

Mr. Greenblatt. I think that question, Mr. Chairman, is a matter 
of public record. I don't understand why it is necessary for me to 
name those people. 

Mr. IcHORD. The Chair will not press you on the question. 

Mr. Counsel, have you further questions ? 

Mr. Smith. Yes, sir, I do. 

iVIr. Greenblatt, in the course of your spring 1968 travels, which in- 
cluded visits to Hanoi and Paris, did you not also stop on the island 
of Cyprus ? 

]\Ir. Greenblatt. Yes, I did. 

IMr. Smith. Is it a fact, Mr. Greenblatt, that you traveled to Ni- 
cosia, the capital of Cyprus, for the purpose of taking part in an 
emergency meeting of the World Council of or for Peace, which is 
also known as the World Peace Council ? 

Mr. Greenblatt. I did travel to Cyprus to participate in a con- 
ference. I don't know the official — I don't have before me right now 
the official title of the organization'. I think it is something to that 
effect. I am not familiar, offhand, with the designation "emergency 
meeting" of that council. 

I believe there was a conference of several days' duration, and I did 
travel to participate in that conference. 



DISRUPTION OF 1 9 68 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2489 

Let me explain that I was not a member of that conference. I was 
invited to give a report on some of my other travels, with the possi- 
bility of other matters that might come up. I was not an official mem- 
ber of that conference, and I traveled there to give that kind of report. 

Mr. Smith. Weren't you also aware when you made the decision to 
attend the meeting that the World Peace Council was created by, and 
is dominated by, the Soviet Union and that this fact is generally recog- 
nized throughout the world ? 

Mr. Greenblatt. Let me say first that I will travel anywhere, in 
the words of another famous American, but I think I mean it — I am 
willing to travel anywhere to speak to anyone in any manner which 
can help bring peace to this troubled country. 

Mr. IcHORD. Will the witness suspend for a minute? We have had 
a disruption in t]ie committee room. 

Let the Chair remind the audience you are guests of the committee. 
There must be order. 

Go ahead. 

Mr. Greenblatt. Since there was disruption, let me repeat my an- 
swers. Perhaps it wasn't heard. 

I am willing to travel anywhere to speak to anyone at any time on 
any matter that I believe has the slightest possibility of bringing an 
end to the cruel war in Vietnam and an end to the suffering, both to 
the Vietnamese and the American soldiers who are stationed there. 

It was in that understanding that I traveled to this conference. I 
was not briefed by anyone. I was not particularly familiar with the 
full history of the conference. I wasn't interested all that much in the 
tull history of the conference. I was very much aware, however, that 
participants in the conference, as participants in many other meetings 
that I have attended, might include, probably would include, people 
from around the world, people from different kinds of political opin- 
ions, and, yes, to mention the one word that seems to be anathema in 
this courtroom 

Mr. IcHORD. This is not a courtroom. 

Mr. Greenblatt. That is what I am told. I keep having the other 
impression. I have to respond by my own observations and my own 
impressions. I do feel a great deal is on trial here. 

Mr. Ichord. Let me ask you 

Mr. Greenblatt. I have not completed the answer to the question. 

Mr. Ichord. Proceed. 

Mr. Greenblatt. I did travel there with the knowledge that there 
would be not only people from the Soviet Union there, but indeed 
card-carrying Communists would be there, also card-carrying every- 
thing else would be at that meeting. 

There were card-carrying members of the American Express Cred- 
it Card Club. There were undoubtedly card-carrying members of the 
CIA and FBI in that meeting, an association I would much rather 
not be associated with than the Communist Party or any other politi- 
cal function, political grouping, anywhere in the world. 

Mr. Ichord. Let me ask you this question, Mr. Greenblatt. 

Sergeant Grubisic appeared before this committee yesterday.^ He 
testified that according to the minutes of an August 4 National 



^ Sergeant Grubisic appeared before the committee on Oct. 1, 1968. 



2490 DISRUPTION OF 1968 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 

Mobilization Committee meeting, that you said that a curfew in 
Chicago would be clearly an oppressive measure, to be disobeyed, and 
that statement was made at that meeting. 
Did you make that statement ? 

Mr. Grekistblatt. If the question specifically is whether I made 
the statement at that meeting, I think I would like to see a copy of 
the minutes of the meeting. 

Mr. IcHORD. I have no copy of the minutes of the meeting. That was 
merely testimony of Sergeant Grubisic. 

He said that you said at the meeting that the curfew in Chicago 
would be clearly an oppressive measure to be disobeyed. 

INIy question to you is: Did you make that statement at that 
meeting ? 

Mr. Katz, What proper legislative function can be served when 
you ask this witness to either confirm or deny what a Sergeant Gru- 
bisic would say ? Is that an aid 

Mr. IcHORD. The Chair will explain to the counsel that it is a rele- 
vant question. 

Mr. Greenblatt has traveled to various countries, including North 
Vietnam, Paris, and I believe he stated that he had traveled to 
Czechoslovakia. 

Mr. Katz. As do many other people. 

Mr. Greenblatt. I also stated, if you recall, that I traveled to 
Germany, I traveled to Hungary, I traveled to the United States. 

Mr. IcHORD. You do have connections with foreign Communist 
powers. You have admitted those connections in your testimony 
here. 

Mr, Katz. What has that to do with a curfew in Chicago, testimony 
given by a Sergeant Grubisic? 

Mr. IcHORD. The question is relevant as explained by the Chair. 
I direct you, Mr. Greenblatt, to answer the question. 
Did you or did you not make that statement at the meeting of 
August 4 ? 

Mr. Greenblatt. May I hear the question again, please ? 
Mr. IcHORD. The question is : Did you say at the meeting of August 4 
of the National Mobilization Committee meeting in Chicago that a cur- 
few in Chicago would be clearly an oppressive measure to be dis- 
obeyed ? 

