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0. t. Pree Keg. No. 1067B Jan., 1939-E. 






The early history of Peninsular India be) ond the great 
barrier of mountain and forest that separates the vast Indo- 
G-angetic plain from the valleys of the Godavari, Krishna and 
the Kaveri has been dealt with by many scholars, notably 
Fleet, Bice, Bhandarkar and Debreuil. But the paucity 
of data stood in the way of an adequate treatment of 
the period that intervened between the disintegration of 
the Satavahana monarchy and the rise of the Imperial 
Calukyas. The three odd centuries that separated the last 
great Satavahana from the first Pulake&n has been 
regarded by Smith as a " Blank in history." As early as 
1895, Sir E. G. Bhandarkar observed that for some three 
centuries after the extinction of the Andhra (i.e. Satavahana) 
dynasty " we have no specific information about the 
dynasties that ruled over the country (i.e. the Deccan)." 
Smith observed in 1924, "It is still true to say that 
practically the political history of the Deccan begins in the 
middle of the sixth century with the rise of the Chalukya 
dynasty " (E Hist. Ind., 4th ed., p. 440). My aim has been 
to bridge the gulf between the Satavahana and the Calukya 
periods. The plan and purpose of the present volume have 
been explained in the Introduction, and little more need be 
said by way of a Preface. It will be seen that the author 
deals with the successors of the Sfttavahanas, who held sway 
in the vast region of the Deccan, mainly inhabited by the 
Telugu and Kanarese speaking peoples, before the foundation 
of the Calukya empire. It is contemplated to publish another 
volume which will be concerned with the dynasties that rose 
on the ruins of the Satavahana empire in the north. 

In the present volume, I have tried to develop some 
of the views expressed in my monographs and papers 
previously published. Results of most recent investigations 


have been incorporated in the Addenda et Corrigenda. My 
thanks are due to Dr. S. P. Mookerjee, the illustrious Vice- 
Chancellor of Calcutta University (1934-38), and to 
Dr. H. C. Baychaudhuri, Carmichael Professor and Head 
of the Department of Ancient Indian History and Culture, 
Calcutta University. The encouragement of Dr. Mookerjee 
and the valuable suggestions of Prof. Kaychaudhuri have 
been of great help to me in writing the following pages. 
My acknowledgments are also due to Mr. J. Chakravorti, 
Eegistrar, Calcutta University, and to Mr. D. Ganguli, 
Superintendent of the Calcutta University Press. 

20th December, 1938. D ' C ' SlRCAR 


INTRODUCTION ... ... ... l 




The Iksvdkus 

1. The Southern Iksvakus ... ... 9 

2. Camtamula I ... ... ... 17 

3. Virapurisadata^ Virapurusadatta ... ... 22 

4. Ehuvula Camtamula II ... ... ... 35 

5. Importance of the Ik^vaku Period ... 37 

. The Brhatphaldyanas 

1. Jayavammass Jayavarman ... ... 41 

2. Capital of the Brbatphalayanas ... ... 46 

The Anandas 

1. Hiranyagarbha ... ... ... 50 

2. Genealogy of the Ananda Kings ... ... 55 

3. Attivarman^Hastivarman ... ... 61 

4. Damodaravarman ... ... ... 62 


The 3alankdyanas 

L Genealogy of the SftlaAkayanas ... ... 68 

2. Can4avarman, lord of Kalifiga ... ... 74 




3. The term Salahkayana and the religion of the 

Salankayanas ... ... ... 82 

4. Devavamma *= Devavarman ... ... 86 

5. Hastivarman, Nandivarman I and Candavarman 91 

6. Nandivarman II ... ... ... 92 

7. Skandavarman ... ... ... 96 

The Visnukundins 

1. Genealogy of the Visnukundins ... ... 97 

2. Chronology of the Visnukundins ... ... 105 

3. Vikramahendra and Govindavarraan Vikram- 

a^raya ... ... ... 123 

4. Madhav 7 avarman IJana6raya ... ... 124 

5. Madhavavarman II ... ... ... 133 

6. Vikramendravarman I .,. ... ... 135 

7. Indravarman ... ... ... 137 

8. Vikramendravarman II ... ... 139 

The Early Pallavas 

1 . Early History of the Kanci Kegion ... ... 140 

2. Kise of the Pallavas ... ... ... 151 

3. Date of Sivaskandavarman ... ... 161 

4. Early Pallava Genealogy from Inscriptions of 

the Nellore-Guntur Region ... ' ... 169 

5. Genealogy and Chronology of the Early Pallavas 

of Kafici. ... ... .. ... 175 

6. Sivaskandavarman and Skandavarman ... 183 

7 . Chendalur Grant of Kumaravisnu II ... 196 

8. Udayendiram Grant (No. 1) of Nandivarman ... 199 

9. Omgodu Grant (No. 1) of Skandavarman II ... 201 
10. Crown-Prince Visnugopa and Dharmamaharaja 

Simhavarman ... ... . ... 205 






The Early Kadambas : Mayurasarman' s Line 



Early History of the Kuntala Eegion 



Origin of the Kadambas 



Genealogy and Chronology of the Early 

Kadambas of Mayurasarman 's Line 






Kangavarman, Bhaglratha and Raghu 



Kakusthavarman and Santivarman ... 












The Early Kadambas : Krsnavarman's Line 

1. Krsnavarraan I ... ... ... 280 

2. Visnuvarraan I ... ... ... 290 

3. Krsnnvarman II ... ... ... 294 

4. Bho^ivarrnnn ... ... ... ^04 


The Early Kadambas : Miscellaneous Lines 

1. Kumaravarman and Mandhata (MSndhfitrvarman) 306 

2. Madhuvarman and Damodara ... ... 310 




The Kekayas 


1. Sivanandavarman ... ... ... 313 


1. Yavana and Parasika ... ... ;t21 

2. Alluru Inscription ... ... ... 328 

3. Peddavegi Grant of Nandivarman II ... 331 

4. Polamuru Grant of Madhavavarman I ... 334 

5. Polamuru Grant of Jayasimha I ... ... 340 

6. Importance of the ASvamed ha ... ... 343 

7. Divyas ... ... 354 

8. The Vay alur List of Early Pailava Kings ... 377 

9. Kavya Style in Inscriptions of the Successors of 

the Satavabanas ... ... ..379 

10. Chronological Tables of Dynasties ... ... 390 


INDEX ... ... ... ... 405 


An. Bhand. Or. Res. Ins. = Annals of the Bhandarkar 
Oriental Research Institute, Poona. 

Anc. Geog. Ind.= Ancient Geography of India, by Cunning- 
ham (ed. S. N. Majumdar), Calcutta, 1924. 

Anc. Hist. Dec.** Ancient History of the Deccan, by G. 
Jouveau-Dubreuil ( English translation), Pondicherry, 

An. Rep. S. Ind. Ep.= Annual Report of South Indian 
Epigraphy, Madras. 

Arch Sur. ^- Ind. = Archaeological Survey of S utl * ern India 
W. y y J Western 

As. Res. = Asiatic Researches. 

Bhandarkar's List = /I List of the Inscriptions of Northern 

India, by D. R. Bhandarkar. Appendix to Epigraphia 

Indica, XIX-XX1II. 

Bomb. Gaz.~ Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency. 
Br. = Brdhmana. 
Camb. Hist. Ind. Cambridge History of India, Vol. I, ed. 

E. J. Rapson, 1923. 
Corp. Ins. 7nd.= Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. Ill, 

ed. J. F. Fleet, Calcutta, 1888. 
Dyn. Kan. Dist. The Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts, 

by J. F. Fleet in Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, 

Vol. I, Part II. 
E. Hist. Dclc. = Early History of the Dekkan, by R. G. 

Bhandarkar in Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency^ 

Vol. I, Part II. 
E. Hist. Ind.=Early History of India, by V. A. Smith, 4th 

ed., 1924. 

Ep. Carn.**EpigtaphiaCarnatica. 
Ep. Ind.** Epigraphia Indica, Calcutta. 


Geog . = Geography . 

Ind. Ant.** Indian Antiquary. 

Ind. Cult. = Indian Culture, Calcutta. 

Ind. Hist. Quart. ~ Indian Historical Quarterly, Calcutta. 

/. A. S. B., N. S. Journal of the [Royal'] Asiatic Society 
of Bengal (New Series), Calcutta. 

J. B. B. R. A. S. Journal of the Bombay Branch of the 
Royal Asiatic Society. 

J. B. 0. R. S.** Journal of the Bihar & Orissa Research 
Society, Patna. 

Journ. Andhra Hist. Res Soc. = Journal of the Andhra His- 
torical Research Society, Eajahmundry. 

Journ. Dep. Let. Journal of the Department of Letters, 
Calcutta University. 

Journ. Ind. Hist. = Journal of Indian History, Madras. 

J. R. A S.= Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great 
Britain and Ireland, London. 

Keilhorn's ^- List = 4 List of the Inscriptions of -^ or . T 
S Southern 

India, by Keilhorn. Appendix to Epigraphia Indica. 

V, VII. 
Liiders's List A List of the Brahml Inscriptions, by I iiders. 

Appendix to Epigraphia Indica, X. 
Mahabh. MahabMrata. 
Mys. Arch. Sur., A. R.,= Annual Report of the Mysore 

Archceological Survey. 
Pol. Hist. Anc. Ind. = Political History of Ancient India, by 

11. C. Rychaudhuri, Calcutta University, 1927. 
Pur. = Purana. 
'Quart. Journ. Myth. Soc. Quarterly Journal of the Mythic 

Society, Bangalore. 
Bapson's Catalogue ^Catalogue of the Indian Coins in the 

British Museum, by E. J. Rapson, London, 1908. 
S. B. E.=Sacred Books of the East. 


Sewell's List = TJ?e Historical Inscriptions of Southern India, 
by E. Sewell, Madras University, 1932. 

S. Ind. Ins. = South Indian Inscriptions. 

Smith's Catalogue =Catalog ue of the Coins in the Indian 
Museum, L Calcutta, by V. A. Smith, Oxford, 1906. 

Sr. Sut. $rauta- Sutra. 

Z. D. M. G.^Zeitschrift der Morgenkndischen Gesselschaft. 


The aim of the author of the present volume is to give 
a detailed account of the dynasties that ruled in Lower 
Deccan after the decline of the Satavahanas till the country 
was conquered by the Calukyas. The volume has been divided 
into two parts ; Part I deals with the Eastern Districts, that 
is to p- y, the Andhra region, and Part II with the Western 
Districts, that is, the Karnata region. In the second volume 
of this work, which is in course of preparation, the author 
proposes to deal with the dynasties that succeeded the 
Satavahanas in Upper Deccan. 

The term Deccan has been used in this work in a limit- 
ed sense. It is a familiar corruption of the Sanskrit word 
daksiqa meaning south. It " may be, and sometimes is, 
extended so as to cover the whole of India south of the 
Narmada ; but is usually understood as designating a more 
limited territory in which Malabar and the Tamil countries 
of the extreme south are not included " (Smith, E. Hist. 
Ind. f 4th ed., p. 439). The Nanaghat record which 
describes the husband of Naganika as dakshinapatha-pati, 
a Nasik inscription in which Vasisthiputra Pulumavi is 
called daktinapath-e&ara and the Junagad inscription in 
which the SStavahana contemporary of Eudradaman (c. 
130-150 A.D.) is called daksinapatha-pati appear to prove that 
the Satavfthanas called themselves " lord of the Deccan/' 
There is however absolutely no proof that the Par South 
was ever under the direct possession of the Satavahana kings. 
Daksinftpatha, over which the Satavahanas claimed suzerainty, 
thus appears to signify the Deccan in a limited sense. 

In the eastern part of Lower Deccan, the direct rule of the 1 
QMavShanas seems not to have extended far beyond the Andfara~ 


country, that is to' say, beyond the Telugu-speaking area. 
In the western part, 'the Cu$u Satakarni branch of the S&ta- 
v&hana dynasty is known to have ruled over the country which 
had BanavSsI (in the North Kanara district) for its capital, 
that is to say, over the northern part of the modern Kana- 
rese-speaking area. 

The Andhra people and their country are mentioned 
many times in literature ; but history of the Andhra region, 
based on epigraphic evidence, only begins from the third 
century B.C., i.e., the time of the Maurya emperor A6oka. 
At the time of Asoka, Lower Deccan formed a part of the 
Maurya empire and the Maurya frontier certainly extended 
in the south as far as the Pennar river near Nellore, as only 
the Tamil kingdoms of the Ceras, Colas and the Pandyas have 
been distinguished as pracamta (border state) from the" 
vijita (dominions) of the king, and as Agokan inscriptions 
have been found on rocks as far south as the Chitaldrug 
district of Mysore. The Andhras are mentioned in the 
thirteenth Rock Edict of A6oka in the list of subordinate 
peoples that lived in the dominions (idha raja-visayaryihi) of 
the king. After the strength of the Maurya empire had 
waned, the people of Andhrade^a appears to have assumed 

A king named Kubiraka (Kubera) * has been mentioned 
in two inscriptions discovered at Bhattiprolu in the Bepalle 
taluka of the Guntur district (Luders, List, Nos. 1335,1338). 
According toBuhler (J.R.A.S., 1692, p. 602), the Bhattiprolu 
inscriptions belong to the period immediately following that 
of A6oka, i.e., to about 200 B.C. It is therefore possible 
that king Kubiraka fought successfully with the weak 
successors of A6oka who died sometime before 230 B.C., and 
liberated the Andhra country from the Maurya yoke. 
Unfortunately we know next to nothing about this king. 

tbe "calf" of tt* Pu^a-jtna 
at*6&<Un* of Kaber* (Hopkins, Epic Mythology, p. 148). 


Epigraphy is silent as regards the Andhra country for a 
long time after Kubiraka. Only about the second 
century of the Christian era we find the country 
occupied by kings belonging to the family known in 
epigraphy as the Satavahana. A number of cfcins 
and inscriptions of the Later Satavahanas has been 
discovered in the Andhra region. The most powerful 
among them were Vasisthiputra Pulumavi and Gautaml- 
putra Yajna Satakarni. The date of these kings is a dis- 
puted question ; but two points seem certain in this respect. 
(1) King Vasisthiputra Pulumavi could not be far removed 
in time from (but was possibly for some time a contemporary 
of) the Saka Satrap Budrad-\man who is known to have ruled 
from c. 130 to c. 150 A.D. The mention of Baithana (Paithan 
in the Aurangabad district) as the capital of Siriptolemaios 
(siri-Pulumavi, contemporary of Tiast6nes = Castana who for 
some time ruled conjointly with his grandson Eudradaman)by 
Ptolemy (c. 140 A.D.) is also very important in ascertaining 
the date of Vasisthiputra Pulumavi in about the middle of 
the second century A.D. (2) According to the evidence 
of palaeography, there could not have been a great interval 
between the reign of Pulumavi and that of Yajna. The 
suggestion of Krishnasastri that the second year of Candra 
Sati (a successor of Yajna) is equivalent to A.D. 210 is 
also important in this connection. It is therefore very 
probably certain that Yajfia ended his rule not long 
after A. D. 200, and Yajna was the last great king of his 
dynasty (see tn/ra, Sections 1 and III of the chapter on the 

The local ruling lamilies oi South-Eastern Deccan either 
ruling \>s ^subordinate rulers or governors, such as the 
Salaikayanas, Bybatphalayanas, Pallavas and the Ikvakus 
who remained loyal to the Satavahanas at the time of Pulu- 
mavi and Yajfia flatakar^i appear to have gradually raised their 
head and supplanted the weak successors of Yajna. From- 


palaeographic consideration it appears that the Iksvakus 
were the first to grow powerful in the Kistna-Guntur region 
and to throw off Satavahana suzerainty about the third 
decade of the third century. The performance of ASvamedha, 
Vaj^peya and other Vedic sacrifices by the Ik?vaku king 
Camtamula 1 clearly shows that the Ik?vakus were no longer 
feudatory to the Satavahanas who were therefore 
ousted from the Kistna-Guntur area before the time of this 
king. The successors of the Iksvakus in the sovereignty of 
this area appear to have been the Brhatphalayanas and the 
Pallavas. The Pallavafc became very powerful about the 
ei^d of the third and beginning of the fourth century. The 
earliest Pallava epigraphs which appear to belong to the first 
half of the fourth century show that the Pallavas were at the 
time master of Andhrapatha as well as the Bellary 
region. Pallava headquarters in the Andhra country at the 
time of Sivaskandavarman, a performer of Agvamedha and 
other sacrifices, were at Dhamnakada (Dhanyakataka). Their 
supremacy in Andhrade^a appears to have broken down 
owing to the rise of the Salankayanas of VengI (W. Godavari 
district) and the Anandas of Kandarapura (Guntur district;. 
Devavarman, the Sala&kayana performer of the A6vamedha 
sacrifice, possibly reigned not long after Pallava Sivaskanda- 
varman. The evidence of the Kanteru plates proves that the 
Later SalaAkayanas became master of much of the territories 
that were once under the Iksvakus, Brhatphalayanas and the 
Pallavas. After the collapse of the Salankayana power, the 
Visnukurujins gradually became master of the whole of 
Andhrade^a. When the Calukyas established themselves at 
Pi^apura in the beginning of the seventh century, the 
Vignukundins appear to have struggled hard with them for 
existence. But gradually their power collapsed and the 
country passed to the possession of the Calukyas. 

It must not however be thought that these dynasties 
appeared one after another on the political stage of the 


Andhra country. The Salailkayanas, as we shall see, were 
most probably in possession of the district round VeAgI even 
in the age of Ptolemy (c. 140), when the Sfitavahanas 
were apparently the suzerain of AndhradeSa. The Greek 
geographer possibly also refers to the capital of the Brhat- 
phalayanas in the present Masulipatam area. Excepting 
the Visnukundins, all the earlier dynasties that reigned in 
South-Eastern Deccan after the Satavahanas seem to have 
ruled more or less contemporaneously. 

In Part I of the present volume, I have given an 
account of the Iksvakus, Brhatphalayanas, Anandas, 
SalaAkayanas and the Visnukundins. I have also dealt with 
the Pallavas who were for some time the supreme power in 

In Part II of this volume, I have tried to give an account 
of the dynasties that succeeded the Satavahanas in the 
western part of Lower Deccan. From the breakdown of the 
Cutu Satakarni power up to the rise of the Calukyas, the 
principal ruling dynasty in South- Western Deccan was that 
of the Kadambas. I have not included in this account the 
history of the Gangas and the Banas who ruled from places 
far to the south of the country ruled by the Satava- 
hanas. I have included however the Kekayas who ruled in 
the northern part of Mysore, which most probably formed a 
part of the later Satavahana dominions. Since my account 
is limited in circa 200-650 A.D., I have not discussed a few 
minor feudatory families (e.g., the Sendrakas) whose early 
history is wrapped up in obscurity. 

In placing this work before students of Indian history, 
I humbly request them to consider the new points I have been 
able to light upon in these pages. I have tried to establish a 
relation between the two known Ananda kings on the basis 
of the passage hiranyagarbh-odbhav-odbhava of the Mattepad 
plates. I have also tried to settle the genealogy and chrono- 
logy of the Sftlatikayanas and the Vi^gukujMlins, in which, as 


I have shown, mistakes bave been made permanent by previ- 
ous writers* The theory of the existence of a king called Sana 
in the Kistna district in the second or third century A.D, 
has been discussed and found to be untenable. The date of 
Pallava Sivaskandavarman has been fixed on the basis of the 
gradual development of inscriptional Prakrit in early South 
Indian inscriptions. In dealing with the [Early] Pallavas 
and the [Early] Kadambas, I bave tried not to be led 
astray from the terra firma of solid facts by that eagerness 
for theorising which is so common among certain recent 
writers on the early history of those dynasties. The real 
significance of the passage hiranyagarbh-odbhava has been 
correctly pointed out. In interpreting terms like ayukta, 
vallabha, hastikofa, vyaprta adhikara-purusa and others, I 
have spared no pains to utilise epigraphic as well as lexico- 
graphic and classical literature to the full. I have also 
made full use of the Epic, Purftnic and Smrti literature in 
explaining passages like avasita-vividha-clivya, hiranyagarbha 
and others. 





Some Prakrit l inscriptions of the Ik^vakus of Eastern 

Deccan have been discovered at Jaggayyapetta in the Nandi- 

gram taluka of the Kistna district (Ind. Ant., XI, 

p. 257 ff.), and at Nagarjunikonda in the Palnad taluka 

of the Guntur district (Ep. Ind., XX, p. 1 ff.) of 

the Madras Presidency. Formerly, Burgess expressed the 

opinion that these inscriptions belong to about the 3rd or 

4th century A.D. " but are probably earlier." Btthler 

and, following him, Vogel who has recently edited the 

Nagarjunikonda inscriptions ascribe the Iksvaku records to 

the 3rd century of the Christian era. Like all early 

Prakrit inscriptions, the Nagarjunikonda and Jaggayyapetta 

records of the Ik?vakus express compound consonants with 

single letters. This characteristic shows that these records 

are earlier than the Early Pallava grants which express double 

or conjunct consonants by more than one letter and appear to 

belong to about the first quarter of the 4th century A.D. 

(see my views in Ind. Cult., I, p. 498 ff. ; Journ. Ind. Hist., 

XIH, p. 297 ff. ; and infra). The Iksvaku inscriptions, 

therefore, almost certainly belong to about the middle and 

second half of the 3rd century A.D. (vide infra). 

1 Regarding the language of the Nagarjunikonda records, Sten Konow observes 
(Ep. Ind., XX, p. 36), " We are faced with a normalised seoailiterary Prakrit, used 
by people whose home-tongue was Drsvidiao, and probably Kanarese. If I am right, 
we should a priori be inclined to infer that the IkshvSkus had come to the Kistna 
country from the West. 


Iksvaku as the name of a king possibly occurs once in 
theJB0i?eda(X. 60.4). The word there may, however, be also 
taken as an epithet of the name of another person, Asamati, 
whom the Jamimyalrahmana (III. 167), Brhaddevata (VII. 
35 ff.)> etc., take to be an Iksvftku prince. Iksvaku in the 
Atharvaveda (XIV. 39.9) seems to be regarded as an ancient 
hero. According to Macdonell and Keith (Ved. Ind., s.v.) 
the Iksv&kus were originally a branch of the Puru family. 
Zimmer places them (Alt. Leben, pp. 104, 130) on the Upper 
Indus ; the Vedic Index, however, thinks that the Iksvakus 
may well have been somewhat further east even in the Vedic 
period. Later Iksvakus are connected chiefly with Ayodhya, 
the capital of the KoiSala janapada. We have long lists of 
Ikvaku kings in the Puranas and the epics But we 
do not know of any relation between the Ikgvakus of 
Ayodhya and the Iksvakus of the Madras Presidency. Were 
the Southern Iksvakus a branch of the famous Iksvaku 
family of Northern India, which migrated and eventually 
carved out a principality in Eastern Deccan ? 

It is possible that the epithet ikhaku-raja-pravara-risi-sata- 
pabhava-vamsa-sambhava, applied to Lord Buddha in an 
inscription of the Southern Iksvaku king Virapurisadata, 
refers to a claim of the king to belong to the same family as 
the Lord who, according to traditions, belonged to the famous 
Iksvaku family of Kogala (Majjhima-Nikaya, II. 124). 1 It 
is also interesting to note that the Southern Iksvfikus were 
matrimonially related to the Southern Kekayas, as indeed, 
according to the Rftmayana, the Iksvakus of Ayodhya were 
to the Kekayas of Girivraja in the Punjab. But, in con- 
sidering the question of the relation between the Northern 
and -the Southern Iksvakus, we have also to remember the 
views of Caldwell regarding the nature of the Aryanisation 

* Of. ft!*) Saka.vrkia.praticchannaifi thaw ycum&c-ca cakr ire, t a tmdd - 

vaghofa, Saundarwmdaktoya, 1. 24), 


of South India. " The Aryan immigrants to the South," 
be says, " appear to have been Brahmanical priests and 
instructors, rather than Kshatriya soldiers, and the kings of 
the Pandyas, Cholas, Kalingas, and other Dravidians, 
appear to have been chiefly Dravidian chieftains whom 
their Brahmanical preceptors and spiritual directors digni- 
fied with Aryan titles, and taught to imitate and emulate 
the grandeur and cultivated tastes of the Solar, Lunar and 
the Agnikula races of kings " (Corap. Gramm., 2nd ed., 
Intro., p. 115). This view is certainly correct in some cases. 
As we know, the Hadis of My mensingh (Bengal), a tribe 
closely allied to the Garos, have, only the other day, been 
allowed to wear upavlta and to bear the ancient and illus- 
trious name of the Haibaya Ksatri}as. 1 It is therefore 
not easy to determine whether the Southern Iksvakus were 
actually Aryan immigrants from the north (which is not 
impossible) or a Hinduised aboriginal family of rulers who 
appropriated the name of the most glorious royal family of 
ancient India. 2 The question is, moreover, a little further 

1 It is to be nctked that at present the population of Eastern and Southern India 
is generally divided not into four but only into two varnas, viz., B.ahmana and 
Sudr*. In Eastern India has, however. DOW come an age when nobody likes to remain 
a Sfidra -For a list of aboriginal .ribes claiming the status of Brahmana, Ksatnya 
and Vaisya, see Census of India, 1931, Vol V (Bengal and Bikkim), Pt. L P P 42847. 
If, however, the igune are Ugra-Kstriya, the Bagdis are Vyagra-Ksatr.ya, the 
Nunfe-fltdrM are Naoio Br&hmana ard the Napits are Nai (or SvUr).Brabmana, as 
we have it there m the, may not the Musalmans, Christians and the Japanese 
(or Javanese) as well claim to be called Musala-Ksatriya, Klirfa <<* Kfsna> 
Ksatriya and Yavana-Brahmana respectively? 

The extension of the name of - Kosala," where the Iksvakus ruled, over the 


complicated by the points brought to our notice by Przy- 
luski in an interesting paper in the Bulletin de la Socidtd 
de Linguistique, 1926, p. 83. 1 

The Sanskrit word ik$vaku means " gourd." It is 
interesting that some Austro-Asiatic peoples call themselves 
issue either of a gourd or a melon, of which every seed 
gave birth to a man (Bonifacy, Cours d j ethnographic indo- 
chinois, p. 45 ; Cochbrane, The Shans, I, p. 120). This 
myth seems to have passed into Indian tradition, in which 
Sumati, queen of king Sagara of Ayodhya (to whom 60,000 
sons were promised), gave birth to a gourd, and from that 
gourd came out 60,000 children (Ram., I. 38 ; Mahabha., 
III. 106 ; Bhag. Pur., IX. 88). The Austro-Asiatic myth of 
gourd-ancestor seems to have been transmitted in the legends 
of Sumati and Iksvaku who have been placed at Ayodhya. 
But as is often the case in Indian literature, it appears that, 
in the second case, the authors have modified the myth for 

Kekayas, Malavas, Sibis, Guptas, Maurjas and the A*makas and stories of the sons of 
Vilvamitra, and of Rama, Vijaya, the sage Bavan and others may all be very impor- 
tant in dealing with the Aryanisation of Southern lodia. But while we have reliable 
evidence of the migration of the Malavas ( = Maloi of the Greeks ; on the lower valley of 
the Ravi in Alexander's time) and the Sibis ( = Siboi of the Greeks; in Alexander's time 
in the Shorkot region of the Jhang district, Punjab), and also of the Mauryas and the 
Guptaa, from north to south there is no satisfactory evidence as regar^ the migra- 
tion of the other families or tribes. The mention of the Malayas (= Ma'avas) as living 
in the vicinity of Pugkara (near Ajmere) in an inicnption of Usavadata (Ind. Ant., 
1918, p. 75), the find of coins with legend Malnvanaty jayah in the southern part of 
the Jaipur State (Rapson, Indian Coins, 51) and the name of the modern province cf 
Malwa, prove conclusively the southerly course of the Malavas. As regards the Sibis, 
we may, however, challenge the authority of the tradition recorded in the DaiaJfumara- 
cento (Madhya, Ch. VI) about" their s< ttlemcnt on the Kaverl and their connection 
with the greater Colas us is claimed in the Udayendiram plates (8. I. /., IF, p. 882) ; 
but the discovery of their coins at Nagari leaves no doubt that the 8ibi tribe marched 
at least as far south s the Chitorgadh district of Rajputana. It can hardly be 
doubted that the Mauryas of Konkan and the Guttas (-Guptas) of Gottala were 
branches respectively of the famous imperial dynasties of those names that ruled at 
Pitalipulra. The cases of the other ti ibes or families however, though not impossible, 
cannot he proved at the present state of our knowledge. 

