Dr. B.R. AMBEDKAR OPEN UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY
THE
SUCCESSORS OF THE SATAVAHANAS
THE
SUCCESSORS OF THE SATAVAHANAS
IN LOWER DECCAN
BY
DINESCHANDRA SIRCAR, M.A., PH.D.
( PREMCHAND ROVCHAND SCHOLAR )
LECTURER IN THE DEPARTMENT OF ANCIENT INDIAN HISTORY AND CULTURE,
CALCUTTA UNIVERSITY
PUBLISHED BY THE
UNIVERSITY OF CALCUTTA
1939
PRINTED IK INDIA
FEINTED AND PUBLISHED BY BHTJPRNDRALAL BANBRJBB
AY THB CALCUTTA UNIVERSITY PBBSB, SENATE HOUSE, CALCUTTA.
0. t. Pree Keg. No. 1067B Jan., 1939-E.
To
DR. SYAMAPRASAD MOOKERJEE
WITH THE AUTHOR'S GRATEFUL
REGARD AND ESTEEM
PEEFACE
The early history of Peninsular India be) ond the great
barrier of mountain and forest that separates the vast Indo-
G-angetic plain from the valleys of the Godavari, Krishna and
the Kaveri has been dealt with by many scholars, notably
Fleet, Bice, Bhandarkar and Debreuil. But the paucity
of data stood in the way of an adequate treatment of
the period that intervened between the disintegration of
the Satavahana monarchy and the rise of the Imperial
Calukyas. The three odd centuries that separated the last
great Satavahana from the first Pulake&n has been
regarded by Smith as a " Blank in history." As early as
1895, Sir E. G. Bhandarkar observed that for some three
centuries after the extinction of the Andhra (i.e. Satavahana)
dynasty " we have no specific information about the
dynasties that ruled over the country (i.e. the Deccan)."
Smith observed in 1924, "It is still true to say that
practically the political history of the Deccan begins in the
middle of the sixth century with the rise of the Chalukya
dynasty " (E Hist. Ind., 4th ed., p. 440). My aim has been
to bridge the gulf between the Satavahana and the Calukya
periods. The plan and purpose of the present volume have
been explained in the Introduction, and little more need be
said by way of a Preface. It will be seen that the author
deals with the successors of the Sfttavahanas, who held sway
in the vast region of the Deccan, mainly inhabited by the
Telugu and Kanarese speaking peoples, before the foundation
of the Calukya empire. It is contemplated to publish another
volume which will be concerned with the dynasties that rose
on the ruins of the Satavahana empire in the north.
In the present volume, I have tried to develop some
of the views expressed in my monographs and papers
previously published. Results of most recent investigations
viii PEEFACE
have been incorporated in the Addenda et Corrigenda. My
thanks are due to Dr. S. P. Mookerjee, the illustrious Vice-
Chancellor of Calcutta University (1934-38), and to
Dr. H. C. Baychaudhuri, Carmichael Professor and Head
of the Department of Ancient Indian History and Culture,
Calcutta University. The encouragement of Dr. Mookerjee
and the valuable suggestions of Prof. Kaychaudhuri have
been of great help to me in writing the following pages.
My acknowledgments are also due to Mr. J. Chakravorti,
Eegistrar, Calcutta University, and to Mr. D. Ganguli,
Superintendent of the Calcutta University Press.
CALCUTTA UNIVERSITY,
20th December, 1938. D ' C ' SlRCAR
CONTENTS
Page
INTRODUCTION ... ... ... l
PART I
EASTERN DISTRICTS
CHAPTER I
)
The Iksvdkus
1. The Southern Iksvakus ... ... 9
2. Camtamula I ... ... ... 17
3. Virapurisadata^ Virapurusadatta ... ... 22
4. Ehuvula Camtamula II ... ... ... 35
5. Importance of the Ik^vaku Period ... 37
CHAPTER II
. The Brhatphaldyanas
1. Jayavammass Jayavarman ... ... 41
2. Capital of the Brbatphalayanas ... ... 46
CHAPTER III
The Anandas
1. Hiranyagarbha ... ... ... 50
2. Genealogy of the Ananda Kings ... ... 55
3. Attivarman^Hastivarman ... ... 61
4. Damodaravarman ... ... ... 62
CHAPTER IV
The 3alankdyanas
L Genealogy of the SftlaAkayanas ... ... 68
2. Can4avarman, lord of Kalifiga ... ... 74
B
x CONTENTS
Page
3. The term Salahkayana and the religion of the
Salankayanas ... ... ... 82
4. Devavamma *= Devavarman ... ... 86
5. Hastivarman, Nandivarman I and Candavarman 91
6. Nandivarman II ... ... ... 92
7. Skandavarman ... ... ... 96
CHAPTER V
The Visnukundins
1. Genealogy of the Visnukundins ... ... 97
2. Chronology of the Visnukundins ... ... 105
3. Vikramahendra and Govindavarraan Vikram-
a^raya ... ... ... 123
4. Madhav 7 avarman IJana6raya ... ... 124
5. Madhavavarman II ... ... ... 133
6. Vikramendravarman I .,. ... ... 135
7. Indravarman ... ... ... 137
8. Vikramendravarman II ... ... 139
CHAPTER VI
The Early Pallavas
1 . Early History of the Kanci Kegion ... ... 140
2. Kise of the Pallavas ... ... ... 151
3. Date of Sivaskandavarman ... ... 161
4. Early Pallava Genealogy from Inscriptions of
the Nellore-Guntur Region ... ' ... 169
5. Genealogy and Chronology of the Early Pallavas
of Kafici. ... ... .. ... 175
6. Sivaskandavarman and Skandavarman ... 183
7 . Chendalur Grant of Kumaravisnu II ... 196
8. Udayendiram Grant (No. 1) of Nandivarman ... 199
9. Omgodu Grant (No. 1) of Skandavarman II ... 201
10. Crown-Prince Visnugopa and Dharmamaharaja
Simhavarman ... ... . ... 205
CONTENTS
xi
PAET II
WESTERN DISTRICTS
CHAPTER I
The Early Kadambas : Mayurasarman' s Line
Page
1.
Early History of the Kuntala Eegion
215
2.
Origin of the Kadambas
225
3.
Genealogy and Chronology of the Early
Kadambas of Mayurasarman 's Line
232
4.
MayuraSarrnan
238
5.
Kangavarman, Bhaglratha and Raghu
252
6.
Kakusthavarman and Santivarman ...
255
7.
Mrge^avarman
.260
8.
Kavivarmau
267
9.
Harivarman
274
CHAPTER II
The Early Kadambas : Krsnavarman's Line
1. Krsnavarraan I ... ... ... 280
2. Visnuvarraan I ... ... ... 290
3. Krsnnvarman II ... ... ... 294
4. Bho^ivarrnnn ... ... ... ^04
CHAPTER III
The Early Kadambas : Miscellaneous Lines
1. Kumaravarman and Mandhata (MSndhfitrvarman) 306
2. Madhuvarman and Damodara ... ... 310
xii CONTENTS
CHAPTER IV
f
The Kekayas
Page
1. Sivanandavarman ... ... ... 313
APPENDIX
1. Yavana and Parasika ... ... ;t21
2. Alluru Inscription ... ... ... 328
3. Peddavegi Grant of Nandivarman II ... 331
4. Polamuru Grant of Madhavavarman I ... 334
5. Polamuru Grant of Jayasimha I ... ... 340
6. Importance of the ASvamed ha ... ... 343
7. Divyas ... ... 354
8. The Vay alur List of Early Pailava Kings ... 377
9. Kavya Style in Inscriptions of the Successors of
the Satavabanas ... ... ..379
10. Chronological Tables of Dynasties ... ... 390
ADDENDA ET CORRIGENDA ... ... 395
INDEX ... ... ... ... 405
ABBREVIATIONS
An. Bhand. Or. Res. Ins. = Annals of the Bhandarkar
Oriental Research Institute, Poona.
Anc. Geog. Ind.= Ancient Geography of India, by Cunning-
ham (ed. S. N. Majumdar), Calcutta, 1924.
Anc. Hist. Dec.** Ancient History of the Deccan, by G.
Jouveau-Dubreuil ( English translation), Pondicherry,
1920.
An. Rep. S. Ind. Ep.= Annual Report of South Indian
Epigraphy, Madras.
Arch Sur. ^- Ind. = Archaeological Survey of S utl * ern India
W. y y J Western
As. Res. = Asiatic Researches.
Bhandarkar's List = /I List of the Inscriptions of Northern
India, by D. R. Bhandarkar. Appendix to Epigraphia
Indica, XIX-XX1II.
Bomb. Gaz.~ Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency.
Br. = Brdhmana.
Camb. Hist. Ind. Cambridge History of India, Vol. I, ed.
E. J. Rapson, 1923.
Corp. Ins. 7nd.= Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. Ill,
ed. J. F. Fleet, Calcutta, 1888.
Dyn. Kan. Dist. The Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts,
by J. F. Fleet in Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency,
Vol. I, Part II.
E. Hist. Dclc. = Early History of the Dekkan, by R. G.
Bhandarkar in Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency^
Vol. I, Part II.
E. Hist. Ind.=Early History of India, by V. A. Smith, 4th
ed., 1924.
Ep. Carn.**EpigtaphiaCarnatica.
Ep. Ind.** Epigraphia Indica, Calcutta.
xiv ABBEEVIATIONS
Geog . = Geography .
Ind. Ant.** Indian Antiquary.
Ind. Cult. = Indian Culture, Calcutta.
Ind. Hist. Quart. ~ Indian Historical Quarterly, Calcutta.
/. A. S. B., N. S. Journal of the [Royal'] Asiatic Society
of Bengal (New Series), Calcutta.
J. B. B. R. A. S. Journal of the Bombay Branch of the
Royal Asiatic Society.
J. B. 0. R. S.** Journal of the Bihar & Orissa Research
Society, Patna.
Journ. Andhra Hist. Res Soc. = Journal of the Andhra His-
torical Research Society, Eajahmundry.
Journ. Dep. Let. Journal of the Department of Letters,
Calcutta University.
Journ. Ind. Hist. = Journal of Indian History, Madras.
J. R. A S.= Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great
Britain and Ireland, London.
Keilhorn's ^- List = 4 List of the Inscriptions of -^ or . T
S Southern
India, by Keilhorn. Appendix to Epigraphia Indica.
V, VII.
Liiders's List A List of the Brahml Inscriptions, by I iiders.
Appendix to Epigraphia Indica, X.
Mahabh. MahabMrata.
Mys. Arch. Sur., A. R.,= Annual Report of the Mysore
Archceological Survey.
Pol. Hist. Anc. Ind. = Political History of Ancient India, by
11. C. Rychaudhuri, Calcutta University, 1927.
Pur. = Purana.
'Quart. Journ. Myth. Soc. Quarterly Journal of the Mythic
Society, Bangalore.
Ram.Ramayana.
Bapson's Catalogue ^Catalogue of the Indian Coins in the
British Museum, by E. J. Rapson, London, 1908.
S. B. E.=Sacred Books of the East.
ABBEBVIATIONS xv
Sewell's List = TJ?e Historical Inscriptions of Southern India,
by E. Sewell, Madras University, 1932.
S. Ind. Ins. = South Indian Inscriptions.
Smith's Catalogue =Catalog ue of the Coins in the Indian
Museum, L Calcutta, by V. A. Smith, Oxford, 1906.
Sr. Sut. $rauta- Sutra.
Z. D. M. G.^Zeitschrift der Morgenkndischen Gesselschaft.
INTBODUCTION
The aim of the author of the present volume is to give
a detailed account of the dynasties that ruled in Lower
Deccan after the decline of the Satavahanas till the country
was conquered by the Calukyas. The volume has been divided
into two parts ; Part I deals with the Eastern Districts, that
is to p- y, the Andhra region, and Part II with the Western
Districts, that is, the Karnata region. In the second volume
of this work, which is in course of preparation, the author
proposes to deal with the dynasties that succeeded the
Satavahanas in Upper Deccan.
The term Deccan has been used in this work in a limit-
ed sense. It is a familiar corruption of the Sanskrit word
daksiqa meaning south. It " may be, and sometimes is,
extended so as to cover the whole of India south of the
Narmada ; but is usually understood as designating a more
limited territory in which Malabar and the Tamil countries
of the extreme south are not included " (Smith, E. Hist.
Ind. f 4th ed., p. 439). The Nanaghat record which
describes the husband of Naganika as dakshinapatha-pati,
a Nasik inscription in which Vasisthiputra Pulumavi is
called daktinapath-e&ara and the Junagad inscription in
which the SStavahana contemporary of Eudradaman (c.
130-150 A.D.) is called daksinapatha-pati appear to prove that
the Satavfthanas called themselves " lord of the Deccan/'
There is however absolutely no proof that the Par South
was ever under the direct possession of the Satavahana kings.
Daksinftpatha, over which the Satavahanas claimed suzerainty,
thus appears to signify the Deccan in a limited sense.
In the eastern part of Lower Deccan, the direct rule of the 1
QMavShanas seems not to have extended far beyond the Andfara~
2 SUCCBSSOBS OF THE_SiTAViHANAS
country, that is to' say, beyond the Telugu-speaking area.
In the western part, 'the Cu$u Satakarni branch of the S&ta-
v&hana dynasty is known to have ruled over the country which
had BanavSsI (in the North Kanara district) for its capital,
that is to say, over the northern part of the modern Kana-
rese-speaking area.
The Andhra people and their country are mentioned
many times in literature ; but history of the Andhra region,
based on epigraphic evidence, only begins from the third
century B.C., i.e., the time of the Maurya emperor A6oka.
At the time of Asoka, Lower Deccan formed a part of the
Maurya empire and the Maurya frontier certainly extended
in the south as far as the Pennar river near Nellore, as only
the Tamil kingdoms of the Ceras, Colas and the Pandyas have
been distinguished as pracamta (border state) from the"
vijita (dominions) of the king, and as Agokan inscriptions
have been found on rocks as far south as the Chitaldrug
district of Mysore. The Andhras are mentioned in the
thirteenth Rock Edict of A6oka in the list of subordinate
peoples that lived in the dominions (idha raja-visayaryihi) of
the king. After the strength of the Maurya empire had
waned, the people of Andhrade^a appears to have assumed
independence.
A king named Kubiraka (Kubera) * has been mentioned
in two inscriptions discovered at Bhattiprolu in the Bepalle
taluka of the Guntur district (Luders, List, Nos. 1335,1338).
According toBuhler (J.R.A.S., 1692, p. 602), the Bhattiprolu
inscriptions belong to the period immediately following that
of A6oka, i.e., to about 200 B.C. It is therefore possible
that king Kubiraka fought successfully with the weak
successors of A6oka who died sometime before 230 B.C., and
liberated the Andhra country from the Maurya yoke.
Unfortunately we know next to nothing about this king.
tbe "calf" of tt* Pu^a-jtna
at*6&<Un* of Kaber* (Hopkins, Epic Mythology, p. 148).
3
Epigraphy is silent as regards the Andhra country for a
long time after Kubiraka. Only about the second
century of the Christian era we find the country
occupied by kings belonging to the family known in
epigraphy as the Satavahana. A number of cfcins
and inscriptions of the Later Satavahanas has been
discovered in the Andhra region. The most powerful
among them were Vasisthiputra Pulumavi and Gautaml-
putra Yajna Satakarni. The date of these kings is a dis-
puted question ; but two points seem certain in this respect.
(1) King Vasisthiputra Pulumavi could not be far removed
in time from (but was possibly for some time a contemporary
of) the Saka Satrap Budrad-\man who is known to have ruled
from c. 130 to c. 150 A.D. The mention of Baithana (Paithan
in the Aurangabad district) as the capital of Siriptolemaios
(siri-Pulumavi, contemporary of Tiast6nes = Castana who for
some time ruled conjointly with his grandson Eudradaman)by
Ptolemy (c. 140 A.D.) is also very important in ascertaining
the date of Vasisthiputra Pulumavi in about the middle of
the second century A.D. (2) According to the evidence
of palaeography, there could not have been a great interval
between the reign of Pulumavi and that of Yajna. The
suggestion of Krishnasastri that the second year of Candra
Sati (a successor of Yajna) is equivalent to A.D. 210 is
also important in this connection. It is therefore very
probably certain that Yajfia ended his rule not long
after A. D. 200, and Yajna was the last great king of his
dynasty (see tn/ra, Sections 1 and III of the chapter on the
Pallavas).
The local ruling lamilies oi South-Eastern Deccan either
ruling \>s ^subordinate rulers or governors, such as the
Salaikayanas, Bybatphalayanas, Pallavas and the Ikvakus
who remained loyal to the Satavahanas at the time of Pulu-
mavi and Yajfia flatakar^i appear to have gradually raised their
head and supplanted the weak successors of Yajna. From-
4 SUCCESSORS OF THE SiTAVAHAtf AS
palaeographic consideration it appears that the Iksvakus
were the first to grow powerful in the Kistna-Guntur region
and to throw off Satavahana suzerainty about the third
decade of the third century. The performance of ASvamedha,
Vaj^peya and other Vedic sacrifices by the Ik?vaku king
Camtamula 1 clearly shows that the Ik?vakus were no longer
feudatory to the Satavahanas who were therefore
ousted from the Kistna-Guntur area before the time of this
king. The successors of the Iksvakus in the sovereignty of
this area appear to have been the Brhatphalayanas and the
Pallavas. The Pallavafc became very powerful about the
ei^d of the third and beginning of the fourth century. The
earliest Pallava epigraphs which appear to belong to the first
half of the fourth century show that the Pallavas were at the
time master of Andhrapatha as well as the Bellary
region. Pallava headquarters in the Andhra country at the
time of Sivaskandavarman, a performer of Agvamedha and
other sacrifices, were at Dhamnakada (Dhanyakataka). Their
supremacy in Andhrade^a appears to have broken down
owing to the rise of the Salankayanas of VengI (W. Godavari
district) and the Anandas of Kandarapura (Guntur district;.
Devavarman, the Sala&kayana performer of the A6vamedha
sacrifice, possibly reigned not long after Pallava Sivaskanda-
varman. The evidence of the Kanteru plates proves that the
Later SalaAkayanas became master of much of the territories
that were once under the Iksvakus, Brhatphalayanas and the
Pallavas. After the collapse of the Salankayana power, the
Visnukurujins gradually became master of the whole of
Andhrade^a. When the Calukyas established themselves at
Pi^apura in the beginning of the seventh century, the
Vignukundins appear to have struggled hard with them for
existence. But gradually their power collapsed and the
country passed to the possession of the Calukyas.
It must not however be thought that these dynasties
appeared one after another on the political stage of the
INTRODUCTION 6
Andhra country. The Salailkayanas, as we shall see, were
most probably in possession of the district round VeAgI even
in the age of Ptolemy (c. 140), when the Sfitavahanas
were apparently the suzerain of AndhradeSa. The Greek
geographer possibly also refers to the capital of the Brhat-
phalayanas in the present Masulipatam area. Excepting
the Visnukundins, all the earlier dynasties that reigned in
South-Eastern Deccan after the Satavahanas seem to have
ruled more or less contemporaneously.
In Part I of the present volume, I have given an
account of the Iksvakus, Brhatphalayanas, Anandas,
SalaAkayanas and the Visnukundins. I have also dealt with
the Pallavas who were for some time the supreme power in
Andhradesa.
In Part II of this volume, I have tried to give an account
of the dynasties that succeeded the Satavahanas in the
western part of Lower Deccan. From the breakdown of the
Cutu Satakarni power up to the rise of the Calukyas, the
principal ruling dynasty in South- Western Deccan was that
of the Kadambas. I have not included in this account the
history of the Gangas and the Banas who ruled from places
far to the south of the country ruled by the Satava-
hanas. I have included however the Kekayas who ruled in
the northern part of Mysore, which most probably formed a
part of the later Satavahana dominions. Since my account
is limited in circa 200-650 A.D., I have not discussed a few
minor feudatory families (e.g., the Sendrakas) whose early
history is wrapped up in obscurity.
In placing this work before students of Indian history,
I humbly request them to consider the new points I have been
able to light upon in these pages. I have tried to establish a
relation between the two known Ananda kings on the basis
of the passage hiranyagarbh-odbhav-odbhava of the Mattepad
plates. I have also tried to settle the genealogy and chrono-
logy of the Sftlatikayanas and the Vi^gukujMlins, in which, as
6 SUCCESSORS OF T&E SITAViHAtf A3
I have shown, mistakes bave been made permanent by previ-
ous writers* The theory of the existence of a king called Sana
in the Kistna district in the second or third century A.D,
has been discussed and found to be untenable. The date of
Pallava Sivaskandavarman has been fixed on the basis of the
gradual development of inscriptional Prakrit in early South
Indian inscriptions. In dealing with the [Early] Pallavas
and the [Early] Kadambas, I bave tried not to be led
astray from the terra firma of solid facts by that eagerness
for theorising which is so common among certain recent
writers on the early history of those dynasties. The real
significance of the passage hiranyagarbh-odbhava has been
correctly pointed out. In interpreting terms like ayukta,
vallabha, hastikofa, vyaprta adhikara-purusa and others, I
have spared no pains to utilise epigraphic as well as lexico-
graphic and classical literature to the full. I have also
made full use of the Epic, Purftnic and Smrti literature in
explaining passages like avasita-vividha-clivya, hiranyagarbha
and others.
PART I
EASTERN DISTRICTS
CHAPTER I
THE IKSVAKDS
I
THE SOUTHERN IKVIKUS.
Some Prakrit l inscriptions of the Ik^vakus of Eastern
Deccan have been discovered at Jaggayyapetta in the Nandi-
gram taluka of the Kistna district (Ind. Ant., XI,
p. 257 ff.), and at Nagarjunikonda in the Palnad taluka
of the Guntur district (Ep. Ind., XX, p. 1 ff.) of
the Madras Presidency. Formerly, Burgess expressed the
opinion that these inscriptions belong to about the 3rd or
4th century A.D. " but are probably earlier." Btthler
and, following him, Vogel who has recently edited the
Nagarjunikonda inscriptions ascribe the Iksvaku records to
the 3rd century of the Christian era. Like all early
Prakrit inscriptions, the Nagarjunikonda and Jaggayyapetta
records of the Ik?vakus express compound consonants with
single letters. This characteristic shows that these records
are earlier than the Early Pallava grants which express double
or conjunct consonants by more than one letter and appear to
belong to about the first quarter of the 4th century A.D.
(see my views in Ind. Cult., I, p. 498 ff. ; Journ. Ind. Hist.,
XIH, p. 297 ff. ; and infra). The Iksvaku inscriptions,
therefore, almost certainly belong to about the middle and
second half of the 3rd century A.D. (vide infra).
1 Regarding the language of the Nagarjunikonda records, Sten Konow observes
(Ep. Ind., XX, p. 36), " We are faced with a normalised seoailiterary Prakrit, used
by people whose home-tongue was Drsvidiao, and probably Kanarese. If I am right,
we should a priori be inclined to infer that the IkshvSkus had come to the Kistna
country from the West.
10 SUCCESSORS OF THE SiTAViHANAS
Iksvaku as the name of a king possibly occurs once in
theJB0i?eda(X. 60.4). The word there may, however, be also
taken as an epithet of the name of another person, Asamati,
whom the Jamimyalrahmana (III. 167), Brhaddevata (VII.
35 ff.)> etc., take to be an Iksvftku prince. Iksvaku in the
Atharvaveda (XIV. 39.9) seems to be regarded as an ancient
hero. According to Macdonell and Keith (Ved. Ind., s.v.)
the Iksv&kus were originally a branch of the Puru family.
Zimmer places them (Alt. Leben, pp. 104, 130) on the Upper
Indus ; the Vedic Index, however, thinks that the Iksvakus
may well have been somewhat further east even in the Vedic
period. Later Iksvakus are connected chiefly with Ayodhya,
the capital of the KoiSala janapada. We have long lists of
Ikvaku kings in the Puranas and the epics But we
do not know of any relation between the Ikgvakus of
Ayodhya and the Iksvakus of the Madras Presidency. Were
the Southern Iksvakus a branch of the famous Iksvaku
family of Northern India, which migrated and eventually
carved out a principality in Eastern Deccan ?
It is possible that the epithet ikhaku-raja-pravara-risi-sata-
pabhava-vamsa-sambhava, applied to Lord Buddha in an
inscription of the Southern Iksvaku king Virapurisadata,
refers to a claim of the king to belong to the same family as
the Lord who, according to traditions, belonged to the famous
Iksvaku family of Kogala (Majjhima-Nikaya, II. 124). 1 It
is also interesting to note that the Southern Iksvfikus were
matrimonially related to the Southern Kekayas, as indeed,
according to the Rftmayana, the Iksvakus of Ayodhya were
to the Kekayas of Girivraja in the Punjab. But, in con-
sidering the question of the relation between the Northern
and -the Southern Iksvakus, we have also to remember the
views of Caldwell regarding the nature of the Aryanisation
* Of. ft!*) Saka.vrkia.praticchannaifi thaw ycum&c-ca cakr ire, t a tmdd -
vaghofa, Saundarwmdaktoya, 1. 24),
IK8VSZUS 11
of South India. " The Aryan immigrants to the South,"
be says, " appear to have been Brahmanical priests and
instructors, rather than Kshatriya soldiers, and the kings of
the Pandyas, Cholas, Kalingas, and other Dravidians,
appear to have been chiefly Dravidian chieftains whom
their Brahmanical preceptors and spiritual directors digni-
fied with Aryan titles, and taught to imitate and emulate
the grandeur and cultivated tastes of the Solar, Lunar and
the Agnikula races of kings " (Corap. Gramm., 2nd ed.,
Intro., p. 115). This view is certainly correct in some cases.
As we know, the Hadis of My mensingh (Bengal), a tribe
closely allied to the Garos, have, only the other day, been
allowed to wear upavlta and to bear the ancient and illus-
trious name of the Haibaya Ksatri}as. 1 It is therefore
not easy to determine whether the Southern Iksvakus were
actually Aryan immigrants from the north (which is not
impossible) or a Hinduised aboriginal family of rulers who
appropriated the name of the most glorious royal family of
ancient India. 2 The question is, moreover, a little further
1 It is to be nctked that at present the population of Eastern and Southern India
is generally divided not into four but only into two varnas, viz., B.ahmana and
Sudr*. In Eastern India has, however. DOW come an age when nobody likes to remain
a Sfidra -For a list of aboriginal .ribes claiming the status of Brahmana, Ksatnya
and Vaisya, see Census of India, 1931, Vol V (Bengal and Bikkim), Pt. L P P 42847.
If, however, the igune are Ugra-Kstriya, the Bagdis are Vyagra-Ksatr.ya, the
Nunfe-fltdrM are Naoio Br&hmana ard the Napits are Nai (or SvUr).Brabmana, as
we have it there m the l.st, may not the Musalmans, Christians and the Japanese
(or Javanese) as well claim to be called Musala-Ksatriya, Klirfa <<* Kfsna>
Ksatriya and Yavana-Brahmana respectively?
The extension of the name of - Kosala," where the Iksvakus ruled, over the
12 SUCCESSORS OF THE SITAVAHANAS
complicated by the points brought to our notice by Przy-
luski in an interesting paper in the Bulletin de la Socidtd
de Linguistique, 1926, p. 83. 1
The Sanskrit word ik$vaku means " gourd." It is
interesting that some Austro-Asiatic peoples call themselves
issue either of a gourd or a melon, of which every seed
gave birth to a man (Bonifacy, Cours d j ethnographic indo-
chinois, p. 45 ; Cochbrane, The Shans, I, p. 120). This
myth seems to have passed into Indian tradition, in which
Sumati, queen of king Sagara of Ayodhya (to whom 60,000
sons were promised), gave birth to a gourd, and from that
gourd came out 60,000 children (Ram., I. 38 ; Mahabha.,
III. 106 ; Bhag. Pur., IX. 88). The Austro-Asiatic myth of
gourd-ancestor seems to have been transmitted in the legends
of Sumati and Iksvaku who have been placed at Ayodhya.
But as is often the case in Indian literature, it appears that,
in the second case, the authors have modified the myth for
Kekayas, Malavas, Sibis, Guptas, Maurjas and the A*makas and stories of the sons of
Vilvamitra, and of Rama, Vijaya, the sage Bavan and others may all be very impor-
tant in dealing with the Aryanisation of Southern lodia. But while we have reliable
evidence of the migration of the Malavas ( = Maloi of the Greeks ; on the lower valley of
the Ravi in Alexander's time) and the Sibis ( = Siboi of the Greeks; in Alexander's time
in the Shorkot region of the Jhang district, Punjab), and also of the Mauryas and the
Guptaa, from north to south there is no satisfactory evidence as regar^ the migra-
tion of the other families or tribes. The mention of the Malayas (= Ma'avas) as living
in the vicinity of Pugkara (near Ajmere) in an inicnption of Usavadata (Ind. Ant.,
1918, p. 75), the find of coins with legend Malnvanaty jayah in the southern part of
the Jaipur State (Rapson, Indian Coins, 51) and the name of the modern province cf
Malwa, prove conclusively the southerly course of the Malavas. As regards the Sibis,
we may, however, challenge the authority of the tradition recorded in the DaiaJfumara-
cento (Madhya, Ch. VI) about" their s< ttlemcnt on the Kaverl and their connection
with the greater Colas us is claimed in the Udayendiram plates (8. I. /., IF, p. 882) ;
but the discovery of their coins at Nagari leaves no doubt that the 8ibi tribe marched
at least as far south s the Chitorgadh district of Rajputana. It can hardly be
doubted that the Mauryas of Konkan and the Guttas (-Guptas) of Gottala were
branches respectively of the famous imperial dynasties of those names that ruled at
Pitalipulra. The cases of the other ti ibes or families however, though not impossible,
cannot he proved at the present state of our knowledge.
1 An English translation of this paper is to be found in P. C, Bagcbi's Pre-Aryan
and Pre-Dravidian in India, Calcutta University, 1929
THE SOUTHERN IKSVAKUS 13
the sake of ennobling it. The epic poets could not be
pleased with the idea that a gourd had given birth to a
glorious dynasty. Iksvaku, which properly means a gourd
in Sanskrit, appears, therefore, to have been personified as
a hero, son of Vaivasvata Manu (Ram., I. 70, vs. 20-21;
Mahabha , I, 75, vs. 31-40) or of Sage Gautama (Rock-
hill, Life of the Buddha, pp. 10-11). In a story of the Dul-va,
analysed by Rockhill, attempt has been made to explain the
name Iksvaku by the fact that the children of the sage
Gautama were found in a field of sugarcane (iksu).
If we think, now, that the Iksvakus were originally an
Aryan tribe, this Austro-Asiatic influence possibly shows
that they were closely connected with the aborigines of the
country, wherein there was a strong Austro-Asiatic element,
and consequently shared some of their beliefs and traditions.
Relation, matrimonial and otherwise, of Aryan ruling
families with the aborigines is frequently illustrated in the
epic and the Puranic literature. That the Aryan families
which migrated to South India had to accept some aborigi-
nal customs is also clear from the fact that very early
authorities on smrti had to acknowledge and distinguish
between the Aryan customs of Northern and those of South-
ern India. Baudhayana, who lived long before Christ l and
is a very great authority, speaks in his Dharmasutra (I, ii,
l-4)ofmatula-pitrsvasr-duhitr-gamana(i.e., sexual relation
with daughters of mother's brother and father's sister) as an
established custom in the South. In this connection, it is
interesting to note that the Iksvaku king Virapurisadata
had, among others, three queens who were the daughters
of his father's sisters. 3
1 According to B jhler (Ind Stud., No. Ill, p. 15 ff.) the date of the Sfltras of
Baudhayana is the sixth century B.C. Keith however thinks that they are of a some*
what later date (Carnb. Hist. Ind. t I, p. 140, note 3).
* Instances of marriage with the daughter of one's maternal uncle may be found in
the history of the Baf^rakuta kings of the Deccan. Krsna II married Laksmi, daughter
of his mdtula Baaavigraha Sankaragana ; Bastraku> Indra HI also married Vljftmbi,
14 SUOCJEBSOBS O
It has been suggested that the capital of the Southern
Ikvakus was probably at Dhanyakafaka and that "the
remains of Nagarjunikonda can possibly represent the ancient
capital of Dhannakataka which archaeologists have sought
both at Dharamkota near AmaravatX and at Bezvada."
But the remains seein to represent a city called Vijayapurl.
It must be noticed that the country, which according to
the evidence of the Nagarjunikonda and Jaggayyapetta
inscriptions appears to have belonged to the Iksvakus in
about the middle of the 3rd century A.D., is known to have
belonged to the Satavfthanas in the 2nd century. After the
decline of the Iksvakus, this region passed into the hands
of the Pallavas of Kancl. The Mayidavolu (Guntur district)
Prakrit grant (Ep. Ind., VI, p. 86) of the Pallava YuvamabS-
raja Sivaskandavarman, records an order of the Yuvamaba-
raja to the vapata (vyaprta, i.e., governor) of Dhamfiakacla
(Dhanyakatnka) to execute the grant of a village called
Viripara situated in the Andhapatha (Andhrapatha).
Another Prakrit grant of the same age belonging to the reign of
the Pallava king w/at/a-Skandavarman was discovered in the
Guntur district. According to Prof. Dubreuil, king vijaya-
Skandavarman of this inscription is the same as the Yuva-
maharaja Sivaskandavarman of the Mayidavolu grant.
Whatever the identification be worth (vide infra), it is clear
that the Ik^v&kus were ousted from the Eistna-Guntur
region by the Pallavas of Kaficl.
We cannot neglect to mention in this connection the rise
of the Brhatpbalayanas in the district round MasuHpatam.
It id* however, certain that the weak successors of the great
C&iptamula and his son Virapurisadata were finally swept
away by the Pallavas of Kanci at about the end of the 3rd
century A.D. But it is quite possible that the rise of the
of MB matula Ammagadevs (Anaftsradeva) of the Ealacurt family (B. N.
tofery of tf* Rtshtrakutas, pp. 77-8). The custom IB prevalent in the Deccan ven at
SOUTHERN IKVAKUS 15
Byhatphalftyanas had a large share in weakening the power
of the Ikgvakus.
An inscription of about the 5th century A.D. (Ep.
Carnal., XI, p. 142), discovered at Anaji in the Davanegere
taluka of the Chitaldrug district (Mysore), speaks of a
Kekaya prince, named Sivanandavarman who claims, for
his family, matrimonial connection with the saintly kings
of the IksvSku line. Cf. parama-mahefvarab mata-pitr-
padabhaktah atreya-gotrah soma-vawi-odbhavah iksva-
kubhir = api r&jarsib hifr krt-avaha-vivahanam kekayanam
kule jatah ^ivanandavarma. This fact possibly goes to show
that the Iksvaku dynasty lingered long as a ruling power,
though unimportant in comparison with the neighbouring
royal families.
16
SUCOBSSOES OF THE SITAVIHANAS
II
CAMTAMULA I. 1
Only three kings of the Iksvaku family of Eastern
Deccan are so far known. The first of them is Maharaja
Vasisthiputra Camtarnula. We have not yet any inscription
of the time of this king. But from the epithets applied to
his name in the inscriptions of his son and grandson, he
appears to have been a very great and powerful monarch.
Vasisthiputra Iksvaku Camtamula is credited with the
performance of the agnihotra, agnistoma, vajapeya and ava-
medha sacrifices. It must be noted that the Vajapeya and
Asvamedha sacrifices could be performed only by very
powerful kings. According to the Satapatha-Brdhmana
(V. 1, 1, 13) 2 the performance of the former bestowed on the
performer a superior kind of kingship called samrajya, while
1 Possibly Sanskrit Santamula. In this connection may be noticed the change of
? into c in the name of two kings of the Kadamba family of Goa. The name Sas^ha or
8as$hadeva baa in these cases the Prakrit forma Cafta, Cabala, Caftaya and Cwttayya
(Bomb Gaz.,1, Pt. ii, p. 567). Sten Konow for this reason is inclined to take C&rp-
tamula as a Prakrit form of Sanskrit K^antamula (Ep. Ind., XX, p. 26). It must
also be remembered that Tamil, a typical Dravidian language, has no letter in its
alphabet corresponding to the 4 of Sanskrit and that Sanskrit ^ is generally represented
in Tamil by c ; e.g , Sanskrit pau Tamil pacu ; S. satru^T. catturu ; 8. 4aatraka=
T. cattakam ; etc. This is due possibly to the fact that Sanskrit 6 is represented in
Prakrit by * which again is almost identical in sound with Dravidian c. Of. Kulacar-
man for Kulatiarman in the Udayendiram grant of Nandivaroian Pallava (Ep. Ind.,
Ill, p. 142). Sometime* 4 is represented by chin Prakrit, e g. t 8. &it?a=Pali chava. The
word Saka has sometimes been mentioned in Indian literature, e.g., in ihe Garglsaiphita,
at Caka(J.B.O.R.S., XIV, p. 4U8). Dr. Barnett however suggests to me that the
name Catfltam&la is derived from some unknown Dravidiau word and has DO connection
with Sanskrit.
f Cf. rfl/fl vai ra/afiyn-ft>a bhavati, samraj^ vajapeyen**avaTaw hi raj-
yawparavp rtmrajyaw, k&mayeta wi rfi/5 samr&t bhavituip ($at. Br. t V. 1,1,18) ;
tee also Bayohftudhori, Pol. Hist. Anc. Ind. t 2nd ed., p. 102, and Appendix below,
18 SUCCESSOE8 OP THE SiTAVSHANAS
the RajasQya conferred merely the ordinary royal dignity
called r&jya. According to the Ipastamba Srauta-sutra
(XX, i. 1), only the sarvabhauma kings (raja) could per-
form the Asvamedha sacrifice. 1 King Caiptamula, therefore,
could not have been a weak ruler, subordinate to some Sata-
vahana emperor. The celebration of Asvamedha by the
Iksvaku king possibly shows his success against a
Satavahana overlord. Caqntamula I is also said to have been
a giver of crores of gold, thousands of cows (or bullocks)
and thousands of ploughs. 2 The king was evidently a
Brahrnanical Hindu. The deity he was devoted to is
mentioned as virupakhapati-mahasena. It may be noted
that the Kadambas and the Calukyas also referred to their
families, in their inscriptions, as mahasena-parigrhlta.
Mahasena (Skanda), in the Iksvaku inscriptions, has been
called virupakha-pati, " lord of the Virupakhas." Vogel
takes the term virupnkha in the sense of the hosts of
which Skanda is the lord or leader. The word indicates a
class of snakes in a snake-charm in the Vinayapitaka (ed.
Oldenberg, II, p. 110). Virupaksa is an ordinary epithet
applied to Kaksasas and other spirits in Mahabhd. and
Ram. (Hopkins, Epic Mythology, p. 39.)
King Caiptamula had at least tuo sisters. One of them
named Camtasiri (or CamtisiriSantasrI or Santieri ?) was
given in marriage to Vasisthiputra Khamdasiri or Kamda
(Skanda&l) of the Puki) a family. 8 Khamdasiri Bas been called
1 See my note in Ind. Cult., I, p. 811 ff., and Appendix below ; also Raychaudhuri,
op. eft., pp If 6-06 and 109-10.
* It is possible that his epithet aneka-hirarjina-ko^'go-satasahasa-hala-satasaJiasa'
pad&yi refers to the fact that the 'tin!* performel many times several of the sixteen
mchadanas, such as Hiraoyagarbha, Hiraitfakftrna ihenu, HiranyWva, Hirapyas'Ta-
ratha Gosahasra and PaficalaAffala, enumerated in the Pur&nae.
8 An inscription discovered at Ramireddipalle io the Nandigrarc taluka of the
Siftoa district mentions the Mah&talavaraa of the Mugiyas. It has been suggested
(A*. ep. 5. Ind, Bp. t 1980-27, p. 74) th^t the Mugiyas may be identical with the
Mahasenapati and Mahatalavara, and his wife, the Ik?vaku
princess Carptasiri, Mahatalavail and Mahadana-patinl. The
term mahasenapati (''great chief of the army," i.e., general)
denoted feudatory chieftains in charge of the rasfras (dis-
tricts) at the time of the Satavahanas 1 ; the same meaning
seems to be applicable in the present case also. Vogel is,
therefore, inclined to render the term by "duke." Mahatala-
varas are mentioned in early Jain works along with the
eighteen gana-rajas. So, this word must also be taken as a
title of nobility (c/. Kalpasutra, ed. Jacobi, 61, 11. 21-25). A
Sanskrit commentary on the Kalpasutra, called Subodhika,
by Vinayavijaya (Nirnaysagar Pressed., leaf 60, lines 6-7)
explains the term talavara as tusta-bhupala-pradatta-patfa-
bandha-vibhusita-rajasthaniya. In the Punjab there is a
subdivision of the Khetns (Ksatriyas) called the Talwar
(Ep. Ind., XX, p. 7, n. 1). Vogel suggests a connection of
the word talavara with Tamil talavay (general), talaiyari
(village- watchman) or Kanarese talavara, talavara (watch-
man, beadle). It seems from the Subodhika and these in-
scriptions that the Mahatalavaras were provincial governors
or subordinate rulers. I, therefore, think that the word is
connected with Tamil talaivan, which means a king, ruler
or governor (Tamil Lexicon, pub. Madras University, s.v.).
The word, which is originally Dravidian, evidently penetrat-
ed into North India -alao. la addition to the instance of
the Talwars of the Punjab, it may be said that it is obvi-
ously identical with the mysterious word taravara, which
along with the word mahapratlhara (great chamberlain) is
found on a clay sealing excavated by Bloch atBasarh (Arch.
Surv. Rep., 1903-04, p. 108, PI. XL. 6). Talara t evi-
dently the same as talavara, is mentioned in the Chirwa
1 Sometimes the Mah&senftpatis were also called Maharaja ; c/. Maharaja Maha-
sen&pati Pu*ye$ of the Wala clay seal (Bhandarkar, Lift, No. 1862) which belongs
to the ftnthftlf of the tixth century A.D. See also the Bijaygarh inscription (Corp.
Jilt. Ind., Ill, p. 252) which mentions a Yaudheya Mah*i ftja Mafaftsenapati.
26 SUCCESSORS OF THE SITAViHANAS
inscription (A.D. 1273) of (ruhila Samarasimha of Mewai-.
According to this epigraph, one Esema was made talara of
Citrakuta by Jaitrasirnha, and after him one Madana was
mftde talara of the same place by the Pradhana Eajasimha
(Bhandarkar, List, No. 579).
At least two children a son and a daughter were born
to Camtisiri. The name of her son was Khamdasagaram-
naka * (Skanda-sagara ?). We do not know her daughter's
name ; but she is known to have been married to her cousin,
king Virapurisadata. In an inscription of Nagarjunikonda,
Virapurisadata has been called Camtisiri's apano jamatuka,
i.e. 9 own son-in-law.
Another uterine sister of king Camtamula was Hamma-
siri (HarmyaSrI ?) who had two daughters, Bapisirinika
(Vapisrl ?) and Chathisiri (Sasthlsri ?). Both Bapisiri and
Ghathisiri were given in marriage to their cousin, Virapuri-
sadata, son and successor of king Carptamiila I.
Two children of king Caqitamula are known from in-
scriptions. One of them is his son from Madharl (Ma^harl),
named Virapurisadata, who succeeded him on the throne.
The other is his daughter, Mahatalavari Adavi-Catasiri. 3
The princess was given in marriage to the Mahasenapati,
Mahadaijdanayaka Khamdavisakhamnaka (Skandavi^akha ?)
who belonged to the family of the Dhanakas. Both the
sister and the brother appear to have been staunch Buddhists,
* Sten Konow says (Ep. Ind. t XX, p. 26), "... the suffix azalea in Vi*&-
khaipnaka, Sagaraipnaka formed from Vitokha, Sagara, respectively. This same suffix
is frequent in names from the Bombay Presidency ; c/. Lttders, Nos. 985, 098, 1000,
1018, 1020, 1033 <Kanheri), 1063, 1064, 1065 (Ku<Ja), 1088, 1091, 1097 (Kftrli/, 1109,
1111 (Bedsa), 1141 (Nasik), U71 (Junnar). It evidently belongs to a dialect with a
Dravidian, perhaps Eanarese, sabstratam. The h for 5 also points to Eanarese. More-
over, some of the names seem to find their explanation in Kanarese. Thus kanda
means 'child* in Kanarese, and chali ' cold.* Chalikcreiflmanaka probably is Chalikira*
ipaka~ 'Moon'." But the last name, excluding the suffix, is Calikiremma.
< The word a$avi, the meaning of which is not known, was prefixed to the name
of this princess evidently in order to distinguish tor from her namesakes.
CiMTAMtLA I 21
whereas their father was a performer of Vedic sacrifices
like agnihotra, agnistoma, vajapeya and aSvamedha.
In one of the Nagarjunikonda inscriptions dated in the
6th regnal year of Virapurisadata, we have a record of the
benefactions of one Mahasenapatini Cula(k$udra)-Camtisi-
rinika (i.e., Camtisiri the younger) who was married to
the Mahasenapati, Mahatalavara, Vasisthlputra Khamdacali-
kireipmanaka of the Hiranyaka family. The name of the
Mahasenapatini seems to indicate that she was an Iksvaku
princess ; but she is explicitly called kulahakanam balika,
i.e., a girl born in the family of the Kulabakas. She there-
fore appears to me to have been the daughter of an Iksvaku
princess married to a Kulahaka" chief.
m
VlRAPURISADATA ( VlRAPURU?ADATTA) . l
King Carnfcaniula I, as we have already said, was suc-
ceeded on the Ik$vaku throne by his son Virapurisadata.
We have a number of inscriptions dated in the regnal years
of this king. His inscriptions have been found at the
Buddhist sites of Nagarjunikonda and Jaggayyapetta. The
records begin with an adoration to Bhagavan Samyaksam-
buddha, i.e., Lord Buddha.
Inscriptions appear to tell us of five queens of king Vira-
purisadata Two of them were Bapisiri and Chathisiri,
daughters of the king's aunt (father's sister) Hammasiri.
We have already seen that Baudhayana sanctions marriage
with daughters of maternal uncles and paternal aunts for the
inhabitants of the South. A daughter of his other aunt
Camtisiri was also a queen of the king. Another queen
appears to have been the MabadevI Eudradharabhattarika, who
has been described in the inscriptions as Ujanikdmaharabdlikd.
Vogel is inclined to correct the passage as Ujanika-maharaja-
bdlikd. This may not be impossible, as in the Nagarjuni-
konda inscriptions there are signs of careless engraving.
Vogel then identifies Ujanika with the famous city of
TJjjayinI (Prakrit Ujeni), mentioned by the Greek geographer
Ptolemy (Geography, VII, i, 63) as Oz6n6 and as the
capital of Tiastfenes (Cabana). The name of queen Rudra-
dharft and those of the kings of Cabana's line, such as
l Bfthler took Parisadata as name of th" king and siri-vira (M-trtra) as an adjec-
tive (Ind. Ant., XI, p. 257) on the ground that there is no deity named Vtrapnro?a and
that therefore, as a name, Vlrapuraga-datta makes no sense. Sometimes, however,
mob adjectives are known to form an integral part of the proper name. Note, for
iaftanoe, the name of Vfrarajendra, the Cola king, who ruled from A.D. 1068 to 1070
VIEAPUHISADATA (VTEAPUEUQADATTA) 43
Budradaman (I and II), Rudrasena (I, II and ITT) and
Budrasimha (I, H, HI and IV) may also indicate the possi-
bility of Vogel's theory. Though there is no name like
Budradhara (of whom the queen might have been supposed
to have been a sister or a daughter) in the genealogy
of the Sakas of Ujjain, two kings having names beginning
withBudra reigned in the third century AJ).
1. Budrasena I, circa Saka 122-135 (A.D. 200-213).
2. Budrasena II, circa Saka 176-196 (A.D. 254-274).
It is not altogether impossible that the Ik?vaku queen
was relited to one of these kings. It may be noted in this
connection that a Nagirjunikoiida inscription records the
pious gift of a Saka girl, which fact possibly shows that the
Iksvakus were friendly towards the Sakas. The currency
of dlndri-masakas in their kingdom seems also to indicate
their relation with the north. The dlnara, according to nu-
mismati-ts, \vas a gold coin weighing about 124 grains, first *
struck by the Kusana kings (of whom Castana is generally
supposed to have been a feudatory) in the first century A.D.
in imitation of the Boman gold denarius (Bhandarkar,
Carmichael Lectures, 1921, p. 181).
In an inscription of Ehuvula Camtamula II, son and
successor of Virapurisadata, the name of the reigning
king's mother is mentioned as Mahadevi Bhatideva. She
appears, therefore, to have been another queen of Vira-
purisadata.
Besides the son Ehuvula Camtamula, king Virapurisa-
data is known to have had a daughter named Kodabalisiri
who ia said to have been the Mahadevi (queen) of the Vana-
v&saka-mah&rd,ja. Vanavftsaka-mabaraja appears to mean the
king of BanavasI, now in the North Kanara district of the
Bombay Presidency. Banav^sl is known to have been the
& @UCCIS80BS OF THE SITAVIHANA8
Capital of the Cutu Satakarnis and afterwards of the
Kadambas. Scholars think that the Kadambas began to
rule at Banavasi about the middle of the fourth century A.D.
(Anc. Hist. Deo., p. 95 ; Kadambakula, p. 18 ; also infra.).
We should also note in this connection that the Chandravalli
Prakrit record of the earliest Kadamba king Mayura^arinan
(Mys. Arch. Sun?., AR, 1929, p. 50) which expresses com-
pound consonants by more than one letter is obviously
later than the time of the issuers of the Nagarjunikonda and
Jaggayyapetta records. It is therefore not impossible that
a Cutu-Satakarni king of Banavasi was the husband of the
Ik?vaku princess Kodabalisiri, daughter of Virapurisadata
whose inscriptions have been ascribed to the third century
A.D. Matrimonial alliance with the powerful houses of
Ujjain and BanavasI certainly strengthened the Iksvakus at
the time of this monarch.
King Mathariputra Virapurisadata ruled at least for more
than nineteen years. We have inscriptions dated in the 6th,
14th, 15th, 18th and the 20th year of his reign. The
following are some important inscriptions discovered at
Nagarjunikonda and dated in his sixth regnal year :
I. Record of the erection of a pillar at the Mahacetiya
of Lord Buddha by Camtasiri who was the uterine sister of
king Vasisthlputra Camtamula I, aunt (pitucha, i.e.,
father's sister) of king Madharlputra Virapurisadata, wife of
the Pukiya chief Vasisthiputra Khamdasiri and mother of
Khamdasagaramaaka. The act is said to have been done
" for the attainment of welfare and happiness by all the
world/'
II. Record of the erection of a stone-pillar by Bapi-
sirinika, daughter of Hammasiri (sister of king Camtamula
I), and wife of king Yirapurisadata. The pillar was erected
with regard to the queen's mother Haqunasiri, and for the
gf&0 of attaining the bliss of nirvana for herself ; it also
VIEAPUBISADATA (VIE APU BUS AD ATT A) 95
records the completion of extensions of the Mahacetiya, 1 for
the benefit of the Masters of the Aparamahavinaseliya sect,
by Reverend Ananda who knew the Dlgha-nikaya and the
Majjhima-nikaya by heart and was a disciple of the
Masters of the Ayira-hamgha (arya-sarfigha). The Masters
of the arya-samgha are said to have been resident at Paqma-
gama and to have been preachers and preceptors of the
Digha-nikaya, Majjhima-nikaya and the five Mdtukas.
The Digha-nikaya and the Majjhima-nikaya are celebrated
Pali Buddhist works. The way, however, in which the
Masters of these Nikayas are mentioned in the Nagarjunikonda
inscriptions is different from that in which they are general-
ly referred to in the Buddhist literature. It has, therefore,
been conjectured by Dr. N. Dutt (Ind. Hist. Quart., VII,
p. 642) that possibly the inscriptions were concerned with a
Buddhist sect that was not exactly the Theravada (the Pali)
School, but had a literature and tradition very similar to
that School. Dr. Dutt further suggests that the word rnatuka
(Pali matikd, Sanskrit matrka) may be taken to be both the
Vinaya and AbhidharmaPitakas ; but that the specification of
the number in panca-matuka indicates that here the Vinaya-
pitaka is meant. It must be noted that five of the principal
Buddhist Schools, viz., Theravada, Mahi^asaka, Haimavata,
Sarvastivada and Mahasamghika had their Vinaya P^aka in
five divisions (Przyluski, Le Concile de Rajagrha, p. 353 ff.).
The Aparamahavinaseliyas (Aparamahavana^ailiyas) a
have been taken to be the same as the Apara^aillyas whose
1 Dr. N. Dutt says that the " period mentioned here (i.e.. the tin e of the Ik^vaku
Inscriptions, the 3rd or 4tb century) relates to the subsidiary structures of tbe main
Jtflpa. The stupa itself the Mahacetiya must be assigned to an earlier
period " (Ind. Hist. Quart , VII, p. 634). Vogel, however, translates nifliapitarp
inarp navakanwp (lit. repairs) mahacettyam Miai&bha ca thaptta ti, as " this pious
work (i.e., navakama), the Mahacetiya, was completed and the pillars were erected f f (Ep.
Ind., XX, p. 17). Vogel has recently edited some additional Iksvaku inscriptions
discovered at Nagarjuoikonda in Ep. Ind., XXI, p. 61 ff.
1 An Amaravati Buddhist pillar inscription (Luders, List, No. 1280) mentions
out icariya SiripuU, inhabitant of Mahftf anasala (sic. *sela).
26 SUCCESSORS OP THE SITAVIHANAS
piece has been referred to by Yuan Chwang as A-fa-lo-shi-lo
(Watters, On Yuan Chwang 9 s Travels, II, p. 214). Dr. Dutt
suggests (op..cit., pp. 648-49) that the Masters of the Ayira-
hamgha are to be identified with the Mahasamghikas and
that " the whole Buddhist establishment at Nagarjunikonda
belonged to the Mahasarnghikas." It is, however, difficult
to accept the latter suggestion in view of the fact that
an inscription of the site dated in the llth year of king
Ehuvula Caratamula II records the dedication of a vihdra to
the Masters of the MahlSasaka sect (Ep Ind., XX, p. 24 :
imarp, khaniyarfi viharo ca acariyanarn mahisasakanaw
suparigahe catudisam satrigham udisaya sava-satanarfi
hita-sukhatham thapitam).
III. Eecord of the erection of a pillar in the Maha-
oetiya by Mahatalavari Adavi-Camtasiri who was the
daughter of king Camtamula I, sister of king Virapurisa-
data and wife of the Dhanaka chief Khamda-
visakhamnaka. The act is said to have been done with
regard for both the houses to which she belonged and for
the attainment of welfare and happiness by herself in both
the worlds.
IV. Eecord of the erection of a stone pillar in the
Mahacetiya by MahasenapatinI Cula-Camtisirinika (Ksudra-
Santigri), daughter of the Kulabakas and wife of the
Hiranxfiaka (Hiranyaka) chief, Khamdacahkiremmanaka.
V. Eecord of the erection of a taila-stambha by
Mahadevi Rudradhara-bhattarika who was the daughter of
the king of Ujjain and evidently the queen of Virapurisa-
data, for the attainment by herself of welfare and happiness
and the wealth of Nirvana, and also of the construction
of a shrine and receipt of the gift of 170 dlnari-m&$akas by
Mahatalavari Carptisiri (sister of king Camtamula I) who
belonged, by marriage, to the family of the Pukiyas. The
mention of the dlnari-maakas (=iV of a dlnara in weight
VlRAPORISADAfA (VtRAPUttUAt>ATTA) 2?
or value ? cf. fanam), 1 in an inscription found at Nagar-
junikonda in the Guntur district of the Madras Presidency,
is very interesting. As already stated, it is generally held
that dlnara is the Indian designation of some Kusana coins
which were imitated from the Roman denarius. Again,
the early Western Saka Satraps, according to many
scholars, were subordinate to the great Kusana kings. As,
then, the Ik?vakus appear to have been matrimonially
connected with the kings of Ujjain, it is not impossible
that the Kusana coin-designation passed into the Ik?vaku
kingdom through the country of the Sakas.
VI. Record of the erection of a pillar by the Maha-
devl Chathisiri, daughter of king Gamtamula's sister
Hammasirinika and wife of king Virapurisadafca, for the
purpose of attaining Nirvana.
VII. Eecord of the erection of a stone-pillar by a
Mahatalavarl, whose name is not mantioned, but who is
said to have been the wife of the Mahasenapati, Maha-
talavara Vasisthiputra Maha-Kamdasiri (Maha-Skanda6rI)
of the Pukiya family and the mother of the Mahasenapati
Mahatalavara Veijhusiri (VisnuSri). Vogel thinks it
possible that the Vasisthiputra Maha-Kamdasiri is identi-
cal with the Pukiya chief K[h]amdasiri, who is mentioned
in some inscriptions as the husband of king Camtamula's
sister Camtisiri, mother of Kbamda-sagaramnaka. This
identification makes Camtisiri, mother of Khamdasa-
garaipnaka, a co-wife of the unknown Mahatalavarl who
was the mother of Venhusiri. It however seems to me
that Maha-Kaxndasiri was a uterine elder brother of
K[h]amdasiri. (Cf. the names Maha-Camdarnukha and
Cula (ftitidra)-Oaipdamukha and of Maha-Mula and Cula-
MQla in inscription F of Nagarjunikonda) .
28 SUCCESSORS OF THE SiTAViHANAS
The Nagarjunikonda inscription dated in the 14th year
of king Virapurisadata is very important. It records the
building of a cetiya-ghara (caitya-grha), " with a flooring of
slabs, with a caitya and provided with all the necessaries "
ini the Cula-dhammagiri-vihara on the Sriparvata, to the
east of Vijayapun, by a lay-member Bodhisiri (BodhiM),
wife of Budhimnaka and daughter of Kevata of Govagama,
for the acceptance (suparigahe) of the Theris specially of
Tambapamna (Sanskrit : Tamraparm or na ; Greek : Tapro-
bane, i.e., Ceylon) and other Theris who are said to have
" caused serenity and happiness" (pasadaka) to the people
of, that is, who belonged to, Kasmira, Gamdbara, Clna,
Cilata, Tosali, Avaramta, Vamga, Vanavasi, Yavana (?),
Damila ( ?) , Palura ( ?) and Tambapamni-dipa. It appears that
these Theris (female ascetics) of Ceylon and other countries
used to visit this region for purposes of pilgrimage. 1
Many of the countries mentioned in this connection can be
easily identified. 2
(i) Kasmira is the famous country of North-western
India still known under its ancient name. The boundary of
the country, however, was not the same in all ages.
(ii) The kingdom of Gamdhara, according to the
Ramayana (VII, 113.11; 114.11), lay sindhor= ubhayatah
parve (on both sides of the Indus). We know from the
Epics and the Puranas that the great cities of Takga&ila
I Dr. N. Dntt in a learned paper in Ind. Hut. Quart. (VII. p. 683 ff.) has objected
to Dr. Vogel's translation of the term pasadaka as " ooe who converts." According to
him the word refers to the saintly lives of the nuns that bring joy and peace to the
people of their countries. Mr. D. L. Barua (Ind. Cult., I, p. 110) takes the word
ihtriyanarti as an adjunct to acariyanaip and interprets as " to the teachers represented
bj the Theras, exponents of Tberavada."
9 It it interesting to note that according to some gdthas of the Mah&varrflsa, XXIX,
verse 80 ff., the leading Theras were representatives of towns and countries like
Rijagaha, Isipatana, Jetavina, Vesftli, Kosaihbi, UjenI, Popphapora, Kasmira,
Pallavabhogga (<=KftflcI?) ( Yonanagara-Alssanda, Bhodhiman^a, Vanavisa and
Kclisa. We see tbat the MaJiaraqisa list mentions Kasmira, Vanavfisa and the Yona
or Yavana country which are also included in the Naf arjunikonda list (Ind. Cult..
VlBAPURISADATA (VIBAPDBU^ADATTA) 29
and Puskalavati belonged to the Gamdhara kingdom. The
ruins of the ancient city of Taksa&la are situated imme-
diately to the east of Saraikala, a railway junction twenty
miles to the north-west of Eawalpindi in the Punjab.
Puskalavati (Prakrit : Pukkalaoti ; Greek : Peukelaotis) has
now been correctly identified with modern Prang and
Charsadda on the Swat river, seventeen miles to the north-
west of Peshawar (Schoff, Periplus, pp. 183-84). The;anapada
of Gamdhara appears to have included the Rawalpindi
district of the Punjab and the Peshawar district of the
North- West Frontier Province.
(Hi) and (iv) Cina and Cilata (Kirata) were names
of the countries inhabited by Mongoloid peoples and situa-
ted to the east and north-east of India (as regards the
latter:, cf. the Puranic statement, e.g., in Vayu> 45, 82,
purve kirdtd yasy = ante pacime yavanastatha). Ac-
cording to the Mahabhdrata (V. 19.15), Bhagadatta,
king of Pragjyotisa or Assam, marshalled the Cinas and
Kiratas in the great battle of Kuruksetra. The name Cina
is famous in Sanskrit literature. It originated most pro-
bably from the name of the Tsin dynasty which ruled in
China from B.C. 255 to 202. 1 Cilata is the same as Sans-
krit Kirata and Greek Kirradai (Periplus, 62, Ptolemy,
VII, 2.2), Kirradia (Ptolemy, VII. 2.16) or Tiladai (ib.,
VII. 2. 15). In the Milindapaftho there are two passages
which mention a number of places that were used to be
visited by merchants for purposes of trade. In both these
lists we have the mention of Cina-Cilata. The printed
text of the Milindapanho, however, reads Cina-vilata ; but
Sylvain Lfevi (Etudes Asiatique, II, p. 24) has rightly con-
tended that Vilata is an error for Cilata. The peoples of
these countries are described by the Periplus as a " race of
1 Considering the early uee of the word in Sanskrit it seems impossible that the
name was derived from that of tie Later Tsina who ruled in A.D. 265-420 and 98W4& r
D.O. Boulger, Short History of China, p. 877 .).
30 SUCCESSORS OP THE SITAViHANAS
men with flattened nose, very savage," and by Ptolemy as
dwarfs with flat face and white skin.
(v) The city of Tosala or Tosali is to be identified
with modern Dhauli (Puri district, Orissa), where a set of
the Fourteen Rock Edicts of Agoka has been found. The
n&me Dbauli appears to have sprung from Tosali through
the intermediate forms Tohali and Dhoali. In literature,
the country of Tosala is always associated with (South)
Kosala (modern Raipur, Bilaspur and Sambalpur districts).
Some mediaeval inscriptions (Ep. Ind., IX, p. 286 ; XV, p. 2)
mention Uttara-Tosala and Daksina-Tosala. The country
is to be identified with the Puri district, and parts of the
adjoining districts, of Orissa.
The city is generally taken to be the same as the To-
salei metropolis which was, according to the Geography
of Ptolemy, situated in trans-Gangetic India. Vogel may
be right in identifying it with Dosara of Ptolemy and
Dosarene of the Periplus.
(in) Avaramta (Aparanta) is now generally identified with
Northern Konkan. It bad its capital at Surparaka, modern
Sopara in the Thana district of the Bombay Presidency.
(mi) Vogel appears to be wrong when he says that
" Vanga is the ancient name of Bengal/' It seems to me
impossible that the whole of the modern Presidency of
Bengal was meant by the term Varaga in the third century
A.D. The country of Varoga may be identified with
Central and Eastern Bengal, along with a part of Southern
Bengal (Ray Chaudhuri, Indian Antiquities, p. 184 if.).
(mil) The country of Vanavasi (Bom. Gaz., I, ii, p. 278,
n* 2) appears to be the same as modern (North) Kanara. The
capital is to be identified with the modern town of Banavasi
in the North Kanara district of the Bombay Presidency.
Vogel seems to be wrong in identifying it with " Banavasi,
a village or small town in the Shimoga district of the
Mysore state " (Ep. In&. L XX, p. 8)
VIRAPURISADATA (VTRAPUEUSADATTA) 31
(ix) The exact situation of the Yavana country (that
is, the country inhabited by the Yavanas or Yaunas, the
Greeks) is not yet known. It is not certain whether
Yavana means here the ancient dominions of the Greek
emperors of Syria, or the land of the Yonas referred to in
the third Eock Edict of Asoka, or the Far Eastern
Yavana country (Northern Annam), or any settlement of the
Grseco-Romans somewhere in South India. 1 According to
the Mahabharata (XII. 207. 43), we know, the country of
the Yaunas lay in the Uttarapatha. The city of Alasanda,
mentioned in the Mahavamsa, has been identified by Geiger
with Alexandria founded by Alexander the Great near
Kabul (Geiger, Mahavamsa, p. 194). According to the Milin-
dapanho, the Indo-Greek king Menander (Milinda) was born
at Kalasigama in the dipa of Alasanda or Alexandria
(Trenckner, Milindapanho, pp. 82-83). The capital where
Menander ruled was at Sakala, modern Sialkot in the Punjab.
The Indian Yavana country may possibly be the same as
Alasanda of the Indian literature, which appears to have
been somewhere about modern N.W.F.P. and Afghanistan.
(JT) and (xi) The reading of the names Damila and
Falura is not quite certain. Damila, however, can be no
other than the country of the Tamil people. Palura,
if the reading be accepted, may be identified with Ptolemy's
Paloura (Geography, \II. i, 16), which has been taken to
be the Dravidian form of the name of the famous city,
Dantapura, the ancient capital of Kalinga. Cf. Pa] (tooth)
+ ur (city)=Danta (tooth) +pura (city). But we cannot be
definite on this point. First because the reading is doubtful ;
secondly, the connection of the name with Dantapura is
1 In connection with Sabadeva's digvijaya in the south, the Mahabharata (1, 31,
71-72) mentions a " city of the Ya vanes " together with the countries of the Pijrfya*.
Keralas, KaliAgas and others. The Mihndapafiho list mentions Yona, Parama-yoni
and Alasanda ; one of the two Yonas may be identical with Yavana (Northern Aonam)
mentioned in the Nagarakrt&gama along with Campft (Southern Annam) and Kamboj*
(Cambodia). See B. C. Majomdar, SuvarQodvipa, pp. 56, 186.
32 SUCCESSOKS OP THE 8ITAVIHANA8
conjectural ; and thirdly, Dantapura is known to have been a
city, while all the names in our list appear to designate countries
or provinces. The site of Dantapura has not been definitely
identified. We have reference to the Dantapuravasaka in
the Purle plates of the Ganga king Indravarman (6th cen-
tury A.D.), edited in Ep. Ind., XIV, p. 361, where it has
been suggested that the name survives in that of the fort of
Dantavaktra near Chicacole in the Ganjam district of the
Madras Presidency. The Jirjingi copper-plate grant of
Indravarman was also issued from Dantapura. Oldham
identifies Paloura with a village called Paltiru about six
miles north-east of Ganjfim (J. B. 0. R. S., XXII, p. 1 ff.).
Sriparvata( = Nagarjunikonda, according to many), where
the Cula-dhammagiri-vihara was built, does not appear to be
the sameastheSrlsaila in the Kurnool district of the Madras
Presidency. Vijayapuri (the Iksvaku capital, according to
some) which was situated to the west of Sriparvata was
possibly the city " once situated in the valley of Nugarjuni-
konda." l
The same upasika Bodhisiri here claims also the con-
struction of a chaitya-shrine at the Kulaha-vihara, a shrine for
the Bodhi-tree at the Slhala-vihara, one cell at the Great
Dhaipmagiri, a wandapa-pillar at the Mahavihara, a hall for
religious practices at Devagiri, a tank, a veranda and amandapa
at Puvasela, a stone- wandapa at the eastern gate of the great
Caitya at Kantakasola or sela, three cells at Hirumuthuva,
seven cells at Papila, and a aione-mandava at Puphagni.
The localities mentioned in this connection cannot all be
satisfactorily identified. The name of the Kulaha-vihara
reminds us of the Kulahaka family which, as we have
suggested above, was probably matrimonially connected with
the Iksvakus. The Slhala (Simbala, i.e., Ceylon)-vibara
appears to have been a convent " founded either by a Sin-
1 An Amaravati inscription (Liiders, No. 1285) mentions Vijajapura.
VIRAPOBISADATA (VIRAPURUSADATTA) 33
halese, or more probably, for the accommodation of Sin-
halese monks." This Sfhala-vihara contained a shrine for
the Bodhi-tree (Bodhivrksa-prasada) . It is interesting to
note that the Bodhi-tree is a necessary adjunct of the
Ceylonese viharas even at the present time. Puvasela
(Purva&iila) is mentioned by Yuan Chwang as Fu-p'o-shi-lo,
where resided a Buddhist sect known as the PurvaSaillyas.
The Purva&dllya acaryas have been referred to in a frag-
mentary pillar inscription discovered at Alluru in the
Nandigram taluka of the Kistna district. Kantakasela has
been rightly taken to be the same as the emporium
Kantakassula mentioned by Ptolemy (Geography, VII, i, 15)
immediately after the river Maisdlos (the Krishna) in the
land called Mais&lia (Masulipatam). Kantakassula has been
identified with the town of GhantaSala which lies between
the village of Guduru and the mouth of the Krishna (cf.
Ptolemy's location : Mouth of the river Maisdlos
Kantakassula, a mart Koddoura (loc. cit.). 1 Mr.
Rea discovered (South Indian Antiquities, p. 132) at this place
the remains of a stupa which, he thought, date from the
beginning of the Christian era. The remains almost
certainly belong to the Great Caitya mentioned in these in-
scriptions. Puphagiri is probably the same as Puspagiri in
the Cuddapah district (An. Rep. S. Ind. Ep., 1926-27, p. 73).
The Nagarjunikonda inscription, dated in the 18th year
of king Virapurisadata, records the building of "a stone-
hall, surrounded by a cloister and provided with every
necessary at the foot of the Mahacetiya " for the acceptance
of the Aparamahavinaseliyas, by the Mahatalavari Camtisiri,
sister of king Camtaraula I, wife of the Puklya chief
Vasisthlputra Khamdaairi and mother of Khamdasagaram-
naka, desiring the longevity, strength and victory of her
1 An Amaravati inscription (Luders, No. 1000) mentions Kanaka tola, evidently
the same as KaxnUkaseia.
5
34 SUCCESSOES OF THE SITAViHANAS
own son-in-law (apano jamatuka), king Matharlputra Vira-
purisadata, and for the attainment of hita and sukha in both
the worlds by herself. As we have said above, it is to be
noted that an inscription of the 6th year of king Virapurisa-
data calls Camtisiri the king's pitucha (father's sister) ;
here, however, the king is represented as the son-in-law of
the lady. Vogel therefore thinks that Virapurieadata married
his cousin, a daughter of his aunt Camtisiri, between the
6th and 18th years of his reign.
A carved pillar was erected in the 20th year of Virapurisa-
data's reign in memory of his dead (saga-gata) father by the
latter 's sisters, mothers and consorts. Some figures in the
reliefs carved on the pillars have been taken to represent
king Camtamulal (Ep. Ind., XXI, pp. 63-64).
The Jaggayyapetta inscriptions are dated in the 20th
year of king Virapurisadata. The royal genealogy is not
given in these inscriptions. They record the erection of
five ayaka-tharfibhas (entrance-pillars) at the eastern gate of
the Mahacetiya of Lord Buddha, by the manufacturer
(avesani) Sudatha (Siddhartha) resident of the village of
Maha-Kadurura and son of the manufacturer Nakacada
(Nagacandra) of Nadatura in the Kamaka-ratba. Kamaka'-
ratha seems to be the same as the Karmara?tra of later
inscriptions. As for the suffix -fca, we may notice the
passages njanika-mahara(ja)-bdlika and vanavasaka-mahariija,
etc., of the Nagarjunikonda inscriptions. Karmaragtra has
been identified with the northern part of Nellore and south-
ern part of Guntur district.
IV
EHUVULA CIMTAMULA II.
King Matharlputra Virapurisadata was succeeded by his
son Ehuvula Camtamula, born of queen Vasi?thl Bhatideva.
It is interesting to note that the custom of naming a
grandson after his grandfather was prevalent among the
Southern Iksvakus, as it was in many other ruling dynasties
of ancient India. It has been noticed by Dr. Hirananda
Sastri (Ep. Ind. 9 XX, p. 6, n. 2) that this custom is
sanctioned by Patanjali's Mahabhdsya (I. i. 1) where we
have tripurusanukam namakrtam kurydt ; Kaiyata on this
passage has pita tasya ye trayah purusas = tdn = anukdyaty~
abhidhatle.
Several inscriptions of king Vasisthlputra Ehuvula
Camtamula II have been discovered, some at Nagarjuni-
kondaandone at an adjacent place called Kottampalugu. The
Nagarjunikonda inscriptions, dated in the 2nd regnal year of
the king, record the establishment of a vihara by the
MahadevI Bhatideva, daughter-in-law of king Vasisthlputra
Camtamula I, wife of king Matharlputra Virapurisadata and
mother of king Vasisthlputra Ehuvula Camtamula II, for
the ac&ryas of the Bahusutlya sect. The Bahusutlyas were
a branch of the Mahasamghikas.
The Kottampalugu inscription, dated in the llth regnal
year of king Ehuvula Camtamula II, records the construction
of a vihara by Kodabalisiri, Mabadevi of the Maharaja of
Vanavasaka, granddaughter of king Camtamula I, daughter
86 SUCCESSORS OF THE SATAVAHANAS
of king Virapurisadata and sister of king Ehuvula Camta-
mula lf f for the acceptance of the acaryas of the Mahi-
Sasaka sect. The Ik?vaku princess Kodabalisiri , as we
have noticed above, was possibly the queen of a Cutu-Sata-
karni king of Banavasi. The Buddhist sect of the Mahl-
gasakas is mentioned also in other early inscriptions.
A samghdrama is known to have been built for the Mahl6a-
saka acaryas somewhere in the Punjab, when the Huna
king Toramana was ruling OEJp. Ind., I, p. 239).
IM-ORTANCE OF THE IKSVS.KU PFBIOD.
The Iksvaku inscriptions discovered at Jaggayyapetta
in the Kistna district and Nagarjunikonda in the Guntur
district are of great importance for the history of Buddhism.
Dr. Dutt thinks (Ind. Hist. Quart., V, p. 794) that the
site of Nagarjunikonda was a famous resort of Buddhism
in the early years of the Christian era and, probably, also
an early centre of Mahayana. " Just as Bodh-Gaya grew
up on the bank of the Neranjara as a very early centre of
Hinayana and a place of pilgrimage for the early Buddhists,
so also did Amaravati ^extending to Jaggayyapetta) and
Nagarjunikonda on the bank of the Krsna (including the
tributary Paler) as a flourishing centre of proto-Mahayana
in the pre-Christian) and the early Christian era and a
place of pilgrimage for the later Buddhists/' The construc-
tion of the Amaravati stupa, with its enlargements, deco-
rations and railings, is placed between circa 2nd century
B.C. and 2nd century A.D. (Burgess, Arch. Surv. South.
Ind., r pp. 122-23), while that of the stupos of Jaggayyapetta
and Nagarjuuikonda has been placed in or before the 3rd or
4th century A.D. (Ep. Ind., XX, p. 2 ; Ind. Hist. Quart
VII, p. 634).
The stupas of Amaravati appear to have been built at
the time of Satavahana suzerainty. That the later
Satavahanas, who were possibly Brahmanist in faith,
showed great favour towards the Buddhists is known to all
readers of the Satavahana inscriptions. They appear to
have had strong Buddhist leaning, if some of them were not
36 SUCCESSORS OF THE SlTAVlHANAS
actually Buddhist themselves. The successors of the later
Satavahanas, the early Ik?vakus, were however staunch
followers of the Brahmanical faith. Vasisthiputra Camta-
mula I, as we have seen, has been credited with the per-
formance of the agnihotra, agnistoma, vdjapeya and
aSvamedha sacrifices. Evidently Buddhism suffered during
the reign of this king.
With the accession of Mathariputra Virapurisadata on
the Ik?vaku throne, a new era began with the Buddhists of
the Kistna-Guntur region. The great stiipas of Jaggayya-
petta and Nagarjunikonda were built, repaired or extended,
and Buddhist Therls were coming for pilgrimage from all
the Buddhist countries of the world to this centre of
Buddhism. The mention of Slhala-vihara and of the
dedication of a cetiyaghara specially to the Therls of Ceylon
points to the good relation that must have existed between
the Buddhist communities of the Iksvaku country and their
co-religionists of the Island of Ceylon. Thus we see,
Buddhism was in its heyday at the time of the later
Iksvakus.
The existence of such relations among the Buddhist
communities of the different countries can be accounted for
from the sea-trade which was carried on between the ports
of Ceylon and other countries on the one hand and those
situated on the mouths of the Krishna and the GTodavari on
the other. Kantakasela, the great emporium on the bank
of the "Krishna, appears to have played a large part in
this international trade. Dr. Vogel seems to be right in
thinking that this trade was largely responsible for the
flourishing state of Buddhism in this part of India (Ep.
Ind., XX, p. 10).
The collapse of Buddhism in the lower Krishna valley
appears to have begun with the decline of the Ik?vaku power.
As a cause of this collapse, Vogel refers to the " rising
of the powerful dynasties devoted to Brahmanism like the
IMPORTANCE OF THE IKSVAKU PERIOD 39
Pallava in the South and the Chalukya in the west." It
must however also be added that the immediate successors
of the Ik^vakus in the rule of Andhradesa were all
staunch Brahmanist. After the decline of the Iksvakus, we
know, the Kistna-Gunlur region passed to the Brhat-
phalayanas and the Pallavas. Both of these dynasties were
Brahmanical Hindu, and the latter claimed to have per-
formed the a$vamedha sacrifice which is evidently a sign
of aggressive Hinduism. Brhatphalayana Jayavarman,- as
we shall see, was a devotee of Lord Mahe^vara. The
Pallava king Sivaskandavarman is known to have performed
not only the Brahmanical sacrifices, Agvamedha and
Agnistoma, but also the Vajapeya (Ep. Ind., I, p. 2). The
significant boast of the early Pallava princes of having been
DJmrwa-maharaja and Kaliyuga-dos-avasanna-dharmm-od-
dharana-nitya-$annaddha undoubtedly refers to the fact
that they were determined to purify their Brahmanical
faith from the influence of heretical doctrines like Buddhism.
Not a single king of the Salankayana and Visnukundin
lines is as yet known to have Buddhist leaning. On the
contrary, we have a Salaftkayana king who performed one
ASvamedba sacrifice and a Visnukundin king who performed
no less than eleven ASvamedhas and thousand Agnistomas.
The decline of Buddhism in the Andhra country is also
evidenced by the account of the celebrated Chinese pilgrim
Yuan Chwang who visited An-to-lo (Andhra) and To-na-
kie-tse-kia (Dhanyakataka) or Ta-An-to-lo (Mahandhra) in
639 A.D. and resided at the capital of the latter for " many
months" (see An. Rep. S. Ind. Ep., 1913-14, p. 38).
Nevertheless Buddhism did not die away all at once.
The Buddhist faith of an Inanda king of Guntur, who
appears to have ruled about the end of the 4th century or
the beginning of the 5tb, clearly shows that Buddhism
lingered in the Andhra country, although the glory it
enjoyed at the time of the later Satavahanas and thelk ? vakus
40 SUCCESSORS OP THE SATAVAHANAS
was long a thing of the past. Later traces of Buddhism in
the Amaravati region are found in the Amaravati pillar
inscription (S. Ind. Ins., 1, pp. 26-27) of the Pallava chief
Simhavarman (c. A. D. 1100), probably a vassal of
Kulottunga Cola I (Sewell, List, p. 90), and another
Amaravati pillar inscription of Kota Keta II, from which
we know that " Buddhist worship at the old stupa was still
maintained and Keta II gave grants in its support " (Ep.
lnd. 9 VI, p. 146 ; Sewell, op. cit , s. v. A.D. 1182). Another
inscription records the grant of a lamp to the Buddhist
stupa of Amaravati, made by Bayyala, daughter of the
Natavadi chief Budra. This also shows that Buddhist
worship was maintained in the Andhra country as late as
A.D. 1234 (Sewell, op. cit., p. 141).
CHAPTER 1L
THE BEUATrHALIYANAS,
I
JAYAVAMMA ( = JAYAVARMAN).
A coppcr-piate grant of a raja (wah&iifl, according to
tbe legend of the seal attached to the plates) named
Jayavamma, who belonged to the Brbatphalayana gotra^ was
discovered at Kondarmidt in tbe Tewali taluka <if the Kistnat
district [Ep. Ind., VI, p. 31 5). l No other king of this family
is as yet known from inscriptions or other sources,
As regards the date of king Jayavarman, Hultzsch say*
</oo. cit.) : Ic The alphabet of his inscription shows that
be must have lived in the same period as tlie Pallava king
Sivaskandavarman who issued tire Ma}adavolu plates.
Puitlier, the language and phraseology of the inscription
are so similar to the Nasik inscriptions of Gautaixriputrt
Satakarni (Nos, 4 and 5) and Yabisthlputra Fuluojayi
(No. 3) that Jayavarniau's date cannot have been very
distant from that of those two Andhra kings. The archaic
Sanskrit alphabet of tl*e seal of the new plates is corrobora-
tive evidence in the Fame direction.' 1 King Jayavarmaa
Bphatphalayana may be placed about the closing years of
the third *ud the beginning of the fourth century A. D.
J Accoftfiogito Sewell (List, p. 17)," it is jn*t pvififtk tint it <fe., the
Jvyavarman) mny )ave beta n'Oie spumed by Bappa (?. , fatber c f Pallava
tvasktndvarman. n The suggestion l.owexer is utterly uhtDble in vitw of the
fact tfiat Jayavarman of tbe KoDdumudi plates b longed te tl* BrbttpbaUyau*
gotra while tbe Pullayaa ore known to have belonged to tbe Bb&cadv*> gotra. See
rty note in Jbwm. Andkra Hi*l. fas 5bc., VIII. p. 106.
6
&2 SUCCESSORS OF THE SATAVAHANAS
ffhe grant was issued in the lOtli year of Jayavarman's
reign from the vijaya-skandhavara (victorious camp) of
Kudura (modern Guduru, 4 miles north-west of Masuli-
patam) which seems to be the same as Koddoura, mentioned
in the Geography of Ptolemy (VII, i, 15^ as a place in
Mais61ia (Masulipatam). 1
The Kondamudi plates record an order of king Jayavar-
man, who has been described as mahessara-pada-pariyahita
and was, therefore, evidently a devotee of Siva (Mahevara),
to the vapata (vyaprta) at Kudura to execute the grant of
a Brahmadeya (religious gift to Brahmanas) made by the
king. Vyaprta, according to Hemachandra, is the same as
niyogin, dyukta and Jtarmasaciva (cf. niyogl karmasaciva
fiyukto vyaprta$ = ca sah). A vyaprta was therefore an execu-
tive officer. The Brahmadeya was made of the village of
Pamlura (Panduru in the Bandar or Masulipatam taluka
according to Dubreuil) in Kudurahara, i.e., the aha r a or
district of Kudura (cf. Satavabani-hara in the Myakadoni
inscription of Pulumavi, Ep. Ind., XIV, p. 154). It is
therefore apparent that the ryaprta was in charge of the
Kudura district and held his office at the chief town of the
same name.
Scholars think that Kudurahara of the Kondamudi grant
is the same as the Kudrahara-visaya of the Salankayana
inscriptions and Gudrahara, Gudravara and Gudrara of
later inscriptions. The identification may not be impossible.
It is, in that case, necessary to think that Kudurahara which
originally meant " the ahara of Kudura " gradually came
to be used as a place-name itself ; because KudrahSra (not
Kudura) was the name of the visaya (province) at the time
of the Salankayanas. 2 According to Dubreyil this province
1 The town of Kudura is also mentioned in an inscription of Amar*tatl (gee
Infers, Lis1, No. 1295).
* Compare Khefaka ahnra and Khetakahara viftya (Bomb, Gf*., Vo^. I, P^. 1*4,
. 889).
JAYAVAMMA <=rJAAVAKMAN) 43
comprised roughly the present Bandar (Masulipatam) taluka.
This region, occupied once by the Brhatphalayanas, was t
as we shall see later on, in the possession of the Salan-
kayanas of Vefigi in the 5th century A. D.
The recipients of the Brahmadeya were the following
Brahmans : Gotaraa-gota-ja)5para l Savagataja (Sarva-
guptarya), Savigija of the Tanava (Tanavya) gotra ; Goginaja
and Bhavamnaja of the Kodina (Kauntjinya) gotra ;
Rudavenhuja (Eudravinvarya) of the Bharadaya (BhSra-
dvaja) gotra, Kudaghosaja (Kudraghosarya) of the Opamaip-
nava (Aupamanyava gotra) ; Isaradataja (ISvaradattarya) of
the Kamnhayana (Karsnayana) gotra ; and Khamdarudaja
(Skandarudrarya) of the Kosika (Kau&ka) gotra. The
affix - aja ( = art/a) added to the names of these Brahmanas
survives even to the present time in Madrasi names like
Venkayya (Venkarya), Ramayya (Ramarya), etc., and in
the surname Ayyar ( = 5rya).
The pariharas (immunities) granted are interesting to
note. They are apavesa, ancmasa, donakhadaka, aratha-
savinayika, etc. Apavesa is evidently the same as abhatapra-
ve$a (exemption from the entrance of an army) of other
South Indian inscriptions. Military authorities generally
called upon the villagers to meet their demands ; this fact
is proved by a record of Mahasamantadhipati Santivarman
of Banavasl. Good governments therefore tried to minimise
the exactions of the soldiers by preventing them from
entering the villages. Sukra (V. 84) says that soldiers
should encamp outside a village and should not enter
villages except on official business. Anomasa has been
taken to mean " exemption from being meddled with."
The third parihara, viz., alonakhadaka, made the village
free from being dug for salt. The salt-mines of the country
1 The word jdyipara, according to Sanskrit lexicons, means kamuka, which
meaning does not seem to be applicable here. Hultzsch thinks that the passage possibly
means a " grhotth* belonging to the Gautama-gotr* " iff. lnd. t VI, p. 315).
:'*4 SUCCESSORS OS* THE 8XTAV&HANAS
wiiently properly of the kiug. The term arathasavi-
. nqyika itfis been translated by Senart as "DO* to be inter-
fered by the District Police." *
The grant was executed by the THahatagivara 9 mahSdartda-
n&yaka (field^marfchal?) Bhapahanavainina. Mahatagivara,
1 A learned discussion on the subject of panJidros by Ben art is to be fonnd in Ep.
l*d.,Ytt, pp. 65-f6. " The cognate inscriptions lave DO doubt as In tbe privilege*
which were expressly mentioned h*re ; we hate 4o restore anomwam alc*Miad*l*rp
ara{ftdiftf>mayf3r4f! sarajatapirtlarikatfl. The tern elation is less certain than Hi*
reading. Bearding apavtstrp, in Sanskrit aprarcfiarp, it is sufficient to refer to Dr.
Fleet's (kipla Inscriptions, p. 98, no'e. Avcmasa rrpresenta anavamntyam ; its cer-
tain eqtiivalnt ia later terminologr, namely, sffimostarajafTiyam^ chastcpTakffapam*
fot|i (i'6td., p. 17 1, Tote) seems to nup'y thnt tbe royal cfiicers were prohibited from
taking possession of anything bel< uging to ihe village. For alcvaUiadaka tbe later
insciipticms offer peveral equivafents alavanatcreriiftfiarurka wl ich Piihler (p. 101) las
kM^j qqqtod (Dr. Fleet's No. 56, 1. 26, and No. 66), aknagulachchhcbha in line $2
of the plates of divaskaodavvarmao (Ep, Ind. % Vol. I, p. 6") and salohahtanakara io
line 17 of the plates of Govindtrcbarndn* (ibid.. Vol. IV., p. 106). These words nre far
f retn dear ; but if *we remember tbe /art that the product ion of suit is a roj al monopoly
(Buhler in Ep. Ind., Vol. I, p. 2> note) *nd tde d^twils quoted by Bhagwsnlal (Bom-
bay Gazetteer, Vol. XVI, p. 556p. 179) tegarding the manner of digging the soil for
salt which prevailed in tbe \ery region of our inscription?, it e eems to me that tip ex-
plaoat dn propowd by Rhapw&nlal, viz., alavenakJiataha whh tl e Prakrit softening -of
f Mo d, ia quite aati^factory. The object of this immunity would thus be to deny to
the representatives of tt<e king the right of diguing pits for extracting en It.
" TThe next term seems to be written in our inscriptions arathasavinagika or
fatinarfkc ; but lioe 11 of the grant of SivaRknJav*rnon (Ep. Ind., Vol. I, p. 6) dis-
tiaotly reads aratthasawvinayikaifl. In stating that this srellirg excluded his earlier
explanation, BuhJer did not suggest another instead of it. I do nut know nny parallel
expression whfch clears np this one finally. The vord seems to represent oraslilrasarh'
tjtutyika ; but etymology alone is an unsafe guide in the interpretation of technical
taxmp. Vmii ia only used in a moral sense. Could we think of tear slat ing : 'xempt-
ed from the police, the magistrate of the district (rash^a ; coQ>pare Dr. Fleet's Gvpta
Inscriptions, p. U2, notjj), or of ihe -rJtshtrin' ? tPhis xvonH remind us of tfcose-prants
in wbtffc* on <tie 0fcber han^, it -is stated that the ri^Iit'of punisbing thefts and offen*
ces js reserved by ?he king, or of those ia which the riglit to punish the ' ten offences '
(9adaapaTadha ; pee, e.g., the Alina plates, 1. 67 in Dr. Fleet's Gupta Intcriptiont,
p. 17&>fldtta Deo-'BaraiiWk inwription, 1. 17 ;ibid.> p. ^217) is traDsfrrred to the
^aate. At least Lfcftve Aotbiog more plausible to suggest. It is <wll kaowo that the
(Efferent formulas of imnnmities were variable aod always incomplete And it is not
to be wondered at that they should be summed up in a comprehensive and general ex-
pression like sarcajatapaTth&rtka. Elsewhere tbe texts are more precise in stating
tfcat there are eighteen kinds of immtn^ties. It will be enough to quote the in-
*t tbe PaHavas, anil notably that off ^i^^akandsnrman, wtich
'(Ep. fad., VW. I, p. 6). 11
JAYAVAMMA (-JAYAVARMAN) 45
according to VogeJ, is a mistake for MaMtdlavara \vhich
occurs so many times in the inscriptions of the Iksvakus
(see above). Possibly it was tie custom for an official to
write down the oral order of the king (aciy(na anatatri).
The grant ia said to i)ave been signed by UHJ king himself
(sayarfi clialo).
The seal attached to the Kondamudi plates has, in the
centre, a trident in relief (the handle of which seems to end
in an arrow), a bow (?), the crescent of the moon and an
indistinct symbol of roughly triangular -shap. Round the
margin of the 'seal n ns a ^an^kiit legend in archaic
characters which differ totally fi cm these employed en the
plates (Ep. Ind., VI, p. 315). This difl'ejence is possibly
due to the fact that the seals were kept ready in the king's
record office dnd were attached to tie plates \vhen the latter
were prepared. Hultszch appears to suggest that the seal
is much cilder than the plates. The Sanskrit legend how-
ever seems to show 'that the seal cannot be placed much
earlier than 300 A.D.
n
CAPITAL off THE
The only copper-plate grant of the Pj-batphalayana
dynasty, belonging to king Jayavainma ( Jayavarman)
Brhatphalayana, \\as discovered, as we Lave alieady seen,
at Kondamudi a place in tie lenali taluka of the Kistna
district (Ep. Ind., VI., p. 315). We have also seen that the
grant was issued in the 10th regnal year of Jayavanpma
irom vi^aya-khamdhavara nagard Kudurato, i.e. from the
vijaya-tkandhdvara at the city of Kudura. It is for this
reason that scholars have taken Kudura (n odern Guduru
near Masulipatain) to be the capital where the Brhat-
phalayanas ruled. Prof. Dubreuil, as for instance, writes :
"The Kondamudi plates (Ep. Ind., Vol. VI, p. 335) aie
dated in the 10th year of king Jnyavarman of the Brhat-
phalayanas, who reigned at Kudura ; " and ag..iu : ct the
town of Kudura, which was the capital of Jayavarman in the
III century of the Christian era, is but the modern village
of Guduru which is 4 miles west-north-^ est of Masuli-
patam and 6 miles from Gha$ta6ala ...... " (Anc. Hist.
Dec., pp. 84-85). The Professor has rightly identified
the place with Koddoura in the country of Mai^olia
(Masulipatam), mentioned in the Geography of Ptolemy.
It is, however, interesting to note that Koddoura
136 11 20' has been mentioned not as a metropolis, but
as an ordinary place in Maisolia (Geog., VII, i, 15) by
Ptolemy who is believed to have written his Geography
about the middle of the 2nd century A. D. The archaic
1 My piper oo the capital of the Brhaipbaliyanai was originally published in
Jowrn. Andhra Hut. Res. See., VII, pp. 170-1. Tber* however Jayavarman was
placed a little earlaer.
CAPITAL OF THE BSHATPHALXYANAS 47
characters used on the seal of the Kondamudi grant
and its phraseological connection with the grants of
Gautamlputra Satakarni and Vasistlilputra Pulurnavi, as
well as its language and script, assign the grant to about
300 A.D. Should we then believe that the Brhat-
phalayanas became a ruling power just after the decline
of the Satavahanas in the early years of the 3rd century
A.D. and established themselves at Kudura (Koddoura)
from where they issued charters as early as the end of the
third or the beginning of the 4th century ? It is, however,
far more natural to think that they were originally a
local ruling power under the suzerainty of the Satavahanas
and gradually rose to prominence during and after the
latter's decline.
The city of Kudura has been called a vijaya-skandhavara
in the Kondamudi grant. The word skandhavara generally
means " a camp; 1 ' but according to the lexicographer
Hemacandra it may also signify "a metropolis." While
on expedition, oriental kings are known to have held
court in camps * The use of the term skandhavara in the
sense of a metropolis is most probably due to such a
practice. Skandhavara (as sometimes also possibly the
term vasaka) appears to mean a temporary residence, and
therefore a temporary capital, of a king, 2 It is, therefore,
1 For the court of the MnghuU, see General History of the Mogol Empire (extract-
ed from Memoirs of M. Mtnouchi) by F. F. Catrou (Bangabftsi Edn.), p. 335ff. " As
Vtsa pur was at th^ ; tjme of writing these Memoirs the theatre of war against the
Sevagi, rang neb removed his court and armies thither." p. 813. Cf. also " Daring
these years (i.e., the years of Asiatic campaign) Alexander's camp was his court and
capital, the political centre of his empire vast city rolling along over mountain
and river through Central Asia/' J. R Bury, History of Greece for Beginners,
1915, p. 429. -
' It is interesting .in this connection to refer to Yuan Chwang's account of the
capital of Mahamrtra (Mo-ho-Ia-ch'a) under Pulakefcn II (Pu^ki-she) of the Western
Calukya dynasty (Beal, Bud. Records of the Western World, If, p. 335 ; also his Lif$
cf Hvuen Ttiang, p. 1461 From the inscriptions of the Calukyas and their inveterate
enemy, the Pallavas, there can be no doubt that the capital of Pulakes\n II was at
tfrpi, modern BjWimi in tfce Bijapur district of the Bombay Presidency. Now.
48; SUCCESSORS OF THE 64TA VAHANAS
very doubtful whether the vijaya skwdhavara of kii?g
Jayavannan Brhatphalaynna could be the permanent capital
of the Brhatphalayauas.
Thetowttof KudQra, which was the political centre
of* Kudura&ara, i.e., the Kudiira district, has been identi-
fied, as we have already seen, with a village in the Bandar
or Masulipatara taluka. The find of the plates at Kondnmucji
appears to prove that this region was a part of the Brhat-
pjaalayana kingdom in about 300 A.D. The capital of*
the Brhatphalayaraas seems therefore not to hive been
very far from the Masulipatam region.
In this connection it is very interesting to note that
Ptolemy mates mention of the metropolis of Pitundra (135
12) in the country of the people called MaisoJoi (Geog.,
VII. i, 93>. In op. cit., 79, tbeMaisoloi are placed near
the country of the Salakenoi (Salaikayanas of VeAgO and
rn 15 their country 1m been called Maisolia (Masuli-
patam). Their metropolis,, Pitundra, has been identified
liy Sylvaio Levi with Pihunda ol the Uttaradhydyana and
Pithumda of tiie Hathigumpha inscription of king Kbara-
vela (Ind. Ant , 1926, p, L45); We have seen that the
Bybatphalayanas ruled over the Masulipatam region, which
is to be identified with Maisdlia of Ptolemy. Pi tundra
the capital of Mais&lia, in the time of Ptotemy (middle of
the 2nd century) appears therefore almost certainly to have
been the capital of the family ol Jayavarman Brhaipba-
th surrouoaiDga of Bidami, w scHokrs bv noticed, do not auntec to tfct deeoriptton
given by tbe Cbmea* pilgrim, and itdirt*oce torn Broach (136 miles) is altogether
incoJMMOBunftOe with lie d.steme of 10 JO K (about t6J taile*> a specified} by Yuan
Ctiwang. Scholars therefore now eenerally a^ree with fie view of Fleet th&t the Iowa
ia quettio* i Nsik , *bcrt 128- mf <n to tbe wnt^rewt of Broach. Fleet seems to be
rigjhi when he snggeats : H We b^e tb^wfom to look for socoe saterdioate but.
impertmot t4>wc, fw to the n*rtfc f Ba^fc^, whicb wt migUkealy spoken oi as the
by Hioea Taiang; niMrtr poUbty beeftaae it was th basis of the opmtion*
Knemf, atdb*caine in concectitn wiOi tfaftae
at., J ( Ft.ii, p. 3WK
CAPITAL OF THE BRHATPHAL1YANAS 49
layana, ruler of the Masulipatam region in the end of the
3rd or the beginning of the 4th century.
If we now accept the reading Pithumda in a passage
of the Hatbigumpha inscription, (line 11) of Kharavela
and the interpretation that king Kharavela of Kalifiga
besieged the city of Pithumda, it is not impossible to think
that the Brhatphalayanas were ruling at Pithunda Pi tundra
as early as the time of Kharavela (2nd or 1st century B.C.) .
CHAPTER III.
THE ANANDAS.
T
HlRAtf Y AC ARBH A . 1
As the word Hiranyagarbha has some bearing on the
question of the genealogy of kings whom we call the
Anandas, we shall deal with this term first.
According to Sanskrit Lexicons, the word Hiranya-
garbha has two principal meanings. First, it is a well-
known epithet of Lord Brahman ; secondly, it is the name
of one of the sodaa-mahadana, i.e., the sixteen Great Gifts
which are enumerated and explained in books like the
Matsya-Purana, Hemadri's Vratakhantfa and Ballalasena's
Danisagara. The sixteen Mahddanas are dana (offering) of
the following things :
1. Tulapurusa 9. Dhara
2. Hiranyagarbha 10. Hiranyagvaratha
3. Brahmanda 11. Hemahastiratha
4. Kalpapadapa 12. Visnucakra
5. Gosahasra 13. Kalpalata
6. Hiranyakamadhenu 14. Saptasagara
7. HiranyaSva 15. Ratnadhenu
8. Pancalaftgala 10. Mahabhutaghata
These names are more or less of a technical character. They
have been explained in full details in the Mah&danavarta
1 This paper was published in J.R.A.S., October, 1934, p 729ff. A paper ex-
plaining the term hiranyagarbha was previously published in Bharatbarsa (Bengali),
Bhidra, 1840 B, 8., p. 393 f.
HIRANYAGARBHA 51
section of the Danasagara, Chapter V of the Vratakhanda
and Chapter 247 ff. of the Matsya-Purana.
The word Hiranyagarbha occurs several times in the
inscriptions of some South Indian kings. In the Goran tla
inscription (Ind. Ant., IX, p. 102 f.), king Attivarman is
called aprameya-hiranyagarbha-prasava, which phrase was
translated by Fleet, the editor of the Gorantla iuscription,
as " who is the posterity of the inscrutable (god) Hiranya-
garbha," i.e., Brahman. In the Mahakuta pillar inscrip-
tion of the Calukya king MafLgaltga (ibid, XIX, p. 9ff.) we
have the passage hiranyagarbha-sambhuta. Here also Fleet
who edited the inscription translated the phrase as " who
was descended from (the god) Hiranyagarbha (Brahman)."