Mr. Greenblatt. Mr. Chairman, I have been a part of many discus- 
sions in different places, on different circumstances, prior to Chicago, 
with things relevant to what might happen at the Democratic Conven- 
tion in Chicago, where we were planning to go, many of us were plan- 
ning to go, and asked thousands of American people to go to demon- 
strate our opposition in a legal and legitimate_ way to the policies of 
the Johnson government and specifically to policies of the Democratic 
Party. 

In that connection, questions were raised as to what might be the 
response, the preliminary- response, of the very Government officials, 
those Government officials that clearly wanted to continue these policies 
of war against the Vietnamese people and clearly wanted to continue 
the policies, or perhaps even increase policies, of oppression that had 
been used elsewhere in this country. 
I am answering your question. 
Mr. IcHORD. Proceed. 



DISRUPTION OF 19 6S DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION 2491 

]Mr. Greexblatt. I would be very hard pressed to recall what words 
I used or what I said at any given meeting. However, this question spe- 
cifically of curfew, the possibility that Mayor Daley of Chicago might 
use what he would consider his legitimate right, and which I think is an 
abuse of his right, of imposing various restrictions on the mobility and 
activities of people coming to petition the Government, people coming 
to petition their Government leaders, that he might use such techniques 
at his disposal to try to squash such dissent. 

One of the possible uses or abuses of his power that had to be con- 
sidered was the question of curfew, was the possibility of using curfew, 
because he could impose that and by the time we had tried to get any 
kind of relief from other forms of the Government, from the Judiciary, 
for example, it might well be past the time of the Democratic Con- 
vention. 

So I am sure that at one time or another, perhaps at the meeting re- 
ferred to, and in this context, I made my views known as to what the 
implications would be, probably would be, if Mayor Daley or any 
other official of the administration of the city of Chicago or of the 
State of Illinois imposed a curfew. 

It was my feeling and still is my feeling that Mayor Daley, to use 
that example since it is a question of curfew in the city of Chicago that 
is ait issue, would be perfectly willing to impose an illegitimate curfew 
in order to suppress the rights of people coming to that city to demon- 
strate. 

In that eventuality, I would feel, and ]:)robably would say at various 
times, that I would not be willing to abide by an illegitimate curfew- 
imposed in order to try to suppress dissent in this country. 

Mr. IcHORD. It was your feeling that such a curfew should be dis- 
obeyed, then ? 

Mr. Greenblatt. The kinds of curfew that I describe, the kinds of 
curfew that would be part of an attempt to deprive peoj^le from 
speaking up against tlie oppressive uses and abusers of Government in 
this country, it would be my feeling that such a curfew should be 
disobeyed, yes. 

Mr. IcHORD. Gentlemen of the committee, it is now a quarter to 4, 
and the Chair has to catch a plane at 4:30 to return to Missouri. I do 
not think we can proceed any further. 

Let the Chair announce at this time that these hearings have just 
begun, but because of the press of business and other engagements 
not only by the Chair, but also by other members of the committee, it 
is impossible to continue with these hearings prior to the elections 
on November 5. 

Therefore, the hearings will be continued until December 2. 

As far as the gentleman is concerned, Mr. Greenblatt, who has 
testified, you will be released from your subpena, as well as Dr. Young, 
but for the other witnesses who have not testified, the subpenas will be 
continued and vou will be expected to be here at 10 o'clock on Decem- 
ber 2. 

The meeting is adjourned. 

(Whereupon, at 3 :47 p.m., Friday, October 4, 1968, the subcommit- 
tee recessed, to reconvene at 10 a.m., Monday, December 2, 1968.) 

(Subcommittee members present at time of recess: Representatives 
Ichord, Ashbrook, and Watson.) 