1 An English translation of this paper is to be found in P. C, Bagcbi's Pre-Aryan 
and Pre-Dravidian in India, Calcutta University, 1929 


the sake of ennobling it. The epic poets could not be 
pleased with the idea that a gourd had given birth to a 
glorious dynasty. Iksvaku, which properly means a gourd 
in Sanskrit, appears, therefore, to have been personified as 
a hero, son of Vaivasvata Manu (Ram., I. 70, vs. 20-21; 
Mahabha , I, 75, vs. 31-40) or of Sage Gautama (Rock- 
hill, Life of the Buddha, pp. 10-11). In a story of the Dul-va, 
analysed by Rockhill, attempt has been made to explain the 
name Iksvaku by the fact that the children of the sage 
Gautama were found in a field of sugarcane (iksu). 

If we think, now, that the Iksvakus were originally an 
Aryan tribe, this Austro-Asiatic influence possibly shows 
that they were closely connected with the aborigines of the 
country, wherein there was a strong Austro-Asiatic element, 
and consequently shared some of their beliefs and traditions. 
Relation, matrimonial and otherwise, of Aryan ruling 
families with the aborigines is frequently illustrated in the 
epic and the Puranic literature. That the Aryan families 
which migrated to South India had to accept some aborigi- 
nal customs is also clear from the fact that very early 
authorities on smrti had to acknowledge and distinguish 
between the Aryan customs of Northern and those of South- 
ern India. Baudhayana, who lived long before Christ l and 
is a very great authority, speaks in his Dharmasutra (I, ii, 
l-4)ofmatula-pitrsvasr-duhitr-gamana(i.e., sexual relation 
with daughters of mother's brother and father's sister) as an 
established custom in the South. In this connection, it is 
interesting to note that the Iksvaku king Virapurisadata 
had, among others, three queens who were the daughters 
of his father's sisters. 3 

1 According to B jhler (Ind Stud., No. Ill, p. 15 ff.) the date of the Sfltras of 
Baudhayana is the sixth century B.C. Keith however thinks that they are of a some* 
what later date (Carnb. Hist. Ind. t I, p. 140, note 3). 

* Instances of marriage with the daughter of one's maternal uncle may be found in 
the history of the Baf^rakuta kings of the Deccan. Krsna II married Laksmi, daughter 
of his mdtula Baaavigraha Sankaragana ; Bastraku> Indra HI also married Vljftmbi, 


It has been suggested that the capital of the Southern 
Ikvakus was probably at Dhanyakafaka and that "the 
remains of Nagarjunikonda can possibly represent the ancient 
capital of Dhannakataka which archaeologists have sought 
both at Dharamkota near AmaravatX and at Bezvada." 
But the remains seein to represent a city called Vijayapurl. 

It must be noticed that the country, which according to 
the evidence of the Nagarjunikonda and Jaggayyapetta 
inscriptions appears to have belonged to the Iksvakus in 
about the middle of the 3rd century A.D., is known to have 
belonged to the Satavfthanas in the 2nd century. After the 
decline of the Iksvakus, this region passed into the hands 
of the Pallavas of Kancl. The Mayidavolu (Guntur district) 
Prakrit grant (Ep. Ind., VI, p. 86) of the Pallava YuvamabS- 
raja Sivaskandavarman, records an order of the Yuvamaba- 
raja to the vapata (vyaprta, i.e., governor) of Dhamfiakacla 
(Dhanyakatnka) to execute the grant of a village called 
Viripara situated in the Andhapatha (Andhrapatha). 
Another Prakrit grant of the same age belonging to the reign of 
the Pallava king w/at/a-Skandavarman was discovered in the 
Guntur district. According to Prof. Dubreuil, king vijaya- 
Skandavarman of this inscription is the same as the Yuva- 
maharaja Sivaskandavarman of the Mayidavolu grant. 
Whatever the identification be worth (vide infra), it is clear 
that the Ik^v&kus were ousted from the Eistna-Guntur 
region by the Pallavas of Kaficl. 

We cannot neglect to mention in this connection the rise 
of the Brhatpbalayanas in the district round MasuHpatam. 
It id* however, certain that the weak successors of the great 
C&iptamula and his son Virapurisadata were finally swept 
away by the Pallavas of Kanci at about the end of the 3rd 
century A.D. But it is quite possible that the rise of the 

of MB matula Ammagadevs (Anaftsradeva) of the Ealacurt family (B. N. 
tofery of tf* Rtshtrakutas, pp. 77-8). The custom IB prevalent in the Deccan ven at 


Byhatphalftyanas had a large share in weakening the power 
of the Ikgvakus. 

An inscription of about the 5th century A.D. (Ep. 
Carnal., XI, p. 142), discovered at Anaji in the Davanegere 
taluka of the Chitaldrug district (Mysore), speaks of a 
Kekaya prince, named Sivanandavarman who claims, for 
his family, matrimonial connection with the saintly kings 
of the IksvSku line. Cf. parama-mahefvarab mata-pitr- 
padabhaktah atreya-gotrah soma-vawi-odbhavah iksva- 
kubhir = api r&jarsib hifr krt-avaha-vivahanam kekayanam 
kule jatah ^ivanandavarma. This fact possibly goes to show 
that the Iksvaku dynasty lingered long as a ruling power, 
though unimportant in comparison with the neighbouring 
royal families. 





Only three kings of the Iksvaku family of Eastern 
Deccan are so far known. The first of them is Maharaja 
Vasisthiputra Camtarnula. We have not yet any inscription 
of the time of this king. But from the epithets applied to 
his name in the inscriptions of his son and grandson, he 
appears to have been a very great and powerful monarch. 

Vasisthiputra Iksvaku Camtamula is credited with the 
performance of the agnihotra, agnistoma, vajapeya and ava- 
medha sacrifices. It must be noted that the Vajapeya and 
Asvamedha sacrifices could be performed only by very 
powerful kings. According to the Satapatha-Brdhmana 
(V. 1, 1, 13) 2 the performance of the former bestowed on the 
performer a superior kind of kingship called samrajya, while 

1 Possibly Sanskrit Santamula. In this connection may be noticed the change of 
? into c in the name of two kings of the Kadamba family of Goa. The name Sas^ha or 
8as$hadeva baa in these cases the Prakrit forma Cafta, Cabala, Caftaya and Cwttayya 
(Bomb Gaz.,1, Pt. ii, p. 567). Sten Konow for this reason is inclined to take C&rp- 
tamula as a Prakrit form of Sanskrit K^antamula (Ep. Ind., XX, p. 26). It must 
also be remembered that Tamil, a typical Dravidian language, has no letter in its 
alphabet corresponding to the 4 of Sanskrit and that Sanskrit ^ is generally represented 
in Tamil by c ; e.g , Sanskrit pau Tamil pacu ; S. satru^T. catturu ; 8. 4aatraka= 
T. cattakam ; etc. This is due possibly to the fact that Sanskrit 6 is represented in 
Prakrit by * which again is almost identical in sound with Dravidian c. Of. Kulacar- 
man for Kulatiarman in the Udayendiram grant of Nandivaroian Pallava (Ep. Ind., 
Ill, p. 142). Sometime* 4 is represented by chin Prakrit, e g. t 8. &it?a=Pali chava. The 
word Saka has sometimes been mentioned in Indian literature, e.g., in ihe Garglsaiphita, 
at Caka(J.B.O.R.S., XIV, p. 4U8). Dr. Barnett however suggests to me that the 
name Catfltam&la is derived from some unknown Dravidiau word and has DO connection 
with Sanskrit. 

f Cf. rfl/fl vai ra/afiyn-ft>a bhavati, samraj^ vajapeyen**avaTaw hi raj- 
yawparavp rtmrajyaw, k&mayeta wi rfi/5 samr&t bhavituip ($at. Br. t V. 1,1,18) ; 
tee also Bayohftudhori, Pol. Hist. Anc. Ind. t 2nd ed., p. 102, and Appendix below, 


the RajasQya conferred merely the ordinary royal dignity 
called r&jya. According to the Ipastamba Srauta-sutra 
(XX, i. 1), only the sarvabhauma kings (raja) could per- 
form the Asvamedha sacrifice. 1 King Caiptamula, therefore, 
could not have been a weak ruler, subordinate to some Sata- 
vahana emperor. The celebration of Asvamedha by the 
Iksvaku king possibly shows his success against a 
Satavahana overlord. Caqntamula I is also said to have been 
a giver of crores of gold, thousands of cows (or bullocks) 
and thousands of ploughs. 2 The king was evidently a 
Brahrnanical Hindu. The deity he was devoted to is 
mentioned as virupakhapati-mahasena. It may be noted 
that the Kadambas and the Calukyas also referred to their 
families, in their inscriptions, as mahasena-parigrhlta. 
Mahasena (Skanda), in the Iksvaku inscriptions, has been 
called virupakha-pati, " lord of the Virupakhas." Vogel 
takes the term virupnkha in the sense of the hosts of 
which Skanda is the lord or leader. The word indicates a 
class of snakes in a snake-charm in the Vinayapitaka (ed. 
Oldenberg, II, p. 110). Virupaksa is an ordinary epithet 
applied to Kaksasas and other spirits in Mahabhd. and 
Ram. (Hopkins, Epic Mythology, p. 39.) 

King Caiptamula had at least tuo sisters. One of them 
named Camtasiri (or CamtisiriSantasrI or Santieri ?) was 
given in marriage to Vasisthiputra Khamdasiri or Kamda 
(Skanda&l) of the Puki) a family. 8 Khamdasiri Bas been called 

1 See my note in Ind. Cult., I, p. 811 ff., and Appendix below ; also Raychaudhuri, 
op. eft., pp If 6-06 and 109-10. 

* It is possible that his epithet aneka-hirarjina-ko^'go-satasahasa-hala-satasaJiasa' 
pad&yi refers to the fact that the 'tin!* performel many times several of the sixteen 
mchadanas, such as Hiraoyagarbha, Hiraitfakftrna ihenu, HiranyWva, Hirapyas'Ta- 
ratha Gosahasra and PaficalaAffala, enumerated in the Pur&nae. 

8 An inscription discovered at Ramireddipalle io the Nandigrarc taluka of the 
Siftoa district mentions the Mah&talavaraa of the Mugiyas. It has been suggested 
(A*. ep. 5. Ind, Bp. t 1980-27, p. 74) th^t the Mugiyas may be identical with the 

Mahasenapati and Mahatalavara, and his wife, the Ik?vaku 
princess Carptasiri, Mahatalavail and Mahadana-patinl. The 
term mahasenapati (''great chief of the army," i.e., general) 
denoted feudatory chieftains in charge of the rasfras (dis- 
tricts) at the time of the Satavahanas 1 ; the same meaning 
seems to be applicable in the present case also. Vogel is, 
therefore, inclined to render the term by "duke." Mahatala- 
varas are mentioned in early Jain works along with the 
eighteen gana-rajas. So, this word must also be taken as a 
title of nobility (c/. Kalpasutra, ed. Jacobi, 61, 11. 21-25). A 
Sanskrit commentary on the Kalpasutra, called Subodhika, 
by Vinayavijaya (Nirnaysagar Pressed., leaf 60, lines 6-7) 
explains the term talavara as tusta-bhupala-pradatta-patfa- 
bandha-vibhusita-rajasthaniya. In the Punjab there is a 
subdivision of the Khetns (Ksatriyas) called the Talwar 
(Ep. Ind., XX, p. 7, n. 1). Vogel suggests a connection of 
the word talavara with Tamil talavay (general), talaiyari 
(village- watchman) or Kanarese talavara, talavara (watch- 
man, beadle). It seems from the Subodhika and these in- 
scriptions that the Mahatalavaras were provincial governors 
or subordinate rulers. I, therefore, think that the word is 
connected with Tamil talaivan, which means a king, ruler 
or governor (Tamil Lexicon, pub. Madras University, s.v.). 
The word, which is originally Dravidian, evidently penetrat- 
ed into North India -alao. la addition to the instance of 
the Talwars of the Punjab, it may be said that it is obvi- 
ously identical with the mysterious word taravara, which 
along with the word mahapratlhara (great chamberlain) is 
found on a clay sealing excavated by Bloch atBasarh (Arch. 
Surv. Rep., 1903-04, p. 108, PI. XL. 6). Talara t evi- 
dently the same as talavara, is mentioned in the Chirwa 

1 Sometimes the Mah&senftpatis were also called Maharaja ; c/. Maharaja Maha- 
sen&pati Pu*ye$ of the Wala clay seal (Bhandarkar, Lift, No. 1862) which belongs 
to the ftnthftlf of the tixth century A.D. See also the Bijaygarh inscription (Corp. 
Jilt. Ind., Ill, p. 252) which mentions a Yaudheya Mah*i ftja Mafaftsenapati. 


inscription (A.D. 1273) of (ruhila Samarasimha of Mewai-. 
According to this epigraph, one Esema was made talara of 
Citrakuta by Jaitrasirnha, and after him one Madana was 
mftde talara of the same place by the Pradhana Eajasimha 
(Bhandarkar, List, No. 579). 

At least two children a son and a daughter were born 
to Camtisiri. The name of her son was Khamdasagaram- 
naka * (Skanda-sagara ?). We do not know her daughter's 
name ; but she is known to have been married to her cousin, 
king Virapurisadata. In an inscription of Nagarjunikonda, 
Virapurisadata has been called Camtisiri's apano jamatuka, 
i.e. 9 own son-in-law. 

Another uterine sister of king Camtamula was Hamma- 
siri (HarmyaSrI ?) who had two daughters, Bapisirinika 
(Vapisrl ?) and Chathisiri (Sasthlsri ?). Both Bapisiri and 
Ghathisiri were given in marriage to their cousin, Virapuri- 
sadata, son and successor of king Carptamiila I. 

Two children of king Caqitamula are known from in- 
scriptions. One of them is his son from Madharl (Ma^harl), 
named Virapurisadata, who succeeded him on the throne. 
The other is his daughter, Mahatalavari Adavi-Catasiri. 3 
The princess was given in marriage to the Mahasenapati, 
Mahadaijdanayaka Khamdavisakhamnaka (Skandavi^akha ?) 
who belonged to the family of the Dhanakas. Both the 
sister and the brother appear to have been staunch Buddhists, 

* Sten Konow says (Ep. Ind. t XX, p. 26), "... the suffix azalea in Vi*&- 

khaipnaka, Sagaraipnaka formed from Vitokha, Sagara, respectively. This same suffix 
is frequent in names from the Bombay Presidency ; c/. Lttders, Nos. 985, 098, 1000, 
1018, 1020, 1033 <Kanheri), 1063, 1064, 1065 (Ku<Ja), 1088, 1091, 1097 (Kftrli/, 1109, 
1111 (Bedsa), 1141 (Nasik), U71 (Junnar). It evidently belongs to a dialect with a 
Dravidian, perhaps Eanarese, sabstratam. The h for 5 also points to Eanarese. More- 
over, some of the names seem to find their explanation in Kanarese. Thus kanda 
means 'child* in Kanarese, and chali ' cold.* Chalikcreiflmanaka probably is Chalikira* 
ipaka~ 'Moon'." But the last name, excluding the suffix, is Calikiremma. 

< The word a$avi, the meaning of which is not known, was prefixed to the name 
of this princess evidently in order to distinguish tor from her namesakes. 


whereas their father was a performer of Vedic sacrifices 
like agnihotra, agnistoma, vajapeya and aSvamedha. 

In one of the Nagarjunikonda inscriptions dated in the 
6th regnal year of Virapurisadata, we have a record of the 
benefactions of one Mahasenapatini Cula(k$udra)-Camtisi- 
rinika (i.e., Camtisiri the younger) who was married to 
the Mahasenapati, Mahatalavara, Vasisthlputra Khamdacali- 
kireipmanaka of the Hiranyaka family. The name of the 
Mahasenapatini seems to indicate that she was an Iksvaku 
princess ; but she is explicitly called kulahakanam balika, 
i.e., a girl born in the family of the Kulabakas. She there- 
fore appears to me to have been the daughter of an Iksvaku 
princess married to a Kulahaka" chief. 



King Carnfcaniula I, as we have already said, was suc- 
ceeded on the Ik$vaku throne by his son Virapurisadata. 
We have a number of inscriptions dated in the regnal years 
of this king. His inscriptions have been found at the 
Buddhist sites of Nagarjunikonda and Jaggayyapetta. The 
records begin with an adoration to Bhagavan Samyaksam- 
buddha, i.e., Lord Buddha. 

Inscriptions appear to tell us of five queens of king Vira- 
purisadata Two of them were Bapisiri and Chathisiri, 
daughters of the king's aunt (father's sister) Hammasiri. 
We have already seen that Baudhayana sanctions marriage 
with daughters of maternal uncles and paternal aunts for the 
inhabitants of the South. A daughter of his other aunt 
Camtisiri was also a queen of the king. Another queen 
appears to have been the MabadevI Eudradharabhattarika, who 
has been described in the inscriptions as Ujanikdmaharabdlikd. 
Vogel is inclined to correct the passage as Ujanika-maharaja- 
bdlikd. This may not be impossible, as in the Nagarjuni- 
konda inscriptions there are signs of careless engraving. 
Vogel then identifies Ujanika with the famous city of 
TJjjayinI (Prakrit Ujeni), mentioned by the Greek geographer 
Ptolemy (Geography, VII, i, 63) as Oz6n6 and as the 
capital of Tiastfenes (Cabana). The name of queen Rudra- 
dharft and those of the kings of Cabana's line, such as 

l Bfthler took Parisadata as name of th" king and siri-vira (M-trtra) as an adjec- 
tive (Ind. Ant., XI, p. 257) on the ground that there is no deity named Vtrapnro?a and 
that therefore, as a name, Vlrapuraga-datta makes no sense. Sometimes, however, 
mob adjectives are known to form an integral part of the proper name. Note, for 
iaftanoe, the name of Vfrarajendra, the Cola king, who ruled from A.D. 1068 to 1070 


Budradaman (I and II), Rudrasena (I, II and ITT) and 
Budrasimha (I, H, HI and IV) may also indicate the possi- 
bility of Vogel's theory. Though there is no name like 
Budradhara (of whom the queen might have been supposed 
to have been a sister or a daughter) in the genealogy 
of the Sakas of Ujjain, two kings having names beginning 
withBudra reigned in the third century AJ). 

1. Budrasena I, circa Saka 122-135 (A.D. 200-213). 

2. Budrasena II, circa Saka 176-196 (A.D. 254-274). 

It is not altogether impossible that the Ik?vaku queen 
was relited to one of these kings. It may be noted in this 
connection that a Nagirjunikoiida inscription records the 
pious gift of a Saka girl, which fact possibly shows that the 
Iksvakus were friendly towards the Sakas. The currency 
of dlndri-masakas in their kingdom seems also to indicate 
their relation with the north. The dlnara, according to nu- 
mismati-ts, \vas a gold coin weighing about 124 grains, first * 
struck by the Kusana kings (of whom Castana is generally 
supposed to have been a feudatory) in the first century A.D. 
in imitation of the Boman gold denarius (Bhandarkar, 
Carmichael Lectures, 1921, p. 181). 

In an inscription of Ehuvula Camtamula II, son and 
successor of Virapurisadata, the name of the reigning 
king's mother is mentioned as Mahadevi Bhatideva. She 
appears, therefore, to have been another queen of Vira- 

Besides the son Ehuvula Camtamula, king Virapurisa- 
data is known to have had a daughter named Kodabalisiri 
who ia said to have been the Mahadevi (queen) of the Vana- 
v&saka-mah&rd,ja. Vanavftsaka-mabaraja appears to mean the 
king of BanavasI, now in the North Kanara district of the 
Bombay Presidency. Banav^sl is known to have been the 


Capital of the Cutu Satakarnis and afterwards of the 
Kadambas. Scholars think that the Kadambas began to 
rule at Banavasi about the middle of the fourth century A.D. 
(Anc. Hist. Deo., p. 95 ; Kadambakula, p. 18 ; also infra.). 
We should also note in this connection that the Chandravalli 
Prakrit record of the earliest Kadamba king Mayura^arinan 
(Mys. Arch. Sun?., AR, 1929, p. 50) which expresses com- 
pound consonants by more than one letter is obviously 
later than the time of the issuers of the Nagarjunikonda and 
Jaggayyapetta records. It is therefore not impossible that 
a Cutu-Satakarni king of Banavasi was the husband of the 
Ik?vaku princess Kodabalisiri, daughter of Virapurisadata 
whose inscriptions have been ascribed to the third century 
A.D. Matrimonial alliance with the powerful houses of 
Ujjain and BanavasI certainly strengthened the Iksvakus at 
the time of this monarch. 

King Mathariputra Virapurisadata ruled at least for more 
than nineteen years. We have inscriptions dated in the 6th, 
14th, 15th, 18th and the 20th year of his reign. The 
following are some important inscriptions discovered at 
Nagarjunikonda and dated in his sixth regnal year : 

I. Record of the erection of a pillar at the Mahacetiya 
of Lord Buddha by Camtasiri who was the uterine sister of 
king Vasisthlputra Camtamula I, aunt (pitucha, i.e., 
father's sister) of king Madharlputra Virapurisadata, wife of 
the Pukiya chief Vasisthiputra Khamdasiri and mother of 
Khamdasagaramaaka. The act is said to have been done 
" for the attainment of welfare and happiness by all the 

II. Record of the erection of a stone-pillar by Bapi- 
sirinika, daughter of Hammasiri (sister of king Camtamula 
I), and wife of king Yirapurisadata. The pillar was erected 
with regard to the queen's mother Haqunasiri, and for the 
gf&0 of attaining the bliss of nirvana for herself ; it also 


records the completion of extensions of the Mahacetiya, 1 for 
the benefit of the Masters of the Aparamahavinaseliya sect, 
by Reverend Ananda who knew the Dlgha-nikaya and the 
Majjhima-nikaya by heart and was a disciple of the 
Masters of the Ayira-hamgha (arya-sarfigha). The Masters 
of the arya-samgha are said to have been resident at Paqma- 
gama and to have been preachers and preceptors of the 
Digha-nikaya, Majjhima-nikaya and the five Mdtukas. 

The Digha-nikaya and the Majjhima-nikaya are celebrated 
Pali Buddhist works. The way, however, in which the 
Masters of these Nikayas are mentioned in the Nagarjunikonda 
inscriptions is different from that in which they are general- 
ly referred to in the Buddhist literature. It has, therefore, 
been conjectured by Dr. N. Dutt (Ind. Hist. Quart., VII, 
p. 642) that possibly the inscriptions were concerned with a 
Buddhist sect that was not exactly the Theravada (the Pali) 
School, but had a literature and tradition very similar to 
that School. Dr. Dutt further suggests that the word rnatuka 
(Pali matikd, Sanskrit matrka) may be taken to be both the 
Vinaya and AbhidharmaPitakas ; but that the specification of 
the number in panca-matuka indicates that here the Vinaya- 
pitaka is meant. It must be noted that five of the principal 
Buddhist Schools, viz., Theravada, Mahi^asaka, Haimavata, 
Sarvastivada and Mahasamghika had their Vinaya P^aka in 
five divisions (Przyluski, Le Concile de Rajagrha, p. 353 ff.). 

The Aparamahavinaseliyas (Aparamahavana^ailiyas) a 
have been taken to be the same as the Apara^aillyas whose 

1 Dr. N. Dutt says that the " period mentioned here (i.e.. the tin e of the Ik^vaku 
Inscriptions, the 3rd or 4tb century) relates to the subsidiary structures of tbe main 

Jtflpa. The stupa itself the Mahacetiya must be assigned to an earlier 

period " (Ind. Hist. Quart , VII, p. 634). Vogel, however, translates nifliapitarp 

inarp navakanwp (lit. repairs) mahacettyam Miai&bha ca thaptta ti, as " this pious 
work (i.e., navakama), the Mahacetiya, was completed and the pillars were erected f f (Ep. 
Ind., XX, p. 17). Vogel has recently edited some additional Iksvaku inscriptions 
discovered at Nagarjuoikonda in Ep. Ind., XXI, p. 61 ff. 

1 An Amaravati Buddhist pillar inscription (Luders, List, No. 1280) mentions 
out icariya SiripuU, inhabitant of Mahftf anasala (sic. *sela). 


piece has been referred to by Yuan Chwang as A-fa-lo-shi-lo 
(Watters, On Yuan Chwang 9 s Travels, II, p. 214). Dr. Dutt 
suggests (op..cit., pp. 648-49) that the Masters of the Ayira- 
hamgha are to be identified with the Mahasamghikas and 
that " the whole Buddhist establishment at Nagarjunikonda 
belonged to the Mahasarnghikas." It is, however, difficult 
to accept the latter suggestion in view of the fact that 
an inscription of the site dated in the llth year of king 
Ehuvula Caratamula II records the dedication of a vihdra to 
the Masters of the MahlSasaka sect (Ep Ind., XX, p. 24 : 
imarp, khaniyarfi viharo ca acariyanarn mahisasakanaw 
suparigahe catudisam satrigham udisaya sava-satanarfi 
hita-sukhatham thapitam). 

III. Eecord of the erection of a pillar in the Maha- 
oetiya by Mahatalavari Adavi-Camtasiri who was the 
daughter of king Camtamula I, sister of king Virapurisa- 
data and wife of the Dhanaka chief Khamda- 
visakhamnaka. The act is said to have been done with 
regard for both the houses to which she belonged and for 
the attainment of welfare and happiness by herself in both 
the worlds. 

IV. Eecord of the erection of a stone pillar in the 
Mahacetiya by MahasenapatinI Cula-Camtisirinika (Ksudra- 
Santigri), daughter of the Kulabakas and wife of the 
Hiranxfiaka (Hiranyaka) chief, Khamdacahkiremmanaka. 

V. Eecord of the erection of a taila-stambha by 
Mahadevi Rudradhara-bhattarika who was the daughter of 
the king of Ujjain and evidently the queen of Virapurisa- 
data, for the attainment by herself of welfare and happiness 
and the wealth of Nirvana, and also of the construction 
of a shrine and receipt of the gift of 170 dlnari-m&$akas by 
Mahatalavari Carptisiri (sister of king Camtamula I) who 
belonged, by marriage, to the family of the Pukiyas. The 
mention of the dlnari-maakas (=iV of a dlnara in weight 


or value ? cf. fanam), 1 in an inscription found at Nagar- 
junikonda in the Guntur district of the Madras Presidency, 
is very interesting. As already stated, it is generally held 
that dlnara is the Indian designation of some Kusana coins 
which were imitated from the Roman denarius. Again, 
the early Western Saka Satraps, according to many 
scholars, were subordinate to the great Kusana kings. As, 
then, the Ik?vakus appear to have been matrimonially 
connected with the kings of Ujjain, it is not impossible 
that the Kusana coin-designation passed into the Ik?vaku 
kingdom through the country of the Sakas. 