It must be noticed that only particular kings have been
connected with Hiranyagarbha in the inscriptions of their
respective families. If Fleet's interpretation is correct we
should have found other kings of the family wherein one
king has been called Hiranyagarbha-sambhuta with titles
of the same signification. Moreover, when we notice that
in the Mahakuta pillar inscription, this epithet is given only
to Pulake&n I, and not to Jayasimha the first king men-
tioned, nor to Mangalesa the reigning monarch, there
remains no doubt that Fleet's theory is unjustifiable. I
therefore hold with Hultzsch that the word Hiraqyagarbha,
in these inscriptions, signifies the second of the "sixteen
Mahdddnas or Great Gifts.
While editing the Mattepad plates of Damodarvarman
(Ep. Ind., XVII, p. 328ff.) f Hultzsch remarked : " A similar
feat is ascribed to king Attivarman in another copper-plate
grant from the Guntur district, where I translate the epithet
aprameya-Hiranyagarbha-prasavena by ' who is a producer
of (i.e., who has performed) innumerable Hiranya-
garbhas.' " Hultzsch, here, evidently takes the passage
hiranyagarbha-prasava as a case of the Sasthl-tatpuru$a
compound to mean " prasava (origin, producer) of the
"52 SUCCESSORS OP THE SITAVIHANAS
Hiranyagarbha." But be was in difficulty with the
word Hiranyagarbha-prasuta which occurs in the Ipur
grant (No. 1) of the Visnukundin king Madhavavarman I
(ibid, p. 335 f.). As prasuta is an adjective, it cannot make
a case of the Sasthl-tatpuruw compound. Hultzsch, there-
fore, had to correct the passage as Hiranyagarbha-prasuti,
i.e., prasuti (origin, producer) of the Hiranyagarbha (ibid,
p. 336, note 7). But when we notice that the epithet
Hiranyagarbha-prasuta also occurs in the Polamuru plates of
the same Vinukundin king (Journ. Andhra Hist. Res. Soc.,
VI, p. 17 ff.), and further that theMahakuta pillar inscription
has Hiranyagarbha-sambhuta, there can be no doubt that
Hultzsch is wrong in taking the passage Hiranyagarbha-
prasava as a case of the Sasthl-tatpurusa compound. The
words Hiranyagarbha-prasuta and Hiranyagarbha-sambhuta
are certainly examples of the Paflcaml-tatpurusa compound
and mean " born of the Hiraijyagarbha." The word
Hiranyagarbha-prasava must also mean the same thing.
I therefore take it as a case of the Bahuvrlhi compound
to mean " one whose prasava (origin, producer, pro-
genitor) is the Hiranyagarbha." But how can a king be
born of the Hiranyagarbha which we have taken to signify
the second of the sixteen Mahadanas ?
In the performance of the Hiranyagarbha-mahadana
ceremofly, the thing to be given away to the Brahmanas
is a Hiranyagarbha, literally, " a golden womb." Hiranya-
garbha here signifies a golden kunda, three cubits in
height. Cf.
brdhmanair^dnayet kundam tapanlya-mayam ubham
dvasaptaty-angul-occhrayam hema-pankaja-garbhavat.
To discuss in details all the functions of the ceremony
is not necessary for our purpose. The quotations, which
are all from the 249th Chapter of the Matsya-Purana, will
sufficiently clear the point
HIRANYAGAEBHA 53
After due arcana, the performer of the Mahadana
ceremony is to utter a mantra in adoration to Lord
Hiranyagarbha (here, Lord Visnu), two lines of which
run :
bhur-loka-pramukha lokas^tava garbhe vyavasthitah
bram-adayas = tatha deva namas = te vi$va-dharine.
Thereafter the performer enters into the hiranyagarbha,
i.e., the golden hunt? a, and the priests perform the cere-
monies of garbhadhana, pumsavana and simantonnayana of
the " golden womb/' as they would do in the case of an
ordinary pregnant woman. <7/.
evam=amantrya tan-madhyam =avisy = anibha udah-
mukhah
mustibhyam parisamgrhya dharmaraja-caturmukau
janumadhye irah krtvd tiftheta vdsa-pancakam
garbhadhanam pumsavanam simantonnayam tatha
kuryur=hiranya-garbhasya tatas*=>te dvija-puhgavah.
Then the performer is taken out of the "golden womb,"
and the jata-karma and other necessary functions are per-
formed by the priests, as if the performer is a newly born
child. After that, the performer is to utter another mantra,
wherein occur the following significant lines :
matr=aham janitah purvam martya-dharma sur-ottama
tvad-garbha-sambhavad**esa divya-deho bhavamy=aham.
" the best of gods, previously I was given birth to
by my mother (and) was martya-dharma (one having the
qualities of an earthly creature). (But) now owing to my
(re-) birth from your womb, I become divya-deha (one having
celestial body."
54 SUCCESSORS OF THE SATAVAHANAS
That the performer of the Hiranyagarbha-mahadana was
thought to be " born of the Hiranyagarbha, i.e., golden
womb/' is also clear from the next mantra to be uttered by
the priests :
adya-jatasya te**'ngani abhiseksyamahe vayam.
After the ceremony is over, the priests receive the gift of
that golden womb together with many other things.
II
GENEALOGY OF THE ANANDA KINGS/
Two kings of the Ananda family are known from
their inscriptions. They are Attivarman of the Gorantla
plates (Ind. Ant., IX, p. 102 f.) and Damodarvarman
of the Mattepad plates (Ep. Ind., XVII. p. 327 f.).
We have already dealt with the reference to the word
Hiranyagarbha in the Gorantla inscription and with
its different interpretations. Hultzsch rightly says :
" When editing the Gorantla plates of Attivarman, my
late lamented friend Fleet believed this king (scil. Attivar-
man) to have been a Pallava chiefly because lie
interpreted the epithet aprameya-Hiranyagarbha-prasavena
by ' who is the posterity of the inscrutable (god)
Hiranyagarbha.' As I have shown above, the rendering is
inadmissible in the light of the corresponding epithet used
in the fresh plates, and Fleet himself had since withdrawn
his original opinion in his Dynasties of the Kanarese
Districts, second edition, 2 p. 334 " (Ep. Ind., XVII. 328).
In the Gorantla inscription, Attivarman has been called
kandaranrpati-kula-samudbhuta, "sprung from the family of
king Kandara " ; the family (kula), in its turn, is called
ananda-rnaharsi-vam$a-samudbhiita, " sprung from the
1 See my note on the Ananda Genealogy in J.R.A S., October, 1934,
p. 732 ff.
2 "And DOW that we know more about the early history and Puranic peneulogy
of the Palluvas, it is difficult to adapt these details to their accounts, though Attivar-
tnan does, like the Pallavas, claim to belong to the posterity of the god Hiranya-
garbha, i.e., Brahman. On the other hand, the name Kandhara, -and doubtless
Kandara also,is a variant of Krishna ; and this suggests that we may possibly haw
here an early Rashfrakuta record" (Fleet's Dynasties of th Kanarw District* if
Bomb. Gaz., I, Part II, p. 834).
56 SUCCESSOBS OF THE 8ITAVIHANAS
lineage of the great sage Ananda ". On the other hand,
the Mattepad plates were issued from tnjat/a-Kandara-pura,
" victorious city (founded by) king Kandara." Damodara-
varman is, here, said to have belonged to the Ananda-
gotra. Both the Gorantla and Mattepad grants were
discovered in the Guntur district of the Madras Presidency.
While editing the Mattepad plates, Hultzscb, on these
grounds, suggested that the three kings Kandara, 1
Attivarman and Damodaravarman belonged to the same
family and that they may be styled " the Ananda
kings of Guntur/'
The palaeography of the Gorantla and Mattepad records
suggests that the rule of king Attivarman and that of
kingDamodarvarman were not separated by a great interval.
Considering the facts that the characters of the Gorantla
inscription resemble, in some respects, those of the Iksvaku
inscriptions of Nagarjunikonda (Ep. Ind., XX, p. 1 ff.) and
that both Nagarjunikonda, the find-spot of some Iksvaku
inscriptions, and Kanteru, that of some Salankayana
inscriptions are localities of the Guntur district, it seems
to me that the Ananda kings, whose inscriptions are also
found in the same district, began to grow powerful about
the middle of the 4th century A.D., when the power
of the Pallava successors of the Iksvakus was gradually
l Venkayya in his Keporb for 1900, pp. 5 and 35, refers to a much defaced
Sanskrit inscription mentioning the daughter of king Kandara of the Anandagotra,
at Chez aria to the west of Guntur. Kandara, Kandhara, Kandi<ara, Kanhara,
Kanhara and Kannara are Prakrit variants of the Sanskrit name Krsna (Bomb. Gaz. t
7, Pt. II, p. 410, note 1). Some inscriptions of the Rat(as of Saundatti style the
Rastrakufa king Krsna III as Kandhara puravar-adhifoara, supreme lord of
Kandhftrapura, the best of towns (ibid, pp. 419, 550 and note 6 ; and 884, note 4).
This fact appears to have led Fleet to suggest a Raft r aku(a connection of Attivarman
(ibid, 886). But as suggested by the same scholar (ibid, 884, note 4) the name of
Kandharapura " may possibly have been invented from an imaginary Krisbnapura,
derived front some passage similar to that in which the Eastern Chalukya King
Gunak* Vijayfcditya III is said to have effected the borniLg of th city of Krishna II
o, see Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 102, a, $)."
GENEALOGY OP THE iNANDA KINGS 57
daclining in the Andhra country. The Nagarjunikonda ins-
criptions have been assigned to the 3rd century A.D. and,
as I shall show below, the Kanteru plates are to be ascribed
to the 5th century A.D. Kings Attivarman and Damodara-
varman may, therefore, be conjecturally placed about the
second half of the 4th century of the Christian era.
Rut which of the two kings of the Ananda family came
earlier ? According to Hultzsch, the characters of the
Gorantla inscription are more developed than those of the
Mattepad grant which is besides partly written in Prakrit ;
" consequently Damodaravarman must have been one of the
predecessors of Attivarman " (Ep. Ind., XVII, p. 328).
As regards the first point, viz., that the characters of
the Gorantla inscription are more developed, I must say
that when two epigraphs belong to the same period it is
extremely difficult to determine as to which of them is
the earlier. In our section on the Visnukundin
genealogy below, we shall show that the Visnukundin king
Madhavavarman II of the Ipur grant (No. 2) was suggested
by Hultzsch, on palaeographical grounds, to have been the
grandfather of Madhavavarman (I) of the Ipur grant (No.
1). We shall also show there that the former was actually
not the grandfather, but the grandson, of the latter. 1 Since
the handwritings of two different scribes of even the same
age may be quite dissimilar, I do not think it impossible
that the difference in time between the execution of the
Mattepad and that of the Gorantla grant is short and that
Damodaravarman of the Mattepad grant was a successor of
Attivarman on the throne of Kandarapura. 2
1 See also my paper on the genealogy of the Visnukundins in Ind. Hist. Quart. t
IX, p. 278 ft.
1 Cf. " Not only the. plates of the PallaTas but also those of the GaAgas and
tba Kadambss prove that the alphabets differ much according to the scribes, who have
engraved the plates ; and the documents of the same reign do not sometimes resemble
one another." (Anc. Hiit. Dec., pp. 65-66,)
8
58 SUCCESSORS OF THE 'SITAViHANAS
As regards the second point, viz., that the Mattepad
grant is partly written in Prakrit, I am afraid, it is a
misrepresentation* In fact, the Mattepad plates are, like
the Gorantla plates, written in Sanskrit ; but it is true
that the names of the Brahmana recipients of the king's
gift are written in Prakrit, e.g., Kassava-Kumarajja
(Sanskrit : KaiSyapa-Kumararya), etc. We must notice,
however, that the Gorantla inscription also exhibits the
same peculiarity, I think it even more significant that the
name of the king is here Attivarman and not Hastivarman.
Atti is a Dravidic form of Sanskrit hastin, through the
literary Prakrit from hatthi. Names like Attivarman, 1
Kumarajja, etc., only prove that both these grants were
issued in a time when the replacement of Prakrit by Sans-
krit in South Indian epigraphy was nearly, but not fully,
complete.
There are, besides, two other points in support of
our suggestion. Firstly, in the Gorantla inscription, the
kandara-nrpati-kula has been called bhagavato vakefoaradhi-
vasinas=itribhuvana-kartuh fanibho^carana-kamala-rajab-
pavitrlkfta, which appears to suggest that Sambhu (Siva)
was the family deity of the Ananda kings and that they
were Saivas. On the other hand, Damodaravarman is
called in his inscription bhagavatah samyaksanibuddhasya
padanudhyata, which clearly shows that he was a Buddhist.
If the Ananda kings prior to Attivarman were Saivas,
Damodaravarman who was a Buddhist would appear to have
come after Attivarman. Secondly, the inscribed faces of the
Mattepad plates of Damodaravarman are " numbered con-
secutively like the pages of a modern book/' This fact also
* With the name of Attivannan may be compared that of Attinallap, a
feudatory of the Cola king Rajaraja (SJndJns., I, No. 74|. Attimallar was alto the
surname of Kr?na III Ra^rakiifca. Compare also Attivarman in Kieliiorn'i List,
No 1070 ; and " Attiraja or Attarasa, born at N&ranapura in the Andhra country "
in Bomb. G<M.> I f Pt. II, p, 507
GENEALOGY OF THE INANDA KINGS 59
seems to suggest that Damodaravarman came after
Attivarman.
But, what was the relationship between these two kings
of the Ananda family, who, we think, were not far removed
from each other in time?
In this connection, I like to draw the attention of
readers to the epithet abandhya-gosahasr-aneka-hiranyagarbh-
-odbliav-odbhava applied to the name of king Damodaravar-
man in the Mattepad plates. This epithet has been
translated by Hultzsch as " who is the origin of the
production (i.e., who has caused the performance) of many
Hirapyagarbhas and of (gifts of) thousand pregnant cows."
This translation is defective for several reasons.
We have seen that Hultzsch has wrongly interpreted
the passage hiranyagarbha-prasava as the " producer of the
Hiranyagarbha." As we have shown, it should mean " one
whose producer is the Hiranyagarbha." The corresponding
passage of the Mattepad plates is hiranyagarbh-odbhava,
which means exactly the same thing. Hultzsch says :
" be (sell. Damodaravarman) boasts of having performed
certain Brahmanical rites, viz., Gosahasra and Hiranya-
garbha (1. 2 f.)." But it seems to me hardly tenable that
Damodaravarman who was professedly a Buddhist performed
these rites which are professedly Brahmanical. Besides, if
Hultzsch' s interpretation is right, why did the composer
use hiranyagarbh-odbhav-odbhava and not hiranyagarbh-
odbhava which is the naturally expected form ? The
use of hiranyagarbh-odbhav-odbhava in the sense of " per-
former of the Hiranyagarbha ' ' seems to me highly awkward
in an ordinary prose composition. The natural meaning of
the phrase hiranyagarbh-odbhav-odbhava is " one whose
udbhava (producer, father) is Hiranyagarbh-odbhava (i.e.,
performer of the Hiranyagarbha-mahadana) "
As regards abandhya-gosahasra, I do not think that the
word abandhya ever means " pregnant/' Abandhya, i.e.,
60 SUCCESSORS OF THE SATAVIHANAS
not-barren, which also means amogha-phal-odaya (producer
of unfailing good and prosperity) according to the Sanskrit
lexicon Rdjanirghanja, seems to refer not to go as Hultzsch
has taken it, but to the Gosahasra, the fifth of the sixteen
MahSdanas of the Puranas. The whole phrase abtmdhya-
go^ahasr-aneka-hiranya-garbh-odbhav-odbhava, then, means
" one whose udbhava (i.e., father) is Abandhyagosahasra
(i.e., performer of a Gosahasra producing unfailing success)
and Aneka-hiranyagarbb-odbhava (i.e , performer of many
Hiranyagarbhas) .
Now, who is this Abandhya-gosahasra-Aneka-hiranya-
garbh-odbhava, the udbhava (father) of king Damodaravar-
man ? Curiously enough, in the Gorantla inscription,
Attwarman is called aprameya-hiranyagarbha-prasava,
which is obviously the same as aneka-hiranyagarbh-odbhava.
I therefore do not think it quite impossible that it is
king Attivarman who was the father of king Damodara-
varman of the Mattepad plates. It may however be argued
that the Mattepad plates credit the father of king Dfimo-
daravarman with the performance of a Gosahasra as well ;
but there is no reference to this Mahadana in Attivarman's
own Gorantla grant. The Gosahasra mahadana may have
been performed by Attivarman after the execution of
the Gorantla grant. It may also be a case of the
Argumentum ex Silentio.
in
ATTIVABMAN( =HASTIVABMAN).
As we have seen, the Ananda king Attivarman was a
devotee of Sarnbhu (Siva) and performed "many" Hiranya-
garbhas. The performance of such a costly mahddana as
the Hiranyagarbba for more than once (and probably also
of a Gosahasra) seems to show that he was a rich and power-
ful prince. His epithet pratap-opanata-sakala-samanta-man-
$ala suggests that there were other ruling chiefs who
acknowledged his suzerainty. His inscription tells us that
he acquired fame in ruling his subjects with justice.
The Gorantla inscription records the gift of eight hundred
pattis (pieces) of land in the village of Tanlikonla on the
southern bank of the Krsnabenna (i.e., the Krishna; see
infra, and Bomb. Gaz., I, ii, p. 334 n) river and also of the
village of Antukkura, to a Brahmana named Kotti&trman,
who belonged to the Kagyapa-gotra. The name of the
village, read now as Tanlikonla by Hultzsch, was originally
read by Fleet as Tanthikontha (Ep. Ind., VII, p. 328). The
village has been identified by Hultzsch with the modern
Tadikoncja, ten miles to the north of Guntur and to the
south of the Krishna. Antukkura, according to him, is
probably modern Gani-Atkuru to the west of Bezvada. The
recipient KottiSarman has been described as knowing the
ipastamba-sutra and also the three Vedas, viz., Rk, Yajus
and Stewart.
The seal of king Attivarman attached to the Gorantla
. plates is circular. " The emblem on it is probably some god^
sitting cross-legged on an altar, but it is anything but dear,
even in the original " (Ind. Ant., IX. p. 102). The figure is
shunk in the flat surface of the seal, instead of being raised
in relief on a counter-sunk surface as is usually the caee.
IV
DlMODARAVARMAN.
We have already said much about this king. The
Mattepad grant was issued on the 13th day of the bright
half of Karttika in the 2nd regnal year of the king. It re-
cords the grant of the village of Kamgura with all pariharas,
to a number of Brahmanas. Parihara, i.e., "immunity, pri-
vilege, exemption from taxes/' is mentioned in Kautilya's
ArthaSastra (Shamasastry's 2nd ed., p. 73). The pariharas
are sometimes stated to be of eighteen kinds, but are very
often referred to as sarvajata-parihara (immunities of nil kinds).
For some of them see pages 43-44 above. The Mattepad
grant was issued from the victorious city of Kandarapura
which was possibly the capital of the kings of the Ananda
line. The recipients of the grant were the following :
Buddajja (Eudrarya), Nandijja (Nandyarya), Khandajja
(Skandarya), Bhavajja (Bhavarya), Agnijja (Agnyarya),
Sirijja (Sryarya), Savarajja (Sabararya) and Virajja (Virarya)
of the Kondinna (Kaundinya)-gotra, Damajja (Damarya),
Kumarajja (Kumararya), Venujja (Visnvarya), Devajja
(Devarya) Nandijja and Dlnajja (DInarya) of the Kassava
(Ka^yapa)-gotra and Bhaddajja (Bhadrarya) of the Agasti-
gotra.
The seal of Damodaravarinan attached to the Mattepad
plates is oval and is said to be much worn. It bears in
relief, according to Hultzsch, the figure of a "seated bull
facing the proper right.
We do not know who succeeded Damodaravarman on the
throne of Kandarapura. The end of the Ananda dynasty
is wrapped up in obscurity. They were possibly subdued or
supplanted by the SalaAkay anas in the 5th century A.D,
CHAPTEE IV.
THE SALANKAYANAS.
i
GENEALOGY OF THE SILANKIYANAS.*
While editing the Kolleru (Kollair) grant of the Sa-
Urikayana Maharaja Nandivarman, son of Candavarman, in
Ind. 'Ant., Vol. V, p. 175 ff. (Sanskrit and Old-Canarese
Inscriptions: No. XVIII), Fleet remarked : " In Sir W.
Elliot's facsimiles I have [found] another copper-plate
inscription of Vijayanandivarma and his Yuvamaharaja,
whose name seems to be Vijayatuftgavarma or Vijayabudha-
varma." He appended the following note to the name
of the Yuvamaharaja : " The original has, 1.3,' Vijaya-
buftgavarmassa,' and in the margin, a little above the line,
there is the character * ddha ' differing not much from
' nga ' as there written apparently intended to be
introduced somewhere in the line as a correction." Now,
as we shall presently see, this statement regarding the
inscription is really wrong and was subsequently corrected
by Fleet himself. But, unfortunately, the blunder has
become parmanent in later writings on the Salankayana
genealogy.
En passant, I may draw the attention of readers to the
names of these kings generally accepted and used by
scholars. The names can hardly be Vijayanandivarman,
Vijayabuddhavarman and the like.
1 My paper oa the S&lafik&yana genealogy was originally published in Ind.
,, IX, p. 208 ff,
64 8UCCESSOE8 OF THE SATAVIHANAS
The Salaftkayana inscriptions are stated to be issued
from Siri-vijaya-veAglpura, Vijaya-veAgipura or Vijaya-
veAgi. The Kadamba grants are generally issued from
SrI-vijaya-vaijayanti, SrI-vijaya-triparvata and Sri-vijaya-
pala&ka. 1 The Mattepad plates of Damodaravarman (Ep.
Ind. 9 XVII, p. 327 flf.) were issued from Vijaya-kandarapura.
We have also references to Sri-vijaya-kancipura, Srl-vijaya-
palakkada and Sri-vijaya-da6anapura in some of the Pallava
inscriptions (Ep. Ind., Ill, p. 142 ff., and I, p. 297 ; Ind.
Ant., V, p. 50 ff ., p. 154 if.). There can be no doubt that the
names of the places are Veftglpura, Kancipura, Vaijayanti,
Pala&ka, etc., and that vijaya or 4ri-vijaya has been prefixed
to them simply for the sake of glorification. I have no
doubt that the name of the SalaAkayana MaharSja of the
Kollair grant is similarly Nandivarman, and not 8ri-vijaya-
or Ftj'aya-nandivarman^ as is generally taken to be.
Vijaya and Sri-vijaya, in such cases, mean vijaya-yukta and
Sri-vijaya-yukta respectively. 2 When prefixed to proper
names, they make examples of the Tatpurusa compound of
the Sakaparthivadi class. The word jaya is also used in
(Iiis way. As for instance. Karmanta (modern [Bad]
-Kanta near Comilla) has been mentioned as jaya-Kar-
manta-vasaka in the Ashrafpur plate of Devakhadga (Bhan-
darkar, List, No. 1588). It must also be noticed
that in the Peddavegi and Kanteru (No. 2) grants the
reigning Salaftkayana king is simply called Nandivarman.
Note also that the Pallava king Skandavarman II in his
own Omgodu (No. 1) grant (Ep. Ind., XV, p. 246) calls
himself Sri-vijaya-Skandavarman, while in the Uruvupalli
grant of his son Visnugopavarman (Ind. ~Ant., V, p. 50) and
in the Omgodu (No. 2), Pikira (ibid., XV, p. 246; VIIL
p. 159) and Mangalur(Ind.4nt., V, p. 154) grants of his
grandson Simhavarman he is simply called Skandavarman.
i See the Kadamba grants edited by Fleet in Ind. Ant., VI and VII.
Cf. tet&Tpri-vijaya6=c*=aivas(ira$tTanairi bh<w\tyat\ : Mahabhft., I, 68, 24,
GENEALOGY OF THE SALANKAYANAS 65
To come to our point. The first scholar who accepted
the wrong information of Fleet and added thereto something
of his own, seems to be Prof. Dubreuil, the author of
Ancient History of the Deccan (Pondicherry, 1920) Before
he wrote, a Prakrit copper-plate inscription of another
Salaftkayana Maharaja Devavarman, had been discovered near
Ellore. It was edited by Hultzsch in Ep. Ind., Vol. IX,
p. 56 ff. In Ancient History of the Deccan, Dubreuil
therefore speaks of four SalaAkayana monarchs, viz.,
1. Devavarman of the Ellore plates,
2. Candavarman, and bis son
3. Nandivarman of the Kollair plates,
4. Buddhavarman, son of (3) Nandivarman mentioned
in the facsimile referred to by Fleet. As regards Buddba-
varman, Dubreuil has quoted the passage of Fleet, and
remarked : " This name is probably Buddhavarman,
for in the margin, there is the character dha " (Anc.
Hist. Dec., p. 89). Evidently the Professor goes a step
further. I do not know from which authority he learnt
that the letter in the margin is dha and not ddha, as is
attested by Fleet.
The mistake was next repeated by K. V. Lakshmana
Rao who edited the two copper-plate grants discovered at
Kanteru, one belonging to the Salankayana Maharaja
Nandivarman and the other to the Salankayana Maharaja
Skandavarman. 1 Like Dubreuil, Lakshmana Rao has quoted
the same passage of Fleet and has taken " Vijaya Buddha-
varman " as a king belonging to the Salankayana dynasty
(Journ. Andhra Hist. Res. Soc., Vol. V, p. 26). It is to be
noted that Fleet hesitatingly proposed an alternative of two
names, viz., Tungavarman and Buddhavarman, with a
1 Journ. Andhra Htst Res Soc., V, p. 26 ff. ; the plates appear to have heen origi-
nally edited by the same scholar in Journal of the Andhra Academy or Andhra
tiahitya-Parishat-Patrtka, Vol. XI, p. 113 ff,
9
66 SUCCESSOES OF THE SATAVAHANAS
slight inclination towards the latter ; then Dubreuil showed
favour for the name Buddhavarman ; and now Lakshmana
Kao takes Buddhavarman as an established name in the
genealogy of the Salankayanas.
Next we come to B. Subba Rao, who has edited the
Peddavegi copper-plates of the Salankayaua Maharaja
Nandivarman II (ibid., Vol. I, p. 92 ff.). He refers to
five inscriptions belonging to the Salarikayana kings. *' Of
these a Prakrit inscription which was discovered by
Mr. (? Sir Walter) Elliot remains unpublished : but two
kings (?) mentioned in it are known to us as Vijayanandi-
yarrnan Yuvamaharaja (?) and Vijayabuddhavarman. The
late Mr. Lakshmana Bao edited in Andhra Sahitya-Parishat-
Patrika, Vol. XI, two Salankayana inscriptions discovered
in Kanteru near Guntur and these belong to Nandi-
varman and Skandavarman. Another Salankayana inscrip-
tion discovered in Kallair lake and (sic.) which belongs to
Vijaya Nandivarman, eldest son of Chandavarman, was
published in Indian Antiquary, Vol. V, by Mr. Elliot
(? Dr. Fleet). A Prakrit inscription discovered at Ellore
which belongs to Vijaya Devavarman was published in
Epigraphia Indica, Vol. IX " (ibid., p. 93). By this time,
everything is complete. 1
I am afraid, these scholars have not carefully read all
the inscriptions edited by Fleet in his well-known
" Sanskrit and Old-Canarese Inscriptions "' series. It is
however wrong to say that " a Prakrit inscription which
was discovered by Mr. Elliot remains unpublished." It
was actually published by Fleet in Ind. Ant. 9 IX; p. 100 ff.
(Sans. Old-Can. Ins., No. LXXIV). " This is the grant
1 The theory of the existence nf a Prakrit record mentioning two Salankftyana
princes named Vijaya-Nandivarman and Vijaya-Buddhavarman in Elliot's collection
is also accepted in An. Rep. S.Ind.Ep., 1926-27, pp. 74-75, and in such a recent
work as Prof. Louis de La Vale'e Poussin's Dynasties et Htstoire de V Inde (Histoire
2, Paris, 1985), p. 283.
GENEALOGY OF THE SILASK1YANAS 67
of Vijayabuddhavarma," he says there, "of which I have
spoken at Vol. V, p. 175. I now give the text from the
original plates which belong to Sir Walter Elliot."
Fleet's reading of the grant is as follows :
L. 1. Siddha Sirivijayakhandavamma-maharajassa
Samvvachhara
L. 2. Yuvamaharajassa Blmrattayana Pallavft-
L. 3. nam Sirivijayabuddhavarmassa devi
L. 4, kujana viha (?) rudevi Kada (?) vlya
No argument is necessary to prove that the inscription
belongs to the Pallavas and refers to the king Skandavar-
man and the Crown-prince Buddhavarman, and that it has
nothing to do with the Salankayanas. Fleet was himself
conscious of what he said before, and remarked (ibid., p.
101): "And Vijayabuddhavarma is said to beaPallava,
and of the Bharattayana gotra. There is therefore,
no genealogical connection between the Vijayabuddha-
-varma of this grant and the Vijayanandivarma of the Vengi
grant at Vol. V, p. 175, who was of the Salankayana
gotra." Fleet, however, could not translate the inscription,
as it is written in Prakrit. It has later been carefully
edited by Hultzsch in Ep. Ind., VIII (p. 143 fit., "British
Museum Plates of Charudevi" with "Plates of Vijaya-
Skandavarman and Vijaya-Buddhavarman"). The first
plate has been thus deciphered and translated by Hultzsch :
Siddha//
L. 1. Siri-Vijaya-Khandava[m]ma-maharajassa sam-
vvachchhar [a] [ / * ]
L. 2. Yuvamaharajassa Bharaddayassa Pallava-
L. 3. nam Si[ri]-vijaya-Buddhavarmassa devi [Bu-]
ddhi
L. 4. kura-janavi Charudevi ka[dake] vlya [/*]
68 SUCCESSORS OF THE SITAVIHANAS
"Success! The years (of the reign) of the glorious
Maharaja Vijaya-Skandavarman, CharudevI, the queen of
the Yuvamaharaja , the Bharadvaja, the glorious Vijaya-
Buddhavarman (of the family) of the Pallavas (and) mother
of [Buddhyanjkura, (addresses the following order) [to
the official at] Ka[taka]."
There can, then, be no question of a Buddbavarman in
the genealogy of the Sfilahkayanas.
The following kings are so far known from inscriptions
to have belonged to the Sftlankayana dynasty :
1. Ellore Prakrit grant (i) Devavarman.
2. Kollair grant (i) Candavarman) ;
(ii) Nandivarman, the eldest
son of Candavarman.
3. Peddavegi grant (i) Hastivarman ;
(ii) Nandivarman I, son of
Hastivarman ;
(Hi) Candavarman, son of
Nandivarman I ;
(iv) Nandivarman II, eldest
son of Candavarman.
4. Kanteru grant (No. 1) (i) Skandavarrnan.
5. Kanteru grant (No. 2) (i) Nandivarman.
There can be no doubt that Nandivarman of the Kollair
grant is identical with Nandivarman II of the Peddavegi
grant, since both of them are described in the inscriptions
as "the eldest son of Candavarman." It is however not
quite clear whether Nandivarman of the Kanteru grant
(No. 2) is identical with either of the two Nandivarmans
of the Peddavegi plates or he is a third king different from
them. Nevertheless, it seems reasonable to identify him
with Nandivarman II of the Peddavegi grant. Both in the
Kollair and the Peddavegi grants Nandivarman II is called
GENEALOGY OF THE SALAftEAYANAS 69
bhagawc-citrarathasvawi-pad-aniidhyato bappa-bhattaraka-
pada-bhaktak parama-bhagavata = alahkayana. It is interest-
ing to note that exactly the same epithets have been
applied to Nandivarman also in the plates discovered at
Kanteru. It must moreover be noted that the king has the
epithet parama-bhagavata in all these three inscriptions
and that no other Salankayana king is as yet known to have
used this epithet. It appears, then, almost certain that
Nandivarman of the Kanteru plates is also, like the king
of the same name of the Kollair grant, identical with
Nandivarman II of the Peddavegi plates. There is unfor-
tunately nothing from which we can determine the precise
relationship that existed between Devavarman or Skanda-
varman on the one hand and the line of the remaining
four kings on the other.
As the Ellore grant is written in Prakrit, there can
hardly be any doubt that king Devavarman ruled before
Skandavarman and Nandivarman II who used Sanskrit in
their inscriptions. The character of the Peddavegi plates
of Nandivarman II appear to be slightly more developed
than that used in the Ellore plates of Devavarman. Deva-
varman, therefore, may be placed before Haslivarman
who appears to have been succeeded regularly by his son,
grandson and great-grandson. Considering the facts that
the inscriptions of Nandivarman II are to be palaeographi-
cally assigned to about the middle of the 5th century A.D.,
and that be was preceded by three kings of his line, it
seems probable that Skandavarman of the Kanteru grant
came after Nandivarman II. We however do not know
whether Pevavarman was the immediate predecessor of
Hastivarman 1 or Skandavarman the immediate successor
1 Devavarman seems to have ruled about 320-45 A.D. (see below). He therefore
may have been the immediate predecessor (father?) of HaativannaD. w ee my paper
in Ind. Cult., I, pp. 498*502.
70 SUCCESSORS OF THE SATAVAHANAS
of Nandivarman II. 1 The genealogical tree then stands
thus :
Devavarman
Hastivarman
Nandivarman
i
Candavarman
Nandivarman II
Skandavarman
It may be noticed here that this Salankayana Hasti-
varman of the Peddavegi plates can hardly be any other
than the vaihgeyaka-Hastivarman, mentioned in the famous
Allahabad pillar inscription of Samudragupta. 2 The main
arguments in favour of this assertion are the following :
(i) The Salankayana line is the only dynasty which can
be properly called vaihgeyaka (belonging to Vengl), as all
the grants of the Salankayana kings are issued from
Vefiglpura. No other early dynasty is known to have had
its headquarters at the city of VengL 8
1 Some scholars have suggested that Skandavarman might have been the younger
brother of Nandivarman II (Journ. Andhra Hist. Ret. Soc., V, p. 27). The conspicuous
mention ID Nandivarman II's inscriptions of his being the eldest son of Maharaja
Canflavarraan may suggest that the king had a rival in one of his younger brothers.
We however do not as yet definitely know whether this younger brother could be
Skandavarman of the Kanteru grant No. 1.
8 Corp. Ins. Ind. t Vol. Ill, No. 1; see however Journ. Andhra Hist. Res. Soc.,
I. p. 93. Even recent works on Indian history regard Vaihgeyaka Hastivarman of
the Allahabad pillar inscription as a Pal lava king or a Pallava viceroy of th3
king of Kafici. See, aa for instance, Se well's List (1932), p. 375.
3 It majr be noted that a Sanskrit grant belonging to the Pallava Dharma-
Maharaja Siiphavarman (Ind. Ant., V, p. 154) refers to Vengorastra. Simhavarman
is there said to have granted a village 10 the Vengora^ra. The grant was issued
GENEALOGY OP THE SALAflKIYANAS 71
(n) The Salankayanas ruled according to Dubreuil,
"between 350 and 450 A.D." (op. cit., p. 87); and Bur-
nell thought that the Kollair grant of Nandivarman may
be palaeographically assigned to the 4th century A.D.
(South Indian Palaeography, p. 14, n. 2). It is therefore
generally accepted that the Salankayanas ruled contempor-
aneously with the early Guptas (320-467 A.D.).
As regards the date proposed by Dubreuil, it may be
said that the Salankayanas certainly began to rule long
before 350 A,D. Prof. H. C. Eaychaudhuri (Pol. Hist.
Anc. Ind., 3rd ed., p. 311, n. 1) has rightly identified the
Salankayanas with the Salakenoi mentioned in the Geogrnphy
of Ptolemy (about 140 A.D.). Ptolemy says : "Beyond the
Maisoloi (ef. Masiilipatam) are the Salakenoi near the
Arouaia mountains, with the following cities : Benagouron
from Das'anapura, which had been identified by Venkayya with modern Darai in the
Nellore district (Ind. Ant, 1908, p. 288). " None of these places TambrSps,
Palakkada, Dafouapura or Menm&tura (from where some Sanskrit charters of the
Pallavas were issued) has been identified definitely, although a suggestion has been
made by the late Mr. Venkayya that they are to be looked for in tha vicinity of the
region comprised by the modern Nellore district " (B. Gopalan, Pallavas of Kcmchi,
p. 55). Prof. Dnbreuil also places the Daganapura region in the Nellore and Guntur
districts (Anc. Hist. Dec., p. 691. The Vengi country, we know, lay "between the
Krishna and the Godavari." If this Vengorafltra refer* to the country of Vengl, it
may be assumed that, at the time of Sinihavarman Pallava, the southern fringe of thig
country was under the possession of the Pallavas. There is however, as yet no evidence
to prove that the capital city of Vengi was ever occupied by the Pallavas. We must
also note that even the grindfather of tlua Simhavarman used Sanskrit in his inscrip-
tion (c/, Omg du plates of Skandavarman II : Ep. Ind., XV, p. 246 ff.). It is
generally accepted that Sanskrit was introduced in Southern inscriptions in the
4th century A.D. Simliavarraan therefore came some time after the reign of
Sam idragupta. See infra
It may however be conjectured that with the extension cf the VengI kingdom
under the Salankftyanas, the name Vengi also extended over Andhradefo, as far
south as Karmarftsfra (northern part of Nellore and southern part of Guntur).
Vengirasjra in the possassioa of the Pallavas is, then, to be conjectured to have been
originally the southernmost part of the Salankayana kingdom. There is
hjwever no evidence to prove that the Pallavas were in possession of the city of
VengT
72 SOCCBSSOBS OF THE SiTAViHANAS
140 24; Kastra 138 19 30' ; Magaris 137 30' 18 20' "
(Geography, VII, i, 79). Benagouron, the premier city
of the Salakenoi, appears to me to be a mistake fpr
Bengaouron (Bengapura) which is no other than the well-
known Vengipura (c/. Vehgorastra of the Mangalur
grant).
As regards the conjecture of Burnell, I may simply point
out that, if we compare the characters of the Kollair plates
(Ind. Ant., V, p. 175 and Pis.) with those of the inscriptions
of the early Eastern Caluky as 1 and of the Vi?nukundins, 8
it becomes impossible for us to accept such an early date
for the Kollair grant. 1 have no hesitation in asserting
that palaeography has nothing to say against the ascription
of the inscriptions of Nandivarman II to the middle of
the 5th century A.D. It is then quite possible that his
great-grandfather Hastivarman ruled about a century earlier
and was a contemporary of Samudragupta (circa 330 to
375 A.D.).
(Hi) Lastly, excepting this Salankayana Hastivarnnn
we do not know of any other king, who ruled at Verigl,
whose name was Hastivarman and who can any how be
placed in the middle of the 4th century A.D. which is the
time of Samudragupta.
Accepting the contemporaneity of Samudragupta and
Salankayana Hastivarman (c. 350 A.D.), we may dravv
the following approximate chronological chart of the
Salankayana Maharajas.
i See, e.g., the Polamuru plates of Jayasiinha I (Journ. Andhra Hist. Res.
Soc.,IV. p. 72, Pie.); and the Satara plates of Visguvardhana I (Ind. Ant., XIX,
pp. 810-11).
* See, e.g., the Polatuaru plates of M4dhavavarman (I) who cap not be
much earlier than Jayasiqiha I (Journ. Andhra Hist, Res, Soc. t VI, p. 17, Pis.),
GENEALOGY OF THE SALAftKIYANAS 73
Devavarman ... ... c 320-345 A.D. ?
Hastivarman ... ' ... c. 345-370 A.D.
Nandivarman I ... ... c. 370-395 A.D.
Cai^davarman ... ... c. 395-420 A.D.
I
Nandivarman II ... ... c. 420-445 A.D.
Skandavarman ... ... c. 445-470 A.D. ?*
1 An. Rep. S. Ind. Ep. t 1926-27, p. 74 notices the following tree of Salan-
kftyaoa genealogy proposed by M. Somasekhar* Sarma.
Hastivannan A.D. 350 (Allahabad pillar inscription
of Samudragupta)
Vijaya-Devavsrraan Nandivarman alias
A.D. 375 (Ellore grant) Vijaya-Nandivarman A.D. 400
(Elliot's unpublibhed grant)
i
Yuvamah&r&ja Vijaya- Cangavarman 450 A.D.
Buddhavanuan A.D. 425
(Elliot's unpublished grant)
Vijaya-Nandivarman II Vijaya-Skandavarman
(KolJeru and Kanteru grants) (Kan tern grant)
We have tried to prove above the following points : (1) Devavarman probably
ruled earlier 5 han Hastivannan ard therefore may not have been the Jatter's goo;
(2) there was no Siiartkayana inscription in Elliot's collection and there was no prince
named Buddhavarman in the dalankayaoa family ; (3) the relat'ou between Skantff-
varman and Candavartnan is not definitely known.
n
CANDAVARMAN, LORD OF KALINGA*
In his latest work, Historical Inscriptions of Southern
India (1932), p. 18, s. v. A.D. 340, the late Mr. Sewell has thus
remarked on the Komarti grant : " About the fourth century
A.D. A set of plates from Komarti in Ganjam, dated in the
sixth regnal year of the Salankayana chief Chandavarman."
The late Dr. K. P. Jayaswal in his work, History of
India (1933), even goes so far as to suggest that the Salafi-
kayanas ruled not only in Kalinga but belonged originally
also to Magadha (pp. 127-28). Sewell and Jayaswal here
evidently follow the views of Hultzsch who, while editing
the Komarti plates in Ep. Ind., IV, p. 142 ff., was inclined
to identify king Candavarman mentioned in this inscription
with the Salankayana Maharaja Candavarman, father of
Nandivarman II. Kielhorn, who entered the Kolleru
inscription of Nandivarman II Salankayana in his List of
Inscriptions of Northern India (Ep. Ind., V, App., No. 686)
was obviously of the same opinion. 2 Prof. Dubreuil
remains silent about the suggestion of Hultzsch, when he
discusses the Komarti grant (Anc. Hist. Dec , p. 94), though
he does not take up the suggestion of Hultzsch. We may
not accept the identification, but such great authorities in
South Indian epigraphy as Hultzsch nnd Kielborn cannot be
passed over in silence. Moreover, a discussion on this
1 My note on Can<Javarman O f the Koinarti Plates was originally published in
Ind. Hist. Quart.. X, p. 780 ff.
1 Following Kielhoro, D. R Bbandarkar haa also entered the SalaAkayana
inscriptions in his List of Inscriptions of Northern India (Ep. Ind., XX-XXJU, App.,
9087-91),
CANDAVARMAN OF KALI&GA 75
point has now become indispensable after some scholars
have accepted the old suggestion made by Hultzsch and
supported by Kielhorn.
Regarding the Komarti plates, Hultzsch says that " a
connection may be established with the plates (i.e , the
Kollair plates) of the Salankayana Maharaja Vijayanandivar-
man, who (1) like Chandavarman, professes to have been
devoted to the feet of the lord, (his) father (bappa-bhattaraka-
pada-bhakta) , and who (2) was the eldest son of Maharaja
Chandavarman. The close resemblance between the alpha-
bets of the plates of Vijayanandivarman and of the Koomrti
plates suggests that Chandavarman, the father of
Vijayanandivarman, may have been identical with the
Maharaja Chandavarman who issued the Komarti plates."
I agree with Hultzsch that the characters of the Komarti
plates resemble closely those of the plates of Nandivarrnan
II Salankayana, and that, therefore, " the two Chandavctr-
mans must have belonged to the same period." But it is
difficult to go beyond that. There are some serious points
against the identification of the issuer of the Komarti plates
with the Salaflkayana Maharaja Candavarman.
The Kotnarti plates were found near Narasannapeta in
the Ganjani district. The grant was issued from vijaya-
Simhapura which has been identified with modern
Smgupurain between Chicaclole and Narasannapeta. 1 On
the other hand, all the known galankayana grants were
issued from Vengipura which has been identified with
Peddavegi near Ellore in the Godavari district and
1 The name cf Siiphapura, the capital of the dynasty to which Can<}avarman
belonged, and the names ending in -carman appear to support a conjecture that
these Varmans of Kalinga originally came from the Siroliapura-rajya (Yuan Chwang's
"kingdom of SWig-fco-pa-Jo;" Beal, St-yu-h, I, pp. 1434) in the Punjab. The
Lakkhamandal inscription of about the " end of the 7th century " refers to twelve
princes of Simhapura, whose names end in -varmm (fip Ind., I, p. 12 ff.). This
Siiphapura in the Punjab seems to have been mentioned in the Mahabhdrata, II, 26,
20, in connection with Arjuna's victories in the Northern countries.
?6 SDCCESSOES OP THE SATAVIHANAS
which appears to have been the chief city of the Salan-
kayanas as early as the time of Ptolemy.
It must be noted that Candavarman of the Komarti
grant calls himself Kalingadhipati (lord of Kalinga); but no
Salankayana Maharaja so far known claims mastery over
the Kalinga country. The issuers of all the Salankayana
grants invariably call themselves iSalahkayana and also
Bhagavac-dtrarathasvami'pad'anudhyata, i.e., favoured 1 by
the feet of lord Citrarathasvamin who must have been the
family deity of the Sala&kayanas. It must also be noticed
that both these distinctive epithets are conspicuous by their
absence in the Komarti grant.
Besides, the phraseology of the Komarti grant seems
to be different from that of the known Salankayana inscrip-
tions. Two points at least deserve notice in this connection.
First, the king of the Komarti grant calls himself Sri-
maMraja(ja)-Candavarma, while all the issuers of the
Salankayana grants invariably call themselves Maharaja-$ri-
so-and-so. Secondly, the phrase a-sahasram6u-6a6i-taraka-
pratistha used as an adjective of agrahara, and the idea
conveyed by it, are unknown to the phraseology of the
known Salankayana inscriptions which, we should note,
are marked by a striking similarity of language among
themselves.
Such being the case, we must take the issuer of the
Komarti plates as belonging to a separate dynasty, until
further evidence is forthcoming. 2 It seems probable that
the dynasty to which Candavarman of the Komarti grant
belongs ruled over the Kalinga country (or the major part of
it) with its capital at Simhapura, when the Salankayanas
1 * For this new interpretation of the word anudhyata, see infra.
'* Prof. Dubreuil has rightly separated the two dynasties in bis Anc. Hist. Dec. ,
pp. 89 and 95. Another record issued from t>f';aya-8mghapora in the fourth year of
evidently the vaiue Kahng.adhipati Candavannan has been recently discovered (Arch.
Surv. Tnd., A.R., 1984-85, p. 64).
CANDAVABMAN OF KALlSGA 77
ruled over the country to the west of the Kalinga region with
their capital at Venglpura. The country of the Salankayanas
was the heart of what is called Andhrade^a in Sanskrit
literature. In the inscriptions of the Eastern Calukyas,
it has been designated Vengiraandaln, VengTrastra, "Vengi-
mahl and the like. Probably the country was called " the
Vengi kingdom " even in the Salankayana period.
Another king of the dynasty of Simhapura seems to have
been the issuer of theBrihatprostha grant (issued from vijaya-
Slhapura, i.e., Simhapura), edited by Hultzsch in Ep. Ind.,
XII, p. 4 ff . The name of the king who issued this grant has
been taken to be Umavarman. According to Hultzsch, ''both
the alphabet and the phraseology of the grant closely
resemble those of the Komarti plates of Maharaja Chanda-
varman. This king may have belonged to the same family
as the Maharaj-omavarman For both kings issued their
edicts from Simhapura (or Sihapura) andbore the epithets
' lord of Kalinga' and * devoted to the feet of (his) father/ " l
The characters of the Komarti grant closely resemble
those of another inscription, the Chicacole grant of Nanda- 2
Prabhanjanavarman. The two phraseological peculiarities
1 Ep Ind., XII, p. 4. Hulfczsch is not quite a^cui ate in the last point.
Can^avirman ia called Bappa-bha^arcika-pada bhaLta, while Umavarman is called
Bappa-pdda-bhakta in the inscription. The Tekkali record issued from vijaya-
Vardhamanapura seems to be dated in the ninth year of this king Umavarman
(Journ. Andhra Hist. Res. ?oc , VI, p 53 f ). I do not think that the Tekkuli grant
belongs to a differei t king. A third record of Umavarman is the Phavalapeta grant
iFBDed from Sunugara (ibid , pp X, 143-44)
8 Ind. 4nt. t XIII, p. 48 f. The name so Jong taken by scholars as Nanda-
prabhafijanavarinan probably signifies Prabhafijanav.irm.in of the Nanda family.
For a reference to the Nanda or Nandodbhava dynasty in the Kalinga region, see the
Talmul plates of the Nanda Vilasatunga-Dhruvauanda of the year 293 (J. B. 0. R. S.,
XIV, p. 90 ff.) The date if referred to the Harsa era would correspond to A D. 89i)
These Nandas or Nandodbhavas apnear to have claimed
Nandaswho ru'ed at Pataljputra before the Mauryas. It
connection to note that a certain Nandaraja is referrj
pumpha inscription of Kharavela, kmg of Kaliiign (Ep.^
12). If the king may be identified with Prubhafj
Vagifthftfamily," we are to b&Iieve that he was CODE
mother's side.
78 SUCCESSOES OP THE SITAViHANAS
of the Kommarti grant noticed above are present in the
Chicaeole grant. We may therefore agree with Hultzsch
when he says, "The phraseology of the grant resembles
that of the copper-plate grants of the Garigas of Kalinga,
but still much more closely with that of the Chicaeole
plates of Nandaprabhanjanavarman. Another point in
which the last mentioned plates agree with the Komarti
plates is that in both of them the title Kalihgadhipati, i.e.,
' lord (of the country) of Kalinga' is applied to the reigning
prince. There remains a third point which proves that
Chandavarman and Nandaprabhanjanavarman must have
belonged to the same dynasty. An examination of the
original seal of the Chicaeole plates, which Mr. Thur-
ston, Superintendent of the Madras Museum, kindly sent
me at my request, revealed the fact that the legend on the
seal is Pi[tri-bhakta'], just as on the seal of the Komarti
plates." * The Chicaeole grant was, however, not issued
from Simhapura or Slhapura, but from tn';0i/fl-Sarapallika-
vasaka, "the residence or palace (or camp?) at the victori-
ous Sarapallika." It is not clear whether Sarapallika was
the capital of the Kalingadhipati Nanda-Prabhanjanavar-
man; but the explicit mention of the term vasaka (residence,
dwelling) probably suggests that it was not the permanent
capital of his family. 2
The Koroshandra plates (Ep. Ind., XXI, p. 23 ff.) of
the same age record the grant of a village called Tampoyaka
in Korasodaka-Pancall by a Maharaja named Visakha-
varman. It is known from the Chicaeole grant of Indra-
varman (Ind. Ant., XIII, p. 122 ff.) that this Korasodaka-
Pancali formed a part of the Kalinga country. G. Ramadas
therefore thinks that Vi^akhavarman was a Kalingadhipati
like Candavarman and Umavarman (Ep. Ind , XXI, p. 24).
i Ep. Ind., IV, p. 148.
* The term vasaka and the similar term skandhavara sometimes appear to mean
" the temporary residence (therefore, the temporary capital) of a king." See supra.
CAtfpAVARMAN OP KALltfGA 79
The grant however was issued from Sripura which has heen
identified with Siripuram in the Vizagapatam district.
On palaeographic grounds, these kings should be
assigned to about the time of Nandivarman II Salankayana,
i.e., about the 5th century A.D. 1 It is, therefore,
impossible to agree with the late Prof. K. D. Banerji
when he writes, 2 " We do not know anything of the
history of Kalinga and Orissa after the fall of the dynasty
of Kharavela (2nd century B.C according to the Professor)
till the rise of the Sailodbhavas in the 7th century A.D/*
It is difficult to determine whether this line of the kings
of Kalinga was ruling at the time of the southern expedi-
tion of Samudragupta (c. 350 A.D.). It is, however,
interesting to note that the Allahabad pillar inscription does
not refer to any king of Kalinga, nor of Simhapura, Sarapa-
llika and Sripura. The states mentioned there, that may be
conjecturally assigned to the Kalinga region, are Kurala,
Kottura, Pistapura, Erandapalla, Avamukta and Deva-
ratra. Of these Pistapura has been definitely identified with
Pithapuram in the Godavari district. That it was the seat
of a Government in the beginning of the 7th century A.D.,
is proved by the passage pistam pistapuram yena in the Aihole
inscription of Pulake&n II. 8 We have got an inscription of a
Kalihg-adhipati Vasi?thiputra Saktivarman of the Mathara
family(?) who granted from Pistapura the village of Eakaluva
in the Kalinga- vi say a (Ep. Ind., XII, p. 1 ff.). Bakaluva
has been identified with Ragolu, the findspot of the copper-
plates, near Chicacole in the Ganjam district. The charac-
ters of the inscription seem to resemble those of the VengI
and Simhapura inscriptions, and may, therefore, be assigned
1 Prof. Dubreuil places them a little later, foe. ctt.
3 History of Oru*a, T, ch. VIII (Kah&ga and Orissa in the Scythian and
Gupta periods), p. 109.
3 Ey. Int., VI, p. 4 ff.
80 SUCCESSORS OF THE SATAV4HANAS
to about the 5th century A.D. But the phraseology is
remarkably different from that of the inscriptions of the
Simhapura line. It therefore may be conjectured that
Saktivarman belonged to a separate line or branch line, that
of Pistapura, which was probably supplanted by the Calukyas
in the beginning of the 7th century A.D. The epithet
haling adhipati seems to suggest that the claim of
kalihgadhipatitva of one of the two rival lines of Pistapura
and Simhapura was, at one time, challenged by the other. 1
Another grant (Arch. Surv. Ind., A. B., 1934-35, pp. 64-
65) mentions a Kalingadhipati named Anantavarman whose
adhisthana (capital) was Pistapura and who was the son of
Prabhanjanavarman, "the moon of the Vasi^ha family,"
and the grandson of Gunavarman, lord of Devarastra (men-
tioned in the Allahabad pillar inscription and in the Kasim-
kota grant of Calukya-Bhima I and identified with the
Yellamanchili area of the Vizagapatam district). 2
The names of the other states mentioned above cannot
be satisfactorily identified. It does not appear quite un-
reasonable to think that after the downfall of the Ceta
dynasty to which the great Kharavela belonged, Kalinga
became split up into a number of petty principalities and
that the same state continued as late as the time of
Sarnndragupta's invasion. The history of Kalinga about
the 5th century A.D. was possibly marked by the
rivalry between the royal houses of Pistapura and Simha-
pura for the supreme authority over Kalinga. The line of
1 A recently discovered grant is known to have been issued from vijayo-
Singhapura in the 28th year of a lord of Kalinga named AnantaSaktivarman, who
belonged to the Mafchara family (Arch. Surv. Tnd., A.E , 1931-35, p. 651. He was
possibly identical wjth Saktivarman or was one of the latter'e immediate successors.
Det&kfiapataladhikfta, talavara Arjunadatta of this grant may be the same as Amatya
Arjunadatta of the grant of Saktivarman.
> Besides these " lords of Kalinga " there is reference in the Sarabhavaram
pla'es (Ep. Ind. t XIIL p. 804), to an unnamed "lord of Cikura." Tbis "lord of Cikura,"
according to Prof. Dubreuil, was " probably not a king of Kalinga but only a simple
feudatory " (Anc. Hitt. Dec., p. 94).
CANDAVABMAN OP KALISlGA 81
Simhapura was possibly overthrown by the Gangas about
the of the Oth century A.D. 1
In conclusion let me refer summarily to the four grants
of the kings of Sarabhapura (Bhandarkar's List, Nos.
1878-1881). These grants are assigned to the 8th century
A.D., but may be a little earlier. The above four inscrip-
tions, all issued from Sarabhapura, have been found in
0. P.; but, according to Sten Konow (Ep. Ind., XIII, p.
108), Sarabhapura may probably be identical with the
modern village of Sarabhavaram, in the Cbodavaram
division, ten miles east from the bank of the God.ivari and
twenty miles from Rajahmundry. L. P. Pamleya has
described ( Ind. Hist. Quart. f IX, p. 595) a coin belong-
ing to the Sarabhapura kings whom he takes to be
feudatories of the Pandava kings of Kosala. If the identi-
fication of Sten Konow is correct we have another royal
family in the Kalinga country, the earlier members of which
family may have ruled about the end of the 6th century.
1 Curiously enough we find a lice of kings, with names ending in -varman
ruling over parts of Eastern and Southern Bengal in about the tenth and eleventh
centuries A D. The ancestors of these " Varmans" as they style themselves in their
inscriptions are said to have once occupied Sirahapura. Cf. varmmano = 'tigabhlra-
n&ma dadhatafy tlftghyau bhujau bibhrato bhejuh sirphapurarp guham**iva mrgendr&n&rn>
harer-b&ndhavah : Belava grant of Bhojavarmin (Ep. Ind., XII, p. 37), son of Samala-
varman, grandson of Jatavarman and great-grandson of VajravarmaD. The Bengal
Varmans, like the Varmans of the Lakkhamandal inscription, trace their descent f om
Yadu. Evidently they claim connection with the Yidavas (cf. ha>rer**b&ndhavah in the
passage quoted above) It is possible that a second branch of the Punjab ^armans
migrated into Bengal. It may ulso l>e conjectured that the Varmans of Kalinga
when they were displaced from Siiphapura (by the Eastern Gangas ?), marched
towaids the east and carved out a principality somewhere in South or South-Bast
Bengal. They appeir to have supplanted the Candra dynasty of Eastern Bengal
pojsihly after it was shaken by the defeat of " Govindacandra of VamffaladeSa,"
inflicted by that Indian Napoleon, Gangaikonda Rft:endra Cola I, in about 1023 A. D.
Ill
THE TERM Salankayana AND THE RELIGION OF THE
SlLA^KAYANAS.
The word $alankayana, according to the Sanskrit
lexicons Trikandaesa and Medim, means Nandin, the
famous attendant or vahana of Siva. It is interesting
to note that the figure of a bull (i.e., Nandin) is found on
the seals of the Salankfiyana kings, whose copper-plate
grants have so far heen discovered (vide infra). It is
therefore not quite impossible tht the Bull crest (and
banner ?) of the Salankfiyana kings was connected \vith the
name of their family.
Fleet, while editing the Kollair plates, suggested that
the term Salankayana signifies the Salarikayana-gotra.
Though the Salankayana kings are never called Salankayana-
sagotra according to the fashion in which gotras are referred
to in early South Indian inscriptions, the theory of Fleet
cannot be dismissed as impossible. There are, however,
more than one gotra of the name of Salankayana, and it
is not possible to find out to which one of these gotras
I our kings belonged. There is one gotra called Salankayana
\which belongs to the Visvamitra section and has the
$vravaras Vai^vamitra, Katya and Atkila. But the word
sefalamkayana used in the Ellorc grant of Devavarrnan
spurns to be the Prakrit form of fialankayana which is the
are Uing used in all the other grants of the family. There
first \ however four gotrarsis named Salankayana. The
pravarSPf them belong? to the Bhrgu section and has the
belongsV Bhargava, Vaitahavya and Savedasa. The second
to the Bharadvaja section and has the pravaras
EELIGION OP THE SALASKAYANAS 83
Angirasa, Barhaspatya, Bharadvaja, Sainya and Gargya.
The third belongs to the Visvamitra section and has the
pravaras Vaisvamitra, Uaivarata and Audala ; the fourth
also belongs to the Visvamitra section, but has the pmvaras
Vaisvarmtra, Salankayana and Kausika (see P. C. Rao,
Gotra-nibandha-kadambam, Mysore).
We know very little of the early history of the Salan-
kayanas. it has been supposed (Journ. Andhra Hist. Res.
Soc.j V, p. 23) that the terms Salankayana and Salanka-
yanaka (country of the Salankayanas) arc mentioned in the
G-armpatha of Panini. It is however certain that the
Salarikayanas (Greek : Salakenoi) ruled over the Vengi region
as early as the time of Ptolemy (e. 140 A.D.).
We have already said above that the seals of the Salan-
kayana kings bear the figure of a bull which is probably
to be identified with Nandin. This tact and names like
Nandivarman (one whose protector is Nandin) and Skanda-
varman (one whose protector is Skanda, son of Siva) in
the family possibly show that the family religion of the
Salankayanas was Saivism. It must also be noticed that
all the Salankayana kings, in their inscriptions, call them-
selves Bhagavac-citrarathasvami-pad-anudhyata, i.e., favoured
by the feet of Lord Citrirathasvamin. Citrarathasvamin
is evidently the na-ne of the family deity of the Salankayana
Maharajas of Veiigi which, as already noticed, has been
identified with the village of Peddavegi near Ellore in the
Godavari district. In this connection we must notice
what Hultzsch said (Ep. Ind., IX, p. 51) : " The correct-
ness of this identification is confirmed by the existence of
a mound which on a visit to Pedda-Vegi in 1902 was shown
to me by the villagers as the site of th
of Citrarathasvamin, the family de'
Maharajas."
The word Citraratha according 1
means the Sun. K. V. Lakshmana
84 SUCCESSORS OF THE SATAVAHANAS
ed that Citrarathasvamin mentioned in the Salankayana
inscriptions was the Sun-god. It however appears to
me that, as the family religion of the Salankayanas was
in all probability Saivism, Citrarathasvamin might possibly
be a form of Lord Siva.
It must be noticed here that while in the inscriptions
king Devavarman has been called parama-mahessara, king
Nandivarman II is called parama-bhagavata. K. V. Laksh-
mana Rao, who believes that the religion of the Salanka-
yanas was Saivism, says (Journ. Andhra Hist. Res. Soc. 9 V,
p. 25) : " Because this epithet (sell. parama-mahevara) was
changed into that of parama-bhagavata by the successors of
this king (soil. Devavarman), we need not infer that the later
Salankayanas changed their Saiva faith and became
Vaisnavas. Bhagavata did not necessarily mean in those
days a worshipper of Visnu, and the followers of Siva also
were called Bhagavatas. We have the authority of the
venerable Patanjali (on Panini V. 2. 1) for the usage of
the word 3iva-Bhayavata."
It is difficult to agree with Lakshmana Rao. In all
the three inscriptions of Nandivarman II, the king is
unanimously called parama-bhagavata, which in its general
sense suggests that the king was a devotee of Bhagavan
Visnu It must be noticed that no other Salankayana
king is as yet known to have used this epithet. Moreover,
we know from the Peddavegi plates that Nandivarman II
granted no less than 32 nivartanas of land (95 '2 acres
according to Kau^ilya whose nivartana 2'975 acres; but
23*4 acres according to a Commentator whose nivartana
= '743 acre ; see infra) in order to make a devahala
for- the -god Visnugrha-svamin, the lord of the three
worlds*. This devahala was cultivated by the local
vrajapalahas and the produce was evidently received by
the -authorities -of the Visnu-gpha (temple of Visnu). The
word devahala appears to mean " ploughable lands, dedicated
EELIGION OF THE SALAflKAYANAS 85
for the enjoyment of a god." Cf. vraja-palakanam krastum
devahalah=krtva; see below, pp. U4-95. This Visnu-gyha-
svamin (literally,, lord of the temple of Visnu) was evidently
a form (vigraha) of Lord Visnu. Dedication of lands in
honour of Visnugrha-svamin and the epithet parama-bhaga-
vata together leave hardly any doubt that the Salankayana
king Nandivarman II was a Yaispava.
IV
DEVAVAMMA ( = DE VAVARMAN ) .
In the Ellore grant, the Salankayana king Devavarman
has been called a devotee of MaheSvara. He is also credited
with the performance of an avamedha sacrifice (assamedha-
yajl). He therefore seems to have been a prince of consi-
derable importance. The performance of the Asvamedha
by Devavarman Salankayana seems to speak of his success
against the Pallavas who are known to have obtained
possession of Andhrapatha with its head-quarters at
Dhamnakada.
In this connection it is necessary to discuss the view of
K. V. Lakshmana Eao (Journ. Andhra Hist. Res. Soc.,
V, p. 24), who thus remarked on the epithet asvamcdha-yajl
(performer of the horse-sacrifice) applied to Salankayana
Devavarman in the Ellore Prakrit plates : " I am of opinion
that the boast of Asvamedha (horse-sacrifice) started with the
Imperial Guptas, and the contagion spread to the minor
dynasties like the Chedis (?Traikutakas), the Vakatakas, the
Kadambas, the Salankayanas and others. The proximity in
the time of Vijaya Devavarman to Samudra Gupta's South
Indian triumphal march, in my opinion explains the insertion
of the word assamedha-yajina (1.5) in the grant of "Vijaya
Deva. He must have seen some of the Imperial grants with
similar titles and coolly imitated them." My theory, how-
ever, is exactly opposite to what has been propounded by
Lakshmana Eao.
The first point to notice here is that there is no refer-
ence to any titles like a$vamedha-yajl in the Gupta records.
If, however, we take that the epithet of Devavarman is an
.... . DEVAVARMAN 87
imitation . of cir-otsann-avamedh-aharta found in the Gupta
inscriptions, we are to think that the Salankayana king
lived to see the records of Samudragupta's successors,
because we do not get the epithet in his own inscriptions.
, But we, have already, shown, that this Saiankayana Deva-
varman IP probably earlier than Samudragupta's contem-
porary Hastivarman of Vengi and, therefore, ruled before the
Gupta emperor's southern expedition. As king Devavarman
appears to have ruled in the first half of the 4th century
A D., 1 it may be that the idea of performing the horse-
sacrifice was borrowed not by the Salankayanas from the
Gupta^, but by the Guptas from the Salankayanas.
Whatever the value of this suggestion may be, I have
no doubt that Samudragupta got the inspiration of perform-
ing the afoamedJia from his connection with Southern
India which may rightly be called the land of Vedic
customs. Even at the present time, South India represents
Vedic rituals more truly and fanatically than Northern
India. So we may think it was also in ancient times. In
omparison with the number and variety of Vedic sacrifies
performed by early South Indian rulers, like the Satavahana
king 2 referred to in the Nanaghat inscription No. 1 (Arch.
Surv. W. Ind., V, p. 60 ff.), the Iksvaku king Vasisthlputra
Carntamula I, the Vakataka king Pravarasena I and
the Pallava king Sivaskandavarman, 8 the one atvamedha
1 He cannot be earlier than A.D 300, Unlike the Satavahana and Ikgvaku
inscriptions and like works in literary Prakrit, his grant in almost all cases expresses
compound consonants by more than one letter and contains the usual imprecatory
verges in Sanskrit. On linguistic giounds his reign is to be placed a little later than
the accession of Sivaskandavarman (c. 300 A.D.), i.e., about 320-345. See my note in
Ind. Cult., I, pp. 498-603, and below.
2 This Sat-jkvahana kmjj who ha* been taken to l>e the same as Satakarni, husband
of Naganika, must have ruled before the Christian era.
3 Like all early Prakrit inscriptions, the Iksvaku records generally express com-
pound consonants by single letters. This fact seems to show that the Iksvaku kinps are
earlier than the Pallava king Sivaskandavarman whose grants in most cases express com-
pound consonants by more than one letter and have passages in them written in Sanskrit,
and the legend on whose seal is also written in Sanskrit. As the Iksy&kus seem to have
88 SUCCESSOBS OF THE SITAVIHANA8
performed by Gajayana-Sarvatata (c. 250 B.C. ; Ind. Hist.
Quart., IX, p, 795), the two by Pu?yamitra (Ep. Ind.,
XX, p. 57) and the two 1 performed by the Gupta kings
Samudragupta and Kumaragupta I, are ridiculously insigni-
ficant. So, the South might well have been teacher of the
North in this respect.
By the bye it may be said that the view of Lakshmana
Rao with reference to the ahwmedha of the Vakatakas is
also untenable. The Vakatakas do not appear to have been
inspired by the example set by Samudragupta. The
Vakataka king Pravarasena I who claims to have performed
four a$vamedhas, along with agnistoma, aptoryama, ukthya,
sodal, atiratra, brhaspatirava and sadyaskra (Corp. Ins.
7nd., Ill, p. 97), appears to be earlier than Samudragupta.
We know that Prabhavatlgupta, granddaughter of
Samudragupta, was given in marriage to the Vakataka king
Kudrasena II, who was grandson's grandson of Pravarasena
I. A chronological chart is given for easy reference.
Vakataka Gupta
Pravarasena I
i
Gautamlputra
Kudrasena I Candragupta I (ace. 320 A.D.)
Prthivisena I Samudragupta (c. 330-375)
Eudrasena II married Prabhavatlgupta |
daughter of Caadragupta n (c, 375-414).
succeeded the Satavahanas about the end of the first quarter of the third century,
Sivaskandavarman can hardly be placed earlier than A D. 800 ; bat he seems to have
ruled before K&ftceyaka V'^ogopa who came in conflict with Sam ud rag apt a about
*he middle of the 4th century. See below.
1 Allan, Catalogue, pp. 68-69. The official Gupta records do not credit Saraadra
gup 'a with the performance of many cdvamtdhas. In the Poona plates of Prabha-
vatlgupta, however, he is called anek'&tvamedha-y&ji (performer of many horse-* acrifices).
The boast seems to be unfounded. First, if Ssmudrsgupta performed more than
one ofoomerfba, his successors would have emphatically mentioned ft in their official
DBVAVAEMAN 80
It therefore appears that Budrasena I Vakataka was a
contemporary of Samudragupta's father Candragupta I who
began to reign in 320 A.D. 1 It is not impossible that the
beginning of the reign of Pravarasena I, grandfather of
Rudrasena I, fell in the ninth or tenth decade of the 3rd
century A.D. So, if any was the borrower, it was the
Guptas, and not the Vakatakas. Pravarasena I could,
however, have got the inspiration from his relatives, the
Bhara&vas, who have been credited with the performance
of ten avamedha sacrifices. 2
records. The Gupta kings after Samudragupta cannot be called reserved with reference
to boasta. As has been noticed by Prof Raychaudhnri (Pol Hist. Anc. Ind., 3rd ed.,
p. 314), even the epithet cir-otsann-dxvamedh-ahartri, applied by them to Sarandragupta,
is an exaggeration. Secondly, there appear to be some mistakes in the grants of
PrabhavatI (J.A.S B. t N. S , XX, p 58 ; Ep. Ind. t XV, p. 41) Here Ghatotkaca has
been called the &di>r&ja (first king) of the Gupta family, while the official Gupta records
be?in the line from Maharaja Gupta. The passage gHpt-adi-raja-mahdraja-trf-
ghatotkaca (Ep. Ind., XV, p 41) has, however, been translated by Messrs. Pathak and
Dikshit as " Ghatotkaca who had Gupta as the first." That the word gupt-adiraja
is an instance of the f)a4$n-tatpuru$a compound, and not of the Bahuvrlhi, is clear
from the Riddhapur plates (J.A.S.B., N. 8., XA, p. 68), where we have guptanam**
Sdirdja, which only means " the first king of the Guptas.*' Thirdly, in these
inscriptions, Candragupta I has the simple title Maharaja, while in the records of his
successors he is always styled Mahftrajadhirfija ; even ^amudragupta is called Maharaja
in the "Riddhapur plates. Fourthly, some attributes such as sarva-raj-occetta, applied
to Pamudragupta in the Gupta records are here applied to Candragupta II. These
appear to prove that references to the Guptas in the Vakataka records were not
very carefully drawn.
Moreover, as has been noticed by Andrzej Gawronski (Festschrift, Ernest Windisch,
1914, p. 170) and Divekar (Ann. Bliand. Or. Res Int., VII pp. 164-65). Samudragupta
performed the advamedha late in life, i.e., after the engraving of the Allahabad pillar
inscription which does not make mention of any such sacrifice. It is, therefore, doubtful
whether Samudragupta had time to perform aneka afoamedha.
1 "The first year of the Gupta era. which continued in use for several centuries,
and in countries widely separated, ran from February 26, A.D 820, to March 18, 821 ;
of which dates the former may be taken as that of the coronation of Cbandragupta I "
(Smith, E. Hist. Ind. t 4th ed., p. 206). Recently attempts hate been made by se\eral
scholars to prove that the Gupta era started in A.D. 200, 272 or B.C. 57. The theories
are however not convincing. See Ind. Cult., Ill, p. 47 ff.
* Corp. Int. Ind. t HI, p. 96. That this Pravarasena I was earlier than
Samudrggupta can alto be proved from the evidence of the Puranas. The Purfyas
which do not mention any Gupta king by name and which limit Gupta rule
within the area <mi*0atii0af* pray&gatl-ca s&keta-magadhii^stath& (V&fu, ch. 99,
12
#0 SUCCESSORS OF THE SITAVIEANA8
The Ellore plates, dated on the 10th day of the dark
fortnight of Pausa in the 13th year of Devavarman and
issued from Vengipura, record the gift of 20 nivartanas of
land in EJura (Ellore in the Godavari district) to the
Brahrnana Gana6arman of the Babhura (Babhru) gotra.
The Brahmana was also given a house-site for himself
and others for his addhiya-manusssas (" men who receive
half the crop ;" addhika of the Hirahadagalli grant ; Sanskrit
arddhika ; cf. Mitaksara on Yajnavalkya, I, 166) and
dvargas (doorkeepers). He was exempted from all taxes,
and protection of the immunities was ordered by the king.
The exact meaning of Mujuda in the passage elure
muluda-pamuktia gamo bhanitavvo (villagers of Elura headed
by Muluda should be informed) is not clear The same word
evidently occurs in some other Salankc^yana inscriptions,
where it has been differently read as mutyada, munuda, etc.
The word, which seems to be mutuda or mutuda on some
plates, possibly means " the head of a village. " Fleet's
interpretation of mntyada (Ind. Ant., V. p. 176) as
' ' ministers and others f ' (mantri + adi) is certainly
untenable.
The seal of king Devavarman attached to the Ellore
plates is, according to Hultzsch, " all but obliterated ; but a
faint trace of some quadruped perhaps a tiger can be
seen " (Ep. Ind., IX. p. 57). The figure is, in all probabi-
lity, that of a bull, which is found on the seals of the other
two Salankayana kings.
verse 383), t.ct only ment'on VindbyaSakti and bis ROD Pravira (doubtless, Pravara*
senal), but also refer to the pfrformance of some vajapeya (according to cue MS.
v&jimedha) sacrifice by tlie latter. Cf.
vmdhyaakti'9uta = c**api Praviro nama viryavan
bhokfyantt ca samah ta^tr^ purim Kanc<makaH^ca vat
yak$yantt vajapeyM = ca fiamapta-vaTa-dakfinmh.
Vayu Pur. (BaAgabasT ed.), Cb. 99, 871-72.
For fuller details, see my paper, Samudragupta's Afoamedha Sacrifice, in jQurr\.
In*. Hist., XHI (July, 1984), p. 85 ff.
V
HASTIVABMAN, NANDIVARMAN I AND CANDAVARMAN.
As we have seen, the names of the Salaiikayana kings
Hastivarman and Nandivarman I are found only in the
Peddavegi plates of Nandivarman II. The name of Canda-
varman is found in the Peddavegi and Kollair plates. Since
we have no grants issued by any of these three kings, very
little is so far known about them.
In the Peddavegi plates Maharaja Hastivarman is called
aneka-samar-avapta-vijaya (one who attained victory in many
battles). It may be noticed here that the Allahabad pillar
inscription, which refers to the conflict between Samudra-
gupta and king Hastivarman of VengI, speaks of the different
natures of the North Indian and South Indian expedi-
tions of the Gupta monarch. While he is said to have
" uprooted " the kings of Aryavarta, he is said to have
followed a policy of " capture and liberation " with regard
to the kings of Daksinapatha. It is therefore certain
that the Gupta emperor was not so lucky as regards
his southern expedition, and it may not be impossible
that the reference to the victory in aneka-samara of
the Salankayana king includes also his samara with
Samudragupta.
The epithet pratap-opanata-samanta applied to king
Candavarman may suggest that he was not quite a petty
chief and that some subordinate rulers acknowledged his
suzerainty.
VI
NANDIVARMAN II.
The Salankayana king Candavarman was succeeded on
the throne by his eldest son (sunur=jyai$tha) Nandivarman
II. As we have seen, this king has been called parama-
bhagavata in all his inscriptions. Evidently he was a
Vaisnava and gave up the traditional Saivism of the Salan-
kayana kings.
Three copper-plate grants of this king have so far been
discovered. They were all issued from Vengipura.
I. The Kanteru plates (Journ. Andhra Hist. Res. Soc.,
V. p. 21) record a notice of the king to the Mutuda and the
villagers of Kuruvada l in the Kudrahara-visaya. It is
notified hereby that twelve nivartanas of land in the said
village were granted, for the increase of the king's dharma,
yafah, kula and gotra, to a Brahmana named Svamidatta
who belonged to the Maudgalya gotra.
The Kudrahara-visaya, which is possibly the same as
Kudurahara of the Kondamudi platea of Jayavarman, has
been identified, as we have said above, with " the country
adjoining the modern town of Masulipatam (Bandar)" (Anc.
Hist. Dec., p. 85). This region was formerly occupied by
the Brhatphalayanas.
The seal attached to the Kanteru plates has, in relief,
the figure of a bull in couching position (Journ. Andhra
Hist. Res. Soc., V, p. 21).
II. The Kollair plates (Ind. Ant. 9 V, p. 176), issued
on the 8th day of the dark fortnight of Pausa in the
7th regnal year, record another notice of the king to the
l An. Rep. S. Ind. Ep. t 1926-27, p. 73, reads Kurava> and identifies it with
Kurt<J in the Gudiv&da taluk a of the Eistna district.
NANDIVAEMAN II 93
Mutuda and villagers of Videnurapallika-grama, situated
in the same Kudrahara-visaya (Ep. Ind., IX. p. 58 n). The
village is hereby granted to 157 Brahmanas of different
gotras, who were then resident at the agrahara of Kuravaka-
Srivara. The village was to be treated with immunities
from all taxations, and the immunities were to be preserv-
ed by the deadhipatis, ayuktakas, vallabhas and raja-
puruas. This inscription is important as it furnishes
us with a sidelight into the Salankayana administrative
system. Prom the official designations mentioned with
reference to the protection of the pariharas, it appears that
the Silaiikayana kingdom was divided into several desas
(provinces), which were governed by the deadhipatis.
Ayuktas are mentioned m the Allahabad pillar inscription of
Samudragupta as " restoring the wealth of the various kings,
conquered by the strength of his arm " (Corp. Ins. Ind., III.
p. 14). An ayukta is mentioned as a visayapati (head
of a province or district) in an inscription of Budhagupta
(Ep. Ind., XV. p. 138) According to the lexicographer
Hemacandra an ayukta is the same as the niyogin, karma*
saciva (cf. karmasaciva-matisaciva ; Ep. Ind., VIII, p. 44)
and vyaprta. We know from the Kondamudi plates (above,
p. 42) that a cyaprta was in charge of an afeara (district).
It therefore seems that the term ayukta also signifies ruler
of a district. The term vallabha, according to Amara,
means adhyaksa, which has been explained by the
commentator as gav-adhyaksa (see Sabda-kalpadruma, s.v.).
Vallabha therefore appears to be the same as go-'dhyaksa
(superintendent of cows) mentioned in Kautilya's
Arthafastra. 1 The raja-pnrusas (royal agents) are also found
1 It must however be noticed ID this connection that the Hirahadagalli grant of
Pallava Sivaskandavarumn (Ep Ind., I p. 2 if.) makes mention of vallava and
go-vallava in the same passage and evidently makes a diatinctjon between the two
term*. According to Sanskrit lexicons, vallava means gopa, a cowherd. But the
other word yo-vallara ceitainly means a cowherd and appears to be the same as
vallava and vallabha of Sanskrit lexicons. What is then the meaning of the term
94 SUCCESSORS OP THE SiTAViHANAS
mentioned in the Arthaastra (see Samasastry's ed., pp. 59,
75). They appear to be the same as the pulisas of the
inscriptions of A6oka (e.g., in Separate Kalinga B.E.
No. 1).
The ajfiapti or executor of the grant was the Bhojaka
of Mulaku. 1 The term bhojaka (lit. enjoyer) has been taken
to mean " free-holder." The Bhojokas appear to have
been like the Jagirdars of the Muslim period. Bhoja,
according to the Mahabharata, means persons who were
not entitled to use the title " king " (Araja bhoja-abdam
tvam tatra prapsyasi sanvayah ; Adi., 84, 22). According
to the Aitareya-Brahmana (VII, 32 ; VIII, 6, 12, 14, 16-
17), bhoja was the title of South Indian kings. The term
bhojaka, in a degraded sense, may therefore, mean a
jaglrdar or a protected chief. In pome inscriptions, the
Bhojakas are mentioned along with the Kastrikas (probably
the same as the De^adhipatis), e.g., rathika-bhojaka in the
Hatihgumpha inscription of Kharavela.
III. The Peddavegi plates (Journ. Andhra Hist.
Res. Soc., I. p. 92) issued on the first day of the bright
fortnight of Sravana in the 10th year of the reign of king
Nandivarman II, eldest son of Candavarman, grandson of
Nandivarman I, and great-grandson of Hastivarman, record
a notice of the king to the mutuda (or mutuda) and the
villagers of Pralura-grama. The king is said to have
hereby granted a deva-hala to Visnu-grha-svamin, lord of
the three worlds. Deva-hala is evidently the same as
devabhoga-hala of the passage devabhogahala-varjjam , which
is so common in the Pallava grants and has been translated
tallava in the Hirahadagalli grant ? Curiously enough, the word rallabha according
to the lexicographer Jatadhara is a synonym of afoa-raksa, i.e., keeper of horses. The
passage vallava ( = valhbha of Jatadhara)-(/ot?a//(Zf(z of the Hirahadagnlli grant tlere-
fore appears to mean " the Keepers of horses nnd the Keepers of cow P." See before.
1 Fleet's translation (hid. Ant , V, p. 177) of the passagf latr^ajflapii (r]~mulaku
bhojakafy at " the command confers the enjoyment of the original royal dues M.ere "
hould now be given up.
NANDIVABMAN II 95
byHultzsch as "with the exception of cultivated lands
enjoyed by temples " (Ep. Ind., VIII, p. 165). Fleet tran-
slated (Ind. Ant., V, p. 157 and note) the same passage as
" with the exception of the plough of the possession of the
god," and remarked, " The meaning would seem to be
that the grant did not carry with it the right to some
cultivated land in the same village which had already been
given to the village-god.' 1 A similar word is bhikhu-hala
(bhiksu-hala, i.e., cultivated land offered to the Buddhist
monks) which occurs in the Nasik cave inscription No. 3
and a Karle c.ive inscription, and has been ably explained
by Senart (Ep. Ind., VII, p. 06). These technical words
signified religious donations along with certain privileges
(parihUras) . The dcva-hala granted by Nandivarman II was
to be cultivated by the vraja-palahas (herdsmen) and com-
prised ]0 nivart a n a, <? of land at Arutora, 10 nivartanas at
Mundura-grfima, (5 nivartanas at Ceiiceruva-grarna and 6
nivartanas at Kamburanceruva. Mundura and
Kamburanceruva have been identified respectively
with Munduru and Kommera in the Ellore taluka of
the Kistna district. Cenceruva is probably the same as
Cincin&da in the Narasapura laluka and Arutora may be
identified with Allidoddhi in the Gudivada taluka of the
same district (An. Rep. 's. Ind. Ep., 1926-27, p. 74).
The de$adhipatis, ayuldakas, callabhas and raja-
purusas were ordered to protect the grant. The executor
of the grant was the Bhojaka of Mulakura, possibly the
same as that of thu Kollair plates. The grant was written
by a rahasyadhiMa (Privy Councillor ; rf. mati-saciva of the
Junagadh inscription of Rudradainan ; Ep. Ind., VIII,
p. 44 flf., line 17), whose name was Kfitikiiri.
VII
SKANDAVARMAN.
Only one inscription of king Skandavarman has so far
been discovered. It is the Kanteru grant, issued from
VengI and dated on the full-moon day of Vai&kha
in the 1st year of the king's reign. It records a royal
notice to the villagers of Kuduhara-Cinnapnra. 1 It is
hereby declared that the said village was granted to
Sivarya of the Maudgnlya gotra, a resident of Lekumari-
grama. This grama has been identified with Lokamudi
in the Kaikalur taluka of the Kistna district. 2 All the
officers including the (Lyuldaltas and the r>isayapatis were
ordered to make it immune from all taxations (sarva-
niyoga-niynkt-ayo(yu)ktaka-visayapatimiraih sa pallika pari-
hartavya). The mention of the visayapati in this connection
possibly shows that the de&as or provinces of the Salanka-
yana kingdom were further subdivided into visayas (dis-
tricts), each of which was under a visayapati. The
dyuktakas appear to have ruled the subdivisions (dharas ?)
of the visayas.
We do not definitely know whether Kuduhara is the
same as Kudrahfira and whether Kuduhftra-Cinnapura
means " Cinnapura in Kuduhara." Cinnapura has been
identified with the present village of Cinnapuram in the
Bandar taluka (Journ. Andhra Hist. Res. Soc., V,
pp. 25-26).
According to Lakshrnana Rao there is the figure of a
bull on the seal of Skandavarman, attached to the Kanteru
plates.
1 An. R*p. 8. Ind. Ep. t 1926-27, p. 73 reads Cintapura.
Ibid, p. 78.
CHAPTER V.
THE VISNUKUNPINS.
I
GENEALOGY OF THE VISNUKUNDINS.*
The history of the Visnukundins has been touched by
scholars like Kielhorn, Hultzsch and many others. The
author of the present work holds an altogether different view
as regards the genealogy and chronology of the dynasty.
The question of genealogy shall be discussed in the present
and that of chronology in the next section.
The first known inscription of the Visnukundins is the
Chikkulla plates edited by Kielhorn in Ep. Ind., IV, p.
193 ff. These plates give us the following line of kings :
1. Maharaja Madhavavarman ; his son
2. "Vikramendravarman (T) ; his son
3. Maharaja Indrabhattarakavarman ; his eldest son
4. Maharaja Vikramendravarman (II) ; (10th year).
Then come the Ramatirtham plates, edited by Hultzsch
in Ep. Ind., XII, p. 133 ff. Here we have the following
line :
1. Maharaja Madhavavarman ; his son
2. Raja Vikramendra ; his son
3. Raja Indravarman ; (27th year).
There can hardly be any doubt that Raja Indravarman of
the Ramatirtham plates is identical with Maharaja Indra-
bhattarakavarman of the Chikkulla plates.
1 My paper on the VigQuku^in genealogy was originally published in Ind.
Quart., IX, p. 273 ff.
13
98 SUCCESSORS OP THE SiTAVSHANAS
Next we have two sets of copper-plate grants belonging
to this dynasty, which were found at a place called Ipur in
the Tenali taluka of the Guntur district. They were
edited by Hultzsch in Ep. Ind., XVII. In the first set
of these plates (ibid, p. 334), we have the following line :
1. Maharaja Grovindavarman ; his son
2. Maharaja Madhavavarman (37th year) ; his son
3. Mancyanna-bhattaraka.
Hultzsch, on grounds of palaeography, identified
Madhavavarman of the first set of the Ipur plates with the
king of the same name in the Bamatirtham and Chikkulla
plates. It can be easily shown that later writers, who
have disapproved of this identification as unwarranted, are
themselves wrong. The epithets applied to the name of
this king, as found in the Chikkulla, Ramatirtbam and
Ipur (set I) plates, clearly establish the identity. Let us
here quote the corresponding passages of the three ins-
criptions.
1, Chikkulla plates : Ekada6-avarnedh-avabhrt(th)-
avadhauta-jagad(t)-kalmasasya hratu-sahasra-yajinalh] sarvn-
medh-avapta-sarvabbuta-svarajyasya bahuauvarnna-paunda-
rika-purusamedha - vajapeya-yu d h y a-s o d a 6 i-rajasuya - pra-
dhirajya-[pra]japaty-ady-aneka-vividha-prthu-guru-vara^ata-
sahasra-yajina[*h] kratuvar-anusthat-adhistha-pratitbita-
paramesthitvasya mabarajasya sakala-jagan-mandala-vimala-
guru-pri(pr)thu-ksitipati-makuta-mani-ga[na-ni]kar-avanata-
pada-yugalasya madhava-varmmana[h] .
2. Ramatirtham plates : Sakala-mahi-mandal-avanata-
saraanta-makuta-mani-kiran-avalldha-carana-yugo vikhyata-
yaah ^riman-maharaja-madhavavarmma tasy =orjjita^ri-
visnukundi-partthiv-odit-odit-anvaya-tilaka-[s a m u d b h u t-
idhauta-ja gat-kalma*a-
snana-punyodaka-pavitrlkfta-6irasah.
GENEALOGY OF THE VISNTJKUNDINS 90
3. Ipur plates (set I) : Srarti-mati-bala-satva(ttva)-
dhairyya-vlryya-vinaya-sarapannah sakala-mahimandala-
manujapati-pratipujita-6asanah(nas = ) trivara-nagara-
bhavana-gata-yuvati-hrdaya-nandanah sva- [na]ya-bala-vijita-
sakala-samant-atula-bala-vinaya-naya-niy a ma-s a t v a (ttva)-
sampannah sakala-iagad-avanipati-pratipujita-6asaDah-(no =)
agnistoma-$ahasra-yaji-hi[ * rajn,yagarbbha-prasuta(h) ekadaS-
a^vamedh-ambhrtha-vidhuta-jagat^kalmasah susti(sthi)ra-
karmma-raaharaja-^ri-madhavavariuma.
When we remember the fact that no other Visnukundin
king is as yet known to have performed a single sacrifice
of any kind except the one named Madhavavarman, and
when we note further the unique numbers ELEVEN a6va-
medhas and THOUSAND agnistomas (kratus), testified to by
alt the above three inscriptions, there remains no doubt as
regards the correctness of tha identification originally
proposed by Hultzsch.
The second set of the Ipur plates (Ep. Ind , XVII,
p. 334) gives us the following line of kings :
1. Maharaja Madhavavarman (I); his son
2. Devavarman ; his son
3. Madhavavarman (II); (17th ? year).
As regards Madhavavarman (II), the issuer of this set of
the Ipur plates, Hultzsch says : " As the alphabet of the
inscription seems to be of an earlier type than that of the
preceding one (sell. Ipur plates : set I), and as grandsons
are frequently named after their grandfather, I consider it
not impossible that Madhavavarman II was the grandfather
of (Jovindavarman's son Madhavavarman, who would then
have to be designated Madhavavarman III." A considera-
tion of the evidence of the two sets of the Ipur plates render
this theory untenable. It is to be noted that Madhava-
varman (I), the grandfather of the issuer of the Ipur plates
(set II) is described in that inscription as ekada&agvamedh-
ioo SUCCESSORS OP THE
Gvabhrth-dvadhuta-jagat-kalmasjCisyagni? toma-sahasra-
yajino= 'neka saman ta-maku^a-kuta-mani-khacita-carana-
yugala-kamalasya maharajasya M-madhavavarmanah. We
request our readers to compare this passage with the
corresponding passage quoted above from the Ipur
places (set I). Can there be any doubt whatsoever
about the identity of this Madhavavarman (I) with the
king of the same name of the Ipur plates (set I), and
also o? the Chikkulla and the Ramatirtham plates ?
It is highly improbable that two kings of the same name
and dynasty and of the same period performed exactly
equal numbers ELEVEN and THOUSAND of sacrifices >
such as the a^vamedha and the agnistoma. We, therefore,
think it perfectly justifiable to identify the king named
Madhavavarman, who has been credited with the perform-
ance of eleven asvamedhas and thousand agnistomas (kratus)
in all the different Visnukundin inscriptions.
Moreover, the theory of Hultzsch that Madhavavarman
(whom he is inclined to designate Madhavavarman III),
son of Govindavarrnan of the Ipur plates (set I), is the
grandson of Madhavavarraan II of the Ipur plates (set II),
has now been disproved by the discovery of the Polamuru
plates wherein Madhavavarraan, son of Govindavarman, is
represented as the grandson of Vikramahendra, and not of
a king entitled Madhavavarman.
The Polamuru plates, edited l in the Journ. Andhra
Hist. Res. Soc., VI, p. 17ff., give us the following line of
kings :
1. Vikramahendra ; his son
2. Govindavarman ; his son
3. Maharaja Madhavavarman (40th ? year).
1 Previously edited by E. V. Lakahmana Rao in Journ. D&pt. Let, Calcutta
Univewity, Vol. XI, p. 31 ff.
GENEALOGY OP THE VISNDfcONDINS 101
That this Madhavavarman of the Polamuru plates can be
no other than the famous performer of eleven asvamedhas
and thousand agni?tomas is proved by his significant
epithets : atula - bala - parakr ama - ya6o - dana - vinaya -
sampanno da6asata-sakala-dharamtala-narapatir==avasita-
vividha-divyas = trivaranagara-bhavana-gata-parama-y u vati-
j a n a-v i h a r a na-ratir = anna(na)nya-nrpatisadharana-dana-
mana-daya-daina-dhrti-mati-ksanti-soriy ( s a u r y)-a u d a r y a-
gambhi(bhi)ryya-prabhrty-aneka-guna-sampaj-janit a - r a y a-
samutthita-bhumandala-vyapi-vipula-yasoh(6ah) kratu-
sahasra-yajl hiranyagarbha-prasuta(fr) ekada^afoamedh-
avabhrtha-snana-vigata-jagad-enaskah sarvabhuta-pari-
raksana-cuficuh(r = ) vidva[*d)dvija-guru-vnldha-tapasvijan-
$6rayo maharaja-srl-madbavavarma. 1
It appears, however, that Madhavavarman and Govinda-
varman have respectively been called Janasraya and Vikra-
ma^raya in this inscription, and it may be argued that they
are not identical with the kings of the same names of the
Ipur plates (set I). But this doubt is unjustifiable in view
of the fact that Madhavavarman of the Polamuru plates is
not only called son of Govindavarman and credited with the
performance of eleven asvamedhas and thousand agnistomas,
but is also called hiranyagarbha-prasuta and trivaranagara-
bhavana-gata-parama-yuvatijana-viharana -rati (triv ara-
nagara-bhavana-gata-yuoati-hrdaya-nandana in the Ipur
plates), which epithets we find only in his own Ipur plates
(set I). There can therefore be no doubt that the Ipur
plates (set I) and the Polamuru plates were issued by one
and the same person.
In this connection, we must notice the view of some
1 A Sanakrit inscription in archaic characters belonging to a Vi8nukng<Ji&
named Midhavavarman has been found on a marble pillar near the entrance of the
Bamali&gaivaml temple at Velpuru in the Sattenapalle taluka of the GuDtur district
(An. top. 8. Ind. Ep., 1925-26, p. 29, No. 581).
UJ SUGCBSSORS OF DHB SlTAViHANAS
scholars, 1 who have identified Maclhavavarman II of the
Ipur plates (set II), with the king of the same name of the
Chikkulla and liamatirtbam plates, and Vikramahendra
of the Polamuru plates with Vikramendravarman II of the
Chikkulla plates. We have noticed that only one king of the
Visaukuadin family uuy be believed to have performed
sacrifices, and, though there seems to be a little exaggeration
in the inscription of one of his successors, in all the
inscriptions of tbe dynasty, that king Madhavavarman (I),
son of Govindavarmau and father of Devavarman and
V'lkrameadravarman I has been credited with the perform-
ance of ELEVEN a^vainedhas and THOUSAND agnisfomas
(kratus). As is also noted above, we think it almost
impossible that there can be more than one Madhavavarman,
performer of eleven asvamedhas and thousand agnistomas,
in the same family and the same period. But if we accept
the above identifications we have three Madhavavarmans I,
II and III all of whom were performers of eleven a^vame-
dhas and thousand agnistomas ! 2 Moreover, the identifica-
tion of Madhavavarman II of the Ipur plates (set II), with
1 Be well, following E. V. Lakshmana Rao, has given tbe following genealogy
of the Visnukunflin kings in his List (1932), p. 404 :
1. Mfidhava I, c. A. D. 357-382.
2. Devavanna, c. 382407.
3. Madhava II, c. 407-444. (Ipar grant No. 2)
4. Vikramendra I, c. 444469.
5. Indrabhaftftraka. c. 469-496. (Ramatirtbam grunt)
6. Vikramendra II, c. 496-621. (Chikkulla grant)
7. Govinda, c. 521-546.
8. Madhava HI, ' Janalraya,' 546 (?) 610. (Polamuru grant and Ipur
grant No. 1)
9. Manchaona-bbattaraka (?) (10 ?
The absurd nature of this chronology is proved by tbe fact that about the middle
of the 4th century not tbe Visaukunijins bat tbe Salankayanas were ruling over tbe
Venx? region. See ir.y note in Quart. Jwrn. Myth. Soc., XXV, pp. 299-301.
1 Bee note 1 above. Curiously, a recent writer on the subject (Journ. Andhra
Hist. Ret. Soc,, X, p. 193) thinks it to be " not a strong argument " I
GENEALOGY OF THE VI^NUKUNDINS 10!
his namesake of the Chikkulla and Kamatirtham plates is,
inmyopinioD, next to impossible. In the Chikkulla and
Ramatirtham plates, we have the significant epithets of the
great Madhavavarman, crediting him with the performance
of eleven aSvamedhas and thousand agnitomas ; but these
epithets are conspicuous by their absence in the Ipur plates
(set II) in connection with the name of Madhavavarman II*
The date of the plates, which is not fully legible but which
appears to me to be year 17, has been read by HuJtzsch as
the 47th year of the king. Is it possible that a king, who per-
formed among other sacrifices eleven asvamedhas and thousand
agnistoinas, did not perform a single one of them before
the 47th (if my reading is correct, 17th) year of his rejgn
or forgot to refer to such glorious performances in his own
inscription? It may also be significant that Madhavavarman
II has no royal title even in his own Ipur plates (set II).
Moreover, the identification becomes utterly untenable when
we notice that those significant epithets regarding the per-
formance of 11 asvamedhas and 1,000 agnistomas have been
attached in this inscription to the name of his grandfather
Madhavavarman I. We therefore hold that there were only
two, and not three, Madhavavarmans among the known
kings of the Visnukundin family and that the first of them,
who was the grandfather of the second, performed a good
many sacrifices including eleven asvamedhas and thousand
agnistomas.
As regards the second identification, nothing need be
said after our identification of Madhavavarman I, the great
performer of sacrifices. But it must be noticed that the
name is written in the inscription as Vikramahendja which
may be the engraver's mistake for Vikraraamahendra. If,
however, we take it as a slip for Vikramendra, the king
should be designated Vikramendra I, there being two otbej
Vikr&mendras in the family.
104 SUCCESSORS OF THE SITAVIEANAS
The following is the genealogical arrangement of the
Vis^ukundin princes according to our theory :
Vikramahendra (Vikramendra I ?)
Maharaja Govindavarman Vikrama^raya
Maharaja Madhavavarman I Jana^raya (Ipur plates : set I,
year 37 ; Polamuru plates, year -.O 1 ?)
Devavarman [Raja] Vikramendravarman I (II ?) Mancyanna-
| | bhattaraka
Madhavavarman II [Maharaja] Raja Indra-
(Ipur plates : set II, [bbattarakaj-varman
year 17 ?) (Ramatirtham plates,
year 27)
Maharaja Vikramendravarman II (III ?)
(Chikkulla plates, jear 10)
1 There is only one numerical symbol on the plate. In Journ. Andhra Hist. Res.
Soc. y VI (p. 17 ft., line 41), it ha? been deciphered as 48. It looks like a ligature of
the symbol for 40 and that for 8 ; bnt as far as I know, there was no method known in
ancient India by which a number like 48 could be expressed by one numerical symbol
only. The symbol possibly signifies 40 (or 70 ?). It may however also be suggested
that 8 was put below 40 for want of. space to the right of the latter.
II
CHRONOLOGY OF THE
We have already dealt with the genealogy of the Vinu-
kundin kings. Here we shall discuss the order of succession
of the kings of this family and the period to which they are
to be assigned.
The first known king of the dynasty is, as we have
seen, Vikramahendra. Though he ha? been given no royal
title in the Polamuru grant of his grandson Madhavavarman
I, his epithets visnukondindm * apratihata-asana and sva-
pratdp-opanata'Samanta-manujapati-mandala seem to prove
that he was a king and had some feudatories under
him. His son Govindavarman Vikrama^raya has been
called Maharaja in the Ipur plates (set I) of his son
Madhavavarman I.
Madhavavarman I Jana^raya, the greatest of the Visnu-
kundin kings, appears to have had at least three sons,
viz., Devavarman, Mancyanna-bhattaraka, 2 and Vikramen-
dravarman I (born of a Vakata, i.e., Vakataka princess).
Of these we know almost nothing about Mancyanna. Of the
other two, viz., Devavarman and Vikramendravarman I, it
1 My paper on the Vianukunflin chronology was originally published in Ind.
Hist. Quart., IX, pp. 957-66.