INDEX 
INDIVIDUALS 

A 

Page 

Abel, Rudolf I 2270 

Abernathy, Ralph 2347, 2352, 2369 

Abt, John J 2270, 2311 

Adelman , 2376 

Agnew (Spiro T.) 2362 

Al 2401, 2403 

Albert 2481, 2488 

Albert, Stewart (Stu) 2401-2403 

Alexander, Franklin Delano 2299 

Alexander, Kendra Olaire (nee Kendra Claire Harris; Mrs. Franklin 

Delano Alexander) 2292, 2298, 2299, 2336, 2337 

Alicia 2282 

Anderson, John 2369 

Aptheker, Bettina (Mrs. Jack Kurzweil) 2256, 2257, 2268, 2371 

Armstrong, Lucius 2300 

Ayers, BiU 2360 

B 

Baker, David 2321, 2323 

Baker, Karl 2360 

Banana 2394, 2395 

Bayo, Dixie 2369 

Becker, Norma 2258, 2373 

Bedner, Marc 2360 

Beinen, Irving 2348, 2351, 2356, 2360, 2363, 2364, 2369 

Benson, John 2360 

Bentley, Elizabeth 2270 

Berman, Lowen 2345 

Berman, Rebecca 2373 

Bemhard, Karl 2369 

Berrigan, Philip 2369 

Bethune, Norman 2427 

Bevel, James 2369 

Bick, Barbara 2361, 2364, 2366 

Bickler, Tom 2348 

Bill 2285-2287 

Birnbaum, Irving 2314 

Bissinger, Karl 2369, 2373 

Black, Carolyn 2292, 2293, 2298, 2305 

Blackstock, Nelson 2369 

Bleich, Herb 2305, 2369 

Bloom, Abe 2360 

Boardman, Betty 2348 

Bock, Irvin A 2348 

Booth, Paul 2272 

Boyer, Mary 2348 

Bradley, Thompson 2369 

Braun, Joyce 2348 

Brick, Allan — 2360 

i 
21-706 — 69— pt. 1 18 



ii INDEX 

Page 

Bristol, Jim 2369 

Britts, Barbara 2348, 2351 

Brody, Lenny 2360 

Brophy, Jolin T 2414 

Brown, Connie (Constance) 2278,2289 

Brown, Josh 2360 

Brown, Robert McAfee 2369 

Browne, Robert S 2369 

Brownell, Herbert, Jr 2274 

Budenz, Louis (Francis) 2306 

Burchett, Wilfred 2266 

Butler, Cecil C 2278, 2286, 2288, 2289, 2447 

C 

Cadwell, Arthur (alias Hangnail) 2393,2394 

Calvert, Greg 2292, 2298, 2369 

Campbell 2361, 2383, 2384 

Campbell, Joan 2360 

Canter, David Simon 2260, 2201, 2354 

Carlisle 2394 

Carmichael, Stokely 2305, 2369 

Cerutti, Gene 2351, 2352 

Chambers, Whittaker 2270 

Chertov, Pearl 2369 

Chomsky, Noam 2369 

Clark, Ron 2369 

Cleaver (Eldridge) 2362 

Cloke. Kenneth (Ken) 2270, 2276-2279, 2282, 2283, 2285-2289 

Coe, John M 2277 

Coffin. William Sloan 2369 

Coleman, Dovie 2292, 2298 

Collins 2366 

Connis, John 2354, 2355 

Conrad, Richard D 2348 

Copstein, Seymour (also known as Plaven) 2270,2271 

Corbett 2394 

Cornell, Tom 2292, 2298, 2369 

Coudert (Frederick R., Jr.) 2271 

Cousins, William, Jr 2376, 2386, 2422, 2438, 2445, 2447, 2448, 2454, 2467, 2472 

Craig, Sue 2369 

Crockett, George B., Jr 2277 

Cronkite, Walter 2460 

Cummings, Laird 2270, 2271 

Cunningham, Dennis 2352 

D 

Daley Richard J 2255, 2259, 2358. 2366, 2398, 2400. 

2401, 2405, 2438, 2455. 2457. 2491 

Dammann, Grace 2348 

Darden, William 2292, 2298 

Darrah, Rorry 2352 

Dave 2286-2289 

Davis, Rennard Cordon (Rennie) 224.3. 2250-2252. 

2273, 2275, 2278-2280, 2282-2289, 2292-2294. 2298, 2305, 2348, 2349, 
2351, 2352, 2354. 2356, 2358. 2360-2364, 2375, 2383, 2384, 2386. 2389, 
2391, 2396. 2428, 2429, 2432-2435. 2437, 2442, 2449, 2450, 2453, 2469, 
2473-2475 

Dawson, Kipp 2305,2370 

Dean, Max 2277 

Dellinger, David (Dave) 2249,2251,2258, 

2292-2295, 2297, 2298, 2303, 2305, 2317, 2324, 2347-2349, 2352, 2353. 
2356-2358, 2360, 2361, 2363, 2364, 2370, 2376, 2385, 2387, 2389, 2391, 
2396, 2398, 2409, 2410, 2432, 2437, 2449, 2466, 2475, 2476, 2481, 2484 



INDEX iii 

Page 

Deming, Barbara 2360, 2370 

Dickerson, Earl B 2277 

Di Gia, Ralph__^ ^ 2373 

di Suvero, Henry (M) 2238, 2252, 2304, 2311, 2375, 2376, 2383 

Dolirn. Beruardine 2254, 2278, 2282, 2284, 2285, 2287-2390 

Donaldson, Ivanhoe 2370 

Dostal, Ted 2348 

Dowd, Douglas. _ 2373 

Dreyfus, Benjamin 2277 

Drinan, Robert F 2277 

Duncan, Don 2292, 2298 

Durham, Earl 2292, 2293, 2297, 2298, 2301, 2302, 2305 

E 

Eberbach, Peggy 2370 

Edgcomb, Gabrielle 2360 

Edmonds, Eddie 2348 

Egleson, Nick 2370 

Egnal, Abe 2373 

Emerson, Thomas I 2277 

Estes, Jim 2361 

Evanoff, Al 2370 

F 

Faulkner, Stanley _2ii:i_ii 2277 

Featherstone, Ralph _. 2370 

Feinglass, Abe 2370 

Fernandez, Richard 2370 

Ferry, W. H 2370 

Foner, Moe 2370 

Forman, James 2370 

Fraenkel, Osmond K 2277 

France, Royal W 2470 

Frantz, Laurent B 2470 

Fred 2394-2397 

Friedman, Paul 2257, 2305, 2370 

Fronies, John , . . 2321 

G 
Gage-Colby, Ruth 2370 

Gallagher, James Louis 2244-2273 (testimony) 

Gannett, Betty 2267 

Gardner Fred 2349 \ 2352 ^ 2353 

Gerassi, John 2370 

Gerringer, Herman B 2277 

Ginger, Ann Fagan 2277 

Ginsberg, Allen 2370 

Gladstone, Irwin 2360 

Glassman, Carol 2353 

Gold, Richard M 2361 

Goldberg, Arthur 2278, 2289 

Goldwater (Barry M.) 2263 

Gonzalez, Corky (Rudolph) __ 2292, 2293 ', 2295 ^ 2297 ', 2298 \ 2305 ', 2336 \ 2337 * 

Goodman, Ernest 2277 

Gorilla. ( See Lucas, Charles. ) 

Gorman, Patrick 2370 



^ Spelled "Gardiner" in this reference. 
^ Incorrectly spelled "Gonzoles" in this reference. 
3 Incorrectly spelled "Gonzeles" in this reference. 
* Incorrectly spelled "Gonzales" In this reference. 