VI. Record of the erection of a pillar by the Maha- 
devl Chathisiri, daughter of king Gamtamula's sister 
Hammasirinika and wife of king Virapurisadafca, for the 
purpose of attaining Nirvana. 

VII. Eecord of the erection of a stone-pillar by a 
Mahatalavarl, whose name is not mantioned, but who is 
said to have been the wife of the Mahasenapati, Maha- 
talavara Vasisthiputra Maha-Kamdasiri (Maha-Skanda6rI) 
of the Pukiya family and the mother of the Mahasenapati 
Mahatalavara Veijhusiri (VisnuSri). Vogel thinks it 
possible that the Vasisthiputra Maha-Kamdasiri is identi- 
cal with the Pukiya chief K[h]amdasiri, who is mentioned 
in some inscriptions as the husband of king Camtamula's 
sister Camtisiri, mother of Kbamda-sagaramnaka. This 
identification makes Camtisiri, mother of Khamdasa- 
garaipnaka, a co-wife of the unknown Mahatalavarl who 
was the mother of Venhusiri. It however seems to me 
that Maha-Kaxndasiri was a uterine elder brother of 
K[h]amdasiri. (Cf. the names Maha-Camdarnukha and 
Cula (ftitidra)-Oaipdamukha and of Maha-Mula and Cula- 
MQla in inscription F of Nagarjunikonda) . 


The Nagarjunikonda inscription dated in the 14th year 
of king Virapurisadata is very important. It records the 
building of a cetiya-ghara (caitya-grha), " with a flooring of 
slabs, with a caitya and provided with all the necessaries " 
ini the Cula-dhammagiri-vihara on the Sriparvata, to the 
east of Vijayapun, by a lay-member Bodhisiri (BodhiM), 
wife of Budhimnaka and daughter of Kevata of Govagama, 
for the acceptance (suparigahe) of the Theris specially of 
Tambapamna (Sanskrit : Tamraparm or na ; Greek : Tapro- 
bane, i.e., Ceylon) and other Theris who are said to have 
" caused serenity and happiness" (pasadaka) to the people 
of, that is, who belonged to, Kasmira, Gamdbara, Clna, 
Cilata, Tosali, Avaramta, Vamga, Vanavasi, Yavana (?), 
Damila ( ?) , Palura ( ?) and Tambapamni-dipa. It appears that 
these Theris (female ascetics) of Ceylon and other countries 
used to visit this region for purposes of pilgrimage. 1 
Many of the countries mentioned in this connection can be 
easily identified. 2 

(i) Kasmira is the famous country of North-western 
India still known under its ancient name. The boundary of 
the country, however, was not the same in all ages. 

(ii) The kingdom of Gamdhara, according to the 
Ramayana (VII, 113.11; 114.11), lay sindhor= ubhayatah 
parve (on both sides of the Indus). We know from the 
Epics and the Puranas that the great cities of Takga&ila 

I Dr. N. Dntt in a learned paper in Ind. Hut. Quart. (VII. p. 683 ff.) has objected 
to Dr. Vogel's translation of the term pasadaka as " ooe who converts." According to 
him the word refers to the saintly lives of the nuns that bring joy and peace to the 
people of their countries. Mr. D. L. Barua (Ind. Cult., I, p. 110) takes the word 
ihtriyanarti as an adjunct to acariyanaip and interprets as " to the teachers represented 
bj the Theras, exponents of Tberavada." 

9 It it interesting to note that according to some gdthas of the Mah&varrflsa, XXIX, 
verse 80 ff., the leading Theras were representatives of towns and countries like 
Rijagaha, Isipatana, Jetavina, Vesftli, Kosaihbi, UjenI, Popphapora, Kasmira, 
Pallavabhogga (<=KftflcI?) ( Yonanagara-Alssanda, Bhodhiman^a, Vanavisa and 
Kclisa. We see tbat the MaJiaraqisa list mentions Kasmira, Vanavfisa and the Yona 
or Yavana country which are also included in the Naf arjunikonda list (Ind. Cult.. 


and Puskalavati belonged to the Gamdhara kingdom. The 
ruins of the ancient city of Taksa&la are situated imme- 
diately to the east of Saraikala, a railway junction twenty 
miles to the north-west of Eawalpindi in the Punjab. 
Puskalavati (Prakrit : Pukkalaoti ; Greek : Peukelaotis) has 
now been correctly identified with modern Prang and 
Charsadda on the Swat river, seventeen miles to the north- 
west of Peshawar (Schoff, Periplus, pp. 183-84). The;anapada 
of Gamdhara appears to have included the Rawalpindi 
district of the Punjab and the Peshawar district of the 
North- West Frontier Province. 

(Hi) and (iv) Cina and Cilata (Kirata) were names 
of the countries inhabited by Mongoloid peoples and situa- 
ted to the east and north-east of India (as regards the 
latter:, cf. the Puranic statement, e.g., in Vayu> 45, 82, 
purve kirdtd yasy = ante pacime yavanastatha). Ac- 
cording to the Mahabhdrata (V. 19.15), Bhagadatta, 
king of Pragjyotisa or Assam, marshalled the Cinas and 
Kiratas in the great battle of Kuruksetra. The name Cina 
is famous in Sanskrit literature. It originated most pro- 
bably from the name of the Tsin dynasty which ruled in 
China from B.C. 255 to 202. 1 Cilata is the same as Sans- 
krit Kirata and Greek Kirradai (Periplus, 62, Ptolemy, 
VII, 2.2), Kirradia (Ptolemy, VII. 2.16) or Tiladai (ib., 
VII. 2. 15). In the Milindapaftho there are two passages 
which mention a number of places that were used to be 
visited by merchants for purposes of trade. In both these 
lists we have the mention of Cina-Cilata. The printed 
text of the Milindapanho, however, reads Cina-vilata ; but 
Sylvain Lfevi (Etudes Asiatique, II, p. 24) has rightly con- 
tended that Vilata is an error for Cilata. The peoples of 
these countries are described by the Periplus as a " race of 

1 Considering the early uee of the word in Sanskrit it seems impossible that the 
name was derived from that of tie Later Tsina who ruled in A.D. 265-420 and 98W4& r 
D.O. Boulger, Short History of China, p. 877 .). 


men with flattened nose, very savage," and by Ptolemy as 
dwarfs with flat face and white skin. 

(v) The city of Tosala or Tosali is to be identified 
with modern Dhauli (Puri district, Orissa), where a set of 
the Fourteen Rock Edicts of Agoka has been found. The 
n&me Dbauli appears to have sprung from Tosali through 
the intermediate forms Tohali and Dhoali. In literature, 
the country of Tosala is always associated with (South) 
Kosala (modern Raipur, Bilaspur and Sambalpur districts). 
Some mediaeval inscriptions (Ep. Ind., IX, p. 286 ; XV, p. 2) 
mention Uttara-Tosala and Daksina-Tosala. The country 
is to be identified with the Puri district, and parts of the 
adjoining districts, of Orissa. 

The city is generally taken to be the same as the To- 
salei metropolis which was, according to the Geography 
of Ptolemy, situated in trans-Gangetic India. Vogel may 
be right in identifying it with Dosara of Ptolemy and 
Dosarene of the Periplus. 

(in) Avaramta (Aparanta) is now generally identified with 
Northern Konkan. It bad its capital at Surparaka, modern 
Sopara in the Thana district of the Bombay Presidency. 

(mi) Vogel appears to be wrong when he says that 
" Vanga is the ancient name of Bengal/' It seems to me 
impossible that the whole of the modern Presidency of 
Bengal was meant by the term Varaga in the third century 
A.D. The country of Varoga may be identified with 
Central and Eastern Bengal, along with a part of Southern 
Bengal (Ray Chaudhuri, Indian Antiquities, p. 184 if.). 

(mil) The country of Vanavasi (Bom. Gaz., I, ii, p. 278, 
n* 2) appears to be the same as modern (North) Kanara. The 
capital is to be identified with the modern town of Banavasi 
in the North Kanara district of the Bombay Presidency. 
Vogel seems to be wrong in identifying it with " Banavasi, 
a village or small town in the Shimoga district of the 
Mysore state " (Ep. In&. L XX, p. 8) 


(ix) The exact situation of the Yavana country (that 
is, the country inhabited by the Yavanas or Yaunas, the 
Greeks) is not yet known. It is not certain whether 
Yavana means here the ancient dominions of the Greek 
emperors of Syria, or the land of the Yonas referred to in 
the third Eock Edict of Asoka, or the Far Eastern 
Yavana country (Northern Annam), or any settlement of the 
Grseco-Romans somewhere in South India. 1 According to 
the Mahabharata (XII. 207. 43), we know, the country of 
the Yaunas lay in the Uttarapatha. The city of Alasanda, 
mentioned in the Mahavamsa, has been identified by Geiger 
with Alexandria founded by Alexander the Great near 
Kabul (Geiger, Mahavamsa, p. 194). According to the Milin- 
dapanho, the Indo-Greek king Menander (Milinda) was born 
at Kalasigama in the dipa of Alasanda or Alexandria 
(Trenckner, Milindapanho, pp. 82-83). The capital where 
Menander ruled was at Sakala, modern Sialkot in the Punjab. 
The Indian Yavana country may possibly be the same as 
Alasanda of the Indian literature, which appears to have 
been somewhere about modern N.W.F.P. and Afghanistan. 

(JT) and (xi) The reading of the names Damila and 
Falura is not quite certain. Damila, however, can be no 
other than the country of the Tamil people. Palura, 
if the reading be accepted, may be identified with Ptolemy's 
Paloura (Geography, \II. i, 16), which has been taken to 
be the Dravidian form of the name of the famous city, 
Dantapura, the ancient capital of Kalinga. Cf. Pa] (tooth) 
+ ur (city)=Danta (tooth) +pura (city). But we cannot be 
definite on this point. First because the reading is doubtful ; 
secondly, the connection of the name with Dantapura is 

1 In connection with Sabadeva's digvijaya in the south, the Mahabharata (1, 31, 
71-72) mentions a " city of the Ya vanes " together with the countries of the Pijrfya*. 
Keralas, KaliAgas and others. The Mihndapafiho list mentions Yona, Parama-yoni 
and Alasanda ; one of the two Yonas may be identical with Yavana (Northern Aonam) 
mentioned in the Nagarakrt&gama along with Campft (Southern Annam) and Kamboj* 
(Cambodia). See B. C. Majomdar, SuvarQodvipa, pp. 56, 186. 


conjectural ; and thirdly, Dantapura is known to have been a 
city, while all the names in our list appear to designate countries 
or provinces. The site of Dantapura has not been definitely 
identified. We have reference to the Dantapuravasaka in 
the Purle plates of the Ganga king Indravarman (6th cen- 
tury A.D.), edited in Ep. Ind., XIV, p. 361, where it has 
been suggested that the name survives in that of the fort of 
Dantavaktra near Chicacole in the Ganjam district of the 
Madras Presidency. The Jirjingi copper-plate grant of 
Indravarman was also issued from Dantapura. Oldham 
identifies Paloura with a village called Paltiru about six 
miles north-east of Ganjfim (J. B. 0. R. S., XXII, p. 1 ff.). 

Sriparvata( = Nagarjunikonda, according to many), where 
the Cula-dhammagiri-vihara was built, does not appear to be 
the sameastheSrlsaila in the Kurnool district of the Madras 
Presidency. Vijayapuri (the Iksvaku capital, according to 
some) which was situated to the west of Sriparvata was 
possibly the city " once situated in the valley of Nugarjuni- 
konda." l 

The same upasika Bodhisiri here claims also the con- 
struction of a chaitya-shrine at the Kulaha-vihara, a shrine for 
the Bodhi-tree at the Slhala-vihara, one cell at the Great 
Dhaipmagiri, a wandapa-pillar at the Mahavihara, a hall for 
religious practices at Devagiri, a tank, a veranda and amandapa 
at Puvasela, a stone- wandapa at the eastern gate of the great 
Caitya at Kantakasola or sela, three cells at Hirumuthuva, 
seven cells at Papila, and a aione-mandava at Puphagni. 

The localities mentioned in this connection cannot all be 
satisfactorily identified. The name of the Kulaha-vihara 
reminds us of the Kulahaka family which, as we have 
suggested above, was probably matrimonially connected with 
the Iksvakus. The Slhala (Simbala, i.e., Ceylon)-vibara 
appears to have been a convent " founded either by a Sin- 

1 An Amaravati inscription (Liiders, No. 1285) mentions Vijajapura. 


halese, or more probably, for the accommodation of Sin- 
halese monks." This Sfhala-vihara contained a shrine for 
the Bodhi-tree (Bodhivrksa-prasada) . It is interesting to 
note that the Bodhi-tree is a necessary adjunct of the 
Ceylonese viharas even at the present time. Puvasela 
(Purva&iila) is mentioned by Yuan Chwang as Fu-p'o-shi-lo, 
where resided a Buddhist sect known as the PurvaSaillyas. 
The Purva&dllya acaryas have been referred to in a frag- 
mentary pillar inscription discovered at Alluru in the 
Nandigram taluka of the Kistna district. Kantakasela has 
been rightly taken to be the same as the emporium 
Kantakassula mentioned by Ptolemy (Geography, VII, i, 15) 
immediately after the river Maisdlos (the Krishna) in the 
land called Mais&lia (Masulipatam). Kantakassula has been 
identified with the town of GhantaSala which lies between 
the village of Guduru and the mouth of the Krishna (cf. 

Ptolemy's location : Mouth of the river Maisdlos 

Kantakassula, a mart Koddoura (loc. cit.). 1 Mr. 

Rea discovered (South Indian Antiquities, p. 132) at this place 
the remains of a stupa which, he thought, date from the 
beginning of the Christian era. The remains almost 
certainly belong to the Great Caitya mentioned in these in- 
scriptions. Puphagiri is probably the same as Puspagiri in 
the Cuddapah district (An. Rep. S. Ind. Ep., 1926-27, p. 73). 
The Nagarjunikonda inscription, dated in the 18th year 
of king Virapurisadata, records the building of "a stone- 
hall, surrounded by a cloister and provided with every 
necessary at the foot of the Mahacetiya " for the acceptance 
of the Aparamahavinaseliyas, by the Mahatalavari Camtisiri, 
sister of king Camtaraula I, wife of the Puklya chief 
Vasisthlputra Khamdaairi and mother of Khamdasagaram- 
naka, desiring the longevity, strength and victory of her 

1 An Amaravati inscription (Luders, No. 1000) mentions Kanaka tola, evidently 
the same as KaxnUkaseia. 



own son-in-law (apano jamatuka), king Matharlputra Vira- 
purisadata, and for the attainment of hita and sukha in both 
the worlds by herself. As we have said above, it is to be 
noted that an inscription of the 6th year of king Virapurisa- 
data calls Camtisiri the king's pitucha (father's sister) ; 
here, however, the king is represented as the son-in-law of 
the lady. Vogel therefore thinks that Virapurieadata married 
his cousin, a daughter of his aunt Camtisiri, between the 
6th and 18th years of his reign. 

A carved pillar was erected in the 20th year of Virapurisa- 
data's reign in memory of his dead (saga-gata) father by the 
latter 's sisters, mothers and consorts. Some figures in the 
reliefs carved on the pillars have been taken to represent 
king Camtamulal (Ep. Ind., XXI, pp. 63-64). 

The Jaggayyapetta inscriptions are dated in the 20th 
year of king Virapurisadata. The royal genealogy is not 
given in these inscriptions. They record the erection of 
five ayaka-tharfibhas (entrance-pillars) at the eastern gate of 
the Mahacetiya of Lord Buddha, by the manufacturer 
(avesani) Sudatha (Siddhartha) resident of the village of 
Maha-Kadurura and son of the manufacturer Nakacada 
(Nagacandra) of Nadatura in the Kamaka-ratba. Kamaka'- 
ratha seems to be the same as the Karmara?tra of later 
inscriptions. As for the suffix -fca, we may notice the 
passages njanika-mahara(ja)-bdlika and vanavasaka-mahariija, 
etc., of the Nagarjunikonda inscriptions. Karmaragtra has 
been identified with the northern part of Nellore and south- 
ern part of Guntur district. 



King Matharlputra Virapurisadata was succeeded by his 
son Ehuvula Camtamula, born of queen Vasi?thl Bhatideva. 
It is interesting to note that the custom of naming a 
grandson after his grandfather was prevalent among the 
Southern Iksvakus, as it was in many other ruling dynasties 
of ancient India. It has been noticed by Dr. Hirananda 
Sastri (Ep. Ind. 9 XX, p. 6, n. 2) that this custom is 
sanctioned by Patanjali's Mahabhdsya (I. i. 1) where we 
have tripurusanukam namakrtam kurydt ; Kaiyata on this 
passage has pita tasya ye trayah purusas = tdn = anukdyaty~ 

Several inscriptions of king Vasisthlputra Ehuvula 
Camtamula II have been discovered, some at Nagarjuni- 
kondaandone at an adjacent place called Kottampalugu. The 
Nagarjunikonda inscriptions, dated in the 2nd regnal year of 
the king, record the establishment of a vihara by the 
MahadevI Bhatideva, daughter-in-law of king Vasisthlputra 
Camtamula I, wife of king Matharlputra Virapurisadata and 
mother of king Vasisthlputra Ehuvula Camtamula II, for 
the ac&ryas of the Bahusutlya sect. The Bahusutlyas were 
a branch of the Mahasamghikas. 

The Kottampalugu inscription, dated in the llth regnal 
year of king Ehuvula Camtamula II, records the construction 
of a vihara by Kodabalisiri, Mabadevi of the Maharaja of 
Vanavasaka, granddaughter of king Camtamula I, daughter 


of king Virapurisadata and sister of king Ehuvula Camta- 
mula lf f for the acceptance of the acaryas of the Mahi- 
Sasaka sect. The Ik?vaku princess Kodabalisiri , as we 
have noticed above, was possibly the queen of a Cutu-Sata- 
karni king of Banavasi. The Buddhist sect of the Mahl- 
gasakas is mentioned also in other early inscriptions. 
A samghdrama is known to have been built for the Mahl6a- 
saka acaryas somewhere in the Punjab, when the Huna 
king Toramana was ruling OEJp. Ind., I, p. 239). 


The Iksvaku inscriptions discovered at Jaggayyapetta 
in the Kistna district and Nagarjunikonda in the Guntur 
district are of great importance for the history of Buddhism. 

Dr. Dutt thinks (Ind. Hist. Quart., V, p. 794) that the 
site of Nagarjunikonda was a famous resort of Buddhism 
in the early years of the Christian era and, probably, also 
an early centre of Mahayana. " Just as Bodh-Gaya grew 
up on the bank of the Neranjara as a very early centre of 
Hinayana and a place of pilgrimage for the early Buddhists, 
so also did Amaravati ^extending to Jaggayyapetta) and 
Nagarjunikonda on the bank of the Krsna (including the 
tributary Paler) as a flourishing centre of proto-Mahayana 
in the pre-Christian) and the early Christian era and a 
place of pilgrimage for the later Buddhists/' The construc- 
tion of the Amaravati stupa, with its enlargements, deco- 
rations and railings, is placed between circa 2nd century 
B.C. and 2nd century A.D. (Burgess, Arch. Surv. South. 
Ind., r pp. 122-23), while that of the stupos of Jaggayyapetta 
and Nagarjuuikonda has been placed in or before the 3rd or 
4th century A.D. (Ep. Ind., XX, p. 2 ; Ind. Hist. Quart 
VII, p. 634). 

The stupas of Amaravati appear to have been built at 
the time of Satavahana suzerainty. That the later 
Satavahanas, who were possibly Brahmanist in faith, 
showed great favour towards the Buddhists is known to all 
readers of the Satavahana inscriptions. They appear to 
have had strong Buddhist leaning, if some of them were not 


actually Buddhist themselves. The successors of the later 
Satavahanas, the early Ik?vakus, were however staunch 
followers of the Brahmanical faith. Vasisthiputra Camta- 
mula I, as we have seen, has been credited with the per- 
formance of the agnihotra, agnistoma, vdjapeya and 
aSvamedha sacrifices. Evidently Buddhism suffered during 
the reign of this king. 

With the accession of Mathariputra Virapurisadata on 
the Ik?vaku throne, a new era began with the Buddhists of 
the Kistna-Guntur region. The great stiipas of Jaggayya- 
petta and Nagarjunikonda were built, repaired or extended, 
and Buddhist Therls were coming for pilgrimage from all 
the Buddhist countries of the world to this centre of 
Buddhism. The mention of Slhala-vihara and of the 
dedication of a cetiyaghara specially to the Therls of Ceylon 
points to the good relation that must have existed between 
the Buddhist communities of the Iksvaku country and their 
co-religionists of the Island of Ceylon. Thus we see, 
Buddhism was in its heyday at the time of the later 

The existence of such relations among the Buddhist 
communities of the different countries can be accounted for 
from the sea-trade which was carried on between the ports 
of Ceylon and other countries on the one hand and those 
situated on the mouths of the Krishna and the GTodavari on 
the other. Kantakasela, the great emporium on the bank 
of the "Krishna, appears to have played a large part in 
this international trade. Dr. Vogel seems to be right in 
thinking that this trade was largely responsible for the 
flourishing state of Buddhism in this part of India (Ep. 
Ind., XX, p. 10). 

The collapse of Buddhism in the lower Krishna valley 
appears to have begun with the decline of the Ik?vaku power. 
As a cause of this collapse, Vogel refers to the " rising 
of the powerful dynasties devoted to Brahmanism like the 


Pallava in the South and the Chalukya in the west." It 
must however also be added that the immediate successors 
of the Ik^vakus in the rule of Andhradesa were all 
staunch Brahmanist. After the decline of the Iksvakus, we 
know, the Kistna-Gunlur region passed to the Brhat- 
phalayanas and the Pallavas. Both of these dynasties were 
Brahmanical Hindu, and the latter claimed to have per- 
formed the a$vamedha sacrifice which is evidently a sign 
of aggressive Hinduism. Brhatphalayana Jayavarman,- as 
we shall see, was a devotee of Lord Mahe^vara. The 
Pallava king Sivaskandavarman is known to have performed 
not only the Brahmanical sacrifices, Agvamedha and 
Agnistoma, but also the Vajapeya (Ep. Ind., I, p. 2). The 
significant boast of the early Pallava princes of having been 
DJmrwa-maharaja and Kaliyuga-dos-avasanna-dharmm-od- 
dharana-nitya-$annaddha undoubtedly refers to the fact 
that they were determined to purify their Brahmanical 
faith from the influence of heretical doctrines like Buddhism. 
Not a single king of the Salankayana and Visnukundin 
lines is as yet known to have Buddhist leaning. On the 
contrary, we have a Salaftkayana king who performed one 
ASvamedba sacrifice and a Visnukundin king who performed 
no less than eleven ASvamedhas and thousand Agnistomas. 
The decline of Buddhism in the Andhra country is also 
evidenced by the account of the celebrated Chinese pilgrim 
Yuan Chwang who visited An-to-lo (Andhra) and To-na- 
kie-tse-kia (Dhanyakataka) or Ta-An-to-lo (Mahandhra) in 
639 A.D. and resided at the capital of the latter for " many 
months" (see An. Rep. S. Ind. Ep., 1913-14, p. 38). 
Nevertheless Buddhism did not die away all at once. 
The Buddhist faith of an Inanda king of Guntur, who 
appears to have ruled about the end of the 4th century or 
the beginning of the 5tb, clearly shows that Buddhism 
lingered in the Andhra country, although the glory it 
enjoyed at the time of the later Satavahanas and thelk ? vakus 


was long a thing of the past. Later traces of Buddhism in 
the Amaravati region are found in the Amaravati pillar 
inscription (S. Ind. Ins., 1, pp. 26-27) of the Pallava chief 
Simhavarman (c. A. D. 1100), probably a vassal of 
Kulottunga Cola I (Sewell, List, p. 90), and another 
Amaravati pillar inscription of Kota Keta II, from which 
we know that " Buddhist worship at the old stupa was still 
maintained and Keta II gave grants in its support " (Ep. 
lnd. 9 VI, p. 146 ; Sewell, op. cit , s. v. A.D. 1182). Another 
inscription records the grant of a lamp to the Buddhist 
stupa of Amaravati, made by Bayyala, daughter of the 
Natavadi chief Budra. This also shows that Buddhist 
worship was maintained in the Andhra country as late as 
A.D. 1234 (Sewell, op. cit., p. 141). 



A coppcr-piate grant of a raja (wah&iifl, according to 
tbe legend of the seal attached to the plates) named 
Jayavamma, who belonged to the Brbatphalayana gotra^ was 
discovered at Kondarmidt in tbe Tewali taluka <if the Kistnat 
district [Ep. Ind., VI, p. 31 5). l No other king of this family 
is as yet known from inscriptions or other sources, 

As regards the date of king Jayavarman, Hultzsch say* 
</oo. cit.) : Ic The alphabet of his inscription shows that 
be must have lived in the same period as tlie Pallava king 
Sivaskandavarman who issued tire Ma}adavolu plates. 
Puitlier, the language and phraseology of the inscription 
are so similar to the Nasik inscriptions of Gautaixriputrt 
Satakarni (Nos, 4 and 5) and Yabisthlputra Fuluojayi 
(No. 3) that Jayavarniau's date cannot have been very 
distant from that of those two Andhra kings. The archaic 
Sanskrit alphabet of tl*e seal of the new plates is corrobora- 
tive evidence in the Fame direction.' 1 King Jayavarmaa 
Bphatphalayana may be placed about the closing years of 
the third *ud the beginning of the fourth century A. D. 

J Accoftfiogito Sewell (List, p. 17)," it is jn*t pvififtk tint it <fe., the 
Jvyavarman) mny )ave beta n'Oie spumed by Bappa (?. , fatber c f Pallava 
tvasktndvarman. n The suggestion l.owexer is utterly uhtDble in vitw of the 
fact tfiat Jayavarman of tbe KoDdumudi plates b longed te tl* BrbttpbaUyau* 
gotra while tbe Pullayaa ore known to have belonged to tbe Bb&cadv*> gotra. See 
rty note in Jbwm. Andkra Hi*l. fas 5bc., VIII. p. 106. 



ffhe grant was issued in the lOtli year of Jayavarman's 
reign from the vijaya-skandhavara (victorious camp) of 
Kudura (modern Guduru, 4 miles north-west of Masuli- 
patam) which seems to be the same as Koddoura, mentioned 
in the Geography of Ptolemy (VII, i, 15^ as a place in 
Mais61ia (Masulipatam). 1 

The Kondamudi plates record an order of king Jayavar- 
man, who has been described as mahessara-pada-pariyahita 
and was, therefore, evidently a devotee of Siva (Mahevara), 
to the vapata (vyaprta) at Kudura to execute the grant of 
a Brahmadeya (religious gift to Brahmanas) made by the 
king. Vyaprta, according to Hemachandra, is the same as 
niyogin, dyukta and Jtarmasaciva (cf. niyogl karmasaciva 
fiyukto vyaprta$ = ca sah). A vyaprta was therefore an execu- 
tive officer. The Brahmadeya was made of the village of 
Pamlura (Panduru in the Bandar or Masulipatam taluka 
according to Dubreuil) in Kudurahara, i.e., the aha r a or 
district of Kudura (cf. Satavabani-hara in the Myakadoni 
inscription of Pulumavi, Ep. Ind., XIV, p. 154). It is 
therefore apparent that the ryaprta was in charge of the 
Kudura district and held his office at the chief town of the 
same name. 