* Maficanna at a personal name ia known to have been used in the Kanarete
country in the 12th century A. D. As Prof. Raychaudhuri points out to me,
Maficanna was the name, of a minister of Bijjala or Vjjjana, the Ealacurya king
of Kalylna (1145-1167 A. D.) This minister was a rival of the king's other
minister Basava (Brsabha), the famous founder of the Vlraiaiva or Liftgtyat
sect (J. B. B. R. A. St., VHT, pp. 78. 88, 128 ; and Bomb. Gaz., I. pt II, p. 47^).
Among minor instances, we may take Maficaiypa, a Br&hmana mentioned as receiv-
ing tome gifts of land in an himription of the Yidava king SiAghana (1210-1347
A. D.) dated in Saka sam. 1178 (0. P. No 4 of 1025-26),
106 SUCCESSORS OF THE SATAViHANAS
is known that their sons became kings. We have the Ipur
plates (set II) of Devavarman's son Madhavavarman II
(see infra) and the Ramatirtham plates of Vikramendra-
varman (l)'s son Indravarman. Should we then suppose
that after the death of Madhavavarman I the Vispukundin
kingdom was split up into two divisions, ruled separately by
his two sons, Devavarman and Vikramendravarman I ? It
however seems to me risky to suggest division of kingdom
whenever we find two sons of a king or their descendants
ruling. It may not be unreasonable to think that there was
no such division of kingdom after the death of Madhava-
varman I.
Madhavavarman I possibly died at a very old age.
The date of the Polamuru grant of this king seems to be year
40 or, if K. V. Lakshmana Rao's reading is correct, year 48.
It seems, therefore, not impossible that the elder children
of Madhavavarman I died before their father's death.
In view of the fact that Devavarman, in the Ipur plates
(set II) of his son Madhavavarman II, has the only epithet
ksatriy - avaskanda - pravarttit - dpratima -vikhyata-parakrama ,
which can by no means suggest his accession to the
throne, it appears that this son of Madhavavarman I
did not rule, but predeceased his father. Now, we are
to determine whether Madhavavarman I was succeeded
by his son Vikramendravarman I or by his grandson
Madhavavarman II.
According to the Ipur plates (set I), Madhavavarman I
granted the village of Bilembali in the Guddadi-visaya to
Agni^arman, a Brahmana of the Vatsa gotra. In the Ipur
plates (set II), we notice the grant of a village, the name of
which seems to me to be Murotukaliki, by Madhavavarman II
to two Brahmanas named Agnigarman and Indrasarman.
It is not impossible that AgniSarman of the first set is iden-
tical with his namesake who was one of the two recipients
of the second set of the Ipur plates. In view of the above fact
CHEONOLOGY OF THE VISNOKtlNDINS JO'S
and also the fact that Devavarman, who seeras to have
predeceased his father, was possibly an elder brother of
Vikramendravarman I, Madhavavarman II appears to have
succeeded his grandfather on the throne (see infra). The date
of his Ipur plates (set IE) has been read by Hultzsch as
[40] 7, but he says : "The first figure of the year in the date
portion is injured and uncertain" (Ep. Ind., XVII, p. 338).
The figure in question, however, seems to be 10 and,
consequently, the date may be read as year 17.
Madhavavarman II was possibly succeeded by his uncle
Vikraraendravarman I who appears to have been conside-
rably aged at the time of his accession. We have as yet no
copper-plate grant issued by this king. The duration of
his rule cannot be determined. But if we grant a reign-
period of about 25 years to each of the Visnukundin kings
a consideration of the regnal dates of the known kings of
the family, seems to suggest not a very long reign-period
of this king. " His reign was probably short " (Dubreuil,
Anc. Hist. Dec., p. 91).
The succession from Vikramendravarman I to Vikra-
mendravarman II appears to be regularly from father to
son. All these kings have royal titles in the inscriptions.
We, however, cannot be definite as regards the number of
Visnukundin kings that ruled before Vikramahendra and
after Vikramendravarman II.
We have now to consider the time of tbe Visnukundin
kings. Fortunately for us, the date of Madhavavarman I
can be determined with a certain degree ol precision.
The Polamuru plates of Madhavavarman I record the
grant of the village of Puloburu in the Guddavadi viaya
by the king in his 40th (or 48th) year as an agrahdra to
SivaSarman, a scholar of the Taittiriya school, belonging to
the Gautama gotra, resident of Kunjura in Karmaratra,
son of Dama^arman and grandson of Rudrasarman. Next,
we are to notice the contents of the Polamuru plates of the
108 SUCCESSORS OP THE SiTAVAHANAS
Eastern Calukya king Jayasimba I (Ep. Ind., XIX, p, 254
ff), who began to rule from c. 633 A.D. These plates record
the gift of the village of Pulobumra in the Guddavadi-viaya
in the 5th year (15th year, according to An. Rep. S. Ind. Ep.,
1914, p. 10) of the king's reign to RudraSarman, a scholar
of the Taittiriya school, belonging to the Gautama gotra,
resident of Asanapura-sthana, son of Siva6arman and grand-
son of DamaSarman. There can be no doubt that Puloburu
of the formpr inscription is identical with Pulobumra
of the latter, and that the village is to be identified with
modern Polamuru (find-spot of both the inscriptions) near
the Anaparti Eailway station in the Godavari district.
There can also be no doubt that SivaSarman (son of Dama-
6arman), recipient of the grant of Madhavavarman I, was the
father of Rudra^arman (son of Sivasarman and grandson of
Dama^arman), the recipient of the grant of Jayasimha I. In
the latter grant, Rudra barman is expressly called purv-agra-
hftrika, " the former owner of the agrahara." Now, how
many years intervened between the date of the first grant
and that of the second, that is to say, between the 40th
(or 48th) year of Madhavavarman I and the 5th year of
Jayasimba I ?
In considering this question, we are to note the follow-
ing points. Agrahftras 1 were generally granted to Brabmanas
when they returned from the gurukula after finishing
studies, in order to help them in settling themselves as
grhasthas. It may therefore be conjectured that Sivasarman
received Polamuru at about the age of 25 or 30 2 when king
1 Agrahara means gurukulad^avrlta-brahmacarine deyarp, ktetradi. See Tara-
nltha's V&cotpatya, . v.
9 According to Manu (III, 1-2), a Brahmacftrin should study the Veiat (three
Veda*, two Vedas or one Veda) in the gurugrha for thirty-six years or for half or
one-fourth of thnt period, and should then enter the grhasth- a&rama. The same
authority however aleo says (TX. 94) that a man of thirty years of age should
marry a girl of twelve and a man of twenty-four a girl of eight. Kalldka Bhefta
CHEONOLOGY OF THE VINUKUNDIN8 109
Madhavavarman was in the 40th (46th ace 01 ding to some)
year of his reign. * The king thus appears to have been old
at the time of granting this agrahara to the Brahmana
youth. Sivaarman, however, certainly died before the date
of the grant of Jayasimha I. The epithet purv-agraharika
applied to the name of his son in Jayasimha (I)'s grant
possibly goes to show that Rudra^arman, as successor of his
father, enjoyed the agrahara for some time before the 5th
year of Jayasimha I, i.e., before c. r,37 A. D. The most
interesting point in this connection, however, is that
Rudra^annan in Jayasimha (I)'s grant is called "resident of
the town of Asanapura." ] He is expected to have resided
at Kunlura in Karinarastra, the original place of his father or
at Polamuru, the agrahara granted to his father by king
Madhavavarman 1. When we remember this change in
residence and when we further see that Jayasimha I, at the
tnne of the execution of the Polamuru grant, was stationed
in a camp, vijaya-skandhavara, it appears that in the early
years of his reign, Jayasimha I led an expedition to the
Visnukundin country and encamped in the Guddavadi-
visaya, somewhere near Polamuru; that constant fights were
going on between the forces of the Calukyas and those of the
Vi^nukundins ; and that Rudra^arman, the agraharika of
Polamuru, had to flee to the town of Asanapura (near
Draksharama in the Godavari -district) in this troubled
period, but came after some time, when Jayasimha I
was temporarily or permanently master of the whole of
on this verse has* etac = ca yogy<*-kala-pradaana-paraw. na tu ntyam-arthatn ;
prayen-oitavata kalena gjhita-vedo bhavah, trtbhaga-voyasha ca kanyd vofouT^yuno
yogy-eti ; g r hita'Veda>S*=c-opakurvctnal(o grhasth-dsramarp prati na vil<mbet**cti
8atDara~itya8y~arthah. A story of the CMndogya Upaniiat (VI, 1-2) gays that
flvetaketu went to his guru at the age of twelve and returned home after finishing ail
the (three ?) Vtdas at the nge of twenty-four.
1 The Niduparu grant of Jay*aiinha I was issued from his vasaka at Aeanapura
(Ep. Ind,, XVIII, p. 56). The grandfather of tl.e dooee of a grant of Vifnu-
wdhana II is also known to have resided at Asanapura ilnd. Ant.. VII. p. 192).
110 SUCCESSORS OP THE SiTAVXHANAS
the Guddavadi-visaya or a considerable part of it. 1 Con-
sidering all these points, I think it not impossible that the
difference between the time of the two Polamuru grants was
about half a century. 2
Then, the 40th (or 48th) year of Madhavavarman I may
be c. 637 A. D< (date of Jayasimha's grant) minus 50, that
is, c. 587 A. D. Madhavavarman I therefore seems to have
1 The mastery of two different powers over two different parts of one district
does not appear to be impossible. The Candra (cf. the Rampal prant of Srlcandra ;
Inscriptions of Bengal, III, No. 1) and the Varrnan (cf. Belava grant of Bhojavarman ;
ibid, No. 3), kings of South-Eastern Bengal granted lands in the Pundrabhukti, which
has been presumably taken to be the same a* the famous Pundravardhanabhukti.
But it seems impossible that the Candras and Varmans were ever master of the
Kofivarsa or Dinajpur region of the Pundravardhanabhukti. I therefore think
that in the age of the later Pal as, the bhuktt of Pundravardhana was divided
between the kings of Gauda and the kings of South- Eastern Bengal The slight
change in the name of the bhukti probably goes to confirm this suggestion.
* The difference between the time of the execution of these two grants may
possibly be greater and, consequently, Madhavavarman I might have ascended the
Visnukundin throne a Little earlier. But I do not want to go far beyond the estimate
of Mr. Subba Rao who suggests that the period may be about 40 years. This
suggestion, however, seems to be invalidated by another suggestion of his. He
takes Hastikosa and VirakoSa, who were the executors of the grant of Jayasimha
I, as personal names. We must notice here that the executors of the grant of
Madhavavarman I were also Hastikosa and Virakos'a. If we think that these two
persons were officers in charge of the Guddavadi-visaya, under Madhavavarman I
and also under Jayasimha I, the intervening period between the grants of the two
kings should possibly be shorter than 40 years. We must however note in this
connection that there were a Hastikofia and a VirakoSa in the Tajupaka-visaya, who
were ordered by king PrthivTmula of the Gcdavan plates (J.B.B.R.A.S.,
XVI, p. 144 ff.) to protect an agrahara in the same vigaya. Fleet, the editor of the
Godavari plates, may be right when he says, " I do not know of any other mention
of these two officials, who evidently kept the purses and made disbursements on
account of respectively the establishment of elephants and heroes who were to be
rewarded for deeds of valour.** The epithet mahamatra-yodha applied to Hastikos'a*
VfrakoB'a in the Polamuru grant of Madhavavarmau I, seems to show that they were
Mahamatra of the Military Department. It may also be that the epithet mahamdtra
goes with Hastikos'a and yodha with Virakos'a. The word mahamatra, according to
Medinl, means hastipak-adhipb (head of the elephant-drivers or riders ; c/. vulgo.
mahut). The word yodha generally means " a soldier/' Hastikosa and Vlrakos*a
have been taken to be M officers in command of the elephant force and the infantry *' in
An. Rep. 8. Ind. Ep. t 1914, p. 65.
CHEONOLOGY OF THE VI^NDKUNDINS 111
ruled from about the end of the first half to about the end
of the second half of the sixth century.
In connection with the period of Madhavavarman I, we
must also notice the passage of the Polamuru inscription,
which records a grant made by the king when he was cross-
ing the river Godavari with a view to conquering the
eastern region and another passage which refers to a lunar
eclipse in the Phalguni-PaurnamasI (i.e., the full-moon day
of the month of Phalguna) as the occasion of the grant.
The connection of Madhavavarman I with the " eastern
region" seems to indicate that he was possibly the andhr-
adhipati (lord of the Andhra country) who was defeated by
the Maukhari king XSanavarman according to the Haraha
inscription of Vikrama Sam 611, i.e., A.D. 544 (vide infra).
This synchronism also places Madhavavarman I Visnu-
kundin in the middle of the 6th century A.D.
We have just noticed that the village of Puloburu was
granted on the occasion of a lunar eclipse in the Phalgum
Purnima. In the second half of the sixth century, lunar
eclipses occurred in the above tithi on the following
dates :
(1) llth February, 556 A. D.
(2) 2nd March, 565 A.D.
(3) 21st February, 574 A. D.
(4) llth February, 575 A. D.
(5) 21st February, 593 A. D.
(0) 10th February, 594 A.D.
Of these dates, years 593 and 594 may be tacitly rejected as
they appear to be too late. But it is impossible at the
present state of our knowledge to ascertain on which of the
other four dates the grant was issued. If, however, we
presume that the date of the Polarauru grant falls on any of
these four dates and if futher the reading of the date be
accepted as 40, Madhavavarman I Vi^nuku^din certainly
112 SUCCESSORS OP THE SiTAViHANAS
began to reign sometime between 516 and 535 A.D. 1 The
approximate chronology of the Vi^nukundin kings, then may
be taken as follows :
1. Rise of the Visnukundin power in the 5th century
A.D. 2
2. Vikramahendra (Vikrarnendra I ?) c. 500-520 A.D.
3. Govindavarman c. 520-535 A.D.
4. Madhavavarman I c. 535-585 A.D.
5. Madhavavarman II c. 5P5-615 A.D.
6. Vikramendravarman I (II ?) c. 615-625 A.D.
7. Indra[bhattaraka]varman c. 625-655 A.D.
8. Vikramendravnrman II (III ?) c. 655-670 A.D. 8
9. End of the dynasty possibly about the end of the 7th
or pome where in the 8th century A.D.
The period assigned to Indravarman, viz., circa 625-655
A.D., is, I think, supported by some views expressed by
1 Mftdhavavarman I married a Vakataka princess and his descendants are
represented aa boasting of the Vak&taka connection. His date does not, therefore
seem to be far removed from the glorious age of the Vakajakas, viz., the 5th century
A.D. Smith places this relative of the Vakafakas in about 500 A.D. (J.R.A.S..
1914, p. 189 ). It is true that Madhavavarman I is to be placed between the 5th
century, the glorious period of the Vftkatakas, and the 7th century, the age of
Jayasimha I Eastern Calukya. It therefore seems probable that the reign of M&dhava.
varman I began in the first half of the 6th century A.D.
2 It may be tempting to connect the Yisnuknndins with the Vinhukada-Cu$ukul-
ftoanda Satakarni kings, whose inscriptions (see Liiders, List Noa. 1021, 1186
and 1195) and coins (Rapson, Catalogue, p. 59) have been discovered. Vinhukada
may possibly be laken to be the same as Vinhukuds, t., Vij?ukun4a which
gives the name of the family whereto our kings belonged. But a serious
objection that can be raised in this connection is that the Cutukulaoanda
Satakarnis who claimed to have belonged to the Manavya-gotra used metronymic*,
like Hiritiputra, along with their names like the Satav&hana-fi&takarnii. The
\ ractaoe of using such metronymics and also of mentioning the gotra is found, though
in a modified way, in the inscriptions of the Eadaoibas and the Culukyas ; but it is
conspicuous by its Absence in the inscriptions of the Vi^akandins. There is therefore
no evidence at present to connect the Vi^nkuncjins with the ancient fl&takarni
kings.
' According to Kielhom, the Chikkulla plates (Ep. Ind. t IV, p. 198) should be
p*UtogtapMcally assigned to the 7th or 8th century A.D. For the 20 years allotted to
II, see infra.
CHRONOLOGY OF THE VI^DKDNDINS 113
* Fleet in J.B.B.R.A.S., XVI, p. 116. While editing the
Godavari plates of Prthivlmula, Fleet said : " The Adhiraja 1
Indra, at whose request the grant was made, is mentioned as
having fought in company with ofiher chiefs who united to
overthrow a certain Indrabhatt^raka. Taking into con-
sideration the locality (the Godavari district) from which
the grant comes, and its approximate period as indicated by
the palaeographical standard of the characters and the use of
numerical symbols in the date, there can be no doubt
that Indrabhattaraka is the Eastern Chalukya of that
name, the younger brother of Jayasimha I." According to
many of the Eastern Calukya grants, however, this Indra-
bhattaraka did not reign at all, though some grants assign
a reign period of only 7 days to him. It is therefore
highly improbable that Indrabhattaraka of the Godavari
grant of Prthivlmula was identical with the Eastern
Calukya of that name. Kielhorn rightly suggested that
the reference to Indravarman Visnukundin's fights with
many caturdantas in the Chikkulla grant supports his iden-
tification with Indrabhattaraka of the Godavari plates (Ep.
Ind, IV, p. 195 note). Caturdanta is properly the epithet
of Indra's Airavata, the elephant of the east. We are
therefore justified in accepting the identification of Indra-
bhattaraka of the Godavari plates with the Visnukundin king
Indravarman or Indrabhattarakavarman.
Fleet further remarked : "And the figurative expression
that the Adhiraja Indra, mounted upon the elephant
supratlka of the north-east quarter, overthrew the elephant
kumuda of the south-east or southern quarter, shows that
this attack upon the Eastern Chalukyas was made from
1 The word adhirat, according to the Mahabharata, menus the same thing aa
samrdt and cakravwtin (Sabdakalpadruma, s.v.). In later inscriptions however it
isknowuto have denoted iubordinate rulers. The Dl.od inscription of Cahamana
Pfthivldeva II mentions his feudatory adhirdja KuraarapaU ( Khandarkar's List, No.
841). An adHir&jo Bhoja is mentioned in the RajatarangiijA, V, verse 151.
15
114 SUCCESSOES OF THE SiTAVIHANAS
the north-east of their kingdom of Vengi." The inscrip-
tion of the G-anga king Indravarman referred to by Fleet
are dated in the 128th and 146th year of the Ganga era,
which "seems to have commenced in A. D. 49G" (Ep. Ind.,
XX, App., p. 201, n. 1 ; Ind. 'Ant., LXI, p. 237 f.). 1 The
above Ganga inscriptions were, therefore, issued in circa
624 and 642 A.D. Consequently, the Ganga king Indra-
varman was a contemporary of the Visnukundin Indra-
or Indrabbattaraka-varman (circa 625-655 A D.).
As regards the possession of Verigi by the Eastern
Calukyas in the middle of the seventh century A.D., it
may be said that there is no conclusive proof of that
supposition. From the Aihole inscription (Ep. Ind., VI,
p. 4 fL), we learn that Pulakesin If reduced the strong
fortress of Pistapura, which is the modern Pittapuram
(Pithapuram) in the Godavari district, near the sea-
coast, about 80 miles to the north-east of Peddavegi; and he
caused the leader of the Pallavas to shelter himself behind
the ramparts of Kfinci, modern Conjeeveram about 40
miles to the south-west of Madras. Fleet says : " Probably
during the campaign which included the conquest of
Pittapuram and which must have taken place at this time
(i.e., A.D. 616 or 617), the Vengi country was made a part
of the Chalukya dominions; and the reference to the Pnllavas
immediately after the mention of Pistapura, ha<* been
understood as indicating that it was from their possession
that Vengi was taken' 1 (Ind. Ant., XX, p. 04 f.). After the
publication of the Visnukundin copper-plate grants, however,
the theory of the Pallava occupation of Vengi in the begin-
r -ning ^f the 7th century A.D. may be tacitly given up.
'Since v iiendu]ura, for some time the residence (vasaka) of a
- ' 4
. .Visnukundin king, has been undisputedly identified with
l Dr. R. C. Majumdar has recently suggested that the beginning of the GaAga
era falls between1J50 and 557 A.D. (Ind. Cult., IV, p. 171 ff.). Unfortunately, he has
totally ignored the astronomical side of the question.
CHRONOLOGY OF THE VISNDKDNDINS 115
Dendaluru, a village on the ruins of the ancient city of
Vengi, 5 miles north-east of Ellore in the Godavari
district, it is certain that the Vengi country passed from
the hands of the Salankayanas to .the possession of the
Vignukundins.
It is interesting to notice a passage in the Aihole
inscription dated in 634-35 A.D. (Ep. Ind., VI, loc. cit.)
which describes Pulakesin (II) 's southern campaign. Verse
28 of that famous inscription speaks of a piece of water,
which appears to contain some islands that were occupied by
Pulakesin 's forces. This piece of water has been called
the Kaunala water or the water (or lake) of Kunala. The
position of this Kunala is indicated by the sequence of
events recorded in the inscription. Verse 26 tells us that
Pulakesin II subdued the Kalihgas and the Ko&ilas and
then, according to the following verse, took the fortress
of Pistapura. After that is recorded the occupation of
Kunala (verse 28); this again is followed, in the next verse,
by Pulakesin's victory over the Pallava king near Kanci-
pura. Verse 29 describes the Calukya king as crossing
the river Kaveri, after which is described his contact with
the Colas, Keralas and the Pandyas (verse 31). Kielhorn
seems therefore perfectly reasonable when he says (ibid,
pp. 2-3). "Pulakesin's march of conquest therefore is from
the north to the south, along the east coast of Southern
India; and the localities mentioned follow each other in
regular succession from the north to the south. This in
my opinion shows that 'the water of Kunala* can only be
the well-known Kolleru lake, which is south of Pithapuram,
between the rivers Godavari and Krshna. To that lake the
description of ' the water of Kunala ' given
would be applicable even at the present daj^j
from other inscriptions that the lake contaj
fortified island, which more than once has j
of attack/' Since the ruins of Vengi and De
lie SUCCESSORS OP THE SITAVIHANAS
vicinity of the Kolleru lake there can now hardly be any doubt
that the 'water of Kunala' (i.e., the Kolleru or Kollair
lake) was, at the time of Pulakesin (II) 's invasion, in the
possession of the Visnukundins and that the battle of
Kunala was fought between the Calukya king and a Visnu-
kundin ruler who was most probably either Madhavavarman
II or Vikramendravarman I, both of whom were weak
successors of the great Madhavavarman I.
The theory now generally accepted is that Vengi was
conquered by Pulakesin II, during his campaign in the
south-eastern region. There is, as I have already said, no
conclusive evidence in support of this theory. In the
records of the early Eastern Calukya kings there is no
reference to the occupation of Vengi at all. The first use
of the name of Vengi is in the inscriptions of the time
of Amma I (918-925 A.D.) which call Vijayaditya II (c.
794-842 A.D.) vehg-Ua, and in the inscriptions of the time
of Calukya Bhima II (934-945 A.D.), which contain the
first explicit statement that the territory over which Kubja-
Visnuvardhana and his successors ruled was the Vengi
country (Ind. Ant., XX f p. 94), Both Amma 1 and Calukya
Bhima II reigned in the tenth century A.D.; the evidence of
their inscriptions as to the Calukya occupation of Vengi in
the 7th century can, therefore, be reasonably doubted. The
fact seems to be that the Visnukundins of Vengi, from the
time of the Calukya possession of Pistapura, became weaker
and weaker, and their country was gradually annexed to
the waxing empire of the Eastern Calukyas. The formal
annexation which took place possibly after the extinction
of the Visnukundins end of the 7th or (somewhere in
the 8th century A.D. ?) seems to have been completed long
before the tenth century A. D., i.e., the time of Amma I
and Calukya Bhima II, when the Eastern Calukyas claimed
that they were master of the Vengi country from the very
beginning of their history. There appears therefore no
CHRONOLOGY OF THE VINUKUNDlNS 11?
strong grounds against our theory that the Visnukundins,
though shorn of their past glory, were ruling for sometime
at Vengi, contemporaneously with the Eastern Calukyas,
who ruled first probably from Pistapura, 1 next from Vengi 2
and then from Kajamahendri. 8
We have to notice two other points before we conclude
this section. Smith in his Early History of India, 4th ed.,
p. 441, says : "In the east he (scil. Pulake&n II) made
himself master of Vengi, between the Krishna and the
Grodavari, and established his brother Kubja Vishnu-
vardhana there as viceroy in A.D. 611 with his capital
at the stronghold of Pishtapura, now Pithapuram in the
Godavari district/ 1 Smith, here, professes to rely on
the Kopparam plates of Pulakesin If, edited by Lakshmana
Eao in Ann. Bhand. Or. Res. Inst., IV, p. 43 ff. These
plates, which are full of textual mistakes, seem to record
1 It is to bo noted that the Timmapuram grant of Vi^uvardhana I Vigama-
siddhi was issued from the vasaJca (literally, residence) of Pistapura. We
have suggeste 1 above that possibly the term vasaka, like the term skandhavara,
signifies temporary (or sometimes secondary) capital of a king. It is well known
that Pulakem II crushed the power of the king of Pistapara (piffam Pi^apurarp,
yena) and established his brother Kubja-Vis^u-vardhana on the throne of that
place. At the time of Vicnnvardhana therefore Pistapura could reasonably be
looked upon as the vasaka or skandhavara of this king.
2 The Vehg-Ua (lord of Vengi) antagonists of the Rasraku$as appear to have been
the Eastern Calukya kings (see Bomb. Gaz., I, Pt II, p. 199). The earliest
reference to a king of Vengi in the Raff$raku$a records appears to be that in an
inscription dated 770 A.D. (Ep t Ind., VI, p. 209). The Eastern Calukyas therefore
seem to have occupied Vengi before the 9th century A.D. possibly before the second
half of the 8th century, the time of Vijayaditya II and his father.
5 AccordiDgto Sewell (Ind. Ant., XX, p. 94, note 6) there are two traditions
regarding the origin of the name of BajamahendrT (modern Rajamundry) or Baja*
mahendrapura. The first of these traditions connects the name with a Calukya
king named " Vijay&ditya Mahendra." This Vijaylditya Mahendra is apparently the
Eastern Caiukyn king Amma II (A.D. 945-970) who had the epithet Rftjamahendra
and the surname Vijayaditya VI (ibid , p. 270) Fleet (ibtd, pp. 93-94), however,
Ukes the founder of, or the first Eastern Calukya king at, Bajamahendrapnram to be
Amma I (918-926 A.D.), who no doubt had the epithet Rajamahendra, but whose
surname wai Vinuvrdhana (VI) and not Vijayaditya.
118 SUCCESSORS OF THE SITAVAHANAS
the grant of some lands in Karmarastra (northern part of
Nellore and southern part of Guntur) by one Prthivl-
Duvaraja in the presence of Pulake&u II. The grant is
dated in the pravardhamana-vijaya-rajya-samvatsara 21.
Hultzsch while editing these plates in Ep. Ind., XVIII,
has shown that the inscription belongs to the 21st regnal
vear of Pulakesin II, i.e., to about A. D. 629-30 and that
PrthivI-Duvaraja is to be identified with his younger
brother Kubja-Visnuvardhana, who is styled Prthivi-vallabha-
Visnuvardhana,- Yuvaraja in the Satara grant (Ind. Ant.,
XIX. p. 309). The word duvaraja is a Dravidian tadbhava
of Sanskrit yuvaraja. C/, A kalankat-tuvarayar=z Sanskrit
akalanka-yuvarcija in the Amber ins.; Ep. Ind., IV, p. 180,
and Tuvaraan = yuvaraja in the Kasakudi ins.; S. Ind.
Ins., II, No. 73. * Lakshmana Eao, however, thought
that Duvaraja of this inscription is to be identified with
Dhruvaraja of the Goa plates, and that the year 21 of his
reign falls in A.D. 611.
But even if we accept 611 A.D. to be the date when
Pulakesin II invaded Karmarastra and defeated the Visnu-
kundin king, does it follow that Pulakesin II conquered
the whole of the kingdom of the Visnukuijdins ? Does
the defeat of a king always lead to the loss of his entire
territory ? Pulakesin II is known to have defeated the
Pallava king, penetrated through the whole of the Pallava
territory and crossed the Kaverl ; but was the Pallava
power weakened? Again, in 642 A. D., the Pallava king
Narasimhavarman defeated and killed Pulakesin II and
1 It is also interesting to note in this connection the name of the third king of the
Calukya line of Kalyanl. In rmny of tl-e insciiptions it is civen as Da^varmnn, hut
it is also written (e.g., in the Kautbem grant; Ind Ant , XVI, p. 15) us Yafovarman.
Fleet while noticing the point remarked, " The reason for the variation there is not
apparent" (Bomb. Gaz. I, pt, II, p. 431). It ueems to me thau DaBavarman if an
emended form of Dasovarman which ia but the same as Yadovarman.
CHRONOLOGY OF THE VISNUKUNDINS 119
took Vatapi, the Calukya capital ; but did the Calukya
power permanently collapse ? Did not the power of the
Calukyas exist even during the period of Kastrakuta
usurpation ? 1
Then again according to Bilhana (Vikramahkadevacarila,
Intro., p. 44; Ind. Ant., V, p. 323) the Calukya emperor
Vikramaditya VI of Kalyani marched on and occupied
Kafici, the capital of the Colas (i.e., the Eastern Calukyas),
and amused himself there for sometime before returning
to his capital. "It is doubtless this campaign that led
to there being so many inscriptions, referring themselves
to the reign of Vikramaditja VI, at Draksharama and other
places in the Telugu country, outside the ordinary limits
of the Western Chalukya kingdom " (Bomb. Gaz., I, pt.
II, p. 453, note 1.). But does this fact prove that Kafici
and the Telugu country were permanently occupied by the
Calukyas of Kalyani ? Temporary success like this is
possibly also shown in the grant of two villages near
Talakad, the Ganga capital in Mysore, by the Kadamba king
Ravivarmnn (Ep. Ind., VIII, p. 146 ; Sewell, List, s. v. C.
A.D. 500 ; Moraes, Kadambahda, p. 48).
To commemorate even the temporary occupation of part
of a country, Indian kings appear to have used to grant
there lands to Brabmanas (see Mannsamhita, VII, verses
201-02), and generally, this sort of grants was acknowledged
by other kings who followed the donor in the rule of that
locality. 2 It may, therefore, be not altogether impossible
that Pulakesm II penetrated as far as Karmarastra, where
the reigning Visnukundin king was defeated, and the
Calukya king felt himself justified in granting lands in
1 Vide the Calukya genealogy as given, e.g , in the Kauthem grant (Ind. Ant.,
XVI, p. 15). See aUo Bomb. Gaz., I. pt. II, p 390 ff
2 Cf. sva-dattarp para-dattam va yo hareta vwundharam, etc., quoted in the
copper-plate grants
120 SUCCESSORS OF THE SITAVAHANAS
the district of which he thought himself to be master
for the time being at least. 1
If these suggestions be accepted, there is then no
difficulty as regards the discovery of Calukya grants, giving
lands in places which were originally under the Visnukun-
dins. We however do not argue that all the Eastern
Calukya kings who granted lands in the country once
occupied by the Visnukundins were temporary possessors
of the land. It seems reasonable to believe that the Visnu-
kundin country gradually, not long after the invasion of
Pulake^in II, merged into the Eastern Calukya empire
and gradually the Visnukundins lost all their territories
excepting the small district round their capital city of
Vengi. The existence of Visnukundin rule at Vengi in
the 7th century may be compared with that of the Kadamba
rule at Vaijayanti even in the glorious age of the early
Calukyas of Badami.
The next point is regarding the find-spot of the Bama-
tirtham plates of the Visnukundin king Indravarman. The
plates were found at a place near Vizianagram in the
Vizagapatam district of the Madras Presidency. They
record the grant of a village in the Piakirastra, which was
evidently situated in the Vizagapatam district (Anc. Hist.
Dec., p. 91). On the evidence of the find of these plates,
it may be suggested that the Vizianagram region was
included in the Visnukundin kingdom, that is to say, the
Visnukundin boundary extended as far as the borders of
l It ia also possible that the time of Pulakesin (II) 'a expediton, the
Karmarastra was occupied not by the Vi^ukog^ins (bat by a branch of the Pallavas?).
In A.D. 639 the celebrated Chinese pilgrim Yuan Chwang visited the kingdom of
An-to-lo (i.e., Andhra), which wa a small diatrict only 3,000 U (about 4,600 miles)
in circuit. The capital was at Ping-ki-lo, which seems to be a mistake for Ping-kj-pu-
lo, i.e., Vefiglpura. The southern part of the Andhra country formed a separate
kingdom called To-na-kie-tse-kia (Dhanyakafaka?) or Ta- An-to-lo (Mahandra) with
its capital possibly at Bezwada, where the pilgrim resided for " many months". See
Cunningham! Anc. Oeog. Ind,, ed. 1924. pp. 590 ff. t 608 ff. and 647.
CHRONOLOGY OF THE VISNUKtTBTpINS 121
the Ganjam district. 1 In view of the fact that there were the
royal house of Pi?$apura, the houses of the Varmans of Siip-
hapura, Vardhamanapura, Sunagara, Sripura and Sgrapallika
and also of the Gafigas of Kalinganagara whose era probably
started from 496 A. D M permanent Visnukundin occupation
of the Vizianagram region seema to be highly improbable.
The truth might have been that in retaliation to the raids
of Pulake&n II and Jayasimha I, Indravarman Visnukundin
invaded the Calukya country and penetrated as far as the
Piakira^ra, where he made grants of land, as did Pulake&n II
in Karmarastra, Jayasimha I in Guddavadi and Gudra-
bSra, and Vikramaditya VI in the Telugu country. The
Plakira^tra or Vizagapatara district seems to have been under
the Eastern Calukyas as early as the 13th year of Vinu-
vardhana L His Chipurupalle plates (Ind. Ant., XX, p. 15),
dated in that year, were found in the Vizagapatam district.
They evidently refer to the Plakiviaya, doubtfully read as
Pukivisaya by Burnell and /leet. This Plakivisaya is
evidently the same as Flnkiragtra of the Ramatirtham
plates of Indravarman.
We have seen that the Godavari grant of Prthivirnula
refers to a coalition of kings against Indrabhattaraka-
vartnan, who has been identified with the Visnukundin king
of that name. It seems to me that when Indravarman
Vi$nukun<Jin defeated the Eastern Calukya forces and
penetrated far into their country, Jayasiinha I, who seems
to have been the Eastern Calukya contemporary of Indra-
varman, formed an alliance with several other kings, one
1 Set, e g , Quart. Jaurn. Myth. Soc. t XXV, p. 80. Kiclhorn entered the
Chikkulla grant of VifQnkurfm Vikramendra%arman II in h*s List of Inscriptions of
Northern India (Ep. Ind., V. App., No. 607). Fo lowing KMhorn. D. B. Bhandarkar
ha also entered the V.wikup4m inscriptions in his List of Inscriptions of Northern
India (Ep Ind., XX-II1, Af.p., Nos. 1117 nd 2096-99). The SaUnkayana and V.ana-
kqtfin records muitpioperly be entered into a List of SoM Indian Inscription*, at
tbete wtre local dynasties ruling o?r the Andhra country in the iouth.
16
128 SUCCE8SOBS OF THE SZTAViHANAS
of whom was Adhiraja Indra, identified by Fleet vuth the
Ganga king Indravarman. The combined forces of these
allied kings possibly defeated the Visnukundin king and
compelled him to return and shelter himself behind the
ramparts of his capital, the city of Vengl.
Ill
VlKRAMAflBNDBA (VlKRAMBNDRA I?) AND GrOVlNDAVARMAN
VlKRAMI^RAYA.
As we have already noticed, king Vikramahendra is
mentioned only in the Polamuru grant of his grandson
Madhavavarman 1. He is there described as favoured by
(i.e., as a devotee of) Lord Sriparvatasvamin and is said to
have subdued the feudatory chiefs by his own valour. The
Lord Sriparvatasvamin is referred to in all the inscriptions of
the Vinukundin family and may, therefore, be taken to
have been the family-deity of the Visnukundias. Srlparvata
may be identified with SrKaila in the Kurnool district of the
Madras Presidency. 1 The original home of the Vinukundin
family may, therefore, be supposed to have been not very far
from SrI6aila. Kielhorn (Ep. Ind., IV, 193) suggested a
connection of the name of the family with that of the
hill-fort and town of Vinukonda in the Kistna district,
about 60 miles east of SrMaila and 50 miles south of
the Krishna river. Vinukonda, according to Kielhorn, was
possibly the early home of the Visnukundins.
l?he son and successor of Vikramahendra was Govinda-
varman. His surname VikramaSraya and the epithet anefca-
samara-samghatta-vijayin possibly show that he was a king
of considerable importance. He is said to have been obeyed
by all the feudatory chiefs.
1 Excepting the grant of Madhavavarman II, which applies the epithet
bhagavac-chripaTvalasvami-pad'&nudhyata to the name of the issuer himself, all otbtr
Vi$$ukun4in records apply the epithet to the first king (a predecessor of the issuer)
with whose name the genealogical part of the inscriptions begins. Tn the records
therefore king Yikrameudravarman I and his BOD and grandson are not themselves
called "favoured by (i.e., devotee of) Lord Srlparvata-svamio." The celebrated temple
of goJ Si vi, called Mallikarjuna, is situated on the northern plateau of the Nallaiuatai
hills. Many Western Calukya grauts have been found in the Kurnool district Which
region appears to have passed to the Western Calukyas before the middle of the 7th
century.
IV
MiDHAVAVARMAN I
Mftdhavavarman I JanSgraya appears to have been the
greatest of the Vinukun<Jin kings. 1 The performance of
11 a^vamedhas, 1,000 a^nistomas and some other rites
including the Hiranyagarbha proves that he was a prince of
power and resources. In very early times the agvamedha
was evidently performed by kings desirous of offspring (see
Apte, Sanskrit-English Dictionary, s.v. a&va). According
to the Ramayana (I, viii, 2), king Da^aratha performed this
sacrifice for progeny (sut-arthi vajimedhena kiin^artham
na yajamy aham) . Kings are also known to have performed
agvamedha for purifying themselves from sin. According
to Visnu, afoamedhena udhyanti mahapatakinas = tv=zime
(Sabdakalpadruma-paritista, s. v. a$vamedha) . Yudhiijthira in
theMahabharata(XIV, ii) is said to have performed the horse-
sacrifice with a view to purifying himself. But, as we have
already noticed, it was performed only by a king who was
a conqueror and a king of kings, Keith has rightly pointed
out that the A6vamedha " is an old and famous rite, which
kings alone can bring to increase their realms" (Rel. Phil.
red. Up., p. 343). The Baudhdyana Sr. Sut. (XV, i)
Laksbmana Rao ( Jotifn. Dept. Let., XT, pp. 55-59) refers to several tradition!
that have grown on the glorious name of Midhavavarman, A 18tb century inscription
in tht Mailed varasv inn temple at Bezwftg* give* an anecdote about Madhavavarman,
king of Bezwatfa in Saka 117 ( 1), who punished bis own ion with death for kfiiBg
a poor woman's son. A Bezwa<Ja pillar inscription of the 16th century claims lor a
general of Kfenadevaraya of Vijayanagara di scent from Madhavavannan of Bezw&4
A poem called tiritytnavijaycnn (c. 1540 A.D. ) speaks of the migration into Teliagtna
of four Rajput tribes under the leadership of one Madhavavannan in daka 514. Ttois
MldhaFaTarman i* claimed to be the ancestor of the family of the ilabara * of
Vizianagram ic the Vizsgapatam dUtrict. The eaate called Afizu or Rpehat&T in
the Tfloga country also claims Madharavarman as progenitor.
MiDfiAVAVAEMAN t JANAfcRAYA 126
Taittiriya Br. (111,8,9,4; V, 4, 12, 3), Apastamba $r. Sat.
(XX, I, i) and many other early texts prove beyond doubt that
a feudatory ruler could not perform the agvamedha. 1 A point
of great interest, however, is that Madhavavarmafc I claims
to have performed as many as ELEVEN agvamedhas, while
uccessful conquerors like Samudragupta and Pusyamitra
are known to have performed only one or two aSvamedhas.
Of course, from the description of the sacrifice given in the
Ramqyana and the Mahdbharata, it appears that some
a^vamedhic practices of the Vedic age may hive been
slightly modified in the epic period; but it is impossible to
think that it became so easy as to be performed by even a
king of the feudatory rank. It must be noticed that some
Vedic kings are known to have performed a great number
of avamedhas. Thus Bharata, son of Dusyanta, accord-
ing to a gatha quoted in the Satapathabrdhmana (XIII, iii,
5, 11; Weber's edition, p. 994), performed as many as one
hundred and thirty-three horse-sacrifices on the banks of
the Ganga and the Yamuna (astdsaptatim bharato dausyantir
*yamunamanu gahgaydm vftraghne ' badhndt paiica-
pan>cdatarfi haydn^iti). According to another gdthd (loc.
cit., 13), Bharata performed more than a thousand agvamedhas
after conquering the whole earth (patahsahasrdn indrdy^
JMvamedhan = ya == aharad vijitya prthivlm sarvam = Hi).
The epics and Puranas however knew of traditions regarding
some early kings trying to perform a hundred a^vainedhas,
which would lead the performer to the attainment of
the seat of Indra who is, therefore, represented as trying
to prevent the hundredth sacrifice (see Vamana-Puraw,
Ch. 78 ; Raghu., in, 38-66 ; Bhagavata Purdna, IV, 16, 24 ;
17, 4; etc.)- May it be that the Vedic aSvamedha was less
pompous than the epic advamedha and that the agvamedhas
performed by South Indian kings were of the Vedic type?
1 Sec Keith, Black Yajut, ($. c*xxiW? aod Appwdfr below.
126 SUCCE880E8 OP THE SATAVlHAJJAS
We have already noticed tbat the Deccan performs Vedic
rites more fanatically than Northern India. See also my
views in Jonrn. Ind. Hist., XIII, p. 40.
Madhavavarman I married a girl of the Vakajaka family
of Northern Deccan, and thus made his power secure in
that direction. 1 According to V. A. Smith (J. R. A. S. f
1914, p. 137) the Vakataka father-in-law of Madhavavarman
Vignukundin was king Harisena who claims to, have con*
quered the And bra and Kalinga countries. It is also
believed that Madhavavarman succeeded in getting the pos-
session of the Veftgl country by virtue of this Vakataka
alliance (Sewell, List., s.v. A. D. 500). This suggestion is
however untenable in view of the fact that Madhavavarman I,
though he was the greatest king, was not the first king of
his dynasty, he being at least preceded by his father Govinda-
varman and grandfather Vikramahendra. The Polamuru
grant calls him daiatata-sakala-dharanltda-narapati 2 and
credits him with an expedition for the conquest of the
eastern region.
It must be noticed in this connection that, in the Haraha
inscription dated A. D. 554, the Maukhari king l^anavar-
man claims victory over an Andhr-adhipati. There can
hardly be any doubt that this Andhr-adhipati was a Vi-
nukundin king. Prof. Eaychaudhuri (PoL Hist. Anc. Ind.,
2nd ed., p. 370) has taken this Andhra king to be Madhava-
varman of the Polamuru plates who according to this grant
" crossed the river Godavari with a desire to conquer the
1 Dr. D" C. Ganguly writes in Ind. Hist. Quart., VIII, p. 26 : "Mfidhavavarmao I
was the founder of this dynasty. Bis mother was a princess of tte Yak&takt family."
According to the Chikkulla plates (Ep. Ind., IV, p. 193), however, the Vukafaka prinress
was the mother of Vikramendravarman I, son of Madhavavarman I. C/. Vi^nuktin^i-
t&k&ta'Varjtia'dvay-dlarpkrta-janmanah Ari-vikramendravaTinanah , etc. As we have
ihown, M&dhavavarman I was not the founder or the first king of the Visnukuntfin
dynasty.
Mr. M. Bomasekhara Sarma suggests to me that the epithet may possibly be
translated as " lord of the VengI Ten Thousand."
--M1DHAVAVARMAN I JAN5RAYA 127
'eastern region." This identification suits well the chrono-
logy we have accepted injthese pages. It may not be impos-
sible that the eastern expedition of Madhavavarman I
was undertaken in retaliation to bis previous unsuccessful
struggle with the Maukharis. This supposition is supported
by the fact that a victory over the Andhras is alluded to in
the Jaunpur Inscription of Idvaravarman, father of Iganavar-
man Maukhari (Corp. Ins. Ind., Ill, p. 230).
In the Polamurn grant, Madhavavarman I has been
called avasita-vividha-divya (line 8). This passage has been
left out in the translation of Mr. Subba Rao who has edited
the inscription in fount. Andhra Hist. Res. Soc., VI, p. 17 ff.
The passage, however, appears to me very important in con-
nection with the administration of justice in the Andhra
country at the time of the Visnukundins. Here is a clear
evidence of the prevalence of the system of trial by ordeals
in the Visnukuncjin kingdom. The word divya, here,
certainly means "ordeal" and vividha-divya "various (forms
of) ordeals." The verb ava-so has, among others, the
meanings "to accomplish," " to know" and "to "destroy."
The passage avasita-vividha-divya may, therefore, mean,
one " who has accomplished the various (forms of) ordeals, V.
or " who has known (how to use) the various (forms of )
ordeals," or "who has destroyed (Le. 9 abolished) the various
forms of ordeals." We have seen that this Mftdhavavar-
man I Vi^ukumjin performed eleven A^vamedhas and a
thousand agnis$omas(frr atus). It must be noticed in this
connection that no one except a fanatic can be expected to
perform an a^vamedha sacrifice and expose his wives to such
indecent and obnoxious practices as are necessary in the
performance of this sacrifice. As for instance, the mahii
of the performer of the aSvamedha is required to lie down
beside the sacrificial horse and to put the horse's penis into
her own private parts (cf. mahisl svayam ev = a&va-6i$nam =
akr$ya sva-yonau stli&payati Mahjdhara on Sukla-yajus,
128 SUOCESSOB8 OP THE SITAV1HANAS
XXXII. 18-25 ; and atvasya titnarfimahisy tipasthe nidhatte :
Satapalhabr <hmana, XliL iv, 2). Madhavavariuan I, per-
former of eleven agvarnedhas, thus appears to have been one
of the mo*t orthodox Hindu kings of ancient India. 1 It is,
therefore, doubt! ul whether we am expect from him such a
great reform as the abolition of the deep-rooted system of
trial by ordeals, which is sanctioned by ancient law-givers
and which was in use in our country as late as the end of
the l&tb ce&tury and possibly still later. 2 The last mean-
ing is, therefore, less probable. The divyas or ordeals,
which were used in ancient Indian courts in order to ascer-
tain the truth of a statement, has been enumerated as nine
in the Divyatattva of Brhaspati. They were ordeal (1) by
balance, (2) by fire, (3) by wattr, (4) by poison, (5) by
"image- washed" water, (6) by rice, (7) by the hot masaka,
(8) by spear-head, and (9) by images. Cf.
dhato gnir ** udakaft = c=aiva visarri kofa$ = ca paficamam
a?thaii=ca tandulah proktaqi saptamam tapta-m&sakam
phalam^=ity^uktamnavamani dharmajam smrtam.
For details see my paper on the Divyas in Journ. Andhn
Hist. Res. Soc. 9 VII, p. 195 If. and Appendix below.
In both the Ipur and Polamuru grants the king is
said to have been the delighter of the damsels residing
l ID the Chikkulla grant of hi great-grandon, be is credited with a nbmber of
sacrifices among which is mentioned puru^amedha. If this tradition is to be believed,
Mftdhavavrmn I must have been an nbominable fanatic.
* Journ. Andhra Hist. Res. See , VTI, p. 196 ff. Tritl bj brdeals is used to settle up
disputes among some aboriginal tribes of the And bra region even at the present day.
Mr. G. T. H. Bracken, Chief Secretary to the Madras Government, in course of his
address on "Wi der Parts of India" to the Rotary Club on March 9, 1984, said, "In
disputes over land, the custom (in the East Godavari Agency) is to make the) parties
to the dispute walk round the land, and he who walks the whole way round continually
and eats some of the earth is declared to be the owner*' (from fit-port in the Amrita
BOMT Patrika, Calcutta). This system of trial was prevalent in the Marian* country
even at the time of the Pdihwas, that is to say, as kta aa the 19th century A,D. (ate
8. K, 8en, A4i*inutrati*)e Hit tor j of ih$ Maratha*, 2nd ed., p. 868 ft.)
MADHAVAVABMAN I JANI3EAYA 129
in -the houses of Trivaranagara. . Trivaranagara appears to
mean *' the city of king Trivara." 1 A king named Trivara
has been mentioned in the Kondedda grant (Ep. Ind., XIX,
p. 267) of the Sailodbhava king Dharuiaraja, as having form-
ed an alliance with a certain king named Madhava and
fought against Dharuiaraja. It is possible that king Tri-
vara of the Kondedda inscription is tbe same as that men-
tioned in the grants of Mailhavavarman I Vi^nuku^in.
Madhavavarman I however does not appear to have lived at
the time of Sailodbhava Dhannaraja and therefore can hard-
ly be identical with Madhava who fought against the
Sailodbhava monarch. A king named Tivara is found in
the hue of the Pand ivas of Kogala, who had their capital at
Sripura (see the Rajirn and Baloda grants, Corp. Ins. Ind.,
in, p. *9i ff.; Ep. Ind., VII, p 10 ff.). The charters and
seals of Alaha&va fivararaja of 3dpura are in the box-headed
character. According to some scholars, tbe boxheaded
characters were in use in the 5th and 6th centuries of
the Christian era (Ind. Hist. Quart., IX, p. 596). Fleet
and Kielhorn, however, think that the inscriptions of
Tivara of Kotiala are not earlier than 700 A.D. (Indische
Palaeographie^ p. 63, note 20). According to Buhler
(ibid, p. 62), the Central Indian or "box-headed" type is
found fully developed "in einer luschrift Sarnudragupta's
aus Eran und emer Chandragupta's II. aus Udayagiii, den
kupfertafeln der Kouige von Sarabhapura, den Inschriften
der V&k&taka; der des Tivara von Kogala und in zwei friihen
Kadamba-Inschriften/ ' The Gupta, Vakafaika and Kadamba
records are definitely known to be earlier than 700 A.D.
The same may be the case with the inscriptions of Tivara
1 am indebted for this suggestion to Prof. K. C Baycbaudbun. Lakibmana Rto
identifies it with Te war i a the Jabhulpore district and considers it to have been the
place of Madhava, >arm an (1)'$ father in.law (Journ. Dept. Let., XI, pp. 84, 89). The
pattage in question however seems to. suggest bis hostile zeJatioas with Trivaranagara
rather than bin marriage with a girl of tbat place.
J7
180 SUCCESSORS OF THE SATAVIHANAS
of Kodala. It must be noticed in this connection that
Fleet's and Kielborn's view that the Vakataka records date
from the 7th century A.D. (ibid, note 19) has now been
conclusively disproved.
The performance of Vedic sacrifices and the epithet
parama-brahmanya (highly hospitable to the Brahmaas)
clearly show that Madhavavarman I was a staunch follower
of the Brahinanical faith.
I. The Ipur plates (set I) were issued on the 15th day
of the 7th fortnight of summer in the 37th year 1 of the
king, from the camp of Kudavada (vijaya-skandhavarat
kudavada-vasakat). They record a notice to the inhabitants
of Vilembali in the Guddadi-visaya. The village was granted
by the king to a Brahmana named Agni^arman belonging
to the Vatsa gotra, and all royal officers were ordered to
protect it and make it immune from taxation. The executor
of the grant was the king's beloved son, Prince Mancyanna.
The village of Villembali and the Guddadi-visaya have not
been satisfactorily identified. Guddadi may be the same as
Guddavadi-visaya, i.e., the present Bamachandrapur taluka.
It is possibly not the same as the Gudrahara-visaya which
is the district round Gudivada in the Kistna district.
The seal of king Madhavavarman I attached to the plates
is circular and somewhat worn. It is divided by a cross-
line into two sections. The lower section bears in relief
Sri-Madhavavarma in two lines. Hultzsch thought that
the upper section bears the figure of Laksmi or svastika on
a pedestal, flanked by two lamp-stands and possibly sur-
mounted by the sun and crescent of the moon (Ep. Ind.,
XVII, p. 334). As on the seals attached to the Chikkulla
and Bamatirtham plates the figure of a lion is clearly
visible, it may not be impossible that the obliterated part
.1 ^9 old form of dating in the VigQakngjia records is probably doe to local
custom of the original home of the dynasty. See
HlDfiAVAVARMAN I JANigRAYA
above the line contained the figure of a lion which was
possibly the crest of the Vignukundins.
II. The Polamuru grant * was issued by the king when
he set out on the eastern expedition and was crossing the
GodavarL By it the mahattaras and adhikara-puruas
were informed that the king made an agrahara of the
village of Puloburu on the Daliyavavi river and of four
nivartanas of land at the southern extremity of MayindavS-
takl, and granted it to the Gautama gotra Brahmana
Sivagarman, resident of Kunlura in Karmarastra. As
Polamuru (Puloburu of the inscription) is a village in the
Eamchandrapur taluka of the Godavari district, the present
taluka may be roughly identified with the Guddavadi-visaya
in which the village is said to have been situated. Mayinda-
vataki has been identified with Mahendravada adjacent to
Polamuru, and Daliyavavi with the small stream Tulyabhaga
now turned into a drainage canal. Kunlura may be the
same as Konduru in the Sattanepalle taluka or Peda-Konduru
in the Tanuku taluka of the Guntur district. As we have
already seen, the village of Polamuru was re-granted to the
recipient's son by the Eastern Calukya king Jayasimha I who
probably conquered the region from the Visnukimdins.
In the Sanskrit lexioa Trikandatesa, mahattara has
been called the sa r ne as grama-kuta, "the head of a village"
(cf. rastra-kuta "head of a rastra," an official designation
in the Calukya inscriptions). Evidently, affairs in villages
were controlled by them. The word adhikdra-purusa
appears to mean "a purusa '(agent) having an adhikara (a
post)," i.e., a government official cf. na nisprayoja-
nam adhikaravantah prabhubhirahuyante : Mudra-raksasa,
Act III. The mention of the mahattaras along with
1 The language and orthography of this record are bad, and the characters are
rude and late. The authenticity of the grant therefore may not be quite certain. But
we are not definite, as sometimes we also get copies of older records. See also our
rem ark s at p. 57 and notes above.
182 SUCCESSORS OB* THE SATAVAHANAS
'government officials" possibly shows that the former were
. not salaried officers of the government. 1 The executors of
the grant were the Hastiko&t arid Virako^a, which terms
have already been discussed.
"It is believed that the seal (of the Polamufu plates)
contains the figure of a lion, the crest of the Vi^nukurnjins,
and probably also the name of the royal donor" (Journ.
Andhra Hist. Res. Soc., VI, p. 17).
C/. the OMB of yramika ID Manu, VII. 116-19 ; also below.
MlDH \VAVARMAN II.
Madhavavarman II was the son of Devavarman and
grandson of Madhavavarman I. Only one copper-plate grant
of this king has been discovered. It was found at Ipur, a
village in the Tenali taluka of the Guntur district. The
grant appears to have been issued on the 7th day of the 7th
paksa of var$a in the 17th (47th according to Hultzsch)
regnal year, 1 from Amarapura which may probably be
identified with the modern Amaravatl.
Madhavavarman II has been described in this inscription
as trikuta-malay-adhipati, " lord of Trikuta and Malaya/'
We do not know of any other Malaya except the famous
Malaya mountain, generally identified with the southern-
most part of the Western Ghats. Triku$a is placed by
Kalidasa (Raghu., IV, 58-59) in the Aparanta, i. e.,
Northern Konkan. It is, however, difficult at the present
state of our knowledge to justify Madhavavarman II 1 s claim
to be in possession of those countries. The epithet may
show that the Vinukundin king came into hostile relations
with Trikuta and Malaya. He may have joined the
armies of^ some powerful king who invaded those regions. 2
Mr. B. V. Krishna Eao appears to suggest that Madhava-
varman II was Viceroy at a place called Triku$amalaya
which he is inclined to identify with Kotappakoncja near
Narasaraopeta (Bharatl (Telugu), J930, p. 414; Journ.
1 It has.reoently been suggested in a paper read at the nmtb session of the
All-India Oriental Conference (1987) that the grant wag issued in the reign of
M&dhavavanuan I.
* The V&k&faka kings Narendrasena and Harisena are said to have conquered
Malaya and Trikfl> respectively (Bhandarkar's List, Nos. 1700, 1712). But they
appear to be considerably earlier thau Visoukundin Madhayavaruoan II.
164 SUCCESSOBS OP THE SiTAVlHAtfAS
Andhra Hist. Res. Soc., X, p. 191). This is a happy
suggestion ; but I could not examine his arguments in
favour of the identification.
The plates record the grant of a village, the name of
which seems to be Murotubiliki, to two Brahmanas named
AgniSarman and IndraSarman. In connection with the
asan-ajM, reference is made to the attention paid by the
visnukundy-adhiraja who may be Madhavavarman II.
If, however, it may be believed that Madhavavarman II
was a viceroy under his grandfather, this adhiraja should
of course signify Madhavavarman I.
The seal attached to the Ipur plates (set II), is
circular and much worn. It is divided by a cross-line into
two sections like the seal of the Ipur grant (No. 1).
In the lower section the legend $ri-Mddhava(varmmd) in
two lines is very faintly visible, while the symbols in the
upper section cannot be made out at all (Ep. Ind,,
XVII, p. 338).
\I
VlKBAMENDRAVABMAN I (II ?).
The next king appears to have been Vikramendravar-
man I, son of Madhavavarman I. Mo inscription of this
king has been discovered. The most interesting point
about the king is that, in the Chikkulla plates of his grand-
son, he is called visnukundi-vakdta-vamfa-dvay-alwflkrta-
janmd. Vakata is evidently the same as Vakataka, which
was the most glorious dynasty ruling in Northern Deccan in
the 5th century of the Christian era. The relation of
Vikramendravarrnan I with the Vaka^akas is also referred to
in the Ramatirtham plates of his son, where he is called
ubhaya-vam$-alamkarabhuta (who is the ornament of both
the dynasties).
"The Vaka$akas were the neighbours of the Kadambas
and the Vakataka kingdom extended up to the modern
town of Kurnool on the banks of the Krishna. We know
that the famous temple of Srigailam or Sri-parvata is in the
Kurnool district, and ' a story, as related in the Sthala-
mahatmya of the place^ says that the princess Chandravati,
a daughter of the Gupta king Chandragupta, conceived a
passion for the God on the SrlSaila hill and began offering
every day a garland of jasmine (mallikd) flowers to him'
(Report on Epigraphy for 1914-1915, Part If, 91).
"In fact, we shall see that this dynasty (sell, that of
the Vignukundins) had for its tutelary deity the God of Sri-
parvata and that the first (?) king of this dynasty Madhava-
varman married a Vi^ukundin (? Vakataka) princess, I
think there can be no doubt that this princess was the
186 SDCCESSOKS OF THE SITAViHANAS
daughter or grand-daughter of queen Prabh&vati," the
daughter of king Candra^upta II and wife of the Vakataka
king Eudrasena (see Dubreuil, Anc. Hist. Dec., pp. 73-74).
According to Vincent Smith (J.R.A.S., 1914, p. 137) the
mother of Vinukundin Vikramendravarman I was the
daughter of the Vakataka king Hari?ena who claimed to
have conquered the countries of Andhra and Kaliftga.
VII
INDRAVARMAN.
The son and successor of Vikramendravarman I was In^
dravarman, to whom belong the plates discovered at a place
called Ramatirtham in the vicinity of Vizianagram. The
king has been described as parama-mahetvara (staunch devo-
tee of MaheSvara, i. e., Siva) and aneka-caturddanta-samara*
fata-sahasra-samghatta-vijayi. The significance of the
latter epithet may be understood from what has been already
discussed above. It refers to the king's struggle with his
eastern or north-eastern neighbours. In the Chiknlla grant
he is said to have made some ghatikas, which mean estab-
lishments (probably founded in most cases by kings) for holy
and learned men. GhatikS, is mentioned in the Talgunda
inscription of Santivarman and the Kasakudi grant of Nandi-
varman. It is the same as Brahmapurl of other records
(Ep. Ind., VIII, p. 26). In the same grant, Indravarman
is also called parametvara and bhrubhahga-kara-vinirdhuta-
samagra-dayada. It is suggested that the latter epithet
refers to his success against the viceregal line of Trikuta-
malaya (Journ. Andhra Hist. Res. Soc., X, p. 191).
The Ramatirtham plates (Ep. Ind., XII, p. 133) which
were issued from the Puranisangamavasaka (which possibly
means the camp at the confluence of the river Purani) on
the 7th tithi of the bright half of Jyaistha in the 27tb year
of king ! Indravarman record the grant of the village of
Peruvatakain Plakira^ra a s an agrahara to a taittirlyaka
BrShmaija named NagnaSarman who belonged to the
MamJira gotra.
18
188 SUCCE88OES OF THE SATAVAHANAS
The agrah&ra was exempted from the burden of all taxes
and the peasants assembled at Peruvataka were ordered to
give to the Brahmana the customary share of the produce
of the agrahara and to perform regularly all duties, such
as conveying message, etc. The future owners of the country
are also requested not to confiscate but to protect the
agrahara. The king himself was the exeuctor of the grant.
The nature of the grant appears to support our view that
king Indravarman granted the agrahara, while leading an
expedition against his eastern enemies. PJtakirastra, as we
have already noticed, is the present Vizianagram region.
It is mentioned as Plakivisaya and Palakivisaya in the ins-
criptions of Calukya Visnuvardhana I (Ep. Ind. 9 IX, p. 317).
' The seal attached to the Raraatirtham plates shows the
faint figure of an advancing lion facing the proper right,
with its left forepaw raised, neck erect, mouth wide open,
and the tail raised above the back and ended in a loop.
VIII
VlKRAMBNDRAVARMAN II (III ?).
Indravarman was succeeded by his eldest son, Vikra-
mendravarman II. A copper-plate grant (Ep. Ind., IV,
p. 193) of this king was discovered at Chikkulla in the Tumi
sub-division of the Godavari district. It was issued on the
5th day of the 8th masapaksa of grlsma (?) in the 10th year
of the king, from the Lenduluravasaka which has been
identified by Rarnayya with modern Dendaluru near Ellore.
King Vikramendravarman II, who was a parama*
mahevara like his father, hereby dedicated a village called
Regonrana to Soraagire^varanatha in honour of the matted-
haired, three-eyed God, the Lord of the three worlds. Soma-
giresvaranatha appears to have been the name applied to a
linga established in a temple at Lendulura.
The village of Regonrana is said to have been situated
to the south of the village of Ravireva on the bank of the
Kr^navenna (Krishna) 1 in Natrpa^i which appears to be the
name of a district.
The seal of Vikramendravarman II attached to the
Qhikkulla plates "bears in relief on a slightly countersunk
surface a well-executed lion, which stands to the proper
right, raises the right forepaw, opens the mouth and appa-
rently has a double tail " (loc. cit.). It t however, seems to
me that the tail of the lion is not double as Kielhorn takes
it to be, but is only raised above the back so as to end in a
loop. Compare the figure of the lion on the Ramatirtham
plates of Indravarman.
1 "Kfishpabesna, or more usually Kpabrave^nS or Kpstmaverna, was the ancient
epigrapbic name of tbe Krishna, evidently taken from its confluence at SaAgam-
Mahull, three miles east of Satara, with tbe Yenna or Vena, one of its most important
feeders " (Bon? 6. Gaz. t I, ii, p, 384 n.). See p. 61 above.
CHAPTEE VI
THE EARLY PALLAVAS.
I
EARLY HISTORY OF THE KiSfci REGION. 1
The earliest reference to Kaficlpura (Conjee verm an in the
Chingleput district of the Madras Presidency) seems to be
that in the Mahabhasya (iv, 2 second ahnika) of the great
grammarian Patafijali whose "date, B. C. 150, may now be
relied upon " (Bomb. Gaz., I, ii, p. 140). Patafijali is now
generally taken to have been a contemporary of the first
Sunga king, Pusyamitra, who reigned from circa 185 to 149
B. C. according to Smith (E. Hist. Ind., 4th ed.,p. 208 ff.).
The mention of Kaficlpura in the Mahabhasya goes to show
that Kafici became a place of importance as early as the
beginning of the second century B. C. It is however not
certain whether Kafici was of political or commercial im-
portance in the age of the Mahabhasya.
If traditions recorded by the Chinese pilgrim Yuan
Chwang are to be believed, Kafici rose to prominence even
earlier than the age of the Mahabhasya. This Chinese
pilgrim tells us that be noticed a stupa about hundred feet
high, built by king Asoka in the city of Kafici (Beal, Bud.
Rec. West. World, II, p. 230). In this connection we may
also note the mention of A6oka or Asokavarman an one of
the early Pallava kings in the mythical portion of the later
Pallava inscriptions. Hultzsch appears to be right in
taking this Aoka or Asokavarman as "a modification of the
ancient Maurya king- A6oka." The claim of having this
great Maurya emperor as predecessor is to be found also in
the Rajatarahgim, the traditional history of Kashmir (i,
102-!06). Though the genealogy of A6oka given in the
1 The paper was originally published in Journ. Ind, Hut., Vol. XIV,
pp. 14047.
&ABLY HISTORY OP KASCI 141
Kashmir chronicle does not tally with the Maurya genealogy
found in the Puranas, the description of the Kashmir king
named A6oka " who had freed from sins and had embraced
the doctrine of Jina (i. e., Buddha), covered Su?kaletra and
Vitastara with numerous stupas," clearly shows that he is
no other than the great king of Pataliputra. The inclusion
of Maurya A6oka in the traditional Pallava genealogy is
therefore not impossible.
If however we take the find-spots of A6okan inscrip-
tions so far discovered in the far south as establishing the
southernmost boundary of the Maurya empire in A6oka's
time, it would appear that the KancI region lay outside
that empire. Nevertheless, if traditions recorded in early
Tamil works are to be believed, the Maurya frontier at the
time of CaadMgupfca, grandfather of A6oka, possibly ex-
tended far to the south of Kafici. "We have seen that in
the south the Maurya power, at one time, had probably
penetrated as far as the Podiyil hill in the Tinnevelly
district. In the time of Aoka, the Maurya frontier had
receded probably to the Pennar river near Nellore,, as the
Tamil kingdoms are referred to as prachamta or border states
and are clearly distinguished from the imperial dominions
(vijita or raja-visaya) which stretched only as far south as
the Chitaldrug district of Mysore'* (Raychaudburi, PoZ.
Hist. Anc. Ind., 2nd ed., p. 195). If then the Kanci region
was once under the Mauryas, it may not be altogether im-
possible that owing to the commercial importance of its
position Kaficl attracted the notice of a Maurya emperor
or a viceroy of the southernmost Maurya province, who
assigned this Sanskntised name to a Dravidian original
like Kacci (Kaccippedu) or Kanji. 1
1 Bomb. Gaz.,1, JJ, p. 318, note. At the time of A&ka, the southernmost
Maurya province bad its headquarters at Suvarnagin which baa been identified by
Hultzich with Eaoakagiri in the Nizaii/g dominions to tl e south of Maaki (Corp. Int.
Ind., I. p. ixxviii).
142 SUCCESSORS OF tTHE SATAVAHANAS
The exhaustive list of countries, mentioned in Gautaml
Bala6ri'8 inscription, over which Gautamiputra Satakarni
is said to have ruled, does not mention any district of the
far south. This fact along with the conspicuous absence
of inscriptions and coins of Gautamiputra Satakarni in the
And bra region possibly goes to show that the country was
outside the kingdom of this Satavahana king. It must
however be noticed that Gautamiputra Satakarni has been
described in that famous Nasik Cave inscription as lord of
the Vindhya, Eksavat, Pariyatra, Sahya, Krsnagiri (Kan-
heri), possibly SrISaila (maca-siri-tana = Marty a-ri or Sri-
stana?), Mahendra, Malaya, Setagiri and Cakora mountains.
Malaya and Mahendra, quite well-known in Sanskrit litera-
ture, have been identified respectively with the Western
Ghats (to the south of theNilgiri) and the Eastern Ghats. If
there is in the list really the name of Srigaila, it is to be
found in the Kurnool district of the Madras Presidency.
Cakora has been mentioned along with Srigaila in the
Puranas. It is therefore possible that Gautamiputra Sata-
karni claimed a sort of suzerainty over the whole of southern
India. Since there is no mention of the Himalaya, the list
of mountains in Gautamiputra 1 s kingdom does not appear
to be altogether conventional. Another importaat point in
this connection is the king's epithet ti-samuda-toya-pita-
vdhana which says that his war-horses drank water from the
three seas. We are to notice that the inscription does not
refer to the conventional catuh-samudra, but only to tri-
samudra (three seas) which evidently signifies the Wes-
tern (Arabian) sea, Eastern sea (Bay of Bengal) and
Southern sea (Indian Ocean). The traditional southern
expedition of Maurya Candragupta and the southern expedi-
tions of the Calukyas of Badami and Kalyani, of the Ra$-
trakutas of MalkhecJ and later of Sivajl and Haidar Ali
show that it was almost a custom with great Deccan kings
to lead expeditions to the far south. Is it impossible that
EARLY HISTORY OF KAftCI 143
Gautamlputra S&takarni's vague claim of suzerainty over
the whole of Southern India originated from such a southern
expedition ? l
The Amaravati inscription of Vasisthiputra Pulumftvi
(Arch. Surv. S. Ind., I, p. 100 ; pi. LVI, No.'l), Ama-
ravati inscription of sm'-Sivainaka-Sada (ibid, p. 61,
pi. LVI, No. 2), Chinna inscription of Gautamlputra Yajfia
Satakarni (Ep. Ind., I, p. 95), Kodavali inscription of
Vasisthiputra Cnda Sata (ibid, XXIII, p. 316 ff.) and
the Myakadoni inscription of Pulumavi (ibid, XIV,
p. 155) however clearly show that the successors of Gautaml-
putra Satakarni certainly ruled in the Andhra region.
This southerly extension of the Satavahana power may have
been due to the rise of the house of Castana who seems to
have established himself at Ujjayini and to have been a con-
temporary of the Greek geographer Ptolemy (c. 140 A.D.)
and of the Satavcihana king V c asisthiputra Puluraavi, son of
GautamTputra Satakarni. We know from the Junagadh
inscription (ibid, VIII, p. 44 if.) that Castana's grandson
Rudradaraan (c. 130-150 A.D.), who for some time ruled
conjointly with his grandfather, 2 was reigning over some of
the countries that were formerly under the possession of
Gautamlputra Satakarni.
The occupation of Andhrade^a and the adjoining districts
by the later Satavahanas is also proved by numismatic
evidence. According to Rapson (Catalogue, p. Ixxi) the
Satavahana coins found in the Kistna-Godavari region " fall
into two classes distinguished from each other both by their
type and their fabric." In the district of the first fabric,
1 A Ngflik inscription possibly refers to a southern expedition led by OautamT-
pntra flitakarni who seems to have once encamped at Vaijayanfcl VaijayantJ which
was later the capital of the Cufa flatakarnis and after them of the Kadarabas
has'been identified with modern BanavasI in the North Kanara district of the Bombay
Presidency (see infra).
Baychaudhuri, op eft., p. 917 ff*
144 SUCCESSORS OF THE SATAVAHANAS
"coins of the following five kings have been found (ibid,
Ixxii) :
1. Vasisfchlputra 6ri-Pulumavi,
2. Vasi^hiputra Siva6rl Satnkarni,
3." Vasi^thiputra 6ri-Candra Sati.
4. Gautamlputra 6ri-Yajfia Satakarni, and
5. SrI-Kudra Satakarni.
In the district of the second fabric are found coins struck
by the following three kings (ibid, p. Ixxiv) :
1. 6rI-Candra Sati,
2. GautaraTputra ri-Yajna Satakarni, and
3. 6ri-Rudra Satakarni.
Some lead coins found in the Anantapur and Cuddapah
districts have been taken by Kapson to have belonged to
some feudatories of the Satavahana kings (ibid, pp. Ixx-xi).
This suggestion- appears to be supported by the following
facts. Firstly, in the Chitaldrug district has been found
a coin of one Sadakana (Satakarni) Kalalaya Mabarathi
who was most probably a feudatory of the great SatavSbanas;
secondly, the Myakadoni (Bellary district) inscription of
Pulumavi shows that the Bellary region was called the
janapada (district) of Satavahanihara, and that it was under
the rule of a governor (mahasendpati) whose name was
Skandanaga. This fact seems to show that the southern
districts of the Satavahana kingdom were ruled by military
chiefs.
From what has been said above it is perfectly clear that
the dominions of the later Satavabanas extended as far as
the borders of the district round Kaficl. We shall now con-
sider the question whether Kaficl could have formed a part
of the S&tavahana kingdom.
There is no epigraphic evidence to prove that the Sata-
v&hana kings ruled over Kaficl; but certain lead coins with
BABLY HISTORY OF KASCT . 145
" ship with two masts " en one side and the Ujjain symbol
on the other have been discovered on the Coromandel coast
between Madras and Cuddalore. " That they belong to the
Andhra (Satavahana) dynasty seems certain from the Ujjain
symbol which forms their riverse type, and from such traces
as remains of the coin-legend. On the solitary specimen on
which these traces admit of any probable restoration the ins-
cription appears to be intended for Siri~Pu[luma]visa (No. 95,
p. 22; pi. V)." l Of course, mere discovery-of some coins of a
certain dynasty in a certain area may not prove that that
particular area was under the direct control of the rulers of
that dynasty. But this distinct type of ship-coins found ex-
clusively in the Coromandel coast possibly supports the view
that at least the issuer (or issuers) of the ship-coins had some
sort of political supremacy over the coastal region. But who
ruled the coast-country during the time of the later Sata-
vfihanas who most probably issued the ship-coins?
According to some scholars, "The coast-region in
which these coins arc found was in the third century B.C.
inhabited by the Colas; but before the middle of the second
century A.D. it seems to have passed into the power of the
Pallavas who were thus contemporary with the later Andhras
(i. e., Satavahanas)." 2 This view however can be proved
co be unwarranted on the evidence of the Periplus of the
Erythraean Sea and the Geography of Ptolemy.
We may not expect to get the name of Kaiicipura in the
Periplus as this work does not attempt to give an exhaustive
list of cities and towns of the countries about which it speaks.
The KancI region was possibly not a separate political unit
in the age of this work (c. 80 A.D.). The Periplus says :
" 59. From Koniari (mod. Kumarika) towards the south
(actually toward NNE) this region extends to Kolkhi
1 Rapson, op cit., pp ixxxi-ii.
9 Ibid, p. ixxxii.
19
146 SUCCESSOBS OF THE SiTAViHANAS .
(Earkai on tbeTamraparni in the Tinnevelly district; Smith,
op. cit.,p. 469) ; and it belongs to the Pandian king-
dom. Beyond Kolkhi there follows another district called
the Coast country (Coromandel or Cola-mandala coast),
which lies on a bay, and has a region inland called Argaru
(=Uragapura*mod. Uraiyur near Tanjore) 60.
Among the market-towns of these countries and the harbours
where the ships put in from Damirika and from the north,
the most important are, in order as they lie, first Eamara,
then Poduka, then Sopatma; in which there are ships of the
country coasting along the shore as far as Damirika; and
other very large made of single logs bound together called
Sangara; but those which make the voyage to Khryse and to
the Ganges are called Kolandia and are very large." We
do not definitely know whether any of these three ports men-
tioned by the Periplus belonged to the district of Kanci, but
the fact that the Periplus after referring to the Coast country
refers to Masalia (=district round Masulipatam) possibly
suggests that the borders of the Coast country touched, in
the age of the Periplus, those of the district round Masuli-
patam. This suggestion, it should be noticed, is in accord
with the tradition which says that " the Chola country
(Cholamandalam) was bounded on the north by the Pennar
and on the south by the southern Vellaru river; or, in other
words, it extended along the eastern coast from Nellore to
Puddukottai, where it abutted on the Pandya territory"
(Smith, op. cit., p. 480).
In the Geography of Ptotemy (c. 140 A.D.) who gives a
fairly exhaustive list of countries, cities and important
places, we do not find the name of Kanci ; but the district
of Kanci can be satisfactorily identified from Ptolemy's
map of India. The order of the position of countries in
the east coast has been thus given in Ptolemy's Geography,
VII, i :
1, Country of the Pondioaes ( - Pandyas) with its
HlStTOEY 0# KiSFCI 147
capital at Modoura (-Madura) 125 1620', ruled by
Pandion (89);
2. District of Batoi (90) with its metropolis at Nisa-
mmal2510' 1030' (12);
3. Coast of the Soringoi ( = Colas) with its capital at
Orthoura 130 16 20', ruled by Sornagos (91);
4 Arouaraoi with its capital at Malanga 130 13,
ruled by Basaronagos (92); and
5. District of the Maisoloi (called Maisolia in 15,
and Masalia in the Periplus) with its metropolis at Pitundra
135 18 (93).
It is clear from the situation of the above countries
that on the way from the district of Masulipatam to the
Pandya country, i. e., to the south of the former, lay first
the country of Arouarnoi, then the coast of the Soringoi,
and then Batoi. This " coast of the Soringoi " is evidently
the same as the "Coast country" of the Periplus which
seems to represent the Co]a-mandala of Sanskrit literature.
Its capital Orthoura appears therefore to be the same as
Argaru of the Periplus and Uraiyur (=Uragapura) of the
present day. 1 But what about this Arouarnoi which has
not been mentioned in the Periplus 9 but has been placed be-
tween the Cola-mandala and Masulipatam by Ptolemy ? In
this connection it is interesting to note what Dr. S. K.
Aiyangar says about the countries of this coast. "The east
coast region, however, beginning with the river Vellar
flowing across the state of Pudukottah now and emptying
1 It mast be noticed that a oity called Argarou 125* 15' 14W has been mentioned
by Ptolemy (Geog., VII, i, 11) as belonging to the Pandya country. It can however
hardly be identical with Argaru (=Uragapura) of the Periplus which, as we have seen,
places it in the Coast country, beyond the kingdom of Pandion. Ptolemy's Argarou in
the Papaya country is evidently the same as Uragapura mentioned by Kalidasa as the
capital of the PM7 kings (Raghu, VI. 69-60). That Uragapura of these two Greek
authors is different is also proved by the fact that while the Periplus has it as "a region
inland called Argaru , Ptolemy's map places the city just on the sea-shore (Renon,
La Qtographie d* Ptolemfe, Paris, 1925, Plates).
148 SUCCESSOES OF THE SITAVlHANAS
itself into the Bay of Bengal which marked the orthodox
southern boundary of the Cholas, constituted the Chola-
mandalam which actually extended northwards therefrom to
as far as the river South Pennar where began the division
known as Aruvanadu which extended northwards along
the coast almost as far as the Northern Pennar" (R.
Gopalan, Pallavas of Kanchi, p. xi-ii). There can
hardly be any doubt that this Aruvanadu between the north-
ern and southern Pennars is the Arouarnoi of Ptolemy's
Geography. This Arouarnoi is practically the same as the
Kaiici-mandala, i. e., the district round Kanci. 1 It must
however be noticed that the capital of this district, at the
time of Ptolemy, was at Malanga which appears from
Ptolemy's map to have been far to the north of Eafici.
It now appears that the Co]a-mandala or the Cola coast
which at the time of the Periplus was possibly bounded by
the Pandya country in the south and the "Masuli district'"
in the north was divided into two kingdoms in the age of
Ptolemy (c. 140 A.D.). What is more interesting is that at
the time of the Greek geographer, the Cola-mandala proper
was being ruled by a king named Sor-naga, while Aruva-
nadu, the northern part of the former Cola kingdom, was
under the rule of a king named Basaro-ntf{/0. We cannot
be definite whether these two names really represent Indian
names like Sura-naga (or Surya-naga) and Vajra-naga
or Varsa-naga; but there can be no doubt that at Ttoleiny's
time the Cola kingdom as well as the district round Kanci
was ruled by princes who belonged to the family of the
Nagas. The existence of the Nagas in the Coromandel
coast seems to be further supported by the existence of the
1 " The surrounding territory was known as the Drftvida country, and also as the
Kafichf manQala or province of KafichI, and as the Tonda, Toijdai, Togdira, Tundlra
and TuiJ<jaka mandala, rasher a, vishaya, or nad. And Kanchi it pelf was sometimes
called Tuijijfrapurai, as the capital of the territory under the latter name*' (Bomb. Gaz. t
I, ii, p. 318).
EARLY HISTORY OF KISCl 149
city called Uaraga-pura in the Pandya country and another
of the same name in the Cola country. Uraga, as we all
know, is the same as Naga. It is however difficult to ascer-
tain whether the "inland region called Argaru ( = Uraga-
pura)" was being ruled by the Nagas (=Uragas) in the age
of the Periplus ; nevertheless the name supports a conjecture
that in or before that period a place in the heart of the Cola
country was under the Nagas. 1
In this connection we should also notice the Buddhist
traditions of Ceylon and Siam which speak of a Naga country
on the coast near the "Diamond Sands/' to the south of
Dantapura, between the mouth of the Ganges and Ceylon
(Cunningham, Anc. Geog. Ind., ed. 1924, pp. 611-12).
This country has been called Majerika. We do not know
whether Majerika is the same as Masulika (Masulipatam) or
a district named after the Manjhira branch of the Godavari
or it is Ptolemy's Arouarnoi where the Naga king Basaro-
naga once ruled. But the traditions seem to support the exis-
tence of a Naga country on the eastern coast. Much value
of the traditions is however vitiated by the fact that the
epochs to which the two traditions refer are irreconcilable.
The Ceylonese tradition gives the date as B.C. 157, while
the Siamese tradition gives A.D. 310-313. If we believe
the latter tradition (and also in the fact that the tradition
refers to the Nagas of the Coromandel coast), the Pallavas
would appear to have risen to prominence after A.D. 313.
This however seems to be improbable.
Before the middle of the second century therefore not
the Pallavas but the Nfigas were ruling the coast country.
As scholars generally take Ptolemy's Siriptolemaios
(siri-Pulumavi), ruler of Baithana (Pai than in the Aurang-
1 It may alternutively be suggested that Uragapura is really a Sanskritised form
of the Tamil name Uraiyur (literary, "city of greatness"?). We must however notice
that as early as the beginning of the Christian era the locality (or localities) was known
to foreigners not as Uraiyur, but as Uragapura (cf. Argaru).
150 saccfissofcs o# THE
abad district) to be the same as Vasi^hTputra 6ri- Pulumavi,
son of Gautamlputra Satakarni, we see that Basaro-naga,
ruler of the KancI region, and Sor-naga, ruler of the Coja-
mandala, reigned contemporaneously with this Satavahana
king who possibly was the first to establish Satavahana
power in the Andhra country (Pol. Hist. Anc. Ind.,
2nd ed., p. 313). 1 It may not be altogether impossible that
the successors of Basaro-naga acknowledged the suzerainty
of the powerful successors of Vasisthiputra Pulumavi, such
as the great Gautamiputra Yajna Satakarni. It should be
noticed here that Pulumavi of the ship-coins appears to be
the same as the king of the Myakadoni inscription, who
was probably a successor of Vasisthiputra Pulumavi and
was the last king of the direct Satavahana line.
1 Vasisthiputra Pulumavi has been called "lord of Daksinapatha" in the
Nanik inscription -of year 19. In line 12 of the Junagadh inscription (Ep. Ind., VIII,
p. 44 ff.) the Saka king Rudra daman (c. 180-150 A.D.) mentions his Satavahana
contemporary (Pulumavi?) as "fiatakarni, lord f DakgiQapatha." The epithet
however seems to have nothing to do with the inclusion of Andhradesa in the
Satavahana Kingdom (see p. 1 abate).
IE
RISE OF THE PALLAVAS 1
Scholars are now generally of opinion that the Pallavas
were not indigenous to the KaficI region. Thus Dr. S. K.
Aiyangar says, " The Pallavas seem nevertheless to have
been foreign to the locality as far as our evidence takes us at
present" (op. ci., p. x). The question is now: When
did the Pallavas attain political supremacy in the Kanci
region ?
We have already seen that about the middle of the second
century A.D., when Ptolemy is known to have written
his Geography, the above region was being ruled by the
Nagas. The Pallavas therefore did not rule as a re-
cognised political power in the same locality before the
middle of the second century of the Christian era. They are
however believed to have risen to prominence certainly before
the middle of the fourth century A.D. which is the time of
Sainudragupta's Allahabad pillar inscription. This record,
as we all know, mentions a certain Kanceyaka Visnugopa
with whom the Gupta king (c. 330-75 A.D.) came into
conflict during his South Indian compaign. This " Visnu-
gopa z ruler of Kaflci " has been unanimously taken to have
belonged to the Pallava family.
To about the same period should be assigned the Mayida-
volu (Ep. Ind., VI, p. 84) and Hirahadagalli (ibid, I, p. 2)
grants of the Pallava ruler Sivaskandavarman, and the
British Museum grant (ibid, VIII, p. 143) dated in the
reign of a Pallava king named Fiyat/a-Skandavarman. These
grants are written in Prakrit and are unanimously taken to
be the earliest available epigraphic records of the Pallavas.
1 The paper was originally published in /ottm, Ind. Hist., Aoguit, 1985,
pp. 157-64,
102 SUCCESSORS OF THE SITAVAHANAS
There is however difference of opinion regarding the date
of these epigraphs. But, as we shall show in the next
section, they appear to belong to the first half of the fourth
century A.D. The Pallavas therefore seem to have attained
political supremacy in the Kanci region after the middle of
the second but before the beginning of the fourth
century of the Christian era. Now, the next question
would be : Who were the PalJavas, and how did they
succeed in obtaining mastery over the Kfiiici region from the
hands of the Nagas ?
It is almost certain that the Pallavas originally were
executive officers under the Satavahana kings. 1 They
were most probably in charge of the government of districts
with titles like Maharathi and Mahasenapati, i.e., governor.
There is inscriptional evidence to prove that the Satavahana
kings took their officers from the families of the Guptas and
Nagas. A Nasik inscription mentions an officer named
Siva-gupta, and the Karle inscriptions refer to Gupta and
Sivaskanda-Gupta (Pol. Hist. Anc. Ind., 2nd ed., p. 332).
We have already seen that a Naga chief named Skanda-naga
was ruling the Bellary district during the reign of Pulumavi
who was possibly the last Satavahana king of the main
line. The Pallavas may have been officers like the Guptas
and Nagas.
But, who were the Pallavas? 2 Were they identical with
the people called Pahlava or Palhava in inscriptions and litera-
ture ? Some scholars are in favour of the identification. Their
1 Aiyangar, op. at., p. xv; Sewell, List. s. v., c. 225 A.D.
> See H. KrishDasastri, Ep. Ind., XV, p. 246. " The origin of the Pallavas has
been obscure. A suggestion has been thrown out by Mr. Venkayya th.it they may have
been connected with the Pahlavaa, mentioned in the MaJiabhdrata and the Puranis
and there classified as foreigners outside the pale of Aryan society (Arch. Sun. Rep. for
1916-17, p. 217 f.). It is true that here the Pallavas are so classed with the Sakas,
Yavanaa and other foreign tribes ; nevertheless the possibilify of their being a class
that originated from an intermingling of the Brahmanas with the indigenous Dravidian
tribes is not altogether precluded. Thiu presumption is confirmed partly by a
RISE OF THE PALLAVAS 153
arguments may be summed up as follows. The Palhavas,
i.e., the Parthians, are known from inscriptions and coins to
have been ruling in North- Western India in the beginning
of the Christian era. At the time of the Periplus,
" Parthian princes [who] were constantly driving each
other out," were occupying the valley of the Indus. This
people possibly pushed a little down to the south when they
came'into conflict with the Satavahana king Gautamiputra
Satakarni who is called "subduer of the Sakas, Yavanas
and the Palhavas." Indeed, from the Junagadh inscription
of Rudradaman we learn that a Pahlava governor named
Suvisakha, son of Kulaipa, was ruling the district of
Anarta 1 and Surastra under that great Saka king. If, as it-
seems to be, the territory of the Palhavas lay not far off
from the Satavahana kingdom, if they really came into con-
flict with the Satavahanas at the time of Gautamiputra
Satakarni, if the Palhavas accepted offices in the government
of neighbouring kings, and if the Satavahana government
accepted services of persons belonging to the neighbouring
tribes, there is nothing impossible in the suggestion that the
Palhavas were employed by the Satavahana kings and
eventually carved out a principality in the south of the
Satavahana kingdom after the decline of the latter.
curious statement, made in the Rayakofca copper plates (above, Vol. V, p. 62) that
Advatthamsn, the Brahmana founder of the race, married a Naga woman and had by
her a BOP called Skandagishya. Other copper-plates (e.g., S. 7. 7. , Vol. II, p. 853,
vv. 16 & 17) which relate a similar btory mention in the '[name of Skandasishya
the name of the eponymous king Pallava, after whom the family came to be called
Pallava. Hence it appears almost probable that the Pallavas like the Kadambas of
Banavasi (Dy. Kan. Dist., p. 286 and fn. 2), the Nojambas^of Mysore (Bice's Mysore
^nd Coorg, p. 55), the Matsyas of Odcjavadi (0<Jdadi in the Vizagapatam district)
and other similar dynasties were the products of Brihmana inter-connections with
the Dravjdian races, as the stories related of their origin indicate. The Pallavas are
however referred to in an.early Eadamba record of the 6th century A. D. (Talgunda
inscription, Ep. Ind. t VIII, p. 31 ff., verse It?) as Kahatnya*, and their earliest
sovereign B are stated to have performed Vedio sacrifices like the Aryan kings of old/ 1
1 Anarta ia the district rouud modern Dvaraka. In the Mahabharata (XI V> 52, 59 ;
58) ihe same ]plaoe his been referred to both as Anartapun and Dv&rakft.
20
154 SUCCESSORS OF THE SITAVAHANAS
We however think that there are very strong grounds
against the identification of the Pallavas with the people
called Palhava (i.e., the Parthiana). If the people who
were called Palhava or Pahlava at the time of Gautamiputra
Satakarni and Rudradaman, that is to say, during the first
half of the second century A.D., is the same as the Pal'avas
whom we find stationed at Kaiici at about the end of the
third century, how are we to explain the fact that the latter
have never been called Palhava either in the records of their
own or in the records and works that refer to them ? It is
improbable that within the short period of about 150 years a
tribe had utterly forgotten its original name, so much so that
not even for once did its members use that name in the
whole course of their history, though Indian literature in all
succeeding ages has recognised a tribe named Palhava,
sometimes even side by side with Pallava.
Another important point in this connection is that, in
the Hirahadagalli grant, the earliest known Pallava king
Sivaskandavarman, who appears to have ruled in the first
quarter of the fourth century A.D., is reported to have
performed the A6vamedha sacrifice. There is no evidence
that kings belonging to foreign dynasties or tribes like
the Saka, Kusana, Gurjara, Huna and others ever perform-
ed the Horse-sacrifice, even when they were Hinduised.
It seems highly improbable that a foreigner would be very
favourable to the obnoxious practices followed during the
course of this sacrifice. Unless an immigrant tribe hope-
lessly forgets itself and imbibes utter orthodoxy of
Hinduism, it seems impossible for its members to be able
to expose their wives to such indelicate practices as are
necessary in performing the Horse-sacrifice. 1 The per-
formance of this out-and-out Brahmanical sacrifice by the
i I am indebted for thin suggestion to Prof. H. C. Raychaudhuri. For
details about the Afivamedha sacrifice, see SvkfaYajurveda, XXH-XXV, *lth
Mabjdbara's commeptirj tbereoD. For tb$ indelicate portion, see tffd, XXIII,
OP TtiE PALLAVAS 155
earliest known Pallava king seems to go against the theory
of foreign origin of the Pallavas.
The next important point is that the family of the
Pallavas is known even from the earliest record to have
belonged to the Bharadvaja gotra. 1 This Bharadvaja
gotra of the Pallavas can hardly be imitated from the gotra
of any earlier dynasty that ruled in the Deccan. The Sata-
vahanas of the main line, whose records the early Pallavas
imitated in drawing theirs, did never specifically mention
their own gotra. The Vinhukada Cutu-Satakarnis however
called themselves Manavya-gotra-Hariti-putra. This title
was imitated by the Kadambas who succeeded the C/utu-
Satakarnis in the Kuntala country. The Calukyas who
appear to have originally been provincial governors under the
early Kadambas (or probably under the Vakatakas), got the
title in their turn along with the sovereignty of the Kanarese
country. Since the Pallavas do not use metronymics
like their predecessors and since their Bharadvaja gotra
cannot be reasonably proved to have been imitated from
any preceding ruling dynasty of theDeccnn, it seems possible
that they were originally Brahmanical Hindus of the
Bharadvaja gotra and therefore belonged to Northern India. 2
18-95. Mantra to be uttered by tbe queen of the performer of this sacrifice :
o.mbe-'tn&ifre= 'mbahke no ma nyati kacana, 6a*ast y - afoakab subhadnkani
kayipiJa-rasinini. Mahldhara f s commentary: mad=agamane = ^vo^'nyam^ddaya
6aiti$yata=itt maya gamyate. Aft-r pronouncing another mantra, the queen sits
(according to Mahldhara, lies down) beside the sacrificial horse. Queen : ta ubhau
caturah padah tarppras&raydva ; Adhvaryu : svargo loke ^prornuvatham. Aftrr the
Adlivaryu covers the bodies of the Queen and the horse with a bheet of cloth, the
queen say 3 : vtfd vdjl retodhH reto dadhatu, and then according to Mahldhara :
mahi*i $va>yam~evatva h&nam = aktfya sva-yonau stMpayatt. See Satapatha-
Brahmana, XIII, iv, 2, and above.
1 According to K. P. Jayaswal (History of India, p. 182), " The Pallavas were a
branch of the Vaka$akas." The theory however is obviously untenable, as the
former are known to lave 'belonged to the Bharadvaja gotra, while the latter belonged
to the Vignuvrddha gotra.
1 The Purdnio genealogy of the Pallavae, based on the name of their &atrar?t t
does not appear to have been imitated. See Fleet, Bomb. Gaz. t I, li. p. 312, note ;
1S6 SUCCESSOKS OF THE SiTAVAHANAS
Panini (IV. i. 117) seems to say that the Sungas
belonged to the Bbaradvaja gotra. From the Puranas we
know that the Sungas succeeded the Mauryas on the
throne of Magadha, and the Malavikagnimitra informs us
that a secondary capital of the Sungas was at Vidi^a (mod.
Besnagar near Bhilsa in the Jubbalpure district).. Is it alto-
gether impossible that the Pallavas really were a branch of
the Sungas of Vidi&i, who gradually pushed to the south, took
services under the Satavahanas and eventually carved out
a principality in the Kanci region ? 1 Whatever the value
of this suggestion may be, the fact that the Pallavas never
try to connect themselves with the solar and lunar dynas-
ties, famous in Indian legends, at least seems to show that
they belonged originally to a Brahmana family of Northern
India. If a Brahmana family rises to royal dignity, it
cannot quite naturally look back for past glory to the Surya
and Candra vamas which were Ksatriya dynasties. They
can however claim connection with Bharadvaja Drona, the
great epic king of Northern Paiicala, who was a Brahmana
by birth, but took the profession of the Ksatriyas. Cf.
the case of the Sena kings of Bengal, who refer to them-
selves in their inscriptions as Brahma-ksatriya.
" The Puranic genealogy of the RasbfrakuUs mukes its first appearance in the
Sfcngll grant (Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 247). The pretended historical genealogy of
the Western Gangas may have been concocted a little earlier, but was more probably
devised about A. D. 950 (Ep. Ind., Vol. Ill, p. 162) The Cola Puranic genealogy is
apparently first met with in the Kaltngattu-Parant (Ind. Ant , Vol XIX, p. 329)
which was composed in thej-eign of the Eastern Calukya king Kulottunga Choladeva
I, A.D. 1063-1112. And the Puranic genealogy of the Eastern Gangas of Kalinga-
nagara is first presented in a record of A.D. 1118-19 (Id., Vol XVIII, p. 165). The
Puranic genealogy of the Pallavas is the earliest such pedigree that has as yet
come to light. And possibly the discovery of it in some ancient record set the later
fashion which became so general.*'
1 It may be noted that the early Gangas clai ned to have belonged to the
Kanvayana gotra. Thus they claim connection with the famous Knnvlyana royal line
that succeeded the Sungas. We however do not know whether the claim could be
an imitation, nor do we know whether the family-name Gang a has anything to do
with the famous North Indian river called Ganga.
EISE OF THE PALLAVAS 157
But, how did the Pallavas occupy the Kancl region
which was once under the Nagas? This question is diffi-
cult to answer, as we know nothing definitely about the
Pallava kings who ruled before Sivaskandavarman, or his
father whose name is as yet unknown. 1 Indeed, later
Pallava inscriptions, such as the Kasakudi plates of Nandi-
varma-Pallavamalla (S. Ind. Ins., II, p. 34*2), the Velu-
ralaiyam plates of Nandivarman III (ibid, p. 508) and
the Vayalur pillar inscription of Rajasimha (Ep. Ind.,
XVIII, p. 150), have mentioned the names of some early
Pallava kings otherwise unknown and have traced the
Pallava pedigree from Lord Brahman, through his descen-
dants, Angiras, Brhaspati, Samyu, Bharadvaja, Drona,
A^vattharnan, Pallava and Asoka (or Asokavarman). There
can be no question about the unhistoricity of this part of
the genealogy. It is obviously fabricated on the basis of
the name of the gotrarsi of the Pallava family. We know
that the Pallavas belonged to the Bharadvaja gotra which
has the pravaras, Bharadvaja, Angirasa and Barhaspatya.
Pallava is evidently the eponym, while Asokavarman " can
scarcely be considered a historical person, but appears to be a
modification of the ancient Maurya king Asoka."
It must be noted that the order and form of names
mentioned after Asokavarman in the traditional part of the
Pallava genealogy are not uniform in the different inscrip-
tions. Hultzsch therefore remarked on this part of the
Kasakudi grant (S. Ind. Ins., II, p. 343), " It must
rather be concluded that, at the time of Nandivarman,
nothing was known of the predecessors of Simhavishnu
but the names of some of them, and that the order of their
1 According to Sewell (List, p. 17), " Bappa," i. e. , the father of Sivaskanda-
varman, was a name assumed by Jayavannan of the Kondamudi grant. This
thtory is untenable in view of the fact that Jayavanuan belonged to the
Bjrhatphaliyana gobra, but the Pallavas are known to have belonged to the Bharadvaja
goira. See my note in Journ. Andhra Hist. Res. Soc. t VIII, p. 105 ; and aboca, p. 41.
156 SUCCESSORS Of THE SiTAVAHANAS
succession and their relation to each other and to the sub-
sequent line of Simhavishnu, were then entirely forgotten."
This part of the Pallava genealogy may be compared with
the mythical genealogy of the Calukyas about which Fleet
says, " For the above account (scil. Calukya genealogy
before Pulike&n I), a certain amount of foundation may be
derived from the fact that from the time of Pulike^in II
onwards, the Western Chalukyas were constantly at war
with the Pallavas, who were their most powerful and invete-
rate foes, coupled with a tradition of the later Kadambas that
the founder of the Kadamba family was a certain Trinetra
or Trilochana. But in other respects, the account is a
farrago of vague legends and Puranic myths of no autho-
rity " (Bomb. Gaz., I, ii. pp. 341-42). It is therefore diffi-
cult to believe that the traditional portion of the Pallava
genealogy is much useful for the purpose of authentic
history. Nevertheless it is tempting to make a few sugges-
tions.
(t) Verse 6 of the Valurpalaiyam inscription says that
Virakurca, son of Cutapallava, obtained the insignia of
royalty along with the hand of a Naga princess (c/.
phanlndra-sutaya sah=agranld = raja-cihnam = akhilam). We
have seen above that the Nagas were ruling over the Kafici
region before the rise of the Pallavas in that locality ; it
is therefore not impossible that Virakurca married the
heiress of the last Naga king of Malanga and thus became
the first Pallava king of the district round Kafici. 1 Some
very late inscriptions (of about the llth century) mention a
king named Trilocana as the earliest illustrious ancestor of
1 Many scholars think that the Cufu-Satakarnis of KunUla were Nagas and that
the father-in-law of Pallava Virakurca belonged to the family of these Cu$u-Nagas.
Since we have tried to prove Naga occupation of the Kafici region just before the rise
of the Pallavas, the above suggestion seems to be more plausible. Jayaswal
(op. ctt., p. 189) is inclined to identify the Naga relations of the Pallavas with
the Bhara&vas (possibly Nagas) of Central India. His arguments however are not
convincing.
EISE OF THE PALLAVAS 159
the Pallavas. He is also called Trinetra, Trinayana,
Mukkanti-Pallava and Mnkkanti-Kaduvetti (Butterworth,
Nellore Inscriptions, I, p. 389, II, p. G71 ; cf. Ep.