iv INDEX 

Page 

Gray, Jesse (Willard) 2305,2370 

Greenblatt, Robert (Bob) 2243, 

2251, 2292, 2293, 2297, 2298, 2305, 2317, 2348, 2351, 2358, 2370, 2375, 

2376, 2383-2385, 2389, 2410, 2411, 2412-2422 (testimony), 2437, 

2449, 2450, 2475-2491 (testimony) 

Gregory, Dick 2314 

Griffith, Pat 2370, 2373 

Gripe, Donna 2351, 2361 

Grizzard. Vernon 2292, 2298, 2305, 2321, 2324, 2352 

Grogan, Pat 2360 

Grosberg, Carol 2370 

Gross, Alan 2360 

Gross, Terry 2360 

Grossman Jerry 2371 

Grubisic, Joseph 2273- 

2280 (testimony), 2282-2374 (testimony), 2401, 2437, 2489, 2490 

Grunauer, Abner 2370 

Gurewitz, Helen 2348, 2361 

Gutman, Jeremiah S 2376, 2377, 2383, 2386, 2387, 2411, 

2422, 2438-2440, 2444-2449, 2454-2457, 2461, 2465, 2467-2475 

H 

Hall, Gus 2267 

Halleck, Charles 2445-2447 

Halliwell, Steven (Steve) 2278,2289,2364 

Halstead, Fred 2292, 2296-2298, 2301, 2304, 2305, 2362, 2370 

Hamerquist, Donald Andrew 2300 

Hamerquist, Donald Lee (Don) 2292, 2296, 2298-2300, 2304 

Hangnail. {See Cadwell, Arthur. ) 

Harman, J 2394 

Harriman ( Averell) 2476 

Harris, Kendra Claire. {See Alexander, Kendra Claire.) 

Haughton, Jim 2370 

Hawley, Jim 2292. 2298 

Hayden, Thomas (Tom) 2251,2252, 

2278, 2279, 2282, 2284-2286, 2289, 2292-2294, 2296, 2298, 2305, 2348. 

2350, 2354, 2358, 2360, 2361, 2363, 2370, 2376, 2392, 2396-2398, 

2437, 2476 

Hayes. Charles 2370 

Hayes, Thomas L. (Tom) 2360,2363,2370 

Healy, Joseph J 2273-2280 (testimony). 

2282-2374 (testimony), 2401, 2437 

Heimbach, Wayne 2348 

Hellman, Betty 2348, 2360 

Henderson, Edward 2361 

Hill, Richard 2348 

Hodgett, Norman 2370 

Hoffman. Abbie 2251-22.53. 

2361, 2367, 2376, 2391, 2392, 2395, 2397, 2400, 2413, 2420, 2421, 2437 

2445-2447 

Holland James G 2373 

Holtzman. Eric 2370 

Hoover, Herb 2348 

Hoover, Herbert 2370 

Hoover, J. Edgar 2255, 2306, 2398 

Humphrey (Hubert H.) 2.3.58.2.362 

Hutcheson 2389,2479 

J 

Johnson, Arnold 2306, 2357, 2360. 2373 

Johnson, Barry 2373 

Johnson (Lyndon B.) 2263,2267, 

2275, 2284, 2294, 2295, 2297, 2349, 2358, 2363, 2399, 2484 



J 



INDEX V 

Page 

Jones, Jeff 2371 

Jones, Lew 2305,2360,2371 

Joyce, Frank 2292, 2298 

Judy 2401, 2403 

K 

Kalb, Phyllis 2257 

Kalish, Arnold 2371 

Kalish, Donald — 2348, 2362, 2371 

Kallen, Marcia 2360 

Kampf, Louis 2360 

Kaplow, Alicia 2278, 2289 

Kasky, Frank 2394 

Katz, Ken 2360 

Katz, Sanford M 2376,2377, 

2383-2385, 2412-2419, 2421, 2422, 2475-2478, 2480-2485, 2490 

Keating, Edward 2371 

Kennedy (John Fitzgerald) 2270 

Kennedy. Michael (J) 2238, 2243, 2308-2311, 2375, 2383, 2387, 2388, 2390, 2432 

Kenny, Robert W 2277 

King, Martin Luther 2264, 2464 

Kinov. Arthur 2250, 2277, 2283, 2288, 2310, 2379, 2380, 2387 

Klonsky, Michael 2254, 2255, 2348 

Kowollik, Bob 2360 

Krassner, Paul 2252, 2253 

Krueger, Russell K 2300 

Kunstler (William M) 2246, 2249 

2250, 2283, 2288, 2310-2312, 2380-2383, 2386, 2387, 2391, 2392, 
2395, 2396, 2398, 2409, 2446, 2447, 2473, 2478, 2479, 2481, 2487 
Kurzweil, Mrs. Jack. (See Aptheker, Bettina.) 

Kushner, Samuel (Sam) 2306 

Kushner, Sylvia (Mrs. Samuel Kushner) 2306, 2307, 2348 

L 

Lafayette, Bernard 2371 

La Mont, Susan 2360 

Lampe, Keith 2252, 2253, 2361 

Larky, Hinda 2371 

Lau 2476 

Lefcourt, Gerald 2311, 2376, 2386, 2446, 2447 

Lenin (V. L) 2239, 2404 

Lens. Sidney (Sid) 2292, 2295, 2297, 2360, 2361, 2363, 2467 

Leonard, Debbie 2371 

Lerch, Marilyn 2348, 2360 

Lesnik, Richie 2360 

Levenson, Joan 2277 

Levitor 2302 

Levy, Ben 2371 

Lewis. John 2371 

Likan, Barbara 2348 

Liljenstople, Otto 2348 \ 2351, 2352 » 