Scholars think that Kudurahara of the Kondamudi grant 
is the same as the Kudrahara-visaya of the Salankayana 
inscriptions and Gudrahara, Gudravara and Gudrara of 
later inscriptions. The identification may not be impossible. 
It is, in that case, necessary to think that Kudurahara which 
originally meant " the ahara of Kudura " gradually came 
to be used as a place-name itself ; because KudrahSra (not 
Kudura) was the name of the visaya (province) at the time 
of the Salankayanas. 2 According to Dubreyil this province 

1 The town of Kudura is also mentioned in an inscription of Amar*tatl (gee 
Infers, Lis1, No. 1295). 

* Compare Khefaka ahnra and Khetakahara viftya (Bomb, Gf*., Vo^. I, P^. 1*4, 
. 889). 


comprised roughly the present Bandar (Masulipatam) taluka. 
This region, occupied once by the Brhatphalayanas, was t 
as we shall see later on, in the possession of the Salan- 
kayanas of Vefigi in the 5th century A. D. 

The recipients of the Brahmadeya were the following 
Brahmans : Gotaraa-gota-ja)5para l Savagataja (Sarva- 
guptarya), Savigija of the Tanava (Tanavya) gotra ; Goginaja 
and Bhavamnaja of the Kodina (Kauntjinya) gotra ; 
Rudavenhuja (Eudravinvarya) of the Bharadaya (BhSra- 
dvaja) gotra, Kudaghosaja (Kudraghosarya) of the Opamaip- 
nava (Aupamanyava gotra) ; Isaradataja (ISvaradattarya) of 
the Kamnhayana (Karsnayana) gotra ; and Khamdarudaja 
(Skandarudrarya) of the Kosika (Kau&ka) gotra. The 
affix - aja ( = art/a) added to the names of these Brahmanas 
survives even to the present time in Madrasi names like 
Venkayya (Venkarya), Ramayya (Ramarya), etc., and in 
the surname Ayyar ( = 5rya). 

The pariharas (immunities) granted are interesting to 
note. They are apavesa, ancmasa, donakhadaka, aratha- 
savinayika, etc. Apavesa is evidently the same as abhatapra- 
ve$a (exemption from the entrance of an army) of other 
South Indian inscriptions. Military authorities generally 
called upon the villagers to meet their demands ; this fact 
is proved by a record of Mahasamantadhipati Santivarman 
of Banavasl. Good governments therefore tried to minimise 
the exactions of the soldiers by preventing them from 
entering the villages. Sukra (V. 84) says that soldiers 
should encamp outside a village and should not enter 
villages except on official business. Anomasa has been 
taken to mean " exemption from being meddled with." 
The third parihara, viz., alonakhadaka, made the village 
free from being dug for salt. The salt-mines of the country 

1 The word jdyipara, according to Sanskrit lexicons, means kamuka, which 
meaning does not seem to be applicable here. Hultzsch thinks that the passage possibly 
means a " grhotth* belonging to the Gautama-gotr* " iff. lnd. t VI, p. 315). 


wiiently properly of the kiug. The term arathasavi- 
. nqyika itfis been translated by Senart as "DO* to be inter- 
fered by the District Police." * 

The grant was executed by the THahatagivara 9 mahSdartda- 
n&yaka (field^marfchal?) Bhapahanavainina. Mahatagivara, 

1 A learned discussion on the subject of panJidros by Ben art is to be fonnd in Ep. 
l*d.,Ytt, pp. 65-f6. " The cognate inscriptions lave DO doubt as In tbe privilege* 
which were expressly mentioned h*re ; we hate 4o restore anomwam alc*Miad*l*rp 
ara{ftdiftf>mayf3r4f! sarajatapirtlarikatfl. The tern elation is less certain than Hi* 
reading. Bearding apavtstrp, in Sanskrit aprarcfiarp, it is sufficient to refer to Dr. 
Fleet's (kipla Inscriptions, p. 98, no'e. Avcmasa rrpresenta anavamntyam ; its cer- 
tain eqtiivalnt ia later terminologr, namely, sffimostarajafTiyam^ chastcpTakffapam* 
fot|i (i'6td., p. 17 1, Tote) seems to nup'y thnt tbe royal cfiicers were prohibited from 
taking possession of anything bel< uging to ihe village. For alcvaUiadaka tbe later 
insciipticms offer peveral equivafents alavanatcreriiftfiarurka wl ich Piihler (p. 101) las 
kM^j qqqtod (Dr. Fleet's No. 56, 1. 26, and No. 66), aknagulachchhcbha in line $2 
of the plates of divaskaodavvarmao (Ep, Ind. % Vol. I, p. 6") and salohahtanakara io 
line 17 of the plates of Govindtrcbarndn* (ibid.. Vol. IV., p. 106). These words nre far 
f retn dear ; but if *we remember tbe /art that the product ion of suit is a roj al monopoly 
(Buhler in Ep. Ind., Vol. I, p. 2> note) *nd tde d^twils quoted by Bhagwsnlal (Bom- 
bay Gazetteer, Vol. XVI, p. 556p. 179) tegarding the manner of digging the soil for 
salt which prevailed in tbe \ery region of our inscription?, it e eems to me that tip ex- 
plaoat dn propowd by Rhapw&nlal, viz., alavenakJiataha whh tl e Prakrit softening -of 
f Mo d, ia quite aati^factory. The object of this immunity would thus be to deny to 
the representatives of tt<e king the right of diguing pits for extracting en It. 

" TThe next term seems to be written in our inscriptions arathasavinagika or 
fatinarfkc ; but lioe 11 of the grant of SivaRknJav*rnon (Ep. Ind., Vol. I, p. 6) dis- 
tiaotly reads aratthasawvinayikaifl. In stating that this srellirg excluded his earlier 
explanation, BuhJer did not suggest another instead of it. I do nut know nny parallel 
expression whfch clears np this one finally. The vord seems to represent oraslilrasarh' 
tjtutyika ; but etymology alone is an unsafe guide in the interpretation of technical 
taxmp. Vmii ia only used in a moral sense. Could we think of tear slat ing : 'xempt- 
ed from the police, the magistrate of the district (rash^a ; coQ>pare Dr. Fleet's Gvpta 
Inscriptions, p. U2, notjj), or of ihe -rJtshtrin' ? tPhis xvonH remind us of tfcose-prants 
in wbtffc* on <tie 0fcber han^, it -is stated that the ri^Iit'of punisbing thefts and offen* 
ces js reserved by ?he king, or of those ia which the riglit to punish the ' ten offences ' 
(9adaapaTadha ; pee, e.g., the Alina plates, 1. 67 in Dr. Fleet's Gupta Intcriptiont, 
p. 17&>fldtta Deo-'BaraiiWk inwription, 1. 17 ;ibid.> p. ^217) is traDsfrrred to the 
^aate. At least Lfcftve Aotbiog more plausible to suggest. It is <wll kaowo that the 
(Efferent formulas of imnnmities were variable aod always incomplete And it is not 
to be wondered at that they should be summed up in a comprehensive and general ex- 
pression like sarcajatapaTth&rtka. Elsewhere tbe texts are more precise in stating 
tfcat there are eighteen kinds of immtn^ties. It will be enough to quote the in- 
*t tbe PaHavas, anil notably that off ^i^^akandsnrman, wtich 
'(Ep. fad., VW. I, p. 6). 11 


according to VogeJ, is a mistake for MaMtdlavara \vhich 
occurs so many times in the inscriptions of the Iksvakus 
(see above). Possibly it was tie custom for an official to 
write down the oral order of the king (aciy(na anatatri). 
The grant ia said to i)ave been signed by UHJ king himself 
(sayarfi clialo). 

The seal attached to the Kondamudi plates has, in the 
centre, a trident in relief (the handle of which seems to end 
in an arrow), a bow (?), the crescent of the moon and an 
indistinct symbol of roughly triangular -shap. Round the 
margin of the 'seal n ns a ^an^kiit legend in archaic 
characters which differ totally fi cm these employed en the 
plates (Ep. Ind., VI, p. 315). This difl'ejence is possibly 
due to the fact that the seals were kept ready in the king's 
record office dnd were attached to tie plates \vhen the latter 
were prepared. Hultszch appears to suggest that the seal 
is much cilder than the plates. The Sanskrit legend how- 
ever seems to show 'that the seal cannot be placed much 
earlier than 300 A.D. 



The only copper-plate grant of the Pj-batphalayana 
dynasty, belonging to king Jayavainma ( Jayavarman) 
Brhatphalayana, \\as discovered, as we Lave alieady seen, 
at Kondamudi a place in tie lenali taluka of the Kistna 
district (Ep. Ind., VI., p. 315). We have also seen that the 
grant was issued in the 10th regnal year of Jayavanpma 
irom vi^aya-khamdhavara nagard Kudurato, i.e. from the 
vijaya-tkandhdvara at the city of Kudura. It is for this 
reason that scholars have taken Kudura (n odern Guduru 
near Masulipatain) to be the capital where the Brhat- 
phalayanas ruled. Prof. Dubreuil, as for instance, writes : 
"The Kondamudi plates (Ep. Ind., Vol. VI, p. 335) aie 
dated in the 10th year of king Jnyavarman of the Brhat- 
phalayanas, who reigned at Kudura ; " and ag..iu : ct the 
town of Kudura, which was the capital of Jayavarman in the 
III century of the Christian era, is but the modern village 
of Guduru which is 4 miles west-north-^ est of Masuli- 
patam and 6 miles from Gha$ta6ala ...... " (Anc. Hist. 

Dec., pp. 84-85). The Professor has rightly identified 
the place with Koddoura in the country of Mai^olia 
(Masulipatam), mentioned in the Geography of Ptolemy. 

It is, however, interesting to note that Koddoura 
136 11 20' has been mentioned not as a metropolis, but 
as an ordinary place in Maisolia (Geog., VII, i, 15) by 
Ptolemy who is believed to have written his Geography 
about the middle of the 2nd century A. D. The archaic 

1 My piper oo the capital of the Brhaipbaliyanai was originally published in 
Jowrn. Andhra Hut. Res. See., VII, pp. 170-1. Tber* however Jayavarman was 
placed a little earlaer. 


characters used on the seal of the Kondamudi grant 
and its phraseological connection with the grants of 
Gautamlputra Satakarni and Vasistlilputra Pulurnavi, as 
well as its language and script, assign the grant to about 
300 A.D. Should we then believe that the Brhat- 
phalayanas became a ruling power just after the decline 
of the Satavahanas in the early years of the 3rd century 
A.D. and established themselves at Kudura (Koddoura) 
from where they issued charters as early as the end of the 
third or the beginning of the 4th century ? It is, however, 
far more natural to think that they were originally a 
local ruling power under the suzerainty of the Satavahanas 
and gradually rose to prominence during and after the 
latter's decline. 

The city of Kudura has been called a vijaya-skandhavara 
in the Kondamudi grant. The word skandhavara generally 
means " a camp; 1 ' but according to the lexicographer 
Hemacandra it may also signify "a metropolis." While 
on expedition, oriental kings are known to have held 
court in camps * The use of the term skandhavara in the 
sense of a metropolis is most probably due to such a 
practice. Skandhavara (as sometimes also possibly the 
term vasaka) appears to mean a temporary residence, and 
therefore a temporary capital, of a king, 2 It is, therefore, 

1 For the court of the MnghuU, see General History of the Mogol Empire (extract- 
ed from Memoirs of M. Mtnouchi) by F. F. Catrou (Bangabftsi Edn.), p. 335ff. " As 
Vtsa pur was at th^ ; tjme of writing these Memoirs the theatre of war against the 
Sevagi, rang neb removed his court and armies thither." p. 813. Cf. also " Daring 
these years (i.e., the years of Asiatic campaign) Alexander's camp was his court and 
capital, the political centre of his empire vast city rolling along over mountain 
and river through Central Asia/' J. R Bury, History of Greece for Beginners, 

1915, p. 429. - 

' It is interesting .in this connection to refer to Yuan Chwang's account of the 
capital of Mahamrtra (Mo-ho-Ia-ch'a) under Pulakefcn II (Pu^ki-she) of the Western 
Calukya dynasty (Beal, Bud. Records of the Western World, If, p. 335 ; also his Lif$ 
cf Hvuen Ttiang, p. 1461 From the inscriptions of the Calukyas and their inveterate 
enemy, the Pallavas, there can be no doubt that the capital of Pulakes\n II was at 

tfrpi, modern BjWimi in tfce Bijapur district of the Bombay Presidency. Now. 


very doubtful whether the vijaya skwdhavara of kii?g 
Jayavannan Brhatphalaynna could be the permanent capital 
of the Brhatphalayauas. 

Thetowttof KudQra, which was the political centre 
of* Kudura&ara, i.e., the Kudiira district, has been identi- 
fied, as we have already seen, with a village in the Bandar 
or Masulipatara taluka. The find of the plates at Kondnmucji 
appears to prove that this region was a part of the Brhat- 
pjaalayana kingdom in about 300 A.D. The capital of* 
the Brhatphalayaraas seems therefore not to hive been 
very far from the Masulipatam region. 

In this connection it is very interesting to note that 
Ptolemy mates mention of the metropolis of Pitundra (135 
12) in the country of the people called MaisoJoi (Geog., 
VII. i, 93>. In op. cit., 79, tbeMaisoloi are placed near 
the country of the Salakenoi (Salaikayanas of VeAgO and 
rn 15 their country 1m been called Maisolia (Masuli- 
patam). Their metropolis,, Pitundra, has been identified 
liy Sylvaio Levi with Pihunda ol the Uttaradhydyana and 
Pithumda of tiie Hathigumpha inscription of king Kbara- 
vela (Ind. Ant , 1926, p, L45); We have seen that the 
Bybatphalayanas ruled over the Masulipatam region, which 
is to be identified with Maisdlia of Ptolemy. Pi tundra 
the capital of Mais&lia, in the time of Ptotemy (middle of 
the 2nd century) appears therefore almost certainly to have 
been the capital of the family ol Jayavarman Brhaipba- 

th surrouoaiDga of Bidami, w scHokrs bv noticed, do not auntec to tfct deeoriptton 
given by tbe Cbmea* pilgrim, and itdirt*oce torn Broach (136 miles) is altogether 
incoJMMOBunftOe with lie d.steme of 10 JO K (about t6J taile*> a specified} by Yuan 
Ctiwang. Scholars therefore now eenerally a^ree with fie view of Fleet th&t the Iowa 
ia quettio* i Nsik , *bcrt 128- mf <n to tbe wnt^rewt of Broach. Fleet seems to be 
rigjhi when he snggeats : H We b^e tb^wfom to look for socoe saterdioate but. 
impertmot t4>wc, fw to the n*rtfc f Ba^fc^, whicb wt migUkealy spoken oi as the 
by Hioea Taiang; niMrtr poUbty beeftaae it was th basis of the opmtion* 
Knemf, atdb*caine in concectitn wiOi tfaftae 
at., J ( Ft.ii, p. 3WK 


layana, ruler of the Masulipatam region in the end of the 
3rd or the beginning of the 4th century. 

If we now accept the reading Pithumda in a passage 
of the Hatbigumpha inscription, (line 11) of Kharavela 
and the interpretation that king Kharavela of Kalifiga 
besieged the city of Pithumda, it is not impossible to think 
that the Brhatphalayanas were ruling at Pithunda Pi tundra 
as early as the time of Kharavela (2nd or 1st century B.C.) . 




HlRAtf Y AC ARBH A . 1 

As the word Hiranyagarbha has some bearing on the 
question of the genealogy of kings whom we call the 
Anandas, we shall deal with this term first. 

According to Sanskrit Lexicons, the word Hiranya- 
garbha has two principal meanings. First, it is a well- 
known epithet of Lord Brahman ; secondly, it is the name 
of one of the sodaa-mahadana, i.e., the sixteen Great Gifts 
which are enumerated and explained in books like the 
Matsya-Purana, Hemadri's Vratakhantfa and Ballalasena's 
Danisagara. The sixteen Mahddanas are dana (offering) of 
the following things : 

1. Tulapurusa 9. Dhara 

2. Hiranyagarbha 10. Hiranyagvaratha 

3. Brahmanda 11. Hemahastiratha 

4. Kalpapadapa 12. Visnucakra 

5. Gosahasra 13. Kalpalata 

6. Hiranyakamadhenu 14. Saptasagara 

7. HiranyaSva 15. Ratnadhenu 

8. Pancalaftgala 10. Mahabhutaghata 

These names are more or less of a technical character. They 
have been explained in full details in the Mah&danavarta 

1 This paper was published in J.R.A.S., October, 1934, p 729ff. A paper ex- 
plaining the term hiranyagarbha was previously published in Bharatbarsa (Bengali), 
Bhidra, 1840 B, 8., p. 393 f. 


section of the Danasagara, Chapter V of the Vratakhanda 
and Chapter 247 ff. of the Matsya-Purana. 

The word Hiranyagarbha occurs several times in the 
inscriptions of some South Indian kings. In the Goran tla 
inscription (Ind. Ant., IX, p. 102 f.), king Attivarman is 
called aprameya-hiranyagarbha-prasava, which phrase was 
translated by Fleet, the editor of the Gorantla iuscription, 
as " who is the posterity of the inscrutable (god) Hiranya- 
garbha," i.e., Brahman. In the Mahakuta pillar inscrip- 
tion of the Calukya king MafLgaltga (ibid, XIX, p. 9ff.) we 
have the passage hiranyagarbha-sambhuta. Here also Fleet 
who edited the inscription translated the phrase as " who 
was descended from (the god) Hiranyagarbha (Brahman)." 
It must be noticed that only particular kings have been 
connected with Hiranyagarbha in the inscriptions of their 
respective families. If Fleet's interpretation is correct we 
should have found other kings of the family wherein one 
king has been called Hiranyagarbha-sambhuta with titles 
of the same signification. Moreover, when we notice that 
in the Mahakuta pillar inscription, this epithet is given only 
to Pulake&n I, and not to Jayasimha the first king men- 
tioned, nor to Mangalesa the reigning monarch, there 
remains no doubt that Fleet's theory is unjustifiable. I 
therefore hold with Hultzsch that the word Hiraqyagarbha, 
in these inscriptions, signifies the second of the "sixteen 
Mahdddnas or Great Gifts. 

While editing the Mattepad plates of Damodarvarman 
(Ep. Ind., XVII, p. 328ff.) f Hultzsch remarked : " A similar 
feat is ascribed to king Attivarman in another copper-plate 
grant from the Guntur district, where I translate the epithet 
aprameya-Hiranyagarbha-prasavena by ' who is a producer 
of (i.e., who has performed) innumerable Hiranya- 
garbhas.' " Hultzsch, here, evidently takes the passage 
hiranyagarbha-prasava as a case of the Sasthl-tatpuru$a 
compound to mean " prasava (origin, producer) of the 


Hiranyagarbha." But be was in difficulty with the 
word Hiranyagarbha-prasuta which occurs in the Ipur 
grant (No. 1) of the Visnukundin king Madhavavarman I 
(ibid, p. 335 f.). As prasuta is an adjective, it cannot make 
a case of the Sasthl-tatpuruw compound. Hultzsch, there- 
fore, had to correct the passage as Hiranyagarbha-prasuti, 
i.e., prasuti (origin, producer) of the Hiranyagarbha (ibid, 
p. 336, note 7). But when we notice that the epithet 
Hiranyagarbha-prasuta also occurs in the Polamuru plates of 
the same Vinukundin king (Journ. Andhra Hist. Res. Soc., 
VI, p. 17 ff.), and further that theMahakuta pillar inscription 
has Hiranyagarbha-sambhuta, there can be no doubt that 
Hultzsch is wrong in taking the passage Hiranyagarbha- 
prasava as a case of the Sasthl-tatpurusa compound. The 
words Hiranyagarbha-prasuta and Hiranyagarbha-sambhuta 
are certainly examples of the Paflcaml-tatpurusa compound 
and mean " born of the Hiraijyagarbha." The word 
Hiranyagarbha-prasava must also mean the same thing. 
I therefore take it as a case of the Bahuvrlhi compound 
to mean " one whose prasava (origin, producer, pro- 
genitor) is the Hiranyagarbha." But how can a king be 
born of the Hiranyagarbha which we have taken to signify 
the second of the sixteen Mahadanas ? 

In the performance of the Hiranyagarbha-mahadana 
ceremofly, the thing to be given away to the Brahmanas 
is a Hiranyagarbha, literally, " a golden womb." Hiranya- 
garbha here signifies a golden kunda, three cubits in 
height. Cf. 

brdhmanair^dnayet kundam tapanlya-mayam ubham 
dvasaptaty-angul-occhrayam hema-pankaja-garbhavat. 

To discuss in details all the functions of the ceremony 
is not necessary for our purpose. The quotations, which 
are all from the 249th Chapter of the Matsya-Purana, will 
sufficiently clear the point 


After due arcana, the performer of the Mahadana 
ceremony is to utter a mantra in adoration to Lord 
Hiranyagarbha (here, Lord Visnu), two lines of which 
run : 

bhur-loka-pramukha lokas^tava garbhe vyavasthitah 
bram-adayas = tatha deva namas = te vi$va-dharine. 

Thereafter the performer enters into the hiranyagarbha, 
i.e., the golden hunt? a, and the priests perform the cere- 
monies of garbhadhana, pumsavana and simantonnayana of 
the " golden womb/' as they would do in the case of an 
ordinary pregnant woman. <7/. 

evam=amantrya tan-madhyam =avisy = anibha udah- 


mustibhyam parisamgrhya dharmaraja-caturmukau 
janumadhye irah krtvd tiftheta vdsa-pancakam 
garbhadhanam pumsavanam simantonnayam tatha 
kuryur=hiranya-garbhasya tatas*=>te dvija-puhgavah. 

Then the performer is taken out of the "golden womb," 
and the jata-karma and other necessary functions are per- 
formed by the priests, as if the performer is a newly born 
child. After that, the performer is to utter another mantra, 
wherein occur the following significant lines : 

matr=aham janitah purvam martya-dharma sur-ottama 
tvad-garbha-sambhavad**esa divya-deho bhavamy=aham. 

" the best of gods, previously I was given birth to 
by my mother (and) was martya-dharma (one having the 
qualities of an earthly creature). (But) now owing to my 
(re-) birth from your womb, I become divya-deha (one having 
celestial body." 


That the performer of the Hiranyagarbha-mahadana was 
thought to be " born of the Hiranyagarbha, i.e., golden 
womb/' is also clear from the next mantra to be uttered by 
the priests : 

adya-jatasya te**'ngani abhiseksyamahe vayam. 

After the ceremony is over, the priests receive the gift of 
that golden womb together with many other things. 



Two kings of the Ananda family are known from 
their inscriptions. They are Attivarman of the Gorantla 
plates (Ind. Ant., IX, p. 102 f.) and Damodarvarman 
of the Mattepad plates (Ep. Ind., XVII. p. 327 f.). 
We have already dealt with the reference to the word 
Hiranyagarbha in the Gorantla inscription and with 
its different interpretations. Hultzsch rightly says : 
" When editing the Gorantla plates of Attivarman, my 
late lamented friend Fleet believed this king (scil. Attivar- 
man) to have been a Pallava chiefly because lie 
interpreted the epithet aprameya-Hiranyagarbha-prasavena 
by ' who is the posterity of the inscrutable (god) 
Hiranyagarbha.' As I have shown above, the rendering is 
inadmissible in the light of the corresponding epithet used 
in the fresh plates, and Fleet himself had since withdrawn 
his original opinion in his Dynasties of the Kanarese 
Districts, second edition, 2 p. 334 " (Ep. Ind., XVII. 328). 
In the Gorantla inscription, Attivarman has been called 
kandaranrpati-kula-samudbhuta, "sprung from the family of 
king Kandara " ; the family (kula), in its turn, is called 
ananda-rnaharsi-vam$a-samudbhiita, " sprung from the 

1 See my note on the Ananda Genealogy in J.R.A S., October, 1934, 
p. 732 ff. 

2 "And DOW that we know more about the early history and Puranic peneulogy 
of the Palluvas, it is difficult to adapt these details to their accounts, though Attivar- 
tnan does, like the Pallavas, claim to belong to the posterity of the god Hiranya- 
garbha, i.e., Brahman. On the other hand, the name Kandhara, -and doubtless 
Kandara also,is a variant of Krishna ; and this suggests that we may possibly haw 
here an early Rashfrakuta record" (Fleet's Dynasties of th Kanarw District* if 

Bomb. Gaz., I, Part II, p. 834). 


lineage of the great sage Ananda ". On the other hand, 
the Mattepad plates were issued from tnjat/a-Kandara-pura, 
" victorious city (founded by) king Kandara." Damodara- 
varman is, here, said to have belonged to the Ananda- 
gotra. Both the Gorantla and Mattepad grants were 
discovered in the Guntur district of the Madras Presidency. 
While editing the Mattepad plates, Hultzscb, on these 
grounds, suggested that the three kings Kandara, 1 
Attivarman and Damodaravarman belonged to the same 
family and that they may be styled " the Ananda 
kings of Guntur/' 

The palaeography of the Gorantla and Mattepad records 
suggests that the rule of king Attivarman and that of 
kingDamodarvarman were not separated by a great interval. 
Considering the facts that the characters of the Gorantla 
inscription resemble, in some respects, those of the Iksvaku 
inscriptions of Nagarjunikonda (Ep. Ind., XX, p. 1 ff.) and 
that both Nagarjunikonda, the find-spot of some Iksvaku 
inscriptions, and Kanteru, that of some Salankayana 
inscriptions are localities of the Guntur district, it seems 
to me that the Ananda kings, whose inscriptions are also 
found in the same district, began to grow powerful about 
the middle of the 4th century A.D., when the power 
of the Pallava successors of the Iksvakus was gradually 

l Venkayya in his Keporb for 1900, pp. 5 and 35, refers to a much defaced 
Sanskrit inscription mentioning the daughter of king Kandara of the Anandagotra, 
at Chez aria to the west of Guntur. Kandara, Kandhara, Kandi<ara, Kanhara, 
Kanhara and Kannara are Prakrit variants of the Sanskrit name Krsna (Bomb. Gaz. t 
7, Pt. II, p. 410, note 1). Some inscriptions of the Rat(as of Saundatti style the 
Rastrakufa king Krsna III as Kandhara puravar-adhifoara, supreme lord of 
Kandhftrapura, the best of towns (ibid, pp. 419, 550 and note 6 ; and 884, note 4). 
This fact appears to have led Fleet to suggest a Raft r aku(a connection of Attivarman 
(ibid, 886). But as suggested by the same scholar (ibid, 884, note 4) the name of 
Kandharapura " may possibly have been invented from an imaginary Krisbnapura, 
derived front some passage similar to that in which the Eastern Chalukya King 
Gunak* Vijayfcditya III is said to have effected the borniLg of th city of Krishna II 
o, see Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 102, a, $)." 


daclining in the Andhra country. The Nagarjunikonda ins- 
criptions have been assigned to the 3rd century A.D. and, 
as I shall show below, the Kanteru plates are to be ascribed 
to the 5th century A.D. Kings Attivarman and Damodara- 
varman may, therefore, be conjecturally placed about the 
second half of the 4th century of the Christian era. 

Rut which of the two kings of the Ananda family came 
earlier ? According to Hultzsch, the characters of the 
Gorantla inscription are more developed than those of the 
Mattepad grant which is besides partly written in Prakrit ; 
" consequently Damodaravarman must have been one of the 
predecessors of Attivarman " (Ep. Ind., XVII, p. 328). 