Ind., XI, p. 349). He is described as having, like Siva, a
third eye on the forehead and is believed by some scholars to
have been a historical person who was the founder of the
Telugu-Pallavas and who ruled over some part of the Telugu
country ((An. Rep. S. Ind. Ep., 1916, p. 138 ; lyenger,
History of the Tamils, pp. 364, 384). The historicity of this
Trilocana-Pallava is impossible in view of the facts that a
similar Trilocana is said to have been the progenitor of the
Kadarnbas in some Kadamba inscriptions of about the same
period (Ep. Carn., VII, Sk. 236) and that all early
Pallava records deny the possibility of the existence of any
.such early king named Trilocana-Pnllava. Many scholars
have now discarded this Trilocana as purely mythical.
"The name Trilocana seems to have passed from the
Kadamba inscriptions of the west to the Pallava inscriptions
of the east" (Moraes, Kadamba-kula, p. 8, note).
(ii) The name of the father of Virakurca who was
possibly the first king of the family was Cuta-Pallava. May
Pallava, the name of the dynasty, have anything to do with
the second syllable of the name of the first Pallava king's
father? 1
1 Is the name Cuta-pallava (lit. twig of the mango tree) eponymioal like the
came Pallava? I have elsewhere suggested (Ind. CM ft., IV, p. 118 ff; also below)
that the names Kadamba and Pallava are possibly of totemistio origin. Tree
names, like Kadamba, of tribes and families, many of vthich are totemistio, ate
quite common in India. When, on the other hand, we find that a sept of the Mundas
is called Chirko i.e., mushroom (Riaely, Tribes and Castes of Bengal, II, 1892,
p 108) and another is called Sewar, i ., moss (p. 108) and that a totemistic section
of the Bautifts is called Kharia, i.e., blade of grass (p. 123), the possibility of
Pallava, t.c., twig, having originally a toteinietio significance in connection with
the Pallavas may not appear altogether impossible. ftiseley (p. 47) mentions
Pallab as a subcaste of the Goftl&s of Bengal. This is evidently a corruption of the
vallabha meaning " cow- herd/'
160 SUCCESSOBS OF THE SATAVIHANAS
(Hi) A successor of Virakurca was Skanda&sya who
came into conflict with a king named Satyasena (verse?).
Was this Satyasena in any way connected with the
Palakkaka Ugrasena of the Allahabad pillar inscription, who
possibly ruled at Palakkada (sometimes a seat of Pallava
government) in the Nellore region?
(iv) Another successor of Virakurca was Kumaravisnu
(verse 8) who is credited with the seizure of Karici (grlrita-
kancmagara). Does it mean that the Pallavas first ruled at
Malanga, the Naga capital, which possibly lay somewhere
to the north of Kane! and that Kumaravisnu was the first
Pallava king to have his capital at Kanci? Had the Colas,
then, become again master of their country and occupied the
Naga territory as far as the city of Kafici? The mention of
Kumaravisnu and Buddhavarman together, however, makes
it very probable that this Kumaravisnu is to be identified
with Kumaravisnu I of the Chendalur grant. 1
(v) A successor of Kumaravisnu was Buddhavarman,
who, is called submarine fire to the sea that was the Cola
army (cola-sainy-arnava-vadav-agni). Does it signify the
continuation of the war with the Colas, which we have
supposed to have begun in the reign of Kumaravisnu?
1 If this i lentification be accepted, the other suggestion is improbable. Kafici
became I' e capital of the Pallavas bng before the time of Eumarsvi^u I. In that
case grhUa-k&flcinagara would possibly mean recovering Kaflcl from the temporary
occupation of the Colas.
Ill
DATE OF SlVASKANDAVARMAN 1
The Mayidavolu and Hirahadagalli grants of Sivaskanda-
varman and the British Museum grant dated in the reign of
king wjaya-Skandavarman are the earliest available records
of the Pallavas. They are written in Prakrit, while the
later epigraphs of the early Pallavas are in Sanskrit. We
have already noticed that there is a controversy over the
date of these records and, therefore, of the Pallava rulers
named Sivaskandavarman and Skandavarman to whom they
belong. Fleet thought that these kings should be placed
after the Pallava king Visnugopa mentioned in the Allaha-
bad pillar inscription (Bomb. Gaz., I, ii, p. 319). Accord-
ing to this scholar therefore the two Pallava kings reigned
about the last quarter of the 4th century A.D. Prof.
Durbeuil Cine. His. Dec., p. 70), on the other hand,
assigns Sivaskandavannan, whom he identifies with vijaya-
Skandavarman, to about A.D. 250-75, i.e., about the
third quarter of the third century. It is now generally
believed that the king or kings mentioned in the Prakrit
grants of the Pallavas ruled before the time of Visnugopa,
ruler of KancI, mentioned in the Allahabad pillar inscrip-
tion (Krishnasastri, Ep. Ind., XV, p. 243; Jayaswal,
History of India, p. 181). Here I am going to show that
Sivaskandavarman probably reigned in the first quarter
of the 4th century and that vijaya- Skandavarman of
the British Museum grant was possibly a different king
who seems to have reigned a little later than Sivaskanda-
varman.
Ptolemy who wrote his geography about A.D. 140,
mentions (VII, i, 63 and 82) Tiastenes (=Ca?tana),
1 My !paper on the date of Fallava Sivaskandavarman was first published in
Journ. Ind. Hwt., XIII, p. 792 ff.; the question was previously discussed in my
paper, Date of 9alahkay<tna Dwavannato, in Ind. Cult., I, p. 498 f .
21
162 SUCCESSOES OP THE SITAVAHANAS
ruler of Ozene (Uj jay ini), and Siriptolemaios (=siri-Pulu-
mayi or mavi) , ruler of Baithdna (Paithan in the Aurangabad
district), as his contemporaries. The Andau inscriptions,
issued in the joint-reign of Gastana and his grandson
RudradSman, are dated in the year 52 which must be
referred to the Saka era and would correspond to A.D. 130
(R'lychaudhuri, Pol Hist. Anc. Ind., 2nd ed., p 307 ff).
Cabana's contemporary Pulumavi who has been identified
with Vasisthipulra grl-Pulumavi, son of Gautamiputra
Satakarni (ibid, p. 313), must also have ruled about the
same time.
According to the Matsya Parana, which is the only
work that gives a fuller list of the Satavahana kings and
seems therefore to be more authentic as regards Satavahana
chronology than the other Puranas, the following Satavahana
kings ruled after Vasisthiputra Pulumavi (see Rapson,
Catalogue, p. Ixvii) :
1.
Siva^ri [Satakarni]
... 7 years.
2.
Sivaskanda Satakarni
... 7 years.
3.
Yajna&I Satakarni
... 29 years. 1
4.
Vijaya
... 6 years.
5.
Candasri [Satakarni]
... 10 years. 2
59 years.
6.
Puloma[vi]
... 7 years. 8
66 years.
1 The real name of this king is Yajfta (not YajftasrI) 3&tikarni (see my note in
J.R.A.S., July, 1934, p 580). He iscahed tiri-Yafia-Stoakani In inscriptions and
coins, and sin is no donbt an honorific. The Chinna inscription is dated in his twenty-
seventh year (Ep. Ind. t I, p. 95). The Puranic tradition ascribing a reign-period of
twenty-nine years to him therefore seems to be true.
* The real name of the Puranic Ca^asr! appears to have been Oan4a (or Candra)
fittakarni. He is never called Oandrasrl or Ca^rasrT in inscriptions and coins.
The Myakadoni inscription (Ep. Ind., XTV, p. 103) of Pnlmnavi is dated in
his eighth regnal year. He therefore appears to have rulec| for more than
seven years.
t>AT OF SlVASKANDAVARMAtt 163
The only inscription of Puloma or Pulumavi, the last
king of the list, has been discovered at Myakadoni in the
Bellary district (Ep. Ind., XIV, p. 153). We therefore
cannot be definite as regards his rule over AndhradeSa
proper. But the Amaravati inscriptions of Vasithlputra
Pulumavi and Sivamaka Sada ( = Sivaskanda Satakarni?),
the Chinna (Kistna district) inscription of Yajna Satakarni
and the Kodavali (Godavari district) inscription of Cada Sata
or Sati (Canda&I or Candra6ri Satakarni) leave no doubt that
at least the Satavahana kings of the list, who ruled before
Pulumavi of the Myakadoni grant, were rulers of the Andhra
country (Arch. Surv. 8. Ind., Vol. I, pp. 61 and 100; Ep.
Ind., I, p. 95; XVIII, p. 316). As Vasisthiputra Pulumavi,
son of Gautamlputra Satakarni, is known to have ruled in
the second quarter of the second century, it appears that
the Andhra country was under the Satavahana yoke at
least up to the beginning of the third century A.D.
According to Krishnasastri (Ep. Ind., XVIII, p. 318)
the second year of Cada Sati is equivalent to A.D. 210. We
may therefore arrange approximately the chronology of the
above kings as follows :
1. Sivasri Satakarni ... circa A.D. 160-166.
2. Sivaskanda Satakarni ... circa A.D. 167-173.
3. Yajna(sri) Satakarni ... circa A.D. 174-202.
4. Vijaya ... circa A.D. 203-208.
5. Canda(M) Satakarni ... circa A.D. 209-218.
According to the Matsya Purana, Vasis^hiputra Pulu-
mavi ruled for twenty-eight years. He therefore seems to
have ruled from about A.D. 132 to 159. 1 This date,
1 From a different point of view, Rapaon baa also come to prac'ically the
am a conclusion. The last known date of Nahapana, the records of whose reign,
according t? many scholars, are dated in the Saka era, is Saka 46=-124 A.D. ;
his reigo could not have extended much beyond that date. Gantamiputra Satakarni's
success over Nahapaoa almost certainly tcok place in the eighteenth year of his
reign (c/. Nasik Ins. ; Ep. Ind., VJI1, p. 71 ; Karle Ins.; tbtd, VII, p. 64). The
161 SUCCESSORS OP THE SITAVAHANAS
though approximate, corroborates the fact that Vasisthiputra
6r!-Pulumavi was a contemporary of the Greek geographer
Ptolemy who wrote his book about 140 A.D., and of the Saka
ruler Castana who is known to have reigned in A.D. 130.
The Iksvakus who succeeded the Satavahanas in the rule
of the Kistna-Guntur region (i.e., the Andhra country) 1 must
therefore have risen to prominence not before the time of
Canda (M) Satakarni. The sovereignty of the Iksvakus over
Andhrade^a thus appears to have begun from about the
end of the first quarter of the third century A.D. Vasisthi-
putra Camtamula I, the first known Iksvaku king, should be
placed after the time of Canda(sri). He could not have been
a feudatory of the Satavahanas, as he is said to be a performer
of the Asvamedha and Vajapeya sacrifices. We have already
seen that according to the $atapatha-Brahmana(V, 1. 1. 13) , 2
the performance of the Vajapeya bestows on the performer a
superior kind of kingship called samrajya, while Kieth has
rightly pointed out that the Asvamedha "is an old and
famous rite, which kings alone can bring to increase their
realms " (Rel. Phil. Ved. Upanis., p. 343). It is perfectly
clear from statements contained in the Baudhayana-Srauta-
sutra (XV, 1), Apastamba-Srautasutra (XX, i, 1, quoted in
eighteenth year of Gautamlputra, is therefore A.D. 124 or 124 + x. Gautamlputra
6atakarni thus seems to have ascended the throne in A.D 106 or 106 + x. The latest
macriptional date of this king is year 24, which would correspond to A.D. 130 or
180 + x. His son Vasisthiputra Puluuiavi appears to have lost much of his
territories to the $aka ruler Rudridaamn before Pnlumavi'a 10th regnal year "and
before Saka 52 (A.D. 150), which is the date of Rudrad&man's Junagadh inscription.
According to Eapson therefore the accession of Vasiathiputra Pulumavi took place in
about A.D. (15019 = ) 131. See Kapson, op. cit. t pp. xxvi-ii, xxx, xxxvi-viii.
The chronology we have proposed here would place Vfisisf/hTputra Pulumavi approxi-
mately in A.D. 132-159 and Gautamiputra Satakanji, who seems to have ruled for
about 24 years, in A.D. 107-131.
1 The Iksvftkn records have been discovered at Jaggayyapeta in the Nandigram-
taluka of the Eistna district (Ind. Ant., XI, p. 257) an<l at Nagarjunikonda in the
Palnad taluka of the Guntur district (Ep. Ind., XX, p. 1 ff. ; XXI, p. 61 ff ).
8 Cf. ra/3 t>at r3/0*fiyen = e$i3a bhavati, samrwj vajapeyen dvarartilii rajyatfi
p*r*ip tamrajyaifi kamayeta vai raja sarfirad = bliaviturii t etc.
OF SIVASKANDAVARMAN 165
tiabdakalpadruma-Paritista, s. v.) and the Taittiriya-Brahmana
(III, viii, 9, 4 ; V, iv, 12, 3) that a feudatory ruler could
never perform the Agvamedha sacrifice. 1 The Horse-sacrifice
celebrated by Camtamula I, therefore, appears to suggest his
success against his Satavahana overlords.
We do not know for how many years the Iksvaku king
Vasisthiputra Camtamula I ruled over the Andhra country.
It is however known from the Jaggayyapeta records that
his son, Virapurisadata, reigned at least up to his twentieth
year, while according to the Kottampalugu record, Ehuvula
Camtamula II, successor of Virapurisadata and the last
known king of the dynasty, ruled at least up to his eleventh
year. It is therefore reasonable to suppose that these three
Iksvaku kings together ruled for about more than half a cen-
tury. The end of the reign of Camtamula II thus appears to
have fallen in the fourth quarter of the third century A.D.
According to the evidence of the Mayidavolu grant, dated
in the reign of Sivaskandavarman's father, Andhrapatha
(i.e., the Andhra country) with its headquarters at Dhamfia-
kada (Dhanyakataka) passed from the Iksvakus to the
possession of the Pallavas. Pallava Sivaskandavarman, who
was like Cfimtamula I a performer of the great Vajapeya
and A^vamedha sacrifices, 2 was preceded in the suzerainty
of Andhrapatha at least by his father who must have
ruled the country after Ehuvula Camtamula II. Sivaska-
ndavarman therefore can hardly be placed earlier than
A.D. 300. His title [Dharma-] Maharajadhirdja, which, in
North India, the Guptas imitated from the Kusanas at the
beginning of the fourth century also points to this direction.
This view, moreover, can be confirmed by an altogether
different line of argument.
J See Kieth, Black Yajtts t pp. cxxii-iv; and my notes in Ind.CuU,l, p. 311,
II, p. 7ft9, III, p. 876, IV, p. 272. See moreover the Appendix where in the whole
question has been discussed.
* The Advtinedha performed by Sivaskandavarman seems to suggest, his success
against the Iksv&kns and othtr neighbouring poweri.
166 SUCCESSOBS OP
There is some linguistic difference between the grants
of Sivaskandavarraan and the records of the Iksvaku kings.
Like the Satavahana grants and other early Prakrit inscrip-
tions, the Iksvaku records (excepting a record of the last known
King; Ep. Ind., XXI, p. 62) express compound-consonants
by single letters. The Mayidavolu and Hirahadagalli grants
of Sivaskandavarman, on the other hand, express them, in
many cases, by two letters. Though the grants of Siva-
skandavarman are in Prakrit, the legend on the seals of
both the grants are written in Sanskrit. The Hirahadagalli
grant, moreover, ends in a mangold which is also written
in Sanskrit. This linguistic difference between the
epigraphs of the known Iksvaku kings and those of Siva-
skandavarman (one of whose grants is dated in the reign
of his father) clearly points to the fact that there was an
interval between the reign of the former and that of the
latter Consequently, Sivaskandavarman could not have
ruled much earlier than the beginning of the fourth century
A.D. He cannot however be placed later than Kanceyaka
Visnugopa who came into conflict with Samudragupta about
the middle of that century. We have shown that Pallava
Sivaskandavarman ruled earlier than Salaiikayana Deva-
varman who was a predecessor of Salankayana Hastivarman,
the Vaingeyaka contemporary of Samudragupta (see above,
Ind. Cult., I, p. 493 If.; also Ind. Hist. Quart., IX, p. 212
and Journ. Ind. Hist., XIII, p. 37). He therefore appears
to have reigned about the first quarter of the fourth century.
We have already shown that the word vijaya, in names
like t?ijaj/a-Skandavarman, is not an integral part of
the name, but is a simple honorific, 1 The name of the
Pallava king mentioned in the British Museum grant there-
fore is Skandavarmani. Some scholars think that the word
in the name of $i0a-skandavarman, is also an honorific
1 Ind. Hist. Quart., IX, p. 208 ; also above.
DATE OF flIVASKANDAVAEMAN 167
like vijaya in ihe other names and that the Pallava prince
&'t?a-Skandavarman of the Mayidavolu and Hirahadagalli
grants is identical with king in;at/a-Skandavarman of the
British Museum grant. The absence of any king named
Sivaskandavarman and the existence of many Skandavarmans
in the traditional list of early Pallava kings, and also the
use of the word iva, in the Kadamba inscriptions, as an
honorific in names like tnjaya-&t;a-MandhatTvarman, vijaya-
.<it?a-Mrge3avarinan and t?^aj/a-^t;a-Krsnavarman (II), may
be taken as proofs in support of this theory. It must
however be noticed that there is not even a single instance
where the word Siva is singly used as an honorific. It may
be argued that Siva in the names of Sivaskandanagasri of
the Banavasi inscription (Haiders, List, No. 1124) and
Sivaskandavarman of the Malavalli inscription (ibid, No.
1196) is only an honorific compounded with the names.
These persons belonged to royal families. But Siva-
skandagupta is the name of an ordinary person in
the Karle inscription No. 19 (ibid, No. 1105) and Sivas-
kandila (Sivaskandanaga?) is that of an ordinary officer in
a Nasik inscription of Pulumavi (ibid, No. 1L24). Since
honorifics are not known to have been used by ordinary
persons, it is clear that Sivaskandavarman was certainly
not an improper name in ancient India. The name of
Sivaskanda Satakarni in the Puranic list of the Andhra
(Satavahana) kings, where no other king's name is mentioned
with an honorific, is also in support of this suggestion.
The name of the Brahmana Bhavaskandatrata in the
Chendalur grant is also to be noticed in ihis connection.
Since the traditional list of early Pallava kings is of very
doubtful authority, we can hardly make out anything from
the non-mention of Sivaskandavarman in it. The identi-
fication of Sivaskandavarman of the Mayidavolu and
Hirahadagalli grants with Skandavarman of the British
Museum grant is therefore extremely doubtful.
168 SUCCESSORS OF THE SiTAViHANAS
As the British Museum grant is also written in Prakrit
a linguistic consideration may be useful in ascertaining its
date. This grant expresses double-consonants, in all
cases, by more than one letter, and generally follows the
spelling accepted in literary Prakrit. It has moreover the
usual imprecatory verses in Sanskrit. There can therefore
be hardly any doubt that the British Museum grant is
later than the grants of Sivaskandavarman. Skandavarman
seems to have been a successor of Sivaskandavarman.
Such linguistic considerations have led us to believe
that the Pallava kings of the Prakrit records, Salankayana
Devavarman of the Ellore grant, Kadamba MayuraSarman
of the Chandravalli inscription (Mys. Arc. Surv. 9 A. R.,
1929, p. 50), the Kadamba king of the Malavalli record
(Ep. Cam., VII, Sk., No. 2G4), Vinhukadda Satakarni of
another Malavalli record (ibid, No. 203) l and Brhatphala-
yana Jayavarman of the Kondamudi grant 2 may all be
placed roughly between about the beginning and the
middle of the fourth century.
1 Linguistic consideration seems to suggest that the Banavaai inscription (Ind.
Ant., XIV, p. 881) belonged to an earlier Viijunkada Sfttakarni.
3 The difference in palaeography between the Kondamudi plates and the seal
attached to them may be taken to suggest that Jayavarman ruled a little earlier than
the time suggested by the linguistic standard of the Kondamudi grant. But as has
already been noticed, the legend on the seal which is in Sanskrit cannot be much
earlier than 300 A.D.
rv
EARLY PALLAVA GENEALOGY PROM INSCRIPTIONS OF
THE NELLORE-GUNTTJR EEOION
Some Sanskrit records of the Early Pallavas have been
found in the Nellore and Guntur districts, which at one
time formed the Northern part of the kingdom of Kanci.
The Pallava genealogy constructed from these records cannot
be quite easily and satisfactorily assimilated into the
traditional list of early Pallava kings found in later records.
The Pallava kings mentioned in these northern inscriptions,
moreover, can scarcely be identified without difficulty
with the Pallava princes mentioned in the inscriptions of
the rulers of Kanci. Whether they ruled over Kanci proper
is also not definitely known. It is therefore convenient to
discuss the Early Pallavas of the northern records separately.
The Omgodu grant, No. 1 (#p./nd.,XV,p. 246), issued
from the sthana or city of Tambrapa in the 33rd year of
king Skandavarman, furnishes us with the following list of
kings :
1. Maharaja Kumaravisnu; his son
2. Maharaja Skandavarman (I); his son
3. Viravarman; his son
4. Maharaja M-injaj/a-Skandavarman (II).
Next we come to the Uruvupalli grant (Ind. Ant., V, p,
50) of prince Visnugopavarman, issued from the sthana of
Palakkada, in the llth year of Maharaja Simhavarman.
Here we get the following names :
1. Maharaja Skandavarman (I); his son
2. Maharaja Viravarman; his son
3. Maharaja Skandavarman (II) ; his son
4. Yuvamaharaja Visnugopavarman.
22
170 SUCCESSORS OF THE SlTAViHANAS
There can be no doubt that prince Visnugopavarman,
issuer of the Uruvupalli grant, was the son of king Skanda-
varman II who issued the Omgodu grant No. 1. There is
however difference of opinion as regards the identification of
king Simhavarman in whose reign the grant of the prince
was issued. According to Fleet, Maharaja Simhavarman
was possibly an elder brother of the Yuvamaharaja Visnu-
gopa. According to Hultzsch however king Simhavarman
of the Uruvupalli grant is the same as Visnugopa's son
Simhavarman who issued the Omgodu (No. 2), Pikira and
Mangalur grants. " The term Yuvaraja or Yuvamaharaja
which is prefixed to Vishnugopa not only in bis % Uruvupalli
grant, but in 'the two grants of his son Simhavarman, sug-
gests that he never ascended the throne, but that the succes-
sion passed from his father Skandavarman II to his son
Simhavarman. The reason of this need not have been pre-
mature death. If it is assumed that Vishnugopa declined to
take up the reins of government or was prevented from
doing so by some other reason unknown he may well have
been alive during the reign of his son Simhavarman to whose
eleventh year I would assign laghavat as an Indian philo-
sopher will say the Uruvupalli grant " (Ep. Ind., VIII,
pp. 160-61).
Three inscriptions of Visnugopa's son Simhavarman have
as yet been discovered. They are the Omgodu (No. 2) grant
issued in his fourth year from a vijaya-skandhavara (Ep.
Ind., XV, 246), the Pikira grant issued in his fifth year
from the vijaya-skandhavdra of Mernatura-vasaka (ibid,
VIII, p. 159 ff.) and the Mangalur grant issued in his
eighth year from Dasanapura (Ind. Ant., V, p. 154). They
give us the following genealogical list :
1. Maharaja Viravarman; his son
2, Maharaja Skandavarman (II) ; his son
EAELY PALLAVA GENEALOGY 171
3, Yuvamaharaja Visnugopa; his son
4. Dharma-maharaja 1 Simhavarman.
Next we come to the fragmentary Darsi record (Ep. Ind.,
I, p. 397). The only information we get from this inscrip-
tion is that it was issued from the adhi$thana (city or capital)
of Dasanapura by the great-grandson of a Pal lava king named
Virakorcavarman. The form virakorca (cf. Virakftrcavarman
of later grants) shows considerable Prakrit influence which
proves that the grant belongs to the period immediately
following the age of the Prakrit grants. We have already
noticed that the Prakrit records of the Pallavas are not
written in the early inscriptional Prakrit and that they have
in them passages and verses couched in Sanskrit. It must
also be noticed that the Omgodu grant (No. 1) of king
Skandavarman II is dated in his 33rd regnal year, on the
13th tiihi of the third fortnight of Hemanta. This is an old
form of dating used in almost all Prakrit inscriptions. Like
the Darsi grant, therefore, the Omgodu grant (No. 1) also
seems to have belonged to the same period, i. e., the early
Sanskrit period. Sanskrit grants showing considerable
Prakrit influence appear to me not much later than the
beginning of the fifth century A.D. They may be roughly
placed between the middle of the fourth and the beginning
of the fifth century. 2
1 Other South Indian kings (e.g., the Kadamba kings MrgeSavarman and Ravi-
rar man) also used the title DharmamaharSja. According to Fleet (Bomb. Gas., I, ij,
p. 288, note 5), the title means " a Maharaja by, or in respect of, religion," and may
be rendered by " a pious or riteous Maharaja " ; but what it actually denotes is " a
MahSrftja who, at the particular time of the record, was engaged in an act of religion
(dhanna)." Some kings are called Dharmamabara jadhiraja ; cf. Pallava Sivaslcan-
davarman ; the Kadamba king of the Malavalli record ; Ganga Nltimarga-Konguni-
Yarma-Permana<Ji and his successors (op. cit., p. 303, note 3). The epithet Dharma-
maharaja, as Prof. Raychaudhuri suggests to me, seems to have been connected with
the peculiar boast of these kings to be kaliyuga-do?-avasanna-dharrn-oddhaTona-mti/6-
tannaddha.
1 For dates expressed in the old fashion in the Visnukun<}in records, Me above ;
and for the two Kadamba grants, see below.
172 StfCCESSOKS OP THE SiTAVlHANAS
It is possible that the great-grandson of Virakocavarman,
who issued the Darsi grant, was a predecessor of king
Skandavarman II. Consequently, Virakocavarman,
great-grandfather of the issuer of the Darsi grant, was
probably a predecessor of Kumaravisnu, great-grandfather of
the issuer of the Omgodu grant (No. 1).
We have now to consider the seventh and last of the
Sanskrit grants so far discovered in the Nellore-Guntur
region. It is the Narasaraopet record (commonly called the
Chura grant), issued from the camp at Palotkata( = Palakkada)
during the reign of vijai/a-Visnugopavarman (II), son of
Simhavarman, grandson of Maharaja Visnugopavarman (I)
and great-grandson of Kandavarman (i.e., Skandavarman).
See An. Rep. S. Ind. Ep., 1914, pp. 10 and 82. The grant
is not dated; its language is Sanskrit and the alphabet used
is Telugu. It registers the king's grant of the village of
Cura in the Karmarastra to a Brahmana named Casami bar-
man who belonged to the Kasyapa gotra and was an inhabi-
tant of Kundur. 1
The fact that the first three names of the Narasaraopet
list, tM2.,(l) Kandavarman (i.e., Skandavarman), (2) Vinu-
gopavarman (I) and (3) Simhavarman, are found exactly
in the same order in the Omgodu (No. 2), Pikira and
Mangalur grants of Simhavarman makes it almost certain
that Vi^nugopavarman II of the Narasaraopet grant was a son
and successor of the issuer of the above three grants. Two
points however have been advanced (ibid, 82) against the
possibility of this identification. First, it has been said
that the characters in which the Narasaraopet record is en-
graved are comparatively more modern than those used in the
grants, of Simhavarman. Secondly, it is argued that in the
Uruvupalli, Omgodu (No. 2), Pikira and Mangalur grants,
The same as the native Tillage of divaSarmao, recipient of the Polamuru grant
nukuitfin M&dhavavarman 1; see Ind. Hist. Quart. , IX, p.969, and above.
EABLY PALLAVA GENEALOGY 173
the son of Skandavarman and father of Simhavarman has
been mentioned as a Yuvaraja or Yuvamaharaja, while in the
Narasaraopet grant Visnugopavarman I is called a Maharaja.
It has therefore been observed that Visnugopavarman II of
the Narasaraopet grant " must be a later king and very
probably one of the missing group immediately preceding
the line of Simhavarman and Simhavishnu whose] history
is pretty certain" (loc. cit.). The grant has been assigned
to the beginning of the 7th century A,D.
In connection with the first point however we should
notice the fact that the characters used in the Omgodu
grant (No. 2) of Simhavarman, son of Visnugopavarman (I),
are remarkably similar to those of the Narasaraopet grant
of Visnugopavarraan II. Krishnasastri . therefore thought
that the Omgodu grant (No. 2) " must have been a copy of
a grant of the 5th-6th century A. D., put into writing in
the seventh century, though no direct evidence, external
or internal, is to be found on this point from the wording
of the grant itself. The numerous mistakes made by the
engraver may possibly point to this conclusion" (Ep. Ind.,
XV, p. 252). If the Omgodu grant (No. 2) is believed to
have been an early record copied about the beginning of the
7th century A.D., what is the objection if we think that the
Narasaraopet grant was also an early inscription likewise
copied about the same time ?
As for the second point, it may be said that the epithet
Maharaja applied to Visnugopavarman I in the Narasaraopet
grant, which should properly be Yuvamaharaja, may be a
mistake due to the engraver's inattention. The possibility
of such a mistake becomes greater, if we believe that the
Narasaraopet record is an early gn
the Omgodu grant No. 2, abou
7th century A.D.
From the seven Sanskrit cc
the following genealogical list of
174 SUCCESSORS OF THE SlTAVAHANAS
be prepared :
1. Maharaja Virakorcavarman (Darsi grant); his
successor (?)
2. Maharaja Kumaravisnu; his son
3. Maharaja Skandavarman (I); his son
4. Maharaja Viravarman; his son
5. Maharaja Skandavarman (II) ; issued the Omgodu
grant No. 1 in his 33rd year; his son
SA. Maharaja Simhavarman (I ?); he is according to
Fleet the Pallava king referred to in the Uruvupalli grant;
his existence however is doubtful;
SB. Yuvamaharaja Vinugopavarman (I); issued the
Uruvupalli grant; did not rule as Maharaja; seems to have
been wrongly called Maharaja in the Narasaraopet grant; his
son
6. Maharaja Simhavarman (II?); issued the Omgodu
No. 2, Pikira and Mangalur grants respectively in his 4th,
5th and 8th years; his son
7. Maharaja Vinugopavarman (II); issued the Nara-
saraopet grant.
V
GENEALOGY AND CHRONOLOGY OF THE EARLY
PALLAVAS OF Kififcl
We do not know whether the Pallava kings discussed
in the last section ruled over the whole of the kingdom of
Kafici. It is however probable that some one of the princes
of the Pallava house of Kafici, who was originally made a
viceroy of the northern part of the Pallava kingdom by the
king of Kaflci, carved out a separate principality in that part
independent of his overlord. If this .suggestion is to be
believed, the kings of the main line of the Pallavas appear
to have been ruling at Kafici side by side with the branch
line that was ruling in the Northern part of the old KSficI
kingdom. Here we shall try to see what we know about
the history of Kafici after the time of the Pallava kings of
the Prakrit grants.
We have seen that Kaflci was under a Pallava king
about the fourth quarter of the third century A.D. That
king was succeeded by his son Sivaskandavarman who
ruled about the first quarter of the fourth century A. D.
He may have been succeeded by a king named Skandavarman.
In the British Museum grant of the time of Skandavarman,
there is mention of the Pallava Yuvamaharaja Buddhavarman
and of the YuvamahSraja's son whose name has been
doubtfully read as Buddhyankura. It is not known whether
this king ruled at Kaflci and whether the crown-prince
Buddhavarman and his son ever ascended the throne.
In an attempt to fix the date of the Early Pallava kings
of Kafici, we are fortunate to have at least three points
whereon we can stand with confidence.
176 SUCCESSOES OF THE SiTAVAHANAS
(i) The first of these points is supplied by the Jain
work,, Lokavibhaga (Mys. Arch. Surv. L A.R., 1909 & 1910),
where the precise date of the completion of the work is
given as the 22nd year of Simhavarman, lord of the
Pallavas, and as 80 beyond 300 years of the Saka era. The
22nd year of a Pallava king named Simhavarman therefore
comes to be equivalent to Saka 380, i.e., A.D. 458. Accord-
ing to S. Jha the date given in the Lokavibhaga corres-
ponds to the 1st of March, 458; but according to Fleet to
the 25th August, 458. Any way, the 22nd year of the Pallava
king Simhavarman corresponds to A.D. 458. He therefore
began to reign in (458-21=) A.D. 436-37 (Ep. Ind., XIV,
p. 334).
(it) The second point of importance is furnished by the
Penukonda plates of the Ganga king Madhava (ibid, p. 331
ff.) which, according to Fleet, are to be assigned, on
palaeographical grounds, to about A.D. 475. It may be
noticed here that the characters of this epigraph are remark-
ably similar to that of the epigraphs of the Salankayana
king Nandivarman II (e.g., the Peddavegi grant;
Journ. Andhra Hist. Res. Soc., I, p. 92ff.) whom
I have placed about the middle of the fifth century
A.D. (above, p. 73; Ind. Hist. Quart., IX, 208ff.). The
Penukonda grant was issued by the Ganga king Madhava-
Siiiihavarman, son of Ayyavarman, grandson of Mftdhava
and great-grandson of Konkanivarman. But the greatest
point of historical importance in this inscription is that it
tells us of Madhava-Simbavarman being installed on the
throne by the Pallava king Skandavarman and his father
Ayyavarman being installed by the Pallava king Simbavar-
man. We have seen that Fleet ascribes the Penukonda
plates to circa 475 A.D. It is therefore almost certain that
the Pallava king Simhavarman who installed Ayyavarman,
father of the Ganga king Madhava-Siiphavarman of the
Penukonda plates, is identical with the Pallava king Sim-
PAL^AVAS Qtf KASC1 17-7
havarman who, according to the Lokavibkaga, began to rate
inA.D, 436-37.
(Hi) The third point of importance is supplied by the
Allahabad pillar inscription of Samudragupta, vyhich refers
to the Gupta king's conflict with a certain Kanceyaka
Visnugopa. This " Visnugopa of Kanci " has been taken
by all scholars to have belonged to the family of the PalJa-
vas. Samudragupta is believed to have reigned from circa
330 to 375 A.D. This dating appears possible from the
facts that his father Candragupta I began to rute in
A.D. 320 1 and that the earliest date of his son Candragupta
II, according to the Mathura inscription (Ep. Ind., XXI,
p. 1 ff.), is (Gupta 61+320 = ) 381 A.D. Since it is proved
from the Prakrit records that the PaUavas were master
of the kingdom of Kanci during the first half of
the fourth century A.D., it is almost certain that
Kanceyaka Visnugopa of the Allahabad pillar inscription
was a Pallava king who ruled in the middle of that century
which is the time of Samudragupta' s South Indian cam-
paign.
Let us now see whether these three Pallavq, kings
Simhavarman, Skandavarman and Visnugopa, whose date
is fairly correct can be found in the epigraphs of the
Pallavas themselves. The evidence of the Penukonda
plates recording the installation of two consecutive Ganga
kings Ayyavarman, and his son Madhava-Simhavarman
who seems to have been named after his father's overlord
by the Pallava kings, Simhavarman and Skandavarman,
renders it most likely that the Pallava king Simhavarman
was the father and immediate predecessor of Skandavarman.
It is very interesting in this connection to note that the
Udayendiram grant (No 1) of Nandivarman (Ep. Ind. 9 III,
p. 142) issued from Kancipura, is the only known Pallava
i Smith, B. Hist. Ind., 4th ed., p. 296; above, p, 89 ,
23
178 SDCCESSOES OF THE SiTAViHANAS
record, where in we find a Pallava king named Singhavarman
(Simhavarman) succeeded by his son Skandavarman. The
genealogy given in this record is :
1. Skandavarman (I) ; his son
2. Singhavarman ; his son
3. Skandavarman (II) ; his son
4. Nandivarman.
These four kings are mentioned exactly in the same
order in the Vayalur grant of Rajasimba (ibid, XVIII,
p. 150 ; see Nos. 41-44), though the relation of one with the
others is not specified there. We are therefore inclined to
identify the Pallava king Simhavarman of the Zokavibhaga
and the Penukonda plates and Skandavarman of the latter,
with respectively the second and the third king of the
above list.
Beside the Udayendiram grant, there is another
Sanskrit grant belonging to the early Pallava rulers of
Kancl. This is the Chendalur grant of Kumaravisnu II
(ibid, VIII, p. 233ff.) issued from Kancipura in the king's
second regnal year. The grant supplies us with the follow-
ing line of kings :
1. Maharaja Skandavarman ; his son
2. Maharaja Kumaravisnu (I) ; his son
3. Maharaja Buddhavarman ; his son
4- Maharaja Kumaravisnu (II) ; 2nd year.
According to Hultzsch (ibid, p. 334), " The alphabet
of the Chendalur plates is more archaic than those of the
Kuram and Ka&ikudi plates, but resembles those of the
Pikira, Mangalur and Uruvupalli grants, from which it
differs chiefly in the omission of horizontal strokes at the top
of letters. But a point which stamp it as more modern
is the fact that r, fc, and subscribed u consist of two ver-
tical linW of nearly equal length, while in the Pikira,
EARLY PALLAVAS OF KiSJCl 179
Mangalur and Uruvupalli grants the left line is still con-
siderably shorter. Hence we rnay conclude that the four
Pallava kings of the Ohendalur plates ruled in the interval
between Simhavarman ( of the Omgodu No. 2, Pikira
and Mangalur grants) and Simhavishnu (father of
Mahendravarman I, ace. circa 600 A.D.)."
We have already seen that Simhavarman, the second
of the four kings mentioned in the Udayendiram grant,
ruled from A.D. 436-37 to not earlier than A.D. 458. Thus
his father Skandavarman I appears to have ruled at Kanci
about the first quarter of the fifth century, and his grand-
son Nandivarman seems to have ended his rule about the
beginning of the sixth century A.D. The accession of
Mahendravarman I to the throne of KaficI is supposed to
have taken place about the end of the same century, owing
to his being an older contemporary of the Western Calukya
king Pulake&n II (A.D. 609-642). Mahendravarman I
was preceded by his father Simhavisnu and grandfather
Simhavarman (see verses 10-11 of the Velurpalaiyam
grant ; S. Ind. Ins., Vol. II, p. 363). Between Nandivarman,
the issuer of the Udayendiram grant, who seems to have
ruled up to the beginning of the sixth century and Simha-
varman, grandfather of Mahendravarman I, the Vayalur
record places three kings named (1) Simhavarman, (2)
Simhavarman and (3) Visnugopa. The Vayalur grant
thus places five kings between Nandivarman and Mahendra-
varman I, i.e., in the sixth century A.D. roughly. Since
the rule of five kings covering about a century does not
appear impossible, since the existence of four earlier kings
(Nos. 41-44 of the Vayalur list) has been proved by the
Udayendiram grant and since it is possible that the
Greater Pallavas of the line of Mahendravarman I did not
forget even their immediate predecessors, the three kings
(Nos. 45-47) placed by the Vayalur record between Nandi-
varman and Mahendravarman' s grandfather may be
t0 SUCCESSORS OF THE SlTAVIHANAS
historical persons, though we bave as yet no corroborative
proof of their existence. We therefore think that the four
kings of Kanci mentioned in the Chendalur grant ruled
bdftta the kings of the Udayendiram grant. The kings
6f the Chfendalur record however appear to have ruled after
Vipnugopa who came into conflict with Samudragupta in the
middle of the fourth century A.D. We have already se< J n
tfaftt, in the first half of the fourth century, Kanci Avas
occupied by the Pallava kings who issued the Prakrit
fchfcfters.
There are references to some Pallava rulers in the
inscriptions of the Kadambas. An epigraph of the
Kadamba king Ravivarman (Ind. Ant,., VI, p. 29) mentions
Candadanda, the lord of Kanci, who was defeated by the
Kadamba monarch. Cajadadanda 1 is evidently not the
nfcine but a biruda of the Pallava ruler of Kafici who fought
with Rfcvivaftnan. He cannot be satisfactorily idfentified
With any king of the traditional list of early Pallava
kings. His contemporary, the Kadamba king Ravivarman
appfc&rs to have ruled about the end of the fifth and
the beginning of the sixth century (500-537 A.D. according
to Dubreuil, op. cit., p. 95). The Anaji inscription (Ep.
CflSrn., XI, p. 142) mentions a Pallava king whose
name has been read as Nanakkasa and who was possibly
a Contemporary of the Kadamba king Kysnavarman I
who ruled about the middle of the fifth century. But the
reading of the name Nanakkasa is doubtful. 2 Another
Pallava king named Santivara[varman, i.e., Santivarman] has
been mentioned in the Hebbata plates (Mys. Arch. Burv.,
A.B., 1926, p. 98) of the Kadamba king Vinuvarman.
This Pallava king is supposed by some (see infra) to be also
1 Cf. rgradaQ4 a biruda of Pallava ParatneSvar.ivarrnan I, c. 655-80 A.D.
> In Journ. Ind. Hut v XIII, p. k2 cote, ii has bees suggested that the reading of
the passage ^ouffl le svd-defa-tyayena niqk&sita. If ibis reading is to be accepted, the
Dame of the Pallava king referred to in the Anaji inscription it not as yet known.
EABLY PALLAVAS OP KASC1 181
mentioned in the Birur plates (Ep. Cam., VI, p. 91). But
he cannot be satisfactorily identified with any of the Pallava
kings known from the traditional list. It must also be
noticed that excepting Candadanda none of these kings is
expressly said to have ruled at KSfici.
We thus come to know of the following early Pallava
kings who appear to have ruled at Kafici before the rise of
the Greater Pallavas of Mahendravarman's line :
1. Father of Sivaskandavarman; about the end of the
third century A.D., his son.
2. Sivaskandavarman ; about the beginning of the
fourth century; issued the Prakrit grants discovered at
Mayidavolu and Hirahadagalli.
3. Skandavarman ; the British Museum grant was
issued in his reign ; he is not definitely known to have ruled
at KaiicI ; he in ay have been an early member of the branch
line of the Nellore-Guntur region.
4. Vinugopa; came into conflict with Samudragupta
(circa 330-375 A.D.) about the middle of the fourth century
AJX
5. Skandavarman; his son
6. Kumaravisnu I ; l his son
1 May this Kumaravisiju I be identical with Kumaravispu, great-grandfather of
the issuer of the Omgodu grant No. 1 ? The first difficulty in this identification is that
Kumaravisnu of the Omgodu (No 1) grant has heen called a performer of the
ASvamedha sacrifice, while the Chendalur grant does not credit Kum&ra\i|nu I
with any such distinction. It is also striking that only in the grants of the descendant!
of Kun.&ravisnn of the Omgodu (No. 1) praot the Pallava family is called " purified by
the As*vamedha " The above tentative identificat'on is therefore extremely doubtful.
Another difficulty is that while according to t.he Cbendalur <:rant Knmaravisnu I was
succeeded by his son Bnddhavarman and grnndson Kumaravisnu II, according to the
Omgodu grant (Ko. 1) Kum&ravisnu was succeeded by his son Skandavarman I,
grandson Vlravarman and great-grandson Skandavarman IE. But in this connection we
182 SUCCESSORS OP THE SiTAVABtANAS
7. Buddhavarman ; his son
8. Kumaravisnu II ; issued the Chendalur grant.
9. Skandavarman (I) ; his son
10. Simhavarman; he ascended the throne in A.D.
436-37 and ruled at least up to A.D. 458 ; his son
11. Skandavarman (II) ; his son
12. Nandivarman ; issued the Udayendirara grant.
13. Candadanda, who came into conflict with the
Kadamba king Bavivarman about the first quarter of the sixth
century. Candadanda may have been the biruda of No. 12
or possibly of one of his three successors mentioned in the
Vayalur grant (Nos. 45-47).
14. Simhavarman ; 1 his son
15. Simhavisnu; his son
16. Mahendravarman I ; ascended the throne about A.D.
600.
may notice that the Vayalur record places a Skandavarman between Buddhavarman
and Kumarvisnu II and it may be coirectured that this Skandavarman was a son of
Kumaravisnu I, who was made a vicerory of the northern part of the Pallata
kingdom and eventually carved out a principality fhere. Tn the Omgodu grant No. 1
Skandavarman I, son of Kumaravis.nu, has been called sva-viry adhigata-rajya, which
epithet may support the above suggestion.
1 Tt is doubtful whether Siiphavarmari, grandfather of Mahendravarman I, ruled
at Kami.
VI
SlVASKANDAVARMAN AND SKANDAVARMAN
The earliest known Pallava king is Sivaskandavarman
who issued the Mayidavolu and Hirahadagalli grants. In
the latter grant Sivaskandavarman refers to his father as
Mahlraja'-bappasaini. Biihler (Ep. Ind., I, p. 8, i:ote 15)
and following him many other scholars think that Bappa is
probably the name of Sivaskandavarrnan's father ; and in
this connection Fleet's article in Ind. Ant., XV, p. 272, is
referred to. Bappa of course may signify a personal name as
we find this name in the list of recipients of the gift recorded
in the Hirahadagalli grant itself. 2 We must however
remember that in many early copper- plate grants including
some belonging to the Pallavas, the kings called themselves
bappabhattaraka-pada-bhakta, "devoted to the feet of the lord,
the father." The word bappa there means "father" and
cannot be a personal name, as the fathers of those kings are
definitely known to have borne names having no connection
with the word bappa. It must also be noted that the tradi-
tional lists of early Pallava kings do not mention any name
1 In connection with the title Maharaja of Sivaakandavannan's father, it should
be noticed that Sivaskandavarman himself is called yuvamaharaja in the Mayidavolu
graur. He assumed however the more dignified title Dbjrma Maharajadhiraja wheu
he became king. At the present state of our knowledge, it U not possible to determine
what relations flivaskandavarman had with Northern lodia and how this North
Indian title was adopted by him. The celebration of the AsVamedba possibly suggests
that Sivaskandavarman added new territories to the kingdom that was left by his
father.
* Cf. Bappa, the name of the progenitor of the Guhilotg of Me war,
and also the names Bappa 6 arm an in the Birur grant of Kadamba Viggurarman
(Ep. Cam., VI, p. 91) and Bappasvaroin in the Nidbanpur grant of Bhftskarayarman
(Kqma<rvpa4Q9anavali t p. 21).
1B4 SUCCESSORS OP THE SiTAViHANAS
even slightly resembling Bappa. Bappa therefore cannot be
taken as the name of Sivaskandavar man's father without
further evidence.
At the time of Sivaskandavarman the Pallava kingdom
of Kafici certainly included the Andhra country in the north
and the Bellary district in the north- west. From the Penu-
konda plates of the Ganga king Madhava we know that about
the middle of the fifth century theGangas of Mysore acknow-
ledged the suzerainty of the Pallavas of Kafici. It is possible
that this region was under the Pallavas as early as the time
of Sivaskandavarman who was the most powerful king
among the early Pallavas. This suggestion seems to be
supported by the Talgunda inscription according to which
the early Kadambas of BanavasI (a place to the west of
Mysore) also acknowledged Pallava supremacy. 1 MayQra-
garman, the first king of the Kadamba family, is there said
to have been installed by the Pallava king of Kafici.
According to the Talgunda inscription (Ep. Ind., VIII,
p. 31 ff.) Maydra&irman received the pattabandha-sanipujH
as well as the land between the western sea and the Preh&ra
from the Pallava king of Kafici (cf. sani6ritas==tada,
1 According to the Talgonda inscription of Kadnmba Sftntivarman, Mayura-
Ijtrman went to KftficT for studying the Vedas. There he took part in the pallav-
MtMcwstha-'kalaha, became enraged at the treatment he received there, and then,
hating trained himself to warlike exercises, easily overpowered the Pallava
frontier guards and established himself at drlparvata (in the Knrnool district). Tbe
Pallava king took the field against him ; bat being unable to subdue him installed
him * king over the territory extending from the Western Ocean (Arabian sea) to the
Prehira (river t). But what i* the meaning of Mvasarpstlia Jbefctaf According to
the lexicon Trik&njotcia, the *ord Mrpttlw means Icratu, i. e., sacrifice (cf. tarflithafy-
tamapti-fcratufti car at -c a nija-rtotragah, verse 768). May then the word 4**ftffitt*
mem H0rse-acriftce? dee Journ. Ind. Hitt., XH, p. 854 if. If this e*pHnatien
is acceptable, it would appear that the quarrel of Mayfirafarman wiMithe Pallaras
ATOM in connection with an Aivamedha tacrrfioe. Among the IBariy ^allavat only
ilvaskandararman and Kum&ravifnn of the Omgodn (No. 1) grant are known to have
{Britated the Horse-sacrifice. Maytraiarmm wis Joesibly a contemporary of one of
these Iclaffs. Tbe discovery of flivatknd*Ytrmm*i gr*nt t Blrsdkadagalli in the
IwttJWr* df Kuntela Apjpears to settletiie qneition. It it pwfible that at the time of
flivaskandavarman the Pallava kingdom extended op to Khe AMfbian en 1ft the ^wet t
&* infra.
8IVASKANDAVABMAN 185
mahlpcil&n=dr&dhya yuddhyesu vikramaihprdpa pattabandha*
saifipufoni karapallavaih pallavair~dhrtam, bhahgur-ormmi-
valgitair * nTtyad-apar&rnav-ambhah-krtavadhini preharan-
taw = ananya-saftcaraqa-samaya-sthitawi bhumim = eva ca).
This MayuraSarman cannot be placed long after Sivaskanda-
varman. We have seen that Sivaskandavarman ruled in
the beginning of the fourth century, while scholars place
Mayura^arman about the middle of the same century
(Anc. Hist. Dec., pp. 95-96; Kadambakula, p. 19). Indeed
the Prakrit language of the Chandravalli inscription of
MayuraSarman (Mys. Arch. Surv., A.E., 1929, p. 50) "shows
that this Kadamba king ruled a little later than the
accession of Sivaskandavarman. The use of (1.1) and
the numerous double consonants like mm (1, 1), tr, II
(1, 2), sth, nd (1, 3), etc., appears to prove that the
Chandravalli inscription was engraved some time after the
execution of the Mayidavolu and Hirahadagalli grants of
Sivaskandavarman. He can therefore be rightly placed
about the middle of the fourth century. A.D.
I. The Mayidavolu grant was issued from Kaijicipura
by the Pallava Yuvamaharaja Sivakhamdavamma ( Siva-
skandavarman) on the fifth lunar day of the sixth fortnight
of summer in the tenth year of the reigning Pallava king
who was almost certainly the father of the Yuvamaharaja,
but whose name is not mentioned in the grant. By this
grant the Pallava crown-prince, for the increase of bis
victory, religious merit and strength, offered with libation
of water, the village of Viripara situated in the Amdhapata
(=Andhrapatha) to two Brahmanas, Puvaketuja and
Gonamdija, who belonged to the Agnive^ya gotra. Tie
executor of the grant was Sivaskandavarman himself, and
the order was accordingly sent to the vapata (vyapjrta), i.e.,
governor, of Dhamflakada (Dhanyakataka). Dhaipflakada
which has been identified by different scholars with
, Amaravati t Bezwa4a and Nagftrjunikoruja, was
24
18 SUCCESSORS OF THE SXTAVlHANAS
evidently the headquarters of the Andhra province
incorporated in the Pallava kingdom. To the village of
Viripftra were granted all the immunities enjoyed by the
Brahmadeyas. 1 The word brahmadeya therefore means
not only "a deya (grant) to Brahmanas," but like the
technical terms brahmatrii, devatra, devas&t, etc , signifies a
religious donation which implied certain immunities. Of
the immunities or parihQras, the following only are specified
in the Mayidavolu grant : (1) a-lona-khadaka, (2) a-ratfta-
saifivinayika, (3) a-pararripara-baHvadha, (4) a-bhada-
pavesa, and (5) a-kura-cohka-vinSsi-khafa-samvasa.
A-lona-kh&daka is, as already noticed, Sanskrit a-lavana-
khataka ; by this immunity the grantor gave up the royal
right of digging salt in the village granted. About the next
parih&ra Senart says (Ep. Ind., VI, p. 68), "The word
seems to represent arashtrasamvinayika, but etymology alone
is an unsafe guide in the interpretation of technical terms.
Vineti is only used in a moral sense. Could we think of
translating J exempted from the police, the magistrate of the
district (rashtra ; compare Dr. Fleet's Gupta Inscriptions >
p. 32 note), or of a rashtrin?' This would remind us of
those grants in which, on the other hand, it is stated that the
right to punish the 'ten offences' (sadagaparadha ; see, e.g., the
Alina plates ; 1.67 in Dr. Fleet's Gupta Inscriptions, p.^179
and the Deo-Baranark inscription, 1.17 ; ibid 9 p. 217) is
transferred to the donee." A-pararfipara-balivadha has been
called a-paramparci-balivadda-gahana in the Hirahadagalli
grant and has been translated by Biihler as "free from the
taking of the oxen in succession." This parihara aeems to
1 According to Kautilya's Arthat&stra (Samasastry'a 2od ed., p. 47),
"those who perform sacrifice:! (ftoi'fc), spiritual guides (deary a), priests (purohita)
ra^d those learned in the Ve J&s (irotriya) shall be granted Brahmadeya lands yielding
sufficient produce (abhirupa-dayaka) and exempted from taxes and fines (a danfa-kara)."
Brabmadeya is also mentioied when Kaafilya says (II, 20) that the danja (rod) of
8 cubits (192 aftyulu) in length was used in measuring Brahmadeya and Atithya
SIVASKANDAVARMAN 187
suggest that the villagers had to supply bullocks for the
bullock-carts used by royal officers when the latter wept
on tour through the country. A-bhada-pavesa, as we have
already noticed, implies that no troops would enter the
village of Viripara and cause disturbances. Battles therefore
could not be fought on the fields of this village. The next
parihara is very important. According to Hultzscb, kUra
means " boiled rice " and colaka (collaka of the Hira-
hadagalli grant) is the same as cullaki, i.e., pot. The
word vindsi has not as yet been explained. Possibly it
means "fuel." The words khata and sarfivasa, respectively,
mean " cot " and "dwelling." This parihara then implies
exemption from the obligation of supplying boiled rice,
water-pots, vin&si, cots and dwellings to the officers who
visited the place. In this connection it is interesting to
note the views of Manu (VII, 115-119). According to
this law-giver, the king must appoint a headman called
gramika over each village, a da$in or da-ea over each unit
of ten villages, a viniSat-tia over each unit of twenty
villages, a $at-ea over each unit of hundred villages and
a sahasr-adhipati over each unit of thousand villages. As
remuneration, the head of thousand villages should enjoy
a city, that of hundred villages a village, that of twenty
villages five kulas of land, that of ten villages one kulo,
( = kulyavdpa = Bengali kuroba, i.e., Bigha?) of land, but
yani raja-pradeyani pratyaharp, grama-vasibhih,
anna-p&n-endhan-adini grSmikas tan avapnuy&t.
" The headman of the village should get all of what is
daily payable by the villagers to the king in the shape of
food (anna), drink (pana) fuel and other things (indhan-
adi).' 9 By the above parihara then the village would
appear to have been exempted from its dues to the gramika.
But khafod, (cot) and samvasa (dwelling) should possibly
have been required by officers who came to the village on
188 SUCCESSORS OF THE SlTAVSHANAS
tour, the gramika being probably more or less a settled
inhabitant of the village. In connection with this parihara
we must also refer to line 8 of the Kudgere grant of
Kadamba Mandhatrvarman (Ep. Ind., VI, p. 12) where
the immunity is mentioned as a-khatva-vas-audana,
" exempt from (the duty of providing) cots, abodes and
boiled rice." 1
The villagers of Viripara and the royal officials are
asked to exempt the village and to cause it to be exempted
with all the above pariharas. It is also said that one who
would transgress the royal edict and would give or cause to
be given any trouble or annoyance to the donees, on him
the royal authority should inflict bodily punishment.
The ends of the ring that holds the plates together are
secure in an elliptical seal which bears in relief " an animal
couchant and facing the proper right apparently a bull, 2
as it has a hump on its back and below it the legend
tivaska(ndavarmanah ?) in an alphabet which appears to
be slightly different from that of the inscription" (ibid,
p. 84). The seals seem to have been kept ready in the
record-office and were attached to a set of copper-plates when
the latter was prepared.
At the beginning of the Mayidavolu grant, there is the
word dithani, i.e., " has been seen/' exactly as on the last
plate of the Hirahadagalli grant. This possibly refers to
1 A Tamil record of A.D. 1407 re few to revenue in rice (sakala-bhakt-adZya),
and another of 1240 mentions "all the revenue in paddy excluding tolls and the
small tax for the village police and including the three handfuls of paddy ; the ric$
in Karttika" ; etc. (S. Ind. Inf., I, pp. 82, 89).
1 The crest of the Pallavaa was a bull (r^abha l&flchana) , evidently intended for
Nandin the servant and carrier of Siva. The bull appears on the seals of Pallava
copperplate grants, sometimes recumbent and sometimes standing. The banner of
the Pallavas was the khatvabga-dhvoja, i.e., banner bearing the representation of a
dub with a skull at its top. Sometimes the bull is described as the banner of the
PftUavM. Siva setms to have been the family god of the dynasty (Bomb. G<z*., I,
ii t p. 319 aad note).
SlVASKANDAVAKMAN 169
a practice of examining the grants a ter the copying of the
plates from a set kept in the king's record-office.
II. Hirabadagalli is a place near the western border of
the Bellary district of the Madras Presidency. The copper-
plate grant discovered there was issued from KamcTpura on
the fifth day of the sixth fortnight of rainy season in the 8th
year of the Pallava Dharma-maharajadhiraja Sivaskanda-
varman who is said to have belonged to the Bharadvaja
gotra and is credited with the performance of the
Agnistoma, Vajapeya and ASvamedha sacrifices. As we
have already suggested, the celebration of Asvamedha by
Sivaskandavarman seems to speak of the success of the
Pallavas against the Iksvakusand other neighbouring powers.
By this record the king granted a garden situated in the
southern boundary of a village called Cillarekakodumka as
a parihara, i.e., an honorific grant (see Manusamhita, VII,
201). Two nivartanas of land were also granted in a village
called Apitti, one for a threshing floor and the other for a
house, along with four Addhikas and two Kolikas. The grant
was made in favour of a number of Brahmanas, the chief
among whom was Agisamaja (=Agnisarmarya). Addhikd
(=ardhika) , according to Biihler, is ft a labourer receiving
half the produce." It has been referred to in the Ellore
grant of Salankayana Devavarman as addhiya-manussa (see
also Mitaksara on Yajnavalkya, I. 166). Kolika, as Biihler
says (Ep. Ind. 9 I, p. 9, note), " corresponds to Sanskrit
Kaulikah and may mean ' weavers.' But it is also possible
to think of the well-known tribe of the Kolis who are
slaves."
The village of Cillarekakodumka, as also possibly Apitti,
was situated in the Satahani-rattha (Satavahaniya-ratra)
which is evidently the same as Satavahani-hara mentioned
in the Myakadoni inscription of Pulumavi (ibid, XIV, p.
153) and corresponds roughly to the present Bellary district.
The garden of Cillarekakoduinka is said to have been
ISO SUCCESSOES OF THE SiTAVAHANAS
originally granted by Sivaskandavarman's father. This
part of the old Satavahana empire was therefore occupied
by the Pallavas as early as the time of that king, that is to
say, before circa 300 A.D.
The following officials, employed in the different parts
of the vitaya, have been mentioned in connection with the
observance of immunities : (1) Eajakumara, (2) Senapati,
(3) Eatthika, (4) Ma<Javika, (5) Desadhikata, (0) Gamaga-
mabhojaka, (7) Vallava, (8) Govallava, (9) Amacca, (10)
Irakhadhikata, (11) Gumika, (12) Tuthika and (13)
Neyika. Along with these are also mentioned (14) the
Samcarantakas and (15) the Bhadamanusas who might be
sent by the king to the villages in order to execute any
commission (ahma-pesanap-payutta) . Kajakumara seems to
refer to princes who possibly acted as viceroys of the king.
Senapati is obviously " leader of the army." The word
ratthika is equivalent to Sanskrit rastrika, i e., governor
of a rastra. As regards the next terra, Biihler says (ibid,
I, p. 7, note), " I consider the correction mandavika as
certain and take the word mandaba or mandapa, from which
it has been derived, in the sense of modern mandavl,
c custom-house. 1 " Leumann however thinks that madavika
is the same as mUdarfibika, i.e., " chief of a madaniba
district," and Eaychaudhuri translates it as " burgomaster "
Desadhikata ( = deadhikrta) is " ruler of a de6a." Gama-
gamabhojaka has been translated by Biihller as ''freeholders
of various villages." This meaning of the word bhojaka is
supported by its use in line 8 of the Hirahadagalli grant itself
where the donees are called cillarekakodwrika-bhojaka. In
justifying the form gamagamabhojaka, Fausboll points out
that repetitions of the same word with a lengthening of
the final vowel of the first are commonly used in Pali in
order to indicate vlpsa (loc. cit., p. 7, note). According
to Amara, the word vallava means gopa which is obviously
the same as go-vallava of this inscription. Vallava there-
SIVASKANDAVABMAN 191
fore seems to be the same as vallabha which is so common
in early South Indian inscriptions and is according to
Jatadhara, the same as ava-raksa (keeper of horses).
Biihler has translated the two terms as " herdsmen "
and " cowherds " respectively. Amacca is evidently the
same as Sanskrit amatya, " minister." Leumann thinks
that drakhadhikata (**araksa4hikrta) means " employed
as a guard." Biihler however read the word as
aranadhikata and translated it as " foresters." Gumika
( = gaulmika) is evidently " head of a gulma (outpost of
soldiers)." According to Manu (VII, V, 114), a king
must place a gulma in the centre of two, three, five or
hundred villages in ord3rto protect his kingdom (see also
Manu, VII, 190 ; and Ep. Ind., XIV, p. 155). According
to Biihler, Tuthika may be connected with Prakrit tuha,
" tlrtha," and possibly means " overseers of fords or of
bathing places." With neyika may be compared the
word naiyyoka of the Uruvupalli grant, which Fleet changed
ioniyukta (Ind. Ant., V, p. 52). Biihler thinks that
naiyyoka is a mistake for naiyika, which would exactly
correspond to neyika, and that both the terms are corrup-
tions of Sanskrit nayaka, which is commonly pronounced
naieka and seems to mean a military officer of the rank of
corporal or sergeant (Ep. Ind., I, p. 8, note 13). It
however seems to me that neither Fleet nor Biihler is
justified in ths interpretation of neyika. Naiyyoka of the
Uruvupalli grant is evidently a mistake for naiyogika
which word we find in the Chendalur grant of Kumaravisnu
IE (ibid, VIII, p. 233). The word is derived from niyoga
and is evidently the same as niyogin which, according to
Hemachandra, is synonymous with karmasaciva, ayukta
and vyaprta. A vyaprta is known from the Kondamudi
grant to have been ruler of an ahara and an ayukta is
mentioned in an inscription of Budhagupta as a visaya-
pati (ibid, XV, p. 139). Naiyogika (or niyogin) may there-
192 SUCCESSORS OF THE SITAViHANAS
fore be supposed to have been the ruler of some territorial
division. The saficarantakas are " spies " (see Manu, VII.
122) and the bhata-manu?yas are " soldiers. 1 '
The grant is said to have been confirmed by libation
of water (udakadim) 1 and made valid as long as the moon
and stars endure (a-cantda-tarakalika katunam). All the
eighteen kinds of pariharas were granted. The inhabitants
of the viaya, specially those of ipitti and Cillarekakodumka,
were ordered to observe the pariharas and to see that they
were observed by others. The king says, " Now, if any-
body, knowing this, proud of being a favourite of the king,
should cause or cause to be caused a smaller obstacle to the
donees, him, forsooth, we shall restrain by punishment.
And further I pray both the future great warriors of our
Pallava race who may rule within a period exceeding one
hundred thousand years, as well as kings differing from
us in descent, saying unto them : ' To him among you
blessings, who in his time makes the people act according
to the rule written above. But he who acts contrary to
it shall be the lowest of men loaded with the guilt of the
five mortal sins."
Of the eighteen kinds of pariharas the grant specifies
the following : (1) a-kura-collaka-vinesi-khattd-iwsa, (2)
a-dudha-dadhi-gahana, (3) a-rattha-samvinayika (4) a-lona-
gufa-cchobha, (5) a-kara-vetthi-komjala, (G) a-parampara-
balivadda-gahana, (7) a-tana-kattha-gahana, and (8)
a-harltaka-saka-pupha-gahana. The first parihara has
already been explained in connection with the Maidavolu
grant. The next parihvra, viz., a-dudha-dadhi-gahana,
made the village free from the obligation of supplying sweet
and sour milk, and appears to fall under the category of
pana, daily payable by the villagers to the gramika (see
1 As regards this custom, cf. Agni Purftga, oh. 209, 49-50 :
dravyasya nama grhniyad--dadan=iti tathd vadct,
toyatp dady&t tato haste dyne vidhir =ayaip smfitah.
^IVASKANDAVABMAN
Matin Quoted afcote). A-rattha-sawvinayika has been
explained. A-loya-gula-cck&bha (a-lavarw-guda-ktibha) hte
been translated by Biihler as ''free from troubles abblit
salt and sugar. 1 ' That digging pits for extracting salt was
a royal monopoly is known from a number of inscriptions
-which refer to pariharas like a-lona-khsdaka (a-lavana-
khStaka), a-lavana-kreni-khanaka (Corp. Ins. Ind., Ill, line
28, No. 55, and No. 56) and sa-loha-lavan-akara (Ep. Ind.,
IV, p. 101). The word guda, mentioned along with lona,
shows that the manufacture of sugar was also a royal monopoly.
The following immunity exempted the village from the
obligation of supplying grass and wood (cf. indhana in the
passage quoted from Manu). The last parihdra of the list
seems to signify exemption from the (occasional) supply of
myrobalan, vegetables and flowers. Biihler says (ibid, I,
p. 8, note 28), " Milk, grass, fire-wood, vegetables atod so
forth had to be furnished gratis by the villagers to royal
officers and their servants. The custom still prevails in
many native states" (see also Manu quoted above).
The grant was executed by the king himself and the
plates were prepared in the handwriting of his privy-
councillor (rahasyadhikrta) Bhattisamma who was the
bhojaka (i.e., in&mdar) of Kolivala.
The Hirahadagalli plates are held together by a ring to
which an almost circular and somewhat battered seal,
about an inch in diameter, is attached. The emblem on
the seal is an animal facing the proper right, which,
according to Biihler, may be intended for a deer or a
horse. 1 Below the emblem stands the word Sivaskanda*
varmanah, the last three letters of which are defaced and
doubtful. It is certain that the legend on the deal was
written in Sanskrit like the nwhgala at the ead of tfee
1 The Aoimftli* most probably a boll which wu the crea t ofthePlUtn (te*
Bom*. Go*., I, U, p. 810, note 5).
SUCCESSORS OF THE SATAViHANAS
inscription which reads svasti go-brahmanq-hkhaka-vacakar
frotrbhya(b) iti. This along with the fact that the
Mayidavohi and Hirahadagalli grants sometimes express
compound consonants by more than one letter shows that
these two grants were executed at a time when Sanskrit had
already made its way in the field of South Indian epigraphy.
HE. The British Museum plates appear to have been
originally found at Kondakur in the Guntur district of the
Madras Presidency, They were issued in the reign of siri-
w'jat/a-Khandavamma ( = Skandavarman). We have already
discussed about the identification of Sivaskandavarman of
the Mayidavolu and Hirahadagalli grants and Skandavarman
of the British Museum grant and have shown that the identi-
fication is extremely doubtful.
The donor of the grant is Carudevi, wife (devl) of the
Pallava Yuvamaharaja Buddhavarman and mother of a
prince whose name has been conjecturally read by Hultzsch
as Buddhyankura, The relation of Maharaja Skandavarman
and Yuvainaharaja Buddhavarman is not specified in the
grant. There is no evidence that this prince, who seems
to have been a provincial governor, 1 ascended the throne.
Skandavarman is not known to have ruled at Kanci. It is
possible that he was an early member of the Pallava house
of the Nellore-Guntur region and was an ancestor of
Skandavarman II of the Omgodu grant (No. 1). He may
possibly be identified with king No. 29 (or No. 32 ?) of the
v Vayalur list (see Appendix below).
. By this grant CarudevI seems to have addressed the
- villagers and officials at Kadaka (Kanaka) to the effect that
. a certain field to be ploughed by Atuka on the western side
of the drinking well below the rfja-tadaga, containing four
nivartanas of land, had been given by her highness for the
i BuddliaYarman may not be the king of the same name mentioned in the
fcbendalur grant. Buddbavannan of the Chendabr grant seem* to be of late; d*te,
SKANDAVARMAN 196
increase of her highness' s life and power, to the god
Narayana of the Kuji-mahataraka temple at Dalura. This
Kuli-mahataraka-devakula appears to signify a temple estab-
lished by a Mahattara named Ku]i. The villagers and
officials were asked to exempt the field with all immu-
nities and to cause it to be exempted. The executor of the
grant was Eohanigutta (Rohimgupta).
The most interesting feature of the grant is that though
it is written ia Prakrit, it contains two imprecatory verses
(bahubhir=svasudha datta etc.) which are in Sanskrit and
are so common in the Sanskrit copper-plate grants. This
fact and the fact that the grant expresses compound
consonants, in all cases, with more than one letter, appear
to suggest that the British Museum grant is slightly later
than the grants of Sivaskandavarman.
The seal of Skandavarman attached to the British Mu-
seum grant bears a standing animal which faces the proper
right and looks like a deer, but must be meant for a bull,
the crest of the Pallavas (cf. Bomb. Gaz., I, ii, p. 319, note
5), and, over the back of the bull, a few indistinct symbols
which may be taken for the sun, a crescent, and perhaps
one or more stars (Ep. Ind., VIII, p. 144).
vn
* CBBNDALUB GRANT OF I&JMIRAVWSU II
The Cheadalur grant was issued from w/at/a-KancIpura
qu the fifth tithi of the bright half of Karttika in the 2qd
regnal year of the Pallava king Kumaravinu II, who was
the son of Maharaja Buddha varman, grandson of Maharaja
Kmparavisnu I and great-grandson of Maharaja Skandavar-
man. Kumaravisnu I and his son Buddhavarman have
possibly been mentioned in the Velurpalaiyam record (see
above, p. 160). Like Skandavarman II (of the Uruvupalli,
Omgodu No. 2, and Pikira grants), Kumaravi^iu I has been
described as the fifth loka-pala. In the Mahabharata (see
Hopkins, Epic Mythology, p. 149) and the Nanagbat cave
inscription (Luders, List, No. 1112) the gods Yama, Varuna,
Kubera and Vasava are called the four loka-palas or guardians
of the world. The description of a king as the fifth loka-pala
meaos to say that he was a protector of the earth like those
four gods. In classical literature (e.g., Raghu, II, 16) a
king is called madhyama-loka-pala, " protector of the middle
wprid (i.e., the earth)." In this connection it is interest-
ing to note the description of Samudragupta as " equal to
(the gods) Dhanada ( Kubera), Varuna^ Indra (= Vasava
who is however different from Indra in the Nanaghat record)
and Anteka(= Yama) ; see Corp. Ins. Ind,., in, pp. 14n v 250. 1
Like many other Pallava rulers, Kumaravisnu II calls
himself fca%ujo-do^t?(wann(^d^rm-odd^r^a-nityo-5anna-.
ddha. This epithet is also used by Vi^ugopavarman and
Simhavarman, and Nandivarman of the Udayendiram
grant. The Pallava kings thus appear to have boasted of
being called " Defender of Faith; " and the epithet possibly
refers to the fact that they were determined to purify their
1 Sometimes the quarter-guardians an said to be eight. According to Amara,
the dik-palis are Indra (eaat), Vahni (mtlheaat), Pitrpati, t>, Yama (sooth), Ntirrta
(*th-w*st) f Vanma (west), Marat (nocth-weit), Kubera (north) and laa (north-east).
THE OHENDALUR GRANT
Brahntanical faith which was influenced by heretical doctrine*
like Buddhism at the time o{ the later Satavahanas and the
Ik?vakus. Kumaravi^nu II has sonae epithets in
with Vignugopavarman of the Uruvupalli grant. Like
Vi^nugopa and his son Simhavarman, he is called bhagavat-
pad-anudhy&ta and parama-bhcigavata, and like the records of
those two princes the Chendator grant begins with the
adoration jitaw bhagavata. He was evidently a Vaigjiava
in faith.
The record is an order to the villagers of Cendalura in
the Karmakara?tra and to all the naiyogikas and vallabhas
employed there. Chendalur, the find-spot of the inscription,
is a place in the Ongole taluka of the Nellore district.
Hultzsch has corrected EarmmUkarastra as Karmara^ra
known from several inscriptions. The form Karmmakara?tra
seems to be the same as Kamakara^ha mentioned in a
Nagarjunikanda inscription.
The word naiyogika is derived from niyoga and is
evidently the same as niyogin which appears to mean
11 governor of a district" (cf. niyogi karmasaciva ayukto
vy&prta$ ca sdh, Hemacandra). Vallabha means either the
king's favourites or keepers of the royal cattle.
It is said that there were eight hundred pattikas (pieces),
of kk&s land (raja-va$tu bhuva sthitarfi) in the village of
Cendalura, and that by this grant the king offered 432
pattikOs out of that land as a Brahmadeya (brahmadeya-
maryddayd) to a Brahmana named Bhavaskandatrata 1 who
belonged to the Kauncjinya gotra and the Chandogya sutra.
The lands given did not include what was previously
granted for the enjoyment of gods (devabhoga-hala-varjjaifl)
The grant was executed with a hope for the increase of
According to Yarn* quoted in Sabdakalpadruma. . T. ^amd (cf. rfarmd
raiva ottrmd MU ca bhtibhujofy, etc.), Bh*?ikndtrit can not be the proper
name of a Br&htuana.
198 SUCCE5SSOHS OF fHE SATAVlHANAS
the king's longevity, strength, victory and wealth, in
accordance with the hala-nyaya (laws regarding the halas,
like devahala, bhikuhala, etc.) ahd was made immune with
fill the parihdras.
- The villagers and officers were ordered to observe the
immunities and to see that others observed them. People
who would violate this order have been threatened with
physical punishment. The charter ends with the mangala :
go-brahmana (sic) nandatu, svasty^astu prajabhyah, which
reminds us of a similar mangala at the end of the Hira-
hadagalli grant of Sivaskandavarman.
The word pattika ordinarily means " a piece of cloth ;"
on analogy, it seems to mean " a piece of land." We do
not know whether pattika here signifies a particular land-
measure like the nivartana. The land is said to have been
situated in the Kavacakara-bhoga of the Karmmakarastra.
Bhoga is evidently the same as bhukti of North Indian
inscriptions. It signifies a territorial unit like " district."
Cf, Pallava-bhoga (KancI?) mentioned in the Mahavamsa
(Ind. Cult., I, p. 111).
vm
UDAIENDIRAM GRANT (No. 1) OF NANDIVARMAN
The UdayeDdiram grant was issued from Kuficlpura on
the fifth tithi of the bright half of VaiSakha possibly in tb
first year of the Pallava king Nandivarman, son of Ska&da-
varman II, griradson of Simhavarman and great-grandson of
Skandavarman I. Like the issuers of other early Pallava
charters, Nandivarmam is called kaliyuga~do$-8>vQ,sanna
dharm-oddha-rana-nitya-sannaddha. His epithets bhagdwt-
pad-anudhyato and parama-bhagavata together with the fact
that his grant begins with the adoration jitam bhagavata,
show that he was a Vaisnava like Visnugopa, Simhavarman
and Kumaravisnu II.
Udayendiram, the find-spot of Nandivarman's grant,
is a place in the North Arcot district. The grant is full
of textual mistakes ; the characters moreover do not
belong to the early Pallava period. According to Kielhorn
(Ep. Ind.t III, p. 143), the grant is to be paleeographically
assigned to about A.D. 680 ; according to Fleet however it
was fabricated about 935 A.D. (Bomb. Gaz.,I, ii, p. 321 n.)
But the facts that the four kings mentioned in it are given
exactly in the same order in the Vayalur record and that
the style and phraseology of the grant are very similar to
those of the early Pallava records, seem to prove that the
grant was copied, though by an incompetent scribe, from
an early genuine record.
By this grant, the Pallava king Nandivarman offered
four pieces of aranya land at Kaficivayil-grama in
Adeyara-rastra, according to purva-bhoga-maryadd, to a
Brahmaiaa named Kutecarman (=KulaSarman) who was an
300 8UOCB8BOBS OF THE 8ITAV5HANAS
inhabitant of Kaficivftyil and belonged to the Kauika gotra,
Pravacana sutra and Taittiriya carana. The lands were
granted in accordance with Brahmadeya-maryada, with all
the immunities but with the exception of devabhoga-hala,
for the increase of the king's longevity , strength, victory and
wealth. It is said that the four pieces of forest-land in
K&ficivayil-grama are to be made immune with all the
p&rikdras and that anyone who would violate the order should
be physically punished.
The seal of Nandivarman attached to the Udayendiram
grant is circular. It contains in bas-relief the figure
of a standing bull facing the proper left. There is a
much worn aad illegible inscription at the margin ((loc.
IX
OMGODU GRANT (No. 1) OF SKANDAVARMAN II
In the Omgodu grant (No. 1) of Skandavarman II, the
reigning king's great-grandfather, Kumaransnu, has been
called agvamedha-yaji, i.e., performer of the Horse-sacrifice.
He was therefore a great king who was possibly a successor
of Vlrakorcavarman of the Darsi plate.
Kumaravisnu was succeeded by his son Skandavarman I
who is mentioned in the Omgodu (No. 1) and Uruvupalli
grants. He is said to have been a parama-brahmanya ; but
his most significant epithet seems to be sva-vlry-adhigata-
rajya, which means to say that he obtained the kingdom by
his own valour. His father was a powerful king who
performed the great a^varnedha sacrifice. The significance
of this epithet, as I have already pointed out, may be that
after the death of Kumaravisnu, Skandavarman I quarrelled
with his brother who was probably Kumaravinu*s
successor at Kanci, and carved out a separate principality
in the northern part of the Pallava kingdom. Kumaravisnu's
successor at Kanci was possibly Buddhavarman mentioned
in the Chendalur grant. We cannot however be definite
as regards this suggestion, as the identification of this
Kumaravisnu with Kumaravisnu I of the Cbandalur grant is
very doubtful.
The son and successor of Skandavarman I was Viravar-
man who has been called "the sole hero in the world " in
all the inscriptions. He was possibly a warrior of consider-
able importance. According to Krishnasastri (Ep. Ind.,
XV, p. 249), this Viravarman is to be identified with
Vlrakorcavarman of the Darsi plate. Darsi, identified by
26
202 SUCCESSORS OF THE SITAViHANAS
some scholars with Darianapura, is a place in the Podili
division of the Nellore district. Only the first plate of the
Darsi grant has been discovered; it was edited by Hultzsch
in Ep. Ind. 9 I, p. 357. The grant was issued from the
adhisthana of the victorious Da^anapura by a Pallava king
whose name and genealogy cannot be known until the
missing plates of the grant are found. Only the name
of Virakorcavarman, the great-grandfather of the issuer, is
known. The Sanskrit form of the word is Vlrakurca which
is found in the Vayalur and Velurpalaiyam records. The use
of this Prakritised name appears to show that the grant
was issued at a time when Prakrit was still lingering in the
field of South Indian epigraphy. The identification of this
king with Viravarman however seems to me doubtful, since
these two distinct forms (viz., Vlrakurca and Viravarman)
are found as names of .different kings in the Vayalur list of
early Pallava kings- Virakorca of the Darsi plate may be
the same as (the second) Vlrakurca of the Vayalur list.
Viravarman was succeeded by his son who is called
M-tny'aya-Skandavarman in his own Omgodu grant (No. 1),
but simply Skandavarman in the inscriptions of his descen-
dants. He has some epithets in common with Kumaravisnu
I of the Chendalur grant and also with Skandavarman II
of the Udayendiram grant. Like Kumaravisnu I of the
Chendalur grant he is described as the fifth loka-pala.
Though he is not called parama-bhagavata, his epithet
bhagavad-bhakti-sadbhava-sambhdvita-sarva-kalyana in the
grants of his grandson shows that he was a Vaisnava.
The Omgodu grant (No. 1) was issued from the
victorious city of Tambrapa in the 33rd regnal year of
Skandavarman II, on the thirteenth tithi of the third
Hemanta-paksa, This form of dating resembles that used
in the early Prakrit grants and is remarkably different from
the form of dating used in the Sanskrit grants of the
Pallavas. It therefore shows that Skandav&rmaa II ruled
GRANT (No, i) 303
not long after the kings of the Prakrit charters. We have
already shown that some parts of the Mayidavolu, Hiraha-
dagalli and British Museum grants are written in Sanskrit
and that the issuers of those grants could not have ruled
long before the kings who issued the Sanskrit grants. We
have also suggested that the Sanskrit grants showing
considerable Prakrit influence may roughly be placed in the
period between the middle of the fourth and the beginning
of the fifth century A.D. 1
By this grant the king made a Brahmadeya of the
village of Omgo<Ju in the Karmara^ra, and offered the same
with the exception of the devabhoga-hala, in a form of
sattvika-dana, to a dvi-veda and sadahga-paraga Brahmana
named Gola^arman of the KaSyapa gotra. The Karma-
rastra in which Omgodu was situated has been taken to be
the same as Kamma-nadu of later Telugu inscriptions and
has been identified with the northern part of Nellore and
southern part of Guntur. According to Krishnasastri
(Ep. Ind., XV, p. 254), Omgodu may be the same as
modern Ongole, the head quarters of the Ongole taluka of
the Guntur district. Of the boundaries of Omgodu given
in the Omgodu grant (No. 2) of Simhavarman, Kodikim
may be identical with modern Koniki near Ongole and
Penukaparru may be the same as Pinukkiparu mentioned
as the family name of certain Brahmanas who were reci-
pients of a village called Tandantottam near Kumbakonam
(S. Ind. Ins., II, pp. 519, 532).
1 The early form of the dates used by the Vi^ukuitfins appears to be due to
conservatism inherited from their original home. It should however be noticed that
two grants of the Kadamba kings Mrge&ivarman and Bavivarman who ruled about
the end of the 5th and the beginning of the 6th century are dated in the old fashion.
One is dated in the 4th year of Mfgedavarrnan on the full-moon day of the 8th
fortnight of Varsfi (Ind. Ant , VII, pp. 37-38), and the other in the llth year of
Ravivarman on the 10th tithi of the 6th fortnight of Hemanta (ibid, VI, p. 28).
This old way of eipressing dates in such a late* period appears to be due to Jain
influence. See below.
204 SUCCESSORS Oft THE
The seal of Skandavarman II attached to the Omgodu
grant (No, 1) is almost circular. It is totally worn away,
and has no trace of any symbols, "though it may be
presumed to have had on it originally the recumbent bull,
as in the case of other Pallava grants " (Ep. Ind.,
XV, p. 249).
X
CROWN-PKINCE VI^UGOPA AND DHARMAMAHIRAJA
SlMHAVARMAN
Visnugopa or Vinugopavarman, son of Skandavarman
II, did not ascend the throne. His Uruvupalli grant was
issued in the llth year of the reign of Maharaja Simha-
varman. As we have already seen, Fleet thought that this
Simhavarman was an elder brother of the Yuvamaharaja (or
Yuvaraja) Visnugopavarman. Hultzsch, however, suggests
that he is no other than Visnugopa' s son who issued the
Omgodu (NTo. 2), Pikira and Mangalur grants. According
to the latter view therefore the Pallava throne passed from
Skandavarman II directly to his grandson Simhavarman.
In the Uruvupalli grant Visnugopavarmani calls himself
praja-sarfiranjana-paripalan'Odyoga-satata'SatTa- vrata- dlksita
and rajarsi-guna-sarva-sandoha-vijigifu, which he could not
have said if he was not a ruler of subjects. As a crown-
prince he was possibly in charge of a district of the Pallava
kingdom. The district of which he was the governor
probably had its head quarters at Palakkada from where
the Uruvupalli grant was issued. As we have already
noted, both Visnugopa and his son Simhavarman are
called parama-bhagavata in the inscriptions, all of which
begins with the adoration : jitam bhagavata. They were
evidently Vaisnava. In this connection, the name Vi?riugopa
and the dedication of 200 nivartanas of land (595
acres according to Kautilya, but 148*6 acres according
to his commentator ; see below) to the god Vi?nubara
may also be noted.
106 SUCCESSO&S Ofr THE SlTAVlHANAfl
In all the inscriptions of Vignugopa and Simhavarman,
the Pallavas have been credited with the performance of
many agvamedhas or many kratus and this evidently refers
to the aSvamedba performed by their ancestor Kumaravi?nu.
So far we know only of two Pallava kings who performed
the Horse-sacrifice. The first of them is Sivaskandavarman
of the Mayidavolu and Hirahadagalli grants, and the second
is Kurnaravi?nu, grandfather of Skandavarman II who issued
the Omgodu grant (No, 1). The former is also credited with
the performance of the Agni^oma and Vajapeya sacrifices.
In the Omgodu grant (No. 2) of Simhavarman, the
Pallavas have been referred to as vallabha which is evident-
ly the same as ri-vallabha of the Mangalur grant. It is
interesting to note that titles like ri-vall&bha 9 prthivl-
vallabha, etc., were adopted by the Calukya kings of
Badami. 1 We do not know whether the Calukyas appro-
priated the title of the Pallavas. It is however certain
that the Ras^rakuta kings who succeeded the Galukyas in
the sovereignty of the Deccan appropriated these titles
and were therefore known as vallabha-raja. Arabic travel-
lers of the 9th and 10th centuries mention a powerful
* The Calukya antagonist of Pallava Narasiqahavannan has been called Vallabho-
rQi* (jet& bahuto vaUabha-r&je&ya t etc., of the Udayendiram grant, No. 2; Ind.
Ant., Yin, p. 278). In the Samangadh inscription (ibid, XT, p. Ill), the Calukya
contemporary of Ra^rakfl^a Daotidarga (II) has been called Vallabka. In the
YfTUT and Miraj grants (ibid, VHI, pp. 12-14), the Calukyas themselves refer to
the greatness of their family as vallabharaja-laksmi. These are only a few of the
examples. Prof. Raychaudhuri points out to me that the fuller form of the epithet
is MOTtfetpf-eaZUto which possibly suggests that these Vai?nava kings claimed
to bait been incarnations of Visnu who ia the tallabha of both Sri and Ptfhivu
Tbeze seems to be an analogy between these kings' upholding Dharma from the
Kfttiyuga-dosa and Vifnu f s upholding Prthm from the Pralaya in his Var&ha incar-
T!M figures of two queens with each of the two Pallava kings engraved on the
idi-Varaha cave (identified by Krishnasastri with Mahendra?armaa
I and his son Narasimhavannan-Siiphavisnu, but by T. G. Aravamuthan with
and his son Mahendravarman I, see South Indian Portrait*, p. 11 ff.)
to fepreseat symbolically 6rl and Pfthifl (see my note in 7n4. Cult., II,
pp, 131^2).
907
dynaBty of the Balharas who ruled at M&nklr* Accord-
ing to R. G. Bhandarkar (Bomb. Gaz., I. ii, p. 209),
BalharO, is an Arabic corruption of Vallabhat&ja and the
Balharas of Manklr are no other than the Rastrakiitas of
Manyakheta. 1
I. The Uruvupalli grant of Visnugopavarman was
issued from the glorious and victorious sthana of Palakkada.
By this grant, the Dharma-yuvamaharaja "Visnugopavarmati,
who belonged to the Bharadvaja gotra and the Pallava
family, issued an information about his donation to the
villagers of Uruvupalli (situated in Mundarastra) and an order
to all the ayuktakas and naiyyokas, and the raja-vallabhas
and saficarantakas, who had to make the following gift of
the crown-prince immune with all the parih&ras. The
grant was in the form of 200 nivartanas of lands which
were made a devabhoga to be enjoyed by the god Visnuhftra
whose temple called Visnuhara-devakula was built by the
sen&pati Visnuvarman at a place called Kandukura (or
KendukQra). The object of the grant was the increase of
longevity and strength of the donor. It is warned that
any one who would transgress the order would be liable to
physical punishment. The plates are said to have been
given in the llth year of Simhavarma-maharaja, on the
tenth day of the dark half of Pausa.
Syuktaka which, as we have already seen, is
synonymous with niyogin, karma-saciva and vyQpfta,
seems to mean "governor of a district/' The passage
asmin visaye sarv-Hyuktak&b possibly shows that there
were several dyuktakas employed in a single visaya.
The word naiyyoka is evidently the same as naiyo-
gika of the Chendalur grant which is derived from
1 "Vallabharftja ahonld, by the rules of Prakrk or Vernacular pronunciation,
become VaUabha-Tty or BaU*hn-T*y. The Ittt it the same aa the fefart of the
rbie " doc. cit. t also p. 887 f.),
208 SUCCESSORS OF THE SITAVIHANAS
ftiyoga (office, employment) and seems to mean " governor.' 1
The word raja-vallabha may signify favourites or subordinates
of the Pallava kitog. It may also possibly refer to keepers
of the royal horses or cows. 1 Sailcarantaka has already
been explained. It is the same as sancara of Kautflya's
Arthatastra. For the appointment of spies in the king's
own state to report to him about the conduct of his officials
and subjects, see Manusarfihita, VII, 122.
The word devabhoga has been shown to be the same as
devatra, devasat, devadeya and devadaya, and signifies
" religious donation to a god." In numerous South Indian
grants reference is made to the fact that the land is granted
with the exception of lands previously given away as
devabhogahala. The word devahala has been used in the
same sense in the Peddavegi grant of Nandivarman II
Salankayana (above, pp. 94-95).
The village of Uruvupalli in the Mundarastra has not yet
been satisfactorily identified. The boundary of the field grant
ed is however clearly stated in the charter. The southern
and eastern sides of the field were bounded by the river Supra-
yoga (or Suprayoga). At the northern extremity was a
large tamarind tree in the hills ; and the western side
was bounded by the villages of Kondamuruvudu, Kendukura
and Kararnpura.
According to Fleet (Ind. Ant., V, p. 5), '* The seal
connecting the plates bears the representation of what seems
to be a dog, but in native opinion a lion." The figure
is possibly that of a bull.
II. The Oragodu grant (No. 2) was issued from an un-
named skandhavara on the fifth tithi of the bright half of
VaiSakha in the fourth regnal year of Simhavarman, son of
Visnugopa. By this record, the king granted the village of
Omgodu (previously granted by his grandfather to a Brah-
* r/, eattaea in the Pikira and H'rahadagalli grants, and vallqbha in the Chendf
I or and Mang&lur grants,
SI^tHAVARMAN 909
mana named Gk>la6arman of the Kagyapa gotra) to a Brah-
mana named Devaforman who was an inhabitant of Kon-
dura and belonged to the KaSyapa gotra. Devaarman was
possibly a relative and heir of Golaforman. The village of
Korujura seems to be the same as the native village of Siva-
barman, recipient of the Polamuru grant of Visnukurujin
Madhavavarman I, and of Casami^arman, recipient of the
Narasaraopet grant of Pallava Vi ? nugopavarman II. The
identification of Oqagodu in Karmarastra has already been
discussed.
The grant is here referred to as purva-bhoga-vivarjita,
which seems to be the same as devabhoga-hala-varja of
other grants. It was endowed with all the pariharas, and is
said to have been copied from the oral order of the Bhatta-
raka, i.e., the king himself. According to Krishnasastri
(E p. Ind.i XV, p. 252), the characters of this grant are of a
later period than that used in Simhavarman' s other grants.
He is therefore inclined to think that the grant was copied
from an original record about the beginning of the 7th
century A.D.
In line 22 of the grant, reference is made to an eclipse 1
being the occasion of the grant. It is however contradicted
by the details of the date, viz. t 5th lunar day of the bright
half of Vaisakha (11. 31-32). Krishnasastri however tried
to reconcile the two particulars by supposing Tf that the grant
which was actually made on the new moon day of Chaitraj,
a possible day for the nearest solar eclipse^ was engraved on
the copper-plates five days after, i.e., on the 5th day of the
bright half of VaiSakha" (ibid, p. 253). 2
1 As regards the importance of eclipse with reference to donation, see Garwja-
Purftna, Purva-Khipda, Ch. 51, 29 :
ayane vijuv* c-aioa graha^e candTW&ryayok,
aipfcranty-fidtftt fcfiteft* dattaw bhavati c$fcfay<*ro.
* According to Fleet ( J.R.A.S., 1915, p, 473), Siinhavarman, son of Vif^ugopa, is
to be identified with the king of the same name who is known from the Lokavibh&ga
27
210 SUCCESSOBS OP THE SiTAVIEANAS
HI. The Pikira grant of Simhavarman was issued from
the glorious and victorious camp. at the king's residence at
Menmatura in his 5th regnal year on the third tithi of the
bright half of ASvayuja with a hope for the increase of his
longevity, strength and victory. The copper-plates were
discovered at Nelalur in the Ongole taluka of the Guntur
district.
By this record, the villagers of Pikira in Munda-
rastra, as well as the adhyaksas, vallavas and asana-safic8,-
rins, stationed in the rastra, were informed of the king's gift
of the above village, endowed with all the immunities (but
with the exception of lands previously granted for the enjoy-
ment of gods) to a Taittiriya Brahmana named Vilasa^arman
who belonged to the Kasyapa gotra. The king says here
that, as the village of Pikira has been made a Brahmadeya,
it should be made immune with all pariharas by the king's
officials who would also see that they be observed by others.
Any one transgressing this order is warned to be liable to
physical punishment. The word adhyakm means a "supe-
rintendent" or a "ruler" (Apte, Sanskrit-English Dictionary,
s.v. ; Glta, IX, 10 ; Kumarasambhava, VI, 17). l Vallava
means gopa according to Amara ; other Pallava inscriptions
(e.g., the Chendalur and Mangalur grants) have vallabha,
which means ghotaka-rak$aka according* to Jatadhara (see
Sabdakalpadruma, s.v. palaka). According to Amara however
vallabha means adhyaksa which has been explained by a
commentator as gav-adhyaksa (ibid, s.v.). Vallabha is
generally taken to signify favourites of the king. Sasana-
saflcarin may be the* same as 3asana-hara, i.e., messenger;
it may also be identical with SaHcarantaka of other inscrip-
tions.
to have ascended the throne in A.D. 436-87. In A.D. (436-87 + 3) 439-40 however
there was no solar eclipse on the new moon day of Caitra.
1 Being connected with vallava (cowherd), may adhyaksa signify grat?-
211
. The seal of Simhavarman attached to the Pikira grant is
very much wbrn, but bears in relief, on a counter-sunk sur-
face, an animal (bull?) with mouth open and face to the
proper left. ' It is represented as seated on a horizontal line
.that is in relief. It closely resembles the animal represented
on the seal attached to the Uruvupalli grant. The tail and
fore-legs of the animal are not seen (Ep. Ind., VIII, p. 160).
IV. The Mangalur .grant was issued from Da6anapurk
(identified with Darsi in the Nellore district), on the fifth
tithi of the bright half of Caitra in the 8th year of Simha-
varman's reign with the hope of increasing his longevity^
strength and victory.
By this record, the king granted the village of Manga-
cjur or Mangalur in Vengorastra as a Brahmadeya to the
following Brahmanas : (1) Apastambiya KudraSarman
of the Atreya gotra, (2) Apastainbiya Turkka^arman of the
Vatsyayana gotra, (3) Apastambiya Damasarman of the
Kau&ka gotra, (4) Apastambiya Yajnasarman of theBharad-
vaja gotra A (5) Apastambiya Bhavakotigupta 1 of the Paragara
gotra A and (6) Vajasaneyi Bhartrgarman, (7) Audamedhaj,
(8) Chandoga^ (9) Sivadatta, and (10) HairanyakeSa Sagthl-
kumara of the Gautama gotra.
The villagers of Mangadur as well as the ad/ij/afc?as
vallabhas and Sasana-sailcarins were informed of the dona-
tion which was endowed with all the immunities^ but was
with the exception of the devabhoga-hala. The villagers
and officials were ordered to observe the immunities them-
selves and to see also that others observed them. Trans-
gressers of the order were liable to physical punishment.
VefigorMra seems to be the district of Vengl which lies
between the'rivers Krishna and Godayari. This district was
to S*tatapa quoted in the C7MU* and Srtddhatattia <*e
sis SUCCESSORS oft THE
in the possession of the Salankayanas as early as the time of
Ptolemy (140 A.D.) ; but they became independent only
after the downfall of the Satavahaoas. At the time of
Sitnhavarman, the southern fringe of the district may have
been occupied by the Paliavas. It is however possible that
the name Vengi extended over some parts of the country to
the south of the Krishna at the time of the Salankayanas. 1
Matigadur was possibly situated in the southern fringe of the
ancient kingdom of the Salankftyanas,
1 J 1 ram the ninth century VeAgl appear* to hite signified the kkftea of the
Ewtera Calokyas. The Teln^D-MafefibhAraU fidi, 1, ) of tiw mil&* <rf UM flU
centnry referi to BftjahmrOidty in the VeAgl country l/einn. Z>|^ X**., XI, 9. W.
PART II
WESTEBN DISTEICTS
CHAPTER I
EARLY KADAMBAS : MAYURASARMAN'S LINE
I
EARLY HISTORY OF THE KUNTALA REGION
The Kuntala country seems to have comprised the sou-
thernmost districts of the Bombay Presidency and the nor-
thern part of Mysore. 1 In a wider sense Kuntala possibly
signified the whole of the Kanarese speaking area of Bom-
bay, Madras and Mysore with the exception perhaps of the
coast region. The position of the country is indicated by
the fact that it was washed by the river Krsnavarna (Ind.
Ant., 1879, p. 18) and included Kurgod in the Bellary dis-
trict (Ep. Ind., XIV, p. 265), Gangavadi in south Mysore
(Ep. Cam., IV, Hunsur 187), Nargund in the Dbarwar
district (Ind. Ant^, 1883, p. 47), Taragal in the Kothapur
state (ibid, p. 98), Terdal in the Sangli state in South
Bombay (ibid, 1883, p. 14) and Kuntalanagara (Nubattur
in the north-west of Mysore). 2 From about the middle of
the fourth century up to about the middle of the seventh,
when the country was finally made a province of the Calu-
kya empire, Kuntala or Karnata 8 is known to have been
ruled by princes who belonged to the Kadamba family.
1 Cf. a record of A.D. 1077 in Ep. Cam., Vm, Sb. 262 : M In the centre of tbat
middle world is the golden mountain to the south of which is the Bhirata land in
which like the curls of the lady earth shines the Konbala country to which an
ornament (with various natural beauties) is Banavasl." Some other inscriptions also
prove that Euntala was the district round Banav&sl. In the traditional lists of
countries and peoples in the epics, Parana* and works like the BrhatsaifihitSL however
Kuntala and Banav&s! are sometimes mentioned separately.
* T am indebted for some references to Prof. Baychandburi. See Bomb. Oaz. t I, it,
p. 558.
8 Knntala and Karna> are used as synonymous ir
Bilhana. Vikram&dilya VI has been called both ku
karnat-endu (IX, 41-49). Vaijayantf, identified with Bi
tffrta (that IB to ay , the capital) of the Karna(a country
216 SUCCESSORS OF THE SiTAViHANAS
Some inscriptions of the Nagarakhanda Eadambas
(/. B. J3. R. A. 8., IX, pp. 245, 285; Ep. Cam., VH A Sk.
225, etc.) say that the Kadamba family originated from the
Nandas who ruled over Kuntala and the adjoining districts
of the Deccan. 1 But these inscriptions belong to the eleventh
and twelfth centuries, and very little importance can be
put to the traditions recorded in them. It is however not
quite impossible that the mighty Nandas held sway over
considerable portions of the Deccan. Reference to the
wealth of the Nandas in a Tamil poem (Aiyangar, Beg. S.
Ind. Hist., p. 89) and the existence of a city called Nander
or Nau-Nand-Dehra on the Godavari (Baychaudhuri, Pol.
Hist. Anc. Ind., 2nd ed., p. 142) may be supposed to support
the above conjecture.
In the Sravana-Belgola inscriptions (Ep. Cam,, VIII, Sb.