Livezev, Lowell 2348 

Lobenstine, Clark 2373 

Logan, George 2278, 2289 

Lopez, Obed 2292, 2295, 2298 

Louvallen, Willy 2360 

Lowenthal, Wolfe 2321, 2354, 2391, 2392, 2396-2398, 2404 

Lubell, Jonathan 2278, 2289 

Lucas, C. Clement 2441 

Lucas, Charles (alias Gorilla) 2393,2394 

Luckett, Joleigh 2371 

Lutz. Sandy — 2361 

Lynch, Lincoln. 2292, 2293. 2295, 2297, 2298, 2304, 2305, 2336, 2337, 2347, 2352, 2371 

Lynd, Staughton 2371 

Lyttle, Bradford (Brad) 2360,2363,2371 

> Appears as "Ldljanstople" in this reference. 
2 Appears as "Liljenhople" in this reference. 



vi INDEX 

M Page 

Maggi, Mike 236(> 

Marcy, Sam 2371 

Martin, Key 2371 

Martin, William J 2391 

Marx (Karl) 2239 

Mary 2404 

Matthews, Arthur 2393 

McAuliff, John 2348, 2350 

McCabe, Mike 2372 

McCarthy (Eugene J.) 2354 

McCarthy, Tim 2356, 2360, 2363 

McKiernan, Rose 2348 

McKissick, Floyd (B.) 2372 

McNamara (Robert S.) 2263 

McReynoIds, Dave 2372, 2373 

McTernan, John T 2277 

Meacham, Steward 2292, 2296, 2298 

Meacham. Stewart 2372 

Melish, Howard 2306, 2372 

Miller, Patti 2372 

Mitchell, Charlene 2292, 2297, 2298, 2301 

Mitelman, Paul 2278, 2289 

Molesky, Michael F 2464 

Montgomery, Lucy 2292, 2297, 2298. 2306, 2348 

Moore, Lesley 2348 

Moore, Mrs. Philip W., Jr 2.348 

Morse, Linda 2258, 2372 

Morse, Wayne 2265 

Munaker, Sue 2292, 2293, 2296, 2298, 2305, 2449 

Muskie (Edmund S.) 2362 

N 

Nancy 2401, 2403 

Nathan, Otto 2305, 2371 

Needum, Patrick 2458 

Neuhaus, Richard {see also Newhouse, Richard) 2374 

Newhouse, Richard {see also Neuhaus, Richard) 2373 

Nevell, Edward 2393 

Nixon (Richard M.) 2275,2294,2362 

O 

Ochs, Richard 2.360 

O'Dell, Hunter Pitts. {Sec O'Dell, Jack. ) 

O'Dell, Jack (also known as Hunter Pitts O'Dell) 2306,2.371 

Opper, Barry 2400 

Oswald, Lee Harvey 2270 



Palmour. Jody 2371 

Peck. James 2373 

Peek. Sidney (M.) 2247, 2292, 2294, 2296, 2298. 2.348, 2362. 2371 

Peebles, .Tack 2371 

Pepper, Bill 2371 

Perle (Victor) 2270 

Phfin Van Chung 2482 

Phillipe 2481 

Pierce. Ruth 2348 

Pierson, Robert L 2389. 

2390-2403 ( testimony ), 2404-2409 (testimony), 2410, 2437 
Plaven. (fi'ee Copstein, Seymour.) 