As regards the first point, viz., that the characters of 
the Gorantla inscription are more developed, I must say 
that when two epigraphs belong to the same period it is 
extremely difficult to determine as to which of them is 
the earlier. In our section on the Visnukundin 
genealogy below, we shall show that the Visnukundin king 
Madhavavarman II of the Ipur grant (No. 2) was suggested 
by Hultzsch, on palaeographical grounds, to have been the 
grandfather of Madhavavarman (I) of the Ipur grant (No. 
1). We shall also show there that the former was actually 
not the grandfather, but the grandson, of the latter. 1 Since 
the handwritings of two different scribes of even the same 
age may be quite dissimilar, I do not think it impossible 
that the difference in time between the execution of the 
Mattepad and that of the Gorantla grant is short and that 
Damodaravarman of the Mattepad grant was a successor of 
Attivarman on the throne of Kandarapura. 2 

1 See also my paper on the genealogy of the Visnukundins in Ind. Hist. Quart. t 
IX, p. 278 ft. 

1 Cf. " Not only the. plates of the PallaTas but also those of the GaAgas and 
tba Kadambss prove that the alphabets differ much according to the scribes, who have 
engraved the plates ; and the documents of the same reign do not sometimes resemble 
one another." (Anc. Hiit. Dec., pp. 65-66,) 



As regards the second point, viz., that the Mattepad 
grant is partly written in Prakrit, I am afraid, it is a 
misrepresentation* In fact, the Mattepad plates are, like 
the Gorantla plates, written in Sanskrit ; but it is true 
that the names of the Brahmana recipients of the king's 
gift are written in Prakrit, e.g., Kassava-Kumarajja 
(Sanskrit : KaiSyapa-Kumararya), etc. We must notice, 
however, that the Gorantla inscription also exhibits the 
same peculiarity, I think it even more significant that the 
name of the king is here Attivarman and not Hastivarman. 
Atti is a Dravidic form of Sanskrit hastin, through the 
literary Prakrit from hatthi. Names like Attivarman, 1 
Kumarajja, etc., only prove that both these grants were 
issued in a time when the replacement of Prakrit by Sans- 
krit in South Indian epigraphy was nearly, but not fully, 

There are, besides, two other points in support of 
our suggestion. Firstly, in the Gorantla inscription, the 
kandara-nrpati-kula has been called bhagavato vakefoaradhi- 
vasinas=itribhuvana-kartuh fanibho^carana-kamala-rajab- 
pavitrlkfta, which appears to suggest that Sambhu (Siva) 
was the family deity of the Ananda kings and that they 
were Saivas. On the other hand, Damodaravarman is 
called in his inscription bhagavatah samyaksanibuddhasya 
padanudhyata, which clearly shows that he was a Buddhist. 
If the Ananda kings prior to Attivarman were Saivas, 
Damodaravarman who was a Buddhist would appear to have 
come after Attivarman. Secondly, the inscribed faces of the 
Mattepad plates of Damodaravarman are " numbered con- 
secutively like the pages of a modern book/' This fact also 

* With the name of Attivannan may be compared that of Attinallap, a 
feudatory of the Cola king Rajaraja (SJndJns., I, No. 74|. Attimallar was alto the 
surname of Kr?na III Ra^rakiifca. Compare also Attivarman in Kieliiorn'i List, 
No 1070 ; and " Attiraja or Attarasa, born at N&ranapura in the Andhra country " 
in Bomb. G<M.> I f Pt. II, p, 507 


seems to suggest that Damodaravarman came after 

But, what was the relationship between these two kings 
of the Ananda family, who, we think, were not far removed 
from each other in time? 

In this connection, I like to draw the attention of 
readers to the epithet abandhya-gosahasr-aneka-hiranyagarbh- 
-odbliav-odbhava applied to the name of king Damodaravar- 
man in the Mattepad plates. This epithet has been 
translated by Hultzsch as " who is the origin of the 
production (i.e., who has caused the performance) of many 
Hirapyagarbhas and of (gifts of) thousand pregnant cows." 
This translation is defective for several reasons. 

We have seen that Hultzsch has wrongly interpreted 
the passage hiranyagarbha-prasava as the " producer of the 
Hiranyagarbha." As we have shown, it should mean " one 
whose producer is the Hiranyagarbha." The corresponding 
passage of the Mattepad plates is hiranyagarbh-odbhava, 
which means exactly the same thing. Hultzsch says : 
" be (sell. Damodaravarman) boasts of having performed 
certain Brahmanical rites, viz., Gosahasra and Hiranya- 
garbha (1. 2 f.)." But it seems to me hardly tenable that 
Damodaravarman who was professedly a Buddhist performed 
these rites which are professedly Brahmanical. Besides, if 
Hultzsch' s interpretation is right, why did the composer 
use hiranyagarbh-odbhav-odbhava and not hiranyagarbh- 
odbhava which is the naturally expected form ? The 
use of hiranyagarbh-odbhav-odbhava in the sense of " per- 
former of the Hiranyagarbha ' ' seems to me highly awkward 
in an ordinary prose composition. The natural meaning of 
the phrase hiranyagarbh-odbhav-odbhava is " one whose 
udbhava (producer, father) is Hiranyagarbh-odbhava (i.e., 
performer of the Hiranyagarbha-mahadana) " 

As regards abandhya-gosahasra, I do not think that the 
word abandhya ever means " pregnant/' Abandhya, i.e., 


not-barren, which also means amogha-phal-odaya (producer 
of unfailing good and prosperity) according to the Sanskrit 
lexicon Rdjanirghanja, seems to refer not to go as Hultzsch 
has taken it, but to the Gosahasra, the fifth of the sixteen 
MahSdanas of the Puranas. The whole phrase abtmdhya- 
go^ahasr-aneka-hiranya-garbh-odbhav-odbhava, then, means 
" one whose udbhava (i.e., father) is Abandhyagosahasra 
(i.e., performer of a Gosahasra producing unfailing success) 
and Aneka-hiranyagarbb-odbhava (i.e , performer of many 
Hiranyagarbhas) . 

Now, who is this Abandhya-gosahasra-Aneka-hiranya- 
garbh-odbhava, the udbhava (father) of king Damodaravar- 
man ? Curiously enough, in the Gorantla inscription, 
Attwarman is called aprameya-hiranyagarbha-prasava, 
which is obviously the same as aneka-hiranyagarbh-odbhava. 
I therefore do not think it quite impossible that it is 
king Attivarman who was the father of king Damodara- 
varman of the Mattepad plates. It may however be argued 
that the Mattepad plates credit the father of king Dfimo- 
daravarman with the performance of a Gosahasra as well ; 
but there is no reference to this Mahadana in Attivarman's 
own Gorantla grant. The Gosahasra mahadana may have 
been performed by Attivarman after the execution of 
the Gorantla grant. It may also be a case of the 
Argumentum ex Silentio. 



As we have seen, the Ananda king Attivarman was a 
devotee of Sarnbhu (Siva) and performed "many" Hiranya- 
garbhas. The performance of such a costly mahddana as 
the Hiranyagarbba for more than once (and probably also 
of a Gosahasra) seems to show that he was a rich and power- 
ful prince. His epithet pratap-opanata-sakala-samanta-man- 
$ala suggests that there were other ruling chiefs who 
acknowledged his suzerainty. His inscription tells us that 
he acquired fame in ruling his subjects with justice. 

The Gorantla inscription records the gift of eight hundred 
pattis (pieces) of land in the village of Tanlikonla on the 
southern bank of the Krsnabenna (i.e., the Krishna; see 
infra, and Bomb. Gaz., I, ii, p. 334 n) river and also of the 
village of Antukkura, to a Brahmana named Kotti&trman, 
who belonged to the Kagyapa-gotra. The name of the 
village, read now as Tanlikonla by Hultzsch, was originally 
read by Fleet as Tanthikontha (Ep. Ind., VII, p. 328). The 
village has been identified by Hultzsch with the modern 
Tadikoncja, ten miles to the north of Guntur and to the 
south of the Krishna. Antukkura, according to him, is 
probably modern Gani-Atkuru to the west of Bezvada. The 
recipient KottiSarman has been described as knowing the 
ipastamba-sutra and also the three Vedas, viz., Rk, Yajus 
and Stewart. 

The seal of king Attivarman attached to the Gorantla 
. plates is circular. " The emblem on it is probably some god^ 
sitting cross-legged on an altar, but it is anything but dear, 
even in the original " (Ind. Ant., IX. p. 102). The figure is 
shunk in the flat surface of the seal, instead of being raised 
in relief on a counter-sunk surface as is usually the caee. 



We have already said much about this king. The 
Mattepad grant was issued on the 13th day of the bright 
half of Karttika in the 2nd regnal year of the king. It re- 
cords the grant of the village of Kamgura with all pariharas, 
to a number of Brahmanas. Parihara, i.e., "immunity, pri- 
vilege, exemption from taxes/' is mentioned in Kautilya's 
ArthaSastra (Shamasastry's 2nd ed., p. 73). The pariharas 
are sometimes stated to be of eighteen kinds, but are very 
often referred to as sarvajata-parihara (immunities of nil kinds). 
For some of them see pages 43-44 above. The Mattepad 
grant was issued from the victorious city of Kandarapura 
which was possibly the capital of the kings of the Ananda 
line. The recipients of the grant were the following : 
Buddajja (Eudrarya), Nandijja (Nandyarya), Khandajja 
(Skandarya), Bhavajja (Bhavarya), Agnijja (Agnyarya), 
Sirijja (Sryarya), Savarajja (Sabararya) and Virajja (Virarya) 
of the Kondinna (Kaundinya)-gotra, Damajja (Damarya), 
Kumarajja (Kumararya), Venujja (Visnvarya), Devajja 
(Devarya) Nandijja and Dlnajja (DInarya) of the Kassava 
(Ka^yapa)-gotra and Bhaddajja (Bhadrarya) of the Agasti- 

The seal of Damodaravarinan attached to the Mattepad 
plates is oval and is said to be much worn. It bears in 
relief, according to Hultzsch, the figure of a "seated bull 
facing the proper right. 

We do not know who succeeded Damodaravarman on the 
throne of Kandarapura. The end of the Ananda dynasty 
is wrapped up in obscurity. They were possibly subdued or 
supplanted by the SalaAkay anas in the 5th century A.D, 





While editing the Kolleru (Kollair) grant of the Sa- 
Urikayana Maharaja Nandivarman, son of Candavarman, in 
Ind. 'Ant., Vol. V, p. 175 ff. (Sanskrit and Old-Canarese 
Inscriptions: No. XVIII), Fleet remarked : " In Sir W. 
Elliot's facsimiles I have [found] another copper-plate 
inscription of Vijayanandivarma and his Yuvamaharaja, 
whose name seems to be Vijayatuftgavarma or Vijayabudha- 
varma." He appended the following note to the name 
of the Yuvamaharaja : " The original has, 1.3,' Vijaya- 
buftgavarmassa,' and in the margin, a little above the line, 
there is the character * ddha ' differing not much from 
' nga ' as there written apparently intended to be 
introduced somewhere in the line as a correction." Now, 
as we shall presently see, this statement regarding the 
inscription is really wrong and was subsequently corrected 
by Fleet himself. But, unfortunately, the blunder has 
become parmanent in later writings on the Salankayana 

En passant, I may draw the attention of readers to the 
names of these kings generally accepted and used by 
scholars. The names can hardly be Vijayanandivarman, 
Vijayabuddhavarman and the like. 

1 My paper oa the S&lafik&yana genealogy was originally published in Ind. 
,, IX, p. 208 ff, 


The Salaftkayana inscriptions are stated to be issued 
from Siri-vijaya-veAglpura, Vijaya-veAgipura or Vijaya- 
veAgi. The Kadamba grants are generally issued from 
SrI-vijaya-vaijayanti, SrI-vijaya-triparvata and Sri-vijaya- 
pala&ka. 1 The Mattepad plates of Damodaravarman (Ep. 
Ind. 9 XVII, p. 327 flf.) were issued from Vijaya-kandarapura. 
We have also references to Sri-vijaya-kancipura, Srl-vijaya- 
palakkada and Sri-vijaya-da6anapura in some of the Pallava 
inscriptions (Ep. Ind., Ill, p. 142 ff., and I, p. 297 ; Ind. 
Ant., V, p. 50 ff ., p. 154 if.). There can be no doubt that the 
names of the places are Veftglpura, Kancipura, Vaijayanti, 
Pala&ka, etc., and that vijaya or 4ri-vijaya has been prefixed 
to them simply for the sake of glorification. I have no 
doubt that the name of the SalaAkayana MaharSja of the 
Kollair grant is similarly Nandivarman, and not 8ri-vijaya- 
or Ftj'aya-nandivarman^ as is generally taken to be. 
Vijaya and Sri-vijaya, in such cases, mean vijaya-yukta and 
Sri-vijaya-yukta respectively. 2 When prefixed to proper 
names, they make examples of the Tatpurusa compound of 
the Sakaparthivadi class. The word jaya is also used in 
(Iiis way. As for instance. Karmanta (modern [Bad] 
-Kanta near Comilla) has been mentioned as jaya-Kar- 
manta-vasaka in the Ashrafpur plate of Devakhadga (Bhan- 
darkar, List, No. 1588). It must also be noticed 
that in the Peddavegi and Kanteru (No. 2) grants the 
reigning Salaftkayana king is simply called Nandivarman. 
Note also that the Pallava king Skandavarman II in his 
own Omgodu (No. 1) grant (Ep. Ind., XV, p. 246) calls 
himself Sri-vijaya-Skandavarman, while in the Uruvupalli 
grant of his son Visnugopavarman (Ind. ~Ant., V, p. 50) and 
in the Omgodu (No. 2), Pikira (ibid., XV, p. 246; VIIL 
p. 159) and Mangalur(Ind.4nt., V, p. 154) grants of his 
grandson Simhavarman he is simply called Skandavarman. 

i See the Kadamba grants edited by Fleet in Ind. Ant., VI and VII. 

Cf. tet&Tpri-vijaya6=c*=aivas(ira$tTanairi bh<w\tyat\ : Mahabhft., I, 68, 24, 


To come to our point. The first scholar who accepted 
the wrong information of Fleet and added thereto something 
of his own, seems to be Prof. Dubreuil, the author of 
Ancient History of the Deccan (Pondicherry, 1920) Before 
he wrote, a Prakrit copper-plate inscription of another 
Salaftkayana Maharaja Devavarman, had been discovered near 
Ellore. It was edited by Hultzsch in Ep. Ind., Vol. IX, 
p. 56 ff. In Ancient History of the Deccan, Dubreuil 
therefore speaks of four SalaAkayana monarchs, viz., 

1. Devavarman of the Ellore plates, 

2. Candavarman, and bis son 

3. Nandivarman of the Kollair plates, 

4. Buddhavarman, son of (3) Nandivarman mentioned 
in the facsimile referred to by Fleet. As regards Buddba- 
varman, Dubreuil has quoted the passage of Fleet, and 
remarked : " This name is probably Buddhavarman, 
for in the margin, there is the character dha " (Anc. 
Hist. Dec., p. 89). Evidently the Professor goes a step 
further. I do not know from which authority he learnt 
that the letter in the margin is dha and not ddha, as is 
attested by Fleet. 

The mistake was next repeated by K. V. Lakshmana 
Rao who edited the two copper-plate grants discovered at 
Kanteru, one belonging to the Salankayana Maharaja 
Nandivarman and the other to the Salankayana Maharaja 
Skandavarman. 1 Like Dubreuil, Lakshmana Rao has quoted 
the same passage of Fleet and has taken " Vijaya Buddha- 
varman " as a king belonging to the Salankayana dynasty 
(Journ. Andhra Hist. Res. Soc., Vol. V, p. 26). It is to be 
noted that Fleet hesitatingly proposed an alternative of two 
names, viz., Tungavarman and Buddhavarman, with a 

1 Journ. Andhra Htst Res Soc., V, p. 26 ff. ; the plates appear to have heen origi- 
nally edited by the same scholar in Journal of the Andhra Academy or Andhra 
tiahitya-Parishat-Patrtka, Vol. XI, p. 113 ff, 



slight inclination towards the latter ; then Dubreuil showed 
favour for the name Buddhavarman ; and now Lakshmana 
Kao takes Buddhavarman as an established name in the 
genealogy of the Salankayanas. 

Next we come to B. Subba Rao, who has edited the 
Peddavegi copper-plates of the Salankayaua Maharaja 
Nandivarman II (ibid., Vol. I, p. 92 ff.). He refers to 
five inscriptions belonging to the Salarikayana kings. *' Of 
these a Prakrit inscription which was discovered by 
Mr. (? Sir Walter) Elliot remains unpublished : but two 
kings (?) mentioned in it are known to us as Vijayanandi- 
yarrnan Yuvamaharaja (?) and Vijayabuddhavarman. The 
late Mr. Lakshmana Bao edited in Andhra Sahitya-Parishat- 
Patrika, Vol. XI, two Salankayana inscriptions discovered 
in Kanteru near Guntur and these belong to Nandi- 
varman and Skandavarman. Another Salankayana inscrip- 
tion discovered in Kallair lake and (sic.) which belongs to 
Vijaya Nandivarman, eldest son of Chandavarman, was 
published in Indian Antiquary, Vol. V, by Mr. Elliot 
(? Dr. Fleet). A Prakrit inscription discovered at Ellore 
which belongs to Vijaya Devavarman was published in 
Epigraphia Indica, Vol. IX " (ibid., p. 93). By this time, 
everything is complete. 1 

I am afraid, these scholars have not carefully read all 
the inscriptions edited by Fleet in his well-known 
" Sanskrit and Old-Canarese Inscriptions "' series. It is 
however wrong to say that " a Prakrit inscription which 
was discovered by Mr. Elliot remains unpublished." It 
was actually published by Fleet in Ind. Ant. 9 IX; p. 100 ff. 
(Sans. Old-Can. Ins., No. LXXIV). " This is the grant 

1 The theory of the existence nf a Prakrit record mentioning two Salankftyana 
princes named Vijaya-Nandivarman and Vijaya-Buddhavarman in Elliot's collection 
is also accepted in An. Rep. S.Ind.Ep., 1926-27, pp. 74-75, and in such a recent 
work as Prof. Louis de La Vale'e Poussin's Dynasties et Htstoire de V Inde (Histoire 
2, Paris, 1985), p. 283. 


of Vijayabuddhavarma," he says there, "of which I have 
spoken at Vol. V, p. 175. I now give the text from the 
original plates which belong to Sir Walter Elliot." 
Fleet's reading of the grant is as follows : 

L. 1. Siddha Sirivijayakhandavamma-maharajassa 


L. 2. Yuvamaharajassa Blmrattayana Pallavft- 

L. 3. nam Sirivijayabuddhavarmassa devi 

L. 4, kujana viha (?) rudevi Kada (?) vlya 

No argument is necessary to prove that the inscription 
belongs to the Pallavas and refers to the king Skandavar- 
man and the Crown-prince Buddhavarman, and that it has 
nothing to do with the Salankayanas. Fleet was himself 
conscious of what he said before, and remarked (ibid., p. 
101): "And Vijayabuddhavarma is said to beaPallava, 
and of the Bharattayana gotra. There is therefore, 
no genealogical connection between the Vijayabuddha- 
-varma of this grant and the Vijayanandivarma of the Vengi 
grant at Vol. V, p. 175, who was of the Salankayana 
gotra." Fleet, however, could not translate the inscription, 
as it is written in Prakrit. It has later been carefully 
edited by Hultzsch in Ep. Ind., VIII (p. 143 fit., "British 
Museum Plates of Charudevi" with "Plates of Vijaya- 
Skandavarman and Vijaya-Buddhavarman"). The first 
plate has been thus deciphered and translated by Hultzsch : 


L. 1. Siri-Vijaya-Khandava[m]ma-maharajassa sam- 

vvachchhar [a] [ / * ] 

L. 2. Yuvamaharajassa Bharaddayassa Pallava- 

L. 3. nam Si[ri]-vijaya-Buddhavarmassa devi [Bu-] 


L. 4. kura-janavi Charudevi ka[dake] vlya [/*] 


"Success! The years (of the reign) of the glorious 
Maharaja Vijaya-Skandavarman, CharudevI, the queen of 
the Yuvamaharaja , the Bharadvaja, the glorious Vijaya- 
Buddhavarman (of the family) of the Pallavas (and) mother 
of [Buddhyanjkura, (addresses the following order) [to 
the official at] Ka[taka]." 

There can, then, be no question of a Buddbavarman in 
the genealogy of the Sfilahkayanas. 

The following kings are so far known from inscriptions 
to have belonged to the Sftlankayana dynasty : 

1. Ellore Prakrit grant (i) Devavarman. 

2. Kollair grant (i) Candavarman) ; 

(ii) Nandivarman, the eldest 
son of Candavarman. 

3. Peddavegi grant (i) Hastivarman ; 

(ii) Nandivarman I, son of 
Hastivarman ; 

(Hi) Candavarman, son of 
Nandivarman I ; 

(iv) Nandivarman II, eldest 
son of Candavarman. 

4. Kanteru grant (No. 1) (i) Skandavarrnan. 

5. Kanteru grant (No. 2) (i) Nandivarman. 

There can be no doubt that Nandivarman of the Kollair 

grant is identical with Nandivarman II of the Peddavegi 

grant, since both of them are described in the inscriptions 

as "the eldest son of Candavarman." It is however not 

quite clear whether Nandivarman of the Kanteru grant 

(No. 2) is identical with either of the two Nandivarmans 

of the Peddavegi plates or he is a third king different from 

them. Nevertheless, it seems reasonable to identify him 

with Nandivarman II of the Peddavegi grant. Both in the 

Kollair and the Peddavegi grants Nandivarman II is called 


bhagawc-citrarathasvawi-pad-aniidhyato bappa-bhattaraka- 
pada-bhaktak parama-bhagavata = alahkayana. It is interest- 
ing to note that exactly the same epithets have been 
applied to Nandivarman also in the plates discovered at 
Kanteru. It must moreover be noted that the king has the 
epithet parama-bhagavata in all these three inscriptions 
and that no other Salankayana king is as yet known to have 
used this epithet. It appears, then, almost certain that 
Nandivarman of the Kanteru plates is also, like the king 
of the same name of the Kollair grant, identical with 
Nandivarman II of the Peddavegi plates. There is unfor- 
tunately nothing from which we can determine the precise 
relationship that existed between Devavarman or Skanda- 
varman on the one hand and the line of the remaining 
four kings on the other. 

As the Ellore grant is written in Prakrit, there can 
hardly be any doubt that king Devavarman ruled before 
Skandavarman and Nandivarman II who used Sanskrit in 
their inscriptions. The character of the Peddavegi plates 
of Nandivarman II appear to be slightly more developed 
than that used in the Ellore plates of Devavarman. Deva- 
varman, therefore, may be placed before Haslivarman 
who appears to have been succeeded regularly by his son, 
grandson and great-grandson. Considering the facts that 
the inscriptions of Nandivarman II are to be palaeographi- 
cally assigned to about the middle of the 5th century A.D., 
and that be was preceded by three kings of his line, it 
seems probable that Skandavarman of the Kanteru grant 
came after Nandivarman II. We however do not know 
whether Pevavarman was the immediate predecessor of 
Hastivarman 1 or Skandavarman the immediate successor 

1 Devavarman seems to have ruled about 320-45 A.D. (see below). He therefore 
may have been the immediate predecessor (father?) of HaativannaD. w ee my paper 
in Ind. Cult., I, pp. 498*502. 


of Nandivarman II. 1 The genealogical tree then stands 
thus : 





Nandivarman II 

It may be noticed here that this Salankayana Hasti- 
varman of the Peddavegi plates can hardly be any other 
than the vaihgeyaka-Hastivarman, mentioned in the famous 
Allahabad pillar inscription of Samudragupta. 2 The main 
arguments in favour of this assertion are the following : 

(i) The Salankayana line is the only dynasty which can 
be properly called vaihgeyaka (belonging to Vengl), as all 
the grants of the Salankayana kings are issued from 
Vefiglpura. No other early dynasty is known to have had 
its headquarters at the city of VengL 8 

1 Some scholars have suggested that Skandavarman might have been the younger 
brother of Nandivarman II (Journ. Andhra Hist. Ret. Soc., V, p. 27). The conspicuous 
mention ID Nandivarman II's inscriptions of his being the eldest son of Maharaja 
Canflavarraan may suggest that the king had a rival in one of his younger brothers. 
We however do not as yet definitely know whether this younger brother could be 
Skandavarman of the Kanteru grant No. 1. 

8 Corp. Ins. Ind. t Vol. Ill, No. 1; see however Journ. Andhra Hist. Res. Soc., 
I. p. 93. Even recent works on Indian history regard Vaihgeyaka Hastivarman of 
the Allahabad pillar inscription as a Pal lava king or a Pallava viceroy of th3 
king of Kafici. See, aa for instance, Se well's List (1932), p. 375. 

3 It majr be noted that a Sanskrit grant belonging to the Pallava Dharma- 
Maharaja Siiphavarman (Ind. Ant., V, p. 154) refers to Vengorastra. Simhavarman 
is there said to have granted a village 10 the Vengora^ra. The grant was issued 


(n) The Salankayanas ruled according to Dubreuil, 
"between 350 and 450 A.D." (op. cit., p. 87); and Bur- 
nell thought that the Kollair grant of Nandivarman may 
be palaeographically assigned to the 4th century A.D. 
(South Indian Palaeography, p. 14, n. 2). It is therefore 
generally accepted that the Salankayanas ruled contempor- 
aneously with the early Guptas (320-467 A.D.). 

As regards the date proposed by Dubreuil, it may be 
said that the Salankayanas certainly began to rule long 
before 350 A,D. Prof. H. C. Eaychaudhuri (Pol. Hist. 
Anc. Ind., 3rd ed., p. 311, n. 1) has rightly identified the 
Salankayanas with the Salakenoi mentioned in the Geogrnphy 
of Ptolemy (about 140 A.D.). Ptolemy says : "Beyond the 
Maisoloi (ef. Masiilipatam) are the Salakenoi near the 
Arouaia mountains, with the following cities : Benagouron 

from Das'anapura, which had been identified by Venkayya with modern Darai in the 
Nellore district (Ind. Ant, 1908, p. 288). " None of these places TambrSps, 
Palakkada, Dafouapura or Menm&tura (from where some Sanskrit charters of the 
Pallavas were issued) has been identified definitely, although a suggestion has been 
made by the late Mr. Venkayya that they are to be looked for in tha vicinity of the 
region comprised by the modern Nellore district " (B. Gopalan, Pallavas of Kcmchi, 
p. 55). Prof. Dnbreuil also places the Daganapura region in the Nellore and Guntur 
districts (Anc. Hist. Dec., p. 691. The Vengi country, we know, lay "between the 
Krishna and the Godavari." If this Vengorafltra refer* to the country of Vengl, it 
may be assumed that, at the time of Sinihavarman Pallava, the southern fringe of thig 
country was under the possession of the Pallavas. There is however, as yet no evidence 
to prove that the capital city of Vengi was ever occupied by the Pallavas. We must 
also note that even the grindfather of tlua Simhavarman used Sanskrit in his inscrip- 
tion (c/, Omg du plates of Skandavarman II : Ep. Ind., XV, p. 246 ff.). It is 
generally accepted that Sanskrit was introduced in Southern inscriptions in the 
4th century A.D. Simliavarraan therefore came some time after the reign of 
Sam idragupta. See infra 

It may however be conjectured that with the extension cf the VengI kingdom 
under the Salankftyanas, the name Vengi also extended over Andhradefo, as far 
south as Karmarftsfra (northern part of Nellore and southern part of Guntur). 
Vengirasjra in the possassioa of the Pallavas is, then, to be conjectured to have been 
originally the southernmost part of the Salankayana kingdom. There is 
hjwever no evidence to prove that the Pallavas were in possession of the city of 


140 24; Kastra 138 19 30' ; Magaris 137 30' 18 20' " 
(Geography, VII, i, 79). Benagouron, the premier city 
of the Salakenoi, appears to me to be a mistake fpr 
Bengaouron (Bengapura) which is no other than the well- 
known Vengipura (c/. Vehgorastra of the Mangalur 

As regards the conjecture of Burnell, I may simply point 
out that, if we compare the characters of the Kollair plates 
(Ind. Ant., V, p. 175 and Pis.) with those of the inscriptions 
of the early Eastern Caluky as 1 and of the Vi?nukundins, 8 
it becomes impossible for us to accept such an early date 
for the Kollair grant. 1 have no hesitation in asserting 
that palaeography has nothing to say against the ascription 
of the inscriptions of Nandivarman II to the middle of 
the 5th century A.D. It is then quite possible that his 
great-grandfather Hastivarman ruled about a century earlier 
and was a contemporary of Samudragupta (circa 330 to 
375 A.D.). 