1, 17, 54, 40, 108; III, Sr.147, 148, etc.), there is a story
of the migration of Chandragupta Maurya in Mysore in
company of the Jain teacher Bhadrabahu. An inscription
in the Sorab taluka (ibid, VIII, Sb. 263) says that Nagara-
man (Ep. Cam., VT, p. 91). Kan?a> therefore signified the sume territory as
Kuntala or the country of which Kuntala formed a part. In the traditiouai lilts
hwever they are sometimes separately mentioned. Karna{a has been taken to have
been derived from a Dravidian original like kar-na4u**kan-na<}u (black country) or
kato-n&fu (great country; cf. Maha-ra^ra). Kuntala seems also to have been
SaoskritiMd from an original like Karg&fa. The separate mention of KuofteJa,
Kargafa, BanavasI, Mftbisaka (cf. Mahisa-vfgaya in a Kadamba grant), etc., in some of
the traditional lists may possibly refer to the fact that these names originally signified
separate geographical units abutting on one another. Sometimes however one of
them may have formed the part of another; c/. the case of Tamralipti which is men-
tioned in literature as an independent state, as a part of Sumha and also as a part of
Vaftga; ateo the case of Taxila (Rayohaudhuri, Indian Antiquities p. 186 f.)
With the rise of Eanarese powers like the Calukyas and the Raffraku>i, the name
Karna> (sometimes also the name Kuntala) extended over a large part of western
and southern Deooan. In the Kalihgattu-parayi, the Calukyas have been described as
Kuntalor, " lords of Kuntala " (see Tamil Lexicon, Mad. Univ., s,v.). An inscription
of Ewihara II, dated in fiaka 1807 (8. Ind. Int., I, p. 158, verses 25-96) says that
Vijajnagar (modern Hampi) belonged to the Kontala visaya of the Karn*> country.
1 : An inscription says that the nine Nandae, the Gupta family, and the Meorja
.kings, ruled over the Und of Kuntala ; then the Raft s, then the Oalukyas, then
JKalactirva Bijiala, and iihen Hoysala Vlra-Ballalft U (Bomb. GOM., l t ii, p, 281,
EAELY HISTOEY OF KDNTALA 217
kban<Ja "was protected by the wise Candragupta, an abode
of tbe usages of eminent Ksatriyas." This record however
belongs to the fourteenth century, and none attaches much
importance to it. But these traditions, taken together
with references to the Vamba-Moriyar (Maurya upstarts)
advancing as far south as the Podiyil Hill in the Tinnevelly
district, may possibly be taken to suggest that the Maurya
successors of the Nandas were master of considerable por-
tions of Lower Deccan and the Far South. The above
traditions are in a way confirmed by the discovery of the
inscriptions of A6oka at Siddapur, Jatinga-Rameswar and
Brahmagiri in the Chitaldrug district of Mysore. This goes
to show that at least the greater part of the Kuntala country
was within the dominions of the Mauryas at the time of
A6oka. According to a tradition recorded in the Mahavamsa
(XII, 41) and the Dipavamsa (VIII, 10), the Buddhist tea-
cher Rakkhita was deputed to Banavasi (the capital of Kun-
tala or the district round the city) in the third century B. C.
shortly after the Great Council held at Pa^aliputra in the
eighteenth year of ASoka. Some scholars think that Kong-
kin-na-pu-lo visited by the Chinese pilgrim Yuan Chwang is
to be identified with the capital of the Kuntala country. If
this identification is to be accepted, we have possibly another
tradition regarding the Maurya occupation of Kuntala. Yuan
Chwang says that there was to the south-west of the city a
stupa, said to have been built by A3oka on the spot where
SrutavimSatikoti made miraculous exhibitions and had many
converts (Waiters, On Yuan Chwang's Travels, II, pp.
237-38; Beal, Bud. Rec. W. World, II, pp. 253-55) . l
We know very little of the Kuntala country for a long
time after Afoka. The Satavahana king Gautamipura Sata-
1 The reference to an officer designated rajjuka in the Malavalli grant of
Vi9$uka<)4a Cutnkul&nanda Sfttakarni possibly suggests that the Kuntala country was
onoe ruled by the Mauryas. The rajjvkas (*r5/#faw) are many times referred to in
tbe inscriptions of As*oka.
28
218 SUCCESSORS OP THE SITAVIHANAS
karni, who ruled about the first quarter of the second century
and claimed a sort of suzerainty over the whole of Dak?ina-
patha, possibly had some connections with Vaijayanti (Bana-
vasi), 1 the capital of ancient Kuntala or Karnata. The
claim of Gautamlputra'a lordship over the Malaya mountain
(the southern part of the Western Ghats) may be a vague
one; but the Nasik inscription ( Ep. Ind., VIII, p. 71) of
his eighteenth regnal year records an order of the Satava-
hana king when he was in ' 'the camp of victory of the army at
(or, of) Vaijayanti." This record was issued through the
amatya Sivagupta who was, according to Eapson (Catalogue,
p. Iviii), apparently Gautamlputra's minister at
Banavasi. Eapson further identifies this Sivagupta with
Sivaskandagupta mentioned in a Karle inscription of the
same Satavahana king (I c. cit.\ Ep. Ind, VII, p. 64). There
is as yet no further proof to make us definite as regards the
occupation of Kuntala by the main line of the Satavahanas.
According to thePwranas, the Andhra (i.e., Satavahana)
dynasty had five different branches (cf. andhrdnam samsihi-
tah paftca team vam&ah samah punah; Vayu, 99, 358).
Indeed one branch of the Satavahanas, generally called the
Cutu-Satakarni family, is known from inscriptions, coins
and literary references to have ruled at Vaijayanti (Banavasi)
in the Kuntala country before the Kadambas.
The Matsya list of the Andhra (= Satavahana) kings
gives the name of Kuntala-Satakarni. A commentator of
Vatsyayana's Kamasutra clearly explains the term kuntala in
the name Kuntala-Satakarni-Satavahana as kuntala-visaye
1 As shown by Fleet (Bomb. Gaz , I, ii, p 278-79 note), the identification of
Vaijayami with Banavasi is sufficiently established by two points. Firstly, a Dame
of Banavasi is known to have be>n Jayanti (see, e.g., Ind. Ant., IV, p. 207), which
is very similar to Vaijayanti. Secondly, a Caluky a record (ibid, XIX, p. 152) of A.D.
692 mentions the Bdevolal district as situated in the north-east quarter in tl.e vicinity
of Vaijayanti, while other records prove that Bdevolal was the name of the district
round Hanual which is just to the northeast of Banavatf. The city seems to h*ve
been mentioned in the Geography of Ptolemy as Banauej.
EARLY HISTORY OF KUttTALA 219
jatatvat tat-samakhyah. A Satavahana king of Kuntala is
mentioned in the Kdvyamlmam^d as having ordered the ex-
clusive use of Prakrit in his harem. Prof. Raychaudhuri
(op. cit. 1 , p. 260) is inclined to identify this king with the
celebrated Hala, sometimes credited with the authorship
of the Gathasapta6atl. According to this scholar, the
Matsya-Purana which gives thirty names in the list of the
Andhra or Satavahana kings mentions not only the kings of
the main line, but includes also the kings of the branch that
ruled in Kuntala.
Inscriptions discovered in the western and south-western
districts of the Satavahana empire, that is to say, in
Aparanta (cf. Kanheri, Arch. Surv. W. Ind., V, p. 86) and
in Kuntala (cf. Banavasi; Ind. 4nt.,1885, p. 331) including
the north of Mysore (cf. Malavalli, Shimoga district, Ep.
Cam., VII, p. 251) testify to the existence of a line of the
Satavahanas called the Cu^ukula which was in possession
of South- Western Deccan before the conquest of Banavasi
by the Kadambas. The relation of the Cu^u-Satakarnis with
the Satakarnis of the main line is quite uncertain. But
Bapson thinks that, as the Cutus were intimately connected
with the Maharathis and Mahabhojas, it is probable that
the branch of Kuntala was originally subordinate to
the main line of the Satavahanas and that it shook off the
yoke when the power of the imperial line began to decline
after the death of Yajfia Satakarni (op. cit., pp. xxi-ii,
xlii).
A doubtful passage of the Devagiri grant (Ind. Ant.,
VII, p. 35), which seems to imply a connection of the
Kadambas with the Nagas possibly suggests that the Kuntala
country was originally ruled by the Nagas. These Nagas
however may be identical with the Cutu-Satakarnis who
according to many scholars belonged to the Naga dynasty.
That the Cu^u family had Naga connections is clear from
the Kanheri inscription which mentions Nagamulanika^
S20 SUCCESSORS OP THE SlTAVAHANAS
mother of Skandanaga Sataka and daughter of Visnukada
Cutu-kulananda Satakarni (Rapson, op. cit., p. liii).
The following records of the Cutu-Satakarnis are said to
have so far been discovered :
I. Kanheri inscription of Haritiputra Visnukada Cutu-
kulananda Satakarni (Rapson, loc. cit.). As the name of
the king could not be read, this record was formerly attri-
buted to the reign of Vasistliiputra Pulumavi. The donor
mentioned in this inscription is Nagamulanika who was the
wife of a Maharathi, the daughter of a Mahabhojl and of the
great king, and the mother of Skandanaga-Sataka. Rapson
has no doubt that she is to be identified with the donor of
the Banavasi inscription in which she is said to have been
the daughter of king Haritiputra Visnukada Cutu-kulananda
Satakarni whose name must have originally stood also in
the Kanheri inscription.
II. Banavasi inscription of the twelfth year of Hariti-
putra Visnukada Cutu-kulananda Satakarni (Rapson, op.
cit., pp. liii-iv). According to Biihler's interpretation of the
record (Ind. Ant., XIV, p. 334) the king had a daughter
named Sivaskandanaga^ri who made the grant of a naga, 1 a
tank and a vihara (monastery) on the first lunar day of the
seventh fortnight of Hemanta. With respect to these gifts
amaco (amatya, i.e., minister) Khada Sati (Skanda Sati) was
the Superintendent of work (kamamtika). The Naga was
made by Nataka (Nartaka), the pupil of dcarya Idamoraka
(Indramayuia) of Samjayanti. According to the Maha-
bharata (II, 31, 70) Samjayanti was situated near Karahata
which may be the same as modern Karhad. Samjayanti
1 " In Southern India, curved stone-mages of the Naga are set up to this day,
often at the entrance of a town or village, for public adoration, and ceremonial
offerings are made to the Jiving cobra. Groups of Nagn-kals (snake-stones) are to be
found in almost every village, heaped up in a corner of the court-yard of a Siva temple
or placed under the shade of a venerable Pipal (Ficus Religiosa) or a Margosa (Melia
Azadiracha) tree " (An. Rep. 8. Ind. Ep., 1918-19, p. 25 and plates).
EARLY HISTOBY OP KUNTALA 221
may possibly be identified with Vaijayanti or Banavfisi
which was also called Jayanti. The Mahabhaiata mentions
the city of Samjayanti in connection with Sahadeva's
digvijaya in the south, along with the Pan<Jyas, Keralas and
Dravidas.
Rapson, on the other hand, thinks that the proper
name of the donor is not mentioned in the inscription,
but she is said to have been the daughter of the great
king and to have been associated in the donation with
Prince Sivaskandanaga&ri. He further suggests that the
donor is styled Mababhoji or, it is possible, that the
passage mahabhuviya maharaja-balikaya may be taken to
mean "of the daughter of the Mahabhoji and of the great
king." If the latter interpretation be accepted, the
epithets except maharathinl would be the same as in the
Kanheri inscription. Rapson has little doubt that the
prince Sivaskandanaga^ri of this inscription is identical with
Skandanaga-Sataka of the other inscription. Thus, accord-
ing to him the donors mentioned in the Kanheri and Bana-
vasi inscriptions must be one and the same person, viz., the
daughter of king Visnukada Cutu-kulananda Satakarni. He
further identifies this Sivaskandanagasri = Skandanaga-Sataka
with king Sivaskandavarman mentioned in the Malavalli
record (Ep. Cam., VII, p. 252) of an early unknown
Kadamba king, and says that the prince subsequently came
to the throne of Vaijayanti as the heir of his maternal grand-
father and was possibly the last reigning member of the
Cutu dynasty. The identification of the slightly similar
names, viz., Sivaskandanagagrl, Skandanaga-Sataka and
Sivaskandavarman, however, cannot be accepted as certain.
III. The Malavalli inscription of the first regnal year
of Manavya-sagotra Haritiputra Visrmkadda Cutukulananda
Satakarni (Ep. Cam., VII, p. 251). The inscription
records the grant of a village. The king is here called raja
of the city of Vaijayanti. The inscription is followed on
222 SUCCESSORS OP TfitE SlIAViHAtf AS
the same pillar by an early Kadamba record which mentions
Manavya-sagotra Haritlputra Vaijayantl-pati Sivaskanda-
varman as a previous ruler of the locality. If judged by
the standard of palaeography, the second record, according
to Biihler (Ind. Ant., XXV, p. 28), cannot be much later
than the first. In this connection, it is also noticed that
the famous Talgunda inscription of the Kadamba king
Santivarman refers to Satakarni (very probably a king of
the Cutu family) and other kings having worshipped in a
Siva temple at Sthanakundura (Talgunda). It has there-
fore been suggested that the Kuntala country passed into the
possession of the Kadambas directly from the bands of the
Cutu Satakarnis (EUpson, op. cil., p. Iv), and the following
genealogy of the Cutu dynasty has been drawn from the
above records
(1) Vaijayantlpura-raja Manavya-sagotra Haritlputra
Cutukulananda Satakarni (Kanheri, Banavasi and Malavalli
records) + Mahabhojl
Maharathi 4- Nagamulanika.
(2) Vaijayanti-pati Manavya-sagotra Haritlputra Siva-
skandavarman (Malavalli record).
We have already said that the identification Sivaskanda-
naga&rl = Skandanaga-Sataka = Si vaskandavarman is not
quite happy. It has moreover been pointed out (see above,
p. 168, note 2) that, on linguistic consideration, the
Mallavalli record of year 1 appears to be later than the
Banavasi record of year 12. The language of the Banavasi
inscription resembles that of the records of the Satav&banas
and Ikijvakus ; the language of the Malavalli inscription is,
on the other hand, very similar to that of the grants of
Pallava Sivaskandavarman. I therefore think that the
Banavasi and Malavalli records belong to two different
BAELY HISTORY OF KUNTALA 223
Cufakulananda Satakarnis. This suggestion is
also supported by the palaeographical standard of the
Banavasi inscription. According to Biihler (Ind. Ant., XIV,
p. 331 ff.)i the record is to be placed about the end of the
first or the beginning of the second century.
From the fact that, according to the evidence of the
Talgunda record, Mayuragarman, the first king of the
Kadamba family, received the pattabandha-sampuja along
with the country from the Prehara (river?) up to the
western (Arabian) sea from the Pallava kings of Kafici, it
appears that for a time the Kuntala country passed into the
possession of the Pallavas. This may have taken place
about the time of the great Sivaskandavarman and his
father whose direct rule is known to have extended as far
as the Andhrapatha (i.e., the Andhra country with its capital
at DhamfiakadaDhanyakataka) in the north and the
Satahaniraftha (i.e., the Bellary district) in the north-
west. We have also shown (see above, pp. 168, 184)
that a comparison of the language of the Malavalli record
with that of the Mayidavolu and Hirahadagalli grants
would place the rule of Mayurasarman, the progenitor
of the Kadambas, not long after the accession of Sivas-
kandavarman about the beginning of the fourth century.
Since the language of the Malavalli record of Visnukadda
Cutukulananda Satakarni who, as we have suggested, appears
to have been different from the earlier Visnukada Cutukula-
nanda Satakarni of the Banavasi inscription, closely
resembles the language of the Chandravalli record of
Mayurasarman and the Malavalli grant which seems to
belong either to the same king or to his immediate successor,
and does not appear to be earlier than the grants of
Sivaskandavarman, I think it not impossible that the
later members of the Cutu dynasty of Kuntala
acknowledged the suzerainty of the powerful early Pallava
rulers of KaficJ.
22 SUCCESSORS OF THE SAT AVAH ANAS
No coins have as yet been attributed to any of the
kings known from inscriptions. Some large lead coins
from Karwar bearing the title cutu-kul-anamda in the legend
are doubtfully assigned to an earlier feudatory member of
the Cutu family (Rapson, op. cit., p. xliii). The reading
haritl as a portion of the legend on some lead coins found
in the Anantapur and Cuddapah districts (loc. cit.) is not
quite certain and therefore does not justify in the present
state of our knowledge the attribution of those coins to any
of the Cutu kings.
Besides the coins bearing the legend ratio cutu-kul-
anarfidasa, there are other coins discovered from the Karwar
district with the legend rafio mud-anamdasa. The express-
ions cutu-kul-ananda and mud-ananda have been thought to
signify respectively " Joy of the family 1 of the Cutus " and
" Joy of the Mundas." These titles resemble in character
that of the Maharathi Arigika-kula-vardhana, " the cherisher
of the race of Anga." They have been taken to be dynastic.
According to Eapson, these may be designations attached to
particular localities or titles derived from the home or
race of the rulers. Cutu evidently signifies the Cutu-
Satakarni family. The Mundas are frequently mentioned in
Sanskrit literature. The Vifnu-Purana (IV, 24, 14) speaks
of thirteen Munda kings who ruled after the Andbras, (i.e.,
Satavahanas) . "It is perhaps, more probable that the
kings bearing these titles were members of two families of
feudatories in the early period of the dynasty, and that,
at a later period, on the decline of the empire, one of these
families gained the sovereign power in the western and
southern provinces, while the eastern provinces remained in
the possession of the Sfttavahana family " (Kapson, op. cit.,
p. xxiii).
1 In place of kula of the inscriptions, Kapson reads kwfa on the coina and
intnslateB the term as " city " (op. cit,, p. Ixxxiv).
II
ORIGIN OP THE KADAMBAS 1
Iq almost all Eadamba inscriptions the Kadambas
claim to have belonged to the Manavya gotra and call them-
selves Haritlputra. 2 The designation Manavyagotra-Hariti-
putra was evidently borrowed from the Cu^u Satakarnis who
ruled over Kuntala before the rise of the Kadambas. From
the Banavasi grant of the eighth year of Mrgegavarman's
reign (Ind. Ant., VIE, pp, 35-36) the Kadambas seem to have
actually belonged to the Angirasa gotra. 8 This suggestion
is possibly supported by the fact that they are called try-dr$a~
vartma (see verse 3 of the Talgunda inscription ; Ep. Ind.,
VIII t p. 31 ff.) which seems to refer to the three pravaras
of the ingirasa gotra, viz., Arigirasa, Ya&stha and Barhas-
patya (Sabdakalpadruma, s.v. pravara).
According to a very late inscription belonging to the
Kadamhas of Hangal (Ep. Cam., VII, Sk, 117), the
Eadamba family originated from the three-eyed and four-
armed Eadamba. This Kadamba is said to have sprung
into being under a Kadamba tree from a drop of sweat that
fell on the ground from the forehead of Siva. Kadamha'g
son waa Mayuravarman who conquered the earth by the
power of his. sword and invincible armour. Another ins-
cription (ibid, XI, Pg. 35) eays that Mayuravannan him**
self was bom under an auspicious Eadama tree, with an eye
I TWapapet M %ioliy pnblUhed in Jna. 0*tt.,IV,p. 118 f.
91 Sviyftmbhavt M*nu'i no* WM Mftnavya from whom came all tho*e who belopg4
io tte HinaTTa gotra (Bomb. Go*., I, ji, p. 889). Mftnavya's son was Harita ; hit aon
waa Paflcatikhi-Hiriti.
8 Did the Kaiambatolalm connection with the lAgirasa HriAai who axe aaid
to bate descended; through tksvlka, from Mann? ^Se* Bomb. Gaf,, I, U, p. 217, note).
29
226 SUCCESSORS OP THE SiTAVIHANAS
on bis forehead. He is there described as the son of Rudra
and the earth. His family became famous as Kadamba owing
to the fact that he grew up in the shade of a Kadamba
tree. An inscription of A. D. 1077 (ibid, VHI, Sb. 262)
gives still more interesting details. . There Mayuravarman
seems to have been described as the son of the famous
'2Lnanda-jina-vratindra's sister 1 and as born pfcder the
famous Kadamba tree, and to have had the other name
Trilocana. A kingdom having been procured for him from
the Sasanadevi and a forest being cleared and formed into
a country for that prince, a crown composed of peacock's
feathers was placed on his head. From this crown, the
prince obtained the name Mayuravarman.
These mythical accounts do not differ materially from
those recorded in the inscriptions of the Later Kadambas
of Goa. Some of the Halsi and Degamve grants (e.g., ibid,
VII, Sk. 236) attribute the origin of the Kadamba family
to the three-eyed and four-armed Jayanta otherwise named
Trilocona-Kadamba. This Jayanta is said to have sprung
from a drop of sweat that fell on the ground near the roots
of a Kadamba tree, from the forehead of Siva when the
god killed Tripura after a hard fight.
An inscription of the same period belonging to the
Later Kadambas of Nagarakhanda (J.B.B.R.A.S., IX, pp.^
245, 272, 285) gives a slightly different story. It says that
king Naoda worshipped Siva for many days with the desire
of getting a son. One day some Kadamba flowers suddenly fell
down from the sky and a heavenly 'voice assured him of his
getting two brilliant sons in the near future. Thus according
to this tradition, the Kadambas claimed relation with the
famous Nanda kings of Pataliputra. Some other late
Kadamba grants also attribute a northern origin to the
1 Here IB possibly a reference to the oUim of having been related with -the
Inanda kings pf Kandarapura For the Inandas, fee above, p. 50 ff ; alao my note ,in
/. *. 4: *., October, 1934, p. 787 ff.
ORIGIN OF THE EADAMBA8 S87
Kadambas. The Kargudari record of the Hangal Kadambas
asserts that Mayuravarman came from the Himalayan regions
and brought from Ahicchatra eighteen Brahmanas whom he
established in Kuntala (Bomb. Gaz. 9 I, ii, pp. 560-561) *
According to another record (Ep. Ind., XVI, pp. 354, 360)
Mayuravarman is said to have established his power oh
the summits of the Himavat mountain.
All these traditions are of little historical value. All
they may indicate is that the progenitor of the Kadamba
family was named Mayura and that the family-name had
an accidental connection with the Kadamba tree. In con-
nection with the tradition regarding the three-eyed Trilocana-
Kadamba, it is interesting to note that there are similar
accounts of a mythical Trilocana-Pallava in later Pallava
inscriptions. This three-eyed Pallava is said to have brought
some Brahmanas from Ahiccbatra and to have settled them
to the east of Sriparvata where he made seventy agraharas
(An. Rep. S. Ind. Ep., 1908, pp. 82-38). Later Kadamba
inscriptions, as we have noticed, attribute this Brahmana
emigration to Mayuravarman. These facts seem to show that
the mythical traditions about the two Pallava and Kadamba
Trilocanas bad a common origin, though they possibly
depended on the development of each other (Moraes,
Kadambakula, p. 8 note). As has already been suggested,
the evidence of the Mysore records of the twelfth century
stating that the N^nda king ruled over Kuntala (Bice,
Mysore and Coorg, p. 3), the reference to the wealth
of the Nandas in a Tamil poem and the existence of a city
called Nau Nand-Dehra in the South may suggest that the
Nanda dominions embraced considerable portions of
Southern India. In the present state of our knowledge
however it is not possible to prove a genealogical connection
l Another record Bays (Bomb. Ga.,p, 561) that Muka^a-Kadamba (the three-
eyed Kadambaa) brought 12,000 Brfthmajjas of 82 gotras from Abiochatra aod eatablfsh-
td them *t the Sthftgugwjhapura (i.e., Talgunda).
SUCCESSORS OP THE SiTAVlflAKAS
between the Nandas and the Eadambas. Moreover, the
Eadambas, as we shall presently we, were origiaaHy
Brahmanas, wbile the Nandat are known from the PurSn**
to have been Ksatriyas with an admixture of Sudra blood.
It is clear that all the later traditions connected with
the origin of the name Eadamba developed on a reference
in a much earlier Eadamba record. It is the Talgunda
inscription of king gantivarman who ruled about the
middle of the fifth century, that is to say, about a century
after the establishment of the Eadamba power in Kuntala by
Mayura about the middle of the fourth century A.D. This
inscription records (Ep. Ind., VIII, p. 31) that the
Eadambas were so named owing to their tending a Eadaniba
tree that grew near their house (c/ grha-Mmlpa-
samrudha-vika^at^kadamb-aika'padapam, tad-up&caravat =
tadasya tar oh sandmya-sadharmyam^asya tat prtvavrte
satirthya-vipraif&m prScttrt/ata5=todt?tteanam), and that
they belonged to the dvija-kula (Brahmana family). In this
Kadamba-kula was born a person named Mayuraformaa,
the best of the Brahmanas (cf. evam** agate kadamba-kult
tnmdn^babhuva dvijottamah nSmato m&gurafann^eti).
There seems to be nothing very strange and unbelievable in
this simple account. The statement that the Eadambas were
Brahmanas is also supported by the evidence of the earliest
Eadamba record, the Chandravalli inscription of Mayura
(Mys. Arch. Surv., A.R., 1929, p. 50). In this ins-
cription, the name of the Eadamba king has been
given as Mayura-larman, and not as Mayura-tHrrmon
which form we find only in the inscriptions of the
Later Eadambas. Since barman was used with the names
of Brahmanas and varman with that of Eiyatriyas (cf.
iarma-vadbrahmanasya sy&t, Manu, II, 82 ; &mna
deva&=sca viprasya varma trata, ca bha-bhujab, etc.,
Tama quoted in Sabdakdpadrurna, s.v. 6arm&) 9 the pro-
genitor of the Eadamba family was a Brihnwina aosordiog
OU1GIK OF THE EADAMBAd
to the earliest known Kadamba record, and there is no
reason to doubt the truth of the statement. It is not
impossible that the Kadambas were originally Brahmanas
.who migrated from Northern India like many other South
Indian toyal families, took service under the S&tavahanaus
and eventually carved out a principality in the Kuntala
wuntry. 1 That they later gave themselves as Ksatriya is
proved by the fact that not only the names of the succeeding
kings ended in varman, but MayuraSarman was himself
made Mayuravarman in all later records of the family. Their
case may be compared with that of the Sena kings of Bengal
who styled themselves as Brahma-Ksatriya which possibly
means "Br&hmana first and Ksatriya afterwards/' that is
to say, " Brahmana by birth and Ksatriya by profession."
It is interesting in this connection to note that, like
the Kadambas, there were and still are many tribes and
families in India, named after particular trees. The Sakyas
were a branch of the Iksvaku family and were so called
owing to their connection with the Saka tree (cf. &aka-
tifk$a~praticchannam vasavi yasm&c = ca cakrire, tasmad
ikpvdkn-vaifltyas te bhuvi takyah praklrtitah ; Saundaranan-
dak&vya, I, 24). Coins of a tribe or family called Odnmbara
hate been discovered in the Pathankot region (Kangra and
Hosyarpur districts according to Smith, Catalogue, pp.
160-61) and have been assigned to circa 100 B.C. (Kapson,
Indian Coins, p. 11). Odumbara (Sanskrit Audwnbara)
appears to be connected with the Udumbara or fig tree.
A tribe named Arjunayana has been mentioned Varaha-
mihira's Brhatsamhita (XIV, 25) and the Allahabad piller
1 Had thft Kadtmbae tome sort of relation with the N!pa (= Kadamba) family
Which ruled, according to a traditiofi recorded by K&lidlsa (Raghu, VI, verses 45-51),
over the district round Mathuri? G. M. Moraes says (Kadambakula, p. 10).
"H) ?ry name of the family saggeata that they (i.e., the Kadambaa) were the natitea
of the South* For the Kadamba tree ia common only in the Decoan." ft la
howeter a miarepreaentation. The Kadamba tree ia largely found alto in other parta
tf India.
230 8UCCE8SOK8 OF THE SITAVAHANA8
pillar inscription of Samudragupta (circa 350 A.D.);-
Many coins belonging to this tribe have also been discovered
(Indian Coins, p. 11). These Arjunayanas seem to have
been called after the Arjuna tree. The name of the Sibi
tribe may also be connected with Sivi or the birch tree.
Some coins bearing the legend vatasvaka are assigned to
about B.C. 200 (ibid, p. 14). Biihler has explained the
legend as denoting the Vata (fig. tree) branch of the
A6vaka tribe (Ind. Stud., Ill, p. 46). It is interesting
in this connection to notice that even at the present time
the Lari Goalas of Chhota-Nagpur, the Goraits, Kharias,
Kharwars, the Kumhars of Lohardaga, Mundas, Nagesars,
Oraons, Pans and many other tribes have septs or sections
amongst them named after the famous Indian tree Vata
(Ficus Indica). (See H. H. Kisley, Tribes and Castes of
Bengal, II, 1892, pp. 51, 55, 77, 78, 86, 103, 111, 113,
115, etc.) A consideration of modern tribal names seems
to suggest that the above tree-names had originally some
sort of totemistic significance.
We have already mentioned several Indian tribes and
castes bearing the name Vata. There are many such tribes
and castes in India, which go by the names of particular
trees. Tribal septs are named after the Pumur (fig. tree),
bamboo, Palm tree, Jari tree, Mahua tree, Baherwar tree,
Kussum tree, Karma tree and many other trees (Riseley,
op. cit. 9 pp. 61, 78, 87, 96, 97, 103, 105, etc.). Some
,of these are actually totems, while others appear to have lost
their original totemistic significance. 1
1 Totemistic ideas appear to be gradually changed with time. Among the
preiepfc^ay Bantais, only traces of their primitive totemism are to be found. "None
of ^tfi&e^ Appear to be associated with the idea of culture-heroes as amongst the
Amrf4ndraaB. * The folklore shows indeed some stories centering round the plants
(betel-palm*, Pan jaum tree, Sabai grass) and animals (tiger, jackal, leopard, crab).
B&des these/some of the clans* names centre round industrial object? and articles
of usefulness, such as chain, earthen vessel , etc. These would be more in line with
a belief in objects possessing mana and venerated at such and gradually getting
ORIGIN OF THE KADAMBAS 281
It however cannot be proved in the present state of our
knowledge whether the Kadambas and the other tribes
and families with tree-names were totemistic in the true
sense of the term. In this connection it is interesting to
note what has been said about the totemism prevalent
among the present-day Santals who must originally have
been a totemistic people. "Totemism in the truest form
is not present amongst the Santals. The Santals of our
days do not believe in the actual descent of a clan from
its totem, and the few legends of the Santals about the
origin of some of their clans do not point to any belief in
the descent of men from their totems. All that they
indicate is that the totem animal and plant bad some
accidental connection with the birth of the ancestor of the
clan. As for example, the sept Pauria is called after the
pigeon and Chore after the lizard ; and the story is that on
the occasion of a famous tribal hunting party the members
of these two septs failed to kill anything but pigeons and
lizards ; so they were called .by the names of these animals." 1
It is interesting also to note that according to the Talgunda
inscription and many other later Kadamba records the
Kadamba tree "had some accidental connection with the
birth " of the family of Mayura^arman, the ancestor of the
Kadambas, exactly as the pigeon and lizard in the family
traditions of the two Santal septs called Pauria (pigeon) and
Chore (lizard).
associated with exogamons Bab-divisions which might have had a hand in the invention
ox diffusion of those useful objects. There is no seasonal recurring ceremonial round
these objects meant for the preservation or propagation of animals or plants '
as ancestors as in Australia. There is indeed some taboo to the use
subclan of the plant and animal venerated as its ancestor. The anij
thus venerated are taboo to the elans; none can hunt it, nor can)
flesh. But for the observation of this taboo, the Santals are in
animal worshippers" (P. 0. Biswas, Primitive Religion, etc., of i
Dipt. Let., XXVI, p. 6).
I Jbid, pp. 67-58,
m
GENEALOGY AND CHRONOLOGY OF THB EARLY KADAMBAS
OF MAYURA$ARMAN'S LINE
The following genealogy of the Early Kadambas is
established by the Talgunda inscription of Santivarman and
the numerous records of his son! grandson and great-grand-
son (see Ind. Ant., VI, p. 22) :
Mayuraarman
Kangavarman
Bhagiratha
Baghu
Kafcustha or Kakusthavarman
Santivarman or Santivara-
varman
MygeSa, MrgeSvara, MfgeSa-
varman or Mrgeavaravarman
Bavi or Bavivarman
Harivarman
Sivaratha
Bhanuvarman
, In connection with the discussion on the date of
Pallava Sivaskandavarman (above, pp. 161-68 ; also
Jaurn. Ind. Hut., XII, p. 297 ff.}, I have tried to
prove that Sivaskaadararman ruled in the first quarter
of the fourth century A.D. I have also suggested
a comparison of the language of the
KADAMBA GENEAIiOGY AND CHRONOLOGY 383
(Mys. Arch. Sure., A.B., 1929, p. 50) with that of the Mayi-
davolu and Hirahadagalli grants would place the reign of
Kadamba MayuraSartnan only a little later than the accession
of Sivaskandayarman. The use of rf (1.1) and the numerous
double-consonants like mma (1.1), tr, 11 (1.2), sth, nd (1.3),
etc., appear to prove that the Chandravalli record was en-
graved after, but not long after, the execution of the grants
of Sivaskandavarman. I therefore think that scholars (see
Anc. Hist. Dec., p. 95 f.; Kadambakula, chart opp. p. 15) are
justified in placing Mayura&irman about the middle of the
fourth century A.D. We may not therefore be far from the
mark if we suppose that the date of Mayura's accession lies
somewhere between A.D. 320 and 350. 1
According to the evidence of the Talgunda inscription
(Ep. Ind., VIII, p. 31 ff.) of the Kadamba king named
Santivarman, this Mayurasarman was followed on the
Kadamba throne by his son Kangavarman, grandson Bhagi-
ratha and great-grandson Eaghu ; Raghu was succeeded by
his brother whose name was Kakusthavarman. Supposing
that Mayura^arman's reign began about the middle of the
fourth century and that the reign-periods of the four prede-
cessors of Kakusthavarman (viz., Mayurasarman, Kangavar-
man, Bhaglratha and Eaghu) together covered about a
century, we arrive at about the middle of the fifth century
for the period of Kakustba.
The Halsi grant (Ind. Ant., VI, p. 23) of Kakustha-
varman, the Yuvaraja (crown-prince) of the Kadambas,
was issued in the eightieth year. 2 Fleet says (Bomb. Gaz.,
According to the Talguada inscription, MayuraSarmai received the
, as well as fche land between the Western sea an] the Pretrira from th P*llav
kings of Kafl;T. We have already suggested that this may have takeo place about the
time of the great Siva*kandavarmnn and bis father who were poasib'y suzerains of the
wbole land hounded by the Arabian sea in the west. See above, p. 184 n.
t Iu Ind. int., XIV, p, 13, it has been suggested to be the eightieth year from
tit <x<H*tt of the Htywi by Rrsnavarman (!) who however omnot be 80 years
earlier than Kaknsthavarman.
80
234 SUCCESSORS OF THE SITAVIHANAS
I, ii, p. 291), " The year purports by strict translation to
be his own eightieth year. But it cannot be the eightieth
year of his Ywwra/a-ship ; and, even if such a style of dating
were usual, it can hardly be even the eightieth year of his
life.. It must therefore be the eightieth year from the
Pattabandha of his ancestor Mayura^arman, which is
mentioned in the Talgunda inscription." The beginning
of Kftkustha's reign thus falls more than eighty years
after MayuraSarman's accession (somewhere between circa
320 and 350 A.D.). The record issued when Kakustha-
varman was a Yuvaraja thus seerns to have been inscribed
some time between circa 400 and 430 A.D. 1
Kakusthavarman was succeeded by his son Santi-
varman daring whose reign the Talgunda record was
engraved. Mrge^avarman was the son and successor of
Santivarman. Thus the two reigns of Kakusthavarman and
of Santivarman intervened between the date of the Halsi
grant when Kakustha was a Yuvaraja (some time between
A.D. 400 and 430) and the date of Mrgesavarman's
accession. But since we do not know the precise date of
MayuraSarman's accession and the exact reign-periods of
Kakusthavarman and Santivarman, it is difficult to
conjecture any definite date for the accession of Mrge^a-
varman. It is however almost certain that Mrge^a's rule
did not begin earlier than A.D. 415.
Mrgesavarman's last known date is year 8. He was
succeeded by his son Eavivarman whose last known ins-
criptional date is year 35. Ravivarman's son and successor
was Harivarman whose Sangoli grant (Ep. Ind., XIV,
p, 165 ff.) was dated in the eighth year of fiis reign. The
date of this record is calculated to be either Tuesday, the
1 Prof. Kaychaudburi suggests to me that, since this is the only instance of an era
being used in the Kadamba records and since Klkustha, is known to have had relations
with the Guptas, tbe-year 80 may possibly be referred to the Gupta era. The sugges-
tion suits our chronology, as the date then falls in 400 A.D.
KADAMBA GENEALOGY AND CHRONOLOGY 235
22nd September, 526, or Thursday, the 21st September,
545 A.D. So Harivarman ascended the Kadamba throne
either in 519-520 or in 538-539. 1 Since Bavivarman's
reign of about 35 years intervened between the end
of MrgeiSavarman's rule and the beginning of Harivarman' s
reign, Mrge^avarman does not appear to have ended bis
rule before (538-35 = ) 503 AD. Thus we see that the
reign of Mrgeavarman fell in the period between A.D. 415
and 503.
Now, the Banavasi grant (Ind. Ant., VII, pp. 35-36) of
Mrgesavarman gives a verifiable date. This record is said
to hive bsen dated in rajyasya trtlye varse pause samvatsare
karttikamasa-bahula-pakse dafamyantithau uttara-bhadra-
pada-naksatre. The date is therefore Pausa year ; month of
Karttika ; Bahula or the dark fortnight ; tenth lunar day ;
and Uttara-bhadrapada naksatra. This date fell in the
third regnal year of Mrgegavarman. It must first be
observed that Bahula is here apparently a mistake for Sukla.
The lunar mansion called Uttara-bhadrapada may have
chance to occur on the tenth lunar day only of the bright
half, and not of the dark half, of the month of Karttika.
We are therefore to find oat a Pausa year in the period
between A.D. 415 and 503, in which the lunar mansion
Uttara-bhadrapada occurred on the tenth tithi of the bright
half of Karttika.
Between A.D. 415 and 503, Pausa years, counted
according to the twelve-year cycle of Jupiter, occurred in
A.D. 425, 437, 448, 460, 472, 484 and 496; but calculations
show that the lunar mansion Uttara-bhadrapada occurred in
Karttika-sukla-da^imi only in A.D. 437 and in 472. On
October 24, A.D. 437, Sukla-dasami continued till 2-5 A.M.
in the night;' and Uttara-bbadrapada naksatra began about -
1 Mr. E. N. Dikahit who has edited the Sangoh grant (Ep. Ind,, XIV,
p. 165 f.) rightly prefers the second date, viz., A.D. 538.
38 SUCCESSORS <M? THE SlTAViHAJtAS
12-15 P.M. in the day. On October 27, A.D. 472, Sukla-
daSam! continued till 8-57 P.M. in the night and Uttara-
bhadrapada began about 2-31 P.M. in the day. It therefore
appears that Mrge^avarman ascended the Kadamba throne
either in A.D. 434-435 or 469470. 1
Scholars (see Anc. Hist. Dec., pp. 95-96; Kadambakula,
chart opp. p. 15) generally place Mrge&ivarman's accession
in circa 475 A.D. We would therefore prefer the second
alternative, viz., 469-70 A.D.
In this connection we should also note that a Halsi grant
(Ind. Ant., VI, p. 24) of king Mrge^avarman is dated on the
full-moon day of Karttika in his eighth regnal year which was
a Vai^akha samvatsara. We have already seen that the
tenth tithi of the bright half of Karttika of his third year
fell in the Pausa samvatsara. This fact seems to show that
the same lunar day of Karttika in the next Vai^akha samvat-
sara fell in his seventh regnal year. Are we to suppose that
the eighth year of Mrge&ivarman's reign began in between
the Sukla-da^ami and the full-moon day of Karttika ?
Mrge^avarman would then appear to have ascended the
throne on a day between these two tiihis.
There were several branches 2 of the Early Kadambas,
the most important of them besides the direct line of
1 I am indebted for some calculations to Mr. D. N. Mukberji, B.Sc , of the
Daulatpur College (Kb ulna distiict, Bengal). Tbe calculations are on tbe beliacal
rising system as followed by Dikshit ID Fleet's Gupta Inscriptions (Corp. Ins.
Ind., III). After tbe publication of my paper on this subject (Journ. Ind. Hist.,
XIV, p, 844), I have noticed that in a foot-note at page 853 of his Lilt, the
late Mr. Sewell said, " Mj-geSavarinan may have come to the throne in A.D. 471.
For an inscription of his third year bears a date in A.D. 473, given as in tJ*
year Pausa, which, in the twelve year cycle *Kllaka." Sewell appears to have
calculated the Pausa years according to the mean motions of Jupiter.
1 It will be seen that tbe lines of Mayuralarman and Knfnivarman I and a few
other lines one of them being that to which king Mftndbtj-varman belonged, ruled
more or less simultaneously over different parts of the Kadamba country. The refer-
ence to Galukya Kirtivarman's victory over the kadaiflba-kadarnba-kadaipbdka (com-
bined army of a confederacy of Kadamba princes ?) is interesting to note in this
connection. Buddhadatta, tbe celebrated author of tbe Vinayavinicchaya, is said to
have flourished at Uragapura (modern Uraiyur near Tanjore) about the fifth century
KADAMBA GENEALOGY AND CHBONOLOGY 23?
Mayura&trmanbeing the line of Krsnavarman I. Since
the exact relation of these branch lines with the main line,
that is to say, with the line of Mayura&irman, is not as yet
definitely and unquestionably settled, I think it wiser to
deal with them separately.
A.D. In the nigamwna of that work, he says that he resided in the v iliara of Venhu-
data at Bhutamangala-on-Kaveri in the Colaratfcha and composed the book when
the country was being ruled by Accutaccutavikkanta who was a kalamba-kula nandana.
The $ka says that the Cola-raja Accutavikknma who was kalamba-'kula-vamsa-jdta was
ruling the Co)a-rat(ha. It has been suggested that king Acyutavikrarra belonged to
the Kadamba family (see Ind. Cult., I, pp. 71-74). Some scholars think that he was
a Kalabhra. The suggestion that the Cola country was ruled by a Kadamba
or Kalabhra king about the fifth century however cannot be accepted without
farther evidence. Kalamba-kula nandana, i e. t delight of the Ka Jamba =- Kadamba
(Bomb. Gaz.., I, ii, p. 558, note 2) or Kadamba family, may supgest that
Acyotavikrama's mother was a Kadamba princess. In this connection it is
interesting to note that a Pallava king (Pallava-raja) named Gopaladeva
has been described in the Haldipur grant (Ep. Ind., XXI, p. 173 ff.) as
kaiktya-vaipt-odbhava which has been taken to indicate that Gopaladeva was
connected with the Kaikeyas on his mother's side. Galukya Jayasimha III is described
io the records of the family as being born in the Pallava lineage (Bomb. Gaz. t I, ii,
p. 888), and Fleet suggests that hit mother was a Pallava princess. Fleet also
suggested (ibid. p. 819) that Satyasrayt-Dhruvaraja-IndraTarman, " an ornament
of the Adi-maba-Bappura-vainsa," was a son of Calukya Mangales*a and was connected
with the Bappura or Batpura family on his mother's side, J t is also not impossible
that the Kamboja-var^a tilaka- B&jyapftla of the Irda grant is the same asking
Rftjyapala of the P&la dynasty, whose mother was a Kamboja princess. See my note in
Sown. Andhra Hitt. Res. Soc., X, p. 227 f.
IV
MAYURA^ARMAN
We have seen that according to the Talgunda inscription
the Kadambas belonged to a Brahmana family devoted to
the study of the Vedas. There the family has been described
as tryarw-vartma, hariti-putra and manavya-gotra. In this
family of dvijas was born an illustrious and learned
Brahmana named Mayura&irman who went with his pre-
ceptor Virasimha to Kancipura, the Pallava capital, in
order to prosecute his Vedic studies. There Mayura^arman
was drawn in a quarrel with the Pallavas, 1 and considering
the illtreatment he received a dishonour to the Brahmanas,
"he unscathed a flaming sword eager to conquer the
world." He then easily defeated the frontier guards of the
Pallava kings (antah-palan pallav-endranam) 2 and esta-
blished himself in a dense forest near Sriparvata. His
power gradually increased, and he levied tributes from the
Brhad-Banas 8 and other kings. At length a compromise
1 Kielhorn thinks that afoasaiflstha is the same as atvaroha," a horseman" (Ep.
Ind.. VIII, p 26). May the passage afoa-strpsthena kalahena suggest that the quarrel
of MayuraSarman was in connection with a horse sacrifice (see above, p. 184,
Dote). Among th? Early Pallavas Sivaskandavarman and Kurnaravisnu of
the Omgcdu (no. 1) grant are the only kings known to have performed the A6vamedha.
This fact aldo appears to sugeast that MayuraSarmin lived about the time of the
{Treat Sivaskandavarman who is known to have held sway over the greater portion
of Lower Deccan. Kumaravisnu seems to have ruled about the end of the fourth
century.
8 The plural number in pallavendran&i^t etc., suggests that the quarrel of
Mayuras*armanj*was not limited within the reign period of a single Pallava king of
KftficI, but continued in the succeeding reigns. Antafy-pala (Warden of the Marches)
it mentioned idy Kaufcilya'a Arthafastra (Samasastry's ed., pp. 20,247). The salary
of an Antdh-pala was equal to that of a Kumara, Paura-vyavaharika, Ra?trapala
and of a memberof the Mantri-parifat.
3 Brbad-Bapa appears to mean the great Ban a or the greiter house of the
Binai. Cf. Peramblnapp&4i in Tamil.
MAYtTBASARMAN 289
was brought in, and Mayiira^arman accepted service under
the Pallava kings of KaficI, from whom he received the
pattabandha-swripuja, that is to say, the status of a subordi-
nate ruler, as well as the territory extending from the
Apararnava (Western or Arabian Sea) and the Prehara
(river ?) with a specification that no other chief would enter
into it. The eightieth year of an unknown era by which the
Halsi grant of Kakusthavarman (Ind. Ant., VI, p. 23) is dated,
is supposed by some scholars to have begun from this time.
Mayura&irman is said in theTalgunda inscription (v. 20)
to have entered into the service of the Pallava kings and to
have pleased them by acts of bravery ioi battles. He seems to
have become a dandanayaka (field-marshal) of the Pallava king
of Kanci. This view is further supported by verse 3 of the
same inscription in which the Kadamba family is called the
great lineage of leaders of armies (kadamba-senanl^brhad-
anvaya), as well as by verse 22 in which Mayuragarman is
said to luve been favoured 2 and anointed Senapati (general)
by Sbdanana aiil the Mothers 3 (sadananafy yam = abhisikta-
1 The word tenant means " leader of an army " (see Git a, X, 24; Kumar a. t
II, 51). II is also a raame of Kftrttikeya, the divine general (Raghu, II, 37). It may
also be suggested that Mayura8*arman was famous as Senani or Senapati like Pusya-
mitra Sunga (Malavikagnimttra, Act V).
2 The word anudhyata is generally taken to be m the active use to mean *' medi-
tating on .." In the passage in question the verb anu-dhyai is evidently used in the
passive to mean " to favour," "to bless." That the word anudhydta should be taken in
the passive to mean " favoured "is also proved by passages like mahdsena-matrgai)-
anudhyat-abhifikta io which the other word abhtftkta is used in the passive. Note also
a similar passage of the Calukya grants which says that the family " acquired an un-
interrupted continuity of prosperity through the favour and protection of Earttikeya"
(Bomb. Gaz., I, ii, p. 387). The common phrase bappa-bha^Hraka-pad-dmtdhyata means
11 favoured (or, blessed* by the feet of the (or, the noble) lord, the father. 1 '
3 The Calukyas are described in their grants as " who have been nourished by
the seven Mother* who are the seven mothers of mankind." The Mothers are
personified energies of the principal deities. They are generally seven (sometimes eight
or sixteen) in number, e.g., BrfthmJ (or Brahman!), MaheSvarl, Kaumari, Vai^avl,
Varahl (sometimes NarasirphI), IndranI (Aiodrl or Mahendrl) f and CSuuu^a. who
attend 09 diva but rsually on his son Skanda (Mahasena or Sadaoana). The list of
eight Mothers omits Mabendr! but includes Cangi and Carcika. They were probably
connected with the six Krttikas (Pleiades) who are said to become mothers to Skanda
940 SUCCESSORS OP THE SITAVAHANAS
van=anudhyaya senapatim matrbhik saha). 1 In this connec-
tion it is interesting to note that in almost all the Eadamba
recDrds the family has baen described as anudhyata (favoured)
by Svami-Mahasena (aianana) and the Mothers. It must
also be noticed in this connection that the Sirsi grant (Ep.
Ind., XVI, p. 264) of Ravivarman describes the king as
Kadamba-mahasenapati-pratima*
A very late inscription found at Talgunda (Ep. Cam.,
VII, Sk. 178) says that MayuraSarinan (or Mayuravarman as
there written) performed no less than eighteen horse-sacri-
fices. G. M. Moraes says, "It may safely be maintained
that he really performed one or perhaps a few more which
thus formed a historical foundation for the exaggerated
version of the later reords." The suggestion is however
untenable in view of the fact that Mayuravarman is never
credited with the performance of any sacrifice not only in
his own Chandravalli record but also in the inscriptions of
his immediate successors. The Kadarnba family is said to
have b?en ranlered pure by the bath of the A^vamedha only
after the time of Krsnavarman I who is the only Kadamba
ruler known to have performed the horse-sacrifice.
The Chandravalli inscription of Mayuravarman (My$.
Arch. Sun>., A. B., 1929, p. 50) records the construction
of a tank by the king who belonged to the Kadamba family
and cDnquerei the Trekuta, Abhlra, Pallava, Pariyatrika,
Sakasthana, Sayindaka, Punata and Mokari. This record
by nursing him who formed six mouths to suckle them siraultnualy (cf. Sksnda's
names, Karttikeya, SadSnana, Sinmitura, etc.). See Bomb. Qaz. t I, ii, p. 837 and
note.
1 The piBBage has been taken by some to mean that Maynrasarman was anointed
by Sadanana after he meditated on the SanapaU (i.e., Saganaoa?). This interprta-
tirn is certainly untenable. Tue verb in anudhy&ya (after favouring) , whioh has
hate its subject in ^ananah and its object in yam, is the samt as in anudhytta
(favoured) in passages like mah&9ena-m&trg<*n>&nudhy&t'&bhitikata(twoQT6& and
anointed by Bfahasena and the Mothers) occurring in many Kadamba records.
; cf. bis names Mah*se& end Senapatf.
MAYtTBASABMAN Ml
is engraved on a boulder at the entrance of the BhairaveS-
vard, temple at Chandravalli in the Chitaldrug district of
Mysore^ and is so obliterated that it is difficult to be definite
as regards the reading of some of the names mentioned in
connection with Mayura^arman's conquests.
I. Trekuta appears to signify the Traikutakas who
probably received their name from the Trikuta mountain in
Aparanta, mentioned by Kalidasa (Raghu, TV, verses 58-59).
An inscription (Arch. Surv. W. Ind., p. 124f) of the
Vakataka king Harisena (circa 500-520) refers to the king-
dom of Trikuta. The copper- plate grants of the Traikutaka
kings are all discovered in the neighbourhood of Surat and
Kanheri (Bhandarkar, List, Nos. 1199^ 1200, 1202, etc.).
The Kanheri grant of the year 245 (A.D. 493-94}
of the augmenting sovereignty of the Traikutakas refers
to a monastery at Krsnagiri (Kanheri) itself. The Pardi
inscription of Dahrasena is dated in year 207 (A.D. 455-
56). The date of the Surat inscription of Vyaghrasena
is the Traikutaka year 232 (A.D. 479-80). The
evidence of the Traikutaka inscriptions thus shows that
the family ruled in Southern Gujarat and the Konkan about
the second half of the fifth century. It is possible that the
Traikutakas ruled in the same place also about the time of
Mayura^arman. The era used in the Traikfltaka inscriptions
is said to be the same as the Kalacuri or Cedi era which
begins from A.D. 248-49 (Bapson^ op. cit^ pp. clx-xlxi;
Bomb. Gaz.j I. ii, p. 294.)
Traikutaka coins have been discovered not only in Sou-
thern Gujarat and the Konkan, but also in the Maratha
country on the other side of the Ghats. Bhagwanlal
Indraji noticed a Traikutaka coin mentioning the Parama-
vai^nava Maharaja Rudragana (sena), son of Maharaja
Indradatta (Bomb. Gaz., I. ii, p. 295 n.). The fact that
the Traikutaka coin-types are very closely imitated from the
Western K^atrapa coins shows that they were intended for
31
242 SUCCESSORS OF THE SITAViHANAS
circulation in districts where the Western Ksatrapa coim
hadtecome familiar to the people. <f Local conservatism
in regard to coin-types is a marked characteristic of Indian
numismatics" (Rapson, loc. cit.). It is therefore clear
that the country of the Traikutakas was originally a part
of the dominions of the Saka kings of Ujjain. According
to the Ajanta inscription (Arch. Surv. W. Ind., IV, p. 138 ff.)
the Trikuta country was conquered by the Vakataka king
Harisena who Appears to have ruled about the beginning of
the sixth century A.D.
II. The earliest mention of the Abhlras seems to be
that in Patanjali's Mahabhasya, I, 252 (Ind. Ant., XLVII,
p. 36). There they are associated with the Sudras. Accor^
ding to a verse of the Maliabharata, these two tribes lived
near the place where the Sarasvati lost itself into the sands
(cf. IX, 37, 1: udr-abhwan prati dvesad = yatra.nasta
sarasvatl ). In another place however the epic places the
Sbhiras in Aparanta (II, 51). The country of the
Abhlras has been mentioned as Abiria in the Periplm and as
Aberia in the Geography of Ptolemy. According to the
Greek geographer (Geog., VII, i, 55), the land about the
mouth of the Indus was generally called Indo-Scythia which
consisted of three countries, viz., Patalene (Indus delta),
Aberia (ibhira country) and Surastrene (Kathiawar),
The Puranas (e.g., Vayu, 99, v. 359) mention the
Abhlras who ruled after the Andhras (Satavahanas). An
Abhira chief named Rudrabhuti is known to have served as
general of a Saka king of Ujjain. The Gunda inscription
of Saka 103 (A.D. 181), belonging to the reigm of Rudra-
simha I, records the digging of a tank by the ibhira general
Rudrabhuti, It is also known that for a time the Saka
Satraps of Western India were shadowed by an Abhlra king
named Madharlputra Igvarasena, son of Sivadatta. The
Nafiik inscription (Ep. Ind., VIII, p. 88) of this king re-
cords the investment of 1,500 Uarsapanas in the trade-guilds
243
of G-ovardhana (Nasik) for the purpose of providing medicines
to the monks dwelling in the monastery on the Triragmi
mountain. 1 Coins of a Mahaksatrapa named l^varadatta
have been found in Kathiawar. These are silver fcoins of
the same style and type as the coins of the Saka Ksatrapas.
Isvaradatta dates his coins in the regnal year and not in the
Saka era like the Western Ksatrapas. According to Bhag-
wanlal Indraji, Isvaradatta was probably an Ibhira connect*
ed with the dynasty of I^varasena of the Nasik inscription,
and it was Isvaradatta who founded the Traikutaka era
of A.D. 248-49. Kapson however has no doubt that
Igvaradatta reigned between A.D. 236 and 239, 2 that is to
say, about ten years before the establishment of the
Traikutaka era. It is not possible to determine whether
the Ibhiras and the Traikutakas belonged to the same
dynasty or race. It may however be said that the two
groups of kings ruled over substantially the same territory
and had a similar formation of names, which facts possibly
suggest some sort of relation that may have existed between
the ibhiras and the Traikutakas (Bapson, loc. cit.).
III, We have already discussed the question of Mayura-
forman's quarrel with the Pallavas of Kaflcl. About the
beginning of the fourth century, the Pallavas appear to have
held sway not only over Andhrapatha and Satahaniraftha
(Bellary district) in the north and the north-west, but
possibly also over the Kuntala country in the west.
IV. Pariyatrika seems to signify the people dwelling on
the Pariyatra mountain, which may be identified with the
Aravelly Eange and the Western Vindhyas. According to
1 The Nasik district " may have passed immediately into the power of these
Ibhiras, either during the reign or after the reign of 8rI-Yajfla, or it may have first beea
held by the Cutu family of the Satakarnis, the ' other Aodbras ' or < Andhra-bhftyas '
(' servants of the Andhras ') of the Puranas, who undoubtedly were in possession of the
neighbouring maritime province of Aparanta " (Rapson, op. cit, p. cxxxiv).
* Bhandarktr places the rule of Mahaksatrapa ISvaradatta between 188 and
244 SUCCESSORS OP THE SlTAVlHANAS
thePuranas (Vayu, 45, 97-98 ; Markaiideya, 57, 19-20), rivers
lil?e the MahI A Carmanvati(Chambal), BarnaSa (Banas), Sipra
and Vetravati have their origin in the Pariyatra or Paripatra.
V. Sakasthana is th3 country of the Sakas. It has
been mentioned by the author of the Periplus ( 38) as
Scythia which was situated in the Lower Indus valley
and was under the rule of Parthian chiefs, engaged in un-
ceasing internecine strife. As has already been noticed, the
Indian Saka country is described in the Geography (VII, i,
55) of Ptolemy as Indo-Scythia which included Patalene,
Aberia and Surastrene. At the time of Mayura^arman
(middle of the fourth century A.D.), Sakasthana seems to
have signified the kingdom of the Saka kings of Ujjain. The
line of the Sakas of Ujjain was founded by Castana (a
contemporary of the Greek geographer Ptolemy) in the first
half of the second century. The Sakas continued their rule
in that locality up to the beginning of the fifth century when
Chandragupta II of the Imperial Gupta dynasty of Magadha
conquered Malwa from Saka Eudrasimha III (Eapson,
Catalogue, p. cxlix ff. ; Allan, Catalogue, p. xxxviii f .)
VI. Sayindaka has been suggested to be the same as the
country of the Sendrakas. The Sendrakas are known to be
of Naga origin and their country is generally identified with
the Nayarkhanda or Nagarakhanda division of the Banavasi
province, which possibly formed a part of the present
Shimoga district of Mysore. The Sendraka-vi?aya is known
to have been included in the dominions of the Kadamba
king Krsnavarman II. The Bennur grant (Ep* Carn.^ V,
p. 594) of Krsnavarman II records the gift of a village called
Palmadi which was in the Sendraka-visaya. A Sendraka
chief named Bhanu3akti seems to have been a feudatory
of the Kadamba king Harivarman (see the Halsi grant of the
eighth year of Harivarman's reign ; Ind. Ant., VI, p. 31).
After the fall of the Kadambas the Sendrakas transferred
their allegiance to the Calukyas of Badami, who succeeded
MAStJBAgAEMAN 246
the Kadambas in the rule of the Kuntala region. A record
of Pulake&n I (Ind. Ant., VII, p. 211 ff.), who was the first
great emperor of the Calukya dynasty, mentions the Sendraka
raja Bundranlla Gonda, his son Sivara and grandson Sami-
y&ra who ruled the Kuhundi-visaya (Belgaum district)
with its headquarters at Alaktaka-nagari. 1 The Chiplun
grant (Ep. Ind., UI^ p. 50 ff.) says that the Sendraka prince
Sri-vallabha Senananda-raja was the maternal uncle of Pula-
ke&n II. An inscription (J.B.B.R.A.S., XVI, pp. 228-29) of
the tenth year of Vikramaditya 1 mentions the Sendraka
chief DevaSakti who appears to have been his feudatory.
According to the evidence of the Balagami record (Ind. r Ant.>
XIX, p. 142; Ep. Cam., VIII, Sk. 154), the Sendraka
Maharaja Pogilli, a feudatory of Calukya Vinayaditya I,
ruled over the Nayarkhanda division which had a village
called Jedugur, identified by Fleet with Jedda in the Sorab
taluka of the Shimoga district. The crest of the family of
Pogilli was the elephant (Bomb. Gaz., I, ii, p. 192). In connec-
tion with a certain Satyagraya(PulakesinlI?) a Lakshmesvar
inscription mentions the Sendra(t.e., Sendraka) king Durga-
6akti, son of Kumaraakti and grandson of Vijayasakti.
VII. Panama has been taken to be the same as modern
Punnadu in the southern part of Mysore. Ptolemy seems to
have mentioned it (Geog., VII, \ L < 86) as Pounnata where
beryls were found. The country or district of Punnata was
adorned by the rivers Kaverl and Kapinl. The capital of
this ancient kingdom was Klrtipura (Kittur) on the Kapinl
(Kabbani) river in the Heggadedevanakote taluka. The Ko-
maralingam and Mamballi plates (Ind. Ant., XII, p. 13 ; Mys.
fach. Sun., A.E., 1917, pp. 40-41) 'belonging to early
1 Records like the Bagumra (Nausari district) grant (Ind. Ant., XVIII,
pp. 266-67) of tho Sendraka prince Pftbtavallabha-Niknmbballadafeti, eon of iditya*
ffakti and grandson of Bhftmi&kti, dated in the year 406 (Cedi era?655 A.P.)
9h0w tiiat the QendrakM were granted jtytr* in Southern Gujarat after the country
Wai conquered by tbe Calukyw, Alaktakanagori-LattalQj: of B&trakuta v* *** ?
246 SUCOESSOES OF THE SlTAViHAtf A3
Punnata rulers speak of the kings named Visnudasa, Ea?tra-
varman, Nagadatta, Bhujaga (son-in-law of Ganga Madhava- .
Simhavarman ?), Skandavarman and Eavidatta, who belonged
to the Tamraka^yapa kula. According to the Ganga records, .
Ganga Avimta, father of Durvimta, married the daughter of
Skandavarman, king of Punnata. Ganga Durvinlta is known
to have had a very long reign which covered more than forty
years and, as we shall see, the Ganga king probably helped
his daughter's son, Calukya Vikramaditya I, in securing the
throne of Badami about 654 A.D. The Punnata king Skanda-
varman, Durvimta's mother's father, must therefore have
reigned in the second half of the sixth century. Some of the
Ganga recojds assert that the Punnata country formed a part
of Durvimta's kingdom. The country may have passed to
Durvinlta as the heir of his maternal grandfather. 1
VIII. Mokari has been taken to signify the Maukharis
of Eastern and Northern India. Inscriptions of the Maukha-,
ri kings have been discovered in the Jaunpur and Bara-
Banki districts of U. P. and in the Gaya district of Bihar
(Bhandarkar, op. cit., Nos. 10, 1601-1605; Corp. Ins.
Ind., Ill, Intro, p. 14). The Haraha inscription (Ep.
Ind., XIV, p. 115) of Maukhari Iganavarman is dated in
Vikrama 611 (A.D. 544). About the sixth century a line
of the Maukharis is known to have established themselves in
the Kanauj region. Maukhari Grahavarman of this line
married the sister o the illustrious Harsavardhana (A.D.
606-647) of the Puyabhuti family of Thaneswar. The
Chandravalli record however seems to refer to the Maukharis
of Eajputana. Three inscribed yupas (Krta year 295= A JD.
238) of a feudatory Maukhari family have been found at
Badva in the Kotah state (Ep. Ind. XXIII^ p. 42 ff.).
1 Dr. B. A. Saletore has written a paper on the kingdom of Pannfita in Ind. Cult. ,
IH (October, 1936), p. 802 ff. His chronology is however based on the theories that
liayfiralarman ruled about the middle of the third century, and that Ganga Dur?injtu
reigned in the last quarter of the fifth century, which 1 consider to be inadmissible,
chronology is more reasonable (inc. flitt. Dec., pp. 107-9).
MAYUEASARMAN 247
It is interesting in this connection to note that the
tentative reading of the Chandravalli record does not speak
of the Banas who are, according to the evidence of the
Talgunda record of Santivarman, known to have been
harassed by Mayura&trmara. The Banas were a very ancient
ruling family in the Chittoor and -North Arcot districts.
According to Hultzsch (S. Ind. Ins., Ill, p. 89) the capital
of the Bana dynasty seems to have been Tiruvallam which
had the other name Vanapuram and belonged to the
district of Perumbanappadi (the country of the Great Bana).
Tiruvallam is 40 miles west by north of Conjeeveram.
On the evidence of the Penukonda Plates (Ep. Ind.,
XIV, p. 331), it may be suggested that about the
middle of the fifth century A.D., the Pallava kings Simha-
varman and Skandavarman installed the Ganga feudatories
Ayyavarman and his son Madhava-Simhavarman for the
purpose of crushing the Banas who had possibly become
unruly. The early history of the Banas is wrapped up in
obscurity. The earliest rulers of the family, whose time is
known, are Vikramaditya-Bali-Indra who was a vassal of
Calukya Vijayaditya (A.D. 696-733), and Vikramaditya
who governed the country, *' West of the Telugu Road,* as
a vassal of Pallava Nandivarman II (A.D. 717-79). See
Hultzcb, Ep. Ind., XVII, p. 3 ff., Sewell, List, p. 328.
According to Dr. M. H. Krishna (Mys. Arch. Surv.,
A.R., 1929, p. 56), the Chandravalli inscription is to be
assigned to circa 258 A.D. He suggests that the rise of
Mayura is to be placed between A.D. 250 and 260. All
his arguments are however based on an untenable view
regarding the date of Pallava Sivaskandavarman whom he
places about the end of the first half of the third century
A.D. It appears that Dr. Krishna too is inclined to place
Mayuragarman only a little later than Sivaskandavarman.
Pallava Sivaskandavarman, as I have already shown, ruled
in the first quarter of the fourth century. Mayura^arman,
SMS SUCCESSORS OF. THE SITAVIHANAS
the language of whose Chandravalli record is a little
more developed than that of the grants of Sivaskanda-
varman, should therefore be placed not earlier than the
first quarter of the fourth century A,D.
The Malavalli inscription (Ep. Cam., VII, 8k. 264)
possibly also belongs to king Mayura^arman. Here however
the issuer of the grant is simply said to have been feadatfi-
lanani raja (king of the Kadambas) and vaijayantl-dhamma-
mahardjadhiraja (Dharma-Maharajadhiraja 1 of Vaijayanti
or Banavasi) ; but the name of the king is not mentioned.
Nevertheless, as the Prakrit language of the record is
later than that of the grants of Sivaskandavarman,
the issuer of the Malavalli grant must have been either
Mayura^arman himself or his immediate successor.
The grant was executed in the fourth year of the king's
reign, on the second lunar day of the first fortnight of autumn,
under the first asterism Rohim. The grant was in the form
of a Bahma-dijja (Brahma-deya) which was meant for the
enjoyment (deva-bhoga) of the god Malapalideva. It consist-
ed of a number of villages which are said to have been
previously granted by king Manavyagotra Haritlputra Siva-
* Titles like Maharajadhir&ja were derived from Raj&tiraja, etc , of the Scythe-
Ku^anas. They were first used in Northern India by the 0- apt as who were the
political successors of the Kus&nas in the sovereignty of Arvavarta. In Southern
India, the title Dharma-Mah&rajadhiraja first appears in the Hirahadagalli grant of
Pallava Sivaskandavarman. No other early Paliava king is known to have used the
title. Sivaskandavarman himself has been called Yuva-mah&raja in the Mayidavolu
grant. The early Ganga kings call themselves Dharma-Mahadhiraja. Since no early
Kadamba 1 king ia known to have been called Dharma-Mah&r&j&dhir&jo, may it be
supposed that this title of the Kadamba king of the Malavalli record was an imitation
of the title of Pallava Sivaskandavarman who, as we have suggested, was possibly
suzerain of the Kuntala region in the first quarter of the fourth century ? May it bo
further suggested that the name of Manavyasagotra Haritlputra Vaijayaotl-pati
Sivaskandavarman who seem to have been the immediate predecessor of Mayuraformaa
was after that of Pallava Sivaskandavarman, just like the name of the Ganga king
Madhava-Simhavarman was imitated from that of his father's overlord, king Simha-
Tarman (A.D. 43645E) of
MAYtTRASARMAN 24J
skandavarman, lord of Vaijayaatl. 1 The Brahmadeya
was granted for a second time, with all the pariharas includ-
ing abhata-pravefa, to a Brahmana named KauSiklputra
Nagadatta of the Konninya (Kaundinya) gotra, who is said
to have been an ornament of the Kondamana-kula. The
necessity of granting for a second time is said to have been
the fact that the ownership of the estate was abandoned.
The villages granted were Somapatti, Konginagara, Mariyasa,
Karpendula, Para-Muccundi, Kunda-Muccundi, Kappennala,
Kunda-Tapuka, Vejaki, Vegura, Kona-Tapuka, Ekkattha-
hara and Sahala. The king's oral order seems to have
been written down by Vi^vakarman and engraved on the
stone-column by Nagadatta who is possibly not the same
as the donee.
The grant begins with an adoration to Malapalideva
and ends with the mahgala : jayati lokanatha[h~] nandafitu
go-brahmanaty'] ; siddhir=astu ; &rirastu. This Sanskrit
mahgala at the end of a Prakrit grant reminds us of a
similar mahgala at the end of the Hirahadagalii Prakrit
grant of Sivaskandavarman. Many of the Sanskrit grants of
Mayura^arman's successors also end with similar mahgalas.
The above inscription is engraved on a pillar in front
of the Kallevara temple at Malavalli in the Shikarpur
taluka as a continuation of, as has already been noticed, an
inscription dated in the first year of Manavyagotra Hari-
tiputra Vinhukadda Cutukulananda Satakarni, king of Vija-
1 It has been suggested (e.g., in Liiders, Ltst, No. HQfj;Journ Ind. Htst.,
Xtr,p. 361) that Sivaskanda-varman was the name of the Kadamba king who
issued the Malavalli grant. The composition of the record however clearly shows
that the theory is untenable ; cf. vaijayanti-dharma-maharajadhtraja patikata-
sanjjh&yicaccdparo kadambanam raja sivakhadavavvand manavyasagottena haritiputtena
vatjayanfipattna puvvadatt^eti, etc. It must be noticed that the word [kadambanarp]
raja with all the epithets preceding it is in the first case-ending, while sivakhado-
vwvaria and all its epithets following it are in the third case-ending. Moreo-er,
the epithet vatjayantl'dharma-maharajadhiTaja applied to kadarpbanaifl raja and
taijayanti-patind applied to sivakhadavavvand show beyond doubt that these two
identical epithets refer to two different kings.
32
260 SUCCESSORS OP THE SiTAVlHANAS
yanti (Banavasi). This grant also begins with an adoration
to the god Malapalideva for whose enjoyment a Devabhoga
was granted in the king's first regnal year on the first lunar
day of the second fortnight of summer. The Devabhoga
was in the form of a Bahmadijja (Brahmadeya) of the
gramahara (group of villages ?) of Sahalatavi which was
granted to Takinciputra Kondamana who has been called
Haritiputra and is "said to have belonged to the Kaundinya
gotra, with all the pariharas like abhatapravca and others.
It must be noticed that the Malavalli record of the
Kadamba king also mentions Sahala (cf. the gramahara of
Sahalatavi of the present grant) and there the donee is one
who belonged to the family of this Kondamana (kondamana-
kula-tilaka) . Since thelinguistic andpalaeographical standards
of the two Malavalli records agree in placing them very near
each other in time, I think it possible that the Kondamtina-
kula-tilaka Kau^iklputra Nagadalta of the Kaundinya
gotra (donee of the Kadamba grant) was the son of
Takinclputra-Haritiputra Kondamana of the Kaundinya gotra
(donee of the Cutu Satakarni grant). 1 We should however
notice the facts that in the Kadamba record the twelve
villages including Sahala are said to have been previously
granted by a Vaijayanti-pati named Sivaskandavarman
and that the ownership of the estate is said to have been
abandoned. It may be supposed that Sahala was granted
by Vinhukadda Outukulananda Satakarni, while the eleven
other villages were granted by Sivaskandavarmau who was
possibly the former's immediate successor. It is however,
possibe to suggest that the gramahara of Sahalatavi consisted
of the twelve villages mentioned. In the terminology
of later inscriptions it would belike " the Sahala Twelve" or
"the Sahala-mahagrama.'' The cause of abandoning the
1 See, e.g., Natsadhiy a, V, verse 124, in wfcioh Nala, son of Vlrasena, has been
described as rirasena-kula-dipa.
M \YCRASARMAN 261
ownership of the estate by the heir of Kondamana seems to
have been the political troubles caused by the rise of Mayura-
barman. The case appears to be the same as that suggested
in connection with Siva&irman who received the village of
Polamuru fronf Madhavavarman I Visnukurujin, and with
his son Kudragarman who fled to Asanapura during the
Calukya invasions and received back his father's agrahara
from Jayasimha. I Eastern Calukya when the latter was
established in the Guddavadi visaya (see above, p. 107 ff.)
The order of king Vinhukadda Cutukuljinaiida Satakariji
for the execution of the Malavalli grant is said to have been
given to a Rajjuka whose name was possibly Mahabhava.
Rajjuka (from rajju) has been taken to be the same as a
class of officials described by Megasthenes (McCrindle, Ancient
India, pp. 53-54). These officials are said to have measured
the land, collected taxes, superintended rivers and the
occupations connected with land, enjoyed the power of
rewarding and punishing, inspected sluices, constructed roads
and carried out other works of pubJic utility. Some of
these have been described as the functions of the Rajjuka or
Rajju-gahaka-amacca in the Kurudhamma-Jataka. From the
inscriptions of Agoka we know that the Rdjukas (i.e., Rajjukas)
were appointed over many hundred thousands of men and were
placed in direct charge of the janapada jana ; they therefore
seem to have been the highest district officers (see Bhandar-
kar, ASoka, 2nd ed., pp. 59-60). The Rajjukas were
possibly employed in this region when Kuntala formed a
part of the Maurya empire. The existence of such an offi-
cial in South-Western Deccan about the beginning of the
fourth century shows that the official machinery of the
Maurya age was still functioning in Southern India (see
Eaychaudhuri, op. cit., p. 321).
KA&GAVARMAN, BHAGIRATHA AND RAGHU
According to the Talgunda inscription, Mayurasarman
was succeeded by his son Kangavarman. In the Satara
treasure trove four Kadamba coins have been found to bear
the legend skandha which Moraes takes to be a mistake for
kahga (op. cit., p. 382). The suggestion however is
doubtful. Another writer suggests (see Journ. Ind. Hist.,
XII, p. 361) that Skanda was the real name of the son
of Mayurasarman and that he was the same as Sivaskanda-
varman of the Malavalli record. We have already shown
(above, pp. 166-67) that the identification of the names
Siva?kanda and Skanda is not quite happy. It has also
been proved that Sivaskandavarihan of the Malavalli record
did not belong to the Kadamba family, but was possibly
a scion of the Cutu Satakarni dynasty of Kuntala.
The same Talgunda inscription says that Kangavarman
was succeeded on the Kadamba throne by his son Bhagi-
ratba. The coins in the cabinet of the Indian Historical
Research Institute (St. Xavier's College, Bombay) with the
representation of lions and the word in and with the legend
bhagl in Hale-Kannada characters have been taken to be the
issues of this king (Kadambakula, p. 382). But the
Kadamba coins (even if the Early Kadambas issued coins)
have not yet been studied, and we are not definite if these
coins can be assigned to the Kadambas.
Rev. Heras has pointed out (J.B.O.R.S., XII, p. 458 ff.)
that the story of Kalidasa being sent as an embassy of
Vikramaditya (possibly Candragupta II of the Gupta
dynasty) to the court of the king of Kuntala is referred to in
fefiAGIRATHA AND BAGHD 2&3
tbe tfpigaraprafea^a of Bhoja and possibly also in the Aucitya-
vicaracarca of Ksernendra (not of Hemacandra ; see Ind.
Hist. Quart., IX, p. 200). He suggests that this Kuntala
king was Bbaglratha and that Kalidasa was sent ii*, order to
contract a matrimonial alliance that has been referred to in
a passage of the Talgunda inscription which says that
Kakusthavarman, son of Bhagiratha, married his daughters
in tbe families of the Guptas and other kings. The theory of
Rev. Heras however seems to me to be based on a tissue of
assumptions. As has already been pointed out by N. Lakshini-
narayana Rao (Ind. Hist. Quart., IX, p. 199), in the passage
of the Talgunda record, king Kakustbavarman, and not his
father Bhagiratha, has been credited with tbe family alliance.
We have already suggested that Kakusthavarman appears to
have ruled in the first half of tbe fifth century A. I). He
was therefore contemporary of the Gupta king Eumaragupta I
(circa 415-455 A.D.), tbe successor of Candragupta II (circa
37 5-415 A,D). It is possible that a son or a grandson of
any of these Gupta kings was the son-in-law of Kadamba
Kakusthavarman. 1
* Dr. S. K. Aiyangar (The Jaka^as and their place in Indian History,
p. 41 ff.) and, apparently following him, Mr. N. Lakshminarayana Eao (Ind.
Hist. Quart., IX, p. 200) think that the king of Kuotala to whom Candra-
gapta II is suppjsed to have sent an embassy was a king of the Vakafcaka
dynasty. It is pointed oat that the Bharatacarita (An Bhand. Or. Res. lnst. t
V, p. 46) mentions the author of tbe well known Prakrit poem Setubandha as a
Kuntalefo, while Bina in the Har$acanta (Intro., verse 14) tells us that the poem was
composed by Pravarasena, who has been identified with Pravarasena H of the Vakafaka
dynasty. According to them, the Vakfttakas were also known as " Lords of Kuntala."
The theory is however nntenable in view of the fact that the country of Kuntala has
been described as a separate political unit in the records of the VSkatakas themselves.
According to the Balaghat plates (Pp. Ind.. IX, p. 260 ff), Narendrasena, son of
Pravarasena II, was married to Ajjhita-Bhattarika who was the daughter of the lord of
Kuntala. The Ajanta inscription (Arch. Sun. W . !:*., IV, p. 138 ff.) says that the
Vakifakaking Prthivtsena, father (? grandfather) of Pravarsena II, conquered the
lord of Kunteli. That the Kuntala country did not form a part of the Vk$aka
dominions is also proved by the fact fiat according to the same inscription, Harisega
who was the last great king of the V*kW dynasty claims to have conquered
Kuntala once again. Of course, the Kadambas of Kuntala may, for some time, hve
254 SUCCESSOBS Off THE SlTAVlSANAS
Bhagiratha was succeeded by his son, king Eaghu.
Nothing important is known about his reign except the fact
that his younger brother Kakusthavarman was a Yuvaraja
during bis reign and was possibly in charge of the district
round Pala&ka (modern Halsi).
acknowledged the suzerainty of the Vak&takas; hot that would hardly justify Pravara-
sena IT being called kuntal-ea. Moreover, the Puranas (e g. t Vayu, 99, 865-66)
describe the Vakatakas as vaidiiaka (belonging to Vidife), and the Vakafaka grants
show that the Vak&takae ruled from the Vidarbha region in northern Deccan (eee
Bhandarkar, ListjNos. 1703-18).
The mention of a Vftk&taka king as " Lord of Kuntala * ' in the BharAtacaripa
only shows that its author lived in (or referred to) a period when the name Euntala
extended over the greater part of Western and Southern India, e.g., in the age of the
Calukyas who have been described as Kuntalar, " Lords of Kuntala," in the
Kalihgattupararii (see above, p. 215. note 8). The Early Calukyas may be supposed
to have been political successors of the Vakatakas in the Deotan.
VI
KiKUSTHAVARMAN AND SlNTIVABMAN
Raghu was succeeded by his younger brother Kakustha-
varman l who was possibly ruling the Pala&ka division of
the Kadamba kingdom as a governor during his elder
brother's reign. Only one inscription of Kakusthavarman
has so far been discovered.
The grant of Kakusthavarman (Ind. Ant., VI, p. 23)
begins with the word namah, and a verse 2 which says,
"Victorious is the holy Jinendra who abounds in good
qualities and is renowned as being extremely compassionate,
and the banner of whose tenderness which comforts the
three worlds is lifted up on high." Some of the grants of
Mrge&ivarman and Eavivarman begin with the same verse.
The grant was issued from Palasika (modern Halsi on-
the road to Nandigarh in the Bidi taluka of the Belgaum
district) in the eightieth year of Kakusthavarman, the
Yuvaraja of the Kadambas, who claimed to have enjoyed
the general good wish of the subjects. We have already
seen that the date of Kakusthavarman's grant is supposed
to "be the eightieth year from the pattabandha of his
ancestor Mayura^arman, which is mentioned in the Talgunda
inscription/' But since there is no proof that the
Kadnmbas had any era like that, it may not be unreason-
able that the date should be referred to the era of the
Gupta with whom Kakustha was matrimonially related.
1 The correct form of the name would be Kakutsthavarman (literally, one whose
shield, t.a., protector, is Kakutstha, t e., Kftmacandra). In the Kadamba grants however
the name of the king is invariably spelt Kakusthavarman.
Jayati bhagavfin jintndro gunarundrah prathtta-parama-Jcaru^ika^ Trailoky-
yasya.
256 SUCCBSSOES OF THE SITAVIHANAS
By this grant a field called Badovara-ksetra in the village
called Kheta-grama, which belonged to the holy Arhats who
are said to be the refuge of the created beings and the saviours
of the three worlds, was given to the general Srutakirti as a
reward for saving the prince. It is said that the confiscators
of the field, belonging to the king's own family or of any
other dynasty, would be guilty of the pafica-mahapataka.
According to the Jains, the five great sins are destruction of
life, lying, stealing, unchastity and immoderate desire. The
grant ends with the usual imprecatory verses and the adora-
tion : namo namo ; rsabhaya namah. Rsabha is the first
Arhat and the first of the twenty-four Jain tirthahkaras
(sanctified teachers) of the present age.
As we have already seen, the Talgunda inscription says
that king Kakusthavarman "by means of his rays which
were his daughters caused to expand the splendid lotus-
groups which were the royal families of the Guptas and
others." In this connection it is interesting to note that,
in the Balagbat plates (Ep. Ind., IX, p. 270 f .), the Vakataka
king Prthivisena II is said to have been the son of Narendra-
sena by the MahadevI Ajjhitabhattarika who was the
daughter of the lord of Kuntala. The Vakataka prince
Narendrasena was grandson of Prabhavatlgupta, daughter
of Candragupta II. Dubreuil thinks (Anc. Hist. Dec.,
p. 100) that Vakataka Narendrasena, great-grandson of
Candragupta II, was the son-in-law of Kakusthavarman
and that the Talgunda record refers to this indirect relation
of the Kadambas with the Guptas. If this suggestion is
to be believed Ajjhitabhattarika was a daughter of Kakustha-
varman. It is however also possible that another daughter
of Kakustha was actually given in marriage to a Gupta
prince of Pataliputra, who was possibly a son or grandson of
Candragupta II or Kumaragupta I.
There is a lithic record in box-headed characters (Mys.
Arch. Sure., A. K. 1911, pp. 33, 35) on the right jamb
KIKU8THAVARMAN AND SANTIVARMAN 857
of the doorway of the Pranave6vara temple at Talgunda,
which speaks of a certain Kakustha of the Bbatari dynasty 1
and of his mother Laksmi who is said to have been born
in the Kadamba family. Since Kakusthavarman is known
to have had several daughters and since grandsons are some-
times seen to bear the names of the maternal grand-fathers
(cf. E. Calukya names Rajaraja and Rajendra), it is possible
that Laksmi, the mother of the Bhatari chief Kakustha,
was another daughter of the Kadamba king Kakusthavarman.
Thus Kakustbavarman appears to have been matrimonially
related to the Guptas, Vakatakas and the Bhataris.
The son of Kakusthavarman was king Santivarman.
The famous Talgunda inscription was engraved at the time
of this ruler. The Talgunda inscription begins with an adora-
tion to Siva* and a verse eulogising the god. 2 It records the
construction of a tank in the premises of a siddhalaya (temple)
of lord Bhaxa (i.e., Siva) by Kakusthavarman. It is also
said that the siddkalaya was formerly abhyarcila (worshipped
at) by Satakarni (possibly a king of the Cntu family) and
others. The record ends with the following mangala :
nandatu sarva-samant^gato = 'yam=*adhivasah ; svasti praja-
bhyafr. It is sometimes supposed that the Talgunda record
was engraved by Santivarman when he was a governor
of Sthanakundura (Talgunda) during the reign of his father.
But passages like gxhesu yasya laksmy-angana dhrtimati
sucirarn, ca reme, yam ...... samanta-cuda-manayah pranemuh,
etc., show that king Kakusthavarman was dead at the
1 The epithet bha^ari va^a-tilaka, applied to the cbief named Kakustha, may
also suggest that the name of the chief's father was Bhat&ri. See above, p. 250
and note. The record speaks of ooe PaSupati devoted to lord Paupati, i.e , diva,
Kakustha is said to have been chief among the ten Mairfdhkas and bad the control of
SuUca He is also said to have pleased his masier, the fcf tffjpa. The record also refers
to the xt*idents of Sthinakuftjapura-tlrtha which may be the same as Sthana-
kundflra or Talgunda. The record has been assigned palaeographically to about the
middle of the fifth century.
83
258 SUCCBSSOES OF THE S1TAVAHANAS
time when the Talgunda inscription was engraved. The
record moreover speaks of the rule (asana) of king
(nrpati) Santivarman who has been described as patta-tray-
arpana-virajita-caru-murti which means to say that the
king wore three diadems or crowns (patta ; see Raghu,
XVIII, v. 44), that is to say, had three kingdoms in his
possession. It is not clear whether he received the
three pattas from his father or from a Pallava over-lord
(Pallavendra Santivara of the Hebbata grant ?) like his
ancestor MayuraSarman.
It is interesting in this connection to note that the
Birur grant (Ep. Cam., VI, p. 91) records the gift of a
village in the Sindhuthaya-rastra, made by the Kadamba
Dharma-Maharaja Visnuvarman with the permission of
(anujnapya} his jyesthapitd Santivarma-dbarmamaharaja
who has been described as vaijayantl-tilaka-samagra-karnata*
bhuvarga-bharta. If this Santivarman is to be identified
with the son of Kakusthavarman, one of the latter's three
pattas seems to refer to the kingdom of his feudatory
Visnuvarmaru Another patta possibly refers to the
Vaijayanti (Banavasi) division of the Karnata country,
which appears to have been under the direct rule of
Santivarman.
If the above identification is to be accepted (see infra),
v.e see that the Kadamba king Krsnavarman I (father
of Visnuvarman) who celebrated the A^vamedha, and
was a very powerful ruler and possibly had the
whole of Karnata (consisting of three kingdoms ?) under
him, was a son of Kakusthavarman and a younger
brother of Santivarman who was the jyestha-pita l
(father's elder brother) of Visnuvarman. We also see that
Krgijavarman I who was presumably dead when his son
1 The word jyetfha-ptia is synonymous with jyetfha*tata and pttrjyetfha, 4 a father's
eldest brother ' See the Jliraj grant of Jayasiroha II (Ind. Ant.. VIE, p. 17a, 1. 4).
Ind., VIII, p. 80 n.
K1KUSTHAVARMAN AND SItfTIVARMAN 259
Visnuvannan was Dharma-Maharaja under his jyestha-pita
ruled before his elder brother Santivarman. It will be
seen below that the great Krsnavarman was defeated
and probably killed in a battle with the Pallavas.
May this fact suggest that, after the death of Krsnavarman
who usurped the throne, the rightful heir of Kakustha-
varrnan got the possession of the entire Karnata country
with the help of the Pallavas who defeated the usurper ? r
It is also to be noted that according to the Hebbata grant
Visnuvarman himself is also known to have been anointed
by a Pallava king.
An inscription in front of the Durgi temple at Jambe-
halli in the Sorab taluka (Ep. Cam., VIII, Sb. 44) has been
attributed by Moraes to the Kadamba king Santivarman,
son of Kakusthavarman. This record was written by
Kannaya, he minister for peace and war. According to it,
when Santivarm-arasa was ruling the [Banavasi] Twelve
Thousand, Kannaya built two temples and made a tank ;
having come and seen them, the king granted a mattal
of riceland to the priest of the temples. The inscription
however is in the Eannada language and bears the date
Saka 894 (A.D. 972). There is therefore no reason to
believe that it belongs to the Kadamba king Santivarman
who ruled about the middle of the fifth century. Santi-
varm-arasa of the Jambehalli record obviously belonged to
a vice-regal family that ruled Banavasi under the Bastra-
kutas. 2 The fact that the date of the inscription falls about
the decline of the Rastrakuta power in A.D. 973, possibly
explains why the name of the overlord is not mentioned in
the record.
1 It may be also suggested that Kakustha was a feudatory of Pallava Ssntivara
and named hid son after his overlord. The atvaanedhin Krsnavarman became independ-
ent. He was succeeded by his elder brother, but the Pallavas sopported his son.
These suggestions are however only speculative.
* Was he identical with Sftntivarman of the Batta family of Saundatti, who
ruled in Northern Kuntala in 980 ?
VII
M?GBAVARMAN
Santivarman appears to have been succeeded by his son
Mrge^avarman whose last known date is year eight of his
reign. The king was matrimonially connected with the
Kekayas whose dominions appear to have comprised the
present Chitaldrug district in north-eastern Mysore. An
inscription (Mys. Arch. Rep., 1911, pp. 33, 85) on the left
jamb of the doorway of the Pra^ave^vara temple at Talgunda
describes queen Prabhavati, dear wife of MrgeSavarma-
Dharmamah&raja and mother of Ravivarma-Dharmamaha-
raja, as kaikeya-mahakula-prasuta. The inscription obvious-
ly recorded a grant made by Prabhavati ; but only the
beginning of the record survives.
The following inscriptions of Mrge6avarman's time have
been discovered :
I. The Banavasi grant (Ind. Ant., VII, pp. 35-36)
begins with practically the same verse 1 as is found at the
end of the Devagiri plates of Yuvaraja Devavarman, son of
Krsnavarman I. It is in adoration of the Arhat, the lord
of the three worlds.
The grant was issued under the asterism Uttarabhadra-
pada on the tenth lunar day of the Bahula (sic. Sukla)-
pak$a of Karttika in Mrge^avar man's third regnal year which
was a Pausa samvatsara, when the king was at Vaijayanti.
We have already tried to show that the date corresponds
to October 24, A.D. 437, and to October 27, A.D. 472,
of which the latter appears to be the actual date of Mrge^a-
varraan's grant.
In this record Mrge&avarman is called the son of Santi-
varman and born in the family of Kakustha. Another
sarva-bhwta-hitB rat ofc,
R&g-ady-ari-haro * 'nanto = 'nanta-jft&na~dfg i
261
important point is that it describes the Kadambas not
only as Manavya-sagotra but also as SAgirasa which
appears to show that the family actually belonged to the
Angirasa gotra.
The grant records the gift of some black-soil lands
(kTsnabhumi-k$etra), forty nivartanas by the royal measure,
in the village called Brhat-Paralura to the devine supreme
Arhat whose feet are rubbed by the tiara of the lord of gods,
for the purpose of the glory of sweeping out the temple,
anointing the idol with ghee, performing worship and
repairing anything that may be broken (sammarjan-opalepan-
abbyarcam-bhagnasawskara-mahima). These forty nivar-
tanas of fend lay within the western boundary of the
village. A field, four nivartanas by the ordinary measure
(kfetra-nivartana) , was also granted along with one nivar-
tana outside the Caityalaya for the purpose of decorating the
idol with flowers, and one nivartana that was the measure of
the angana (court-yard) of the devakula.
The grant quotes the usual imprecatory verses and
refers to the uoresumable character of lands that have been
given with libations of water, enjoyed by three generations
and have been preserved by good people.
The pattika (grant) is said to have been written by
Damaklrti-Bhojaka.
II. Another Banavasi grant (Ind. Ant., VII, pp.
37-38) of ri-vijaya-$iva-Mrge6ava,rmm 1 was issued on the
full-moon day of the eighth fortnight of Varsa (rainy season)
in the fourth year of the king who was residing at Vaija-
yantl. The form of dating refers to a primitive division of
the year into three seasons of eight fortnights each. Traces
of this primitive division are to be found in the ancient
1 E. B Pathak on the strength of this form of the name identified (Ind. Ani. t
XIV, p. 15) , Mrgeria varman with Maharaja divaknmftra who is mentioned by Bftla-
ohandra in his introductory remarks on the Prd&ffaiara, as haying for his preceptor
t he wellknown 6c&rya Padmanandi-Kupdakanda. The identification is fantastic.
262 SUCCESSORS OP THE SiTAViHANAS
Indian custom of performing caturmasya (four-monthly)
sacrifices at the beginning of each season on the full-
moon days of the months of Phalguna, Asadha and
Karttika. In connection with the above date of Mrge6a-
varman's record it is interesting to note that an inscription
of his son Ravivarman is dated on the tenth lunar day
of the sixth fortnight of Hemanta (winter). It is also
to be noted that both of these grants record some gifts
made in favour of Jain asetics. It is therefore almost certain)
that the ancient form of dating in these cases was due ot Jain
influence. To the ascetics of ancient times the year seems
to have been divided into three seasons, viz., grl$ma. varsa
and hemanta, each of which was subdivided into eight
fortnights.
In this record the vam&as of the king's father and
mother are said to have been pure. Mrge^a himself is
described as learned in various 6astras and skilled in exer-
cises like riding. He is also said to have fought in many
battles and acquired much wealth by the power of his arms.
He was a giver of cows, lands, gold, clothes, food and many
other things.
By this grant, M-ui;aj/a-^a-Mrge^avarman, the Dharma-
maharaja of the Kadambas, made a gift of the village called
Kalavanga. The village was divided into three equal
portions, the first of which was given to the holy Arhat and
great Jinendra residing in the Purva-mahac-chala ; the
second portion was granted for the enjoyment of a samgha
(sect) of the Svetapata 1 (i.e., Svetambara Jain) Maha^ramanas,
and the third for the enjoyment of a samgha of the
Nirgrantha (i.e., Digambara Jain) Maha&ramanas. Future
kings are requested to protect the grant according to the
devabhoga-tamaya in order to provide money for deva-bhaga,
dkanya, deva-puja, vali, earn, deva-karma-kara and bhagna-
kriya-pravartana. The record ends with the usual verses.
1 Bee Bhandarkar's List, No. 2085 and note.
M^GESAVAKMAN 263
The charter was written by a senapati named Naravara.
The seal attached to the plates is indistinct, but seems to
bear the device of the sitting or standing figure of a god
or man. According to Fleet, the figure may be meant for
a Jinendra. This suggestion however cannot be accepted
until it is definitely proved that Mrge^avarman was a Jain.
III. In the Hire-Sakuna grant (Ep. Cam., VIII, p.
12) the king has been called Mrge^varavarman and the son
of Kakustha's dear son. It was issued on the full-moon
day of Vaisakba in the eighth regnal year of the king when
he was residing at Vaijayantl.
The grant records the gift of a village called Kadala-
kaiani and some vastuka-ksetra (house-site) along with
Perddala to a Brahmana named Kratusomagarman who
seems to have belonged to the Gautama gotra. In connec-
tion with the boundary of the lands are mentioned Viraja
which seems to have been a river, a field called Karvvelli, a
river called Venna, Palavakkeni , Kadai'lkura, Kadakorasa
and a confluence of rivers (Viraja and Venna ?). The
bhojakas or free-holders of the locality were informed of
the king's grant (de^a-grama-gramabhojakanairi ravita-
ravanam krtva) . The village was granted all the pariharas
and was made a-bhata-pravea. The record ends with
the usual verses.
The legend on the seal attached to the Hire-Sakuna
plates reads ri-mrge$varavarmanah.
IV. The adoration with which the Halsi grant (Ind.
Ant., VI, p. 24) of Mrgesavarman's eighth regnal year
begins is the same as that at the beginnig of Kakusthavar-
man's grant. In this record the king has been called a
dharma-vijayi and has been described as the dear eldest son
of Santivaravarman and the grandson of Kakusthavarman.
He is also called the uprooter of the Gaftgas (tuhga-ganga-
kul-otsadl) and the very fire of destruction to the Pallavas
264 8UCCE8SOEB OP THESiTAViHANAS
(pdlava-pralay-anala). We have seen that Mrge6a possibly
began to rule in A.D. 470. His GaAga contemporary
therefore seems to have been either Ayyavarman who was
installed by the Pallava king Sirahavarman (436-37 to circa
458 A.D.) of Kaficl or probably Ayyavarman's son Madhava-
Simhavarman whose Penukonda plates have been assigned
by Fleet to circa 475 A.D. Mrge&t's Pallava contemporary
was probably king Skandavaraan, the son of Siinhavarman
and the overlord of the Ganga king Madhava-Simhavarman
(see above, p. 17 6). ! The reference to the Pallava overlords
together with their Ganga feudatories appears to prove that
Mrgesavarman had to fight hard with his eastern neighbours.
While residing at the city of VaijayautI, the king,
through devotion for his father who was dead, caused to
be built a jinalaya at the city of Pala&ka and gave to the
holy Arhats thirty-three nivartanas of land between the
river Matrsarit and the sacred confluence of riveis (Matrsarit
aad Ingim ?) called the Ingim-samgama. The grant was
made for the benefit of the Yapaniyas, Nirgranthas and
the Kurcakas who were apparently sects of Jain ascetics.
Nirgrantha is the same as the Digambara sect. The word
y&panlya seems to signify " those who go away," i.e., the
mendicants who are going away and not staying.
The date of the grant is given as the full-moon day of
the month of Karttika in the king's eighth regnal year which
was a Vaigakha samvatsara. We have already seen that
the tenth tithi of the bright half of Karttika of his third
year fell in the Pausa samvatsara. This fact seems to show
1 Mr. Moraes suggests (op. ctt., pp. 32-83) that Yuvamahfcraja Vi^ugopa wag
poasibly the Pallava contemporary of MrgeSavarman. He takes the title YuvamahtT&ja
M iignifying Vi^ugopa'a subordinate poeitioa to the Eadamba king. Yuvamahi-
raja however means a crown-prince and never signifies a feudatory ruler. Pallava
Viggagopa could not have been the crown -prince, i.e., heir, of Eadamba Mrgedavar-
man.
MIlGESAVARMAtf 265
that the same lunar day of the next Vaigaka samvatsAra
fell in his seventh regnal year. We are possibly to suppose
that the eignth year of Mrge&t's reign began in between the
6ukla-da6ami and the full-moon day of Karttika. The king
then would appear to have ascended the throne on a day
between those two tiihis.
The executor (ajfiapti) of the grant was a Bhojaka
named Damakirti; all other functions were performed by the
iyuktaka Jiyanta. According to Fleet, Bhojaka is the
name of a class of officiating priests in Jain temples. It is
however generally taken in the sense of free-holder (t'nSw-
dUr) which seems to be better. It may be noticed that a
person named Srutaklrti who has been called a senapati
(general) in the grant of Kakusthavarman has been mentioned
as Bhoja Srutakirti in an undated Halsi grant of Bavivar-
man. Ayuktaka generally means the governor of a district.
Jiyanta who has been called sarvasy = anusthata was pro-
bably entrusted with the construction of the Jinalaya,
The grant ends with the usual imprecatory verses and
the mangala : siddhir^astn.
V. The Hitnahebbagilu grant (Ep. Cam., IV, p. 130;
Hs. 18) of ri-in;a#a-wa-Mrgesavarman begins not with the
usual adoration to Jinendra, but with a verse adoring lord
Brahman. 1 It must be noted ini this connection that this
grant was made in favour not of any Jain institution but of
a Brahmana, described as an atharvanika and veda-vedfinga-
vit. Are we to suppose that Kirtivara, the writer of the
present record, was a Brahmanical Hindu worshipper of
Brahman, while the grants showing considerable Jain
influence were written by devout Jain officials of the
king? It is known that Mrge6avarruan and Bavivarman
1 Jayati 8ur-asura>makuta-pra$ihita-
mayi-kiTWa-khacita-caraQa-yugal!, ;
danta-kamanQalU'liastah
padma-pravar-asano brahmd.
34
966 SUCCESSOE8 OF THE SITAVIHANAS
favoured Jainism ; but it is not definitely known whether
they were Jains themselves. While in this record the
king is called dharmajtta like Yudhisthira, satyavadl like
Pratardana and brahmanya like Vinu, his Banavasi grant,
as we have already seen, describes the supreme Arhat as
having his feet rubbed by the tiara of Indra. It is thus
difficult in the present state of our knowledge to form a
definite idea about the religion of Mrge^avarman.