Plaxton, Meg 2348 

Pope Paul VI 2265 

Potter, Paul 2350, 2352 



INDEX vii 

Page 

Powers 2394 

Powers. Gary F 2261 

Primack. Maxwell 2348 

Prospect, The 2394 

Purvis, Harry 2372 

R 

Rabinowitz, Victor 2277 

Radford, Ben 2348, 2405 

Rapaport, Monroe 2372 

Rapp (Herbert A.) 2271 

Reeves, Walter 2360 

Rice, Charles 2372 

Ring. Harry 2306, 2360, 2364, 2372 

Ristorucci, Jose 2372 

Robbing, Terry 2360 

Roberts, Dennis 2282, 2287 

Robin 2404 

Robinson, Cleveland 2347, 2352, 2372 

Robinson, Michael 2348, 2372 

Robinson, Rod 2360 

Rollins, James (Jim) 2272,2292,2296.2298 

Rose, Don 2348, 2351 

Rose, Evelyn 2372 

Rosen, Fred 2292, 2298, 2372 

Rosen, Sumner 2372 

Rosenblum, Frank 2372 

Rossen, John 2274 

Rubin, Jerry 2246, 

2251-2253, 2272, 2354, 2361, 2367, 2376, 2380-2382, 2387, 2391, 2392, 

2395-2399. 2401-2405. 2437 

Rupert, Paul 2292, 2298 

Rusk, Dean 2263, 2271 

Rus.sell, Carlos 2292-2296, 2298, 2303-2305, 2336, 2337 

S 

Sack, Emily 2360 

Samuels, Ruth 2348 

Sanders, Ed 2252, 2253 

Sandow, Greg 2361, 2364 

Schaap, William 2278, 2289 

Schaffner, Jay 2348 

Scher. Steve 2257 

Schmidt, Eric W 2278, 2282, 2289 

Schneir, Walter 2360 

Schutz, Trudl 2360 

Schwinn, Gerald 2360 

Scribner, David 2277 

Seale, Bobby 2392, 2396, 2400 

Seigle, Larry 2360 

Sharp. Malcolm 2277 

Sheppard, Linda 2369 

Shero, Jeffrey 2324 

Shimabukuro, Kreg 2354, 2355 

Shriman, Ruth 2348 

Shroyer, David 2372 

Shuttlesworth 2465 

Shuttlesworth, Fred 2372 

Silbey, Malford Q 2372 

Simmon, Mark 2351. 2352 

Simmons, Judith 2360 

Simons, Mark 2306, 2314 

Sinclair, Hamish 2348 

Small, George 2372 

Smith, Benjamin 2277 



viii INDEX 

Fag« 

Smith, Bemice 2361 

Sommers, Leland 2360 

Spiegal, Joan 2348 

Spiegel, Jack Drobny 2256, 2292, 2296, 2298, 2300, 2301, 2304, 2306, 2372 

Spiegelberg, Eldora 2372 

Spock, Benjamin 2272, 2372 

Standard, William 2372 

Stanton, Nona 2361 

Stapleton, Syd 2348 

Starsky, Morris 2372 

Stearns. Nancy 2376, 2385, 2386 

Stein,, Edward Tted 2314 

Stergar, Albert 2349 

Stern, Thalia 2373 

Steven . 2404 

Sudler 2429, 2430, 2442, 2453 

Sutro 2376 

Swerdlow, Amy 2372 

T 

Tanzman, Harriet 2372 

Taylor, Maxwell 2263, 2264, 2266 

Teitel. Josie 2360 

Teitel. Marty 2360 

Terkel, Ida 2306 

Terzaghi, Ruth D 2373 

Texler, Tibi 2361 

Tillman, John 2360, 2363 

Tran Van An . 2482 

Tuden, Arthur 2373 

Tuong By 2482 

Turner, Ruth 2373 

V 

Van Tassel, Harriet 2278, 2286, 2289, 2376 

Venus, Richard 2373 

Vince 2403 

W 

Walgren, Eric 2278, 2287, 2289 

Walker, Doris Brin 2277 

Wallace (George O.) 2362 

Ware (Harold) 2270 

Waskow, Arthur (Art) 2295, 2361, 2363 

Webb, Lee 2278, 2289, 2361, 2363, 2373 

Wechsler, James A 2406 

Weinberger. Eric 2349, 2360, 2373 

Weiner, Lee 2354, 2355 

Weinert, Bertram 2373 

Weisburd, Abe 2373 

Weisiburd, Deborah 2373 

Weiss, Oora 2294, 2373 

Wells. Aaron O 2258 

Wells, Rosaland 2373 

Welsh. David 2292, 2297, 2298 

Widener, Alice 2269, 2270 

Wiley, George 2292, 2295, 2298, 2303 

WilUams, Hosea 2336, 2337 

Willis, Edwin E 2251 

Wilson, Dagmar 2292, 2297, 2298. 2373 

Wilson, John 2295, 2303, 2336, 2337, 2347, 2352, 2360, 2364 

Winkler, Agnes 2350 

Witt ( Nathan) 2270 

Wolins, LeRoy 2260, 2261 

Wright. Herman 2277 

Wulf, Melvin L. (Mel) 2238, 2261, 2311, 2376, 2410, 2438 



INDEX ix 

y Page 

Tarow, Ted 2361 

Yates, Bill 2373 

Yeats, Liz 2349 

Young, Andrew 2373 

Young, Quentin David 2259. 2261 

2376, 2386, 2387, 2389, 2410, 2411, 2422-2436 (testimony), 2437, 
2438-2465 (testimony), 2465-2475 (testimony), 2491 

Young, Ron 2360, 2373, 

Z 

Zagarell, Mike 2268 

Zeiger, Leni 2292, 2298 

Zinn, Howiard 2373 

ORGANIZATIONS 
A 

Ad Hoc Committee for Peace' Sake 2245 

American Friends Service Committee. (-See entry under Religious Society 

of Friends. ) 

American Medical Association 2258 



Bethxme Club. {See Communist Party of the United States of America.) 

Black Caucus Chicago Convention 2245 

Black Panther Party (known variously as Black Panthers, Black Panther 
Political Party, Black Panther Political Party for Self-Defense, and 
Black Panther Party for Self-Defense (BPSD) )__ 2245, 2336, 2391, 2392. 2405 
Blackstone Rangers 2245, 2352, 2400 2404 



CADRE. (See Chicago Area Draft Resisters.) 

CAPAC. ( See Cleveland Area Peace Action Council. ) 

CLDC. {See Chicago Legal Defense Committee.) 

CNVA. ( See Committee for Non-Violent Action. ) 

CO- AIM. (See Coalition for an Anti-imperialistic Movement. ) 

COFO. {See Council of Federated Organizations.) 

CPUSA. {See Communist Party of the United States of America.) 

CRV. {See Committee of Returned "Volunteers.) 

Catholic Peace Felowship 2245, 2369 

Center for Radical Research 2245 

Chicago Area Draft Resisters (CADRE) 2245 

Chicago Committee to Defend the Bill of Rights 2300 

Chicago Legal Defense Committee (CDLC) 2306, 2307, 2313-2316 

Chicago Legal Defense Fund 2307 

Chicago Outlaws 2407 

Chicago Peace Council 2245, 2256, 2274, 2300, 2307, 2353, 2361 

Cincinnati Action for Peace 2245 

Clergy & Laymen Concerned (also referred to as Concerned Clergy and 

Laymen) 2245 

Cleveland Area Peace Action Council (CAPAC) 2245,2247 

Cleveland Draft Resistance Union 2245, 2248 

Coalition for an Anti-imperialistic Movement (CO-AIM) 2245 

Coalition for an Open Convention 2245, 2349, 2431. 2434 

Committee for Non-Violent Action, New England 2245 

Committee of Returned Volunteers (CRV) 2245 

Committee To End Legalized Murder by Cops 2299 



X INDEX 

Page 

Commiiniat Party of the United States of America (CPUSA) 2245,2249, 

2254, 2257, 2258, 2261-2268, 2270, 2274, 2299, 2301, 2304-2306, 2353, 
2357, 2425-2427, 2431, 2435, 2442, 2443, 2470-2473, 2489 
National Structure : 

National Committee 2256, 2300, 2301, 2307 

Executive Board 2301 

National Conventions : 

Sixteenth Convention, February 9-12, 1957 2301 

Eighteenth Convention, June 22-26, 1966 2300 

States and Territories : 
Illinois : 

Chicago : 

Bethune Club 2425 

New York : 

New York City Area : 

City CoUege of New York unit 2271 

Executive Committee 2271 

Concerned Citizens 2245 

Conference to plan a National Student Strike for Peace, December 28-30, 

1966, Chicago, 111 2300,2307 

Connecticut Peace Coalition 2245 

Council of Federated Organizations (COFO) 2258 

Crusade for Justice 2245 

D 

DCA. {See W. E. B. DuBois Clubs of America.) 
DRV. {See Democratic Republic of Vietnam.) 