(Hi) Lastly, excepting this Salankayana Hastivarnnn 
we do not know of any other king, who ruled at Verigl, 
whose name was Hastivarman and who can any how be 
placed in the middle of the 4th century A.D. which is the 
time of Samudragupta. 

Accepting the contemporaneity of Samudragupta and 
Salankayana Hastivarman (c. 350 A.D.), we may dravv 
the following approximate chronological chart of the 
Salankayana Maharajas. 

i See, e.g., the Polamuru plates of Jayasiinha I (Journ. Andhra Hist. Res. 
Soc.,IV. p. 72, Pie.); and the Satara plates of Visguvardhana I (Ind. Ant., XIX, 
pp. 810-11). 

* See, e.g., the Polatuaru plates of M4dhavavarman (I) who cap not be 
much earlier than Jayasiqiha I (Journ. Andhra Hist, Res, Soc. t VI, p. 17, Pis.), 


Devavarman ... ... c 320-345 A.D. ? 

Hastivarman ... ' ... c. 345-370 A.D. 

Nandivarman I ... ... c. 370-395 A.D. 

Cai^davarman ... ... c. 395-420 A.D. 


Nandivarman II ... ... c. 420-445 A.D. 

Skandavarman ... ... c. 445-470 A.D. ?* 

1 An. Rep. S. Ind. Ep. t 1926-27, p. 74 notices the following tree of Salan- 
kftyaoa genealogy proposed by M. Somasekhar* Sarma. 

Hastivannan A.D. 350 (Allahabad pillar inscription 
of Samudragupta) 

Vijaya-Devavsrraan Nandivarman alias 

A.D. 375 (Ellore grant) Vijaya-Nandivarman A.D. 400 

(Elliot's unpublibhed grant) 


Yuvamah&r&ja Vijaya- Cangavarman 450 A.D. 

Buddhavanuan A.D. 425 
(Elliot's unpublished grant) 

Vijaya-Nandivarman II Vijaya-Skandavarman 

(KolJeru and Kanteru grants) (Kan tern grant) 

We have tried to prove above the following points : (1) Devavarman probably 
ruled earlier 5 han Hastivannan ard therefore may not have been the Jatter's goo; 
(2) there was no Siiartkayana inscription in Elliot's collection and there was no prince 
named Buddhavarman in the dalankayaoa family ; (3) the relat'ou between Skantff- 
varman and Candavartnan is not definitely known. 



In his latest work, Historical Inscriptions of Southern 
India (1932), p. 18, s. v. A.D. 340, the late Mr. Sewell has thus 
remarked on the Komarti grant : " About the fourth century 
A.D. A set of plates from Komarti in Ganjam, dated in the 
sixth regnal year of the Salankayana chief Chandavarman." 
The late Dr. K. P. Jayaswal in his work, History of 
India (1933), even goes so far as to suggest that the Salafi- 
kayanas ruled not only in Kalinga but belonged originally 
also to Magadha (pp. 127-28). Sewell and Jayaswal here 
evidently follow the views of Hultzsch who, while editing 
the Komarti plates in Ep. Ind., IV, p. 142 ff., was inclined 
to identify king Candavarman mentioned in this inscription 
with the Salankayana Maharaja Candavarman, father of 
Nandivarman II. Kielhorn, who entered the Kolleru 
inscription of Nandivarman II Salankayana in his List of 
Inscriptions of Northern India (Ep. Ind., V, App., No. 686) 
was obviously of the same opinion. 2 Prof. Dubreuil 
remains silent about the suggestion of Hultzsch, when he 
discusses the Komarti grant (Anc. Hist. Dec , p. 94), though 
he does not take up the suggestion of Hultzsch. We may 
not accept the identification, but such great authorities in 
South Indian epigraphy as Hultzsch nnd Kielborn cannot be 
passed over in silence. Moreover, a discussion on this 

1 My note on Can<Javarman O f the Koinarti Plates was originally published in 
Ind. Hist. Quart.. X, p. 780 ff. 

1 Following Kielhoro, D. R Bbandarkar haa also entered the SalaAkayana 
inscriptions in his List of Inscriptions of Northern India (Ep. Ind., XX-XXJU, App., 


point has now become indispensable after some scholars 
have accepted the old suggestion made by Hultzsch and 
supported by Kielhorn. 

Regarding the Komarti plates, Hultzsch says that " a 
connection may be established with the plates (i.e , the 
Kollair plates) of the Salankayana Maharaja Vijayanandivar- 
man, who (1) like Chandavarman, professes to have been 
devoted to the feet of the lord, (his) father (bappa-bhattaraka- 
pada-bhakta) , and who (2) was the eldest son of Maharaja 
Chandavarman. The close resemblance between the alpha- 
bets of the plates of Vijayanandivarman and of the Koomrti 
plates suggests that Chandavarman, the father of 
Vijayanandivarman, may have been identical with the 
Maharaja Chandavarman who issued the Komarti plates." 

I agree with Hultzsch that the characters of the Komarti 
plates resemble closely those of the plates of Nandivarrnan 
II Salankayana, and that, therefore, " the two Chandavctr- 
mans must have belonged to the same period." But it is 
difficult to go beyond that. There are some serious points 
against the identification of the issuer of the Komarti plates 
with the Salaflkayana Maharaja Candavarman. 

The Kotnarti plates were found near Narasannapeta in 
the Ganjani district. The grant was issued from vijaya- 
Simhapura which has been identified with modern 
Smgupurain between Chicaclole and Narasannapeta. 1 On 
the other hand, all the known galankayana grants were 
issued from Vengipura which has been identified with 
Peddavegi near Ellore in the Godavari district and 

1 The name cf Siiphapura, the capital of the dynasty to which Can<}avarman 
belonged, and the names ending in -carman appear to support a conjecture that 
these Varmans of Kalinga originally came from the Siroliapura-rajya (Yuan Chwang's 
"kingdom of SWig-fco-pa-Jo;" Beal, St-yu-h, I, pp. 1434) in the Punjab. The 
Lakkhamandal inscription of about the " end of the 7th century " refers to twelve 
princes of Simhapura, whose names end in -varmm (fip Ind., I, p. 12 ff.). This 
Siiphapura in the Punjab seems to have been mentioned in the Mahabhdrata, II, 26, 
20, in connection with Arjuna's victories in the Northern countries. 


which appears to have been the chief city of the Salan- 
kayanas as early as the time of Ptolemy. 

It must be noted that Candavarman of the Komarti 
grant calls himself Kalingadhipati (lord of Kalinga); but no 
Salankayana Maharaja so far known claims mastery over 
the Kalinga country. The issuers of all the Salankayana 
grants invariably call themselves iSalahkayana and also 
Bhagavac-dtrarathasvami'pad'anudhyata, i.e., favoured 1 by 
the feet of lord Citrarathasvamin who must have been the 
family deity of the Sala&kayanas. It must also be noticed 
that both these distinctive epithets are conspicuous by their 
absence in the Komarti grant. 

Besides, the phraseology of the Komarti grant seems 
to be different from that of the known Salankayana inscrip- 
tions. Two points at least deserve notice in this connection. 
First, the king of the Komarti grant calls himself Sri- 
maMraja(ja)-Candavarma, while all the issuers of the 
Salankayana grants invariably call themselves Maharaja-$ri- 
so-and-so. Secondly, the phrase a-sahasram6u-6a6i-taraka- 
pratistha used as an adjective of agrahara, and the idea 
conveyed by it, are unknown to the phraseology of the 
known Salankayana inscriptions which, we should note, 
are marked by a striking similarity of language among 

Such being the case, we must take the issuer of the 
Komarti plates as belonging to a separate dynasty, until 
further evidence is forthcoming. 2 It seems probable that 
the dynasty to which Candavarman of the Komarti grant 
belongs ruled over the Kalinga country (or the major part of 
it) with its capital at Simhapura, when the Salankayanas 

1 * For this new interpretation of the word anudhyata, see infra. 

'* Prof. Dubreuil has rightly separated the two dynasties in bis Anc. Hist. Dec. , 
pp. 89 and 95. Another record issued from t>f';aya-8mghapora in the fourth year of 
evidently the vaiue Kahng.adhipati Candavannan has been recently discovered (Arch. 
Surv. Tnd., A.R., 1984-85, p. 64). 


ruled over the country to the west of the Kalinga region with 
their capital at Venglpura. The country of the Salankayanas 
was the heart of what is called Andhrade^a in Sanskrit 
literature. In the inscriptions of the Eastern Calukyas, 
it has been designated Vengiraandaln, VengTrastra, "Vengi- 
mahl and the like. Probably the country was called " the 
Vengi kingdom " even in the Salankayana period. 

Another king of the dynasty of Simhapura seems to have 
been the issuer of theBrihatprostha grant (issued from vijaya- 
Slhapura, i.e., Simhapura), edited by Hultzsch in Ep. Ind., 
XII, p. 4 ff . The name of the king who issued this grant has 
been taken to be Umavarman. According to Hultzsch, ''both 
the alphabet and the phraseology of the grant closely 
resemble those of the Komarti plates of Maharaja Chanda- 
varman. This king may have belonged to the same family 

as the Maharaj-omavarman For both kings issued their 

edicts from Simhapura (or Sihapura) andbore the epithets 
' lord of Kalinga' and * devoted to the feet of (his) father/ " l 

The characters of the Komarti grant closely resemble 

those of another inscription, the Chicacole grant of Nanda- 2 

Prabhanjanavarman. The two phraseological peculiarities 

1 Ep Ind., XII, p. 4. Hulfczsch is not quite a^cui ate in the last point. 
Can^avirman ia called Bappa-bha^arcika-pada bhaLta, while Umavarman is called 
Bappa-pdda-bhakta in the inscription. The Tekkali record issued from vijaya- 
Vardhamanapura seems to be dated in the ninth year of this king Umavarman 
(Journ. Andhra Hist. Res. ?oc , VI, p 53 f ). I do not think that the Tekkuli grant 
belongs to a differei t king. A third record of Umavarman is the Phavalapeta grant 
iFBDed from Sunugara (ibid , pp X, 143-44) 

8 Ind. 4nt. t XIII, p. 48 f. The name so Jong taken by scholars as Nanda- 
prabhafijanavarinan probably signifies of the Nanda family. 
For a reference to the Nanda or Nandodbhava dynasty in the Kalinga region, see the 
Talmul plates of the Nanda Vilasatunga-Dhruvauanda of the year 293 (J. B. 0. R. S., 
XIV, p. 90 ff.) The date if referred to the Harsa era would correspond to A D. 89i) 
These Nandas or Nandodbhavas apnear to have claimed 
Nandaswho ru'ed at Pataljputra before the Mauryas. It 
connection to note that a certain Nandaraja is referrj 
pumpha inscription of Kharavela, kmg of Kaliiign (Ep.^ 
12). If the king may be identified with Prubhafj 
Vagifthftfamily," we are to b&Iieve that he was CODE 
mother's side. 


of the Kommarti grant noticed above are present in the 
Chicaeole grant. We may therefore agree with Hultzsch 
when he says, "The phraseology of the grant resembles 
that of the copper-plate grants of the Garigas of Kalinga, 
but still much more closely with that of the Chicaeole 
plates of Nandaprabhanjanavarman. Another point in 
which the last mentioned plates agree with the Komarti 
plates is that in both of them the title Kalihgadhipati, i.e., 
' lord (of the country) of Kalinga' is applied to the reigning 
prince. There remains a third point which proves that 
Chandavarman and Nandaprabhanjanavarman must have 
belonged to the same dynasty. An examination of the 
original seal of the Chicaeole plates, which Mr. Thur- 
ston, Superintendent of the Madras Museum, kindly sent 
me at my request, revealed the fact that the legend on the 
seal is Pi[tri-bhakta'], just as on the seal of the Komarti 
plates." * The Chicaeole grant was, however, not issued 
from Simhapura or Slhapura, but from tn';0i/fl-Sarapallika- 
vasaka, "the residence or palace (or camp?) at the victori- 
ous Sarapallika." It is not clear whether Sarapallika was 
the capital of the Kalingadhipati Nanda-Prabhanjanavar- 
man; but the explicit mention of the term vasaka (residence, 
dwelling) probably suggests that it was not the permanent 
capital of his family. 2 

The Koroshandra plates (Ep. Ind., XXI, p. 23 ff.) of 
the same age record the grant of a village called Tampoyaka 
in Korasodaka-Pancall by a Maharaja named Visakha- 
varman. It is known from the Chicaeole grant of Indra- 
varman (Ind. Ant., XIII, p. 122 ff.) that this Korasodaka- 
Pancali formed a part of the Kalinga country. G. Ramadas 
therefore thinks that Vi^akhavarman was a Kalingadhipati 
like Candavarman and Umavarman (Ep. Ind , XXI, p. 24). 

i Ep. Ind., IV, p. 148. 

* The term vasaka and the similar term skandhavara sometimes appear to mean 
" the temporary residence (therefore, the temporary capital) of a king." See supra. 


The grant however was issued from Sripura which has heen 
identified with Siripuram in the Vizagapatam district. 

On palaeographic grounds, these kings should be 
assigned to about the time of Nandivarman II Salankayana, 
i.e., about the 5th century A.D. 1 It is, therefore, 
impossible to agree with the late Prof. K. D. Banerji 
when he writes, 2 " We do not know anything of the 
history of Kalinga and Orissa after the fall of the dynasty 
of Kharavela (2nd century B.C according to the Professor) 
till the rise of the Sailodbhavas in the 7th century A.D/* 

It is difficult to determine whether this line of the kings 
of Kalinga was ruling at the time of the southern expedi- 
tion of Samudragupta (c. 350 A.D.). It is, however, 
interesting to note that the Allahabad pillar inscription does 
not refer to any king of Kalinga, nor of Simhapura, Sarapa- 
llika and Sripura. The states mentioned there, that may be 
conjecturally assigned to the Kalinga region, are Kurala, 
Kottura, Pistapura, Erandapalla, Avamukta and Deva- 
ratra. Of these Pistapura has been definitely identified with 
Pithapuram in the Godavari district. That it was the seat 
of a Government in the beginning of the 7th century A.D., 
is proved by the passage pistam pistapuram yena in the Aihole 
inscription of Pulake&n II. 8 We have got an inscription of a 
Kalihg-adhipati Vasi?thiputra Saktivarman of the Mathara 
family(?) who granted from Pistapura the village of Eakaluva 
in the Kalinga- vi say a (Ep. Ind., XII, p. 1 ff.). Bakaluva 
has been identified with Ragolu, the findspot of the copper- 
plates, near Chicacole in the Ganjam district. The charac- 
ters of the inscription seem to resemble those of the VengI 
and Simhapura inscriptions, and may, therefore, be assigned 

1 Prof. Dubreuil places them a little later, foe. ctt. 

3 History of Oru*a, T, ch. VIII (Kah&ga and Orissa in the Scythian and 
Gupta periods), p. 109. 

3 Ey. Int., VI, p. 4 ff. 


to about the 5th century A.D. But the phraseology is 
remarkably different from that of the inscriptions of the 
Simhapura line. It therefore may be conjectured that 
Saktivarman belonged to a separate line or branch line, that 
of Pistapura, which was probably supplanted by the Calukyas 
in the beginning of the 7th century A.D. The epithet 
haling adhipati seems to suggest that the claim of 
kalihgadhipatitva of one of the two rival lines of Pistapura 
and Simhapura was, at one time, challenged by the other. 1 

Another grant (Arch. Surv. Ind., A. B., 1934-35, pp. 64- 
65) mentions a Kalingadhipati named Anantavarman whose 
adhisthana (capital) was Pistapura and who was the son of 
Prabhanjanavarman, "the moon of the Vasi^ha family," 
and the grandson of Gunavarman, lord of Devarastra (men- 
tioned in the Allahabad pillar inscription and in the Kasim- 
kota grant of Calukya-Bhima I and identified with the 
Yellamanchili area of the Vizagapatam district). 2 

The names of the other states mentioned above cannot 
be satisfactorily identified. It does not appear quite un- 
reasonable to think that after the downfall of the Ceta 
dynasty to which the great Kharavela belonged, Kalinga 
became split up into a number of petty principalities and 
that the same state continued as late as the time of 
Sarnndragupta's invasion. The history of Kalinga about 
the 5th century A.D. was possibly marked by the 
rivalry between the royal houses of Pistapura and Simha- 
pura for the supreme authority over Kalinga. The line of 

1 A recently discovered grant is known to have been issued from vijayo- 
Singhapura in the 28th year of a lord of Kalinga named AnantaSaktivarman, who 
belonged to the Mafchara family (Arch. Surv. Tnd., A.E , 1931-35, p. 651. He was 
possibly identical wjth Saktivarman or was one of the latter'e immediate successors. 
Det&kfiapataladhikfta, talavara Arjunadatta of this grant may be the same as Amatya 
Arjunadatta of the grant of Saktivarman. 

> Besides these " lords of Kalinga " there is reference in the Sarabhavaram 
pla'es (Ep. Ind. t XIIL p. 804), to an unnamed "lord of Cikura." Tbis "lord of Cikura," 
according to Prof. Dubreuil, was " probably not a king of Kalinga but only a simple 
feudatory " (Anc. Hitt. Dec., p. 94). 


Simhapura was possibly overthrown by the Gangas about 
the of the Oth century A.D. 1 

In conclusion let me refer summarily to the four grants 
of the kings of Sarabhapura (Bhandarkar's List, Nos. 
1878-1881). These grants are assigned to the 8th century 
A.D., but may be a little earlier. The above four inscrip- 
tions, all issued from Sarabhapura, have been found in 
0. P.; but, according to Sten Konow (Ep. Ind., XIII, p. 
108), Sarabhapura may probably be identical with the 
modern village of Sarabhavaram, in the Cbodavaram 
division, ten miles east from the bank of the God.ivari and 
twenty miles from Rajahmundry. L. P. Pamleya has 
described ( Ind. Hist. Quart. f IX, p. 595) a coin belong- 
ing to the Sarabhapura kings whom he takes to be 
feudatories of the Pandava kings of Kosala. If the identi- 
fication of Sten Konow is correct we have another royal 
family in the Kalinga country, the earlier members of which 
family may have ruled about the end of the 6th century. 

1 Curiously enough we find a lice of kings, with names ending in -varman 
ruling over parts of Eastern and Southern Bengal in about the tenth and eleventh 
centuries A D. The ancestors of these " Varmans" as they style themselves in their 
inscriptions are said to have once occupied Sirahapura. Cf. varmmano = 'tigabhlra- 
n&ma dadhatafy tlftghyau bhujau bibhrato bhejuh sirphapurarp guham**iva mrgendr&n&rn> 
harer-b&ndhavah : Belava grant of Bhojavarmin (Ep. Ind., XII, p. 37), son of Samala- 
varman, grandson of Jatavarman and great-grandson of VajravarmaD. The Bengal 
Varmans, like the Varmans of the Lakkhamandal inscription, trace their descent f om 
Yadu. Evidently they claim connection with the Yidavas (cf. ha>rer**b&ndhavah in the 
passage quoted above) It is possible that a second branch of the Punjab ^armans 
migrated into Bengal. It may ulso l>e conjectured that the Varmans of Kalinga 
when they were displaced from Siiphapura (by the Eastern Gangas ?), marched 
towaids the east and carved out a principality somewhere in South or South-Bast 
Bengal. They appeir to have supplanted the Candra dynasty of Eastern Bengal 
pojsihly after it was shaken by the defeat of " Govindacandra of VamffaladeSa," 
inflicted by that Indian Napoleon, Gangaikonda Rft:endra Cola I, in about 1023 A. D. 




The word $alankayana, according to the Sanskrit 
lexicons Trikandaesa and Medim, means Nandin, the 
famous attendant or vahana of Siva. It is interesting 
to note that the figure of a bull (i.e., Nandin) is found on 
the seals of the Salankfiyana kings, whose copper-plate 
grants have so far heen discovered (vide infra). It is 
therefore not quite impossible tht the Bull crest (and 
banner ?) of the Salankfiyana kings was connected \vith the 
name of their family. 

Fleet, while editing the Kollair plates, suggested that 

the term Salankayana signifies the Salarikayana-gotra. 

Though the Salankayana kings are never called Salankayana- 

sagotra according to the fashion in which gotras are referred 

to in early South Indian inscriptions, the theory of Fleet 

cannot be dismissed as impossible. There are, however, 

more than one gotra of the name of Salankayana, and it 

is not possible to find out to which one of these gotras 

I our kings belonged. There is one gotra called Salankayana 

\which belongs to the Visvamitra section and has the 

$vravaras Vai^vamitra, Katya and Atkila. But the word 

sefalamkayana used in the Ellorc grant of Devavarrnan 

spurns to be the Prakrit form of fialankayana which is the 

are Uing used in all the other grants of the family. There 

first \ however four gotrarsis named Salankayana. The 

pravarSPf them belong? to the Bhrgu section and has the 

belongsV Bhargava, Vaitahavya and Savedasa. The second 

to the Bharadvaja section and has the pravaras 


Angirasa, Barhaspatya, Bharadvaja, Sainya and Gargya. 
The third belongs to the Visvamitra section and has the 
pravaras Vaisvamitra, Uaivarata and Audala ; the fourth 
also belongs to the Visvamitra section, but has the pmvaras 
Vaisvarmtra, Salankayana and Kausika (see P. C. Rao, 
Gotra-nibandha-kadambam, Mysore). 

We know very little of the early history of the Salan- 
kayanas. it has been supposed (Journ. Andhra Hist. Res. 
Soc.j V, p. 23) that the terms Salankayana and Salanka- 
yanaka (country of the Salankayanas) arc mentioned in the 
G-armpatha of Panini. It is however certain that the 
Salarikayanas (Greek : Salakenoi) ruled over the Vengi region 
as early as the time of Ptolemy (e. 140 A.D.). 

We have already said above that the seals of the Salan- 
kayana kings bear the figure of a bull which is probably 
to be identified with Nandin. This tact and names like 
Nandivarman (one whose protector is Nandin) and Skanda- 
varman (one whose protector is Skanda, son of Siva) in 
the family possibly show that the family religion of the 
Salankayanas was Saivism. It must also be noticed that 
all the Salankayana kings, in their inscriptions, call them- 
selves Bhagavac-citrarathasvami-pad-anudhyata, i.e., favoured 
by the feet of Lord Citrirathasvamin. Citrarathasvamin 
is evidently the na-ne of the family deity of the Salankayana 
Maharajas of Veiigi which, as already noticed, has been 
identified with the village of Peddavegi near Ellore in the 
Godavari district. In this connection we must notice 
what Hultzsch said (Ep. Ind., IX, p. 51) : " The correct- 
ness of this identification is confirmed by the existence of 
a mound which on a visit to Pedda-Vegi in 1902 was shown 
to me by the villagers as the site of th 
of Citrarathasvamin, the family de' 

The word Citraratha according 1 
means the Sun. K. V. Lakshmana 


ed that Citrarathasvamin mentioned in the Salankayana 
inscriptions was the Sun-god. It however appears to 
me that, as the family religion of the Salankayanas was 
in all probability Saivism, Citrarathasvamin might possibly 
be a form of Lord Siva. 

It must be noticed here that while in the inscriptions 
king Devavarman has been called parama-mahessara, king 
Nandivarman II is called parama-bhagavata. K. V. Laksh- 
mana Rao, who believes that the religion of the Salanka- 
yanas was Saivism, says (Journ. Andhra Hist. Res. Soc. 9 V, 
p. 25) : " Because this epithet (sell. parama-mahevara) was 
changed into that of parama-bhagavata by the successors of 
this king (soil. Devavarman), we need not infer that the later 
Salankayanas changed their Saiva faith and became 
Vaisnavas. Bhagavata did not necessarily mean in those 
days a worshipper of Visnu, and the followers of Siva also 
were called Bhagavatas. We have the authority of the 
venerable Patanjali (on Panini V. 2. 1) for the usage of 
the word 3iva-Bhayavata." 

It is difficult to agree with Lakshmana Rao. In all 
the three inscriptions of Nandivarman II, the king is 
unanimously called parama-bhagavata, which in its general 
sense suggests that the king was a devotee of Bhagavan 
Visnu It must be noticed that no other Salankayana 
king is as yet known to have used this epithet. Moreover, 
we know from the Peddavegi plates that Nandivarman II 
granted no less than 32 nivartanas of land (95 '2 acres 
according to Kau^ilya whose nivartana 2'975 acres; but 
23*4 acres according to a Commentator whose nivartana 
= '743 acre ; see infra) in order to make a devahala 
for- the -god Visnugrha-svamin, the lord of the three 
worlds*. This devahala was cultivated by the local 
vrajapalahas and the produce was evidently received by 
the -authorities -of the Visnu-gpha (temple of Visnu). The 
word devahala appears to mean " ploughable lands, dedicated 


for the enjoyment of a god." Cf. vraja-palakanam krastum 
devahalah=krtva; see below, pp. U4-95. This Visnu-gyha- 
svamin (literally,, lord of the temple of Visnu) was evidently 
a form (vigraha) of Lord Visnu. Dedication of lands in 
honour of Visnugrha-svamin and the epithet parama-bhaga- 
vata together leave hardly any doubt that the Salankayana 
king Nandivarman II was a Yaispava. 


In the Ellore grant, the Salankayana king Devavarman 
has been called a devotee of MaheSvara. He is also credited 
with the performance of an avamedha sacrifice (assamedha- 
yajl). He therefore seems to have been a prince of consi- 
derable importance. The performance of the Asvamedha 
by Devavarman Salankayana seems to speak of his success 
against the Pallavas who are known to have obtained 
possession of Andhrapatha with its head-quarters at 

In this connection it is necessary to discuss the view of 
K. V. Lakshmana Eao (Journ. Andhra Hist. Res. Soc., 
V, p. 24), who thus remarked on the epithet asvamcdha-yajl 
(performer of the horse-sacrifice) applied to Salankayana 
Devavarman in the Ellore Prakrit plates : " I am of opinion 
that the boast of Asvamedha (horse-sacrifice) started with the 
Imperial Guptas, and the contagion spread to the minor 
dynasties like the Chedis (?Traikutakas), the Vakatakas, the 
Kadambas, the Salankayanas and others. The proximity in 
the time of Vijaya Devavarman to Samudra Gupta's South 
Indian triumphal march, in my opinion explains the insertion 
of the word assamedha-yajina (1.5) in the grant of "Vijaya 
Deva. He must have seen some of the Imperial grants with 
similar titles and coolly imitated them." My theory, how- 
ever, is exactly opposite to what has been propounded by 
Lakshmana Eao. 

The first point to notice here is that there is no refer- 
ence to any titles like a$vamedha-yajl in the Gupta records. 
If, however, we take that the epithet of Devavarman is an 

.... . DEVAVARMAN 87 

imitation . of cir-otsann-avamedh-aharta found in the Gupta 
inscriptions, we are to think that the Salankayana king 
lived to see the records of Samudragupta's successors, 
because we do not get the epithet in his own inscriptions. 

, But we, have already, shown, that this Saiankayana Deva- 
varman IP probably earlier than Samudragupta's contem- 
porary Hastivarman of Vengi and, therefore, ruled before the 
Gupta emperor's southern expedition. As king Devavarman 
appears to have ruled in the first half of the 4th century 
A D., 1 it may be that the idea of performing the horse- 
sacrifice was borrowed not by the Salankayanas from the 
Gupta^, but by the Guptas from the Salankayanas. 