The Hitnahebbagilu grant was issued 011 the tenth
lunar day of the bright half of Marga&raswhen the king was
residing at Vaijayanti. Mrgesavarman is described as a
giver of cows, lands, villages, gold and other things (go-
The grant records the gift of a village called Kilum-
rilli to a Brahmana named Sarvasvamin, son of Pingala-
svamin who belonged to the Aupagahani gotra. It was made
in accordance with the law of the Brahmadeyas, with liba-
tions of water and dakgina. The village was granted the
pariharas called abhata-pravesa and antahkara-vistika which
we find referred to in the Kudgere grant of Mandhatrvar-
man (Ep. Ind., VI, p. 12). It is also said to have been
exempted from pangotkota the meaning of which is not
quite clear.
Some verses quoted at the end of the record are said to
fre the words of Bhlsma and Eama. The pattika was written
by Kirtivara.
VIII
EAVIVARMAN
Mrgegavarman was succeeded by his son Ravivarman
who ruled at least up to the thirty-fifth year of his reign.
This king is known to have annexed the Pala&ka division
of the Karnata country to his dominions which probably
comprised the Vaijayanti and Ucca^rngi divisions only. A
Halsi garnt of his son's fourth regnal year (Ind. Ant.,
VI, pp. 30-31) suggests that the Ucca&rngi division was
governed by Ravi's younger (?) brother Sivaratha. Another
Halsi grant of Ravivarman describes how the king killed
Visnuvarman (son of the usurper Krsnavarman I), defeated
the latter's Pallava allies and established himself at Pala&ka.
A damaged stone inscription (Ep. Cam., VIII, p. -167)
discovered at Kavadi in the Sorab taluka mentions a queen
along with the name of Ravivarman, son of Mrgesa. The
record is written in four lines of verse; the first few letters
of the lines however could not be deciphered. The epigraph
has been taken to imply that at the death of Ravivarman
one of his queens burnt herself with him as a sail. The
following records of Ravivarman 's time have so far been
discovered.
I. The Nilarnbur grant (Ep. Ind., VIII, p. 146 ff.),
of Ravivarma-Dharmamaharaja was issued when the king
was at Vaijayanti. In this record the Kadamba family has
been described as purified by the avabhrtha-sndna of the
Agvamedha sacrifice. As we shall see, the only performer
of the ASvamedha among the Early Kadambas was Krna-
varman I whose descendants generally refer to the celebra-
tion of the sacrifice in their grants. The Nilambur grant
266 SUCCESSORS OF THE SiTAVlHANAS
bears the only instance in which the ASvamedha of the usur-
per is referred to in a record of a king of the main line.
By this record the king granted on the full-moon day
of Karttika, for the increase of his own religious merit, a
palll called Multagi which was to the east of a grama called
Kipupasani in the viaya of Mogalur. The grant was
made in favour of a Yajurvedlya Brahmana named Govinda-
svaznjn who belonged to the Kagyapa gotra. Another place
called Majkavu was also given along with Multagi. Multagi
is mentioned in the Merkera plates of the Ganga king
Eongani-Mahadhiraja as the eastern boundary of a village
called Badaneguppe which was granted to the Jinalaya of
Talavananagara. Talavanapura and Talavananagara were
the Sanskrit forms of Talekkad or Talakad, the Ganga
capital, which still exists under the name of Talakad, on the
left bank of the river Kaveri about 28 miles to the south-
east of Mysore (Bomb. Gaz., I, it,, p. 299). Badaneguppe
is five or six miles south of Talakad on the other side of the
riven Mogalur is supposed to be the same as Mugur or
Mullur which is also near Talakad. The grant of two
villages so near the Ganga capital proves the success of
Ravivarman against the Gangas. We have already seen
that according to the evidence of a Halsi grant the Gangas
were 'uprooted' by the father of Eavivarman before the
eighth year of his reign. It is interesting in this connec-
tion to note that the Gangas were friendly towards the
junior line of Krsnavarman I. The Ganga king Madhava-
Mahadhiraja is known to have married a granddaughter of
Vi$9uvarman who, as we shall see, was killed by Eavivar-
man before the eleventh year of Eavi's reign. Ganga Avinlta-
Konkani, son of Madhava, has been described in the Ganga
records as the beloved sister's son of Krsnavarman, evidently
Kfgnavarman 11^ grandson of Vi^nuvarman (see infra).
The grant is said to have been made with gold and
with libations of water. AU the pariharas were granted*
&AVIVA&MAN 269
Those who might confiscate the lands are said to be com-
mitting the paftca-mahapataka, while those who would
protect the grant are said to be acquiring religious merit.
The record ends with the imprecatory verses and with the
matigala: svasty=astu go-brahmanebhyah, prajabhyo man-
galam.
H. The Halsi grant (Ind. Ant, VI, p. 28) of Raja
Bhanuvarman is dated on the tenth lunar day of the sixth
fortnight of Hemanta in the eleventh year of the reign of
his elder brother Ravivarma-Dharmamaharaja. The record
begins with the usual adoration to Jinendra-gunarundra and
traces the royal genealogy from Kakusthavarman.
By this grant a piece of land, fifteen nivartanas by the
royal measure, in the field called Kardamapati in Pala&ka
was assigned in a copper charter and was given to the
Jinas by the Bhojaka Pandara who was a worshipper of the
supreme Arhat. Pandara is said to have acquired the
favour of Kaja Bhanuvarman, younger brother of Maharaja
Ravivarman. The patl seems to be the same as pattl or
pattika which as we have seen (above, p. 198) probably
means a piece of land.
The lands were given free from the gleaning tax and all
other burdens (uftcha-kara-bhar-adi~vivarjita) in order that
the ceremony of ablution might always be performed with-
out fail on days of the full -moon.
Fleet suggested (Ind. Ant., VI, p. 29n)that Bbanuvar-
man may have ruled conjointly with his elder brother Ravi.
The fact that the prince is simply styled Bhanuvarma-raja
while his elder brother has been called Dharma-maharaja
renders this theory untenable. Bhanuvarman seems to
have been the governor of Palasika under king Ravivarman.
The grant ends with the usual impecatory verses. The
seal attached to the plates is indistinct.
m. The Sirsi grant {Ep. Ind. L XVI, p. 264) of Bavi-
varman's thirty-fifth year was issued when the king was at
SUCCE880E8 OF THE SIIAV1HANAS
VaijayantL Eavivarman, the Dharma-mabaraja of the
Kadambas, is said to have been kadamba-mahasenapati-
pratima 1 and atyanta-pitr-bhakta. The grant records the
gift of four nivartanas of land at Saregrama to the temple
of Mahadeva (mahadev-ayatana) that belonged to the desa-
matya named Nilakantha who was the king's priya-vaidya
(favourite physician). The grant was made on the fifth
lunar day of the bright half of Karttika in the thirty-fifth year
of Kavivarman's reign. The land is said to have been in
a field called Bamdupukropi which lay between two tanks
called BarpbSre-tadaga and Dasa-tadaga. The record
mentions a Brahmana named Bharadvajarya who belonged
to the Ka^yapa gotra and was possibly also called Svami-
pa^upata. He seems to have been the chief priest of the temple
of Mahadeva.
IV. The undated Halsi grant (Ind. Ant., VI, pp.
25-26) which begins with the usual adoration to Jinendra-
gunarundra records an interesting history of a family that
was favoured by Kakusthavarman and his descendants. It
says that in former time the Bhoja named Srutakirti who
acquired great favour of the Kadamba king Kakusthavarman
enjoyed the village of Kheta. W.e have seen that Kakustha-
varman granted a field called Badovara in the village of
Kheta to the senapati Srutakirti for saving him. When
Srutakirti died, Kakustha's son Santivarman was ruling the
country. Then the village was again granted to the mother
of Damaklrti (son of Srutakirti?) by Santivarman's son
Mrge^avarman for the sake of piety and in accordance with
the direction of his father. The eldest son of Damaklrti was
the pratihara (door-keeper) Jayakirti whose family is said to
have been established in the world by an acarya (or the dcaryas)
called Bandhu?ena. In order to increase his good fortune,
fame and family and for the sake of religious merit, Jayakirti^
1 See above, p. 240n.
EAVIVAEMAN 271
through the favour of king Eavi, gave the village of Puru-
Khefaka (i.e., larger Khefa or Khetaka) to the mother of his
own father.
The grant further records that the lord Eavi established
his ordinance at the great city of Palasika that Jinendra's
glory, the festival of which used to last for eight days,
should be celebrated regularly every year on the full-moon
day of Karttika from the revenues of that village; that the
learned men who were ascetics of the Yapamya sect and the
chief amongst whom was Kumaradatta should, according to
justice, enjoy all the material substance of that greatness
during the four months of the rainy season ; and that the
worship of Jinendra should be perpetually performed by
the pious countrymen and citizens.
The record says, " That (land, etc.) which has been
conveyed by copper-charters under some ordinances accepted
by previous kings should be preserved by the king not
inattentive to religion, having pondered over the misfortunes
of being born again and again/' and quotes the usual impreca-
tory verses. It also says that the grant which is bestowed
with libations of water, is enjoyed by three generations^
is preserved by good people and the grants which have
been made by former kings are not resumed.
The record ends with the adoration namo = namah and
says, " Wheresoever the worship of Jinendra is kept up there
is increase of the country; and the cities are free from fear;
and the lords of those countries acquire strength."
V. Another undated Halsi grant (Ind. Ant., VI, pp.
29-30) of Eavivarman records that the king granted four
nivartanas of land to Jinendra. The actual donor of the
land seems to have been Sriklrti, brother of Damaklrti; the
object of the grant was the increase of the religious merit of
Damaklrti 's mother. There are the usual imprecatory
verses at the end of the record,
SUCCESSOBS OS 1 THE BltAVIHANAS
The most interesting point in the record is that it de-
cribes Bavivarman as established at Pala&ka after con-
quering the whole world, killing Visnuvarman and other
kings and uprooting Candadanda, the lord of Kaflci. 1 The
descendants of the usurper were hostile to the kings of the
main line. Visnuvarman however seems to have had to
accept for some time the suzerainty of Santivarman. We
have seen that, according to the Halsi grant of the eighth
year of Mrgeavarman, the king while residing at Vaijayanti
built a Jinalaya at the city of Pala&ka and gave to the holy
Arhat thirty-three nivartanas of land between the Matrsarit
and the ligim confluence. It possibly shows that Visnu-
varman ruled at Pala&ka as a vassal of the Vaijayanti kings
at least up to the eighth year of Mrge^avarman's reign. 2
The reference to his fight with Bavivarman shows that,
possibly after the death of Mrgega, Visnuvarman rebelled
against the authority of the main line. The mention of the
defeat and death of Visnuvarman in connection with the
establishment of Bavivarman at Pala&ka seems to suggest
that the former was a king of the Pala^ika division of the
Karnata country. We have already seen that Bavi's
1 Sri-viwuvarma-prabhriin norendran
nihatyo jitva prthivtrp samast&m ;
Utsddya kaflc-i6vara-can$adan<),arfl
palahkayarp samavasthitas^sah.
M. Govind Fai Bays (Journ. Ind. Hist., Xin, pp. 29-80) : " when after the
death of Ers.navarman I his son Visnuvarman ascended the Eadamba throne, hit
cousin- brother ( ? ) Bavivarman of the senior branch fought with him and defeated him
and his Pallava ally Can<Jadan<Ja, seized the Eadamba crown and enthroned himself as
king. As a consequence, Visnuvarman was obliged to remove his court to a place
called Kugalur (whence be issued his Hebbata grant) " The verse however clearly
says that VigQUvarman was killed and could not therefore have removed to Ktujalur
after the battle. As has already been pointed out, Visnuvarman was poMibly the king
of the Paladjka division and not of the whole Eadamba country.
1 It may also be suggested that Vi?Quvarman originally ruled at the city of
Eu4&Iur whence his Hebbata grant was issued and that he occupied PalasikS when
h? rebelled against his overlords of the Vaijayantl house.
RAVIVABMAN 273
younger brother Bhamuvarman was ruling at Pala&ka in the
eleventh year of his elder brother's reign. The death of
Viffnuvarman therefore seems to have occurred before the
eleventh year of Bavi. Since Ravi appears to have ascended
the throne earlier than A.D. 503, the date of Vignuvarman's
death appears to have fallen in the ninth or tenth decade of
the fifth century.
As we have already suggested (above, p. 182) Candadan^i
described as the lord of Kafici, may have been a biruda
of Pallava Nandivarman (issuer of the Udayendiram grant)
or of one of his successors. Since the twenty-second
year of Nandivarmnn's grandfather Simhavarman is known
from the Lokavibhaga to have fallen in A.D. 458, the above
suggestion does not appear improbable.
The seal attached to the plates is said to have the device
of a dog.
IX
HARIVARMAN
Ravivarman was succeeded by his son Harivarman who
is the last known king of the main line. According to a
late record (Ep. Cam., VIII, Nr. 35, p. 134) an early San-
tara chief, named Tyagi-Santara, married the daughter of a
Kadamba king, named Harivarman. This Kadamba Hari-
varman seems to be no other than the son of Ravivarman.
Harivarman possibly began to reign in A.D. 538. About
this time the Calukyas under Pulake&n I became the great-
est political power in Western Deccan and the Kadam-
bas of Kuntala began to decline. It is not known whether
Harivarman was a contemporary of Pulakegin I. The
Calukya king however seems to have come into conflict with
the Kadambas in connection with the A^vamedha which he
performed. 1 Calukya Klrtivarrnan I, son and successor of
Pulake&n I, has actually been said to have defeated the
king of Vaijayanti in the Mahakuta pillar inscription
of MangaleSa (Ind. Ant., XIX, p. 16 ff.). In the Aihole
inscription (Ep. Ind., VI, p. 4 ff.) of PulakeSin II,
Ktrtivarman I has been described as the very night of des-
truction to the Nalas, Mauryas and Kadambas. A reference
1 According to Bilbana (Vikramahkadevacanta, 2, 61), the Calukya conquest
in the southern region at first extended as far as Nftgarakhanda which is known to
have formed a part of the Kadamba country. The Calukyas are generally believed to
have been a foreign tribe who entered India along with the Hflnas. The different
forms of the name of the family are Calkya, Calikya, Calakya, Caulukyu, Calukki,
Calukika and Calukja. The Calukya family of AnMiwada is commonly known as
Solaki or Polanki. Prof. Raychaudhuri (op. ci/., p. 370 f.) is inc'ined to connect
them with the Sulikas (evidently the same as the Sulkika family of Orissa) of the
Haraha inscription. Dr. P. C. Bagohi connects the Calukyas with the Sogdians who,
according to him, are mentioned as Sulika or Culika in the Purftnas and who spoke
the Culika PaisacT. See his excellent article on Sulika, Culika and Culika Paifocl in
Journ. Dept. Let., XXI. In that case however we have to explain the Kanareae-looking
original of the name Pulakctin and the celebration of A6vamedha by the first great king
of the family. Possibly they entered India centuries before the time of Pulakesjn I
HARIVARMAN ,
to kadamba-kadamba-kadambaka in the Aihole record appears
to suggest that Klrtivarman I had to fight with the com*
bined army of a confederacy of Kadamba kings. It will be
seen below that in the sixth century there were other ruling
branches of the Kadamba family than the lines of Santivar-
man and Krsnavarman I. In several grants, Klrtivarman I
is described as " establishing the banner of his pure fame
in the territories of the hostile kings of Vanavasi and other
(cities) that had been invaded by his prowess" (Boryib.
Gaz., I, ii, p. 346). After the death of Mangale6a, there
was a general renunciation of allegiance by the subordinate
peoples, and Pulakesin II had to reduce Banavasi once
again (ibid, p. 350). In the Lakshmeswar inscription
(Ind. Ant., VII, p. Ill), Calukya Vikramaditya I is said to
have defeated the Kadambas. The Bennur grant (Ep. Cam.,
V, p. 594) of Krsnavarraan II, grandson of the ill-fated
Vig^uvarman who was defeated and killed by Ravivarman
before the eleventh year of his reign, describes Kr^navar-
man II as set out on an expedition against Vaijayanti
(vaijayanfovijaya-yatram=abhiprasthita). In the nineteenth
year of Krsnavarman (II) 's reign however we find the king
stationed at Vaijayanti (cf. Sirsi grant ; Ep. Ind. 9 XVI,
p. 268). It is not impossible that Krnavarman II defeated
Harivarman and occupied the throne of Vaijayanti before
the nineteenth year of his reign. ,
The following grants of king Harivarman have so far
been discovered :
1. The Halsi grant (Ind. Ant., VI, pp. 30-31) of
Harivarman was issued in the fourth year of his reign on
the thirteenth lunar day of the bright half of Phalguna. It
says that, at Ucca^rngi, the king, at the advice of his father's
brother (pitrvya), named Sivaratha, gave such a promise as f
gladdened the heart of all people. In accordance with tha*
promise, he made Candrak?anta the principal donee and
37* SUCCESSORS OF THE S1TAV1HANA8
gave to the possession of the sarfigha (sect) of Varigenacarya
ef the Kuroakas the village of Vasuntavataka in the vi^aya,
called Suddikuadura, 1 with all the parihdras. The grant was
made for the purpose of providing annually, at the great
eight days' sacrifice, the perpetual anointing with clarified
butter (car-upalepana-kriy-arthaw) for the temple of the
Arhat ; whatever might remain over after that was to be
devoted to the purpose of feeding the whole sect (or all
sects; cj. sarva-samgha-bhojanaya) . The temple of the
Arhat is said to have been built at Pala&ka by Mrgea, 2 son
of the general Siriha who belonged to the Bharadvaja gotra.
The grant quotes the usual imprecatory verses and ends
with averse saying, " May the practice of sitting in abstract
meditation which is the doctrine of the Arhat Vardhamana
and by which is effected even in the present age the destruc-
tion of the sins of worldly existence, flourish.' 9 It further
adds an adoration to Vardhamana, the last and the most
celebrated of the Arhats of this age.
The seal attached to the plates is said to bear the legend
II. The grants of the early Eadambas generally begin
with the word svasti or siddhaw. The Halsi grants of king
Earivarman (Ind. Ant., VI, pp. 31-32 ; also pp. 30-31)
however have both of these words at the beginning. The
present grant was issued in the fifth year of Harivarman's
reign when the king seems to have been residing at the
adMthana of Pala&ka. The word adhis^hana generally
means a city ; sometimes it also signifies the capital of a
king. Pala&ka was possibly a secondary capital of the kings
I In Journ. Ind. Hist., XH, p. 358, it has been naggested that Buddikundura in to
be identified with Siddhakedira in Triparvata, mentioned in the Devagiri grant of
Yuvaraja Dewarmam Sinoe however Siddhakedara was presumably the name of a
field (or Tillage; ked&ra means ' field ') and flnddikundfira wisfeatof a 9tfaf, the
identification is doubtful.
s Sinba may have been the general of Mrgegavarman and named his son
after his master.
of Vaijayanti from the time of Visnuvarman's dfeath and
the annexation of the Pala&ka division by Ravivarman.
The grant records the gift of a village, called Marade, for
the use of the holy people (sadhu-janopayog-&rtharfi) and
for the purpose of pujfcsamskara of a Caityalaya. The
Caityalaya is said to have been the property of a sect of
Sramanas, called Ahari^i (ahari$ti<samahvaya-samgh-anvaya~
vastu). The Head of the Caityalaya was possibly the ficarya
Dharmanandin. The word tramana signifies a Buddhist or
a Jain religious mendicant or ascetic. The favour shown
by Harivarman and his forefathers to the Jains suggests
that this Caityalaya was a Jain temple. Jain adorations
and mahgalas are however absent in this record. Was it
written by a non-Jain ?
The grant is said to have been made at the request of a
Raja, named Bhanugakti, who belonged to the Sendraka
family. The Sendraka chief Bbanusakti who appears to
have been the rulfer of the Pala&ka division was evidently a
feudatory of Harivarman.
Like other grants of the family, the record ends with
some imprecatory verse. The seal attached to the plates
bears the legend ri-harivarmana which is preceded and
followed by 'svastika.
III. The Sangoli grant (Ep. Ind. 9 XIV, p. 165) of
Harivarman begins with a verse 1 adoring lord Sambhu, and
the king is expressly said to have been a parama-mahe6vora
(devout worshipper of MaheSvara). We have seen that, like
many of the grants of Kakustbavarman, Mr#eavarman and
Eavivarman, the composition of the Halsi grant (No. !) of
Harivarman exhibits remarkable influence of Jainism. That
Eakusthavarman and Santivarman were also favourable to
Saivism as they were to Jainism is proved by the Talgunda
Jafati dhruva-balcndu /afa-mwfcttfa-tmiru/flfwj,
As<idhya>nidhana Jatp&ftur - 0t/o0f dft - fagataifi pat it.
97$ SUCCESSORS OP THE SlTAVAHANAS
inscription. If it is not supposed that Harivarman became
a parama-mahegvara after the date of his Halsi recorde, it
may possibly be suggested that the early Kadambas of the
main , line , were Saivas who were exceptionally tolerant
towards Jainism. 1 It is clear that many officials of the
Kadamba kings were Jains ; it is also known that a general,
named Srutakirti, who was evidently a Jain, once saved the
life of Kakusthavannan.
The grant was issued when the king was at Vaijayanti.
The date of the record is given as the Visupa or Visuva day
on- the Amavasya of A6vayuja in the eighth year of Hari-
varman's reign. It has beeni found to correspond with Tues-
day, September 22, A.D. 526 and with Thursday, September
21, A.D. 545. Mr. K. N. Dikshit who edited the Sangoli
grant rightly prefers the second date. Eadamba Harivarman
thus appears to have ascended the throne about A.D. 538.
The grant records the gift of a village, called Tedava,
with 'the pravibhagas (Jiterally, divisions; sic. pariharas?),
dak$ina and libations of water. The recipients were
Siva^arman, Prajapati^arman, DhatrSarman, Nandigarman
and Dharma6arman of the Kaimbala gotra; Vaikuntha-
garman, Vasugarman, Naga&irman and MagdanaSarman of
the KalaSa gotra; Visnusarman, Prajapatisarman and
Pitr^arman of the Garga gotra; Kumara^arman, Tvastr-
4arman, Skanda barman and Varunagarman of the Kotsa
'gotra; Yasogarman, Arya^arman, Pasupati^arman and
Mitra^arman of the Srivistba gotra ; VaDasarman of the
iGauliya gotra; PrajapatiSarman of the Valandata gotra ; -and
Kumara^arman of the Ka^yapa gotra.
) The grant ends with the usual verses and the mangala :
$iddhir**a$tu- 9 namo hari-hara-hiranyagarbhebhyah-, svasti
1 The late tradition saying that Mayoravarroan (i.e., MayuraSarman) was born of a
drop of sweat that fell on the ground from the forehead of Siva, is to be noticed in
this connection.
HARIVAEMAN 279
prajabhyah. The adoration to the Hindu Trinity (viz.,
Hari, Hara, and Hiranyagarbha, i.e., Brahman) in a
record wherein the king has been described as a devotee
of Mahe^vara seems to suggest that Harivarman was a
Brahmanical Hindu with sense of exceptional religious
toleration.
CHAPTER II >
i
EARLY KADAMBAS : KRSNAVARMAN'S LINE
I
KRStf AVARMAN I
The Bennnr grant (Ep. Cam., V, p. 594) was issued by
a Kadarnba Dharraamaharaja, named Krsnavarman II, who
claims to have been the son of Simhavarmnn, grandson of
Visnudasa and great-grandson of Rajaraja Krsnavarraan I.
Krsnavarman II has been described in this record as belong-
ing to the Kadamba family which was rendered pure by the
avabhrtha bath laken during at the end of an A6vamedha sacri-
fice. Visnudasa, grandfather of Krsnavarman If, calls himself
Visnuvarma-Dharma-maharaja and the son of the a$vamedha-
yajin (performer of the Horse-sacrifice) Dharmamaharaja
Krstuivarman I in his own Birur grant (ibid, VI, p. 91).
According to the Devagiri grant (Ind. Ant., VII, p. 33),
Yuvaraja Devavarraan, dear son (priya-tanaya) of the
a6vamedha-yajin DharmamahSraja Krsnavarman I, appears
to have been in charge of the Triparvata division of the
Kndamba kingdom. From the Tagare plates (Mys. Ach.
Surv., A. R.. 1918, p. 35) of the Kadamba Maharaja Bhogi-
varman, which describes the Kadamba family as sanctified
by the celebration of AJvamedha, we get the names
of the following descendants of Krsnavarman II his son
Ajavarman, grandson Maharfija Bhogivarman and great-
grandson Visfluvarman (II). From the evidence of the
above inscriptions therefore the following genealogy of the
* This chapter was origioftllj published in Joum, Ind, Hist., XV, pp. 801-19.
Early Kadambas is drawn :
Kr^navarman I,
performer of Agvamedha
r
Vi$nudasa or Visnuvarman I Devavarman
Simhavarman
Kr^navarrnan II
A Java r man
Bhogivarman
Visnuvarman II
The exact relation of this line of kings with the line of
Mayuragarman is not yet established beyond doubt. We
have seen that, according to the Birur grant, the Kadamba
Dharmamaharaja Visnuvarman I, son of Krgnavarman I, is
said to have granted a village, called Katattaka, in the Sindhu-
thaya-rastra, with the permission of (anujnapya) his jyestha-
pitd (father's elder brother) Santivarma-Dharmamaharaja. 1
Santivarman has been described as rana-^abhasa-pravarttadr
af^da^a-mandapika-mandita-vaijayantl-t ilaka- samagra-
karifita-bhuvarga-bharta. We have also seen that, according
to a Halsi grant of Kavivarman, that king is known to have
killed king Visnuvarman, extirpated the latter's Pallava ally
Candadnda and established himself at Pala&ka which was
1 From the cases of Bhfinuvarman and Bhaou^akti we have seen that the governors
of divisions of the Kadamba kingdom were called Bija. In the Birur grant how-
ever both S&Dtivarman and VigQavarman are called Dharma-mahftraja. There may
bate been a difference in the position of Vi^uvarman with that of governors like
Bhltauvannan and Bhftnnfokti. He was possibly a subordinate king. In this con*
nection, it is interesting to note that, in the Penukonda plates (Ep. Ind. t XIV,
p. 831 ff.) of circa 475 A.D., the Pallava overlord has been mentioned as Skand*-
ft-jlf ahar*;a, while his Gaftga feudatory has been called
36
283 SUCCESSORS OF THE SITAVIHANAS
possibly the headquarters of Visnuvarman's kingdom. Since
Visnuvarman was killed in the early years of Bavivannan's
reign, it is not unnatural to suppose that the former's
jyestha-pita Santivarman, mentioned in the Birur grant of
the third regnal year, is no other than Bavivarman's grand-
father Santivarman, son of Kakusthavarman.
The above identification has, however, been challenged by
a recent writer on the subject, who points out that Viijnu-
varman has been called antivara-maharaja-pallavendr-
abhisikta (installed by the Pallava king Sftntivara-mabaraja)
in the Hebbata grant and suggests that Santivarman,
jyestha-pita of Visnuvarman, is to be identified with this
Pallava king, named Santivara (i.e., Santivarman). See
M. Govind Pai, Journ. Ind. Hist., XIII, p. 21.
The suggestion is ingenious; but there are difficulties in
the way of accepting it as true without further evidence.
Santivarman has been called the jyestha-pita (father's
elder brother) of Visnuvarman. Though terms of relation
were possibly rather loosely used in ancient time as they are
now, this epithet would ordinarily suggest that Santi-
varman belonged to the Kadamba family. The suggestion
'that " not only one's father's elder brother is called
as jyestha-pitr, but the husband of one's mother's elder
sister is also called as such" can hardly be accepted
without definite proof. Moreover, the jyestha-pita of Visnu-
varman is described as " lord of the lands of the entire Kar-
Qa^a country adorned with (the capital) Vaijayanti." This
is hardly applicable to a Pallava king who presumably
had his owm kingdom outside the Karnata-dega. It is not
impossible that the Kadamba kings prior to Krsnavarman I
were feudatories to the Pallavas ; but the above passage,
seems to suggest something more than mere suzerainty,
and a theory that the whole of Karna^a, i. e., the
entire Kadamba country, was, about the middle of
the fifth century A. D., ruled by a Pallava king, named
fcRSNAVARMAN i 283
Santivara, cannot be accepted as certain without con--
elusive evidence. It must also be noticed that no king,
named Santivara, is as yet known to have belonged to
the powerful Pallava houses of Kanci and of the Nellore-
Guntur region. In the present state of our knowledge,
therefore, it is better to take the Dharmamabaraja Santi-
varman, jyeifha-pita of Visijuvarman I, to be the same
as the son of Kakusthavarman and grandfather of Visnu-
varman's later contemporary Eavivarman. Krsnavarman I,
father of Visnuvarman I, would thus appear to have b en a
son of Kakusthavarman and a younger brother of Santi-
varman. Since Krsnavarman I seems to have been dead at
the time when his son was ruling as a feudatory Dhnrma-
maharaja under his elder brother Santivarman, he possibly
usurped the throne of Kakusthavarman and ruled before
Santivarman. The fact that Santivarman, elder brother of
Krsnavarman I, has been described not as the eldest son, 1
but as a priya-tanaya (favourite son) or priya-hita-tanaya
(favourite and beloved son) of Kakusthavarman (see Ind.,
Anl., VI, pp. 24, 28) suggests that the eldest brother of
Santivarman and Krsnavarman I, died and that his death
was the cause of a struggle for the throne among the younger
brothers of whom Krsnavarman I came out eventually vic-
torious.
We have seen that Visnuvarman I, son of Krsnavarman
I, was installed on the throne by a Pallava king, named
Santivara. The cause of this seems to be the fact that though
Viijnuvarman was the eldest son and the rightful heir to the
1 Eldest BODS are generally specified in the Kadamba grants. A Hal si grant (Ind.
Ant., VI, p. 24) of MfgeSavarman says, M k&kustha-narendrasya tunurbhanur-iv
apaTak,tr\-tantwarai>arm=etiraja rajiva-locanah ; tat-priya-jye^ha-tanaya^ rfrt-
mrgefa-naradhipafy. Another Halsi grant (i'6fd, p. 28) of Itavivarman sajs, irimat-
kfHwstha-Tajfrpriya-hita-taiiayal!, fontwarm-avan-i&ak, tasy^aiva ca jyaitfha-tunu%
pmthita pr^u^ya^li rfri-tnrg^o nar-etah. It will be seen that while Mrgeiavarman is
described as the eldest son of d&nti varman, the latter is described as a favourite SOD
only.
SUCCfiSSOBS O# THE SlTAVlHAtf AS
throne of Kr?navannan I, he was a neglected son of his father.
According to the Devagiri grant, Devavarman, who was the
priya-tanaya (favourite son) of Kpsnavarman I, was made
the Yuvaraja (crown-prince, i.e., heir) in preference to his
eldest brother Vi?nuvarman. .It may be conjectured that
Vi^uvarman, after receiving this ill-treatment from his
father, removed to the court of the Pallava king Sfintivara
in despair. We have seen that Visnuvarman probably ruled
at Pala&kft when he was killed by Bavivarman. It is pos-
sible that he received that territory with the help of the
Pallava s who, as we shall see, defeated and probably killed
his father Krsnavarman I. He appears, however, to have
transferred his allegiance to his jyestha-pitB, Santivarmau,
son of Kakusthavarman, who possibly became the king of
Vai jayanti after the defeat and death of his younger brother
K^navarman I. 1
Mr. G. M. Moraes says (op. cif., p. 29) that during the
reign of S&ntivarman, his younger brother Krsnavarman I,
" had been ruling in the capacity of viceroy over the southern
provinces of the empire. For the Birur plates of Vishnu-
varma, while describing Santivarma, the grand-uncle (?
father's elder brother) of Visbnuvarma, as 'the master of the
entire Karnaita region of the earth,' clearly specify that his
younger brother Krishnavarma * was sovereign of the
southern region.' Now the same plates record a grant made
by Vishnuvarma during his father Krishnavarma' s life.
This grant was nevertheless made ' with the permission of
Santivarma-Dharmamaharaja.' This evidently shows that
the donor as well as Krishnavarma, the father of the
1 It may be conjectured that Kwavarroan I was a king of the Triparvata division
of ttaKarnfcta country, while Vi^uvarman, hostile to bis father, was ft king of Pali-
iika under the Kadamba bouse of VaijayaotT. If each was the ease, the celebration of
Aivamedha by Krftavarman I, described aa the datyintpatha-vafumatl-van-Tuti.
beflotDM qmte meaninglest. Moreover, that conjecture doea not explain how Eftna-
Yarman I could be a viceroy of d&ntivarman.
KRSNAVABMAN
donor, occupied a subordinate position under Santivsrma."'
Moraes further thinks that, after the death of Santivarman,
Kpjnavannan I broke up relations with his nephew
Mfge^avannan and became the founder of a southern
branch of the Kadamba family, which ruled from Tri-
parvata (ibid, pp. 30-31). None of the above statements
however stands to reason.
The evidence of the Birur grant has been .taken to
prove that Krsnavarman I was a viceroy of the southern
districts of the Kadamba empire under Santivarman.
Three points are however to be noticed in this connection.
Firstly, in the same grant Krsnavarman I has been called
avamedha-yajin (performer of the Horse-sacrifice). I
have shown (see above, pp. 17 f.; 124 ff. ; also Appendix
below) from the evidence of the astras and inscrip-
tions that " a subordinate king could never perform the
A^vamedba sacrifice." Krsnavarman I therefore could
not be a feudatory or a viceroy of Santivarman, but was
certainly* an independent king himself. Secondly, the
same grant calls him daksinapatha-vasumati-vasu-pati (lord
of the riches of the land of Daksinapatha) which clearly
shows that Krsnavarman I claimed a sort of suzerainty
over the whole of the Deccan. The word datyinapatha
of the grant cannot be taken to mean the southern part of
the Kadamba kingdom. '* Lord of Dak^inapatha " seems
to have been the hereditary title of the great Satavahana
kings. As we have already noticed, Satakarni, husband
of Naganika, is called daksinapathapati, Vasigthiputra
Pulumavi bas been called Daksin5-path-e^vara, and the
Satavahana, contemporary of the Saka Satrap Budra-
daman, is called Dak?inapatha-pati Satakarni. The
significance of the claim of Kadamba Krsnavarman I
to have been " lord of the riches of the land of Dak^a-
patha " is possibly to be found in his performance
of the Avamedba which cannot be celebrated without
286 SUCCESSORS Otf THE
digvijaya (loc. cit.). In this connection, we should also
notice that in the Devagiri grant Kr?navarman I has been
called ek-atapatra (possessor of tlie sole umbrella), which,
as Mr, Moraes himself suggests (op. cit., p. 39 note), " is
indicative of the universal sovereignty." This epithet at
least shows that he was an independent ruler of some
importance. It is also to be noticed that he has been
called Rajaraja in the Bennur grant of his great-grandson
Krsnavarman II. The third important point in this con-
nection is that the grant recorded in the Birur plates
could hardly be " made by Vishnuvarma during his
father Kjrishijavarma's life," as Mr. Moraes would let us
believe. The donor of the Birur grant was 6ri-Visnuvarma-
Dharmamaharaja, eldest son of Krsnavarrna-Dharmamaha-
raja. Since Visnuvarman has been called Dharmamaha-
raja, he was obviously a crowned king at the time of issuing
the Birur grant. Krsnavarman I could not have been
reigning then as the overlord of his son, because Visnu-
varman is reported to have granted lands with the permission
of his jyestha-pita Santivarman. It therefore appears
that Krsnavarman I died before the end of Santivarman's
rule and could not therefore have been the founder of a
southern branch of the Kadamba family after the death of
Santivarman. It is most likely, as has been suggested
above, that he died before the beginning of Santivarman's
rule. There is nothing in the Birur grant to prove that
Krsnavarman I was a viceroy of Santivarman ; it is, on
the other hand, certain that he was a great and indepen-
dent king who performed the Agvamedha sacrifice.
Mr. Moraes thinks that the Devagiri grant was issued
when K^navarman I " set up as an independent sovereign;"
and that the Birur grant was issued some time earlier when
he was still a viceroy of Santivarman (op. cit., pp. 30-31),
This view too is untenable. The Devagiri grant (Ind. Ant.,
VII, p. 34) was issued by Devavarma-YuvarSja, dear son
K$$NAVARMAN I 287
of Dharmamaharaja Krsnavarman I. It is clear that this
gr&nt was issued during the reign of Krsnavarman I him-
self. The Birur grant (Ep. Cam., VI, p. 91) was issued,
as we have seen, by the Kadamba DharmamahSraja Vi?nu-
varman, who presumably ruled after his father Krsna-
varma-DharmamahSraja.
Only one record of the time of Kfgnavarman I has so
far been discovered. It is the grant of Yuvaraja Devavar-
man found at Devagiri in the Karajgi taluka of the Dharwar
district. Krsnavarman I appears to have appointed the
crown-prince governor of the Triparvata division of the
Kadamba kingdom, which probably comprised parts of the
present district of Darwar in the Bombay Presidency.
The Triparvata division seems to have formed the northern
part of the Karnata country.
The Devagiri grant was issued by Yuvaraja Devavar-
man, dear son of Krsnavarman I Dharmamaharaja who
celebrated the A^vamedha sacrifice, probably when the
Yuvaraja was at the city of ^n-M/aya-Triparvata. By this
record, a piece of land called Siddhakedara l inthe Triparvata
division was granted (o the Yapanlya samgha (or samghas)
for the purpose of the glory of repairing anything that
may be broken (bhagna-samskdra) in and of the perfor-
mance of worship at the Caityalaya of the holy Arhat.
It is also recorded that Devavarman granted the lands to
the Arhat Jaina. The record ends with the benediction,
" Victorious is the Arbat, the lord of the three worlds, the
maker of the good of all people, the destroyer of passion
and other enemies, the eternal one, the lord having eternal
knowledge." 2
1 A recent writer thinks that Siddhakedara (in Triparvata) ia the same as Suddikon-
dura mentioned in the HaUi grant of the fourth year of Harivnrman. Since
Suddikundnra was the name of a visaya, the identification is doubtful.
1 Jayaty~arhatps-trtlokejali sarva-bhuta-ltitankarah
*nanfo= 'n
SUCCESSORS OF THST &STAVIHANAS
In this record Krsnavarman I, father of the YuvarSja,
has been called sarnar-arjita-vipul-aitvarya and raja-m&es^
ratna. The epithet ek-atapatra shows that Krsnavarman
I claimed to have been a paramount sovereign. The king
is also called nagajdn^dkramya day-anubhuta which has
been explained as " who enjoyed a heritage that was not
to be attained by persons of Naga descent," or as " who
enjoyed his heritage after attacking some chieftains of Naga
descent." The reading of the passage is however doubtful
and the interpretation cannot therefore be taken as per-
fectly established. The former interpretation would suggest
the Nagas to have been the Cutu-Satakarnis, but the latter
would possibly suggest the Sendrakas 1 of Nagarakhancja.
There is an oval and worn out seal attached to the
plates. It has the devise of some animal standing towards
the proper right but with its head turned round to the left.
There is also the figure of a god or a man leaning against
it or sitting on it. The animal may be meant for a horse
or bullock, but Fleet suggests that it may also be a deer
with horns.
According to the evidence of the Bannahalli plates
(Ep. Ind., VI, p. 16) of Krsnavarman II, Krsnavarman I
married a girl of the Kekaya family which, as we have seen,
probably ruled in the modern Chitaldrug district of Mysore,
His eldest son Visnuvarruan was born of this Kekaya
princess. 2
1 For the Naga connection of the Cutu-fiatakarnis, see above, 158 D, In the
Iiakshmeswar inscription (Ind. Ant.. VII, p. 110), the Sendraka* are described a*
belonging to the Bhujagendra lineage.
f ftovixtfa Pai thinks (Journ. Ind. Hist., XH, p. 8CI ff ) that Deiavarman was the
on of Efgnavarman H. He wrongly take* Devavarman to be tbe eldest son of his
father simply because he was the Yuvaraja. There are however numerous instances in
bistoty to show that a favourite younger son was sometimes made heir to the throne in
preference to the neglected eldest son. The suggestion moreover is untenable in view
of tbe fact that tbe Devagiri grant describes the father of Devavarmaa as the perform-
*<rf'ti*A*medha which undoubtedly refers to Krsnavarman I. Krsnafarmap B
A stone-inscription of a Kekaya chief, named Sivananda-
varman, has been discovered at Anaji in theDavanegere taluka
of the Chitaldrug district. According to this record, Siva*
nandavarman, after the loss of his country and the defeat of
Krw ara i a ' s army in the tumultuous battle that took place
between Nanakkasa (?) Pallava-raja and Krsnavarma-raja,
with a tranquillized heart, lay on a bed of darbha and became
desirous of going to heaven. Possibly he burnt himself to
death. We have soen that Kadamba Krsnavarman I was
matrimonially connected with the Kekayas. This fact and
the palaeographical standard of the Anaji record support the
identification of this Krsnaraja or Krsnavarma-raja with
Kadamba Krsnavarman I. Some scholars think that Siva-
nandavarman was a son of Krsnavarman I and was possibly
identical with Devavarman. The suggestion, however, is
untenable in view of the fact that Sivanandavarman is des-
cribed as belonging to the Atreya gotra and to the Kekaya
family which was a Soma-vam^a. The Kadamba family, on
the other hand, was of the Manavya or Afigirasa gotra and
was never connected with the lunar race.
Sivanandavarman may have been a relative and feudatory
of Krsnavarman I. The relation of the ksaya (loss, ruin)
of his own country with the defeat of Krsnaraja's army and
of his becoming prasamita-hrdaya and desirous of going to
heaven, however, is not quite clear. PiaSamita-hrdaya
(having one's heart tranquillized) has been wrongly taken
by previous writers in the sense that the defeat of Krsnavar-
man broke the heart of Sivanandavarman (see infra). Krsna-
varman I possibly died in this encounter with the Pallavas
or was dethroned as a result of this defeat.
never performed any Horae-sacnfice The S,r,i ffrant (Bp.
Krsoavannan II. which describes him as belonging to the Kid
atoamedh-abhivkta (having takeu the bath, t ... rendered pure
at the end of a Horse-sacrifice) never suggests that Kr^avarin j
an Mvimedha.
37
II
Visnuvarman was the son of king Krsnavarman I by a
princess of the Kekaya family. He has been described as
kaikeya-sutayam=*utpanna in the Bannahalli grant of his
grandson Krsnavarman II. We have seen that though he
was the eldest son of his father, one of his younger brothers,
by name Devavarman who was the favourite son of Krsna-
varman I, was made Yuvaraja in preference to him. As a
consequence, he appears to have left his father's kingdom
and taken shelter in the court of a Pallava king, named
Santivara. According to the Hebbata grant of Visnuvarman
he was anointed by the Pallava king Santivara-maharaja. If
the identification of his jyestha-pita Santivarrnan, mentioned
in the Birur grant, with the son of Kakusthavarman is to be
believed, he seems to have transferred his allegiance to the
kings of Vaijayantl. Before the eleventh year of Ravivar-
man however he appears to have rebelled against the autho-
rity of his overlords and, as a result, was killed by Ravivar-
man, grandson of Santivarman. The Palasika division,
over which he seems to have ruled, was annexed by the
victor and the victor's brother Bhanuvarman was made the
governor of that division.
Only two grants of the time of Yisnuvarman have so far
been discovered.
, v Th Birur grant (Ep. Cam., VI, p. 91) of Visnuvarman
begins with a verse in adoration to the Hindu trinity Hara,
Narayana, and Brahman. 1 The Kadamba Dharmamaharaja
Visnuvarman is here called the eldest son of DharmamabS-
1 Hara-ndrayana-brahrna-tritaydya-namas sadd
$ula-cakr-dk$asutr-odgha~bhava> bhdsita-pdnine,
VISNUVABMAN I 291
raja KrsnavarmanI who has been described as " lord of the
riches of the land of Daksinapatha " and as " performer of
the Horse-sacrifice." As we have already suggested Kr?na-
varman I seems to have claimed a sort of suzerainty over the
whole of the Deccan. Such a vague claim may have origi-
nated from his performance of the Agvamedha which could
not be celebrated without dig-vijaya. The epithet vikatita-
sac-chatr-dvatamsa applied to him in this record possibly
means the same thing as bis epithet 6a$i-sadrs-aik-atapatra in
the Devagiri grant of his favourite younger son Devavar-
man. He is also described as parama~brahmai}ya-$aranya
and is said to have acquired fame in battles.
The grant was made on the fifth lunar day of the bright
half of Phalguna in the third year of the king's reign. By
it the king made, with libations of water and daksina, a gift
of a village, called Katattaka, in the Sindhuthaya-rastra,
along with the boundary of the road to Nandapada, the
bridge on the river called Karnnesakn, the Cesapali (lands?)
and a field measuring two hundred nivartas(i.e,,nivartanas).
The recipients of the grant were eighty-five Brahmanas,
among whom were Bhava, Kolana, Siva, Yajiia and
Sarva of the Kurukutsa gotra ; Merusarman and Soma^ar-
man of the Harita gotra ; Bhava, Hara and others of the
KaSyapa gotra ; Deva of the Atreya gotra ; Yuvu and Ukti
of the Vasistha gotra ; Panda, Yajiia, Naga and Bhrta of
the Vatsya gotra ; Bhava and Soma of the Kau&ka gotra ;
Bhutigarman of the Kaundinya gotra ; Bhrta of the
Purukutsa gotra ; and Bhutisarman of the Bharadvaja
gotra. The word arya is suffixed to the names excepting
those which end in the word barman. This fact shows that
Arya (the same as modern Ayyar) and Sarman became cog-
nomens in the South as early as the time of this record.
The tamra-fasana was endowed with the pariharas, called
attemara-vittika (sic. antahkara-vistika) and abhida-pradefa
(sic. abhata-pravefo), which have already been explained.
292 SUCCESSORS OF THE SITAVAHANAS
The most important point in the record, however, is that
the grant is said to have been made after getting the per-
mission of (anujMpya) Visnuvarman's jyetha-pita Santi-
varman who was the lord of the entire Karaatade$a with its
capital at Vaijayantl. It is generally held that this Sftntivar-
man is to be identified with theKadainba king of that name,
who was the son of Kakusthavarman and father of Mrge6a-
varman. A recent writer on the subject however thinks
that this king is to be identified with the Pallava king Santi-
vara who, according to the Hebbata grant, installed Visiiu-
varman; As we have already admitted, it is difficult, until
further evidence is forthcoming, to be definite as regards
the relation of the line of Krsnavarman I with the Early
Kadambas of Mayura^arman's line. We have also seen that
in the present state of our knowledge it is better to take
king SSntivarman of the Birur grant to be the same as the
Kadarnba king who was the son of Kakusthavarman. Krsna-
varman I waR possibly a son of Kakusthavarman and a
younger brother of Santivarman.
Any one who would cause disturbances to the donees is
said to be committing the sins of brahma-stri-go-matr-pitr-
acarya-bhratr-vadha, guru-dara-gamana and vam$-otsadana.
The grant also quotes the usual verses referring to paftca-
mahapataka, etc.
The Hebbata grant (Mys. Arch. Surv., A. E., 1925, p.
98) begins with the auspicious word svasti and a verse in the
anustubh metre adoring Vinu and beginning with the words
jitam bhagavata. 1 In this record, Visnuvarma-Maharaja has
been called a parama-brahmanya and an expert in all the
iastras and kolas ; cf. his epithets gandharva-hastitiksti,-
dhanurvedesu vatsaraj-endr-arjuna-samena abd-artha-nyaya-
vidusa in the Bannahalli grant of his grandson (infra).
1 Jitam bhagavaia tena vi$nun& yasya vaJfa^i.
*oa nabhi padme pittimahah.
VISNUVARMAN I 293
He is also described as the jyestha-priya-tanaya of the
avamedha-yajin Krsnavarma-Maharaja and as installed
by S&ntivara-Maharaja-Pallavendra. We have seen that
Krsnavarman I made his younger son Devavarman the
Yuvaraja in preference to his eldest son Visnuvarman
who could not therefore have been a priya-tanaya of his
father. The mention of Visnuvarman as the " dear son "
of Krsnavarman 1 in the Hebbata grant of the fifth year
of the former may therefore be taken as an erroneous exag-
geration. 1
The grant was issued on the full-moon day of Karttika
in the fifth regnal year of Visnuvarman when the king was
residing at the adhisthdna (city or capital) of Kudalur. We
do not definitely know whether he occupied Palasika when
he rebelled against the house of Vaijayanti.
By this grant the king made an agrahara of the village
called Herbbata in the Sattipalli-Jaripata (division) of the
Mahisa-visaya and offered it with daksina and libations of
water, in accordance with the brahmadeya-nyaya, to a Yajur-
vediya Brahmana belonging to the Badira family (or clan)
and the Gautama gotra. The name of the Mahisa-visaya (cf.
Mahisika in the Puranic lists) is evidently the source from
which the present Mysore ( = Mahiur) has derived its
name. The agrahara was made free from danda (fine),
viti (unpaid labour) and kara (tax).
The record ends with a reference to the five great sins,
but does not quote the imprecatory verses.
1 It may be conjectpred that Vis^marman became his father's favourite ion after
the death of Yuvaraja Devovaiman. Put that does net explain the celebration of
Afoamedba by KnQavarmati and the installation of VigQifvarmaxi by a Pallavalting.
Ill
II
The son of Visnuvarman I was Simhavarman who has
been described as Maharaja of the Kadambas (or a Maharaja
belonging to the Kadamba family) in the Bannahalli plates
of his son Krsnavarman II. We do not know where Simha-
varman became king after the death of his father and the
annexation of his paternal kingdom, i.e., the Palagika
division, by Ravivarinan. No record of his time has as
yet come to light.
Simbavarman's son was Krsnavarraan II who was a
powerful king. We do not definitely know where he origin-
ally ruled. An inscription recording his gift of a village
in the Sendraka-visaya (the Nagarakbanda region forming
parts of the present Shimoga district of Mysore) appears to
suggest that his rule was at first limited in that part of the
Kadamba kingdom. He is known to have led a successful
expedition against Vaijayanti and to have conquered the
Vaijayanti division ultimately. It is not certain whether
betook Vaijayanti from Harivarman or from a member of
another junior line of the Early Kadambas, which is known
to have occupied Vaijayanti temporarily.
Three records of the time of Krsnavarman II have so
far been discovered.
I. The Bennur (Belur hobli) copper-plate grant (Ep.
Cam., V, p. 594) of the Kadamba Dharma-maharaja Krsna-
varman II begins with the Vaisnavite adoration svasti jitaiji
bhagavatft. which is in consonance with the verse speaking
of the glorjr of lord Hari at the beginning of the Bannahalli
grant of the same king.
KR9NAVAKMAN II 395
The adoration is followed by three verses which say that
king Krsnavarman II was the son of Simhavarman, grand-
son of Visnudasa and great-grandson of Rajaraja Krsnavar-
man I who, like king Yudhisthira of old, gave perpetually
food to thousands of Brahmanas. Krsnavarman II is said
to have made the Brahmottara (brahmatra ?) again and
again (a$vad-brahmottaram kurvan). In this record the
Kadamba family is described as " rendered pure by the
avabhrtha bath of the ASvamedha." This undoubtedly
refers to the Horse-sacrifice celebrated by the reigning king's
great-grandfather Krsnavarman I.
The most important point in the Bennur record is that
the grant is said to have been made by the king when he
had already set out on a military expedition against Vaija-
yanti (vaijayanti-vijaya-yatram abhiprasthita) . l This shows
beyond doubt that at the time when the Bennur grant was
issued Krsnavarman II was not the ruler of that division of
the Kadamba kingdom which had its headquarters at Vaija-
yanti. We have seen that Visnuvarrnan, grandfather of
Krsnavarraan II, was killed by Ravivarman before the ele-
venth year of Ravi's reign. It is thus clear that the des-
cendants of Santivarman and Krsnavarman I were ruling
simultaneously at different parts of the Kadamba country.
The grant records the gift of the raja-bhaga-databandha
(the tenth part of the king's share or the tenth part which
was the king's share 2 ?) and also a piece of land measuring
six nivartanas in a village called Palmadi in the Sendraka-
visaya. Mr. V. R. R. Dikshitar published a paper on the
1 Some Bttholara fiink th.it Kpnivarmaa II led an expedition from Vaijayantl.
The passage vaijayanti vijaya-ydtra clearly shows that this interpretation is un-
tenable.
DaSabandha has been called the king's share in books on law ; see, e.g., Mann,
VIIT, verse 107. Kulluka in his gloss on this verse says, aoy&ftito} tffftfi nM**
adi-vy&pareiu tn-patya parymtam yadi sMjyarfl ni vadet tada tad-vwad-atpadaip
s<irvam = w<m-uttamaTvasya dadyat, iasya ca rnasya datamarp bhtgay rajflo danjw
dady&t.
296 SDCCESSOBS OF 3?HE SiTAVIHANAS
term databandha in Journ. Ind. Hist., August, 1934,
pp. 174-80. Dikshitar however could not find out any refe-
rence to the term in such an early charter as the Bennur
grant of Kfgnavarman II. Dafabandha (as also the term
panca-bandha) is a legal expression found in the Arthafastra
(HE, chs. ii, xiii, etc.) and the Smrtis (e.g., Manu, VlII f
verse 107; Vijnane^vara on Yajfiavalkya, II, 171) in connec-
tion with some offences punishable with fines. It refers to
the tenth part of the sum forming the subject-matter of the
suit. In South Indian inscriptions of the mediaeval period
the term occurs in the sense of a tax or an allowance of
land or revenue as compensation for excavating a tank, well
or channel (Rangacharya, Ins. Mad. Pres., II, Nl. 368,797,
etc.). According to H. H. Wilson (A Glossary of Judicial and
Revenue terms, etc., London, 1755, p. 127) the Telugu
word dafabandham means " a deduction of Ath of the
revenue on account of compensation for some public work,
as the construction of a tank, etc." At the present time
ordinarily the enjoyers of the da$abandham rights are to
undertake due repairs of irrigational works.
The grant was made by 6rimad-dharma-maharaja-vijaya-
$0a-Krsnavarman n on the first lunar day called pratipad
in the bright fortnight of Pausa when the king was before
(a linga or an idol of) Mahadeva in the great temple
of the village called Inguna. It is interesting to note that,
though possibly a Vaisnava Krsnavarman II was praying to
Mahadeva (Siva) for success in his expedition against Vaija-
yanti. The present grant resembles in nature a grant of the
Vinukundin king Madhavavarman I who is known to have
made the gift of a village when he set out on an expedition
against the eastern countries (above, p. 131 ff.) The
recipient of the grant of Krsnavarman II was a Bxahmana,
named fihavasvamin, who belonged to the H&rlta gotra
and is described as a Painga. He was skilled in the
performance of sacrifices and was well-versed in the
KRSNAVABMAN II 297
Chandoga. Painga-Bhavasvarain seems to have been the
priest of the said temple of Mahadeva.
The gift of a village in the Sendraka-visaya (parts of the
present Shiraoga district) suggests that the district formed
a part of the kingdom of Krsnavarman II. We have seen
that the Sendraka raja BhanuSakti was a governor under
Harivarman. If this fact may be taken to suggest that the
country of the Sendrakas was a pirt of Harivarman's king-
dom, it may be supposed that Krsnavarman IE took the Sen-
draka-visaya from, and led the VnijayantI expedition against
Harivarman.
The grant ends with the usual verses and the adoration
namo visnarc.
II. The Baunahalh grant (Ep. Ind., VI, p. 16) of
king Krsnavarman II begins with the manqala : om svasti
and a verse 1 in adoration to lordHari. The grant was issued
in the seventh year of the king's reign on the fifth lunar day
of the waxing (i.e., bright) fortnight of Karttika-masa under
the asterism called Jycstha. Maharaja Krsnavarmnn II is
called the son of Maharaja Simhavarman, grandson of Maha-
raja Visnuvarman and great-grandson of Dharma-maharaja
Krsnavarman I, Visnuvarman is here said to have been
born of a daughter of the Kekayas and to have been skilled
in gandharva (music), hasti-iksa (science of elephant-rearing)
and dhanur-vidya (archery) like Vatsaiaja, Indra and Arjuna.
He is also called well-versed in sabda, artha 2 and nyaya.
Krsnavarman I has been credited with the performance
of A6vamedha and with victory in many battles. The
reigning king Krsijavarman II has been described as a
1 Jayaty^udrikta-daity-endra-bala-virya-viinardanal}
Jagat-pravfth-sarphara'Stati-maya dharo hank.
8 Sabdirtba is aometimes supposed to signify 9abda-6a9tra and artha-tastra i
it is however interesting to note that such a pli rase is generally applied to a person
having literary talent, e.g., Kudradaman and gaba-Vlra?ena ; cf. the \ery
similar epithet pada-pad&rtha-vicara-Suddha-buddlii applied to Poet Umapatidharo.
in the Deopara grant of Vijayasena.
38
298 SUCCESSORS OF THE SITAViHANAS
parama-brahmanya and as " one who acquired rajya-$ri by
his own power, strength and valour."
The grant records the gift of a village called Kolanallura
in the Vallavi-viaya, with libations of water and with all
pariharas, to a learned and pious Brahmana, named Visnu-
garman. The grant was made at the request of Haridatta
Srrs$hin who belonged to the Tuviyalla gotra-pravara. The
Sresthin is described as raja-pujita (honoured by the king).
He was a performer of the Gosabasra mahadana.
The charter ends with the verses referring lo the usual
imprecation, the unresumable character of the grants and the
five great sins. The mahgala at the end of the record reads
svasty *= astu go-brahmanehhyah.
III. Another grant (Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 268) of
Krsnavarman II was discovered at Sirsi (Sirsi taluka, North
Kanara district). It was issued when the king was at
Vaijayanti, which fact shows that the vaijayanti-vijaya-yatra
that he undertook sometime before the date of this record
was completely successful.
The grant records the gift of Kamnkapalli in the Giri-
gadagrama of the Karvvannaiigam-visaya to a Somayajin
Brahraana, named Soraasvamin, who belonged to the Varahi
gotra and was well-versed in the Rgveda. Karvvannangam
has been supposed to be the modern Karur in Sirsi. The
village Girigada has been identified with modern Girigadde
in the same taluka.
In the Sirsi grant Krsnavarman II has been described
as "obtainerofraja-M as a result of victory in many battles"
and as "belonging to the Kadamba family which
took the sacred bath at the end of an Agvamedha sacrifice."
It is strange that some recent writers have taken the passage
ativamedh-abhisiktanam kadambanaifi rt-krnavarina-
maharaja to mean that Krsnavarman II was anointed
during a Horse-sacrifice. The passage undoubtedly means
the same thing as avamedha-snana-pavitrikrt^tmanaw
KRSNAVARMAN II
kadambanayi (Bennur grant of Krsnavarman II) and other
similar expressions in the records of the successors of
Krsnavarman I. The descendants of the Pallava
avamedhin Kumaravisnu use a similar expression, e.g.,
yathavad-ahrt-a&amedhanam pallavanam. The Sirsi grant
of Krsnavarman II certainly refers, as his other grants
unquestionably do, to the Agvamedha performed by his
great-grandfather Krsnavarman I. There is absolutely no
proof to show that Krsnavarman II himself performed the
Horse-sacrifice. The idea of a king's or prince's ra}y-
abhiseka during the Asvamedha is fantastic. If moreover
he performed any horse-sacrifice, why do the Bannahalli and
Bennur grants refer to the Asvamedha of his great-grand-
father and not of his own ? In case an Asvamedha was
performed by Krsnavarman II before the time when the
Sirsi grant was issued, he himself must have been described
as avamedha-yajin like his great-grandfather. No perfor-
mer of the Asvamedha is as yet known to have vaguely
claimed to belong simply to an A 6 vamedha -performing
family. It must also be noted that he is rot credited with
the performance of Asvamedha in the Tagare grant of his
grandson. That the passage atoamedh-abhisikta (applied
to the Kadamba family) does not mean Krsnavarman 's being
" installed during Asvamedha " is proved beyond doubt
by the Ganga records which refer to the Kadamba family
as avicchinn-avamedh-avabhrlh-abhisikta (abhisikta by the
avabhrtha bath of a series of A^vamedhas) .
It is interesting to note that in many of the early Ganga
records, Avinita-Kongani-Mahadhiraja, son of Madhava-
Mahadhiraja, has been called krnavarma-maMdhirajasya
priya-bhagineya (dear sister's son of Krsnavarma-Mahadhi-
raja). This Krsnavarma-Mahadhiraja has been described as
^rl-rna^kadamba-kula-gagana-gabhasti-malin (sun in the
firmament of the illustrious Kadamba family). There is
however difference of opinion as regards the identification
800 SUCCESSORS OF THE SITAV1HANAS
of this Kadamba king, named Krsnavarinan, mentioned
in the Ganga records. Mr. K. N. Dikshit and some other
scholars (Ep. Ind., XIV, p. 166, n. 2; Ind. Hist.
Quart., IX, p. 197) think that he is to be identified
with the avamedha-yajin Krsnavarman I, while others
are of opinion that he should be identified with the
avamedhin'a great-grandson Krsnavarman II. It is
believed that " there are no clues in the records to enable
one to ascertain who this Krshnavarma was, whether he was
the first king of that name or his great-grandson "
(Kadambakula, p. 55). The Ganga records however clearly
show that Krsnavarma-Mahadhiraja, maternal uncle of the
Ganga king Avimta-Kongani-Mahadhiraja, was not Kadamba
Krsijavarman I who was a performer of A^varnedha, but
his great-grandson Krsnavarman II who never celebrated
any Horse-sacrifice. The Kadamba relative of the Gangas
is sometimes described in the Ganga records (see, e.g.,
the Merkera, Nagamangala, Javali and Kadagattur plates,
Ind. Ant., I, p. 3d2; II, p. 155; Ep. Cam., VI, p. 151;
etc.) as Srl-mat-kadamba-kula-gagana-gabhasti-malin. In
some Ganga records (see, e.g., Mallohalli and Bangalore
Museum plates, Ind. Ant., V, p. 133 ; Ep. Cam., IX,
p. 33; etc.), however, he is also described more fully as
avicchinn (or avical^asvamcdh-aimbhrth-abhisikta-srl'mat-
kadamba-kula-gagana-gabhasti-malin (sun in the firmanent
of the illustrious Kadamba family which was wet owing to
its taking the sacred bath in continuous Horse-sacrifices).
The king has not been called a performer of Agvamedha,
but is said to have belonged to the Kadamba family
in which A6vamedha was celebrated. Since he is not
described as an avamedha-yajin 9 he cannot be the same as
Krsnavarman I who has that epithet in the Devagiri, Birur
and Bannahalli grants of his descendants. The fact that
the epithet of the relative of the Gangas saying that he
belonged to the Kadamba family which was avamedh-
KESNAVATtMAN II 301
abhisikta is essentially the same as that of Krsnavarman If
in the Sirsi grant (cf. avamedh-abhisik1anam
kadambandm 6rl krsnavarma-w aharaja) and in the Bennur
grant (cf. a^oamedh'dvabhrt^a-snana'pavitrikrtatmandvi
kadambandm dharnia-mahdrdja-vijaya-iva-krsnavarma )
shows beyond doubt that he should be identified with
Kadamba Krsnavarman II and not with (he latter 's great-
grandfather Krsnavarman I. It must also be noticed that
Krsnavarman I was the only performer of the Horse-sacrifice
among the early Kadambas and that no Kadamba king is
known to have celebrated the sacrifice before his time. 1 Only
a successor of this king therefore can properly be called
" belonging to the Kadamba family in which the A^vamedha
was performed." It may further be noticed that many of
the grants of the successors of Santivarman refers to the
Kadamba family as svdmi-mahdsena~matr-gan-dnudhydt-
dbhisikta. We do not know whether there is a covert allusion
to the avabhrtha of an Asvamedha in this passage. The
corresponding passage in the Sirsi grant of Krsnavarman II,
which simply adds the word avarncdha between the words
anudhydta and abhisikta, is practically the same.
The identification of the maternal uncle of Avimta-
Korigani-Mahadhiraja with Kadamba Krsnavarraan II seems
to be supported also by the chronology of the Early Gangas.
Ganga Durvimta, Konganivrddha son of Avinlta-Kongani,
probably lived up to the middle of the seventh century. There
is a record (Ep. Cam., VIII, Nr. 35, p. 135) which speaks of
a matrimonial relation between the Gangas and the Calukyas
1 A v.ry late inscription found atTulgunda (Ep Cam , VII, Sk, 178) says that
Mayuravarman (i.e., Mayuras'arman) performed no less than eighteen Arivamedhas.
We have already seen that this late tradition is tn be discarded as entirely unhistorical
(above p. 240; Journ. Ind. Hist., XIII, p. 40, note; An. Bhand. Or. Res. Inst.,
XVI, p. 163, note). The plurality of ASvamerlhaa claimed for the Kadambas in the
passages of the Gnn#a records i* evidently an unhiatoncal exaggeration. Tn this
connection, it is interesting to note that the "one" Asvamedha performed by Samadra-
gupta is referred to as "many" Advamedhas in the records of his Vakataka relatives/
SUCCESSOBS OF T#E SltAVlHANAg
of Badami. " Seizing in the field of battle Kaduvetti
who was celebrated as a Ravana to the earth," it says,
"and setting up his (own) daughter's son, be became
formidable in the world in the heriditary kingdom of
Jayasimha-vallabha; what a terror was this might of arm
of Durvimta ! ' ' Kaduvetti is the Dravidian expression
for Pallava l and Vallabha was the title of the Calukya
kings of Badami. Jayasimha-vallabha is therefore the
same as the grandfather of Pulake^in I (circa 550-66)
and the first historical figure with which the Calukyas
begin their genealogy. Calukya Jayasimha has been called
Vallabhendra and Vallabha in the Mahakuta and Aihole
inscriptions respectively (Bomb. Gaz. 9 I, ii, p. 342). It
has been suggested (Triveni, I, pp. 112-20; Kadambakula,
pp. 55-56) that the Ganga king Durvimta was the father-
in-law of Pulake&n II who was defeated and killed by
Pallava Narasimhavarman I about A.D. 642 and that it was
the Gafiga king who restored his grandson Vikramaditya I,
third son of Pulake&n II, to the throne about 654. The
suggestion seems probable.
If however the above suggestion be accepted, Ganga
Durvinlta who possibly had a very long reign appears
to have lived as late as A.D. 654. 2 As Durvinita's
reign is thus known to have ended in the second
half of the seventh century, it is reasonable to suppose
that his father Avimta-Kongani could not have ruled
1 ID tbe same inscription, there is reference to a Ka<Juvetti of the warlike Kane!
and his Pallava-urabrella.
* Dnbreuil places DurvinTta ia 605-50 A.D. (Anc. Hist. Dec., p. 109). Darvi-
nita's last known ioacriptional date is year 40. Pariccheda I of the Avantisundarikaiha
8&ra seems to speak of the Pallava king Sirahavisnu of KaficI, Narendra Visnuvardhana
of the Nasik region and Durvinita (possibly the Ganga king son of Avinlta) as con-
temporaries. Pallava Sirphavisnu appears to be the same aa Karasimhavarmao I Simha-
visnu (aon of Mahendravarroan I) who ruled about the eecond quarter of tbe seventh
century. Narendra Vispuvardhana may be the same as Kubja- Visnuvardhana,
1 rotber of Pulake&in II (600-42 A.D.), *ho might have been a governor of tbe Nasik
region for some tin.e before he was established at
n 803
earlier than the second half of the sixth century. Kr$na-
varman, the maternal uncle of Avinita-Kongani (second half
of the sixth century), thus appears to have lived about the
middle of the sixth century and certainly not much earlier.
We have seen that Visnuvarman who saw the latest years
of Santivarman and the early years of Bavivarman was
killed before Ravi's eleventh year about the ninth or tenth
decade of the fifth century. Since Santivarman ruled
before A.D. 470 which is possibly the date of his son
MrgeSa's accession, Krsnavarman I must be placed about
the middle of the fifth century. As Visnuvarman seems
to have ended his rule about the end of that century, his
grandson Krsnavaroian II must reasonably be placed about
the middle of the next century.
IV
BHOGIVARMAN
The son of Krsnavarman II was Ajavarman. No record
of Ajavarman's time has as yet been discovered. We do not
know whether he ascended the throne at all. The Tagare
plates of his son Bhogivannan (Mys. Arch. Surv., A. R.,
1918, p. 35) do not call him Maharaja. Maharaja Bhogi-
varman' s rule appears to have fallen in the second half
of the sixth century. It was the time of Calukya ascen-
dancy in Maharastra and Kuntala. The relation of Bhogi-
varman with the powerful Early Calukyas of Badami
cannot be determined until further evidence is forthcoming.
Possibly the political existence of the dynasty of
Krsnavarman I ended with Bhogivarman. His son Visnu-
varman II (who is not mentioned as a Yuvaraja in the
Tagare record) does not appear to have ascended the
throne.
The Tagnre grant of Maharaja Bhogivarman begins
with the word svasti and a verse l in adoration to lord
Visnu. In this record the Kadamba family is mentioned as
rendered pure by the avabhrtha bath taken at the end of the
A^vamedha which evidently refers to the sacrifice performed
by the donor's ancestor Krsnavarman I. Bhogivarma-[Ma]
haraja, dear son of Ajavarman and grandson of Krsnavarma-
[Majbaraja II (not the performer of A^vamedha), is said to
have acquired a large kingdom by the power of his own arms.
He is also said to have defeated many enemies. The claim
may be an exaggerated one ; but it proves at least that
Bhogivarman h^d to fight with enemies.
1 Jayaty = ambuja-gehayah potir visnus sanatanah ( ?)
Varaha-Tupena dhararp yo dadhara ytiga-ksaye.
BHOGIVARMAN 305
The grant was made at the request of the king's son,
named Visnuvarman. It is not dated. It records the gift
of a palll called Kiru-Kudalur to a pious Brahmana, named
Bhuta^armau, who belonged to the Ka6yapa gotra. Kiru-
Kudalur-palli, which reminds us the name of the Kudalur-
adhisthana whence the Hebbata grant of Visnuvarman was
issued, is said to have been one of the twenty-four pallls of
the maha-grama called Tagare situated in the Tagare visaya.
Tagare has been found to be a place in the Belur taluka.
It is said that the protector of the grant would enjoy the
phala of an A6vamedha sacrifice, but the confiscator would
be loaded with the five great sins. The record quotes two
verses (bahubhirvasudha datta, etc., and svam datuni
sumahac = chakyam, etc.) as spoken by Manu.
The grant ends with a few lines written in the Kannada
language, which say that the palll was granted with the
exemption from the thirty-two imports, and seems to
mention the additional grant of a house in the northern
street. " The second and the fourth lines on the third
plate appear to be a subsequent addition by a later hand.
They tell us that Poriyadga] granted Kijtivur to Vinnar, as
also an equal share below the tank of Kiru-Kudalur" (ibid,
pp. 40-41).
39
CHAPTEE III
EARLY KADAMBAS : MISCELLANEOUS LINES
I
KUMIRAVARMAN AND MiNDHITI
Another line of the Early Kadambas, the exact relation
of which with the lines of Mayuragarman and Krsnavarman I
is not definitely settled, is known from inscriptions to have
ruled in the Kadamba country and for sometime even at
VaijayantL Only two inscriptions of this line have so far
been discovered* They belong to a Kadamba king, named
Mandhata-raja (evidently a mistake for Mftndhatrraja), or
Mandhatfvarman. 1 In the Kudgere plates (Ep. Ind., VI,
p. 12) the king is called M-t?i;aj/a-^a-Mandhat)*varman and
is said to have resided at Vaijayanti. In the Sbimoga plates
(Mys. Arch. Surv., A. R., 1911, p. 32) of the same king
however the issuer's name is given as Mandhata-raja and he
is called the son of Maharaja Kumaravarman. The explicit
1 Mandhatrvarman of the Kudgere grant has been thought to be different
from Mandhata-raja of the Sbimoga grant and the reign of the former had
been placed before that of Kr^pavarman I on the grounds that the names of the
donors are not exactly the same, that the Kudgere grant begins with the word
siddharp like the Malavalli and Talguoda records and that it does not mention the
Kadamba family as being rendered pure by the Agvaraedha (of Krsnavarman I). See
My*. Arch. Surv , A. R., 1911, p. 86 ; Journ Ind. Hist., XIII, p. *lf. It must-be
noticed that the Birur g r ant of Vi^nuvannan begins with siddhaip Both the Halsi
grants of Harivarman begin with the expression aiddharp svasti. Are we to suppose
that these princes lived before Krsnavarman I ? Again, the performance cf the
Avamedha by Krsnavarman I is not mentioned in any of the three grants of Hari>
varman. Does it prove that Harivarman lived before the reign of Krfnavanuan I ?
M&ndhat<w&ja is most probably a copyist's mistake for Afandtotprd/o Cf. Kr?na-
vanoa raja add Krs.nar&ja in the Anaji record of Sivanandavarraan ; Klrtivarman aud
Kirtiraja of the Calukya records ; Vi jayavarmtn and Vijayar&ja of the Kaira grant, etc,
For palaeography, see above, p, 67, n^ 2.
AND MANDHITI 807
ptatement that the king belonged to the Kadamba family which
was sanctified by the Horse-sacrifice (cf. afoamedha-pavitrikrt-
dnvaySnatfi...kadambSnam) clearly shows that the Kadamba
king, named Mandhata or Mandhatrvarman, ruled after the
celebration of the ASvamedha by Krsnavurman I who was
the only performer of the Horse-sacrifice among the Early
Kadambas. We do not know where Maharaja KumSra-
varman ruled. His son jVTandhatrvarman however is known
to have reigned at VaijayantI from where he issued the
Kudgere grant in the second year of his reign. In the
present state of our knowledge it is difficult to place
Mandbatrvarman's reign in the period between the time of
Santivarman and that of Harivarman. It is possible that
Mandhata became the lord of VaijayantI for some time in
the period when the Kadamba country was in a state of
chaos owing to the repeated attacks of the Early Calukyas
of Badaini. He may have conquered VaijayantI from
Harivarman or from KrsQavarman II or one of the latter* s
successors. .
A set of copper-plates (Ep. Ind., VI, p. 12) belonging to
the Kadamba king, named Mandhatrvarman, was discovered
at Kudgere in the Shimoga district. The grant was issued
on the full-moon day of Vaitfakha in the second regnal year
of the king who has been called M-m/at/a-rfwa-Mandhatr-
varman. The king issued the charter when he was residing
at VaijayantI.
The grant records the gift of a kedara (field, land), twenty
nioartanas by the royal measure, of the hala (plough-land)
called Modekarani within the border of Kojala-grama which
has been identified with modern Kolala in the Tiplur taluka
of the Tumkur district of Mysore. It was made with
daksinft and with libations of water, and was exempted from
the duty of providing cots, abode and boiled rice (a-fcJwtt?fi-
vas-audana), from the ingress of soldiers, and from internal
taxes and unpaid labour (antahkara-vistika). The panham
308 SUCCESSORS OF THE SATAVAHANAS
called a-khatva-vas-audana has been discussed in connection
with the Mayidavolu and Hirahadagalli grants (above,
p. 187 f.). It is practically the same as a-kura-collaka-
vinasi-khata-[saw]vasa mentioned in the grants of Pallava
Sivaskandavarman. In this connection, it is interesting
to note that according to Manu (VII, verse 119) "the
headman of the village should get all of what is daily
payable by the villagers to the king in the shape of anna
(food), pana (drink), indhana (fuel) and other things." In
connection with antah-kara (internal revenue) , a reference
to puravayam (external revenue) in an inscription (S. Ind.
Ins., Ill, No. 61) is interesting to note.
The recipient of the grant was a taittirlya*salrahmacarin,
named Deva^arman, who belonged to the Kaundinya gotra.
The record ends with the usual verses and says that the
pattikd was written by the Rahasyadhikrta ODamodaradatta.
The official designation rahasyadhikrta is found in other
early inscriptions like the Hirabadagalli grant of Sivaskanda-
varman and the Peddavegi grant of Salankayana Nandi-
yarman II.
The Shimoga plates were issued on the twelfth lunar
day of the bright half of Karttika in the fifth regnal year of
Mandhata-raja when the king was residing at tn;at/-0cchrngi,
that is to say, at the city of Ucca^rngl. Ucca^rngi has
been identified with Uchchangidurga situated about three
miles to the east of Molkalmuru in the Dodderi taluka of
the Chitaldrug district, Mysore (Mys. Arch. Surv., A. R.,
1910-11, p. 31 ; Bomb. Gaz., I, ii, p. 285 n). We
have seen that in the fourth year of king Harivarman's
reign, his pitrvya (father's, i.e., Ravivarman's, brother)
Sivaratha was probably in charge of the Uccasrngl division
of the Kadamba country. It is however not known whether
the Vaijayanti and Uccasrngl divisions were both taken by
Mandhata directly from Harivarman. Uccangi was the
capital of the Nolambavadi 32,000 province (Bellary district
feUMlKAVARMAN AND MANDHiTl 309
and parts of Mysore) under the Pandyas and probably under
the Pallavas before them. The Pallavas acquired the
province when they conquered Badami and temporarily
overthrew the Calukyas. It was occupied by the Pandyas
about the beginning of the eleventh century A.D. Accord-
ing to a Harihar record of 1170-71, Kadamba Mahamanda-
lesvara Ketarasa had the hereditary title ' ' lord of Uccangi-
giri " (Bomb. Gaz., I, ii, p. 564).
The Shimoga grant (Mys. Arch. Surv., A. K., 1911,
p. 32) begins with the adoration : svasti : jitani bhagavata.
The record speaks of the Kadmaba family as rendered pure
by the sacred bath of the Horse-sacrifice which obviously
refers to the Agvamedba celebrated by Krsnavarman I.
Mandhataraja, son of Kumaravarma-Maharaja, has been
described as a successful warrior.
By this grant the Kadamba king made a gift of six
nivartanas of land along with some materials for building a
house (grha-vastu) 1 in the village of Kaggi as well as some
lands in the village, called Palgalim, to a learned and pious
Brahmana, named Triyainabakasvamin, of the Atreya gotra.
The passage palgalinl-grdmasy^Mcan^catiispat'ksetram is
not quite clear. Kaggigrama has been identified with the
village of the same name, situated about ten miles to the
south of Channagiri in the taluka of the same name (ibid,
p. 35).
The grant ends with the usual imprecatory verses and
the benediction : siddhir = astu.
1 The passage grha-vastuna s&rddham has been explained as " together with
a house and necessaries" (Mys. Arch. Surv., A. B., 1911, p. 36).
II
MADHUVARMAN AJSD DIMODARA
Two other names of kings belonging to the Early
Kadaraba family are known from inscriptions. They are
Madhuvarman of the record found at Tadagani in the
Udagani hobli of the Shikarpur taluka (Ep. Cam., VII,
Sk. 66) and Damodara of the lithic record discovered at
Konnur in the Belgaum district (Ind. Ant., XXI, p. 96).
Their exact relation with the three lines of Early Kadamba
kings already discussed cannot be determined in the present
state of our knowledge.
The Tadagani inscription which according to Eice
belongs to circa 500 A.D. was issued by a Kadamba prince
whose name has been written as maduvarmma. Madu-
varmma is generally taken to be a mistake for Madhuvarma.
Mr. Govind Pai points out (Jaurn. Ind. Hist , XIII, pp.
25-26) that the name Maduvarman or Madhuvarman bears
no good sense. He is therefore inclined to change the read-
ing $ri-maduvarmma as Sri-maddevarma which he further
corrects as frl-mad-devavarmma. The word samgha written
in the Devagiri grant as sang a, and names like Madura for
Madhura, Attivarman for Hastivarman, etc., suggest that
the correction Madhuvarman is not impossible. It may also
be pointed out that many names in the early history of
India do not bear any good sense. The names Dattavarman
and Jalavarman of the Lakhamandal inscription (Bhandarkar,
List, No. 1790) and Jatavarman of the Belava grant
(tbtd, No. 1714) may be cited as examples. Since the
Sanskrit word madhu means " water," the names Madhu-
varman and Jalavarman would mean the same thing.
MADHUVARMAN AND DiMODARA 311
As has been suggested to me by Dr. Barnett, Madhuvarman
may moreover be an abbreviated form of names like
Madhuripuvarman. The correction Devavarman may not
be quite absurd, but it cannot be accepted without
further evidence. Palaeography moreover seems to go
against the suggestion of Govind Pai that this king ruled
before Krsnavarman I. He thinks that Madhuvarman,
whom he calls Devavarman, was the father of Krsnavarman I
simply on the ground that the Tadagani record does not
refer to the Agvamedha of Krsnavarman I. We have seen
that, excepting the Nilambur grant of Ravivarman, none of
the records of Mrge^avarman, Ravivarman and Harivarman
refers to the A^vamedha of the usurper.
As the Tadagani epigraph is damaged, the inscription
could not be fully deciphered. It seems to record the gift
of some lands in the villages called Satomahila-grama and
Ketakapada to a Brahmana, named Narayana6arman, who
belonged to the Gautama gotra. The record ends with the
usual verses. At the top of the stone there is an unfinished
final verse along with the name of one Soma who seems to
have belonged to the Ka^yapa gotra. The connection of
this person with the grant of Madhuvarman is not known,
it is also unknown to us whether Madhuvarman was a Raja,
Maharaja or Yuvaraja of the Kadambas. The letters between
the passages kadambanam and rl-maduvarmnia could not
be deciphered. His position among the Early Kadamba
princes is therefore bound to remain uncertain until further
evidence is forthcoming.
The name of nrpa Damodara, born in the family of the
Kadainbas, is found in a verse inscribed on a rock near
Konnur, at the falls of the Ghataprabha in the Belgaum
district. The inscription is in the so-called box-beaded
characters and is probably not later than the beginning of
the sixth century A.D. It has been noticed however that
above the vene the name $ri-Damodara is twice inscribed
312 SUCCESSORS OF THE SiTAVIHANAS
on the same rock, once in the usual box-headed characters
and once in the characters used in the records of the Early
Calukyas. Does this fact suggest that Damodara lived in
the period when the northern part of the ancient Kadainba
kingdom was already occupied by the Calukyas? Is it
possible that Damodara was a feudatory or viceroy of
a king of the Early Calukya family which was established
about the middle of the sixth century at Badami in the
Bijapur district of the Bombay Presidency ? It is however
impossible to be definite on this point in the present state
of our knowledge. Govind Pai presumes (Journ. Ind. Hist.,
XIII, p. 32) that Damodara was the son of Hrrivarman.
The suggestion is absolutely without any ground.
CHAPTER IV
THE KEKAYAS
I
SlVANANDAVARMAN 1
According to the Puranas (Matsya, 48, 10-20 ; Vayu,
99, 12-23), the Kekayas, Madras and U&naras were branches
of the family of Anu, son of Yayati. The Anu tribe is
frequently mentioned in the ftgveda (I, 108, 8 ; VII, 10, 5).
A hymn of the Ftgveda (VIII, 74) seems to suggest that
the Anus lived in the central Punjab, not far from the
river Parusni. It is interesting to note that the same
territory is afterwards found to be in the possession of the
Kekayas and the Madras (see Eaychaudhuri, Pol. Hist.
Anc. Ind , 2nd ed., pp. 36-37 ; Law, Ancient Indian Tribes,
II, p. 49 f.).
The Kekaya tribe is known from early literature to have
dwelt in the modern Punjab between the country of
Gandhara which lay on both sides of the Indus, and the river
VipaSa (Beas). According to the Ramayana (II, 68, 19-22;
VII, 113-14), the Kekaya territory lay beyond the Vipaga
and was adjacent to the Gandharva (i.e., Gandhara) visaya.
The name of the capital of the Kekaya country is not
mentioned in the Vedic texts ; the Ramayana (II, 67, 7 ;
68, 22) however tells us that the capital of the Kekayas was
at Rajagrha or Girivraja. This Kajagrha-Girivraja has
been identified with modern Girjak or Jalalpur on the
Jhelum. Another Rajagrha-Girivraja is known to have
been the ancient capital of Magadha. This city has been
identified with Rajgir situated in Bihar between PaJnS and
Gayfc. In order to distinguish between the eastern and
I My paper on the Southern Kpkayas wan published in Ind. Cult., IV, p. 516 ff
40
814 SUCCESSORS OF THE SITAV1HANAS
western Rajagrha-Girivrajas, the eastern city was sometimes
called "Rajagrha of the Magadhaa " (S.B.E., XHI, p.
150). A third Rajagjrba is mentioned by Yuan Chwang
(Beal, Si-t/u-fct, I, p. 44) as a city of Po-lo, i.e., Balkh.
Jain writers mention a Kekaya city called Setaviya and say
that one-half of the Kekaya kingdom was Aryan (Ind. Ant.,
1891, p. 375). See Raychaudhuri, loc. cit.
The Chandogya Upanisat (V, II, 5) tells a story about
A6vapati, king of Kekaya, who realised the supreme truth
and IR reported to have once said, " In my janapada, there
is no thief, no villain, no drunkard, no Brahmana who does
not maintain and consecrate sacred fire in his house, no
illiterate person, no adulterer and therefore no adultress."
According to the Satapatha-brahmana (X, 6, 1,2) and
Chandogya Upanisat (loc. cit., et seq.), Agvapati, a con-
temporary of king Janaka of Videha, instructed a number
of Brahmanas. It is known from the Rdmayana that
DaSaratha, the Iksvaku king of Ayodhya, married a Kekaya
princess by whom he got a son, named Bharata. It may
not be quite impossible that Agvapati was the name of a
family of Kekaya kings and not the name of any particular
ruler of Kekaya. A similar instance seems to be found in
the name of the ancient Brahmadattas of Ka*i. That
Brahmadatta was the name of a family and not that of a
particular king has already been proved (Bhandarkar,
Carmichael Lectures, 1918, p. 56 ; Raychaudhuri, op. cit.,
pp. 45-46). It is interesting to note that a traditional
king (father of the celebrated Savitri) of the Madras who
dwelt near the Kekaya country, on the western bank of the
river Iravatl (Mahabha., VIII, 44, 17), was also named
ASvapati. We do not know whether he actually belonged
to the family of the Kekaya kings.
Inscriptions prove the existence of a ruling dynasty
called Kekaya or Kaikeya in the Cbitaldrug district of
Mysore. It has been supposed that the Kekayaa migrated
to the south like the Ik?vakus, Sibis and other north Indian
tribes or families. The southern Kekayas are known to
have belonged to the itreya gotra and the Soma-vaip$a
(lunar race). We have seen that, according to the Puranas,
the Kekayas belonged to the family of Anu, son of the
celebrated Yayati. According to the Mahabharata (I, 95,
7), Yayati was a king of the lunar race. Yayati, son of
Nahu$a, is mentioned in early texts like the ftgveda (I, 31,
17 ; X, 63, 1). The Kekayas who belonged to the family
of Yayati-Nahu^ya's son, therefore, could rightly claim to
have belonged to the Soma-vamSa. According to the
Puranas (e.g., Vayu, 26, 18-20), Soma (i.e., mooa) was
boru of Anasuya by Atri, one of the principal gotrakarins.
The pravaras of the Atreya gotra are Atri, Atreya and
Satatapa. The Kekayas who claimed to have belonged
to the family of Anu should properly belong either to the
Atri or to the Atreya gotra.
According to the Ramayanic tradition, the Kekayas of
Girivraja were matrimonially connected with the Iks vak us
of Ayodhya. It is interesting to note that the family of
the southern Kekayas has also been described as iksvakubhir
=api rajarsibhih krt-avaha-vivaha. 1 This fact goes to show
that the princes and princesses of the southern Kekaya
family were married in the house of the Iksvakus. This
Ikgvaku family however seems to be the same as that to which
the great kings Camtamula I, his son Virapurisadata and
grandson BhuvulaCamtamula II belonged. These kings ruled
in the Kistna-Guntur region of the Madras Presidency in the
second, third and fourth quarters ol the third century and
are known to have had matrimonial relations with the kings
pf Ujjayini and of Banavfcsl. The reference to the Iksvfiku
in a Kekaya record of about the middle of the fifth
son's marriage, while vivaha meaos the marriage of a daughter.
These two terms occur in Bock Edict IX of Afoka. See Dlghanik&ya, I, & ; /****,
1,408, ; IV, 816 # * ; VI, 71, 88 ; also Oowell'* teanalrtkw of Jofcfl, V, p. 145, not* 1.",
316 SUCCESSOHS OF THE SSTAVlHANAS
century seems to suggest that the dynasty did not come to
an end with the conquest of Andhrapatha by the Pallavas of
KaficI about the end of the third century. For the Iksvakus,
see above, p. 9 ff.
Besides the Kekaya record discovered at Anaji in the
Davanegere taluka of the Chitaldrug district, there are other
inscriptions which prove the existence of the Kekayas in the
Mysore region about the middle of the fifth century and
possibly also in the eighth. IntheBannahalli grant (Ep. Ind.,
VI, p. 16) of Kadamba Krsnavarman II, the king's grand-
father Visnuvarman, eldest son of Krsnavarman I, has been
described as kaikeya-sutayam utpanna. As we have seen,
Krsnavarman I who married in the family of the Kekayas
possibly ruled about the middle of the fifth century. In
another Kadamba record (Mys. Arch. Surv., A. R., 1911,
pp c3,35),QueenPrabhavati, wife of MrgeiSavarma-Dbarma-
maharaja and mother of Ravivarma-Dharmamaharaja, has
been described as kaikeya-mahakula-prasuta. We have seen
that Kadamba Mrge^avarmari possibly began to rule in A. D.
470. The Kekayas are known to have had matrimonial rela-
tions not only with the Iksvakus and the Kadambas, but also
with the Pallavas. A Pallava chief designated Vikramaditya-
Satya^raya-Prthivivallabha-Pallavaraja-Gopaladeva who was
the son of Candamahasena and the lord of Payvegundupura
has been described as kaikeya-vam$-odbhav-oddhata-purusa
in the Haldipur plates (Ep. Ind., XXI, p. 173 ff.) which
have been palaeographically assigned to the eighth century
A. D. The passage kaikeya-vam-odbhava has been taken
to indicate thnt Pallava Gopaladeva was connected with the
Kekaya or Kaikeya family probably on his mother's side.
The Anaji stone inscription (Ep. Cam., XI, p. 142)
belongs to a Kekaya chief, named Sivanandavarman, who is
described as belonging to the Kekaya family, Soma race
and itreya gotra. He was a parama-mdhe6vara and was
devoted to his parents, and his family was connected
SlVANANDAVAKMAN 317
matrimonially with the saintly kings of the Iksvaku family.
The record refers to the loss of Sivanandavarman's own
country and to a tumultuous battle fought between Nanak-
kasa (?) Pallavaraja and Krsnavarmaraja, and says that
after the defeat of Krsnaraja's army, the Kekaya chief, with
a sense of relief in his heart, made up his mind, lay on a
bed of darbha grass and being unwilling to enjoy worldly
pleasures became desirous of going to heaven. 1 Sivananda-
varman is then said to have approached that position which
is desired by all valiant men, and thereby spread the
prosperity of his own family to last as long as the moon
and the stars endure. 2 Even after going near that position,
he performed some meritorious deeds with the idea tli it a
man dwells in heaven so long as his glory is remembered
on the earth. 8 The stone appears to have been engraved
after the death of Siyanandavarman.
The inscription has been differently interpreted. Some
scholars think (see Sewell, List, p. 352) that Sivananda-
varman was a son of Kadamba Krsnavarman I and
that be turned an ascetic. The first part of the theory
is impossible in view of the fact that Sivanandavar-
man has been described as belonging not to the Kadamba
family of the Manavya or Angirasa gotra, but to the Kekaya
.family which belonged to the Soma vam6a and the Atreya
gotra. The second part of the theory is also rendered
1 Sivanandavarma sva-defasya ksaye nanakkasa (?) pallavaraja-k^navaTmrnard-
jayolj samara tumulini(?) pratjtte kfmaraja-sainye bhagne pratamita-hrdaya
saMeatpita-safikalpafy tyta darbha-tvyanal} pavitrarp abhyavdfiarayama^ah cira-kal-
avastUyinirp kirttirp abhilajan Sruti smrti-vihita-fila-guv-gmanab (?) mantttya-
bhoga-virakta<manfa-8varg-avapti-krt-ekava1i indraloka-sukhaw ak&mayata. In place
of the paaaage kfaye nanakkfoa, Govind Pai is inclined to read kfayena nifkfaitdi.
If this Bogffestion is accepted, the name of the Pallava antagonist of Krffnavarroan I
is not yrt known.
tcawdr'tarakarp atmano vaipSasya parama-tivarn vitantan virya Saurya-
tikrama'pratopoir-vatah iaurya karmo-parawpora ttagha.vis'eianarviteiital}, sura-
gcm&n&rp abhimatarp abhigatah.
Abhigamy^&pi 9va-vaw6a-8th&paka>jana.punya-kannot* yukto
loke vicarati ttoantorp M0r& purui <% divi nivaiati pramudita-hrdaya tti.
318 StJCCESSOttB OP THE 8ITAVAHANA8
untenable by the fact that be is said to bave attained the
position which is desired by all valiant warriors, to have
prepared a bed of darbha and to have become desirous of
going to heaven. It seems to me that Sivanandavarman
became seriously wounded in the battle fought between the
Pallava king and king Krsnavarman and, apprehending
death, lay on a bed of darbha. It may be noticed that the
words avahara and avaharana (cf. the verb in abhyava-
harayamana) signify " cessation of fight " or " removing
from the battle-field to the camp." The desire of Siva-
nandavarman to go to heaven and to attain eternal fame
may suggest that he burnt himself to death.
It has been suggested by previous writers that Sivanan-
davarman 1 s heart was broken at the defeat of Krsnaraja's
army. The passage prafamita-hrdaya however seems to
suggest that the Kekaya chief's mind was relieved of anxiety
at the disastrous defeat of Krsnaraja who has been identified
with the Kadamba king Krsnavarman I. This fact appears
to prove that, in the battle referred to, Sivanandavarman
fought against Krsoavarman I. We have seen that though
Visnuvarman I, born of the Kekaya princess, was the eldest
son of Krsnavarman I, his claim to the throne was laid
aside and one of bis younger brothers, named Devavarman,
who was the favourite son of his father, was made YuvarSja,
i.e., heir to the throne. The fact that Visnuvarman was
installed by a Pallava king possibly suggests that he left his
father's court and removed to the court of a Pallava king.
It is interesting to note that the battle referred to in the
Anaji record was fought between Krsnavarman I and the
Pallavas. It is possible that Sivananda, the Kekaya
relative (maternal grandfather or uncle ?) of Visnuvarman,
fought in the battle for the Pallava allies of Vi$nuvarnaan
and against Krsnavarman I. Otherwise Sivananda being
pratamita'tirdaya at the defeat of Krsnaraja's army seems
to become
APPENDIX
YAVANA AND PIRASIKA 1
In an interesting paper on the question of Zoroastrian
influence on early Buddhism in Dr. Modi Memorial Volume
(Bombay, 1930), Dr. E. J. Thomas has offered some sugges-
tions regarding the interpretation of the term Yavana in
Indian inscriptions and literature. It is generally believed
that Yavana originally signified the Greeks, but later it was
used to mean all foreigners. Dr. Thomas however thinks it
to be "an unnecessary assumption that the term must have
first meant 'Greek' to the Indians" (p. 282) and takes it to
be unlikely "that Indians could have distinguished the
Yavanas from the Persians as specially Greek." "It is
more probable," he says, "that they learnt the name from
the Yavana forces with whom they came in contact, and
that they applied the name to all foreigners whose military
power was represented by these Yavanas, that is, to the
Persians generally" (pp. 282-83). Asa sequel to these
views of his, Dr. Thomas has been constrained to think that
Amtiyoka (=Antiokhus II Theos of Syria) has been called
Yona-raja (i.e., Yavana king) in the second and thirteenth
Bock Edicts of A6oka, because he was "the chief ruler of
what remained of the ancient Persian empire" (p. 282).
Dr. Thomas thus seems to think that the word Yavana, from
the earliest times, meant "foreigner," and not "Greek'*
specially, and that the Indians never distinguished the
1 This paper was originally published in Journ. Ind. Hist. t XIV, pp. 84-89.
41
328 8UOOB88OES OF THE SITAVIHANAS
Yavanas from the Persians. There is however evidence to
show that neither of these two suggestions is justifiable. 1
As regards the first point, we must note that the Persian
or any other foreign tribe is never known to have been
called Yavana in the early literature and records of India, 8 It
is, on the other hand, definitely known from a number of
instances that the term Yavana denoted the Greeks. Amti-
yoka's being called Yona-raja may be explained away, as he
was "the chief ruler of what remained of the ancient Persian
empire." But that Yavana meant "Greek" is perfectly
established by the evidence furnished by the Mahavarfisa,
-Milindapaftho and the Besnagar pillar inscription of Helio-
dorus.
Some gathas of the Mahavamsa (XXIX, verse 30 ff.)
give a list of countries and cities among which we get
Yonanagara-Alasanda (i.e., Alexandria, the city of the
Yavanas). Alasandahas been identified with Alexandria,
founded by Alexander the Great near Kabul (op. cit.,
Geiger's ed., p. 194). Alasanda= Alexandria can hardly be a
Persian town. According to the Milindapanho, Milinda
.who has been identified with the celebrated Indo-Greek king
Menander was born at Kalasigama in the dipa 8 of Alasanda.
1 Dr. D. B. Bhandarkar holds (Ind. Cult. I, pp. 16-17, 519 ff.) that " in early times
Yavana always denoted the Greeks, but from the second century A.D. onwards* it
seems to have been used to denote the Persians." As we shall see, this theory is
equally untenable. For the evidence of the Raghuvamta and the Junagadh inscription,
see below. The reference to the Yavanas in the seventh century work Harfa-carita
in connection with K&kavarna, eon of Sisuuaga, proves nothing.
1 It may be argued thit since Tu?ispa, who was Aloka's governor in Sura^r*,
had a Persian name, but has been called Yavana-r&ja in the Junagadh inscription
of Rudradftman (circa A.D 180-50), the word Yavana in this case means a Persian.
Name* however can hardly be taken as proof of nationality. V&sudeva, the name
assumed by a great Ku?&na king about the end of the second century A.D., is an
Indian name, but the Kug&na king's family was not certainly indigenous to India.
Many early Indian inscriptions, moreover, mention Yavanas bearing Hindu names, e.g.,
Yavana Catfida (-Candra) in Liiders, List, No. 1166.
1 Alasanda thus seems not to have been merely a city. Dipa (cf.
tppeaff to mean a district between two rivers..
APPENDIX YAVANA AND PXRABIKA 889
This Milinda = Menander is said to have had his capital &t
Sagala, modern Sialkot in the Punjab (I, 9 : jarfibudipe
s&galanagare milindo nama raja ahosi). Again in another'
passage, this Sagalanagara is said to have belonged to the
Yavanas (I, 2 : atthi Yonakanarfi nanHputabhedanaifi s&ga-
lan ndma nagarani). Next we should note that the Besna-
gar pillar inscription mentions a Yona-dttta (i.e., Yavana
envoy), named Heliodora (=Heliodorus), son of Diya
( = Dion), who was an inhabitant of Takhasila ( = Tak9a6ilR f
modern Taxila) and was sent by Maharaja Amtalikita
(=Antialkidas) to the court of the Sunga king Kautsiputra
(probably Kosiputa, not Kftslputa) Bhagabhadra (Kapson,
Ancient India, p. 157) who ruled about the middle of
the second century B.C. (Smith, E. Hist. Ind., 4th ed.,
p. 238, note). The Greek names of the Yona-duta and
his father as well as of the king who sent, him leave
no doubt that the word Yona ( Yavana) was used to
mean the Greeks. Amtalikita of the inscription is evidently
the Indo-Greek king, named Antialkidas, whose coins
with both Greek and Indian legends, have been discovered in
the Punjab (Smith, Catalogue, pp. 15-16). The possible
reference to Yavanaraja Dimita and his identification with
Demetrius may also be noticed (Ep.Ind., XX, p. 84, n. 31).
There is moreover evidence to show that the term Yavana
was borrowed by the Indians directly from their Persian
neighbours. The Persians became acquainted with the
Greeks chiefly through the Ionian colonists whom they
called Yauna (= Ionian). This term occurs in the inscrip-
tions of Darius in a wider sense to signify the Greeks or
people of Greek origin generally. The Persian word Yauna
was borrowed by the Indians. The Mah&bharata (XII,
207, 43), for example, has :
Uttarapatha-janm&nah klrtayisyami t&n
Yauna-karfiboja-gandh&rah kirata barbaraib saha>
824 StJCCfiSSOBS Otf THE SATAVIHANA8
Yavana is only a Sanskritised form of Yauna of which the
real Prakrit form is Yona. If the Indians learnt the use
of the word from the Persians, it is hardly reasonable to
suppose that they used it in an entirely different sense. It is
possible that from the time of the Persian occupation of
North- Western India (i.e., from the sixth century B.C.) and
probably from still earlier times 3 the people of that part of
India had commercial relation 2 with Persia. It may there-
fore be suggested that Indian merchants who visited the
bazaars of Persia for purposes of merchandise came into
contact with Greek merchants and called them Yauna in
imitation of the people of that country.