Democratic Peoples Assemblies 2295 

Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV) 2481 

Detroit People Against Racism 2245 

Dow Action Committee 2245, 2247, 2260 

Dow Chemical Company 2247,2362 

E 
Episcopal Peace Fellowship 2245 

F 

Fair Play for Cuba Committee 2274 

Fellowship of Reconciliation 2245 

Fifth Avenue Vietnam Peace Parade Committee 2245, 2257, 2258, 2262, 2271 

Fort Hood Three Defense Committee 2300, 2304 

Free City Survival Committee 2245,2253 

Friends of Chicago Legal Defense (FCLD) 2316 

G 

Greater Boston Coordinating Committee 2369 

H 

Headhunters 2392-2397, 2407 

High School Union 2246 

I 

IWMRDC 2246 

International Committee to Release Edridge Cleaver 2246 

International Publishers 2266 

International Student Strike, January 27-29, University of Chicago, Chi- 
cago, Illinois 2268 

J 

Jefferson School of Social Science 2271 

L 

LID. (See League for Industrial Democracy.) 
Labor Youth League : 

Chicago chapter 2301 

Latin American Defense Organization (LADO) 2246 

Law Students Civil Rights Research Council 2287 

League for Industrial Democracy (LID) 2254, 2324 



INDEX xi 

Page 
Liberation News Service 2388 

M 

3ICHR. (-See Medical Committee for Human Rights.) 
MFDP. (See Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party.) 

Massachusetts PAX 2371 

Medical Committee for Human Rights (MCHR) 2246, 

2258. 22.-59, 2317-2319, 2361, 2386, 2423, 2424, 2426-2428, 24^4, 2440, 
2444, 24.55-2457, 2459, 2460, 24G4, 2467. 2468, 2473 

Chicago chapter 2260 

Midwest Committee for Draft Counseling, of the Central Committee for 

Conscientious Objectors 2246, 2300 

Midwest Committee for Protection of Foreign Bom 2300 

Milwaukee Organizing Committee 2372 

Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party (MFDP) 2285,2347,2352 

Movement Press, The 2281 

Movement for a Democratic Society 2246,2248 

N 

NBAWADU. (See National Black Anti-War Anti-Draft Union.) 

NCNP. ( See National Conference for New Politics. ) 

NMC. (See National Mobilization Committee To End the War in Vietnam.) 

XWRO. (See National Welfare Rights Organization.) 

Nation of Islam (NOI) (also known as Moslim Mosque, Inc., and Black 

Muslims) 2371 

National Black Anti-War Anti-Draft Union (NBAWADU) 2246 

National Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy (SANE) 2267 

National Conference for New Politics (NCNP) 2246, 

2261, 2270, 2272, 2298, 2304 

Executive Committee 2270 

National Committee 2270 

New York chapter 2269, 2271 

National Coordinating Committee To End the War In Vietnam l!250 

National Council of American-Soviet Friendship, Inc 2274,2300 

National Council of Churches 2361 

National Front for the Liberation of South Vietnam (NLF) (also known 

as National Liberation Front of South Vietnam) 2254,2324,2481,2482 

National Labor Conference for Peace 2300 

National Lawyers Guild (NLG) 2261,2276,2371 

National Liberation Front of South Vietnam (NLF). {See National Front 

for the Liberation of South Vietnam.) 
National Mobilization Committee To End the War in Vietnam (NMC) (for- 
merly known as Spring Mobilization Committee To End the War in 
Vietnam) (see also November 8 Mobilization Committee for Peace in 

Vietnam, for Human Rights, and Economic Justice) 2238, 

2246, 2249, 2251, 2252, 2255-2260, 2262, 2272, 2278, 2303-2306, 2317, 
2321, 2324, 2325, 2336, 2338, 2347, 2350, 2351, 2354, 2356-2358, 2362, 
2364, 2369, 2391, 2405. 2419-2421, 2427, 2428, 2431-2434. 2442-2444, 
2448-2451, 2454, 2455, 2465, 2466, 2476, 2483, 2488, 2490 

National Unity for Peace 2246 

National Welfare Rights Organization (NWRO) 2246 

Negotiation Now 2371 

New England Resistance 2257 

New Outlook Publishers 2267 

New University Conference 2246 

New York School for Marxist Studies 2304 

New York Workers School, The 2271 

Newark Black Power Conference 2268, 2298 

Newsreel 2388 

North Shore Women for Peace 2246 

November 8 Mobilization Committee for Peace in Vietnam, for Human 
Rights, and for Economic Justice (predecessor to Spring Mobilization 
Committee To End the War in Vietnam) (See also National Mobiliza- 
tion Committee To End the War in Vietnam) 2249,2301 

O 
Ohio Peace Action 2246 



INDEX 



P 



PLP. (/See Progressive Labor Movement (PLM) (or Party).) I'*ee 

Parent School 2246 

Peace and Freedom Party 2246 

Peace Area Action Council (Cleveland) 2246 

People Against Racism 2246 

Philadelphia Mobilization 2246 

Progressive Labor Movement (PLM) (or Party (PLP)) 2245, 

2246, 2253,2254, 2300, 2305 

Progressive Youth Organizing Committee 2300 

B 

ROC. ( See Radical Organizing Committee. ) 

Radical Organizing Committee (ROC) ,. 2246,2256,2257 

Radical Organizing Committee — Philadelphia 2248, 2258 

Radical Women , 2246 

Religious Society of Friends : 

American Friends Service Committee , 2245 

RESIST 2246 

Resistance, The 2246, 2257 

New York chapter 2257 

S 

SAM A. {See Student American Medical Association.) 