Whatever the value of this suggestion may be, I have 
no doubt that Samudragupta got the inspiration of perform- 
ing the afoamedJia from his connection with Southern 
India which may rightly be called the land of Vedic 
customs. Even at the present time, South India represents 
Vedic rituals more truly and fanatically than Northern 
India. So we may think it was also in ancient times. In 
omparison with the number and variety of Vedic sacrifies 
performed by early South Indian rulers, like the Satavahana 
king 2 referred to in the Nanaghat inscription No. 1 (Arch. 
Surv. W. Ind., V, p. 60 ff.), the Iksvaku king Vasisthlputra 
Carntamula I, the Vakataka king Pravarasena I and 
the Pallava king Sivaskandavarman, 8 the one atvamedha 

1 He cannot be earlier than A.D 300, Unlike the Satavahana and Ikgvaku 
inscriptions and like works in literary Prakrit, his grant in almost all cases expresses 
compound consonants by more than one letter and contains the usual imprecatory 
verges in Sanskrit. On linguistic giounds his reign is to be placed a little later than 
the accession of Sivaskandavarman (c. 300 A.D.), i.e., about 320-345. See my note in 
Ind. Cult., I, pp. 498-603, and below. 

2 This Sat-jkvahana kmjj who ha* been taken to l>e the same as Satakarni, husband 
of Naganika, must have ruled before the Christian era. 

3 Like all early Prakrit inscriptions, the Iksvaku records generally express com- 
pound consonants by single letters. This fact seems to show that the Iksvaku kinps are 
earlier than the Pallava king Sivaskandavarman whose grants in most cases express com- 
pound consonants by more than one letter and have passages in them written in Sanskrit, 
and the legend on whose seal is also written in Sanskrit. As the Iksy&kus seem to have 


performed by Gajayana-Sarvatata (c. 250 B.C. ; Ind. Hist. 
Quart., IX, p, 795), the two by Pu?yamitra (Ep. Ind., 
XX, p. 57) and the two 1 performed by the Gupta kings 
Samudragupta and Kumaragupta I, are ridiculously insigni- 
ficant. So, the South might well have been teacher of the 
North in this respect. 

By the bye it may be said that the view of Lakshmana 
Rao with reference to the ahwmedha of the Vakatakas is 
also untenable. The Vakatakas do not appear to have been 
inspired by the example set by Samudragupta. The 
Vakataka king Pravarasena I who claims to have performed 
four a$vamedhas, along with agnistoma, aptoryama, ukthya, 
sodal, atiratra, brhaspatirava and sadyaskra (Corp. Ins. 
7nd., Ill, p. 97), appears to be earlier than Samudragupta. 
We know that Prabhavatlgupta, granddaughter of 
Samudragupta, was given in marriage to the Vakataka king 
Kudrasena II, who was grandson's grandson of Pravarasena 
I. A chronological chart is given for easy reference. 

Vakataka Gupta 

Pravarasena I 



Kudrasena I Candragupta I (ace. 320 A.D.) 

Prthivisena I Samudragupta (c. 330-375) 

Eudrasena II married Prabhavatlgupta | 

daughter of Caadragupta n (c, 375-414). 

succeeded the Satavahanas about the end of the first quarter of the third century, 
Sivaskandavarman can hardly be placed earlier than A D. 800 ; bat he seems to have 
ruled before K&ftceyaka V'^ogopa who came in conflict with Sam ud rag apt a about 
*he middle of the 4th century. See below. 

1 Allan, Catalogue, pp. 68-69. The official Gupta records do not credit Saraadra 
gup 'a with the performance of many cdvamtdhas. In the Poona plates of Prabha- 
vatlgupta, however, he is called anek'&tvamedha-y&ji (performer of many horse-* acrifices). 
The boast seems to be unfounded. First, if Ssmudrsgupta performed more than 
one ofoomerfba, his successors would have emphatically mentioned ft in their official 


It therefore appears that Budrasena I Vakataka was a 
contemporary of Samudragupta's father Candragupta I who 
began to reign in 320 A.D. 1 It is not impossible that the 
beginning of the reign of Pravarasena I, grandfather of 
Rudrasena I, fell in the ninth or tenth decade of the 3rd 
century A.D. So, if any was the borrower, it was the 
Guptas, and not the Vakatakas. Pravarasena I could, 
however, have got the inspiration from his relatives, the 
Bhara&vas, who have been credited with the performance 
of ten avamedha sacrifices. 2 

records. The Gupta kings after Samudragupta cannot be called reserved with reference 
to boasta. As has been noticed by Prof Raychaudhnri (Pol Hist. Anc. Ind., 3rd ed., 
p. 314), even the epithet cir-otsann-dxvamedh-ahartri, applied by them to Sarandragupta, 
is an exaggeration. Secondly, there appear to be some mistakes in the grants of 
PrabhavatI (J.A.S B. t N. S , XX, p 58 ; Ep. Ind. t XV, p. 41) Here Ghatotkaca has 
been called the &di>r&ja (first king) of the Gupta family, while the official Gupta records 
be?in the line from Maharaja Gupta. The passage gHpt-adi-raja-mahdraja-trf- 
ghatotkaca (Ep. Ind., XV, p 41) has, however, been translated by Messrs. Pathak and 
Dikshit as " Ghatotkaca who had Gupta as the first." That the word gupt-adiraja 
is an instance of the f)a4$n-tatpuru$a compound, and not of the Bahuvrlhi, is clear 
from the Riddhapur plates (J.A.S.B., N. 8., XA, p. 68), where we have guptanam** 
Sdirdja, which only means " the first king of the Guptas.*' Thirdly, in these 
inscriptions, Candragupta I has the simple title Maharaja, while in the records of his 
successors he is always styled Mahftrajadhirfija ; even ^amudragupta is called Maharaja 
in the "Riddhapur plates. Fourthly, some attributes such as sarva-raj-occetta, applied 
to Pamudragupta in the Gupta records are here applied to Candragupta II. These 
appear to prove that references to the Guptas in the Vakataka records were not 
very carefully drawn. 

Moreover, as has been noticed by Andrzej Gawronski (Festschrift, Ernest Windisch, 
1914, p. 170) and Divekar (Ann. Bliand. Or. Res Int., VII pp. 164-65). Samudragupta 
performed the advamedha late in life, i.e., after the engraving of the Allahabad pillar 
inscription which does not make mention of any such sacrifice. It is, therefore, doubtful 
whether Samudragupta had time to perform aneka afoamedha. 

1 "The first year of the Gupta era. which continued in use for several centuries, 
and in countries widely separated, ran from February 26, A.D 820, to March 18, 821 ; 
of which dates the former may be taken as that of the coronation of Cbandragupta I " 
(Smith, E. Hist. Ind. t 4th ed., p. 206). Recently attempts hate been made by se\eral 
scholars to prove that the Gupta era started in A.D. 200, 272 or B.C. 57. The theories 
are however not convincing. See Ind. Cult., Ill, p. 47 ff. 

* Corp. Int. Ind. t HI, p. 96. That this Pravarasena I was earlier than 
Samudrggupta can alto be proved from the evidence of the Puranas. The Purfyas 
which do not mention any Gupta king by name and which limit Gupta rule 
within the area <mi*0atii0af* pray&gatl-ca s&keta-magadhii^stath& (V&fu, ch. 99, 



The Ellore plates, dated on the 10th day of the dark 
fortnight of Pausa in the 13th year of Devavarman and 
issued from Vengipura, record the gift of 20 nivartanas of 
land in EJura (Ellore in the Godavari district) to the 
Brahrnana Gana6arman of the Babhura (Babhru) gotra. 
The Brahmana was also given a house-site for himself 
and others for his addhiya-manusssas (" men who receive 
half the crop ;" addhika of the Hirahadagalli grant ; Sanskrit 
arddhika ; cf. Mitaksara on Yajnavalkya, I, 166) and 
dvargas (doorkeepers). He was exempted from all taxes, 
and protection of the immunities was ordered by the king. 

The exact meaning of Mujuda in the passage elure 
muluda-pamuktia gamo bhanitavvo (villagers of Elura headed 
by Muluda should be informed) is not clear The same word 
evidently occurs in some other Salankc^yana inscriptions, 
where it has been differently read as mutyada, munuda, etc. 
The word, which seems to be mutuda or mutuda on some 
plates, possibly means " the head of a village. " Fleet's 
interpretation of mntyada (Ind. Ant., V. p. 176) as 
' ' ministers and others f ' (mantri + adi) is certainly 

The seal of king Devavarman attached to the Ellore 
plates is, according to Hultzsch, " all but obliterated ; but a 
faint trace of some quadruped perhaps a tiger can be 
seen " (Ep. Ind., IX. p. 57). The figure is, in all probabi- 
lity, that of a bull, which is found on the seals of the other 
two Salankayana kings. 

verse 383), t.ct only ment'on VindbyaSakti and bis ROD Pravira (doubtless, Pravara* 
senal), but also refer to the pfrformance of some vajapeya (according to cue MS. 
v&jimedha) sacrifice by tlie latter. Cf. 

vmdhyaakti'9uta = c**api Praviro nama viryavan 
bhokfyantt ca samah ta^tr^ purim Kanc<makaH^ca vat 
yak$yantt vajapeyM = ca fiamapta-vaTa-dakfinmh. 

Vayu Pur. (BaAgabasT ed.), Cb. 99, 871-72. 

For fuller details, see my paper, Samudragupta's Afoamedha Sacrifice, in jQurr\. 
In*. Hist., XHI (July, 1984), p. 85 ff. 


As we have seen, the names of the Salaiikayana kings 
Hastivarman and Nandivarman I are found only in the 
Peddavegi plates of Nandivarman II. The name of Canda- 
varman is found in the Peddavegi and Kollair plates. Since 
we have no grants issued by any of these three kings, very 
little is so far known about them. 

In the Peddavegi plates Maharaja Hastivarman is called 
aneka-samar-avapta-vijaya (one who attained victory in many 
battles). It may be noticed here that the Allahabad pillar 
inscription, which refers to the conflict between Samudra- 
gupta and king Hastivarman of VengI, speaks of the different 
natures of the North Indian and South Indian expedi- 
tions of the Gupta monarch. While he is said to have 
" uprooted " the kings of Aryavarta, he is said to have 
followed a policy of " capture and liberation " with regard 
to the kings of Daksinapatha. It is therefore certain 
that the Gupta emperor was not so lucky as regards 
his southern expedition, and it may not be impossible 
that the reference to the victory in aneka-samara of 
the Salankayana king includes also his samara with 

The epithet pratap-opanata-samanta applied to king 
Candavarman may suggest that he was not quite a petty 
chief and that some subordinate rulers acknowledged his 


The Salankayana king Candavarman was succeeded on 
the throne by his eldest son (sunur=jyai$tha) Nandivarman 
II. As we have seen, this king has been called parama- 
bhagavata in all his inscriptions. Evidently he was a 
Vaisnava and gave up the traditional Saivism of the Salan- 
kayana kings. 

Three copper-plate grants of this king have so far been 
discovered. They were all issued from Vengipura. 

I. The Kanteru plates (Journ. Andhra Hist. Res. Soc., 
V. p. 21) record a notice of the king to the Mutuda and the 
villagers of Kuruvada l in the Kudrahara-visaya. It is 
notified hereby that twelve nivartanas of land in the said 
village were granted, for the increase of the king's dharma, 
yafah, kula and gotra, to a Brahmana named Svamidatta 
who belonged to the Maudgalya gotra. 

The Kudrahara-visaya, which is possibly the same as 
Kudurahara of the Kondamudi platea of Jayavarman, has 
been identified, as we have said above, with " the country 
adjoining the modern town of Masulipatam (Bandar)" (Anc. 
Hist. Dec., p. 85). This region was formerly occupied by 
the Brhatphalayanas. 

The seal attached to the Kanteru plates has, in relief, 
the figure of a bull in couching position (Journ. Andhra 
Hist. Res. Soc., V, p. 21). 

II. The Kollair plates (Ind. Ant. 9 V, p. 176), issued 
on the 8th day of the dark fortnight of Pausa in the 
7th regnal year, record another notice of the king to the 

l An. Rep. S. Ind. Ep. t 1926-27, p. 73, reads Kurava> and identifies it with 
Kurt<J in the Gudiv&da taluk a of the Eistna district. 


Mutuda and villagers of Videnurapallika-grama, situated 
in the same Kudrahara-visaya (Ep. Ind., IX. p. 58 n). The 
village is hereby granted to 157 Brahmanas of different 
gotras, who were then resident at the agrahara of Kuravaka- 
Srivara. The village was to be treated with immunities 
from all taxations, and the immunities were to be preserv- 
ed by the deadhipatis, ayuktakas, vallabhas and raja- 
puruas. This inscription is important as it furnishes 
us with a sidelight into the Salankayana administrative 
system. Prom the official designations mentioned with 
reference to the protection of the pariharas, it appears that 
the Silaiikayana kingdom was divided into several desas 
(provinces), which were governed by the deadhipatis. 
Ayuktas are mentioned m the Allahabad pillar inscription of 
Samudragupta as " restoring the wealth of the various kings, 
conquered by the strength of his arm " (Corp. Ins. Ind., III. 
p. 14). An ayukta is mentioned as a visayapati (head 
of a province or district) in an inscription of Budhagupta 
(Ep. Ind., XV. p. 138) According to the lexicographer 
Hemacandra an ayukta is the same as the niyogin, karma* 
saciva (cf. karmasaciva-matisaciva ; Ep. Ind., VIII, p. 44) 
and vyaprta. We know from the Kondamudi plates (above, 
p. 42) that a cyaprta was in charge of an afeara (district). 
It therefore seems that the term ayukta also signifies ruler 
of a district. The term vallabha, according to Amara, 
means adhyaksa, which has been explained by the 
commentator as gav-adhyaksa (see Sabda-kalpadruma, s.v.). 
Vallabha therefore appears to be the same as go-'dhyaksa 
(superintendent of cows) mentioned in Kautilya's 
Arthafastra. 1 The raja-pnrusas (royal agents) are also found 

1 It must however be noticed ID this connection that the Hirahadagalli grant of 
Pallava Sivaskandavarumn (Ep Ind., I p. 2 if.) makes mention of vallava and 
go-vallava in the same passage and evidently makes a diatinctjon between the two 
term*. According to Sanskrit lexicons, vallava means gopa, a cowherd. But the 
other word yo-vallara ceitainly means a cowherd and appears to be the same as 
vallava and vallabha of Sanskrit lexicons. What is then the meaning of the term 


mentioned in the Arthaastra (see Samasastry's ed., pp. 59, 
75). They appear to be the same as the pulisas of the 
inscriptions of A6oka (e.g., in Separate Kalinga B.E. 
No. 1). 

The ajfiapti or executor of the grant was the Bhojaka 
of Mulaku. 1 The term bhojaka (lit. enjoyer) has been taken 
to mean " free-holder." The Bhojokas appear to have 
been like the Jagirdars of the Muslim period. Bhoja, 
according to the Mahabharata, means persons who were 
not entitled to use the title " king " (Araja bhoja-abdam 
tvam tatra prapsyasi sanvayah ; Adi., 84, 22). According 
to the Aitareya-Brahmana (VII, 32 ; VIII, 6, 12, 14, 16- 
17), bhoja was the title of South Indian kings. The term 
bhojaka, in a degraded sense, may therefore, mean a 
jaglrdar or a protected chief. In pome inscriptions, the 
Bhojakas are mentioned along with the Kastrikas (probably 
the same as the De^adhipatis), e.g., rathika-bhojaka in the 
Hatihgumpha inscription of Kharavela. 

III. The Peddavegi plates (Journ. Andhra Hist. 
Res. Soc., I. p. 92) issued on the first day of the bright 
fortnight of Sravana in the 10th year of the reign of king 
Nandivarman II, eldest son of Candavarman, grandson of 
Nandivarman I, and great-grandson of Hastivarman, record 
a notice of the king to the mutuda (or mutuda) and the 
villagers of Pralura-grama. The king is said to have 
hereby granted a deva-hala to Visnu-grha-svamin, lord of 
the three worlds. Deva-hala is evidently the same as 
devabhoga-hala of the passage devabhogahala-varjjam , which 
is so common in the Pallava grants and has been translated 

tallava in the Hirahadagalli grant ? Curiously enough, the word rallabha according 
to the lexicographer Jatadhara is a synonym of afoa-raksa, i.e., keeper of horses. The 
passage vallava ( = valhbha of Jatadhara)-(/ot?a//(Zf(z of the Hirahadagnlli grant tlere- 
fore appears to mean " the Keepers of horses nnd the Keepers of cow P." See before. 

1 Fleet's translation (hid. Ant , V, p. 177) of the passagf latr^ajflapii (r]~mulaku 
bhojakafy at " the command confers the enjoyment of the original royal dues M.ere " 
hould now be given up. 


byHultzsch as "with the exception of cultivated lands 
enjoyed by temples " (Ep. Ind., VIII, p. 165). Fleet tran- 
slated (Ind. Ant., V, p. 157 and note) the same passage as 
" with the exception of the plough of the possession of the 
god," and remarked, " The meaning would seem to be 
that the grant did not carry with it the right to some 
cultivated land in the same village which had already been 
given to the village-god.' 1 A similar word is bhikhu-hala 
(bhiksu-hala, i.e., cultivated land offered to the Buddhist 
monks) which occurs in the Nasik cave inscription No. 3 
and a Karle c.ive inscription, and has been ably explained 
by Senart (Ep. Ind., VII, p. 06). These technical words 
signified religious donations along with certain privileges 
(parihUras) . The dcva-hala granted by Nandivarman II was 
to be cultivated by the vraja-palahas (herdsmen) and com- 
prised ]0 nivart a n a, <? of land at Arutora, 10 nivartanas at 
Mundura-grfima, (5 nivartanas at Ceiiceruva-grarna and 6 
nivartanas at Kamburanceruva. Mundura and 
Kamburanceruva have been identified respectively 
with Munduru and Kommera in the Ellore taluka of 
the Kistna district. Cenceruva is probably the same as 
Cincin&da in the Narasapura laluka and Arutora may be 
identified with Allidoddhi in the Gudivada taluka of the 
same district (An. Rep. 's. Ind. Ep., 1926-27, p. 74). 

The de$adhipatis, ayuldakas, callabhas and raja- 
purusas were ordered to protect the grant. The executor 
of the grant was the Bhojaka of Mulakura, possibly the 
same as that of thu Kollair plates. The grant was written 
by a rahasyadhiMa (Privy Councillor ; rf. mati-saciva of the 
Junagadh inscription of Rudradainan ; Ep. Ind., VIII, 
p. 44 flf., line 17), whose name was Kfitikiiri. 


Only one inscription of king Skandavarman has so far 
been discovered. It is the Kanteru grant, issued from 
VengI and dated on the full-moon day of Vai&kha 
in the 1st year of the king's reign. It records a royal 
notice to the villagers of Kuduhara-Cinnapnra. 1 It is 
hereby declared that the said village was granted to 
Sivarya of the Maudgnlya gotra, a resident of Lekumari- 
grama. This grama has been identified with Lokamudi 
in the Kaikalur taluka of the Kistna district. 2 All the 
officers including the (Lyuldaltas and the r>isayapatis were 
ordered to make it immune from all taxations (sarva- 
niyoga-niynkt-ayo(yu)ktaka-visayapatimiraih sa pallika pari- 
hartavya). The mention of the visayapati in this connection 
possibly shows that the de&as or provinces of the Salanka- 
yana kingdom were further subdivided into visayas (dis- 
tricts), each of which was under a visayapati. The 
dyuktakas appear to have ruled the subdivisions (dharas ?) 
of the visayas. 

We do not definitely know whether Kuduhara is the 
same as Kudrahfira and whether Kuduhftra-Cinnapura 
means " Cinnapura in Kuduhara." Cinnapura has been 
identified with the present village of Cinnapuram in the 
Bandar taluka (Journ. Andhra Hist. Res. Soc., V, 
pp. 25-26). 

According to Lakshrnana Rao there is the figure of a 
bull on the seal of Skandavarman, attached to the Kanteru 

1 An. R*p. 8. Ind. Ep. t 1926-27, p. 73 reads Cintapura. 
Ibid, p. 78. 



The history of the Visnukundins has been touched by 
scholars like Kielhorn, Hultzsch and many others. The 
author of the present work holds an altogether different view 
as regards the genealogy and chronology of the dynasty. 
The question of genealogy shall be discussed in the present 
and that of chronology in the next section. 

The first known inscription of the Visnukundins is the 
Chikkulla plates edited by Kielhorn in Ep. Ind., IV, p. 
193 ff. These plates give us the following line of kings : 

1. Maharaja Madhavavarman ; his son 

2. "Vikramendravarman (T) ; his son 

3. Maharaja Indrabhattarakavarman ; his eldest son 

4. Maharaja Vikramendravarman (II) ; (10th year). 

Then come the Ramatirtham plates, edited by Hultzsch 
in Ep. Ind., XII, p. 133 ff. Here we have the following 
line : 

1. Maharaja Madhavavarman ; his son 

2. Raja Vikramendra ; his son 

3. Raja Indravarman ; (27th year). 

There can hardly be any doubt that Raja Indravarman of 
the Ramatirtham plates is identical with Maharaja Indra- 
bhattarakavarman of the Chikkulla plates. 

1 My paper on the VigQuku^in genealogy was originally published in Ind. 
Quart., IX, p. 273 ff. 



Next we have two sets of copper-plate grants belonging 
to this dynasty, which were found at a place called Ipur in 
the Tenali taluka of the Guntur district. They were 
edited by Hultzsch in Ep. Ind., XVII. In the first set 
of these plates (ibid, p. 334), we have the following line : 

1. Maharaja Grovindavarman ; his son 

2. Maharaja Madhavavarman (37th year) ; his son 

3. Mancyanna-bhattaraka. 

Hultzsch, on grounds of palaeography, identified 
Madhavavarman of the first set of the Ipur plates with the 
king of the same name in the Bamatirtham and Chikkulla 
plates. It can be easily shown that later writers, who 
have disapproved of this identification as unwarranted, are 
themselves wrong. The epithets applied to the name of 
this king, as found in the Chikkulla, Ramatirtbam and 
Ipur (set I) plates, clearly establish the identity. Let us 
here quote the corresponding passages of the three ins- 

1, Chikkulla plates : Ekada6-avarnedh-avabhrt(th)- 
avadhauta-jagad(t)-kalmasasya hratu-sahasra-yajinalh] sarvn- 
medh-avapta-sarvabbuta-svarajyasya bahuauvarnna-paunda- 
rika-purusamedha - vajapeya-yu d h y a-s o d a 6 i-rajasuya - pra- 
sahasra-yajina[*h] kratuvar-anusthat-adhistha-pratitbita- 
paramesthitvasya mabarajasya sakala-jagan-mandala-vimala- 
pada-yugalasya madhava-varmmana[h] . 

2. Ramatirtham plates : Sakala-mahi-mandal-avanata- 
saraanta-makuta-mani-kiran-avalldha-carana-yugo vikhyata- 
yaah ^riman-maharaja-madhavavarmma tasy =orjjita^ri- 
visnukundi-partthiv-odit-odit-anvaya-tilaka-[s a m u d b h u t- 

idhauta-ja gat-kalma*a- 


3. Ipur plates (set I) : Srarti-mati-bala-satva(ttva)- 
dhairyya-vlryya-vinaya-sarapannah sakala-mahimandala- 
manujapati-pratipujita-6asanah(nas = ) trivara-nagara- 

bhavana-gata-yuvati-hrdaya-nandanah sva- [na]ya-bala-vijita- 
sakala-samant-atula-bala-vinaya-naya-niy a ma-s a t v a (ttva)- 
sampannah sakala-iagad-avanipati-pratipujita-6asaDah-(no =) 
agnistoma-$ahasra-yaji-hi[ * rajn,yagarbbha-prasuta(h) ekadaS- 
a^vamedh-ambhrtha-vidhuta-jagat^kalmasah susti(sthi)ra- 

When we remember the fact that no other Visnukundin 
king is as yet known to have performed a single sacrifice 
of any kind except the one named Madhavavarman, and 
when we note further the unique numbers ELEVEN a6va- 
medhas and THOUSAND agnistomas (kratus), testified to by 
alt the above three inscriptions, there remains no doubt as 
regards the correctness of tha identification originally 
proposed by Hultzsch. 

The second set of the Ipur plates (Ep. Ind , XVII, 
p. 334) gives us the following line of kings : 

1. Maharaja Madhavavarman (I); his son 

2. Devavarman ; his son 

3. Madhavavarman (II); (17th ? year). 

As regards Madhavavarman (II), the issuer of this set of 
the Ipur plates, Hultzsch says : " As the alphabet of the 
inscription seems to be of an earlier type than that of the 
preceding one (sell. Ipur plates : set I), and as grandsons 
are frequently named after their grandfather, I consider it 
not impossible that Madhavavarman II was the grandfather 
of (Jovindavarman's son Madhavavarman, who would then 
have to be designated Madhavavarman III." A considera- 
tion of the evidence of the two sets of the Ipur plates render 
this theory untenable. It is to be noted that Madhava- 
varman (I), the grandfather of the issuer of the Ipur plates 
(set II) is described in that inscription as ekada&agvamedh- 


Gvabhrth-dvadhuta-jagat-kalmasjCisyagni? toma-sahasra- 
yajino= 'neka saman ta-maku^a-kuta-mani-khacita-carana- 
yugala-kamalasya maharajasya M-madhavavarmanah. We 
request our readers to compare this passage with the 
corresponding passage quoted above from the Ipur 
places (set I). Can there be any doubt whatsoever 
about the identity of this Madhavavarman (I) with the 
king of the same name of the Ipur plates (set I), and 
also o? the Chikkulla and the Ramatirtham plates ? 
It is highly improbable that two kings of the same name 
and dynasty and of the same period performed exactly 
equal numbers ELEVEN and THOUSAND of sacrifices > 
such as the a^vamedha and the agnistoma. We, therefore, 
think it perfectly justifiable to identify the king named 
Madhavavarman, who has been credited with the perform- 
ance of eleven asvamedhas and thousand agnistomas (kratus) 
in all the different Visnukundin inscriptions. 

Moreover, the theory of Hultzsch that Madhavavarman 
(whom he is inclined to designate Madhavavarman III), 
son of Govindavarrnan of the Ipur plates (set I), is the 
grandson of Madhavavarraan II of the Ipur plates (set II), 
has now been disproved by the discovery of the Polamuru 
plates wherein Madhavavarraan, son of Govindavarman, is 
represented as the grandson of Vikramahendra, and not of 
a king entitled Madhavavarman. 