As regards the second supposition of Dr. Thomas, it
may be said that, in early Indian literature and records, the
Yavanas are not only distinguished from other foreign tribes,
but are mentioned side by side also with the Parasikas, i.e.,
the Persians. The Nasik inscription of Vasisthiputra
Pulumavi's nineteenth year mentions the Yavanas along
with the Sakas and the Palhavas who are said to have
been routed by the Satavahana king Gautamiputra
Satakarni (circa 107-31 A.D.). The Ramayana (I, 54, 21)
distinguishes the Yavanas from other foreign tribes in
passages like akan==yavana-miritan (i. e. } Sakas who had
the Yavanas with them). In the Puranas (e. g. 9 Vayu,
46, 105-21, see also 88, 122), the following foreign
1 Arriansays (Chinnock's ed., p. 399) that " the district west of the river Indus
as far as the river Cophen is inhabited by the AstaceoianB and the Assacenians,
Indian tribes. These were in ancient times subject to the Assyrians, afterwards
to the Medes, and finally they submitted to the Persians and paid tribute to Cyrus,
the son of Oambyses, as ruler of their land." Scholars like Ludwig, Hillebrandt
and Weber think that the Persians were known to the Indians as Partava as early
as the time of the fgveda. See Macdonell and Keith, Vedic Index, I, pp. 604-05
(par M and pp. 521-22 (parthava) ; see also Comb. Htst. Ind. t Vol. I, p. 822 and
notes.
* There seems to have been political relations as well. Indian soldiers in the
Persian army are known to have fought on Greek soil, while the Greeks too fought
for the Persians in Indb (Smith, E. Hist. Ind. t 4th ed., p. 40).
APPENDIX YAV ANA AND PARASIKA 826
tribes are said to have belonged to the Udlcya country :
(1) Yavana, (2) Saka, (3) Darada, (4) Tuara and
(5) Palhava. According to the Mahabharata (V, 19), the
Kfimboja king Sudaksina marshalled Yavana and Saka
forces at the great battle of Kuruksetra. In works like the
Mahabharata (VI, 9), moreover, the Yavanas (Greeks) and
the Parasikas (Persians) are separately mentioned as peoples
living in the Udicya-dega. Cf.
yavanacina-kamboja daruna mleccha-jatayah,
sakrdgrahah kulattha = ca hunah parasikaih saha.
Eapson says (Ancient India, p. 86) that the word Yavana
denoted the Greeks " in the Indian literature and inscrip-
tions of the last three centuries before and the first two
centuries after the Christian era." The latest extremity
however must be pushed at least up to the age of Kalidasa
who is generally supposed to have lived in the 4th century
A.D. and to that of Vi&ikhadatta who lived still later.
It is generally believed that, while describing Eaghu's
victorious campaign in the western countries, Kalidasa
identifies the Yavanas with the Parasikas. This belief is
based on a wrong interpretation of verses 60-64 of Kalidasa's
Raghuvarrita, Canto IV, where, as a matter of fact, the
post clearly distinguishes the country of the Parasikas from
that of the Yavanas. In verse 60, Eaghu is said to have
started from the Aparanta (Northern Konkan) and to have
gone by the sthala-vartma (land-route) to conquer the Para-
sikas. The king had a strong navy 1 and could have easily
sailed from the Aparanta coast to the Persian shore. Why,
then, did he go by the land-route ? The answer is to be
found in the next verse wherein we are told that Eaghu was
jealous, as it were, of the merry-making of the Yavana
girls. The host of Eaghu' s army is here very happily
l Cf. verse 86, which describes Raghu's fight with the VaAga*.
386 80CCES80&8 OF TfiE SI'TAVlHANAS
compared with a-kala-jalad-odaya. Verse 61 thus clearly
suggests that in going to Persia from the Northern Konkan,
Raghu had to cross the country of the Yavanas with whom
he bad no mind to fight. 1 Just as clouds temporarily
prevent the lotuses from enjoying the sun, Baghu with
bis large army passed through the Yavana country frighten-
ing the Yavana girls and causing temporary cessation of
their merry-making. 1 The case of the Yavana girls may
be compared with that of the Kerala women who
were running this way and that way in extreme fright
when, starting from the Pandya country, Baghu was
marching through Kerala with a view to conquering the
Aparanta.
In the passage asti tavac~chaka-yavana*kir&ta-kamboja-
p&rasika-bahlika-prabhrtib of the Mudrar8,k$asa, Act II,
ViSakhadatta also distinguishes the Yavanas from the
Parasikas. 8
1 Of. verses 88 and 54, which describe Raghu's march through Utkala and Kerala
without; fighting with the inhabitants of those countries. It may be supposed
that these countries were ruled not by independent kings bat by feudatory
rulers.
1 I am indebted for the suggestion to Prof. H. C. Raychaudhuri. Baghu did
not fight with the Yavanas, but was going through their ountry to fight with
the Parasikas who lived further west (cf. pafotltyaih in verse 62). But the very
appearance of his large army in the Yavana country was sufficient to cause terror in
the hearts of the inhabitants. The poet says that Batfhn oonJd have avoided this,
but as he wanted jealously, as it were, to put a stop to the merry-making of the
Yavanfc, he purposely preferred the land-route. In interpreting verses 59-65 of the
RotfwvainJa, IV, V. Venkayya also separated the Yavanas from the Pftrasfkas,
For bis interpretation, see Arch. Surv. Ind., A. R., 1906-07, p. 218, note 1. See also
Bnhler, Indian Inscriptions and the Antiquity of Indian Artificial Poetry (p. 40) in
Ind. Ant., 1918.
1 I am indebted for this reference to Prof. Raychaudhuri. In the Brhatsaiphit*
(XXV, 17-18), Varthamihira mentions the Paralavas along with the flfldras, Yavanas,
AxBtastfaM, Eambojas and Smdhusaavlras. It is not impossible that Partsava her*
signifies the Persians. Vftkpati (8th century A.D ), author of QaU4o>vaho t mentions
the Parasikas in the list of peoples conquered by his master and hero, Yasovarman of
Kaaauj (Bolder, toe. c#.).
APPENDIX YAVANA AND PiRASIKA 88?
Evidence thus shows that the Yavanas were generally
distinguished from the Persians and other foreign tribes by
the Indians in ancient times even as late as the sixth
century A.D. and that therefore the Persians and Yavanas
were not identical.
II
ALLURU INSCRIPTION
In the year 1924, Mr. N. Lakshminarayana Eao dis-
covered at Alluru (Nandigrama taluka of the Kistna
district), five miles from Yerrupalem, on the Bezwada-
Hyderabad Railway line, an old Brahml inscription and
the remains of an old Buddhist stupa, at about two furlongs
to the west of the village. A facsimile of the inscription
(No. 331 of 1924), along with a short note on it, was
published in the Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy
for the year ending 31st March, 1924. The inscription was
afterwards edited by Dr. B. Shamasastry in the Calcutta
Review for July, 1925. According to the transcript published
in the Review the epigraph refers to jayadharma (line 2), and
caradharma (line 5), and to Sana, king of the Ayis (lines
16-17), who is supposed to have been the grantor of some
gifts. The Report rightly says that the inscription may be
pal8BOgraphically assigned to the 2nd century A.D. If,
then, Dr. Shamasastry 's reading and interpretation be
correct^ a king called Sana ruled over some parts, at least,
of the Kistna district about that period, i.e., some time
before the age of Jayavarman Brhatphalayana.
It will, however, be seen from the facsimile that the
transcript published in the Calcutta Review is faulty in many
places,, and that the words read as jayadhama and caradhama
there, are clearly deyadhama (pious gift) and ca-ra-the-ma
respectively. Here, however, we shall only examine the
passage where the name of the king has been read.
The Alluru inscription is very important from the
palseographical point of view. Though it is a fragment,
all the letters that have been preserved are perfectly legible ;
and an interesting point is that in lines 7 and 13 we
have a peculiar form D^j]. This figure has been taken
to be w in both the Report and the Review,
APPENDIX ALLURU INSCRIPTION 399
According to the Report, the inscription records the gift
of " a certain Mahatalavara accompanied by his wife, son
and daughter-in-law. Evidently the Report reads in line
16 : sabhariyasa saputakasa sanasakasa and finds in the last
word a Prakrit corruption of the Sanskrit word snusa
(daughter-in-law). * In the transcript of the Calcutta
Review, the last word of the passage has been read as
sanasa kaia (made by Sana). The letter after ka is certain-
ly sa ; but the letter after sana is that interesting figure we
have referred to above.
I have no doubt that the letter which has been read as
sa, is anything but that. The letter sa occurs many times
in the inscription and in all cases the right side of the letter
is prolonged upward to about the same height as that of the
left side [ ^J ]. It is clear that this form of sa, with the
right side considerably raised upward, has been purposely
used by the scribe to avoid a confusion between this letter
and the sa-like form already referred to which occurs twice
in the inscription. There can hardly be any doubt that the
sa-like form is to be read as tu. It is certainly the original
form from which the forms gf ( tu), Q(=tu), etc., of later
inscriptions were developed. I, therefore, read line 16 of
the Alluru inscription as eta salhariyasa saputakasa sana-
tukasa. In the last word, then we get naptr (grandson) and
not snu?a (daughter-in-law), and the word really means
" accompanied by (his) grandson " and not " accompanied
by his daughter-in-law." From what has been said, it is
clear that there is not the slightest reference to any person
named Sana in line 16 of the AlJuru inscription. 2 As
regards the passage ayirana (line 17), interpreted as " the
1 In such a case, however, the passage is required to have been 8o-8(ma8oka t liktr
tchputaka and sa-bh&nya.
1 It muit be noted that in the line 7, where also this form of tu occur*, the word
his been read in the Calcutta Review as casavisa and has been translated aa N twenty*
is." I do not know how the word casavisa means twenty-si*. Toe word is cartainly
cttvvisa, thai if, twenty-four.
380 SUCCESSORS OF THE SiTAViHANAS
king of the Ayis/ ' it may be left out without any serious
consideration. The line (line 17) ayiraya puvaseliyana
nigayasa should certainly be aryanarri purva6aillyanam
nikayasya in Sanskrit. Cf. ay irahamgha = Sanskrit arya-
sanigha in the Nagarjunikonda inscriptions.
Though it does not mention the name of any king, the
Alluru inscription is important to the student of the history
of South Indian Buddhism. It records the gift of lands and
some other things to the nikaya of the purvafaitiya
ftryas. Purvaaila or Purvatila has been mentioned by the
Chinese pilgrim Yuan Chwang as Fu-p'o-shih-lo (Waiters,
On Yuan Chwang 9 s Travels in India, II, 214), and in the
inscription F. of Nagarjunikonda ssPuvasela (Ep.Ind., XX,
p. 22). The grantor of the gifts is a certain Mahatalavara
which word, as we have already seen, occurs several times
in the Nagarjunikonda inscriptions and probably means
" a governor." The gifts appear to be in the shape of some
nivartanas 1 of land, cows (gavi), bullocks and carts (balivadha-
sakata), men-servants and women-servants (dasi-dasa) , lamps
(divikayo), 2 pans (kubhi-kataha) , iron-vessels (lohiyo*
Sanskrit lohika), vessels made of bell-metal (kasasa bhayana),
etc., etc. There are also references to the dedication
of a talaka (pond), of karsapanas and of an aksaya-nlvi (per-
manent endowment) of a thousand puranas (purana-sahasa).
1 According to Kautilya's Arthatastra, II , 20, one nivartana appears to have beeo
240 x 240 square cubits '2*975 acres). According to a commentator of the Arthatastra,
however, it was 120 x 120 square cubits ('748 acre) only. Whereas the dan$a (rod) is
equal to 8 cubits according to Kau^ilya, u is equal only to 4 cubits according to tde
commentator. It may be conjectured that the measuring rod was 8 cubits long in
some parts of ancient India, while in other parts it was only 4 cubits long. Measuring
rods are not uniform in all the provinces or districts of India even at tie present day*
Note also that a Bombay bighd, (3925 sq. yds.) is equal to about 2} Bengal btghas
(1 Bengal faglna** 1600 aq.. yds.) at the present time. The longer rod may also have
been used for special measurements (see above, p. 186 D.).
For dantfa= 6 ft. (4 cubits), see Fleet's note at p. 541 of the English translation
of the Artliatastra (1st ed.), by Shamusastry.
s The passage is vadalabhikarokarofayo ya[na]lx>"divik(iyo. Some time ago, Mr.
K. N. Dikshit informed me that it has been explained as " lamps of the shape of tip
mouth of a vad&la fish, manufactured by the Yavanas,*'
Ill
PEDDAVEGI GRANT OF NANDIVARMAN II
The Peddavegi plates appear to be in an excellent state
of preservation. All the characters are perfectly legible.
These plates were edited in Journ. Andhra Hist. Res.
Soc., I, p. 92 ff. My reading is based on the excellent
plates published there.
Text
1st Plate : 2nd Side
L. 1. Svasti [||*] Vijaya-Venglpuran = naika- 1
samar-avapta-vijayino 2
L 2. I. Hastivarinma-maharajasya prapautrah a vividha-
-dharmma-
L. 3. pradhanasya Nandivarmma-maharajasya pautrah
2nd Plate : 1st Side
L. 4. pratap-opanata-samantasya 4 Candavarmma-
maharaja 5 -
L. 5. II. sya putro jyethali bhagavac-Citrarathasvami-
L. 6. pad-anudhyato bappa-bhattaraka-pada-bhaktah
2nd Plate : 2nd Side
L. 7 . parama-bhagavataS == Salankayano Maharaja- 7
gri 8 -Nandi-
1 Readd=ane*o. 5 Read rfi/6f.
2 Readvtjat/a^a. 6 Bead rt*o.
3 Read'tro. 7
8
SUCCESSORS OF THE SiTAVlEUNAS
L. 8. varmma Pralura-grame Mutu4a-sahit5n=gra-
meya-
L. 9. kan = samajfiapayati 1 [||*] Asti 2 asmad-
dharmma-ya6o- 'bbi-
3rd Plate : 1st Side
L. 10. vrddhy-arthan = triloka-nathasya Visnugrhasv5-
mina [h] Aru- 8
L. 11. III. tore vraja-palakanam kra stum devahalaft = krtva 4
L. 12. asmabhir = bhumi-mvarttanani da^a X tath =
aiva
3rd Plate : 2nd Side
L. 13. Mundura-grame bhumi-nivarttanani da^a X
Cenceru-
L. 14. va-grame bhumi-nivarttanani sat VI tath = ai-
L. 15. va Kamburaficeruve bhuini-nivarttanani ?at VI
4th Plate : 1st Side
L. 16. dettani 5 [||*] Tad = avagamya deSadhipaty-
ayuktaka-valla-
L. 17. IV. bha-rajapurus-adibhi/i = pariharttavyani ||
L. 18. Pravarddhamana-vijaya-rajya-samvatsarasya da-
-fe-
4th Plate : 2nd Side
L. 19. masya X Sravana-masa-6ukla-pakasya Pratipa-
L. 20. di pattika datta [||] Ajfiaptir e -Mulakura-
bhojaka[h||]
L. 21. Likhitam rahasyadhikrtena Katikurina [||*]
< Bead M-
8 4rfi'ii superfluous. B Bead d att&ni.
Readtio>%
PEDDAVKGH GBANT 388
5th Plate: 1st Side
L 22. Bahubhirv=vasudha datta bahubhi^=c=
anupaiita [ i]
L. 23. V. Yasya yasya yada bhumi x tasya tasya
tadaphalam 8 [||*]
L. 24. ^ti-var^a-sabasrani svarge kri<Jati
bbumidah [ I*]
5th Plate : 2nd Side
L. 25. Ak^epta c abhimanta ca tany = eva narake
vased=itih 8 [||]
1 Read tfcfiww-. * Bead phalam. BdM.
IV
POLAMURU GRANT OF MIDHAVAVARMAN I
The Polamuru grant of Madhavavarman I was edited
by E. Subba Kao in Journ. Andhra Hist. Res. Soc., VI,
p. 17 f . But his reading does not seem to me quite accurate
in all places. Mr. Subba Rao, moreover, did not notice
the numerous mistakes in the composition of the
record. His translation is also not satisfactory. The
passage visnukondinam = appratihata-asana has been tran-
slated as " whose edicts pass unchallenged with the name
of Vishnukundi," daaata-sakala-dharanltala-mrapatir =
avasita-vividha-divya as "who subdued the kings of the
whole earth of ten hundred villages," parama-brahmanya
as "who is the best Brahman," taittiriyaka-sabrahmachari
as f who is the true Brahmachari of the Taittirika branch, ' -
etc., etc. It may also be pointed out that LI. 29-34
have been translated as " The executors of this grant are
Hastiko^a and VlrakoSa who are great warriors and whose
duty it is to protect the grant." I fail to find any connec-
tion between LI. 29-34 and Mr. Subba Rao's transla-
tion.
My reading is based on the facsimile published along
with Mr. Subba Rao's paper in Journ. "Andhra Hist. Res.
Soc. 9 VI.
Text
1st Plate : 2nd Side
L. 1. Svasti [|1*] BhagavatMriparvatasvami-pad-anti-
dhyatasya Visnuko[ndina]m appra-
1 Read Bhagavac-Chrl .
APPENDIX POLAMDEU GRANT I 336
L. 2. tihata-6asanasya sva-pratap-opanata-samanta-ma-
nu japati-mandala [sya]
L. 3. I. virahita-ripu-sad-vargasya vidh ^imdu-pavitra-
trivargasya vibudha-pati-sa[ddhya ?]-
L. 4. sara-vira 2 -vibhava-bala-parakramasya 8 6rI-Vikra-
mahendrasya suno 4 aneka-
L. 5. samara- [sain] ghatta-vijayina[h]para-narapati-ma
[ku]ta-mani-mayukh 6 -avadata-ca-
L. 6. [ra*] na-yugalasya Vikrama^rayasyasri-Govinda-
varmanah priya-tanayah atula-
L. 7. [ba*] la-para [kra] ma-ya^o-dana-vinaya-sapa 7 -
[nno] dato^ata-sakala-dharanitala-Dara-
2nd Plate : 1st Side
L. 8. patir = avasi [ta-vi] vidha-divyas = Tri varana-
gara-bhavana-gata-yuvati 8 -jana-vi-
L. 9, harana-ratir = annanya 9 -nrpati-sadharana-dana-
mana-daya-dama 10 -dhrti-
L. 10. mati-ksanti-kanti-gauriy u -audaryya-gabhiryya 12 -
prabhrty-aneka-guna-saippa-
L. 11. j-janita-raya-samutthita-bhumandala-vyapi-vipula-
ya^oh 13 kratu-sa-
1 Bead vidh'itydu* .
2 Bead sadhya and vira. Ddhya is not clear and the idea seems to be awkwardlj
expressed.
3 Bead *sya.
4 Bead *norane.
s Beadi/ti .
6 Bead >-ttt/a.
7 Bead sarppanno.
8 Subba Bao reads yuvatt.
9 Bead *T=ananya.
!0 Subba Bao reads dharma.
11 Bead Saury.
11 Bead gaipbhtrya.
13 Bead yatah.
,886 SUCCESSORS Off THE SITAVIHANAS
La 12. hasra-yaj! Hira^yagarbha-prasutah 1 ek*da-?a~
medh-avabhrtha-snana-vi-
L. 13. gata-jagad-enaskah sarva-bhuta-pariraksana-cu-
flouh 2 vidva-dvija 8 -guru-vri 4 -
L. 14. ddha-tap&svi-jan-Sgrayo mah&rajah 6ri-Madhava-
varma [||*] Api ca niyam 6 = au-
2nd Plate : 2nd Side
L. 15. ganasam sattvam kateavam ka[nti]m=ainda-
vim 8 udvahann urubha[h] bhati vikram-
ada 7 -
L. 16. pta-bhuri-bhuh 8 apy=asau 9 mahltala-nrpati-bha-
skarah [||*] Parama-brahmanyo
L. 17. mata-pitru 10 -pad-anudyatah n Jana&aya-mahara-
jah w Guddavadi 18 -visa-
L. 18. II. yye 14 visaya-mahSttaran 15 =adhikara-purusain^
- ca 16 imam = arttham a[jfia]pa-
L. 19. yaty=asti 17 vidi[ta]m = astu voyath = asma-
bhi[h] w Guddavadi- vi[sa] ye Da[Ji]ya-
1 Omit visarga.
9 Subba Bao reads cuncuh.
8 Read T~vidvad-dvi .
* Bead t>f .
6 Read nay am .
Bead B f>im-t<d .
7 lte&(lunibhar= bhati vikram-Svapta.
8 Read bhur = apy=asau.
9 Subba Bao reads asyasau.
10 Readpi/f.
11 Read 'dhyato.
H Beadrd/o.
W Bead Quddavadi. An. Rep. S. Ind. Ep. 9 1914, p. 10, reads
14 Bead vi$ayc.
Subba Bao reads %ar^ca. Bead Vc
^ttt is raperfluong.
ead 6Wf-Ott<Ma% See above f note |9 f
APPENDIX POLAMDRU GRANT I 387
L. 20. vavi-tire Pulo[bQ]ru-nama-gramah l Mayinda-
f vataki-dakinata-8i-
L. 21. mante catu 2 -nivarttanan=ca k^etrarp yugapat
pra[ttam] prSg-di-jigisaya prasthi-
3rd Plate : 1st Side
L. 22. tab Goaava[ri]in==atitaran 8 veda-vedamga-
vido Rudra6a[rmma]no naptre 4 sva-pitu-
L. 23. r=adbika-gun-adhyasi-tanoh c Dama^armmanah
putraya Siva^armmane Gauta-
L. 24. ma-sagotraya Karmmarastra-Kuniura-vastavya-
ya Taittirika 6 -sabra[hma]carine
L. 25. veda-catustaya-samamnat-avadat-ananaya sva-kar-
mm-anu 7 -
L. 26. thana-paraya phalgunyam 8 paurnamasya 9 soma-
rahu-sagraba-nimi [tte]
L. 27. Jana^raya-datya 10 - sarva-kara-pariharen = agraha-
ri n [kr] tya 12 samprattah [||*] Ta-
L. 28. tba bhavadbbir = anyaisca dbarm-adhiiSata 18
buddbibhib pari[pa]laniya 14 [||*] Na kai-
1 Tlie third letter jn the name of the village is not dear. An. Rep. S. Ind. Ep. t
1914, p. J.U, reads the Dame aa Puhmburu. To the grant of Jaya^iraha t t the name
is PuJobuijirfl Read 9 gramo**Mayi.
Bead dakfino-slm&nte catnr-niva .
Head prag-dig-jigi^ayd, prastlutath and taradbhih Subba Ruo reads taram.
Subba Rao naiis napptre.
Read 'dhyasita-tanor = Dama.
Read Taittinyaka.
Read karmm-anu*.
Subba Rao readn phalgunya.
Read paurnarn&syam.
Reud "dattya. Subba Hao .e.-U datlyani.
Ht-ad 9 hari.
Head 'krtya.
Read Vayifd .
Read p&lanlyah.
43
388 SUCCESSORS OP THE SITAVIHANAS
3rd Plate : 2nd Side
L. 29. 6cidv&dha karajilya [||*] Ajfiaptir^itra l
Hastikofia-Virakotou [||*] Maba-
L, 30. III. m&tra-yodhayos=teaiji a freyafe kirtir-idaip 8
mahat 4 [(] Ye-
L. 31. na fi lobbena lumpanti SvapakSs tegu 6 jayate 7
[||*] A[Dyftlya-
L. 32. Bamakale tu sthatavyam Saktitah pura [ |*]
Upek^ati
L. 33. punaryyatra 8 nara[ke] sa [nijmajjati [||*]
Ity = cvam ubhaya-
L. 34. ga?au sthikrlya 9 paripalayet [||*] Atra
Vyasa-gita 10 [61okah].
4th Plate : 1st Side
L. 35. [Ba]hubhir=va[su]dh5 datta bahubbi^ = c=
amipa[Ji]-
L. 36. *&[!*] Yasya yasya yada bbumi8=tasya tasya
tada phalaip n [|j*] Sva-da-
L. 37. tta" para-datt5m = va 18 yo hareti M vasun-
dharain 15 [|] 9a ? thi-va r L ri]sa lft - sahasra-
Bead *tt>*atra.
Kead V-foyo^.
Bead tyam.
Bead mahati.
Bead ca.
Bead tu.
Bead jayant*. though it doei not rait the line, which srems to be in the
anutfubh metre.
Bead yo *tra.
Head wifcfiya. But tie me anin^ of l he pa'sage is not clear.
^ Rad Vyfoa-giM.
11 Beadpfca/ont.
** Bead sta-datiM.
19 Bead 'dottiip vd.
14 B*ad forefa.
BeadVdm.
* Bead f atft-vart a.
GfcANT I 38
L. 38. ni viethayafi=jayate krmi[h||]*
vara-sahasrani
L. 39. svrage modati bhumidab [ | *] ikgetta 1 c
anumanta ca tany - eva naka s va-
L. 40. se[t] [||*] Na vi?a 4 vi?am = ity-ahuh 5
brahmasvam vi?am *=ucyate [ | * 1
L. 41. kaki[nam] ha[nti] brahma-svairi pu[tra]-
pautrikam c [ || *] Vijaya-rajya-saipvat-
sare[40] 7
See note 16 at p. 838.
Bead &k<epto.
Read narake.
Bead ri?a?i.
Bead 'HuT-bra*.
Bead 'kam.
The upper part of the symbol looks like 40, and the lower part like 8. 8*e
above, p. 104, note.
V
POLAMUEU GRANT OF JAYASIMHA I
These Plates have been edited in Journ. Andhra Hist.
Res. Soc., IV, p. 72 ff. and in Ep.Ind., XIX, p. 254 ff. My
transcript is prepared from the facsimile published in the
former.
Text
L. 1. Svasti [||*] Srl-vijaya-skandhaviirat l matr-
gana-pariraksitanam Manavya-sagotranam
L. 2. I. Haritl-putrapam 2 A^vamedha-yajinam Calu-
kyanam kula-jala nidbi-
L. 3. samutpanna-raja-ratnasya sakala-bhuvana-
mandala-mandita-kirttih 8 M-
L. -1. Kirttivarmmanab pautrah 4 aneka-samara-
samghatta vijayina[h] para-nara-
L. 5. pati-makuta-mani-mayukh-avadata-carana-
yugalasya 6rI-Visnuvardhana-
L. 6. maharajasya priya-tanayah pravardhamana-
pratap-opanata-samasta-
2nd Plate : 1st Side
L. 7. s[a]manta-ma[n]dalah sva-bahu-bala-par-
[akram-o]parjjita-sa[kala]-yato*
L. 8. vibhasita-dig-antarah sva-sakti-traya-trisul-
avabhinna-para-narapati-
1 Read O fan.mfit r *.
1 Read 'namfAtva*.
> Better read fort t eh.
4 Read *tro>='ne1ca.
L. 9.
L. 10.
L. 11.
L. 12.
L. 13.
L. 14.
L. 15.
L. 16.
L. 17.
L. 18.
At>PfiNDiX POLAMURU &RAtfT ll 34!
sakala-bala-cetanah l Brhaspatiriva nayajflo
Manur=iva vinaya-
jfiah 2 Yudhiijthira iva dharma-parayanah *
Arjuna-vad apara-nara-
patibhir = anabhilamghita-paurusyah 4 aneka-*
6astrarttha-tattvajfiah para-
ma-brahmanya 5 mata-pitr-pad-aimdh) atah
Sri-Pridbivi-Jayasiiigha -va-
2nd Plate : 2nd Side
llabha-maharajah 7 Guddavadi 8 -visaye visaya-
mahatta[ran=adbi] kara-pu-
ru^amg ca imam=arttham = ajnapayaty
asti 10 viditam = astu vo yath asmabhih u
II. Guddavadi-visraye Pulobumra-nnama 12 -gra-
mah 18 veda-vedamga-
vido Dama^armmanah pautraya sva-pitur =
adhika-guna-gan-adbi-
vasasya SivaSarmmanah putraya Taittirika
sahrahmacarine M veda-
dvay-alamkrta-^ariraya lfi Gautama-sagotraya
sva[ka]rmm 16 =a [
Bead -cetano.
Bead */no.
Bead fioV]
Bead 'fyo-i'firta.
Bead broHman|/o.
Bead Pfthivi-Jayasirpha.
Bead Va/o.
C/. da in Dcda-^edarjigo (1. 15).
Bead *QQifl wm c~cma* .
AstiiB superfluous.
M Bead'nfima*.
J > Bead *grdtno.
14 Bead taittiriyaka sabrahmacarine.
i Bead foriraya.
11 Bead karmm-onu*.
842 SUCCESSORS OF THE SitAVlHANAS
3rd Plate : 1st Side
L. 19. paraya purw-agrftharika '-Budra&rmmane *
=Asanapura-8thana-vastavySya
L. 20. dri-Sarwasiddhi-datyfi ' sarvva-kara-parihareij.
= agraharikrtya samprattab [||*]
L. 21. Tatha bhavadbhir=anyais=sca dharmmadbi-
SataMrnddhibhih paripalamyah [|*]
L. 22. Nakai~cid=vadba karaniya [||*] ijfiap-
tir - atra Hastikofo-Virakofo ' [||] Bya 6 -
L. 23. sa-gitah Bahubhirv = vasudha datta bahu-
bhi6c = anupalita [j*] Yasya yasya.
L. 24. yada bhumis tasya tasya tada pbalam=iti
[||*] Sam||5 | gi 8 | di 8
1 Bead ptrvv'&gra*.
1 Bead tw-'
3 Beadfbtty*
1 Bead Vyfoa. The word ilokah leerot to be left oat after gltth.
7 The date was originally read in An. Rep. 8. Ind. Ep. 9 1914, p. 10, ai year
, [/u] di 6 (Sunday). Subba Bao reads saw *. which ia certainly wrong. M. 8.
Barma reads 5 gi(grl ?) 8 di 7 (Journ. Andhra. Hist. Res. Soc. t V, p. 168). I agree
with Mr. Barma eicept in the case of the last figure, which appears to me to be
certainly 8. Cf. the symbol for 8 in 1. 80 of the Polamurn grant of Mftdhavavarman I.
Cf. also Bfthler'i Indisch* Palatographie, Tafel IX, col. T iii. The date thus appears
to be zpressed in the old fashion. 8te above, p. 180 n.
VI
IMPORTANCE OF THE A^VAMEDHA
In a note in Ind. Cult., I, pp. H4-115, it has been
suggested that since Madhavavarman I Vinukun<Jin and
Pravarasena I V&kataka have been called simply Maharaja
(not MahHrajadhirdja) in the inscriptions, they are to be
taken as petty feudatory chiefs even though they performed
the Advamedha. In support of this theory, Dr. D. E.
Bhandarkar says that "even a feudatory chieftain can per-
form a horse-sacrifice " (ibid., p. 115) and that the A6va-
medha "mayor may not be preceded by a dig-vijaya"
(p. 116). These theories however are not only against the
evidence of the Sruti literature, but also go against the
evidence of the inscriptions of these kings.
In inscriptions, Pravarsena I has been called samrUt
which never signifies a subordinate chieftain (c/., samr&fljo]
vakatakanarp, maharG,ja~&rl-Pravarasenasya, etc., in the Bala-
ghat plates ; Ep, Ind., IX, p. 270, 1. 4; also the Chammak
plates ; Corp. Ins. Ind., Ill, p. 235). l That Madhavavar-
man I was not incapable of dig-vijaya is proved by a refer-
ence to his expedition for conquering the eastern countries
in the Polamaru grant (Journ. Andhra Hist. Res. Soc., VI,
p. 17 ; above, p. 131). MahHrajadhiraja, based on rdjdtirQja,
etc., of the Scytho-Kusanas, was in early times not very often
1 A critic of .my tiews has tried to explain the passage amrd((/o)
' an mere overlord of the V&kafakas " (Ind. Cult., I, p. 705). There ii however a
number of instances (e.g., in the early Pal lava, and Eidamba grants) which prove
beyond doubt that v&k&taktnd* here means " of (I.e., belonging to) the Vikafaka
family.*' Another critic takes (ibid., H, pp. 54-55) tamrat vtk&tdkanam to be one
word in composition and point* out that the passage has been used only in connection
with the name of Pniwasena I which fact, h thinks, shows that the Vikfttaka* lost
their original imperial position after the time of that king. This interpretation however
up ports oar view that Pravarasena I Vftkafaka was a *amr*(. The Dadia plates
(Ep. Ind., m, p. 260 and n. 7), it should be noted, read samratah which, *coordfaf to
iejnoro, is apparently a mistake
344 SUCCESSORS OP THE SATAViHANAS
used in South India. The Eadamba king Krijnavarman
I who performed the ASvamedha sacrifice ruled over the
Kuntala country about the middle of the 5th century A.D.
In inscriptions, he is simply styled Dbarma-AfaJifiraja not
Dbbimb-Maharajadhiraja like Pallava Sivaskandavarman and
others. The Devagiri grant (Ind. Ant., VII, p. 34) however
calls him ek-atapatra, "possessor of the sole umbrella,"
which, as scholars have suggested (Moraes, Kadambakula,
p. 39 n), "is indicative of universal sovereignty/ 1 A
subordinate king can hardly be called ekatapatra. The
Birur grant (Ep. Cam., VI, p. 91) moreover calls him
dakinapatha-vasumatl-vasupati, " lord of the riches of the
land of Daksinapatha," which " clearly shows that Krsna-
varman I claimed a sort of suzerainty over the whole of the
Deccan." See above, p. 222, and Journ. Ind. Hist.,
XV, p. 305 ; also my paper on Kadamba Kr^a-
varman I in An. Bhand. Or. Res. Inst., XVI, p. 160 if.
Note also that the Malavalli record (Ep. Cam., VII, Sk.
264) describes an Early Kadatnba king as kadambanam raja,
but also as vaijayantl-dhamma-maharajadhiraja* The Penu-
konda plates (Ep. Ind., XIV, p. 331) mention the Ganga
feudatory named Madhava-Ma/zadfetra/a and his Pallava
overlord Skandavarma-Maft4raja. For Maharaja Varaha-
siqiha, general of Raja Aparajita, see the Nagda record
(ibid., IV, p. 31).
Keith has pointed out that the A Gained ha " is an old
and famous rite, which kings alone can bring, to increase
their realms" (Rel. Phil Ved. Upanis., p. 343). The
Baudhayana Srauta Sutra (XV, 1) says that a king victorious
and of all the land should perform this sacrifice. According
to the Taittirlya Br. (Ill, 8. 9. 4), " he is poured aside who
being weak offers the Asvamedha," and again (V, 4. 12.3),
" it is essentially, like the fire offering, an utsanna-yajfia, a
sacrifice of great extent and elaboration/ 9 See Keith, Black
9 pp. cxxxii-iv. According to the Apastamba Srauta $.
APPENDIX IMPOBTANCE OP THE ASVAMEDHA 845
(XX, 1.1), l a universal (sarvabhauma) king can perform the
ASvamedha, but not (n flpi) 2 an un-universal (a-sarvabhauma)
king. It is clear from these statements that a subordinate
ruler could never celebrate the Agvamedha. A performer of
the Agvamedha may not have been a ruler of the earth from
North Pole to South Pole or of India from the Himalaya
to the Kumarika ; but he must have been an independent
ruler of a considerable portion of India.
An essential feature of the Agvamedha, besides the actual
slaying of the horse, is that about the completion of the
performance, at the bidding of the Adhvaryu " a lute-player,
a Rajanya, sings to the lute three Gathas, verses, made by
himself which refer to victories in battle connected with the
sacrifice " (Keith, Rel. Phil. Ved. Upanis., p. 344). Fur-
ther, "As revealed in the later texts, the sacrifice is
essentially one of the princely greatness. The steed for a
year roams under guardianship of a hundred princes, a hun-
dred nobles with swords, a hundred sons of heralds and
charioteers bearing quivers and arrows, and a hundred sons
of attendants and charioteers bearing staves " (Sat. Br.,
XIII, 4. 2. 5 ; Baudh. Sr. S., XV, 1). See Black Yajus,
loc. cit. To manage these requirements is simply impossible
for a subordinate chief.
Moreover, that the progress of the A^vamedha was some-
times impeded when other kings challenged one's authority
to perform the sacrifice, is not only proved from the early
cases referred to in Sat. Br. (XIH, 5. 3. 21-22) and
* See tiabdakalpadruma-parititfa (Hitnbadi Office, Calcutta), s. v.
Atvamedha.
* In place of n- apt there is an alternate reading apt, which is a later inter-
polation according to Keith (Black Yajus, p. cxxxii). The interpolation seems to show
that asarvabhauma (-not master of all the land) kings could alao perform the
AfSvamedba. The word asarvabhauma however never means a feudatory. The
alternative reading only shows that in later times kings who were powerful but who
did not claim to be ruler of the earth (i.e., the major portion of the country) did alao
perform the As" vamedha. It must however be noticed; that the alternate reading goes
against all the old texts quoted above,
44
346 SUCCESSOBS OF THE SATAVIHANAS
Mah&bha. (XIV, 74-84), but is also proved by a tradition
recorded in such a late work as Kalidasa's Malavikagnimitra
(Act V). It is stated that Pusyamitra Sunga's sacrificial
horse was let loose to roam for a year at its own will
under the guardianship of his grandson Vasumitra who
was attended by a hundred princes and brought the horse
back after defeating the Yavanas as the horse perchance
reached the southern bank of the Sindhu (i.e., the Indus)
and was captured by the Yavana horsemen. That the
ASvamedha could not be performed without some sort
of dig-vijaya is further conclusively proved by an eighth
century inscription of the Pallavas. The Udayendiram
grant No. 2 (Ind. Ant., VIII, p. 273) records that
Ud^yacandra, general of Nandivarma-Pallavamalla, defeated
the Nisada king Prthivlvyaghra who was accompanying an
afoamedha-turahgama, i.e., horse let loose in connection with
a horse-sacrifice. This instance proves beyond doubt that
the essential features of the ASvamedba hardly changed even
as late as the 8th century A.D. The famous poet Bhava-
bhuti who flourished in the same century also recognises the
above characteristic when he refers to the sacrifice as a$va-
medha iti vi$vajayinam ksatriyanam = urjasralah sarva-ksatriya-
paribhavl maMn = utkarsa-niskarsah (lltlaracarita. Act IV). 1
Al-BirunI (first half of the eleventh century A.D.) also says,
fl certain of them (i.e., sacrifices) can only be performed by
the greatest of their kings. So, e.g., the Atoamedha"
(Sachau, AlbSruni's 'India, II, p. 139).
Dr. Bhandarkar thinks (Ind. Cult., I, p. lie) that the
number of performances of the Agvamedha could be increased
by simply multiplying the amount of daksina payable to the
Brahmanas This view is however based on a wrong inter-
1 I am indebted for this and for some of her references to Prof. H C. Raychaudhiiri.
That the Advamelha did not lose its original an 1 esseutidl significance in later times
is alsoprored by the Vaidyanath Temple inscription which refers to Idity*eena as,
la*t# samudr-antar-vasundhaTaya yas
OP THE ASVAMfeDHA 34?
pretation of the following verse of the Mah&bharata (XIV,
88. 14) :
evam = atra maharaja daksinam tri-gunam kuru,
tritvam vrajatu te rajan brahmana hy = atra karanam.
The verse obviously implies that, according to a Brahma-
uical theory, the merit accruing from the celebration of the
Agvamedha, and not the Agvamedha itself, could be tripled
if the performer offered three-fold daksina to the Brahinanas. l
In Ind. Cult., II, pp. 140-141, Mr. J. C. Ghosh has
quoted the Harivnmsa to show that feudatory rulers could
aLo perform the Asvamedha. Vasudeva, father of Krsna,
lived at Gokula on Mount Govardhana in the vicinity of
Mathura ; he was engaged in cattle-rearing and was a kara-
dayaka to Kamsa, the king of Mathura (Harivamta, LVI,
1162-61). After the fall of Kamsa, the family of Vasudeva
removed to Dvaraka. In Krsna's conversation with Indra
there is an incidental reference which says that while in
Dvaraka Vasudeva performed an Asvamedha (ibid., CL,
8574). 2
It will be seen that Mr. Ghosh's contention is clearly
beside the mark. The question at issue is whether Vasudeva
was a feudatory of the Mathura kings at the time of celebrat-
ing the sacrifice after he was established in Dvaraka. There
is absolutely no proof to show that he was. We do not know
whether the Dvaraka region ever submitted to the kings of
Mathura. It must also be noted that the evidence of tradi-
tions recorded in works like the Harivamsa should always
1 Another supporter of Dr. Bhandarkar's theory says (Ind. Ctilt. t I, p. 937 n),
11 The AS vamedha certainly had a great imperial significance in the old days But
in the period under review it must h*ve lost that importance. Oth -rwise it would not
have been repeated so often." Tt may however be pointed out th it the Asvamedha is
known to " have been repeated" many times even "in the old days." Of., e.g.,
Bharata Dau^yanti's 133 ASvatnedhas in Sat. Br., XIH, 3. 5. 11; H!BO Jot/rn. Ind.
Hist., XIEI, p. 40 and above, p 125.
8 Bangab> ed., Vinuparva, 01, 24.
848 StJCCESSOBS OF THE SITAViHANAS
be taken with a grain of salt. Harivarfita is obviously
written for the exaltation and glorification of the family
(vaififa) of Hari (i.e., Krna-Vasudeva) and like similar
treatises in honour of other religious heroes is not free from
extravaganzas incident to a pronounced theological bias.
The critical historian can hardly hope for sober history in
such texts. On the contrary the probability is that the
parent of the hero of the tale has been given more than his
due. lu the New Testament the saviour of the Christians
is described as the son not of a mortal man but of God, and
in the Saundarananda (II, verses 32, 39, etc,), etc., glories
of the mightiest rulers are put on the head of a petty Sakya
chief named Suddhodana.
Mr. Ghosh moreover does not 'appear to take the evi-
dence of the HarimniM as a whole. While describing the
ASvamedha that was attempted by Janamejaya', Harivama
itself (Bangabasi ed. f Bhavisyaparva, 2 ) makes it clear that
the horse-sacrifice could not be celebrated by a petty chief.
When the Sarpa-yajna was finished, Janamejaya collected
materials for the celebration of an Agvamedha. Then he
invited the rtviks, purohitas and acaryas, and said, " I am
desirous of celebrating a horse-sacrifice. Do ye dedicate
the horse " (verses 5 and 6). l Knowing however that the
king's sacrifice would not be successful, the omniscient
Vyasa warned him not to begin the ASvamedha. The sage
said, " The Sruti lays down that the K^atriyas should
celebrate the Atvamedha, the foremost of sacrifices. On
account of the greatness of it, Vasava witt violate your
sacrifice 9 ' (verse 28). 2 "0 slayer of enemies/ 1 the sage
added, " as long as the world will last, K^atriyas will not
1 Yatyye = 'tai|i vajimedhena hay am - utsrjyat&m - iti.
Attamedhab kratutre9tha% ktatriyai&V pariSrutab, tena bhavena it ya;ftaf|t
vfoavo dharfayijyati.
That the Advamedba conld be performed by great kings only is also proved
by tibe fact that Vasava (~lndra) is always represented as jealous of its performance.
The Harivawta describes how he endeavoured to spoil the Alvamedha of Janamejaya
APPENDIX IMPORTANCE OP THE ASVAMEDHA 340
be able to collect materials for your horse-sacrifice " (v. 35). *
The king became very sad and said, " Console me by saying
that the A6vamedha will again be undertaken by kings "
(v. 58) . 2 To this Vyasa replied, " As energy counteracted
by another lives in it, so (the knowledge of) the Agvamedha,
although stopped, will exist in the gods and Brabmanas.
There will be one Senani, * an Audbhijja, a Dvija and a
descendant of Ka^yapa, who will revive the Asvamedha in
the Kali age" (v. 39-40). 4 Could this great sacrifice, of
which the Harivanifa speaks in so high terms, be performed
by a petty feudatory chief ?
Mr. Ghosh further points out (Ind. Cult., Ill, p. 547 f.)
that Sewai Jaysingh of Amber (1699-1744 A.D.), though
he was a feudatory of the Mughal Emperors Parrukh-
slyar (1712-19) and Muhammad Shah (1719-48),
according to Todd (Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan,
2nd ed., Madras, 1873, pp. 328-32), performed a horse-
sacrifice and that therefore subordinate rulers could perform
(Bhavifyaparva, 5). Note also what Vis*vavasu says to the king : " king, thou hast
celebrated three hundred sacrifices; VSsava therefore cannot forgive thee any longer"
itri^qna-fata-yajvananivasavas^tvarflntmrsyate, ibid., 5,24). In this connection
note what Bhandarkar himself says in another occasion (Ep. Ind., XIX. App., p 2,
n. 5). " As Indra is represented as being suspicious of Govinda Gupta's power, the
latter seems to have been a supreme ruler." See the Vamana*Purana> Ch. 78, in
which the significant of the Asvamedha and the cause of Indra's unfavourable attitude
are clearly described ; also Raghu, m, 88-66 ; BUgavata Purano, IV, 16, 24 ; etc.
1 Tvaya vrttW kratun~c=aiva vajimedharp parantapa, kfatnya n**ahaiitfjanti
yavad bh&mir = dhari$yati.
f Yady - asti punar - ot?ri'r - yajAasy - atoasayasva mton.
3 The reference is generally thought to [be to Pu?yamitra Sunga. But that is
doubtful, as the Sungas were Bhftradvftjas and not Ka^yapas. On the strength of this
verge and another in the Af tlavikagnimitra, Raychaudhuri suggests (Ind. Cult., HI f
p. 789 ff ; IV, p. 868 ff.) that Pusyamitra was possibly not a Sunga but a Baimbika.
The unanimous evidence of the Puranai, however, may be set aside only on evidence
of a more positive character. Bimbaka or Bimbika appears to have been a predecessor
of Posyaimtra. Ghosh thinks that the Sudgas were dvyamuiyayana, \.e , both Bhftra-
dva> and K6yapa.
< VpWa-yojno deve*u brdhmane^^upapatsyate, tejasa Dyahrta^ tejwtejasy***)
; audbhijjo bhwita ko6**cit senani Mtyapo dvijah, afoamcdhaty kaJiyug$
850 SUCCESSORS OP THE
the A6vamedha. In my opinion, however, if Sewai Jaysingh
performed any horse-sacrifice he must have become virtually
independent before its celebration. In a paper on this
subject in Ind. Cult., Ill, p, 376 ff, I suggested that Sewai
Jaysingh may not actually have celebrated any Asvamedha
and pointed out that he was certainly not a vassal of
the Mughal emperors of Dehli during the later years of his
reign. I quoted the words of Todd himself : * Among
the vanities of the founder of Atnb6r, it is said that he
intended to get up the ceremony of the Aswamddha yuga
or " sacrifice of the horse " a rite which his research into
the traditions of his nation must have informed him had
he entailed destruction on all who had attempted it,
from the days of Janarneja the Pandu, to Jaichand the
last Kajpoot monarch of Oanauj ' (op. cit., p. 339). It
was pointed out that Todd only speaks of probabilities
' it is said/ ' he intended to,' etc. It is moreover a known
fact now that Todd who wrote early in the nineteenth
century and had scarcely any means of testing the authenti-
city of bardic tales is not accurate in his details. The very
passage quoted above from Todd shows that the celebrated
author made at least three statements which are not borne
out by authentic history. Firstly, he calls Sewai Jaysingh
' the founder of Amb6r.' This is wrong ; because Jaysingh
was the founder of Jaypur or Jaynagar, and not of Amber.
Secondly, he mentions Grahadavala Jayaccandra as * the List
Rajpoot monarch of Canauj.' It is, however, now definitely
known that the last Grahadavala king of Kanauj was not
Jayaccandra, but his son Hari^candra who, as is known
from the Machhlishahr and Belkhara inscriptions, ruled as a
Parama-bhattaraka-Maharajadhiraja-Parame^Dara at least up
toSamvatl257=A.D. 1200 (J.A.S.B , 191L, pp. 763-65).
Thirdly, he credits Gahadavala Jayaccandra with the cele-
bration of an Asvamedha like the Pandava king Janamejaya.
]So historian has ever suggested that Jayaccandra performed
APPENDIX IMPORTANCE OF THE ASVAMEDHA 351
any horse- sacrifice. He is never credited with the
ASvamedha in any of the numerous Gahadavftla records, nor
in any other work that refers to him. Bardic traditions
however report that Jayaccandra performed a Rajasuya-yajna
along with the svayamvara of his daughter, the celebrated
Samyogita. I therefore suggested that Todd may have
confused the Rajasuya and Agvamedha sacrifices. This
suggestion has however been recently controverted by Mr.
P. K. Gode (Journ. Ind. Hist., XV., 364 ff ; Poona Orient-
alist, II, p. 166 ff; Mlmansa Prakash, II, p. 43 ff.) who
points out that MSS. of Sada&va-DaSaputra's Acarasmrti-
candrika, Krsna-kavi's X&aravilasa, Vrajanatba's Padya-
tarahginl, Visve^vara'sPrataparka and Harigcandra'sD7za?'wa-
samgraha refer to the Asvamedha performed by ?ewai
Jaysingb. I have read Cantos IV and V of the lvaravilasa
as quoted by Mr. Gode in Mimansa Prakash and admit that
the evidence is genuine.
Now the point is whether Sewai Jaysingh performed
the Asvamedha as a vassal of the Mughal emperors. It is
admitted by all writers on Mughal history that within less
than twenty years after the death of Aurangzib in 1707 the
actual possessions of the so-called emperors of Dehli became
limited within the district round the walls of their capital,
and that after the invasion of Nadir Shah in 1739 no power
of the emperors was left in Rajputana. We need not go into
details. It will suffice to refer to Sir Jadunath Sarkar
who says, * The invasion of Nadir Shah dealt such a
shattering blow to the empire of Dehli that after it the
imperial authority was totally eliminated from Rajputana in
all but the name. The Rajput princes were left entirely to
themselves (Pall of the Mughal Empire, p. 279).
It is interesting in this connection to note that Todd
himself takes the celebration of the sacrifice as a ' virtual
assumption of universal supremacy ' (op. cit. 9 p. 339).
He also says, ' amidst revolution, the
352 SUCCESSORS OF THE SITAVIHANAS
destruction of the empire, and the meteoric rise of the
Mahrattas, be (i.e., Jaysingh) not only steered through
the dangers, but elevated Ambr above all the principalities
around ' (op. cit., p. 331).
That Sewai Jaysingh defied imperial authority even
before 1739 is proved by the following facts. In the war of
succession that followed the death of *Aurangzib, he attached
himself to prince Bidar Bakht, son of Ajarn Shah, and
declared him successor of Aurangzlb. For this opposition,
Ambr was sequestered and an imperial governor sent to take
its possession ; but Jaysingh entered his states sword in
hand, drove out the imperial garrisons and formed a league
with Ajitsingh of Marwar for their mutual preservation
(Todd, op. cit., p. 328). That he had independent political
relations with neighbouring states is also proved by the fact
that he did ' dispossess the Birgoojur of Deoti and Rajore
which were added to his dominions ; they embraced all the
tract now called Macherri ' (op. cit., pp. 337-38).
The only proof of Sewai Jaysingh's vassalage to the
Dehli emperors is that, according to traditions, he was
successively the governor of Agra and Malwa and was made
governor of Malwa a second time in 1732 under Muhammad
Shah. We must however note in this connection that
the great Mara$h leader, the PeshwS, snatched away the
provinces of Gujarat and Malwa from Muhammad Shah who
issued a farman bestowing the naib subahdarl on the
Peshwa. 1 The Maratha leader replied that ' though the
chauth of the whole of Hindusthan was his due, he would
be satisfied with the above two subhas ' (Sarkar, op. cit.,
p. 277). Will any student of Mara^ha history believe that
the great Peshwa, formally the ndib subahdar of Muhammad
Shah, was a feudatory of the rois faindanls of Dehli ?
Again, the so-called Mughal emperors occupied the throne of
1 It IB interesting to note that the emperor of Dehli conferred (Jane 12,1723)
the dignified title R&jtdhir&ja on Sewai Jajiingh (Poona Orientalist, H, p. 168),
APPENDIX IMPOETANCE OP THE A8VAMEDHA *353
Dehli as late as A.D. 1858 when Bahadur Shah II (1837-
1858) was deposed, and the East India Company pretended
to rule in the namQ of the Mughal emperors. Would it
justify us to suppose that Governors-General of the
East Lidia Company were feudatory to the puppet
emperors of Dehli ?
In my opinion therefore the suggestions that Sewai
Jaysingh of Amber performed a horse-sacrifice as a feudatory
of the Mughal emperors and that therefore the ASvamedha
could be celebrated by a feudatory chief are inadmissible. 1
1 Jaysingh may have performed the Aramedha after 1780 and before 1744.
There is however a tradition current at Jaipur wliich refers to an invitation for an
Asvftinedha received by Nftgojibhafta from Sewai Jayaingh (Mimansa Prdk&sh, II,
p. 43). Even if this tradition be genuine. I think that the sacrifice should be styled not
at one celebrated by a feudatory of the Mughal* but as one performed by a virtually
independent king. The Smrti verses quoted by Messrs. J. C. Ghosh and A. Ghosh
tfnd. Cult., m, pp. 709 f. ; 768 f.) prove notjiipg (see my note, ffttf., IV, p. 272 f.).
VII
DlVYAS *
The prevalence of the system of trial by ordeals in
ancient Indian courts is amply attested by the SrarU litera-
ture. The subject has been dealt with in the Mitdksara on
Yajnavalkya, II, verses 95-113, and the Sanskrit lexicon
gabdakalpadruma (Calcutta) under the word parlksa. It
has also been discussed by Hopkins in Camb. Hist. Ind., I,
p. 282 ff., by Stenzler in Z.D.M.G., IX, p. 661, by
Schlagintweit in Die Gottesiciiheile der Inder (1866) and
by Jolly in Recht und Sitte, p. 145. We refer our readers
to a very interesting paper " On the Trial by Ordeal among
the Hindus by *Ali Ibrahim Khan, Chief Magistrate of
Benares, communicated by Warren Hastings Esq." in the
Asiatic Researches, Vol. I, pp. 389-404. See also S.B.E.,
XXV, p. cii ; Kaegi in Alter und Hirkunft des german.
Gotteswitheils (1887), B. V. Bhat in Bharat-ltihas-sam-
odhak-Mandal (3rd vrtta, p. 42 ff.) and S. N. Sen in Admini-
strative System of the Maratha$ 9 2nd ed., pp. 363-68.
According to scholars like Biihler and Jolly (Camb. Hist.
Ind., I, p. 283 ; S.B.E., XXV, p. cii; Recht und Sitte,
p. 145), it is possible that all the nine forms of ordeal
mentioned in later Smrti literature existed in India from
the earliest times. This implication evidently takes its
stand on some doubtful early references and on the solitary
example of a form of the phala-divya in the Chandogya
Upanisat (VI, 16, 1-2) and the recognition of the daiva
(divine) proofs in the Apastamba Dharma-sutra (II, 11, 3 ;
1 My paper on the D ivy as was or ginally read before the oieuabers of the Andhra
Historical Research Society at ilajahmundry (Madras Presidency), and was
ip the Society's Journal, Vol. VII, p. 195 ff,
APPENDIX DIVYAS 355
cf. 29.6). 1 Some scholars, e.g., Hopkins, Stenzler, Schla-
gintweit and Kaegi, on the other hand, believe that fire
and water ordeals were first used and then came the elaborate
trials by balance and other ordeals, till eventually there
were nine formal ordeals (Cawb. Hist. Ind., I, p. 283 ;
Z.D.M.G., IX, p. 661, etc.). The latter view seems to be
more probable.
The earliest reference to trial by ordeal in India is to
be found in the Chandogya Upanisat (loc. cit.) where it is
said that a man accused of theft takes in his hand a heated
axe and is proved guilty if it burns him, but is acquitted if
it does not. The above Upanisat seems to have been com-
posed in a country to the South of Gandhara (modern
Rawalpindi and Peshawar districts) and in a place between
the Indus and the Jumna (see op. cit., VI, 14, 1-2; VI,
10, 1). The reference to the axe-ordeal in it shows that
this form of the phala-divya ^as used in that country when
the Upanisat was composed about 550 B.C. (see Cawb. Hist.
Ind., 1., pp, 116 and 112). There is however no proof to
show that this ordeal was used in the different parts of
India from such an early date as the sixth century B.C.
More important seems to be the recognition of the daiva
or divine 2 form of proof by the Apastamba Dharma-sutra
1 Apastamba-- " ID doubtful cases they shall give their decision after having
ascertained the truth by inference, ordeal and the like me a,ns "( S.B.E., II, p. 168).
Trial by ordeals are said to have been referred to in early works like the Paficaviwia-
Brahman*. Geldner thought that the ordeal by red-hot axe is referred to even in the
ftvMfo, and Griffith discovered in another passage of it references to the fire and
water ordeals. According to Weber, the Satapatha-Brdhmana makes mention of the
balance ordeal. Macdocell and Keith however do not agree with any of these
scholars. Scholars like Schlagintweit, Weber, Lud wig and Zimmer think that the
fire ordeal is mentioned in the Atliarva-vetla; but Bloomfield and Whitney have
disproved this theory. The system of trial by ordeals rnaj or may not Lave been referred
to in the early Vedic l.terature ; bt>t the practice seems to have been not unknown i"
India even in the early Vedic period (see Vedic Index, I, pp. 3K-18, ^4-65). A
full-fledged system universnlly used was, however, most probably uoknown.
Cf N&radt-"Pro>f is said to be of two kinds, human and divine.
Human proof consists of documentary and oral evidence. By divine proof is
866 SUCCE9SOES O# THE SITAViHANAB
(loc. eft.) which is a book on law. It must be noted that
no other early text on criminal law prescribes trial by ordeal
for the person accused. According to Buhler (S.B.E , II,
2nd ed., p. xiv), the Sutras of Apastamba are to be
assigned to a date not later than the third century B.C.,
but may be placed 150 or 200 years earlier. Ipastamba's
however is a general recognition ; none of the ordeals has
been defined in the Sutras. The chief subject discussed by
him under this head are assault, adultery and theft. It is
interesting to note in this connection that Kautilya, supposed
to be the author of ths celebrated Arthafastra, does not
recognise the application of ordeals in connection with civil
or criminal procedure. According to the Puranas, Mudra-
rak$asa, Mahavaryifa and Aryamattjunmulakalpa, Kautilya
lived about the time of CandraguptaMaurya in the 4th century
B.C. He is therefore generally supposed to have been more
or less of the same age as Apastamba and to have had 'in his
purview the administration of the Mauryas whose kingdom
embraced almost the whole of India. These facts may not
be sufficient to justify us in assuming that Kautilya is
earlier than ipastamba, 1 but they may suggest that the
meant the ordeal by balance and other (modes of divine test) ; where c a transaction
hat taken place by day, io a Tillage or town, or in the presence of wit-
nesses, divine test is not applicable. Divine test is applicable (where the
transaction has taken place) in a solitary forest, at night, or in the interior
of a house, and in cases of violence or of denial of a deposit " (S.B.E., XXXOT,
pp. 80-81).
l See, however, Smith, E. Hist. Ind., 4th ed., p. 161 : " I have pointed out that
iti contents describe the state of things as existing immediately before the establishment
of the Maurya empire, while Mr. Samasastry suggests that it may refer back even to the
pre-Buddbiutic age. The book seems to be based on much more ancient -treatises^ now
lost and a good deal of it must have been archaic in Maurya times." I do not agree
with Johnston and Jolly (see J.R.A.8., 1929, p. 77 ff.) who think that Kaufilya,
Cftoakya or Viftyugupta was a fictitious figure. The testimony of the Purfinas and
other works (though not cou temper a neons) regarding Kaufilya's connection with.
Candrtgupta Manrya may be disregarded only on definite negative evidence. Absence
of reference to Kautilya in the works of classical writers and in early works like the
Milindapaftho is not definite proof. Kautilya appears to have been the founder of a
new school of Political Philosophy, and the Arthatattra may be the work of this school.
APPENDIX DIWA8 86?
system of trial by ordeal was not much popular and was not
universally used in India about the fourth century B.C.
which is generally supposed to be the time of Kautilya
and Apastamba. The general reference to daiva trial by
Apastamba possibly shows that the system of applying
ordeals, known to him and used in his time and place, was
not elaborate like that illustrated by later law-givers, but
was rudimentary like that recognised in the Manusarfihita.
In view of the fact that the law-givers lived in different
ages and in different parts of this vast country, we cannot
expect unanimity in their views regarding trial by ordeal.
It is interesting to note that the word divya originally
meant an " oath," that is, a form of invoking the Supreme
Being to prove the truth of an allegation ; but later it was
generally understood to mean " trial by ordeal," that is, a
form appealing to the direct interposition of divine power.
In connection with the development of the system of trial
by ordeals, it is also interesting to note that while the
system is unknown to the Arthaastra of Kautilya, it is
seen sprouted in the codes of Apastamba and Manu, a little
developed at the time of Yajfiavalkya and Narada, and fully
grown at the age of the Mitakfara of Vijfiane^vara and the
Divyalattva ot Brhaspati. According to Kautilya (Artha-
fastra, II, i), " Self-assertion (svayarfivada) on the part of
Many of its viewa may be ascribed to Kautilya ; bat the book, in its present form, is
certainly poet-Chmti in. Tbe reference to Cina (derived from the name of the Tsin
dynasty) pro\es that the Artba&stra cannot be earlier than the later half of the
8rd cent. B.C. The language aud structure of the text and reference to the system
of dating in terms of regnal year, month, fortnight and day (n VI) prove that
the work cannot be much earlier tban the 2nd cent. A.D. which is the time of
Rudradftman's Junagadh inscription. The present Arthafastra may be placed in
the 1st or 2nd cent. A.D. The suggestion that works like the Arthafastra present an
ideal rather tban the real state of society can only be partially true. The Arthai&ttra
could hardly avoid referring to trial by ordeals, had the system been popular in the
locality where Kautflya's school developed. For an interesting paper on the date of
the Arthaiftalra by Mr A. N. Bose, see Ind Cult.,lV, p 486 ff ; see also m> paper
Popularisation of Clastical Sanskrit and the Age of Sanskrit Dramas t read at the Indian
History Congrats, Allahabad (1088).
358 SUCCESSORS OP THE SlTAVAHANAS
either of the litigant parties has been found faulty ; exami-
nation (anuyoga), honesty (arjava), evidence (hetu) and
oath (fapatha) these alone enable a man to win his
cause.' 1 It appears that the system of trial by ordeal did
not fully develop and was not popular at the time and
locality of the author (or authors) of the ArthaSastra. This
fact possibly goes to show that Kautilya cannot be placed
as is the view of some scholars 1 in the 3rd century A.D.
i.e., almost about the time of Yajnavalkya. 2
The simple 6apatha of the Artha6astra is seen developed
at the age of the Manusamhita, i.e., about the 1st century
A.D. or the 1st century B.C. (Camb. Hist. Ind,, I, p. 279)."
According to Manu, aBrahmana in order to justify the truth
of his statement should be compelled to swear by a declara-
tion of truth ; a Ksatriya by his vahana (horse, elephant,
etc.), a vaigya by his cattle, seed-corn and gold, and a
Sudra by all sins. Alternatively, a Sudra may be put to
fire, drowned into water or compelled to touch separately
the heads of his sons and wives and swear ; in these cases,
the man who is not burnt by fire or quickly drowned by
water and whose sons and wives (heads of whom were
touched in swearing) do not fall ill within a short time, is
to be considered as true regarding his statement (see
Manusamhita, VIII, verses 113-15). Manu therefore
seems to have known only three forms of ordeals, the last
1 See Raythaudburi, Pol Hist. Anc. Ind., 2nd e<l., p. 6,
2 Cf. Camb. Hist. Ind., I, p. 383 : " As the Sutras do not notice ordeals except
for a general recognition of them as ' divine ' proofs on the part of the late ApaRtan>
ba, and s the later writers Yajfta\alkya and Ngrada describe five orders adding (he
plough-aba re, scales and poison, it is reasonable to conclude th it Manu stands, in time
as well as description, midwny between the two sets o r authors and is the first to
describe ordeals already known and practised.' 1
3 Liter writers on law have prescribed tayatha for minor and dwya f r iiir ;'or
crimes. Cf.
deta-bTahmana'pad'inifi=*ia jnrtra-dara-tnar$M ca I
ete tu xapalhah proUa. mamma stalpa-karane II
abluAape ca tlivyfini in vifodlianam II
(Sabdakalpadruma , B.V. tapatlia)
APPENDIX DIVYAS 359
form of which however is not mentioned as a legal divyti in
the works of the later law-givers. 1
In the age of the Code of Yajfiavalkya who possibly lived
in Mithila about the 1th century A.D. (Camb. Hist. Ind., I,
p. 279), the system of trial by ordeals became more deve-
loped. According to this law-giver " Balance, fire, water,
poison and Ko^a these are the ordeals used here for
the proof of innocence, when the accusations are heavy
and when the accuser offers to hazard a mulct (in case he
should fail) ; or one party may be tried by ordeal if he
likes, the other then must risk an amercement ; but the
trial may take place even without any wager if the crime
committed be injurious to the king . . . Balance for women,
children, old men, the blind, the lame, BrShmanas and
the sick ; but for the Sudra, fire or water or seven yavas
of poison. Unless the loss of the accuser amounts to a
thousand pieces of silver, he must not be tried by the
spear-head, nor by poison, nor by balance ; but if the
offence be against the king or if the crime is heinous, he must
acquit himself by one of these trials in all cases " (Yajna-
valkya- samhita, II, 95-99). Yajnavalkya thus appears to
have known six forms of the ordeals, viz., (1) Balance, (2)
Fire, (3) Water, (4) Poison, (5) Kosa and (6) Spear-head.
The existence of trial by ordeals in Indian courts in the
7th century A. P., i.e., some time after Yajnavalkya, is
1 This form of ordeal seems to have been largely used in Bengal. It can be
faintly traced Jn the allocations of rustic girls of Bengal e\en at the present time.
Swearing before fhe learned Brihmanas is also mentioned by al-Blruni (Saehau, op ctt.,
1 1, pp. 158-59). On < ne occi sion a man is known to have taken an oath on the feet of the
Marfiihaking Sfthn Chatr;pati "Then Blnkhft/ Harpala said thut the MaharftVs
leet were the Krsna to Kim and that he would take an oath on hh feet. According-
ly he awore that the watan m the aforesaid manja belonged to him and that Kauitl e
was a Thahatk (Mtrast) peasant Within a day or two of this oath, Btukhftjl Qaikwa4
got Cholera ; he had to be carried back to the village on t! e back of a bullock and
there he died after a month in consequence of that false oath ti ken on his behalf."
Bee 8, N. Sen, Adminittr&ivo System of the Marathas. 2nd ed. ( p. 869.
360 SUCCESSORS OP. THE SITAViHANAS
evidenced by the accounts left by Yuan Chwang who
travelled in India from 629 to 645 A.D. Ordeals by water,
fire, weigh ment or poison are said to have been much
esteemed as efficient instruments for the ascertainment of
truth, and are described with approval by the Chinese
pilgrim (Waiters, On Yuan Chwang, I, p. 172). The six
principal ordeals, viz., poison, water, image- water, balance,
hot-coin and spear-head, are also described by the celebrated
Mahomedan savant, al-Birum, who wrote his book on India
in the second quarter of the eleventh century (Sachau,
Alberuni's India, II, pp. 158-60).
The fully developed form of the system of trial by
ordeals, however, can be found in the works of later writers
on law, such as Brhaspati, Vijfianegvara and others. Ac-
cording to the Divyatattva (XIX, 4) of Bj-baspati who seems
to have lived about the 7th century A.D. (Camb. Hist. Jnd v
I, p. 280), there are nine different forms of ordeals. They
are:
Dhato**gnir=udakafl = c=aiva visarfiko6a$=ca pancamam \
Satliafl~ca tandulah proktani saptamani tapta-ma?akam I
A$tamarfi phalam = ity = uktairi navamam dharmajaw smrtam I
I. Dhata-divya or Tula-divya, i.e., Ordeal by Balance.
The beam having been previously adjusted, the cord
fixed and the scales made perfectly even, the accused person
and a Brabmana judge (pradvivaka) fast a whole day.
Then, after the accused has been propitiated with homa
and deities have been worshipped, the person is weighed.
When he is taken out of the scale, the pradviv&ka pro-
strates before the balance, pronounces some mantras and
having written the substance of the accusation on a fo'pi-
patra, binds it on the head of the accused. After reciting
some more mantras, the judge puts the man again on the
. .. APPENDIX PIVYAS 361
scale. If he weighs more than before, he is guilty l ; if
less, innocent ; and if exactly the same, he is held partially
guilty. In case of doubt, the accused must be weighed
again ; but if any part of the balance though well fixed-
breaks down, it will be considered as proving his guilt
(Sabdakalpadruma, s.v. tula).
II. Agni-divya, i.e., Ordeal by Fire.
In performing the fire-ordeal, an excavation nine cubits
long, two spans broad and one span deep is made in the
ground and filled with a fire of Pippala wood. Into this
fire the accused person must walk bare-footed ; if his feet
are unburnt he is innocent, otherwise guilty (As. Res., I,
p. 390).
III. Jala-divya or Ordeal by Water.
In the water-ordeal, the accused should be caused to
stand in a depth of water sufficient to reach his navel ; but
care sho^d be taken that no ravenous animal be in it and
that it is not moved by much air. A Brahmana is then
directed to go into the water with a staff in his hand, and
a soldier shoots three arrows on dry ground from a cane
bow. A man is then despatched to bring the arrows that
has been shot farthest, and, after he has taken it up, another
man is also ordered to run from the edge of the water. At
this moment, the person accused is ordered to grasp the
foot or the staff of the Brahmana who stands by him in the
water, and immediately to dive into it. He must remain
under water till the two men who were sent to fetch the
arrows return. If he raises his body or head above the
1 Al-BlrunI says (op. tit., p. 159), " In case ha bs spoken the truth, be now
weighs more than the first time." We are not definite whether this is wrong or
is based upon a local practice. Yuan Cbwang al*o s*y 3| "The accused is weighed
against a stone; and if the Utter u ligtr.ec th* charge is false, if otherwise
it is true. "
46
362 SUCCESSORS OF THE
surface of the water before the arrows are brought back,
his guilt is proved 1 (t*i<f., pp. 390-9 i). The water ordeal
is mentioned in the Padm&vatyavad&na of the Bodhi-
sattv&vadanakalpalatd, (8. N. Sen, op. cit., p. 573),
IV. Visa-divya or Ordeal by Poison.
The poison-ordeal was performed in two different ways :
(a) After the homo, is performed, and the accused person
is bathed, 2| ratw or 7 yavas of vianaga (a poisonous
root) or of 6ahkhya 2 (i.e., white arsenic) are mixed with
6 m&sas or 64 ratis of clarified butter which the accused
should take from the hands of a Brahmana. If the poison
is visibly effective, the man is condemned ; if not, absolved.
(b) A hooded snake, called nflga, is thrown into an earthen
pot into which is also dropped a ring, seal or coin. The
accused person is then ordered to take it out with bis hand.
If the serpent does not bite him, he is proved innocent;
otherwise, be is pronounced guilty (As. Res., I, p. 391).
Yuan Chwang seems to refer to a third variety of this
ordeal when he says, " The poison ordeal requires tbat the
right hind leg of a ram be cut off, and according to the
portion assigned to the accused to eat, poisons are put into
tbe leg, and if the man is innocent he survives, and if not
the poison takes effect " (Watters, loc. cit.).
1 Trial by ordeal existed also in ancient Babylonia as ia evidenced by the Code
of Hammurabi who, according to Hall (Ancient History of the Near East, 7th ed., p. 211) ,
idled from circa 2128 to 2080 B.C. The Code which seems to hive been based on ancient
Samerian laws takes cognisance of a form of the water-ordeal. It was used when
a man was accused of sorcery and a woman of adultery without sufficient evidence.
In both oases the accused were to leap into the river, and their innocence was estab-
lished if they came out alive (see 00mb. Anc. Hi*t. t I, xiv).
* Hindi Sankhiyd ; Bengali Mko-vif. According to al-BMnl (op. cit,, p. 159)
the to* (poison) which tbe accused person was invited to drink was called
This may ba a mistrans Iteration for
AtPtiNDIX DIVYAS 368
V. Kofadivya or Ordeal by " Image- Washed " Water.;
The Kofa-divya is performed in the following way. Tte
accused person is made to drink three draughts of water
into which images of the sun, the Devi and other deities
have been washed for the purpose. If the man has any
sickness or indisposition within 14 days after taking the
draughts, his crime is considered to be proved (ibid., p.
391). Al-BirunI says (op. cit., p. 159) that the accused is
taken to the temple of the most venerated idol of the town
or realm and that the priests pour water over the idol of
the town and give it lo the accused to drink. The accused,
according to him, vomits blood, in case he is guilty.
VI. Tandula-divya or Ordeal by Bice. 1
The rice-ordeal is generally applied to persons suspected
of theft. Some dry rice is weighed with the Salagram or
some mantras are recited over it, and the suspected persons
are severally asked to chew a quantity of it. As soon as it
is done, they are ordered to throw it on some leaves of the
Pippala tree or on some bhurjapatra (bark of a tree from
Nepal or KaSmlr). The man from whose mouth rice
comes dry or stained with blood, is pronounced guilty and
the rest innocent (ibid.* pp. 391-92). For two cases of the
Tandula-divya, the first in connection with payment of
inooey and the second with reference to a boundary ques-
tion, see Bice, Mysore and Coorg, etc., p. 177.
VII. Tapta-m&aka-divya or Ordeal by the Hot Mfyaka
Coin.
In performing this ordeal, the appointed ground is
cleared and rubbed with cowduag. The next day at sun-
rise, after the worship of Gane&t and other deities is done,
the prtidvivaka, having recited some mantras, places a round
1 Cf. Cai-por* of rural Bengal.
364 SUCCESSORS OP THE SiTAVAHANAS
pan of gold, silver, copper, iron or clay I with a diameter
of 12 inches and depth of 3 inches, and throws into it one
seer or 80 sicca weight of clarified butter or oil of sesa-
mum. 1 After this, a masaki coin is thrown into the
pan, or alternatively a ring of gold or silver or iron is
cleaned and cast into the oil which some Brahmanas pro-
ceed to heat. When the thing in the pan is very hot, they
throw a fresh leaf of Pippala or Bilva into it ; if the leaf is
burnt, the thing is taken to be sufficiently hot. Then after
reciting a mantra, the pradvivaka orders the accused person
to take the coin or ring out of the pan. If he can do this
without his fingers being burnt or blistered, he is considered
not-guilty ; otherwise guilty 2 (As. Res., T, p. 392; see also
Pitarnaha quoted in the Mitaksara on Yajnavalkya, II, 113,
mdAlberuni's India, II, pp. 159-60). For cases of this ordeal
in records of A.D. 1580 and 1677, see S. N. Sen, loc. cit.
VIII. Phala-divya or Ordeal by Spear-Head.
In performing the phala-divya, the Brahmanas, after due
worship of GraneSa, draw nine circles on the ground with
cowdung at intervals of 12 inches, each of which circles
should have 12 inches as diameter except the ninth which
may be smaller or bigger than the rest. Then the homa is
performed, gods are worshipped and some mantras are recit-
ed. The accused person then performs ablutions and, wear-
ing wet clothes and facing towards the east, stands in the
first circle with his hands on his girdle. After this, the
pradvivaka and the Brahraanas order him to rub some un-
huskedrice between his palms which they carefully inspect.
1 Twenty palas of ghee and oil, according to Pit&maha.
1 Even in the 12th oeutury A.D. the re*l trial in England was by the ordeal of
water, failing to get through which the accused was condemned. The English water
ordeal was however more akin t > tha tapta majaka dtvya of the ancient Indian Penal
Code- " The accused had to dip !iis ban I into bail! ig water and take oat a stone from
the bottom of the vessel. The h in 1 was fien tiel up for a time (usually seven days),
and if, when the bandages were tikenoff.it was fjund to be healed, the man WM
held acquitted " i Warner & Marten, Groundwork of British History, p. 79).
APPENDIX DIVYAS 365
If any scar of a former wound, mole or any other mark
appears on his pilms, they stain it with a dye, so that it
may be distinguished from any new mark after trial. The
accused is then ordered to hold both his hands open and
close together. Having, then, put into his hands seven
leaves of the trembling tree or Pippaln, seven of the ami or
jend, seven blades of the darbha grass, a little barley moist
ened with curd and a few flowers, they tie the leaves on
the hands with seven threads of raw cotton. Some mantras
are then recited by the Brahmanas who next write a state-
ment of the case and the point in issue on a palmyra leaf
together with the appointed mantra, and tie the leaf on the
head of the accused person. Then they heat an iron-ball or
a spoar-head, weighing about five pounds, and throw it into
water: they heat it again, and again cool it in the same
way. The third time they heat the iron till it is red-hot.
Next, the Brahmanas, after reciting the mantras, take the
red-hot iron with tongs and place it in the hands of the
accused who is standing in the first circle. He must then
gradually step from circle to circle, his feet being constantly
in one of them. After reaching the eighth circle, he must
throw the iron in the ninth to burn some grass which must
be left there for that purpose. He is thereafter ordered to
rub some unhusked rice between both his palms ; if, on
examination, any mark of burning appears on either of the
palms, he is considered guilty ; if no such marks appear,
his innocence is proved (As. Res., I, p. 392). For a case of
grasping a red-hot iron in a record of 1309 A.D. in the
presence of the god HoysaleSvara, see S. N. Sen, loc. cit.\
see also AlberunVs India, H, p. 160.
IX. Dharmaja- or Dharm-adharma-divya, i.e., Ordeal
by (the images of) Dharma and Adharma.
In performing the image-ordeal (or Dharm-adharma
ordeal), two processes may be followed.
366 SUdCESSO&fi Ofc HE
(a) An image named Dharraa is made of silver, and
another called Adharma of clay or iron. 1 Both of these
images are thrown into a big earthen jar. If the accused
can bring the image of Dharma oat of the jar after thrust-
ing his hand into it, he is considered innocent ; but if he
brings out the image of Adharma, he is condemned.
(b) An image is drawn on a piece of white cloth and
another on a piece of black cloth. The first is called
Dharma and the second Adharma. 2 These are severally roll-
ed up in cowdung 8 and thrown into a large jar, without
being overseen by the accused. The accused is then order-
ed to bring out one of those rolls. If he brings out the figure
on white cloth, he is acquitted ; if that on the black cloth,
convicted (ibid., p. 392 ; see also Pitarnaha quoted in
Mitaksart on Yajnavalkya, II, 113).
Certain months and days are specified for the different
species of ordeals. There are also other injunctions in the
Smrti literature ; but the law-givers are not unanimous on
these points. It is not necessary to notice these
in detail. We simply quote 4 a passage from 'AH
Ibrahim Khan (op. cit., p. 393), where we find the
tradition based on VijfianeSvara's Mitaksard and followed in
the Benares region about the end of the eighteenth
century.
" Agrah&yana, Pausa, Magha, Phalguna, Sravana and
Bh&dra for that of fire ; Asvina, Karttika, Jyaistha and
5$a4ba for that by water ; Pausa, Magha and Phalguna for
that by poison ; and regularly there should be no water
ordeal on the Atami or eighth, Caturdagi or fourteenth day
of the new or full moon, in the intercalary month, in the
1 Lead or iron, according to Pit tot ha.
* Accirdiax to Pit&raaht, " A Dharma ia white HD<! an Adharma in black are
to be drawn either on the bh&rja or cloth."
* CowduDg or clay, according to Pit&maha.
* We oae our method of tramHteratioD.
APPENDIX DIVYA8 867
month of Bbadra, on Sanaifcara or Saturday, and on Maft-
gala or Tuesday ; but whenever a magistrate decides that
there shall be an ordeal, the regular appointment of months
and days need not be regarded.
"The Mittksara contains also the following distinctions.
In cases of theft or fraud to the amount of a hundred gold
mohurs, the trial by poison is proper ; if eighty mohurs be
stolen, the suspected person may be tried by fire ; if forty,
by the balance ; if from thirty to ten, by the image-water;
if two only, by rice."
As has been already noticed, differences in the views of
different law-givers appear to us to be due to differences in
their time and place. A few instances will possibly enable
our readers to understand the point clearly.
(a) One of the most glaring instances of such differences
may be seen in the views of Brhaspati on the eighth form
of the nine divyas, namely, the phala-divya. According to
Brhaspati, " A piece of iron, eight ahgulis in length^ four
angulis in breadth and weighing twelve palas, is called a
phala ; when the phala is red-hot (agni-varyd), the thief
(here, stealer of a co\0 must once lave it with the
tongue ; if (the tongue) is not burnt, he is held innocent ;
if otherwise, convicted/' The passage go-caurasya prad&ta-
vyarfi tapta-phal-avalehanam = iti smrtir = iti maithttah
(Sabdakalpadruma, s.v. phalam) possibly goes to show that
this form of the phala-divya was very popular in North Bihar
and that Brhaspati Jived not very far from the Mithila
region. This form of the ordeal seems to have been unknown
in South India. 1 The licking form of the phala-divya is
mentioned by Yuan Cluvang (Walters, loc. cit.). who
however describes it as a fire-ordeal.
1 Difference in the practice of the phala-divya is aJso evidenced by the
Chandogyo-Vpanitat where the thinf to be heated is eaid to have been
368 SUCCESSORS OF THE SATAVIHANAB
(b) A local variety oi the third ordeal, nainelj jaladivya,
has been thus noticed by 'AH Ibrahim Khan: "In the
villages near Benares, it is the practice for the person, who
is to be tried by this kind of ordeal, to stand in water up to
his navel, and then holding the foot of a Brahmana, to dive
under it as long as a man can walk fifty paces very gently.
If A before the man has walked thus far, the accused rise
above tbe water, he is condemned; if not, acquitted"
(op. cit., p. 393).
Al-Biruni possibly refers to a slightly different custom
when he says (op. cit., p. 159), " They bring the man to a
deep and rapidly flowing river, or to a deep well with much
wa ter Then five men take him between them and
throw him into the water. If he has spoken the truth, he
will not drown and die."
According to Yuan Chwang (Watters, op. cit., p. 172),
the accused was put in one sack and a stone in another,
then the two sacks were connected and thrown into a deep
stream ; if the sack containing the stone floated and the
other sank, the man's guilt was proved.
A different form of the jala-divya was prevalent in the
Maratha country. " The parties and the Pandhars were
sent 10 a sacred river like the Krishna, or better, to
a sangama of special sanctity like the Krishna- Vena Sangama.
There, at an auspicious moment, the Pandhars stood on the
bank after their bath in the sacred stream, the defendant
and the plaintiff still remaining standing in the river.
Either the Patel or some other trustworthy man there present
was then ordered to draw the rightful party from the water
andj^BR^wopscientious verdict " (Sen, op. cit., p. 365).
* V'!(ol Another glaring instance is in connection with the
whether ordeals should be applied to women.
Narada, who seems to have lived in Nepal about
fthe 5th century A.D. (Camb. Hist. Ind. 9 1, p. 280), women
*jpannot\be tried by ordeals (strlnalica na bhaved^divyam). But
APPENDIX JDIVYAS
.another law-giver, SulapSni, says that this prohibition refers
to divyas other than the tuld-divya, and we have already
seen that Yajnavalkya prescribes trial by the balance ordeal
for women. There is also a view that in connection with a
.quarrel between a man and a woman, the latter should
undergo ordeals (gabdahalpadruma, s. v. parlka).
The application of ordeals, to women appears to be
supported by the Ramayanic story of Sita undergoing the
fire-ordeal in order to prove that her chastity was not violated
by Havana during her confinement in Lanka, and also by
some epigraphic references. Some records (e.g., Ind. Ant.,
XIX, p. 248) say that Candaladevi (Candrike or Candrika-
devl), wife of Laksmideva I (c. A.D. 1209), the Ratfa king
of Saudatti, " attained victory over a number of serpents in
an earthen water- jar " ; the allusion here is certainly to the
queen having undergone trial by the poison-ordeal (Bomb.
Gaz., I, ii, p. 556 and note 5).
It is evidenced by some old Bengali works that, in
Bengal also, the purity of wives was sometimes examined by
ordeals. Thus, Khullana, heroine of Kavikankan Mukun-
daram's Candlkavya (about Saka 1499=A.D. 1577) is
reported to have undergone successfully four ordeals, the first
three of which are in reality the water, poison and spear-
head ordeals (see D. C. Sen, Bangabhasa-o-Sahitya, 4th ed.,
p. 371). It is also stated that Khuilana was put into a
jatu-grha made specially for the purpose of testing her
chastity, and then it was set fire to. This form of the
fire-ordeal is however unknown to the Smrti literature. But
the description of the Candlkavya seems to be more or less
conventional. It is therefore not certa
ordeals were actually prevalent in Bengal^
of the sixteenth century A.D. Behula^
the famous heroine of the Manasd-m^
have proved her purity by undergoing
of the ordeals (Pfavdsl, Karttik, 133c
47
370 SUCCESSORS OF THE SITAVSHANAS
From ibe above references we see that the prevalence of
the system of trial by ordeals is not only proved by the
Smrti literature, but can also be proved from references to
the practice in inscriptions and other writings. For
inscriptional references, we refer our readers to Ep. Ind.,
XIII, p. 294; XV, p. 394; and Bomb. Gaz., I, ii, pp. 556
and note 5, 571 and note 3. Here we quote three instances
of trial by ordeal, one from an inscription and two from
the paper of 'AH Ibrahim Khan who claims to have been an
eye-witness of the trials :
I. In the Kuliyuga year 4289 (A.D, 1188) and the 15th
year of the Goa Kadamba king V Ira- Jay ake^i (leva III " on
Sunday, the eighth day of the bright fortnight of Asadha
in presence of the fortunate prime-minister, Igvararya
Dandanayaka, Siva&ikti, the deary a (priest) of the god
Sri-KalleSvaradeva of the well called Attibavi at Kittur, and
Kalyana6akti, the acarya of the original local deity of that
place (Mulasthanadeva), opened a subject of dispute, the
former asserting that a plot of ground in that place, called
Alakolanakeyi, had from of old belonged to Kalle^varadeva,
while the latter claimed it for the original local deity
(Mulasthanadeva).
" The agreement that they both of their own free-will
entered into at the presence of the same tSvara Dandanayaka
was this : Siva&ikti said, ' Whereas this plot of ground
(called) SJakolanakeyi belonged ol old to Kalle^varadeva,
DevaraSi, the father of KalyanaSakti, unauthorisedly brought
it under cultivation under the Cancje state and had a grant
written in his own favour ; and I am now prepared to
undergo- the phala-divya in support of my statement that
it had belonged from ancient times to KalleSvaradeva.'
(On the other hand), the argument of Kalyana^akti under
oath with the sscred symbols on his head was, if the Can<Je
Samsthana gave this plot of ground (called) Ilakojanakeyi
vto my father DevariSi and to myself on fcebajf of the original
an
locat deity (MulasfrhSnadeva), it has not been unauthorisedly
brought under cultivation.'
" Igvara Daijujanayaka then said, Go both of you
before the assemblage of the bankers of the village of Degave,
which has been granted in perpetuity to Brahmajoas ; and on
their assenting to this, on Sunday, the seventh day of the
dark fortnight of Asadha in the same year, in the presence of
all the bankers of the agrahara village Degfive and in front
of the temple of Mallikarjunadeva of that place, Sivasakti,
undergoing the ordeal of phala-divya, made oath that the
piece of land (called) SJakoJanakeyi belonged of rid to the
god KalJe6vara of Attibavi; while KalyanaSakti, taking the
sacred symbols on his head (or standing on his head !),
declared thnt it was the property of the original local deity
(Mulasthanadeva). After this, on Monday, the eighth day
of the same dark fortnight, all the bankers of the agrahara
village Degave having convened themselves in the assembly-
hall and having examined the hand of Sivagakti, decided
that he bad won his cause, and that Kalyanasakti who had
taken the sacred symbols on his head had lost it, and that
the plot of ground called ilakolanakeyi belongs to the god
Kallegvara of Attibavi, and gave a certificate of success to
Sivasakti " (Kittur inscription, J.B.B.R.A.S., IX, pp.
307-09).
II. "In the year of the Messiah 1783, a man was
tried by the hot-ball (phala-divya) at Benares in the presence
of me, 'Ali Ibrahim Khan, on the following occasion. A
man had accused one Sankar of larceny, who pleaded that
he was not guilty; as the theft could not be proved by legal
evidence, the trial by the fire-ordeal was tendered to the
appellee and nccepted by him. This well-wisher of mankind
advised the learned magistrates and Panijits to prevent the
decision of a question by a mode not conformable to the
practice of the Company's Government, and recommended an
oath by the water of the Ganges and the leaves of the
372 SUCCESSORS OS 1 THE SITAV1HANAS
tulasl in a little vessel of brass (copper ?) or by the book
HarivamSa, or by the stone Salagram, or by the hallowed
ponds or basins, all which oaths are used in Benares.
When the parties obstinately refused to try the issue by any
one of the modes recommended and insisted on a trial by
the hot-ball, the magistrates and Pandits of the court were
ordered to gratify their wishes and, setting aside those
forms of trial in which there could be only a distant fear
of death or loss of property as the just punishment of perjury
by .the sure yet slow judgment of heaven, to perform the
ceremony of ordeal agreeably to the Dharmafastra : but it
w as not till after mature deliberation for four months that
a regular mandate was issued for trial by the red-hot ball;
and this was at length granted for four reasons : first,
because there was no other way of condemning or absolving
the person accused; secondly, because both parties were
Hindus and this mode of trial was specially appointed in the
Dharmafastra by the ancient law-givers; thirdly, because
this ordeal was practised in the dominions of the Hindu
Eajas 1 ; and fourthly, because it might be useful to inquire
how it was possible for the heat of fire to be resisted and
for the hand that held it to avoid being burned. An order
was accordingly sent to the Pandits of the courts and of
Benares to this effect : ' Since the parties accusing and
accused are both Hindus and will not consent to any trial
1 A case of the same ordeal (described as agnt-divya according to the system
of Nftrada) has been quoted by Prof. S. N. Sen (op. cit., pp. 677-78) from a MarathI
document " On Wednesday, ir,y hands were bandaged. The next day, the aforesaid
Panxjit sat on the banks of the GodavarT, opened the bandage of my hands in the
presence of the god and bad them rubbed with rice The signs on the two hands
were all marked, and one iron-ball, 50 palas or 168 tolas, 2 radfo*, was duly
weighed and thrice heated in fire. They bound a bh&gya-palra on my forehead,
placed seven atvatiha leaves on my hands and bound them with thread. Then they
placed the bail on my head and ordered me to walk over seven circles and drop the
ball in the eighth dropped the ball on some grains which had been kept in the
appointed place and the grains took fire "etc. The accused person in this case
came out successful through the ordeal.
APPENDIX DTVYAS 373
but that by the hot-ball, let the ordeal desired be duly
performed in the manner prescribed by the MitaksarS or
Commentary on Yajfiavalkya.
" When preparations were made for the trial, this well-
wisher to mankind, attended by all the learned professors,
by the officers of the court, the sipahls of Captain Hogan's
battalion and many inhabitants of Benares, went to the
place prepared, and endeavoured to dissuade the appellor
from requiring the accused to be tried by fire, adding, ' if
his hand be not burned, you shall certainly be imprisoned/
The accuser, not deterred by this menace, persisted in
demanding the trial. The ceremony, therefore, was thus
conducted before me, 'Ali Ibrahim Khan.
" The Pandits of the court and the city, having wor-
shipped the god of knowledge and presented their oblation
of clarified butter to the fire, formed nine circles of cow-
dung on the ground ; and, having bathed the appellee in
the Ganges, brought him with his clothes wet ; when, to
remove all suspicion of deceit, they washed his hands with
pure water : then, having written a statement of the case
and the words of the mantra on a palmyra leaf, they tied
it on his head ; and into his hands, which they opened and
joined together, seven leaves of Pippala, seven of Jend, seven
blades of the darbha grass, a few flowers and some barley
moistened with curd, which they fastened with raw white
cotton. After this they made the iron-ball red-hot and,
taking it up with tongs, placed it in his hands. He walked
with it, step by step, the space of three gaz and a half
through each of the seven intermediate rings, and threw the
ball into the ninth where it burned the grass that had been
left in it. He next, to prove his veracity, rubbed some
rice in the husk between his hands, which were afterwards
examined and were so far from being burned that not even
a blister wag raised on either of them. Since it is the
nature of fire to burn, the officers of the court and the people
SUCJCBS80B8 OP
of Benares, nearly five hundred of whom attended the
ceremony, were astonished at the event ; and this well-
wisher to mankind was perfectly amazed. It occurred to bis
weak apprehension that probably the fresh leaves and other
things which, as it has been mentioned, were placed in the
haads of the accused, bad prevented their being burned ;
besides that the time was but short between his taking the
ball and throwing it down ; yet it is positively declared in the
Dharmafastra and in the written opinion of the most re-
spectable Parujits that the hand of a man who speaks truth
cannot be burned ; and 'AH Ibrahim KhSn certainly saw
with his own eyes, as many others also saw with theirs,
that the hands of the appellee in this case were unhurt by the
fire. He was consequently discharged. But that men
might in future be deterred from demanding the trial by
ordeal, the appellor was committed for a week. After all,
if such a trial could be seen once or twice by several intelli-
gent men acquainted with natural philosophy, they might
be able to assign the true reason why a man's hand may be
burned in some cases and not in others " l (As. Res., I,
1 In ooooect on with the above remark it may be interesting to note what
Edwin Edser writes about the " Spheroidal State.*'
" Expt. 52 ,
*' E*pt. 68 The ab->ve experiments illustrate what is called the
Spheroidal State of water. A laundress generally tests the temperature of her iron
by observing whether it is sufficient to cause a drop of saliva to assume the Spheroidal
State. Juggler* were formerly in the Inbit of plunging their hand* into molten
tod, their i mm unity from burning depending on the moisture on their hands assum-
ing the Spheroidal State. Blacksmiths will often lick a bar of red-hot iron. In
early times, a common form of ordeal was to walk on red-hot ploughshares. Many
w%o came through this ordeal triumphantly must hive ascribed to supernatural inter-
vention an occurrence which was strictly in accordatic* with natural Uw.
" Water is not the only substance which CID assume the Spheroidal State. All
liquids will do to if placed on a metal surface that is sufficiently hot. If a mixture
of solid carbolic acid and *thr is poured into a re l-'>ot pi itin-im crucible, it will
assume tbe SpheroHal State If mercury is poured on to the mixture, it will
be frozen though the platinum dish remains red-hot "flee Heat for Advanctd
SftfdenMMacmfflan & Co., 1988), pp, 195-96.
APPENDIX D1VYAS S75
pp. 395-98). For another instance of the phala-divya, see
B. V, Bhat, op. dt. t p. 44.
III. "A Brahmana named RI6vara Bhatt-a accused
one Bamdayal, a linen-painter, of having stolen his goods.
Ramdayal pleaded not guilty ; and after much altercation,
consented to be tried, as it had been proposed, by the vessel
of oil (tapta-masaka-divya). This well-wisher to mankind
advised the Pandits of the court to prevent, if possible, that
mode of trial ; but since the parties insisted on it, an ordeal
of hot oil, according to the Sastra, was awarded for the
same reasons which prevailed in regard to the trial by the
ball. The Papdits who assisted in the ceremony were
Bhi?ma Bhatta, Nna Pajhak, Maniram Bhafta, Siva,
.Anantaram Bhatta, Krparam, Visnuhari, Krsnacandra,
Ramendra, Govindaram, Harikrsna Bhatta and Kalidas ;
the three last were Papdits of the court. When Gane&i
had been worshipped and the homa presented according
to the Sastra, they sent for this well-wisher to mankind
who, attended by the two Daroghas of the Divani and Fauj-
dari courts, the Kotval of the town, the officers of the^ court
and most of the inhabitants of Benares, went to the place
of trial, where he laboured to dissuade Barndayal and his
father from submitting to the ordeal ; and apprised them
that, if the hands of the accused should be burned, he would
be compelled to pay the value of the goods stolen, and his
character would be disgraced in every company. Eamdayal
would not desist ; he thrust his hand into the vessel and
was burned. ' The opinion of the Pandits was then taken,
and they were unanimous that by the burning of his hand,
his guilt was established and he was bound to pay R$vara
Bhafta the price of what he had stolen ; but if the sum
exceeded five hundred ashrafls, his hand must be cut off
1 Tbt boJdwwaod persistence possibly show that poor RtadajU WM tcfeuUy
376 SUCCESSORS OE THE SiTAViHANAS
by an express law of the $&stra\ and a mulct also must be
imposed on him according to his circumstances.
" The chief magistrate, therefore, caused Hamdayal to
pay Rsl^vara seven hundred rupees in return for the goods
which had been stolen ; but as amercements in such cases
are usual at the courts of judicature at Benares, the mulct
was remitted, and the prisoner was discharged.
"The record of this conviction was transmitted to
Calcutta in the year of Messiah 1783 ; and in the month of
April, 1784, the Governor-General, Imad-ud-daulah Jeladat
Jang Bahadur, 1 having seen the preceding account of trials
by ordeals, put many questions concerning the meaning of
Sanskrit worJs, and the cases here reported, to which he
received respectful answers " (ibid., pp. 399-400).
The judgment of a case of the tapta-ma$aka ordeal
(described as agni-divya) has been quoted by Prof. S. N. Sen,
op. cit., pp. 366-67 : "You were then sent with Kajagri
ipaji Hanumant Subhedar and Balaji Dadaji and Baghoji
Raut, officers from the Huzur and the District, to Pali for
the performance of an agni-divya. The got of that place
assembled in the temple and they lighted a fire and heated
ghee and oil mixed in customary proportion. You bathed
and after a declaration of your right, took two pieces of
metal from the heated liquid in the presence of all. Then
your hand was bandaged and sealed. The next day the
aforesaid parties were brought to the Huzur by the Karkun
of the District officer. On the third day, in the presence
of the Majalasi, the bandage was taken off and the seals
broken. On your hand were found only the marks that
formerly existed there. Nothing more, nothing less ; you
passed the ordeal successfully."
* The same as Warren Hastings, Governor of Bengal, 1772-74, Governor*
General, 1774-85.
VIII
VAYALCJR LIST OF EARLY PALLAVA KINGS
We have already said that the traditional list of early
Pallava kings given in some late records is, in our opinion,
not much valuable for the purpose of authentic history.
All recent writers on Pallava history however have put
much faith in the genealogical list given in the Vayalur
grant of Rajasimha. The late Mr. H. Krishnasastri said,
" It looks, therefore, as if the authors of the Ka^akudi,
Udayendiram and Velurpalaiyam plates, all of which are
admittedly later than the Vayalur record, but not much
later, drew these stray names for airing their knowledge
of early Pallava chronology purely from memory and were
not always correct " (Ep. Ind., XVIII, p. 147). But this
scholar and many others think the Vayalur list historically
valuable. There are however reasons to believe that the
earlier names of this list are all legendary and unhistorical
and that the rest of the list has in it not only the names of
a single branch of the Pallava family.
The following is the list of the Pallavas given in the
Vayalur record :
1. Brahman. 7. Agvatthaman.
2. Angira. 8. Pallava. J
3. Bjrhaspati. 9. ASoka. 2
4. Sainyu. 10. Harigupta.
5. BharadvSja. 11. Bhutadatta.
6. Drona. 12. Suryavarman.
1 Not. 1-8 are also mentioned i j the Kuram (S. Ind. Ins. t l, p. 144 ff.). Udaye idiram
No. 2 Jnd. Ant., VIII, p. 273) and Velurpalaiyam plates (S. Ind Jn*., II, p. 508).
These name* are evidently legendary.
1 Aloka ia mentioned in the Kasakudi (S. Ind. In*., II, p. 842i and Velurpalaiyam
Platea. In the latter inscription he ie called Atokavarman. According to
the name ia a modincation of Afoka, the great Maurya king of P&taliputra.
46
378
SUCCESSORS OF THE SATAVIHANAS
13. Vi$nugopa (I).
14. Ghytaka.
15. Kalinda.
16. Jyamalla.
17. Bipumalla.
18. Vimala.
19. Kongani.
20. Kalabharta. 1
21. Cutapallava.
22. Virakurca (I). 2
23. Candravarman.
24. Karala.
25. Visnugopa (II).
26. Skandamula.
27. Kanagopa.
28. Virakurca (II). 8
29. Skandavarman (I).
30. Kumaravinu (I).
31 . Buddhavarman (I) .