SANE. {See National Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy.) 

SCEF. {See Southern Conference Educational Fund.) 

SCLC. {See Southern Christian Leadership Conference.) 

SDS. {See Students for a Democratic Society.) 

SHO. {See Student Health Organization.) 

SMC. {See Student Mobilization To End the War in Vietnam.) 

SNOC. {See Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee.) 

SOS. (/See Summer of Support. ) 

SSOC. {See Southern Student Organizing Committee.) 

SWP. {See Socialist Workers Party. ) 

School for Democracy 2271 

Socialist Workers Party (SWP) 2245, 

2246, 2257, 2258, 2262, 2301, 2305, 2306. 2453 

Solidarity Bookshop (Chicago) 2246 

Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) 2431 

Southern Conference Educational Fund (SCEF) 2246, 2306, 2372 

Southern Student Organizing Committee (SSOC) 2483 

Spring Mobilization Committee To End the War in Vietnam (formerly 
November 8 Mobilization Committee for Peace in Vietnam, for Human 
Rights, and for Economic Justice) {see also National Mobilization Com- 
mittee To the War in Vietnam) 2247, 2249, 2301 

Student American Medical Association 2441 

Student Health Organization (SHO) 2246, 2317, 2319, 2351. 2457, 2459 

Student Health Organization— Cleveland (SHO) 2247, 2248, 2259 

Student Mobilizaton Committee To End the War in Vietnam (SMC) 2246, 

2256-2258. 2267, 2268, 2272, 2300, 2307. 2483 

Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) 2281, 2305. 2483 

Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) 2238, 

2246, 2253-2256, 2262, 2268, 2272, 2275, 2278, 2318, 2324. 2391, 
2392, 2399, 2405, 2468, 2483 

National Council 2255 

National Interim Committee 2255, 2272 

Radical Education Project 2468 

Summer of Support (SOS) 2246 

T 

Teachers Committee 2373 

Teachers for Peace in Viet Nam 2246 

Translation World Publishers 2260, 2261 



INDEX xiii 

U 

VBT. (See United Black Front.) Pa8« 

Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, Government of 2489 

United Black Front (UBF) 2246 

United States Government : 

Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) 2382,2384,2386 



Veterans Ad Hoc Coordinating Committee 2373 

Veterans and Reservists ^ 2373 

Veterans for Peace 2246 

Veterans for Peace in Vietnam 2373 

Vietnam Day Committee 2253 

Vietnam Veterans Advisory Committee 2246 

W 

WRDA 2246 

WSO. (See West Side Organization.) 

War Resisters League 2373, 2483 

Washington Mobilization Committee 2373 

Wasbington Mobilization for Peace 2246 

W. E. B. DuBois Clubs of America (DGA) 2246, 2267, 2268, 2299, 2304, 2483 

Founding Convention, June 1964 2300 

West Coast Mobilization Committee 2373 

West Side Organization (WSO) 2246 

Wisconsin Draft Resistance Union 2246 

Women for Peace. (See Women's International Strike for Peace.) 

Women Mobilized for Change 2246,2361 

Women Strike for Peace. (See Women's International Strike for Peace.) 

Women's Coalition 2246 

Women's International League for Peace and Freedom 2306 

Women's International Strike for Peace (formerly known as Women 
Strike for Peace, Women's Strike for Peace, Women for Peace, Women 

Stand for Peace) 2246,2266,2267,2373 

Womens Co-Ordinating Committee 2246 

Workers World Party (WWP) 2246,2262 

World Peace Council 2488, 2489 

World Youth Festivals: 

Ninth Youth Festival, July 28-August 6, 1968, Sofia, Bulgaria 2299 

Y 

YIP. (See Youth International Party.) 
YSA. (See Young Socialist Alliance.) 
Yippies. (See Youth International Party.) 

Young Socialist AUiance (YSA) 2246,2254,2257,2305 

Youth Against War and Fascism 2285, 2483 

Youth for New America 2246 

Youth International Party (YIP) (commoiHy referred to as Yippies) 2238, 

2246, 2252, 2253, 2272, 2321, 2391, 2392, 2394, 2395, 2397, 2399, 2400, 

2405 

PUBLICATIONS 

B 
Berkeley Barb (newspaper) 2401, 2402 



Case Against General Heusinger, The (book) 2261 

Convention Notes 2292, 2293, 2303 

D 
Daily World 2257, 2262, 2299 



Appears as "Vets & Reservists." 



xiv INDEX 

E Page 

Evergreen Review 2388 

F 

Fifth Estate, The 2245 

Freedomways (magazine) 2306 

G 
Guardian 2245,2251, 2253, 2260,2262 

L 

Lawyers Referral Directory 2261 

Liberation (magazine) 2246 

M 

Militant, The 2262 

Movement, The 2274, 2281 

N 

National Guardian 2272 

New Left Notes 2253,2255 

New Politics News (newspaper) 2261 

P 
People's World 2253, 2307 

R 

Ramparts (magazine) 2246, 2260, 2388 

Ramparts Wall Poster, The (newspaper) 2349,2352-2354 

Rat (newspaper) 2253,2318,2324,2350 

T 
Trial of the U-2, The (book) 2261 

V 

Viet Nam : Inside Story of the Guerrilla War (book) (Wilfred Burchett) __ 2266 

W 

Washington Free Press 2253 

Worker, The 2262,2263,2267 

Y 
Tale Daily News 2388 



O 



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