32. Skandavarman (II).
33. Kumaravignu (II). 4
34. Buddhavarman (II)
35. Skandavarman (III).
36. Visnugopa (III). 8
37. Visnudasa.
38. Skandavarman (IV).
39. Simhavarman (I).
40. Viravarman.
41. Skandavarman (V).
42. Simhavarman (II) . R
43. Skandavarman (VI).
44. Nandivarman. 7
45. Simhavarman (III).
46. Simhavarman (IV).
47. Visnugopa (IV).
48. Simhavarman (V).
49. Simhavisnu.
50. Mahendravarman 8 ;
etc., etc.,
1 There is no proof that NOB. 10-20 were historical persons.
9 He was possibly the first king of the family.
9 The Velurpalaiyam record appears to identify Virakurca I (No. 22) with Vira-
kurca II (No. 28). This fact possibly shows that Nos. 23-27 are unhistorical. May
Virakurca (II) be identical with VTrakorcavarman of the Darsi plate?
4 This Kum&ravifnu II issued the Chendalur grant.
5 This Vignugopa may have been the contemporary of Samudragapta. On
pnlaeographical grounds however the contemporary of Sainudragupta (circa 880-75)
cannot be placed after the issuer of the Chendalur grant.
' Possibly the king mentioned in the Penukonda plates of about A.D. 475,
According to the Lokavtbhdga, he ruled from 486 to about 458 A.D. (Ep. Ind. t XIV.
p. 881 ff.). Names 40-42 are found consecutively in the genealogy of the Pallavas
of the Nellore-Guntur region ; see Nos. 4-6 at page 174 above
7 He possibly issued the Udayendiram grant No. 1.
He ascended the throne about 600 A.D.
KXVYA STXLB IN INSCRIPTIONS OP THE SUCCESSORS
OP THE SATAVIHANAS
G. Biihler in his famous article entitled The Indian
Inscriptions and the Antiquity of Indian Artificial Poetry
(translated from German in Ind. Ant., XLII, 1913) has
proved the existence of a Kavya literature in Sanskrit and
Prakrit during the first five centuries of the Christian era
and showed that a great period of literature following the
style of the poetic school of Vidarbha (Berar) lies before the
middle of the fourth century A.D. The poetic citations in
the Mahabhatya (Ind. Ant. 9 XIV, p. 326 ff.) by Patafijali
(generally placed in the second century B.C., but is
probably later), exhibiting metres characteristic of arti-
ficial poetry, such as Malati, Pramitakara, Prahar^im
and Vasantatilaka and many verses in the Anusfabh agree
fully as regards contents and the mode of expression, with the
court Kavyas. 1 The Buddhacarita (translated into Chinese
between 414 and 421 A.D.) by ASvaghosa, said to have
been a contemporary of Kaniska, also shows a marvellous
development of the Kavya style. The description of the
literary capacity of a Saka prince named Eudradaman
(c. 130-150 A.D.) in the Junagadh record as sphuta-laghu-
madhura-citra-kanta-abda-samayodar-alamty^^
[*kavya-vidhana-pravina'] which marvellously agrees with the
principles of the Vaidarbhi style explained by Dapdin
(KavySdarfa, I, 41-42) and Bharata (Natyafastra, Ch. XVI),
and the prose style of the Junagadh record (150 A.D.) it-
self and the Nasik inscription of the time of Budradaraan's
1 It it interesting to note that the famous Nanaghat inscription of Nftganik*.
which is placed in the 1st or 2nd cent. B.C., uses the figurative expression itgora-
pfltfuwtya patJiawa-t>f>a, etc.
880 SUCCESSORS OF THE SITAVIHANAS
Satavahana contemporary Vftsi^hlputra Pulumavi show,
according to Biihler (p. 34 note), that " in the second cen-
tury, there had been many superior and more elaborate com-
positions ; because the author of the Girnar (i.e., Junagadh)
inscription was only an obscure provincial writer and the
author of the Nasik inscription was only a court poet of
the And bra (i.e., Satavahana) king." Buhler has in this
connection examined from Corp. Ins. Ind., Ill, some eigh-
teen inscriptions, which are partly or wholly metrical and
of definitely known date, including the Allahabad pillar in-
scription of Samudragupta described as a Kavya by its author
Harisena, the Junagadh inscription of Gupta years 136-38
(456-58 A.D.) described as a Grantha and the Mandasor
inscription of Malava year 529 (473-74 A.D.) described as a
Pro&wti by its author Vatsabhatft. The dates of the records
examined fall in the period between 350 and 550 A.D.
From the great number of similar inscriptions of the period,
Babler suggested that in the above period " the use of the
Kavya style in i ascriptions, especially in longer ones, was
ia vogue aad, from this very circumstance, it follows that
court poetr) was jealously cultivated in India."
It should be noticed that in considering the question
Buhler did not take into account the inscriptions of the
Vakafakas and other successors of tbe Satavahanas. The
reason seems to be that early writers like Buhler and
Kielbora did not think the records of many of these dynasties,
e.jr., the Vakafaka records, to be earlier than the middle of
the sixth century A.D. It was therefore easy for Buhler to
remark (p. 34 note), " It is however very questionable whether
the poetic art had reached in southern India that degree of
development which it had reached at the special centres of
iateliectual life in Northern India." But evidence shows
that Biihler 1 s doubts are unjustified. It is true that tbe
Pralgrit language, which gradually died out from North
Indian inscriptions as early as the beginning of tbe second
STtLE IN INCRlMlOtfS 881
eeatary A.D., lingered on in the records of Southern India as
late as the beginning of the fourth century. It is also true
that many of the southern inscriptions are written in a
matter-of-fact style. But that the Kavya style was culti-
vated in Southern India is perfectly established by a number
of South Indian inscriptions, especially those belonging .to
the family of the Kadambas. The poetic genius of the
authors of the Junagadh and Nasik inscriptions was certainly
inherited by their successors in the Vakataka and Kadamba
courts and, patronised by the Calukyas, found in Kavikirti,
a rival of Bharavi and Kalidasa.
The Vakatakas ruled over the greater part of the Deccan
before the rise of the Calukyas about the middle of the sixth
century. All the Vakafaka grants are therefore to be
assigned to a period anterior to 550 A.D. Most of their re-
cords are however written in elegant Sanskrit prose; but the
prose style is not so much artificial as that of the Allahabad
pillar inscription of Samudragupta. Biihler has rightly
remarked, " It was a familiar custom in the fifth century to
glorify the erection of temples and other edifices, by means
of such occasional composition/' The Vakataka records,
it should be noted, are ordinary land grants and 'cannot
therefore claim to have been written in the style of
Prafastis, Granthas or (Gadya-) Kavyas. But the prose style
of the Vaka^aka records is as much artificial as that of the
contemporary ordinary land grants belonging to the Guptas.
We know that Dancjin defines the ojo-guna as samasa-bhuya-
stva and describes it as the very life of artificial prose (ojafc
samite frbhuyastvam^etadgadyasy a jlvitam; Kavyadaria, I,
70). This ojah is characteristic of the prose style of the
Vakajaka records. The Chammak, Dudia and other records
describe the Vaka$aka king Pravarasena I in a phrase con-
taining no less than thirty-six syllables. The Bhara&va
relatives of the Vaka$akas are described in several inscrip-
tions as
382 SUCCESSORS OF TfiE
tutfa : samutpadita-rajavar{i6anani parakram-adhigata-bhagl-
rathy~amda-jala-murdh-abhiiktan6w da-a6vamedh-Hva-
bhrtha-snananam (33 + 21+11 syllables). The plurality
of adjectival phrases, reference to epic characters in
passages like yudhisthira-vrtti and the length of sentences in
these records exhibit the artificial nature of the style. It
should also be noted that verses are sometimrs found in the
prose inscriptions of the V&kafakas. The seal of the Dudia
plates of Prabhavatigupta, for example, has the following
verse in anustubh metre and Vaidarbhi style :
Vakataka-1 alamasy a krama-prapta-nrpa-Myafr,
Jananya yuvarajasya asanam ripufasanam.
The figures of speech exhibited by this verse are Anu-
prasa and Yamaka. Records like the Ajanta inscription of
the Vakataka king Harisena are wholly metrical and show
that the poetic genius of the Vakataka court poets was of
no mean order. This record is fragmentary ; but the
existing padas show that many metres characteristic of
artificial poetry were used by the poet. Padas like purandar-
opendra-sama-prabhavah svabahu-viry-arjita-sarva-lokah ;
pravarasenah prthu-pma-vakah saroruh-aksah fc?apzt-fin-pafc-
sah ; etc.; and the only existing complete verse 1
Ari-narendra-mauli-vinyasta'marii-kirana-n^ha-
kram-ambujafr,
Pravarasenas tasya putro = ' bhud = vikafan-navendwar-
ekfanah
prove that the author of the Ajanta record tried to show hrs
skill in the Kavya style. Repetition of the bard sound k$a in
1 Eielhoro is inclined to describe the metre of this ?er*e as a species of mftfri-
$amaka : but Dr. Venkatasubbia takes it to be a variety of gttikfi (see hid. Cult ., V, p.
114). This metre with slight variation is found in lines 1-2 of the Tosam inscription
(Corp. Ins. Ind., Ill, p. 270), verges 1-24 of the Talgonda record and at p. 4 of the
Bower MSB. In the 6th-7th centuries the metre seems to have been in use in different
parts of India.
APPENDIX KiVYA STYLE IN INSCRIPTIONS 383
the line pravarasena, etc., shows that the poet preferred the
Gau<Jiya-riti of poetry to the Vaidarbhi. 1
The earliest records of the successors of the Satavahanas
in Lower Deccan are written in Prakrit prose. That the in-
fluence of the Satavahana court poets was still working on
their successors in South Indian courts is proved by the
artificial style exhibited by some of the Iksvaku records dis-
covered at Nagarjunikonda. The artificial nature of the
style of the Ikgvaku court poets is shown not only by the
ojo-guna and the length of sentences in the Iksvaku inscrip-
tions, but also by the mode of glorifying the Buddha and
the reigning king's ancestor with a large number of epithets,
some of which exhibit figures of speech characteristic of the
Kavya style. Most of the Nagarjunikonda records begin
with an adoration to Lord Buddha namo bhagavato deva-
raja-sakatasa supabudha-bodhino savamiluno sava-sat-anukarfi-
pakasa jita-raga-dosa-moha-vipamutasa mahagani-vasabha-
gairidhahathisa sammasabudhasa dhatuvara-parigahitasa. In
one of these record^, the adoration is namo bhagavato ikha-
ku-raja-pravara-risi-sata-pabhava-vanisa~bhavasa deva-manusa-
sava-sata-hita-sukha-maga-desikasa jita-kama-kodha-bhaya-
harisa-tarisa-moha-dosasa dapita-mara-dapa-mana-pasamana-
karasa dasabala-mahabalasa athawga-m&ga-dhamacaka-pava-
takasa caka-lakhana-sukumara-$ujd,ta-caranasa taruna-divasa-
kara-pabhasa sarada-sasi-sama-darisanasa sava-loka-cita-mahi-
tasa budhasa (4 + 20+19 + 19 + 18 + 9 + 14+164-11+12 +
LO syllables). At least the figurative expressions tartwa-
divasakara-pabha and sarada-sasi-sama-darisana are concieved
quite in the Kavya style. But such is not only the case
with ths adoration; the earlier king, Camtamula I, is generally
glorified in his son's and grandson's records as virup&kha-
l Development of the Kivya style in the Vftkftfcka period is also evidenced by the
existence of a Prakrit poem entitled Setubandha described by Bftna in bis Hartacarita
M composed by Pravaraatna who has been identified with the Vakftfaka
Prararaeena ||.
384 SOCCESSOKS OF THE SiTAVIHANAg
pati-maMsena-parigahitasa
dha-y&jisa hiranakoti-go-satasahasa-hala-satasnh
savathesu apatihata-sarfikapasa v&sithlputasa ikhakusa siri-
ciHjitamulasa (16+17 + 22, etc., syllables).
The early Sanskrit records of South-Eastern Deccan are
written in prose. They are not composed on special occasions
like erection of temples or other edifices and are not to be class-
ed with Gadyakavyas. Rut that the writers of these records
were not unfamiliar with the artificial style of Sanskrit prose
is proved by the ojo-guna of the records. Reference may be
made to tha description of Madhavavarman I in the records
of the Visnukundin family. The Chikkulla grant describes
him with seven ep thets, the longest having no less than
fifty-five syllables. The longest epithet describing Madhava-
varman I in the Bamatirtham plates contains as many as
forty-nine syllables. It is however better to refer to the Ipur
and Polamuru grants of Madhavavarman I himself who
ruled in circa 535-85 A D.
Ipur grant smrti-mati-bala'Sattva-dhairya-vlrya-vinaya-
saippannab sakah-mahlmandala-manujapati-pratipujita^asa-
nas = trioarandgara-bhaoana-gata-yuvati-hrdaya-nandanah sva-
naya-bala-vijita-sakala-samant-Atula-bala^
sattva-sarjipannah sakala'jagad'avanipati-pratipujita-4asano=x
^n^oma-sahasra-yajirhiranyagarbha'prasuta ekadai-a^va"
medh-avabhrtha-vidhuta-jagat-kalmaa^
raja-6ri-madhavavarHia (18 + 21 + 19+32 + 18 + 16 + 18 + 14
syllables) .
Polamuru grant atula'bala'parakrama-yafo-d&na^inaya"
sarppanno da$aata-sakala-dharanitala-narapatir = avasita-vivi-
dha-divyas = trivaranagara - bhavana-gata-parama-yuvati-jana-
viharaya - ratir=ananya-nrpa!i - sadharana- dana-mana-daya-
damadhrti-mati-ksanti-aitry - audarya- gambhlrya - prabhrty-
wieka guna-sampaj-janita-raya-samutthita bhumandalavydpi
vipulayafah kratu-sahasra-yajl hiranyagarbha-prasata=eklida^
APPENDIX KAVYA STYLE IN INSCRIPTIONS 385
parirafc?aria-ctiflcttr = vidvad^vija-gtini-vrddha-tapasvi-'janaira'
yo mah&r&jak ri-madhavavarma (19 + 16 + 25 + 60 + 7 +
8+20+11+15+4+6 syllables).
The Early Kadambas who succeeded the Cutu Sfttakarnis
in Southwestern Deccan in the first half of the
4th century were subdued by the Early Calukyas
about the middle of the sixth when the latter estab-
lished themselves at Badami. Excepting the Talgunda
inscription of Santivarman, however, no other early record
of the Kadambas can be said to have been composed on
special occasions like the inscriptions examined by Biihler.
Nevertheless, the small Kadamba records, many of which are
wholly or partly metrical, contain in them verses which are
specimens of excellent poetry. We give below a collection of
the namaskara verses from different records of the Early
Kadambas and the reader will see that they would make a
mangold carana suitable to any work of the best writers of
Sanskrit poetry.
Jayati bhagavan jinendro gunarundrah prathita-parama-
karunikahi
Trailoky-atvasakari daya-patak-occhrita yasya.
Jayaty^arhams = trilokefah sarva-bhuta-hitamkarah,
Rag-ady-ari-haro = 'nanto = 'nanta-jftana-drg-ttvarah.
Jayati sur-asura-makuta-pranihita-mani^
carana-yugah,
Danda-kamandalu-hastah padma-pravar-asano brahma.
Jayaty udrikta'daity'endra-bala'Vlrya'Vimardanah,
Jagat-pravrtti-samhara-srsti'rnayadliaro harih.
Jitaw bhagavata tena vifnuna yasya vaksasi,
Snli svayarp, bhati deva$ = ca nabhi-padme pitamahah.
Jayaty =ambuja- g ehay<ih patir=visnuh sanHtanah,
VarGha-rupew dhatfw yo dadh&ra yuga-k?aye,
$86 9W$*9QB8 OP THIS 8ATAVAHANA8
iwMtfW^^
Jayati dhmva-bal-endu-jato-mukuta-mandanah,
As&dhya-nidhan&h iambhur=*vite6o fagat&m patih.
Hara-nSr&yana-brahma-tritayaya namak sadA,
The first of these verw written in theory a metre occurs
in several insoriptio^s, the earliest belongiug to the time
when Kakuathavarrpan was a yuva,raja about the beginning
of the fifth ceutury.
we find such beautiful Hoes as the following in ft
and quite ordinary grant like the Halsi grant of
eighth year we canaot but think that the
wurt poet was a consummate artist :
fa^kakustka-narendrasya
&ri-6antivaravarm**eti raja rajwa-locanafy,
Khal = eva vanit=akfft& yena laksmir^dvisad-grhat.
Tat-priya-jye$tha-tanayah ri-mrgea-nar&dhipah ,
iiayi dvija-s&manta-pujitah.
danam daridrdnam mahaphalamit=wa yah,
Svayatfi bhaya-daridro 'pi atrubhyo~'dan=mahad-
bhayam.
Tuhga-ganya-kul-otsqdi pvHava-prqlay-analah, etc.
Tp iUurtrate how the writer of an ordinary small land
gtnt bringa in epic characters, we may refer to the Bennur
Sa r&ja rfy
SttLfi IN ttfSCllttfttOite 3tt
III fbift Wflnwtioti 1W Ibcfeid Also ttote th*t the Bftttha-
hftffi ffrttit Of the Wrtfle king describes his
Vifttttttrtlteti a* gtHdhtttifchbatifihsa-dkanur
faje*4f-&rjuna*sai*n ftnd 6abd+attha-nyaya-vidviit. We aft
tes to frttioft not orily the reference to epic and historical
cteraotett liki Vfttdftf&jft, Indra afid Arjuna, but also to
the foot that Ktdfttuba Visnuvarman claimed to have beflfl
skilled in g4ndbatoa (music), fabda (grammar, or tbfr
f6iefic of words), attha (their t)5ci/a, i.e.,
, i.*., indicated, and vyanga,i.e., suggested
ny&ya (logical method). It i interesting that
poet (kavi) Saba-Vtrweaa, the tociM trf Candrftgupt* ft,
describes himself in the Udayagiti cave inscription as
skilled in fobda, art ha, and ny ay a (cf. kautsah SabAiti khy&to
vifasenah kiil-Akhyaycl, tdbd-attha-nyaya^okajfldh'kitVih
Ivpntmkdft). Cf. ftlso, the e
buddhi applied to Umftpati Dhara, court-poet of Lakgmtttttt*
Wtt*, ih the Deopatia grant of Vijayasena. Evidently
Kadafflb^ VtttMvarman claimed to have been a mimcian amrd
poet like Satnudragupta and his court encouraged Artiste like
that of the Gupta king and of the $aka king Rttdrtdftttfen.
Th metrical portions of Early Kadatnba tecorite
generally contain fine verses written in the Vaidarbh! styte.
As it is ttot possible to quote all of them we satisfy ourselves
only With two verses in the Upajstt mertre from A IMtfc
cbttter of the time of Bavivarmati :
rt*tfi?ntiwr mw-prfi*fer tm =* narendtan
*ihvty& jit
Utsadya
Mfaena catviri nivarte*ani
Mm jwemdmyu mafeim mafeendraft.
888 SUCCESSORS OF THE SITAVlflANAg
. The only Early Kadamba inscription that was composed
on a special subject is the Talgunda record of Santivarman.
It describes how a tank was constructed by Kakustbavarman,
father of Santivarman, for a temple of Siva. It is written in
verse. Verse 34 of the record says that a poet named Kubja
was responsible for the composition of the Kdvya which the
author himself inscribed on stone. The poet cannot be
ranked with the best writers of Sanskrit poetry ; but his
literary talent was not of a mean order. Kubja 1 s Kavya is
written in 34 verses which exhibit such metres as Puspi-
tagra, Indravajra, Vasantatilaka, Mandakranta, Sardula-
yikrujita and Pracita (a vareity of Dandaka). The first 24
verses are however composed in a metre rarely found
in classical Sanskrit works. Kielhorn has fully describ-
ed it in Ep. Ind., VIII, p. 26 ff (see above, p. 382
note). We give here an analysis of the Talgunda inscrip-
tion.
The inscription may be conveniently divided into four
parts; Part I deals with rfiangalacarana and namaskara; Part
II with the early history and glories of the family to which
the hero of the performance belongs; Part III with the des-
cription of the hero and his performance, and Part IV with
conclusion and benediction.
Part I. The record begins with the auspicious word
siddhatji and a verse in adoration to Sthanu, i.e., Siva. The
namaskara is then extended to learned Brabmanas well-
versed in the $k, Yajus and Sama Vedas.
Part II. Kakusthavarman, the hero of the performance,
is introduced, as well as the family to which he belonged.
The story how the family was named Eadamba owing to its
early members tending a Kadamba tree with care. The
birth of Mayuradarman, the founder of the Eadamba family,
and his exploits. His quarrel with the Pallava king of
KaficI and victorious campaigns against the Pallavas and
Bfhad-Bagas. His installation by the king of KaficI on the
APPENDIX KAVYA STYLE IN INSCBIPTIONS 889
throne of the kingdom lying between the Prehara and the
Western Ocean. Description of his abhi?eka by ?adanana
and the Mothers. His son Kangavarman, grandson Bhagl-
ratha and great-grandson Baghu.
Part III. Description to Baghu 's brother and successor
Kakusthavarman, the hero of the performance. The pro-
sperity of the Kadamba kingdom during his reign. His
daughters married to princes of the Gupta and other royal
families. How his feudatories obeyed him. How he
constructed a tad&ka in the siddhdlaya of Bhagavan Bhava,
i, e., Siva, which had been occasionally visited by such
ancient kings as Satakarni.
Part IV. Adoration to the Bhagavan, i. e., Siva, resid-
ing at Sthanakundura, i. e., Talgunda in the kingdom of
king Santivarman who wore three diadems. Benediction
Happiness for the dwelling (i.e.. the temple) and prosperity
for the subjects. 1
1 There is another way of looking at the question of the development of Kftvya
style. Epigraphic evidence does not prove that the style developed much earlier than the
first or second century A.D. As regards classical Sanskrit (Sawskrt*, the reformed or
refined language), it owes its development and popularisation to schools of grammarians
likePanini. It was however not popular in North India before the 2nd cent, and
in South India before the 4th cent. A.D., as Prakrit was still the language of tfce
records of kings and the common people. The stoiy of a Sfttavahana king's ignorance
of Sanskrit which led the grammarian Sarvavarraan tj write the famous Katantra
or Kal&pa-vyakarana slows that even cultured people did not onderstsnd Sanskrit
In my paper, Population of Classical Sanskrit <md tne Age of Sanskrit Dramas, read
at the Indian History Congress, Allahabad (1988), I have tried to prove that the cradle
of sanuktta was the north-western part of India and that no wo* in C assacal
Sanskrit and developed Kavya style (especially, dramas which are meant for Jhe
common people) cao be given a date before the Christian era. ^*
that Sanskrit was at toft favoured by foreign immigrant, who came through II. W.
IndU to which Panini (inhabitant of Salatura in Gandhara) belonged. is aUo
interesting that the earliest known classical author, As vaghosa, is connected with
Kaniska's court at'Pnrasapura (Peshawar).
X
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES OP DYNASTIES
[A]
A.D. 100
Later Sdtavahanas
Gautamlputra Satakarni c. 107-131 A.D.
. 140 A.D.
A.D. 210
a Pulumavi
SivaSrl Satakarni
Sivaskanda Satakarni
Gautamlputra, Yajfla
Satakarni
Vajaya
Cancja Satakarni
Pulamivi
c. 132-159.
c. 160-166
c. 167-173
c. 174-205J
c. 203-208
c. 2C9- 4 a8
c. 219-225
TMrd Gen-
ttiry A.D.
Iksvctkus
I (2nd quarter of
Virapurisadata (3rd qtittter of 3rd ceottiry).
Ehuvtila C&mtatnQla IE (4th quartet of 8fd
ceatwy),
c. 800 A.D.
c. 350 A.D.
Early Pattavas of Kdfici
Father of divaakftndavarman (4th quarter of
3rd century).
Sivaskandavarman (let^iftrter of 4tb oentwy),
Skandavarman
Vi^nugopa (Conflict with Samudragupta,
about the middle of the fourth
century).
APF3JSJHX CHRONOLOGICAL T4BLBS
Skandavarman
Kumaravi^u (I)
Buddhavarman
KumBravi^nu (II)
Skandavarman
AJX 486-58 Simbavarman c, 436-460 A.D,
Skandavarman
NaDdivarman
Simhavarman
Siinhavarman
Vignugopa
Simbavarman
c. A.D. 620 MaheDdravarman (I) c. 600-630 A.D.
[B]
JSarly P#Hava$ of the Nellwe-Guntur regio
Virakorcavarraan
Kuraaravisnu
Skandavarman (I)
Skaodavarman (ID
Simhavarman c. 500 A.D.
Vi srmgopa varman
[C]
c. 300 A.D.
Brhatphatiyanas
Jayavarman
c. 400 A.D.
Anandas
Kandara
Attivarman
D&modaravarman (about tbe end of the fourth
century and tbe beginning
of the fifth).
SUCCESSORS OP THE SlTAViHANAS
Salankayanas
c. 350 A.D,
Devavarman
c. 320-345 A.D.
Hastivarman
c. 345-370
Nandivarman (I)
c. 370-395 ,,
Candavarman
c. 395-420
Nandivarman (II)
c. 420-445
Skandavarman
c. 445-470
Vikramabendra (Vikramendra I ?) c. 500-520
A.D.
Govindavarman
c. 520-535
e. 550 A.D.
Madhavavarman I
c. 535-585 ,,
[Madhavavarman II
c. 585-615 ,,] 1
Vikramendravarman I (II?)
c. 615-625
Indravarman
c. 625-655
Vikramendravarman II (III?) c. 655-670 M
1 If it is believed that Madhavavarman n issued his charter as hia grandfather's
viceroy i bis reign should be omitted and the succeeding reigns closed up.
[E]
c. 340 A,D.
400 A. D.
472 A.D.
545 A J>.
Barfy Kadambas of Mayiirafarman's Line
Mayuratorman
Kangavarman
Bhagiratha
Ragbu
Kakustbavarman c. 405-35 A.D.
Santivarman
Mjrge^avarman c. 470-90 ,,
Bavivarman c. 490-538 ,,
Harivarman c. 538-50 ,,
APPENDIX CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES
[F]
393
c. 450 A.D.
c. 490 A.D.
c. 530 A.D.
Early Kadambas of Krsnavarmari s Line
Krpavarman I
Visnuvarman I
Simhavarman
Krnavarman II
Ajavarman
Bhogivarman
About the
middle of
6th cent.
A.D.
Early Kadambas : Miscellaneous
Kumaravarman
Mandhatrvarman
Madhuvarman
Damodara
[H]
c. 450 AD.
Kekayas
Sivanandavarman
50
ADDENDA ET CORRIGENDA
P. 5, 1. 32. Read between two Snanda kings.
P. 9, II. 2-3, 12, etc. Read Jaggayyapeta ; Read Nandi-
gama. L. 20. Omit middle and.
P. 16. Read Camtamula I (second quarter of the third
century A.D.) ; Virapurisadata (third quarter of the third
century) ; Ehuvula Camtamula II (fourth quarter of the third
century).
P. 20, 1. 16. Omit (Vapisrl ?). Note A* Vogel suggests, the
name may be connected with names like Bappikd. L. 25. NoteIt
is significant that epithets like virupdkhapati-mahdsena-parigahita
are applied to Camtamula I and not to bis son and grandson.
P. 23, II. 1-2. Read Rudrasena I, II, III, IV. Rudrasimha
I, II, III. L. 30. NoteVanavdsa as a form of the name of
Banavasi or Vaijayanti is found in inscriptions and literature
(Bomb. Gaz., I, ii, p. 278 ; Vikramdnkadevacarita, V, 23 ;
XIV, 4).
P. 24, L 21. Bead dated on the 10th day of the 6th fort-
night of varsd,
P, 25, II. 18-19. NoteMatuka has been supposed to be
the same as the Nikayas, corresponding to the maittMna (matr-
sthdna, i.e., matrices) of the Jains (Ind. Cult., I, p. 107 ff. ; Law,
Mahaeira, p. 59).
P. 28, L 1. Read dated on the 13th day of the 6th fortnight
of winter. L. 10. Omit and other therls. L. 12. Omit
that is, who belonged to. L. 15. Bead and also fcious people of
other countries (of. ndnddesa-samdgatdnam) .
P. 29, I. 33. Read the word in Indian literature. Add
The word cinapatta is mentioned in the Pali Buddhist works,
Apaddna and Milinda-panho, and also in the Canonical book
called Buddhavamsa (p. 60), supposed to be a work of the 1st
396 SUCCESSOES OF SITAVAHANAS
cent. B.C. See Ind. Cult., IV, p. 381. It is also mentioned in
Kautilya's Arthatdstra.
P. 32, I. 10. Add Dantapura is mentioned in some other
Ganga records, e.g., a grant of Madhukamarnava (Journ. Andhra
Hist. Res. Soc., VIII, p. 181). Sometimes the name is written
Dantipura. L. 16. Note The Nallamalai range seems to have
been known by the general name Sriparvata.
P. 33, I. 25. Read dated on the 5th day of the 6th fortnight
of winter (hemanta).
P. 34, 1. 15. Bead dated on the 10th day of the 8th
fortnight of varsd. L. 28. Add A fragmentary pillar ins-
cription dated in the 6th year of Virapurisadata has been
discovered at Bamireddipalle not far from the Jaggayyapeta
site.
P. 35. Note The name Ehuvula may be compared with
names like Hamgunavula-Devana of a 7th century Darsi record
(A.R.S.I.E., 1933-34, p. 41).
P. 42, 1. 1 Read issued on the 1st day of the 1st fortnight
of hemanta.
P. 45, L 4. Note According to Hemacandra's Detindmamdla,
aviam means uktam which signifies " speech."
P. 55, 1. 2. Read their own copper-plate granis L. 3, etc.
Read Damodaravarman .
P. 56, I. 37. Add Mi. V. S Eamachandramurti has
recently written a note on the inscription in the KapoteiSvara
temple at Chezar la (Journ. Andhra Hist. Res. Soc., XI, p. 43
ff.). A tentative reading of the record has been published in
5; Ind. Ins., VI, No. 594. The record belongs to Satsabhamalla
whose mother was the Mahadevi Avanitalantavatl (?), dear
daughter of Kaodararaja. King Kandara is said to have belonged
to the mahdgotra of the great sage Ananda. He was the lord of
" the Black Benna " (i.e., Krsnavenna or Krishna) in which
the Andhra girls used to take their bath , of the Trikuta parvala,
of the city called Kandarapura, and also of two janapadas
(janapada-dvitaya). Mr. B. V, Krishna Rao thinks that this
Trikuta- par vata is mentioned in the Ipur grant of Visnukundin
Madhavavarman II as Trikuta-malaya, and identifies it with
ADDENDA ET CORRIGENDA 397
Kotappakonda near Kavur. One of Kandara's two janapadas
may have been the district round the Trikuta hill and the other
the district round Kandarapura (not yet identified). The banner
of king Kandara is said to bear the representation of Golangula
(a species of monkey). As sometimes the banner and crest of
a dynasty are found to be the same, it may not be impossible
that the seals attached to the Goran tla and Mattepad plates bear
the representation of a monkey. Prince Satsabhamalla,
daughter's son of king Kandara, appears to have been called
Prthivi-yuvaraja, and is possibly also credited with victory in
some battles at Dhanyakata. The first case-ending in the epithet
prthivi-yuvardja and the epithet kdlUvarasdraviraketu (which is
no doubt different from Kandara's epithet goldngula-vijaya-ketana)
possibly suggest that the epithets in lines 2-4 of the record belong
to Satsabhamalla and not to his maternal grandfather Kandara.
The seal of Satsabharnalla's family bore the representation of
Muraripu (Visnu) on Garuda and its ketana or banner had the
figure of a seated vulture (grdhra). May Kalisvarasaravira be
the name of the vigraha whose figure was the crest of Satsabha-
malla's family ?
P. 58, /. 19. Note May Vakevara be a mistake for Tryam-
bakesvara ? LI. 24-25. Note According to Coomaraswamy
(History of Indian and Indonesian Art, p. 77), the Kapotesvara
temple (4th century A. D.) at Chezarla in the Kistna district is
" a structural cattj/a-hall originally Buddhist and later connected
to Hindu usage." May it have been built by Damodaravarman,
the only known Buddhist king of the locality, who ruled about
the close of the 4th or the beginning of the 5th century ?
P. 62, I. 29. Read supplanted by the Pallavas.
P. 78, I. 25. Note Some scholars think that the grant
contains a date in year 138 which should be referred to the Gupta
era (Bhandarkar, List, No. 2036), while others think that it is
dated in the king's 7th regnal year. The reading and suggestion
of the former are very doubtful.
P. 80, I. 10. Note This is the Kindeppa grant published by
Mr. M. Narasimham in Journ. Andhra Hist. Res. Soc., VIII,
p. 160. The Siripuram grant of the same king (issued from
398 StfCCESSOBS Otf SiTAVlHANAfc
Devapura, possibly the chief town of Devaras^ra) was also
published by the same scholar in Bhdratl (Telugu) , September,
1931. The suggestion that the Siripuram grant is dated in year
8 of the Saka era cannot be accepted. L. 17. Add The Tandi-
vada plates (Journ. Or. Res., IX, p 188 ff.) issued from Pista-
pura in the 46th year of Prthivi-maharaja, son of Vikramendra
and grandson of Maharaja Kanadurjaya, have been ascribed to
the first half of the 7th century. The kings mentioned in this
record appear to have ruled after the kings of the other records
already discuss e d. Prthivi-maharaja may have been the king of
Pistapura overthrown by Pulake&n II.
P. 81, L 2. Bead beginning of the 6th century. L. 14. Read
takes to have been.
P. 89, L 39. Add Note that a record of Harjjara, an Assam
king of the 9th cent., is dated in Gupta 510 (Ind. Cult. V, 114).
P. 112, I. 40. Add Dr. E. C. Majumdar suggests that the
struggle between Indravarman and the Ganga king Indra should
be placed before the Calukya conquest of Pistapura (Outline of the
History of Kalinga [offprint], p. *22). I do not think it absolutely
necessary ; but the suggestion may be reconciled with our chro-
nology if we think that Madhavavarman II did not rule (see
above, p. 133 ff.) and give Vikraraendravarman I a shorter reign.
In that case, Indravarman may be placed in c. 487-517. His
Ganga contemporary would then be an earlier Indravarman who
reigned in Ganga years 87 and 91.
Add. A word about Fleet's chronology of the Eastern Calu-
kyas, which we have accepted in this work. Fleet thinks that
Kubja-Visnuvardhana's reign began, as his brother's viceroy, in
615 (Ind. Ant., XX, p. 12). But his date 888 as the first year of
Calukya-Bbima I has now been provad wrong by the Attili grant
(C. P. No. 14 of 1917-18) which gives the king's coronation date
on Monday, April 17, 892. According, to the Chendalur grant
C&p. Ind., VII, p. 236 f.) there was a lunar eclipse in Vai&kha-
purnima in Mangiyuvaraja's 2nd year which, according to Fleet,
falls in 672-73. Actually however there was no Junar eclipse in
that tithi between the years 666 and 682. It ie therefore not
impossible that the beginning of Viemirardhana's reign w*i
ADDENDA ET COBKIGENDA 399
a few years later than 615. Mr. M. 8. Sarma thinks that
he began to rale " Vengl " in 633 (Journ. Or. Res., IX,
p. 17 ff.), while Mr. B. V Krishna Rao thinks it to be 624
(Journ. Andhra Hist. Res. Soc,, IX, iv, p. Iff.). Historical
arguments in support of both the theories are however weak.
Both the scholars rely on the doubtful evidence of the Kopparam
grant (above, pp. 117-18). Krishna Rao follows Lakshmana Rao
and thinks that Pulake&n II conquered " Vengl " in 611 ; Sarma
follows Hultzsch and takes 632 as the date of the conquest.
In my opinion the former theory is improbable and the latter is
just possible. But Pulake&n had to fight with two generations
of Pallava kings and no doubt led several expeditions to the east
coast country. There is no guarantee that the date of the con-
quest coincided with that of the grant. If however Fleet's epoch
is wrong, one of these dates should be examined astronomically,
because according to the Cbipurupalle grant there was a lunar
eoJipse in Sravana-purnima in Kubja-Visnuvardhana's 18th year,
and after 632 (date of the grant according to Fleet) the nearest
lunar eclipse on that tithi were in 641 and 650. In my opinion,
the latter date is too late, as it would make a very long difference
between the dates of the Polamuru grants of Madhavavarman I
and of Jayasimha I. Moreover, the astronomical details in
the Chendalur grant of Mangij uvaraja supports Krishna Rao's
theory, not Sarma's. The Musinikonda grant, we should
notice, is supposed to support Sarma. It gives the chronogram
date read as svddita (va = 4, da - 8, ta = 6), i.e., Saka
684 = 762 A.D. as following in Visnuvardhana(III)'s reign
(A. R. S. Ind. Ep., 1917, p. 116 ; for the chronogram system,
Burnell, S. Ind. PaL, p, 76). Visrmvardhana III ruled
in 709-46 (Fleet), or 719-55 (Krishna Bao) or 727-63 (Sarma).
But since to, da, dha, and da may be confused in early- mediae-
val Telugu script, Fleet and Krishna Rao may read svddita and
svadhita respectively to suit their theories, da being =3 and dha=
4. Another difficulty is with the Terala grant (No. 80 of 1929-
30) giving the date in the Saka year Bahudhanya and Karttika-
dukla-paficaml on Sunday (A.D. 739 or 859) as falling in the 5th
year of a Visnuvardbajia (III or IV), which does not suit any of
400 SUCCESSOES OF SITAVAEANAS
the three theories. Year 5 may be a wrong reading. The problem
cannot be solved in the present state of our knowledge; but of the
three dates 615, 624 and 633, the possibility of 624 as the first
year of Kubja-Visnuvardhan's rule at Pistapura seems to be
just a little more than the other two.
P. 114, 1. 35. Add The Chicacole grant of Indravarman
(Bhandarkar, List, No. 1474) dated in year 128 of the Ganga era
refers to a lunar eclipse in MargaSrsa-paurnamasi. According to
Dr. Majumdar's theory, this year falls in 678-85 A.D. But there
was no lunar eclipse in Margasirsa-paurnamasI in the period
between 673 and 689 A.D.
P. 116, I. 80. Read end of the 7th or somewhere.
P. 117, L 4. Note Not Vengi, but Bezwada, however, seems
to have been the capital at the time.
P. 124, 1. 31. Add In this connection, it is also interesting
to note that in Telugu works like Somadevarajyam (Journ.
Andhra Hist. Res. Soc., Ill, p. 113) the Kakatiyas are represented
as descendants of a certain Madhavavarman of the lunar
race.
P. 126, 1. 36. Read Vengi Ten Hundred. Add See Journ.
Or. Res., XI, p. 221 ff. The district is sometimes referred to
Vengi-sahaera or Vengipura-visaya-grama-sahasra. Gfrawa=tbat
which is the subject of an assessment (Abhidhdna rdjendra),
P. 129, I. 5. Note As generally believed, this Madhava may
have been Dbarmaraja's younger brother. LI. 6-8, Note The
suggestion is possible if Trivara had a long reign and if Sailodbhava
Dharmaraja may be placed about the middle of the seventh
century. Scholars like B. D. Banerji and D. B, Bhandarkar
are inclined to identify Sainyabhita-Madhavavarman II (son of
Ayagobhita, son of Sainyabhita-Madhavavarman I) of the
Ganjam (Gupta year 300= A.D. 320) and Khurda grants with
Sainyabhita II-Madhavavarman-grlnivasa (son of Ayafobhita, born
in the family of Sainyabhita I) of the Buguda and Parikud grants.
Some scholar? however point out that the latter grants should be
placed centuries later on (doubtful) grounds of palaeography
and on the strength of the passage tasy-dpi vamte with
reference to the relation between Sainyabblta I and his successor
ADDENDA ET CORRIGENDA 4<tt
Ayafobhlta (R. 0. Majumdar, Journ. Andhra Hist. Res.
8 oc., X, p. 1 ff.)\ But the striking resemblance in the
genealogy furnished by both sets of the records cannot be explain-
ed away. Sailodbhava Ayafobhlta may have been an adopted
son of Sainyabhita I. We cannot therefore be definite on
this point until further evidence is forthcoming. If Sainya-
bhita-Madhavavarman Il-Srinivasa reigned in 620 A.D., his
grandson may be placed in the middle of the seventh century.
Pr. Bhandarkar's contention that the Kondedda and Puri grants of
Dharmaraja are dated in Gupta year 5l2632 A.D. (List, Nos. 2040
and 2041) is however clearly wrong ; because the Parikud grant
of his father Ayasobhlta-Madhyamaraja (ibid, No. 1675) shows that
the intervening reign covered more than 25 years. L. 12 ft.
Note.Iu Ep. Ind., XXII, p. 19 ff., Prof. V. V. Mirashi accepts
my Visnukundin chronology, and believes that Tivara of Kofela
reigned in 530-50 A.D. L. 35. Add. C/, the passage referring
to the kaumdra-keli of Laksmanasena with the females of Kalinga
in the Madhainagar grant (Ins. Beng., Ill, p. Ill); also
"who fulfilled the ardent wishes of the Gauda women," etc.,
applied to Yuvaraja Keyuravarsa in the Bilhari inscription (Ray,
Dynastic History, II, p. 760).
P. 134, 1. 3. Note. The god on the hill at Kotappakonda
(near Kavfir in the Narasaraopet taluka of the Guntur district)
is called Trikdtigvara in inscriptions. Mr. Krishna Rao suggests
that Trikotii$vara=Trikute6vara, lord of the Trikuta hill, and that
Triku$a-malaya=Trikuta hill, malai (the Dravidian original of
malaya) meaning " a hill." See /own. Andhra Hist. Res. Soc. 9
XI, p. 45. The suggestion does not appear improbable. The
acceptance of this theory would necessitate the omission of
the reign of Madhavavarman II from the table at p. 112
above.
* P. 140, L 4ff. I now believe that Patafijali is much later than
the Sunga king, and iha pusyamitram ydjaydmah, etc., of the
Mahdbhdsya are merely " stock instances.'*
P. 176, I. 15. The evidence of the Penukonda grant is sup-
ported by that of the Pura grant (Mys. Arch. Surv., A.B., 1930,
p. 259).
51
402 SOCCESSOBS OP SITAVSHANAS
P. 280, 1. 32. Read ParameSvaravarman I c. 670-90, accord-
ing to Dubreuil.
P. 185, 1. 1. Readyuddhesu.
P. 192, 1. 21. Note. According to Manu (XI, 35), the five
great Bins are brahma-hatyd surd-pdnam steyam gurv-angana-
gamah, mahdnti pdtakdny ahuh samsarga~ c=*dpi taih saha.
Kulluka says that steya brdhmana-suvarna-harana, guru** pit a,
and samsarga is for one year only. The Mahabha. (XTTI, 130,
38) also gives a list of five great sins in the tloka, brahmahd
caivagoghnas-caparaddrarata-*ca yah, a&raddhadhana& ca
narab striyam ya = c opajivati.
P. 193, L 10. Add The next parihdra means exemption from
taxes, forced labour, and komjala the meaning of which is not
known, A-parampard-balivadha-gahana has already been ex-
plained.
P. 200, I. 7. Read were to be.
P. 207,1. 34. Bead Arabic.
P. 212, 1. 9. Add Another copper-plate grant of Siniha-
varman dated in the month of Sravana of his tenth year has been
discovered in Nellore Dist. (An.Rep.S Ind.Ep., 1934-35. p. 30).
Simhavarman, son of Yuvamaharaja Visnugopa, grandson of
Skandavarman and great-grandson of Yiravarman, granted with
the object of securing long life, strength of arm and victory a
village called Yilavatti in Mundarastra to a Brahmana named
Visnuarman who belonged to the Gautama gotra and Chandoga
akha. The seal bears a coucbant bull facing the proper left
with another figure (said to look like an anchor or boat)
above it.
P. 216, 1 37. AddI>r. N. Venkataramanayya has recently
suggested (Journ. Andhra Hist. Res. Soc., X, p. 89 ff.) that
Karnata=Kanna visaya or Kannadu, the original home of the
Satavahanas at the foot of the Sri&ula. According to him,
Kanna-Karna, an abbreviated form of Satakarna, i.e., Satakarni.
He thinks that the kingdom of the Satakarnis became known as
Karnata from the name of their original home and became after-
wards restricted to the western part of their kingdom where their
rule lingered for a longer period than elsewhere. The suggestion
ADDENDA ET COR1UGENDA 403
may ,oot be unreasonable, and the name Karnata may have
Actually been derived from that of the Kanna visaya. But as
there IB no early evidence to support the theory, it is impossi-
ble to be definite on this point in the present state of our
knowledge. The equation Kanna =Satakarni and the suggestion
that the original home of the Satavabanas was at the foot of the
Sri&ila cannot be conclusive until further evidence is forthcoming.
P. 227, I 26. Read Nanda kings.
P. 229, I. 28. Bead mentioned in. L. 29. -Bead pillar.
P. 230, II. 8, 23. Readfig tree.
P. 254, L 5. Add Verse 13 of the Davangere grant
(Mys Arch.Surv., 1933, p. 116) is supposed to suggest that
Eundagiri or Miligundagiri was Eagbu's capital. But the verse
seems to mean that a hill-fort called Milikunda (near A sand I?)
repulsed an attack of Baghu, but was conquered by Ravi.
P. 255, I. 24. Bead Gupta kings.
P. 262, I. 10. Bead due to. L. 32. Bead and to provide.
P. 267, I. 6. Bead Halsi grant.
P. 269, L 13. Bead A patl or piece.
P. 273, I. 16. Add A record of Eavivarman dated on a certain
bright fortnight day of Madhu (Caitra) in the king's 34th year
has been discovered by a lawyer of Davangere (Mys. Arch.Surv.,
1933, p. 109 ff). It begins with siddham, and a verse (Prabar-
sim metre) in adoration to Sarvajna-Sarvalokandtha which possibly
means Siva. The record is interesting as the verses describ-
ing the king are composed in a developed Kavya style. It
records a grant of lands for (the continuation of) worship at
a Siddhayatana or Saiva temple possibly at Asandi (identified
with a village of the same name in Kadur taluka near
Ajjampur), and for the prosperity of the sangha (ascetics
belonging to the temple?), at the instigation of Haridatta
who may be the fresthin of that name mentioned in the Banna*
halli grant. The lands granted were at Asandi, and at Kora*
manga near the boundary-stone (upaldka) of a bridge. One
nivattana (by royal measure) of granted land was in a field near
the bridge to the south of Asandi. The king granted, before
MB Samantas, also one nieartana at Samara (sic. samaya**
404 SUCCESSORS OP SiTAVlHANAS
extremity?) of the bridge and three nivartanas (by royal measure)
at Vetikauta, The localities mentioned may have been in the
vicinity of Asandl. The identification of KQramanga with
Koraroangala 8 miles from Hassan and 40 miles away is
doubtful.
P. 277, I 21. Bead verses.
P. 280, I. 7. Omit during.
P. 285, 1. 80. Read Satavahana contemporary.
P. 287 , I. 14. Read north-eastern.
P. 301, /. 16. Read refer. L. 25. Read Durvimta-Kongani-
vrddha,
P. 326, L 6. Read Davangere.
P. 825, L 16. Read 4th-5th centuries.
P. 330, 11. 37-39. Bead t/o[na]fca. NoteKarodi (Sans-
krit: Jcaroti) means " a cup."
P. 353, I. 18. Beadreceived in 1714 A.D.
P. 358, /. 20. Bead drowned in.
P. 366, J. 21. Bead wherein. L. 26. Read by fire.
P. 367, /. 33. Bead wherein.
P. 382, L 30. Read to be the Oltika variety of the Misragana
metre. L. 31. Bead 115.
P. 391, Read c. 400 A.D. Damodaravarman.
P. 392. Readc. 350 A.D. Hastivarman. c. 340 A.D.
Mayuraforman. 400 .\.D. Raghu. 472 A.D Mrge&varman.
545 A.D. Harivarman.
P. 398, I. 30. Bead proved wrong.
P. 399, /. 19. Bead lunar eclipses. L. 27. Bead as falling.
INDEX
Aberia, Abiria 242, 244
A-bhata-praveta 186f., 249f., 268, 266, 291
ibhlra tr. 242f.
trfrya 220, 270, 277
Acyutavikrama 287n.
Atfavi-Cfttasiri 20, 26
Addhika, Ardhika 90, 189
Afleyara-rastra 199
Adhik&ra-punifa 181
4<ftfrfi;all3&n.,134
Adhistftna 80, 171, 276, 293
Adhyatya 210 f.
Adi-maba-Bappura-vamfo 237n.
Idityasakti 245 n
A-dugdha'dadht-grahana 192f.
Agni-divya 128, 361f.
Agnihotra 17, 21, 88
AgniBfoma 17, 21, 88f., 88, 102f., 124, 189,
206
Agaisarman 106, 180. 134
AgraMra 93, 108ff., 137f., 251, 293
Agnri caste lln.
Argarou, Aigaru 146
Ah&ra 42
Aharisti 277
A-haritaka-i&ka-pUfpa-grahana 192f.
Ahicchatra 287
Airavata 113
Ajavarmao 280f., 304, 393
Ajjhita-bhattarika 256
I/flaptt'94, 265
A-kora-v^i-konjala 192
A'khatv&-v&8-audana 307 1
192f.,808
Alaktakaoagar!246
AJatanda, Alexandria 31, 322
A-lavana-kreni-khcmaka 193
Alexandria 822
A'hwkhMoka, A-lovaya-khataka 43f.,
186f.
A-lotya-gufa-whobho, A -lavana-gufaksobha
44n., 192f.
AUido44hi96
Allnru Inscription 828
Aaarapura 188
AID art ?atl 87, 40, 183
Ammal U6
Ajnma II 11 7n.
Ammanadeva 14n.
Anaji inacriptioB 816ff.
Inanda df . 89, 60ff., 65ff., 26, 296n., 891,
886
BOB
inanda-jma-vratlndra 226
Ananta6aktivarman 80n.
icarta 153
Andhra country or people Iff., Ill, I20n.,
126,128n., 136, 143, 150, 163ff.,184,
J18, 224
Andhra (Satavahana) 242f
Andhrapatha 4, 14, 165, 135, 223, 243
Afigika-kala-vardhana 221
Anomasa, Anavamjtya 48f.
Antab-kara-vifttka 266, 291, 807
Antahpdla 238
Antaka (Yam a) 196
Antialkidas 323
Antiokhus n Theoa 821f.
Aotnkkura 61
Ana tr. 313
Anudhyata 239n.
A-tfna-k&tfha'grahana 192f.
AparamabavmaseJiya 25f., 38
A-parainpara-bahvarda-grahaqa 186f., 192f.
Apartnta 28, 80, 133, 219, 241, 248n., 325f.
Apar&rnaTa 239
Aparasailiya 25 f.
Apastamblya 211
Apavcsa, Apr&vefya 43
Apitti 189, 192
Aptoryama 88
Araktfdhikrta 190f.
A-rH^ra-ea^ivinayika 48f., 186f., 192f,
Aravelly Ban^e 243
Ardhika 90, 199
Arbat 262, 264, 276, 287
Arjuoayapa tr. 229f.
Aronarnoi 147
Artha 297
Arthafastra 356n.
Arutofa 95, 332
AmvaD&4a 148
Arya, Ayyar 43, 291
Iryftvarta 91
Asanapura-Bthana I08f 251, 342
Asandl 403f.
Asmaka tr. lit.
Afeka, Afokayarman 2, 140f., 157, 217, 251,
377
Assyrian 334n.
Asraghosa 879, 389
Asraka tr. 230
Asvamedha 4, 17f., 21, 38f., 86ff., 98ff.,
124ff., 127f., 154ff,, 164ff., 188, 189,
201, 206, 238n., 240, 258, 267,274 A n. t
280ff., 284ff., 289n, 291, 296, 297ff. f
301 & n., 304, 811, 386, 840, 843ff.
AsTapati 814
Asvatthaman 163n.
Atirfttra B8
406
INDEX
Itithya land, 186n.
Attivarman51,55ff.,61
Ifcnkal94
Audamedba 211
Aurangzlb 851f .
Avanitalantavatl 396
Avinlta Kongani 246, 268, 299ff.
Ayiatobblta 400f.
Ayria-hamgha, irya-saxpgha 25f.
Ayodhyfi 10
A ukta, Aytiktaka 93, 95f., 207, 265
Ayjar 29 L
Ayyavarman, iryavarman 176f., 247, 264
B
Badami 47n., 142, 809, 312
Badira fa.
Badovara-kwtra 256, 270
Bagdi lln.
Bahadur Shah II 353
BahuButiya 35
BahuBUvarna 98
Baithana 3, 149
Balance Ordeal 360f.
Bdladri Gautami 142
Balbara, Vallabharaja 207
Balbika 326
Balkb 313
Baipbftre-ta4&ga 270
Bina/a.238ff.,247
Banavaai Province or City 30, 215ff., 247,
269, 815, 395
Bandhosena 270
Banoahalli grant 297ff .
Baoavasi grant of Cu\u Satakarni 220f.
Bana^Mi grant I of Mfgesavarman 260f .
Banavasi grant II of Mfgesavarman 261ff.
Bappagaiman 183n.
Bapiairinika 20, 22, 24
Beppa 41n, 188f.
Bappura, Batpura fa. 237n.
Barbara 323
Barn&aa R. 244
Basaxonagofl 147ff.
Batoi 147
Bavarian,
Bayyala40
Benagouron 71f .
Bennnr grant 294ff*
Besnagar 156
Bezwft4al4,120n. t 124n.
Bhajamanusta, Batamanuqya 190
Bbadrabahu 216
Bh&gavaUtift
Bhaglratta fl
Biudravrtvara temple 241
ftnadakti 244 f., 277, 281n.
BbinuvariBan 282, 269, 273, 981n:, 290
^hahkdva jarya 570 , ', ,
BkiraBiva/a.89,158n.
~" |teta Daufljanti 125, 847
Bhat&ri dy. 267
Bhatideva 28, 85
Bhaft&raka 209
Bhattisamma 193
Bbava (Siva) 257
Bhava Kdtyapa 291
Bhava Kauhka 291
Bhava Kurukutsa 291
Bbavako^igupta 211
Bhavaskandatrata 167, 197
Bhik^-hala 195, 198
Bhilea 166
Bhoga 198
Bhogivannan 280f., 804.!., 898
Bhoja, Bhojaka 94f., 198, 261, 263, 265, 270
Bhojavarman 81n.
Bbrta Purukutea 291
Bbj-ta Vatsya 291
Bhukti 198
Bhutamangala-on-Kftver! 237n.
Bhnta^arman 305
BbutiiSarman Bharadvaja 291
Bbuti^arman Kaundtnya 291
Bilexnbali 106 '
Bimbaka, Bimbika 349
Birur grant 290ff.
Bodbieiri 28, 32
Bodbi Tree 32
Brabmadatta fa. 314
Brahmadeya, Bahmadeya, Bahmadtjja 42,
186, 197, 200, 208, 248ff., 266
Brahmadeya-maryada 200, 210, 298
Brahman (god) 290
Brahmana lln.
Brahmapurl 137
Brahmottara 295
B r had-Bfina 238
Brhaepatisava 88
Brhat-Paralura 261
Bfhatphalgyana df/. 14f., 39, 41ff., 391
Britieh Museum grant 194f.
Buddha 10
Buddbavarman of British Museum grant
65ff., 175, 194
Buddhavarman of Chendalur grant 160.
178ff., 201
Buddhism 87ff., 197
Baddhyankora 175, 194
CatfaBlti 143,163
Caity&laya 277, 287
Gakora Aft. 142
Calukyady. 4, 112n M 113ff., 142, 158f.,
158, 216n., 244 f., 254n., 257, 274 f.,
801f., 809, 812, 340, 897f.
Calukya-Bblma I 397
Calukya-Bhlua II 116
Cftmtamula (C&ntamula) I 4, 14, 16ff, 84,
88, 87,164f.,315,895
Cftmtamula (Cantamula) II Ebuvula 16,
28, 26, 85f., 166, 815, 895
Cftmtaiiri, Oftmtisiri 24, 27. 88f.
Can<Jadan<}a 18Qff., 272f., 281
INDEX
(OandrasrT) Satakarni 162ff.
Can4avarman of Rating a 74ff .
Cajj<javarinan Salankayana 65f.,68ff., 74ff.,
Olf.
Oaadragupta (Maurya) 141f., 216ff.
Candragupta I (Gupta) 68f., 177
Candragupta H (Gupta) 88, 185f., 177,
252f., 256
Candraksanta 275
Gandra Sftti 3, 144
OandravatT 185
CarmanvatI R. 244
Cfcrudevi67f., 194
Casamisannan 172, 209
Cabana 22f., 143, 164, 244
Cafta, Cabala. Gaftaya, Caftayya 17n.
Caturdanta 113, 137
Caturmasya 262
Gedi era 241
Ceficeruva 95, 332
Cendalfira 197
Cera 2
Ceeapalli 291
Chandogafekha, Cbandogyasutra 197, 211,
402
Chandra valli inscription 2iOff.
Ghannagiri309
Chaplain 20, 22, 24, 26ff.
Chendalur grant 196ff.
Obezarla inscription 396f.
Chikkolla grant 139
Chore Santal 281
Cikura 80n.
Gilata, Kirata 28f.
Cillarekakodunika 189, 192
Ctna 23f., 825, 395
Cificinacja 95
Cinnapura 96
Citrarathasvamin 76, 83f., 331
Cola llf., 115, 119, ]56n, 160
Coast Country 146ff.
Cola-mandala 146ff.
Coja-rat^ha 237 n.
Curft 172
Gfitapallava 158
Cu$u/a.ll2n.,218ff., 224f., 243n., 249ff.,
257,288
Gu(a Satakarni 2, 5, 24, 36, 153, 158n.
Gula-Caipdamukha 27
Cula-Catptiairinika 21, 26
Dahrasena 241
Dakain&patha 1, lln., 91, 150, 218, 285,
291, 844
Daklin&patha-pati, Dak?inapathetvara 1
Daliyavftvi R. 386f., 181
DftlQra 195
Damaklrti 261, 265, 270f
Dftmalarman of Mangalur grant 211
Damaferman of Polamuru grant 337, 341
Damila 28, 81
Pamirik0146
Damodara310ff.,393
Dfimodaradatta 308
Damodaravarman 51, 55ff. f 62
Darrfa 263
Dan$anaya>ka 239
Dantapura 81f., 149, 396
Darada 325
Darsi grant 202f .
Databandhn 295f .
Da^anapura 170ff. f 202, 211
Dasatajaga 270
DaSavarman 118n.
Davangere grant of Ravitarman 403f.
Deccan, Dakkhana, Daksina 1
Demetrius 323
Den^aluru 116, 139
Deta 96
Detadhikrta 190f .
Det&dhtpati 93, 95
DefomMya 270
Devabhoga 248, 260
Devabhogahala 94f., 197, 200, 203
Devabhoga-eamaya 262
Devagiri 32
Devagiri grant 287f.
Devahala, Devabhogahala 84f., 94/., 208f.,
Devakula 261
Devapura 398
Uevarastra79f.,398
Devasakti 245
Deva^arman Katyapa 209
Devasarman Kaun^inya 308
Devavarman Kadamba 280f., 284, 290f.
318
Devavarman Salahkayana 65f. f C8f , 84f
86ff., 166,168 ' f
Devavarman Vt$nukun$in 99, 104ff.
Dhaifafiakada, Dhanyaka^aka 4. 2 3
Dhanada (god) 196
Dhanaka fa. 20, 26
Dhanurvidya 297
Dhanyakataka 14, 120n. f 165, 185
Dharmadharma or Dbarmaja Ordeal 128.
265f.
Dharmagiri 32
Dharrna-maharaja, Dharma-mahardjddhi-
raja 39, 165, 171 & n., 183n., 189, 248,
260fP,268ff., 844
Dharmauandin 277
Dharma^arman 278
Dharma-yuvamah&raja 207
Dharanikota 14
Dha^a-divya, Tula- d ivy a 128, 860f.
Dbatr^arman 278
Digha-nikdya 25
Dlnara23f.,26f.
DlnarimasakaJ
Divya, (
Dratsbari
Dravi(Jaj
Drona
406
INDEX
Eclipae, Lunar 111, 209n., 887
Bclipse, 8oUr 209
Ehnvnla Oftintamula H 28, 26, 35f., 896
Ekafthahftra 249
Ellore grant 86ff.
EJura 90
Panam 27
FarrukhaTyar 249
Fire Ordeal 861f .
G
G&jayana Barvat&ta 88
Oamagdma-bhojaka 1'OOf.
Ganasarman 90
Gandhara 28f., 818, 828
Gandharva (science) 297
Gandharva-visaya 318
Ganga dy. 81 & n., 121, 156n., 176ff., 246,
363f.,299ff.
Ganga era 114n, 400
Gangava4i 215
Oautamlputra 8, 41, 142ff., 153, 162ff.
Oavadhyafya 210
Ghatika 187
Ghafotkaca 89n, 311
GingadagrSma 298
Giri;>a44e 298
Girivraja 8l3ff .
GodavarlB. Ill, 115ff , 131, 149, 211f.,
337
Gol&ngula 897
Golaiarman 208, 209
Gonaodija 185
Goi?4a Hundranlia 245
Gopaladeva 816
Gorantla grant 65ff., 61
Gosahasra mahadana 18n., 50, 59ff,, 298
Qotra igasti 62
Ootra Agniveiya 185
Gotra Ananda 56, 896
GotfflInKirasa225,261,289
Ootra itreya 211, 289, 291, 809, 315ff.
Gotra Atri 815
Gotra AnpagahaQi 266
Ootra Aupamanyava 48
Gotra Babhura (Babhru) 90
Ootra Bhlradvftja 4ln., 48, 155ff., 207, 211,
276,291,849
Ootra Brhatpfcalftyana 41, 157n.
OotraCaoliya278
Gotra Garga 278
Gotra Gautama 48, 107, 211, 268, 298, 811,
887,841,402
GofraHlrB291,296
(JotraEaimbala278
OoifaK*tt(to278
Gotra Kavtia 156n.
Gotra EAtfyapa 68,61f., 172, 208, 209f.,966,
270,^78,291,805,811,849
6k>eraKaan4iaya 48, 62, 197, 49f., 891,
Gotra Kautika 48, 211, 291
Gotra Kautea 278
Gotra Kurukutsa 291
Ootra Mftnavya 112n., 222, 225, 088, 248,
261,281,840
Ootra Ma$<}ira 187
Gotra Maudgalya 92, 96
Gotra Paraeara 211
Gotra Parukutsa 291
Ootra Salaftkftyana 82f.
Ootra drivitfha 278
Gotra Tanavya 48
Gotra Valandftta 278
Ootra V&rahi 298
Gotra Va6i?tha 291
Gotra Vatfla 106
Ootra V&taya 291
Gotra Vfttsyftyana 211
Gotra Vi^nvrddha 155n.
Ootra-pravara Tuviyalla 298
Govagama, Gopagrftma 28
Govallava 190f.
Govardhana 248
Govindacandra 81n.
Govindaevamin 268
Govindavarman 98ff., I04ff., 112, 185
Gramahara 250
Gramaktila 181
Oramika 187f., 192
Guddavidi-visaya 107ff., 121, 130f , 386,
341
Guddadivisaya 106, ISO
GudiTa4a 180
Gadrab&ra 121, 130
Gaduru 38
Qumika 190f.
Ga^avarmaD 80
Gupta 89n
Gupta dy. 12n., 88f., 129, 152f. , 216n., 256f.
Gupta era 89 n., 255
Gutta fa. 12n.
Hadit 11
Hairajjyakesa 211
Hala 219
Hala-nyaya 198
Halai grant of Bhanuvarman 269
Halai grant of Mrgetavarman 268ff.
Halsi grant I of Harivarman 275f.
Halai grant. II of Harivarman 276f .
Halsi grant I of Ravivarman 270f .
Halii grant n of Ramarman, 271ff.
Haipmaiiri (Harmyairt) 20, 22, 24, 97
Hara (Siva) 278f., 290
Hari(Vi W n)278f.,a84
Haridttta dref(bin 298, 408
Harisena Vikft(aka 196, 188n , 186, 241,
258n.
INDEX
Haritlputra 112n, 155, 220ff., 225, 288, 248
250
Harivarraan 282ff., 244, 274ff., 291, 297
3'-7f.,812
HattikoSa llDn., 888. 842
Hastitiksa 297, 888, 842
Hastivirman 68ff., 87, 91, 186
Hebbata grant 292ff .
Hemanta 262
Himavat Aft. 227
Hirahadagalli grant 189ff.
Hiranyagarbha (Brahman) 50, 278
Hiranyagarbba Mahadana 6. 18o , 60ff ,
98f., 124ff. f 886
Hiranyaka fa. 21, 26
Hiranyakftroadhenu 18n. f 50
Hiranyasva 18n., 50
Hiranyas>aratba 18n., 50
Hire-Sakuna grant 263
Hitnahebbagilu grant 2f>5f.
Hirurnufcliuva 32
Huna 328
Idamoraka (Indramayfira) 220
Iksvakudy. 3f ,9ff. t 39, 164flf., 189, 222,
22i), 315, 388f., 290.
linage Ordeal 863
Indo-Scytbia 242, 244
Indra (god) 196, 266, 297
Indrabhattaraka Eastern Calukya 113
Indrabhatiarakavarman or Indravarmao
Vi?nukttn4in 97, 104, 112ff., 120ff.,
137f , 898
Indra iatta Traikutaka 241
Indrasarman 106, 134
In Iravarman Qanga 82, 114, 398
Indra varman Vtwukunjin, set Indra-
Ir.dravarman-Satyasraya-Dhruvar&ja 237o.
Inxinl-Bingama 264
Ipur grant of Madhavavarman 1 130f.
Ipur grant of MSdhavaparman II 133 f.
Isinavannan 126f., 246
Ira vat I 814
Isvaradatta 243
JainiRin 277
Jaladivya 861f.
Janamejaya 848
J&napadaiana 251
JanMrayo, title of Madhavavarman I
Vimukun4m 104 f., 124ff., 336f.
Jata varman 81 n,
JayaQ4
Jayaccandra Q&ha4avla 350f.
Jayaklrti 270
Jayanta, same as Trilocana Kadamba 226
Jayasiinhk I Eastern Calulcya 108f., U3ff.,
121,182,251,840!.
52
Jayasiinba III Calukya 227n
Jayasiiphft-vullabha Calukya 802
Ja^avarman 89, 41ff., 157n., 168, 328
Jaysingh (Bewai) of Amber 849ff.
Jedda 245
Jedugur, same as Jedda.
Jina 141
Jinalaya 265, 268, 272
Jinendra 262f., 365, 270f.
Jiyanta 265
258f.
Eacci, Kaccippedu 141
Kadailkura 263 '
Kadaka 194
Ka4akorasa 263
Eadajakalani 263
Kadamba (eponym) 225ff.
Kadamba dy. 6, 24, 312n., 119ff., 129, 185,
153n., 155, 159n.,203n., 215ff., 22|flp ,
225ff., 282ff., 252, 257, 274, 280ff.
S06ff,, 317, 382ff., 892f.
Eftduvetti 302
Kaggigrama 809
Kaikeya. Eekaya 287n.
Kakavarija Saisunftgi 322
Eakustba BhafrriW
Eakustbavarman 282ff.,239 f 253ff., 263,
270, 277f.,282f.,292, 288f.
Kalabhra 237n.
Ealacuri era 241
Kajamba, Kadamba, Kadamba 237n.
Ealasigama 322
Kalavanga i-62
Kalidasa 252
Ealinga 11, 74f. f 81, 115, 126, 136
Ealing&dbipati 76, 78ff.
Kalifiganagara 121
Kalinga-vifaya 79
Ealyanl 116n, 119, 142
Kamakapall!298
Kamakaratha 34
Kamara 146
Kamboja237n.,323,325f.
Komburaflceruva 95, 332
Eamdasiri, Kbamdaairi, Skandasr! 18,
83
Kaipgura 62
Eamman&4u 203
Kanakagiri 14ln.
Kafici, Kaficlpura 115, 140ff,, 151ff., 157ff.,
169ff., 175ff,,185, 189, 196, 201, 223,
233n.,238ff.,243, 272
KaficT-mangala 148
Eaficiv&yilgrama 199f.
Eandara, Ersna 55f., 896f.
Eandarapura 56f., 62, 396f.
Kanda varman, Skandavarmao 172
Eangavarman 232f., 252
Kanheri inscrip ion 220
Kaniska 379, 380
Kanji 141
Eaona-vifaya 402
410
INDEX
Eantafcaia82f.,88
Eanteru grant of Nandivarmo* 92
Kanteru ffrant of SkanJnv&rman 96
Eapinl K. 245
Eappennalft 249
Kara 293
Earah&fa 220
Kararnpura 206
Earb&4 220
Karmar^ra 34, 107, 109,1 18f., 181 V 172
197, 208 209, 837
Earmakarasfra 197
Earna$a215ff., 258,267, 272, 281ff.,
402f.
Earnesaka R. 291
Earpenduli 249
Karsapana 242, 330
Kara- 298
Earwannangaip-visaya 298
Karvvelli 268
EataJra 28
Eatattaka 261, 291
Efctfikuri 95, 832
Kwnala 115
KauSikiputra 249f .
Eau^ilya 356f .
EaverT B. U5, 118, 245, 237 n.
Kavya Style 879ff.
Eekayas of Girivraja 10, 3l3ff.
Eekayas of Mysore 12n M 15, 26<
297,3lHff.,898
Eerala 115, 221
Eetakapada 311
Ketarata 809
Ehada Sati 220
Ebaipdacalikireipmanaka 20o., 21, 26
Ehaifidaa&fraraipnaka 20, 24, 27, 88
Ehaipdavit&khainnaka 20, 26
Ehaipdaairi 24, 27
Ehftravela49, 77n., 79f.
Khatvahgadhvaja I88n,
Ebe^a, Khetagrama 266, 270
Ehryael46
Ellaka year 286n.
Kiltivur305
Kilnnrrilli 266
Kirata 29. 628, 826
KIrtipura 245
Elrtivara 266f .
Klrtivarruan I 286 D., 274f.. 340
EjrQ*Eu4aldr' > pallT 805
Kittur 245 D1
Kodabalisiri 23, 85
Koddoura 88
Kolala807
Kol&lagrama 807
Eolana 291
XolaoaHfira 296
Kolandio 146
Kolika 169
Koli vala 193
Kolkhi,Korkai
grant 92ff
Kollwr or EoUeru Lake 115/
Komari, Eomlrika 145
Kramer* 95
Kojja-Tapuka 249
Eon4amana-kula 949f.
~ lamodi grant 41ff.
, Koi?4ara 181, 209
Eonginagara 249
Eoniki208
Eo&ka^ivarman 176
EoQDur inscription 311f.
Eftrama^gft 403f .
Eor&Bo4aka-Pafic&lI 78
Eo^a-divya 128, 368
Ko^ala 10f., 80, 81, 115, 129f.
Eo{a Beta II 40
Eratuaoma^arman 268
Kriahna R. 88, 115ff , 136, 139, 211, 215,
39(>
I2n.
i 142, 241
1 180. 286n., 287, 258f., 267f. f
275, 280ff., LOOff., 303, 3l6ff. f 3i4,
Ey^avaruaan n 166, 244, 268, 275, 280f. f
286n, 294ff , 887, 8 3
Ejr^abe^a. Ef^avenoa 61, 139
Erta year 246
Kyttika 289n.
K^ftntamula I7n.
K^atrapa 241f.
K?atriya lln., 19
Eabera (god) 196
Eubiraka 2f.
Eubja-Vi^avardbana 116ff.,398f.
93 805
Endr&bira-vi^aya 42, 92f.
Ku4obftra Cinnapora 96
Eu4fira42, 46ff.
Eadurahftra 42, 92
Eubundl-vigaya 245*
Kula (measure) 187
Eniacarman, Eulaiarman 199
Eolabaka21,28,32
Kulaha-vihara 82
Knlaipa 158
Knli*mabfttaraka temple 195
Kolottufig* Cola 1 40
Eomaradatta 271
fflirapipUieS.dSS, 266
Efamarftjja 58
EnmiratolcU 245
Sumiravarnoan 806f , 898
rant 160ft. .
Enmftraiarman Kautta 978
miraTifna of Omgodu
181n., lB4n., 901, 206,
KnmaraTisnuI of Chtndalur ornt 160,
178ff., 181, 196, 201, 878
KumiraTiann n of Chenfafar grant 1768.,
Euurada 118
Eonftla Lake 115f.
Kunda-Muocunflt 249
Kuada-Tepaka 249
Eundnr 172
Eunjura 107, 109, 131, 887
Enntala 155, 184 D., 215ff., 228, 225ff., 248,
245,261f,804
Euotalesa 258 o.
Kuntalanagara 215
Euntala-datakarni-Batavabana 2l8f.
Enravaka-drTvara 98
Eurcaka 264, 276
Eurgod 215
Enrnool 185
Euruv4a 92
Eusfina 165
Eusasthall, EuiavatI lln.
Mahfocn&pelini 21
MahS6iva TTvararftja 129
Laksmi 130, 257
Lattaftr 245n.
Lekumarigrftma 96
LcnduJtLravasaka 114, 189
Linga 189
Lokamn<}i 96
Lokapala 196, 202
190
Mdjhariputra 20, 242
Madhava-mabadbiraja 268
Madbava father of Avinita 299ff.
Madhava-SiipbavarmaD 176ff., 184 246ff. t
264
Madhavavarmao 1 Sailodbhava 400f.
Mftdbavavarmao II Sailodbhava 400f.
M&dbavavarmao I Vu^ukun^m 62, 57,
97ff.,104ff.,112ff., 124ff., 18f., 172n.,
251, 296, SSSff., 348
Mftdhavavarman II Viwufa**i** C9ff -
104, 106ff., H2ff., 183, 896ff., 401
Madhnvarman 310/f., 898
Madra 8181.
Madura 147
Mabftbhava 251
Mabftbbojl 220f .
Maba-Cajpdaomkba 27
Mabftcetiya 25ff.
Mabfidftna 18n., 50fF.
MahtdAnapatinl 19
Mah&darrfanayaka 20, 44
MabftdtYa (diva) 270, 296
Mabi-Kftgurflra 84
Mabl-Kaqidauri 27
Mahtmttra llOo.
Mahartj&dhir&ja 89fi., 248 n., 344f.
Mahftriftra47f. 804
MaUrafti 144, 152. 220, 222, 224
Mah&talavara 18ff , 27, 45, 829
MahHtalavari 9f., 26f,
Mahattara 181
MaLayana 87
MaheDdra ML 142
Mahendrava^a 181
Mahendravarman 1 179, 182, 206D., 878
Mabesvaia (diva) 39, 42, 277
Mablfi 244
Mabieaeaka 25f .
MabiBaviBaya216D.,298
MabiBika216D.,298
Mabistir293
Mairtlia 147
Mais61oil47
Majerika 149
Majjhima-nMya 25
Ma}apa)ideva 248, 250
Mftlava, Malaya tr. 12o.
Malaya Mt. 183, 142, 218
Malavalli inscription of Cu\u Salakarni
221f.,249f.
Malavalli inscription of the Kadamba*
248f.
Malkavu 268
Malkbe4 142
Mallikarjuca diva 123
Mancanna, Mancyanna-bbattAraka 98,
104f.
Man4ana^arman 278
Maodbataraja, Mandbfttrvarjnan 16C, 188,
236n.,806ff.,393
ur, Mangalur 211f.
l93f..l98, 249, 256f., 2i 6, 269,
271,277,297f.
Kfangalesa 51, 274
Mangalur grant 21 If.
Mangiynvaiaja398
Mftnklr 207
Manjbira R. 149
Mantri parisat 288
Maoyakbeta 307
Marade 277
Mariyasa 249
Masalia, Maisdlia 146
Masuli District 148
Maanlipatam 88, 42ff., 4Cff., 71, 92, 146
Ma^bara fa. 79f.
M&thariputra 24, 34f.
Matbura847
Mt r .gana 289f .
Mfttrsarit264
Mattya 158n.
Mattal 259
Mattepad grant 55*., 62
Mafeitena (god) 18,288".
ti IQff., 27,144, 152, 240
Maukbaridy. 111,1361. ,246
Manrya dy. 12n., 216ff. t 261, 274
Mayidavoln graai 185ff.
Mayindavi^tT 887
MajfiraitrmaB 168, 184 ff., 228, 228ff.,
2820,255,258,281,888
413
INDEX
Mayuravarman, same as May&radarman
225ff., 288ff., 278n., 801 D.
Medea 824n.
Menander822f.
Menmfttura-vftiaka 170
Meruaarman 201
Milinda, Menander 322f.
Mitraaarman 278
Modekarani 807
Modoura, Madura 147
Mogalur-visaya 26(8
Mokari, Maukhari dy. 246
Molkalmura 808
Mrgesa 276
Mrgeda, Mrgelavarman, Mrges>aravarrLan
166, 203n., 282ff., 255, 260ff., 270, 272,
816
Mnccun4I249
Mn4fioanda 224
Mugiya fa. 18n.
Mugur268
Muhammad Shih 349, 352
Mnkkana Kadamba, same as Trtlocana
Kadamba 227n.
Mukkanti Pallava, same as Trilocana
Pallaea 159
Mulaka lln.
Mulaku, Mulakura 94f., 332
Mullfir 266
Multagi 268
Mu(04a, Mutuja 90, 93 f.
r. or fa. 224
5, 882
Muraripu (Viah^u) 397
Murotukajiki 106, 134
N
Naga (image) 220
Naga( tribe) U8ff , 162f., 157f., 239, 288,
291
NJgakal 220 n.
Na^ adatta Brahmana 249
Nagad^tta engraver 249f.
N&gadatta king 246
Nagaraulanika 219
N&g a barman 278
Nagari 12n.
Nagna^arman 137
Nahapanal63n.
Naiyogtia 191, 197, 207f.
Natyyoka (Naiyogika) 207
Nala/a 274
0,289, 317
Nanda fa, 216ff., 226
Nanda or Nandodbhttva fa. 77 n.
Nandivarman Pallava* of Udayendiram
grant 177ff., 182, 1U6, 199f. f 278
Naodivarmnn I Salank&yana 68, 91
Nandivarmanll Sa/an/fdyand 68ff , 74ff.,
77,84f.,92ff t 176 l 208,331
Nandi^arman 278
Naravara 268
Narasitphavannan 1 118, 802
Naraja^a (Vi^u) 195, 290
Narayajja^arman 311
Narendrascna 188o. f 253n., 256
N argued 215
Nasik 302n.
Nataka (Nartaka) 220
Natrpati 189
Nau-nand-debra 216, 227
Najarkbas4a, same as Nagarakhan4a
Neyika 190f.
Kikumbhallasakti 244f.
Nilambur Riant 267ff.
NJpa fa. 22 ( Jn.
Nirgrantba sect 262, 264
Nirvana 2Gf.
NiBamma 147
Nivartana 84, 90, 92, 95, 189, 194, 198, 205,
261, 264, 269f., 272, 295, 807; 309,
830
Niyogjn 197
Nolamba/a. 153n.
Nolambavadi-Thirty-two-Thousand 308
'
NDda-PrabhafijaDavarmaB 71 f.
NandiD 82f.
Nftudhw&sn Pallava df Kasdkudi grant
187,157
Odumbara tr. 229
Omgo^u 203
Omgodn grant I 201 ff.
Omgodu grant II 208ff.
Ongole 203
Ordeal 127f., 354ff.
Orthoura 147
Ozenft 162
Pamga-Bhavasvamin 296f.
Paitban 162
Pala dy. 237 D.
Palftkka^a 160, 169, 205
Pala^ika 254ff., 267, 269, 271f., 276f,, 281,
290
Pftlgalin! 309
Palbaval62ff.,324f.
Pallava dy. 39, 140ff., I45ff., 151ff., 159n.,
176ff., 238n., 238f., 248, 258, 268,282f.,
289, 809, 390f.
Palma^i 244, 295
Palotkata, Palakkada 172
Paflcabandha 296
Paficftla 156
PailcalEngala 18n. , -
Paflca-mah&pAtaka 192, 256, 2(9,
402
INDEX
413
Pantfft 291
Pan<fava/a. 81,129
Pandion, Pan4ya (king) 147
Pandiones, Paij4y (people) 146
Pan4ya Country or People 11, 115, 146 f.,
221,809
Pahgotkata 266
Pauria Santal 281
Papilft 82
Parattra 261
Parama-bhagavata 84f., 92, 197, I 1 . 9,
202,205
Parama-brahmajiya 180
Parama-m&hetvara 84, 137, 139, 277,
816
Parama-vaifnava 241
Paramefoara 187
Paramesvaravarman I 180n.
Parasava 826o.
Pftrasika 321ff.
Parihara (exemption) 43 f., 62, 93ff., 186ff ,
lP2ff., 198, 200,209f,,249f., 263, 268,
276, 278, 307f.
Parih&ra (honorific Rift) 189
Pfiriyatra Mt. 142, 243
Piriyatrika ir. 243f .
Parsava 324n.
Parthian 163ff. '
Pasupati (god) 257n.
Pa6apati (personal name) 267n.
PaSupalisarman 278
Patal6n6 242,214
Pfctalipotra 141, 217, 226, 266
Pataflfali 879, 140, 401
,
Patia 258
Pattabandha 283n., 234, 238f., 255
Panngarlka 98
PauTd-vyavahdrika 239 n.
Pauga-samvataara 235f.
Pay vegundupura 816
Peda-Kon4uru 181
Pedda-Vegl 83
Peddavegi grant 94f., 331ft.
Pennar R. 141, 146ff.
Perdala 263
Peruipbanappft4i 238n., 247
Peruv&taka 137
Peshwa 352
Phila-divya 128, 364 f.
Pikira 210
Pikira grant 210f.
Pingalasvftmin 266
Pinrf-ki lo (Ping-ki-pu-lo),
120n.
., 114ff., 121, 302n., 398
48f.
Pitr6arman 278
Pitiapuram.Pithapurara 114ff. t 117 A n
Pitundra 48f.
Plaki-rt^f Piaki-vi?aya 320f. f 187f.
Podakal46
Pogilli, 245
Poison Ordeal, 862
f PolamuTD, 181, 257
Polamuru grant of Madhavavamm !81f.,
S84ff.
Polamaru grant of Jayasityha 34( ff
Poriyadgul 805
Pounnuta, PunoA^a 245
Prabbafijanavartnan 77o., 30
PrabbftvatJ 260
Prabbavatlgnpta 88, 136, 256
Pradhirajya 98
Pragjyotisa 29
Prajapati^arman Garga 278
Prajftpati^armnn Kaimbala 278
Prajapati barman Valand&ta 278
Prajapatya 98
Praluragrama 94, S3-J
Pranave^vara temple 257, 260
PravacanaFUtra 200
Pravarasena I 87 ff., 348
Pravaraseoa II 253n
Pravibhdga 278
Prdhivi-Jayasingha, same as Jayasiipha I
841
Prehfira R. 223, 283n., 289
Prthivl'du v araja, Pfthtv i-yuvaraja 118
Prtk'/I-mabaraja 398
PflhivTmula llOo., 113
PfthivTsena I 88, 263n.
Prthivlsena H 256
Prthmvallabha Gopaladeva 316
PrtbivTvallabha NikambhallaSakti 2i5n.
PrthivTvySghra 346
Pudukottdi 146f.
Pukly/a ] 8,24,26, 38
Pulakesin I 245, L74, 802
Pulakesio n 11, 47f., 79, 114ff., 121, 275, 802
Pulobura, Pulobumra, Polamuru 107ff.,
lllff., 131, 337,841
Pulum&vi 143ff, 150, 1621T., 189
Pulumavi Vasistbipntra 3, 41, 148ff., I49f ,
162fT,220
Punata 245f .
Pundrabhukti, Pundravardhanabbukti llOn.
Punnadu 245
Puphagiri, Pupagiri 32f.
Puraiia (coin) 330
Puranisangama-vasaka 187
Puravayam 308
Purvamahacchalft 262
Pnrva^aila 330
Purvasail!ya33
Puru-Khe^aka 271
Purusamedha 98
PoskalSvati 29
Puijkara 12n. '
Pusyamitra 88, 126, 140, 346
Puvaketaja 185
Puvapela, Purvasaila 32f., 880
_^a 825f.
Baghu Kadamba 282f., 252, 254, 408
Ra-hasyadhikria 198, 308,83'
fi&jabhaga-daJabandha 295
414
INDEX
318f.
190
Rftjamabendrl, Bfijainabendrapura 117 An
R&japunt?* 93, 05,
Bajaaiipha,157,178
Btjaauya 18, 98, 164 n.
R&javallabhaVM.
Bajslr 818
BajeodraCoUlSln.
Jte;;ttto, JJa/fifca 217o., 251
Rajjugdhaka amocca 251
Bjypala287n.
Bamatirtbam grant 187f .
Banadurjaya 898
. 142, 156n., 206 D., 207, 246,
259
RaBtravarmao 246
Ratihika 190
Bavidatta246
Eftvireva 139
Bamarmao 119, 180, 203 D., 255, 267ff.,
282, 290,295,316,403f.
Razu, Bacbavar 124s.
Regoorana 189
Bice Ordeal 868
BobaoigQtta, Eohioigupta 195
142
fyabha-l&flcliana 188o,
Badra (diva) 226f.
Kodrabhfifci 242
Budradaman 1, 8, 28, 148, 153, 164 D.,
297n., 879
Bodradhara bhat^arikft 22f. 9 26
Budragana, Badra86Da241
Budra6arma D 108ff, 951, 887, 343
Budrasena Saka 28
Bndraseoa I Vdha^ka SSL
Budraaena II Vafotaka 88, 186
Budrasiipba III 944
Ruodranlla
8
6aba Vlraaena 297n.
Sabda 297
Sadakaaa Kalalaya 144
8a4nana (god) 289f.
Sftdyaakra88
Sabalft 249f .
Sahya Mt. 142
fiailodbhsva dy. 400f.
Bamyabhtta-MidhaTavannan I 400f.
Sainyabhtta-MAdbavaTarman II 400f.
SakaSSV,
eakala81,808
8akatbioaa44
flaktivarman 79 f.
d&kya229
dftiaftkayana dy. Sff., 89, 42, 68ff., 82ff. t
102n., I2ln., 212, 881, 892
Sftlaftkayanaka 83
Salaktooi 71
Sa-loha lavan-akara 193
fiambhu (diva) 58, 61
Samiyftra 245
Saipjayanti 22 f.
Sartukfta, Refined Language 389o.
Pamndragupta 70, 72, 79f., 86ff., 91, 125
166,177f.,l61,180,80lD.
Samyakiarpboddha 22. 58
Sana 829
Saficara 208
Satlcarantaka 190, 192, 207!., 210
Saogara 146
8a6gha,8aipg>ia262,276
Sanffoli grant 277ff.
SaAkaraga^a-Banavigraba 18o.
Saotal tr. 230 S.
fiintamula, Caiptamnla 17n.
Santivara Pallava 258, 282ff,, 290, 292f.
Santivaravamnan, tame as Kadamba S&nti-
varman 263
Santivarman, same as Pallava S&ntwar*
180
SantivarmaD Kadamba 187, 184n., 228. 247.
255ff.,270, 272, 277, 28 Iff., 290, 292,
306f.
Santfrarm-ama 259
Sarabhapara 81, 129
Sarabbavaram 81
Sarapalliki 78f., 121
SarasvatJ R. 242
Saregrama 270
barman 291
Sarva 291
Sarvajfla-sarvalokanathn (Siva?) 408
Sarvagiddhi Jayaaiipba I 342
Sarvaevamin 266
Sarvatftta Gaj&yana 88
$&tanahara 210
^faanasaflcarin 260f.
Sas^ha, as(badeva 17n.
Satabani-rattba 189, 243
Sitiikarni 162, 257, 402f.
fiitakarni Cu{u 217, 249ff.
64taktri?i I 87 D.
fiitakar^i Gautamiputra 3, 41, 142f., 158f.,
162ff., 217 f., 824
Bitavihana 8ff., 14 37ff., 47ff. 87f., 112n. v
I42ff., 1451T., 150, 152ff., 102 ff., 212,
222ff., 890,402
fiatavihanibira 144, 189
8afi 267
datoioabilagrima 811
Sataabbamalla 896f .
Satyaaena 160
SatyMraya DhrnTartja 287n.
SatyWraya G opal a 816
BatyWrayaPalakeainn246
INDEX
415
Sayind*ka344f.
Benaoanda 245
Senanl289D.
Sendra, same as Sendraka 245
Sendraka fa. 244f ., 877, 288
Sendraka-visaya 244, 294ff.
Senapati 190, 289f , 268, 270
Betagiri 142
Setaviyi 814
Shimoga grant 809
Sibi tr. 815, 12o.
Siddhakedftxa 276n. 9 287
Siddhalaya 257
Blhala-vibftra 82, 38
- iipbapora 75ff., 81 ft n., 121
Supbavartnan Greater Pallava 179, 162
Siipbavaiman Kadamba 280f., 294, 898
Siipbayarman Pallava of Nellore-Guntur
region 70n., 71n., 196, 206ff., 209n.,
402
Siinh varman Pallava of Avnaravati inscrip-
tion 40
bupbavarman Pallava of Udayendiram ty
Pemikonda grants and Lokavibhaga
170, 174, 176ff., 184, 247, 204, 278
Siqibavarman-Madbava 176, 246, 264
Siipbavi$nn 157, 173, 179, 182, 878
Sindimthaja-rastra 258, 281, 291
Sifiha 276
Sipra R. 244
SinptolemaiOB 3, 149, 162
Sirsi grant of Kjfnavarman II 2981.
Sirai grant of Ravivarman 269
Siva (Brahma^a) 291
Siva (god) 42 9 82ff., 123D., 187, 159, 188n.,
225ff.,889.
Sivabhagavata 84
Sivadatta Abhira 242
^ivadatta Brahmana 211
divagupta 152, 218
Sivaji 142
Sivakumara 261
Sivamaka8adal43, 163
QivaDandavarman 15, 289, 818ff. v 893
Sivira 245
flivarya 97
Sivaratha232, 275, 08
Sivagarman Gautama 107ff , 172, 209, 251,
givasarman Kaimbala 278
SivMskandagupta 152, 167. 218
8ivaBkandanagarI 187 220f.
fiivatkanda dltakarni 162, 167
Sivaakandavarroan Pallava 4, 6, 14, ^ 89,
41, 44n., 87&n., 98n., 151ff., 154n. f
J61ff., 175, 181 , 188ff., 282f., 222, 288f.,
247f., 249, 808, 344
Sivaekandavarman of Vaqayantt 221ff.,
246ff., 252
Siraikandila 167
flivasri Satakar^i 144, 162
Skanda (god) 18, 240o.
Sktndanaga 144, 152
Skandanftga dfttaka 220
Skanda larman 278
Skacdalifya 158o, 160
Skandavarman Pallava of British Museum
grant 14, 67f., 151ff., 1611, 181, i8ff.,
194f.
Skandavarmaa I of Nellors-Guntur region
169ff., 201
Skandavarmau II of Nellore-Quntur region
64, 169ff.,201ff.,402
Skandavarman I of Udaysndiram grant
178ff , 182
SkandavarmaD II Udayendtram & Pneu-
konda grants 178ff., 182, 247, 264
Skandavarman of Chendalur grant US.
181
Bkandavurman of Punnfya 246
SkandavarmaD Salahk&yana 65f. f 68ff , 96
Skandhdvara 42, 46ff., 109, 117D., 170, 2i>8
Spear-bead Ordeal 364 f.
Spheroidal State 374o.
SramaQa 277
drlklrti ^71
Sriparvata 28, 32, 135,289,396
grlparvata-svamin 123, 334
Sripura m Kalinga 79, 121
fiiTpura in Ko6alal<2$
Srlsai'a 123, 135,142,4021.
Srl-vfillabha, Sn-prthiv'i'Vallabha 206n.
245
Sri-vijaya, Sri-vijaya-tiva 64, 261ff., 2G6f.,
307
Srulaklrti 256, 265. 270 278
Srutaviipsatikoti 217
Stbanakundura 257
Stb&nakufijapuratlrtba 257n.
Svamidatta V2
ST&mi-P&sopata 270
fivetapata sect 262
Soroa 311
Somagires'varaoatba 139
Somapatti 249
Somaiannan 291
Somasvamin 298
Soroavaipsa 315
8omaya;in Brahmana 298
Sopatma 146
Bonngoi, Cola 147
Sornagog, Suranftga, Suryaoaga 147f.
Snddikundura-viaaya 276
dudra 242
Snnagara 121
gunga dy. 156
Sapratika 113
Buprayoga R. 206
Sarft^ra 163
Soraatreo* 242, 244
SQrparaka 80
Suvaroagiri I41n.
Snviakha 153
Ta-An-to-lo 120
Tadagani inscription 810f .
Ta.-are grant 8&4f.
Tagare-mabigrtma 805
416
INDEX
Tagare-visaya 805
TaittirTya School 107, 187, 200, 2(0
Takitelputra 250
Tak9a*ilA26f.,216n.,323
Talagnoda inscription 888f.
Ta|ak&4, Tajekad 119, 268
Ta] ivanaoagara, Talavanapnra 268
Talavara 19f.
T&lupaka vieaya llOn.
Talwar 19
Taipbrapa-sthana 169
Tainpoyaka 78
T&iprakftBjnpakala 246
Tamralipti 216n.
Tftmraparua, Tarnraparni 28
Tftmraparni R. 149f.
Taodivada inscription 3,/H
Tan<jula-divya 128, 863
Taojikonla 61
Tapta-masaka-divya 128, 363f.
Tapuka 249
Talavara, Talara 19 f.
Taragal 215
Tewar 129n.
Tiastftnes, Casfcana 8, 22
Tirnvallam 247
TTvara 129
Tuiia-kie-tse-kia, Dhanyakataka, l20n,
Ton<Ja,Ton4i,Tun4ur<i,
Tosala, Tosall 28, 8)
Totemism 159n, 230 D., 231
TraikiStaka dy. 241ff.
TraikiHaka era 211, 243
Trekuta, Traikutaka 2llf.
Trikuta.malaya 183, 896, 401
Trikuta Mt. 183, 241
Trilocana Kadamba 158, 226f.
Trilocana Pallava 158f. 227
Triparvata 276n, 284 n., 287
Tri'Samudra 142
Trivara 129
Trivaranagara 129, 885
Triya^bakasvamin 309
Tflin dy. 29
Tula-divya 360f,
Tulyabhaga 181
Turkka^arman 211
Tflthika 190f .
Tiisfirn 825
Tufaspa 822
Tyagi-Santara 274
UccaAgidurpa 808
Uocangigiri 809
Udaka-divya 128
Udnjacandra 846
Udayendiram grant 199f.
Udloya825
Ugnaena 160
Ujaniki, Ujjain 22
Ujjain 27, 148, 162, 815
UjjaiQ symbol 145
Ukthya 88
Ukti 291
Um5patiDhara297D.,346
Umavarman 77|.
Uflcha-kara-bhara 269
Uragapura ]46ff., 236 o.
Uruvapalli 208
Uruvupalli grant 207 f.
Vaidya 270
Vaijayai.tl 120, 113n.,2l8, 221, 248ff., 268,
260ff., 266, 270, 272, 274f., 278, 282, 284,
290, 294ff., 298, 306f.
Vaikun^baBarman 278
Vai^ftkha-sanivataara 236, 264f.
Vaisnava 197, 199, 205 v
Vajapeya 17, 21, 88f., 98, 164ff., 189, 206
VajranSga, Varaaniga 148
Va^ravarman 81n.
Vakata, Viktaka86ff ,105, U2n., 126 & n.,
I29f. f 135,155,253n. f 257, 301 n, 843,
881f.
VaJlava 98, 95, 211
Vallabha, Vallabharaja. Vallabhendra
206f.,802
Vallavi-visaya 298
V&napura 247
Vanasarman 278
Vanavasa, Vanavasi, Banabasi 23f., 28, 30,
35, 275, 395
Vanga 28. 80, 325
Yangaladesa 81 D.
Vaniba-M6riyar2l7
Varflha iVisnu) 206 n.
Vardbamana 276
Vardbaminapura 121
Varisen&carya 276
Varman dy. 75n., 81n., llOj, 121
Var^na (god) 196
Varunasarman 278
Vasaka 78, H7n.
Vasava (god) 196
Vaaistblputra 3, 17f., 21ff., 38, 41,
148ff., 162ff., 220
Vasudeva 847
V&audeva Ensna 322n.
Vasuntavataka 276
Vasugarman 278
Va^a tr. 280
Vatftpi 119
Vayalur inscription 377f.
Vegura 249
Ve)akl 249
Vell&rn R. 146
Vena R. 189n.
VengI, Venglpnra 5, 70ff., 75, 77, 88, 90ff M
97,115ff.,120n. f 211f.,881
Vengf Country 114ff., 126n.
Venfforfts^ra 70ff., 2)lf.
Vennndftsa 287n.
Ve^buairi 27
79,
INDEX
417
VtraftJ* 968
Vetavatl R 944
VidaH&a 254n.
Videnft-apallikagrami 98
Vi aja (Batavi^ana) 162
Vijayftditya (Bftdftmi) 247
Viiayiditya II (Veftgl) H6ff.
Vijayiditya-mahendra, *am a Amma II
117n
VijayaparT 14, 28, 82
Viiayanftgar 216a.
Fifcf a-/it> 296
VikramadUya Bdna 247
Vikiamiditya-Bali.Indra 247
Vikiamaditya I CaJukya (Badami) 245 f.,
975,802
Vikramaditya VI Calukya (A'a/ydn?) 119,
91 t
Vikramfcditya Chandragnpta II 259
VikniD&ditya Gopalftde^ 816
VikramamaheDdra lOOff., 104ff. t 118, 128,
126, 885
Vikram&traya 104, 112, 123, 885
Vikrmmeodrvarmao I 97, 104ff. ( 112,
128n..l96n.,136f., 898.
Vikramendravarman II 12 In. , 189
Vilftsa&umaa 210
VilaTAtti gnnt 4 2
VileipUli 180
Viniiyftditya I 245
Viodtyt Mt 142, ?48
Vindhyalnkti 9tm.
Vi9boka4&-Cutiikul&nanda-dfttakar9i a &
II) 1l2a., 155, 168n. 217fo. f 220ff. v
249ff
Vippnr 805
Vipukopda 128
Virajft 268
VTrakoreavannan 17 Iff., 201
Vlrakota 11 On., 888, 842
Vlwkflioa 158ff
YirapurtBadata, VTrapnru^adatta 10, 18,
16, 90<f., 88, 165,816, 895f.
VTratt&ft887
Vlraaiipba 288
VlrayaTman 169ff., 201 f., 409
Viripam 185f., 188
VirQpftkha, Virdpftkaa 18
Vifa difya 198, 86J
Vittkhavarman 78
2, 96, 190. 192, 207, 968
6, 191
(God) 84f., 906a.
Viwudfttt of Ptmndfd 946
Viwadata, toma tu Xademba Ftf*
raran/280f.
196,
, 400
84!., 94, 882
Vi 9 Quhara905
Vi^ulra^a, Yi^hukofa U9n.
V^aku^mdy. 89, 97ff., I02n., 105ff.
112, 121n., 1^8, 208o., 884, 884, 892
VigQularman Qarga 278
Vi9Qut*rman, same a* Qarga (?) 998
Vi^uvardhaoa I Kubja 116ff. f 191, 18(
802n , 897f , 840
Vigijavardhana III 899
Viwnrarman I 180, 215f., 258f., 267f.
272f., 2S21T., 288 4 n., 290fl , 808, 816
818, 898, 867
ViB 9 uvarman II 280f , 805
ViBupa 278
Vi^vakarman 249
Vyaghraaena 241
Vy&pfta Vapata 42, 185, 191
Water Ordeal 861f.
Yadava/a. 81n.
Yaifia Kurukutsa 291
Ya?fia Vatsya 291
Yaifia6rman 211
Yajfia datakar^i 8, 148ff., 150, 162ff., 2H
943
Yama (god) 196
Yapanlya $ect 264, 271, 297
YasosarmaD 278
YaftovarmiD 118o.
Yandbeva 19n.
Yauoa 828f.
Yava D a28,81,321ff.,846
YenDft B. 189
Yona 829ff.
Yuvaraja, Yutamakaraja 118, W9ff, , , 17
188, 185, 194, 2541., 988f., 960, 964n<
Yuvu 991