The Polamuru plates, edited l in the Journ. Andhra 
Hist. Res. Soc., VI, p. 17ff., give us the following line of 
kings : 

1. Vikramahendra ; his son 

2. Govindavarman ; his son 

3. Maharaja Madhavavarman (40th ? year). 

1 Previously edited by E. V. Lakahmana Rao in Journ. D&pt. Let, Calcutta 
Univewity, Vol. XI, p. 31 ff. 


That this Madhavavarman of the Polamuru plates can be 
no other than the famous performer of eleven asvamedhas 
and thousand agni?tomas is proved by his significant 
epithets : atula - bala - parakr ama - ya6o - dana - vinaya - 
sampanno da6asata-sakala-dharamtala-narapatir==avasita- 
vividha-divyas = trivaranagara-bhavana-gata-parama-y u vati- 
j a n a-v i h a r a na-ratir = anna(na)nya-nrpatisadharana-dana- 
mana-daya-daina-dhrti-mati-ksanti-soriy ( s a u r y)-a u d a r y a- 
gambhi(bhi)ryya-prabhrty-aneka-guna-sampaj-janit a - r a y a- 
samutthita-bhumandala-vyapi-vipula-yasoh(6ah) kratu- 

sahasra-yajl hiranyagarbha-prasuta(fr) ekada^afoamedh- 
avabhrtha-snana-vigata-jagad-enaskah sarvabhuta-pari- 

raksana-cuficuh(r = ) vidva[*d)dvija-guru-vnldha-tapasvijan- 
$6rayo maharaja-srl-madbavavarma. 1 

It appears, however, that Madhavavarman and Govinda- 
varman have respectively been called Janasraya and Vikra- 
ma^raya in this inscription, and it may be argued that they 
are not identical with the kings of the same names of the 
Ipur plates (set I). But this doubt is unjustifiable in view 
of the fact that Madhavavarman of the Polamuru plates is 
not only called son of Govindavarman and credited with the 
performance of eleven asvamedhas and thousand agnistomas, 
but is also called hiranyagarbha-prasuta and trivaranagara- 
bhavana-gata-parama-yuvatijana-viharana -rati (triv ara- 
nagara-bhavana-gata-yuoati-hrdaya-nandana in the Ipur 
plates), which epithets we find only in his own Ipur plates 
(set I). There can therefore be no doubt that the Ipur 
plates (set I) and the Polamuru plates were issued by one 
and the same person. 

In this connection, we must notice the view of some 

1 A Sanakrit inscription in archaic characters belonging to a Vi8nukng<Ji& 
named Midhavavarman has been found on a marble pillar near the entrance of the 
Bamali&gaivaml temple at Velpuru in the Sattenapalle taluka of the GuDtur district 
(An. top. 8. Ind. Ep., 1925-26, p. 29, No. 581). 


scholars, 1 who have identified Maclhavavarman II of the 
Ipur plates (set II), with the king of the same name of the 
Chikkulla and liamatirtbam plates, and Vikramahendra 
of the Polamuru plates with Vikramendravarman II of the 
Chikkulla plates. We have noticed that only one king of the 
Visaukuadin family uuy be believed to have performed 
sacrifices, and, though there seems to be a little exaggeration 
in the inscription of one of his successors, in all the 
inscriptions of tbe dynasty, that king Madhavavarman (I), 
son of Govindavarmau and father of Devavarman and 
V'lkrameadravarman I has been credited with the perform- 
ance of ELEVEN a^vainedhas and THOUSAND agnisfomas 
(kratus). As is also noted above, we think it almost 
impossible that there can be more than one Madhavavarman, 
performer of eleven asvamedhas and thousand agnistomas, 
in the same family and the same period. But if we accept 
the above identifications we have three Madhavavarmans I, 
II and III all of whom were performers of eleven a^vame- 
dhas and thousand agnistomas ! 2 Moreover, the identifica- 
tion of Madhavavarman II of the Ipur plates (set II), with 

1 Be well, following E. V. Lakshmana Rao, has given tbe following genealogy 
of the Visnukunflin kings in his List (1932), p. 404 : 

1. Mfidhava I, c. A. D. 357-382. 

2. Devavanna, c. 382407. 

3. Madhava II, c. 407-444. (Ipar grant No. 2) 

4. Vikramendra I, c. 444469. 

5. Indrabhaftftraka. c. 469-496. (Ramatirtbam grunt) 

6. Vikramendra II, c. 496-621. (Chikkulla grant) 

7. Govinda, c. 521-546. 

8. Madhava HI, ' Janalraya,' 546 (?) 610. (Polamuru grant and Ipur 

grant No. 1) 

9. Manchaona-bbattaraka (?) (10 ? 

The absurd nature of this chronology is proved by tbe fact that about the middle 
of the 4th century not tbe Visaukunijins bat tbe Salankayanas were ruling over tbe 
Venx? region. See ir.y note in Quart. Jwrn. Myth. Soc., XXV, pp. 299-301. 

1 Bee note 1 above. Curiously, a recent writer on the subject (Journ. Andhra 
Hist. Ret. Soc,, X, p. 193) thinks it to be " not a strong argument " I 


his namesake of the Chikkulla and Kamatirtham plates is, 
inmyopinioD, next to impossible. In the Chikkulla and 
Ramatirtham plates, we have the significant epithets of the 
great Madhavavarman, crediting him with the performance 
of eleven aSvamedhas and thousand agnitomas ; but these 
epithets are conspicuous by their absence in the Ipur plates 
(set II) in connection with the name of Madhavavarman II* 
The date of the plates, which is not fully legible but which 
appears to me to be year 17, has been read by HuJtzsch as 
the 47th year of the king. Is it possible that a king, who per- 
formed among other sacrifices eleven asvamedhas and thousand 
agnistoinas, did not perform a single one of them before 
the 47th (if my reading is correct, 17th) year of his rejgn 
or forgot to refer to such glorious performances in his own 
inscription? It may also be significant that Madhavavarman 
II has no royal title even in his own Ipur plates (set II). 
Moreover, the identification becomes utterly untenable when 
we notice that those significant epithets regarding the per- 
formance of 11 asvamedhas and 1,000 agnistomas have been 
attached in this inscription to the name of his grandfather 
Madhavavarman I. We therefore hold that there were only 
two, and not three, Madhavavarmans among the known 
kings of the Visnukundin family and that the first of them, 
who was the grandfather of the second, performed a good 
many sacrifices including eleven asvamedhas and thousand 

As regards the second identification, nothing need be 
said after our identification of Madhavavarman I, the great 
performer of sacrifices. But it must be noticed that the 
name is written in the inscription as Vikramahendja which 
may be the engraver's mistake for Vikraraamahendra. If, 
however, we take it as a slip for Vikramendra, the king 
should be designated Vikramendra I, there being two otbej 
Vikr&mendras in the family. 


The following is the genealogical arrangement of the 
Vis^ukundin princes according to our theory : 

Vikramahendra (Vikramendra I ?) 
Maharaja Govindavarman Vikrama^raya 

Maharaja Madhavavarman I Jana^raya (Ipur plates : set I, 
year 37 ; Polamuru plates, year -.O 1 ?) 

Devavarman [Raja] Vikramendravarman I (II ?) Mancyanna- 
| | bhattaraka 

Madhavavarman II [Maharaja] Raja Indra- 

(Ipur plates : set II, [bbattarakaj-varman 

year 17 ?) (Ramatirtham plates, 

year 27) 

Maharaja Vikramendravarman II (III ?) 
(Chikkulla plates, jear 10) 

1 There is only one numerical symbol on the plate. In Journ. Andhra Hist. Res. 
Soc. y VI (p. 17 ft., line 41), it ha? been deciphered as 48. It looks like a ligature of 
the symbol for 40 and that for 8 ; bnt as far as I know, there was no method known in 
ancient India by which a number like 48 could be expressed by one numerical symbol 
only. The symbol possibly signifies 40 (or 70 ?). It may however also be suggested 
that 8 was put below 40 for want of. space to the right of the latter. 



We have already dealt with the genealogy of the Vinu- 
kundin kings. Here we shall discuss the order of succession 
of the kings of this family and the period to which they are 
to be assigned. 

The first known king of the dynasty is, as we have 
seen, Vikramahendra. Though he ha? been given no royal 
title in the Polamuru grant of his grandson Madhavavarman 
I, his epithets visnukondindm * apratihata-asana and sva- 
pratdp-opanata'Samanta-manujapati-mandala seem to prove 
that he was a king and had some feudatories under 
him. His son Govindavarman Vikrama^raya has been 
called Maharaja in the Ipur plates (set I) of his son 
Madhavavarman I. 

Madhavavarman I Jana^raya, the greatest of the Visnu- 
kundin kings, appears to have had at least three sons, 
viz., Devavarman, Mancyanna-bhattaraka, 2 and Vikramen- 
dravarman I (born of a Vakata, i.e., Vakataka princess). 
Of these we know almost nothing about Mancyanna. Of the 
other two, viz., Devavarman and Vikramendravarman I, it 

1 My paper on the Vianukunflin chronology was originally published in Ind. 
Hist. Quart., IX, pp. 957-66. 

* Maficanna at a personal name ia known to have been used in the Kanarete 
country in the 12th century A. D. As Prof. Raychaudhuri points out to me, 
Maficanna was the name, of a minister of Bijjala or Vjjjana, the Ealacurya king 
of Kalylna (1145-1167 A. D.) This minister was a rival of the king's other 
minister Basava (Brsabha), the famous founder of the Vlraiaiva or Liftgtyat 
sect (J. B. B. R. A. St., VHT, pp. 78. 88, 128 ; and Bomb. Gaz., I. pt II, p. 47^). 
Among minor instances, we may take Maficaiypa, a Br&hmana mentioned as receiv- 
ing tome gifts of land in an himription of the Yidava king SiAghana (1210-1347 
A. D.) dated in Saka sam. 1178 (0. P. No 4 of 1025-26), 


is known that their sons became kings. We have the Ipur 
plates (set II) of Devavarman's son Madhavavarman II 
(see infra) and the Ramatirtham plates of Vikramendra- 
varman (l)'s son Indravarman. Should we then suppose 
that after the death of Madhavavarman I the Vispukundin 
kingdom was split up into two divisions, ruled separately by 
his two sons, Devavarman and Vikramendravarman I ? It 
however seems to me risky to suggest division of kingdom 
whenever we find two sons of a king or their descendants 
ruling. It may not be unreasonable to think that there was 
no such division of kingdom after the death of Madhava- 
varman I. 

Madhavavarman I possibly died at a very old age. 
The date of the Polamuru grant of this king seems to be year 
40 or, if K. V. Lakshmana Rao's reading is correct, year 48. 
It seems, therefore, not impossible that the elder children 
of Madhavavarman I died before their father's death. 
In view of the fact that Devavarman, in the Ipur plates 
(set II) of his son Madhavavarman II, has the only epithet 
ksatriy - avaskanda - pravarttit - dpratima -vikhyata-parakrama , 
which can by no means suggest his accession to the 
throne, it appears that this son of Madhavavarman I 
did not rule, but predeceased his father. Now, we are 
to determine whether Madhavavarman I was succeeded 
by his son Vikramendravarman I or by his grandson 
Madhavavarman II. 

According to the Ipur plates (set I), Madhavavarman I 
granted the village of Bilembali in the Guddadi-visaya to 
Agni^arman, a Brahmana of the Vatsa gotra. In the Ipur 
plates (set II), we notice the grant of a village, the name of 
which seems to me to be Murotukaliki, by Madhavavarman II 
to two Brahmanas named Agnigarman and Indrasarman. 
It is not impossible that AgniSarman of the first set is iden- 
tical with his namesake who was one of the two recipients 
of the second set of the Ipur plates. In view of the above fact 


and also the fact that Devavarman, who seeras to have 
predeceased his father, was possibly an elder brother of 
Vikramendravarman I, Madhavavarman II appears to have 
succeeded his grandfather on the throne (see infra). The date 
of his Ipur plates (set IE) has been read by Hultzsch as 
[40] 7, but he says : "The first figure of the year in the date 
portion is injured and uncertain" (Ep. Ind., XVII, p. 338). 
The figure in question, however, seems to be 10 and, 
consequently, the date may be read as year 17. 

Madhavavarman II was possibly succeeded by his uncle 
Vikraraendravarman I who appears to have been conside- 
rably aged at the time of his accession. We have as yet no 
copper-plate grant issued by this king. The duration of 
his rule cannot be determined. But if we grant a reign- 
period of about 25 years to each of the Visnukundin kings 
a consideration of the regnal dates of the known kings of 
the family, seems to suggest not a very long reign-period 
of this king. " His reign was probably short " (Dubreuil, 
Anc. Hist. Dec., p. 91). 

The succession from Vikramendravarman I to Vikra- 
mendravarman II appears to be regularly from father to 
son. All these kings have royal titles in the inscriptions. 
We, however, cannot be definite as regards the number of 
Visnukundin kings that ruled before Vikramahendra and 
after Vikramendravarman II. 

We have now to consider the time of tbe Visnukundin 
kings. Fortunately for us, the date of Madhavavarman I 
can be determined with a certain degree ol precision. 

The Polamuru plates of Madhavavarman I record the 
grant of the village of Puloburu in the Guddavadi viaya 
by the king in his 40th (or 48th) year as an agrahdra to 
SivaSarman, a scholar of the Taittiriya school, belonging to 
the Gautama gotra, resident of Kunjura in Karmaratra, 
son of Dama^arman and grandson of Rudrasarman. Next, 
we are to notice the contents of the Polamuru plates of the 


Eastern Calukya king Jayasimba I (Ep. Ind., XIX, p, 254 
ff), who began to rule from c. 633 A.D. These plates record 
the gift of the village of Pulobumra in the Guddavadi-viaya 
in the 5th year (15th year, according to An. Rep. S. Ind. Ep., 
1914, p. 10) of the king's reign to RudraSarman, a scholar 
of the Taittiriya school, belonging to the Gautama gotra, 
resident of Asanapura-sthana, son of Siva6arman and grand- 
son of DamaSarman. There can be no doubt that Puloburu 
of the formpr inscription is identical with Pulobumra 
of the latter, and that the village is to be identified with 
modern Polamuru (find-spot of both the inscriptions) near 
the Anaparti Eailway station in the Godavari district. 
There can also be no doubt that SivaSarman (son of Dama- 
6arman), recipient of the grant of Madhavavarman I, was the 
father of Rudra^arman (son of Sivasarman and grandson of 
Dama^arman), the recipient of the grant of Jayasimha I. In 
the latter grant, Rudra barman is expressly called purv-agra- 
hftrika, " the former owner of the agrahara." Now, how 
many years intervened between the date of the first grant 
and that of the second, that is to say, between the 40th 
(or 48th) year of Madhavavarman I and the 5th year of 
Jayasimba I ? 

In considering this question, we are to note the follow- 
ing points. Agrahftras 1 were generally granted to Brabmanas 
when they returned from the gurukula after finishing 
studies, in order to help them in settling themselves as 
grhasthas. It may therefore be conjectured that Sivasarman 
received Polamuru at about the age of 25 or 30 2 when king 

1 Agrahara means gurukulad^avrlta-brahmacarine deyarp, ktetradi. See Tara- 
nltha's V&cotpatya, . v. 

9 According to Manu (III, 1-2), a Brahmacftrin should study the Veiat (three 
Veda*, two Vedas or one Veda) in the gurugrha for thirty-six years or for half or 
one-fourth of thnt period, and should then enter the grhasth- a&rama. The same 
authority however aleo says (TX. 94) that a man of thirty years of age should 
marry a girl of twelve and a man of twenty-four a girl of eight. Kalldka Bhefta 


Madhavavarman was in the 40th (46th ace 01 ding to some) 
year of his reign. * The king thus appears to have been old 
at the time of granting this agrahara to the Brahmana 
youth. Sivaarman, however, certainly died before the date 
of the grant of Jayasimha I. The epithet purv-agraharika 
applied to the name of his son in Jayasimha (I)'s grant 
possibly goes to show that Rudra^arman, as successor of his 
father, enjoyed the agrahara for some time before the 5th 
year of Jayasimha I, i.e., before c. r,37 A. D. The most 
interesting point in this connection, however, is that 
Rudra^annan in Jayasimha (I)'s grant is called "resident of 
the town of Asanapura." ] He is expected to have resided 
at Kunlura in Karinarastra, the original place of his father or 
at Polamuru, the agrahara granted to his father by king 
Madhavavarman 1. When we remember this change in 
residence and when we further see that Jayasimha I, at the 
tnne of the execution of the Polamuru grant, was stationed 
in a camp, vijaya-skandhavara, it appears that in the early 
years of his reign, Jayasimha I led an expedition to the 
Visnukundin country and encamped in the Guddavadi- 
visaya, somewhere near Polamuru; that constant fights were 
going on between the forces of the Calukyas and those of the 
Vi^nukundins ; and that Rudra^arman, the agraharika of 
Polamuru, had to flee to the town of Asanapura (near 
Draksharama in the Godavari -district) in this troubled 
period, but came after some time, when Jayasimha I 
was temporarily or permanently master of the whole of 

on this verse has* etac = ca yogy<*-kala-pradaana-paraw. na tu ntyam-arthatn ; 
prayen-oitavata kalena gjhita-vedo bhavah, trtbhaga-voyasha ca kanyd vofouT^yuno 
yogy-eti ; g r hita'Veda>S*=c-opakurvctnal(o grhasth-dsramarp prati na vil<mbet**cti 
8atDara~itya8y~arthah. A story of the CMndogya Upaniiat (VI, 1-2) gays that 
flvetaketu went to his guru at the age of twelve and returned home after finishing ail 
the (three ?) Vtdas at the nge of twenty-four. 

1 The Niduparu grant of Jay*aiinha I was issued from his vasaka at Aeanapura 
(Ep. Ind,, XVIII, p. 56). The grandfather of tl.e dooee of a grant of Vifnu- 
wdhana II is also known to have resided at Asanapura ilnd. Ant.. VII. p. 192). 


the Guddavadi-visaya or a considerable part of it. 1 Con- 
sidering all these points, I think it not impossible that the 
difference between the time of the two Polamuru grants was 
about half a century. 2 

Then, the 40th (or 48th) year of Madhavavarman I may 
be c. 637 A. D< (date of Jayasimha's grant) minus 50, that 
is, c. 587 A. D. Madhavavarman I therefore seems to have 

1 The mastery of two different powers over two different parts of one district 
does not appear to be impossible. The Candra (cf. the Rampal prant of Srlcandra ; 
Inscriptions of Bengal, III, No. 1) and the Varrnan (cf. Belava grant of Bhojavarman ; 
ibid, No. 3), kings of South-Eastern Bengal granted lands in the Pundrabhukti, which 
has been presumably taken to be the same a* the famous Pundravardhanabhukti. 
But it seems impossible that the Candras and Varmans were ever master of the 
Kofivarsa or Dinajpur region of the Pundravardhanabhukti. I therefore think 
that in the age of the later Pal as, the bhuktt of Pundravardhana was divided 
between the kings of Gauda and the kings of South- Eastern Bengal The slight 
change in the name of the bhukti probably goes to confirm this suggestion. 

* The difference between the time of the execution of these two grants may 
possibly be greater and, consequently, Madhavavarman I might have ascended the 
Visnukundin throne a Little earlier. But I do not want to go far beyond the estimate 
of Mr. Subba Rao who suggests that the period may be about 40 years. This 
suggestion, however, seems to be invalidated by another suggestion of his. He 
takes Hastikosa and VirakoSa, who were the executors of the grant of Jayasimha 
I, as personal names. We must notice here that the executors of the grant of 
Madhavavarman I were also Hastikosa and Virakos'a. If we think that these two 
persons were officers in charge of the Guddavadi-visaya, under Madhavavarman I 
and also under Jayasimha I, the intervening period between the grants of the two 
kings should possibly be shorter than 40 years. We must however note in this 
connection that there were a Hastikofia and a VirakoSa in the Tajupaka-visaya, who 
were ordered by king PrthivTmula of the Gcdavan plates (J.B.B.R.A.S., 
XVI, p. 144 ff.) to protect an agrahara in the same vigaya. Fleet, the editor of the 
Godavari plates, may be right when he says, " I do not know of any other mention 
of these two officials, who evidently kept the purses and made disbursements on 
account of respectively the establishment of elephants and heroes who were to be 
rewarded for deeds of valour.** The epithet mahamatra-yodha applied to Hastikos'a* 
VfrakoB'a in the Polamuru grant of Madhavavarmau I, seems to show that they were 
Mahamatra of the Military Department. It may also be that the epithet mahamdtra 
goes with Hastikos'a and yodha with Virakos'a. The word mahamatra, according to 
Medinl, means hastipak-adhipb (head of the elephant-drivers or riders ; c/. vulgo. 
mahut). The word yodha generally means " a soldier/' Hastikosa and Vlrakos*a 
have been taken to be M officers in command of the elephant force and the infantry *' in 
An. Rep. 8. Ind. Ep. t 1914, p. 65. 


ruled from about the end of the first half to about the end 
of the second half of the sixth century. 

In connection with the period of Madhavavarman I, we 
must also notice the passage of the Polamuru inscription, 
which records a grant made by the king when he was cross- 
ing the river Godavari with a view to conquering the 
eastern region and another passage which refers to a lunar 
eclipse in the Phalguni-PaurnamasI (i.e., the full-moon day 
of the month of Phalguna) as the occasion of the grant. 
The connection of Madhavavarman I with the " eastern 
region" seems to indicate that he was possibly the andhr- 
adhipati (lord of the Andhra country) who was defeated by 
the Maukhari king XSanavarman according to the Haraha 
inscription of Vikrama Sam 611, i.e., A.D. 544 (vide infra). 
This synchronism also places Madhavavarman I Visnu- 
kundin in the middle of the 6th century A.D. 

We have just noticed that the village of Puloburu was 
granted on the occasion of a lunar eclipse in the Phalgum 
Purnima. In the second half of the sixth century, lunar 
eclipses occurred in the above tithi on the following 
dates : 

(1) llth February, 556 A. D. 

(2) 2nd March, 565 A.D. 

(3) 21st February, 574 A. D. 

(4) llth February, 575 A. D. 

(5) 21st February, 593 A. D. 
(0) 10th February, 594 A.D. 

Of these dates, years 593 and 594 may be tacitly rejected as 
they appear to be too late. But it is impossible at the 
present state of our knowledge to ascertain on which of the 
other four dates the grant was issued. If, however, we 
presume that the date of the Polarauru grant falls on any of 
these four dates and if futher the reading of the date be 
accepted as 40, Madhavavarman I Vi^nuku^din certainly 


began to reign sometime between 516 and 535 A.D. 1 The 
approximate chronology of the Vi^nukundin kings, then may 
be taken as follows : 

1. Rise of the Visnukundin power in the 5th century 

A.D. 2 

2. Vikramahendra (Vikrarnendra I ?) c. 500-520 A.D. 

3. Govindavarman c. 520-535 A.D. 

4. Madhavavarman I c. 535-585 A.D. 

5. Madhavavarman II c. 5P5-615 A.D. 

6. Vikramendravarman I (II ?) c. 615-625 A.D. 

7. Indra[bhattaraka]varman c. 625-655 A.D. 

8. Vikramendravnrman II (III ?) c. 655-670 A.D. 8 

9. End of the dynasty possibly about the end of the 7th 

or pome where in the 8th century A.D. 

The period assigned to Indravarman, viz., circa 625-655 
A.D., is, I think, supported by some views expressed by 

1 Mftdhavavarman I married a Vakataka princess and his descendants are 
represented aa boasting of the Vak&taka connection. His date does not, therefore 
seem to be far removed from the glorious age of the Vakajakas, viz., the 5th century 
A.D. Smith places this relative of the Vakafakas in about 500 A.D. (J.R.A.S.. 
1914, p. 189 ). It is true that Madhavavarman I is to be placed between the 5th 
century, the glorious period of the Vftkatakas, and the 7th century, the age of 
Jayasimha I Eastern Calukya. It therefore seems probable that the reign of M&dhava. 
varman I began in the first half of the 6th century A.D. 

2 It may be tempting to connect the Yisnuknndins with the Vinhukada-Cu$ukul- 
ftoanda Satakarni kings, whose inscriptions (see Liiders, List Noa. 1021, 1186 
and 1195) and coins (Rapson, Catalogue, p. 59) have been discovered. Vinhukada 
may possibly be laken to be the same as Vinhukuds, t., Vij?ukun4a which 
gives the name of the family whereto our kings belonged. But a serious 
objection that can be raised in this connection is that the Cutukulaoanda 
Satakarnis who claimed to have belonged to the Manavya-gotra used metronymic*, 
like Hiritiputra, along with their names like the Satav&hana-fi&takarnii. The 
\ ractaoe of using such metronymics and also of mentioning the gotra is found, though 
in a modified way, in the inscriptions of the Eadaoibas and the Culukyas ; but it is 
conspicuous by its Absence in the inscriptions of the Vi^akandins. There is therefore 
no evidence at present to connect the Vi^nkuncjins with the ancient fl&takarni 

' According to Kielhom, the Chikkulla plates (Ep. Ind. t IV, p. 198) should be 
p*UtogtapMcally assigned to the 7th or 8th century A.D. For the 20 years allotted to 
II, see infra. 


* Fleet in J.B.B.R.A.S., XVI, p. 116. While editing the 
Godavari plates of Prthivlmula, Fleet said : " The Adhiraja 1 
Indra, at whose request the grant was made, is mentioned as 
having fought in company with ofiher chiefs who united to 
overthrow a certain Indrabhatt^raka. Taking into con- 
sideration the locality (the Godavari district) from which 
the grant comes, and its approximate period as indicated by 
the palaeographical standard of the characters and the use of 
numerical symbols in the date, there can be no doubt 
that Indrabhattaraka is the Eastern Chalukya of that 
name, the younger brother of Jayasimha I." According to 
many of the Eastern Calukya grants, however, this Indra- 
bhattaraka did not reign at all, though some grants assign 
a reign period of only 7 days to him. It is therefore 
highly improbable that Indrabhattaraka of the Godavari 
grant of Prthivlmula was identical with the Eastern 
Calukya of that name. Kielhorn rightly suggested that 
the reference to Indravarman Visnukundin's fights with 
many caturdantas in the Chikkulla grant supports his iden- 
tification with Indrabhattaraka of the Godavari plates (Ep. 
Ind, IV, p. 195 note). Caturdanta is properly the epithet 
of Indra's Airavata, the elephant of the east. We are 
therefore justified in accepting the identification of Indra- 
bhattaraka of the Godavari plates with the Visnukundin king 
Indravarman or Indrabhattarakavarman. 

Fleet further remarked : "And the figurative expression 
that the Adhiraja Indra, mounted upon the elephant 
supratlka of the north-east quarter, overthrew the elephant 
kumuda of the south-east or southern quarter, shows that 
this attack upon the Eastern Chalukyas was made from 

1 The word adhirat, according to the Mahabharata, menus the same thing aa 
samrdt and cakravwtin (Sabdakalpadruma, s.v.). In later inscriptions however it 
isknowuto have denoted iubordinate rulers. The Dl.od inscription of Cahamana 
Pfthivldeva II mentions his feudatory adhirdja KuraarapaU ( Khandarkar's List, No. 
841). An adHir&jo Bhoja is mentioned in the RajatarangiijA, V, verse 151. 



the north-east of their kingdom of Vengi." The inscrip- 
tion of the G-anga king Indravarman referred to by Fleet 
are dated in the 128th and 146th year of the Ganga era, 
which "seems to have commenced in A. D. 49G" (Ep. Ind., 
XX, App., p. 201, n. 1 ; Ind. 'Ant., LXI, p. 237 f.). 1 The 
above Ganga inscriptions were, therefore, issued in circa 
624 and 642 A.D. Consequently, the Ganga king Indra- 
varman was a contemporary of the Visnukundin Indra- 
or Indrabbattaraka-varman (circa 625-655 A D.). 

As regards the possession of Verigi by the Eastern 
Calukyas in the middle of the seventh century A.D., it 
may be said that there is no conclusive proof of that 
supposition. From the Aihole inscription (Ep. Ind., VI, 
p. 4 fL), we learn that Pulakesin If reduced the strong 
fortress of Pistapura, which is the modern Pittapuram 
(Pithapuram) in the Godavari district, near the sea- 
coast, about 80 miles to the north-east of Peddavegi; and he 
caused the leader of the Pallavas to shelter himself behind 
the ramparts of Kfinci, modern Conjeeveram about 40 
miles to the south-west of Madras. Fleet says : " Probably 
during the campaign which included the conquest of 
Pittapuram and which must have taken place at this time 
(i.e., A.D. 616 or 617), the Vengi country was made a part 
of the Chalukya dominions; and the reference to the Pnllavas 
immediately after the mention of Pistapura, ha<* been 
understood as indicating that it was from their possession 
that Vengi was taken' 1 (Ind. Ant., XX, p. 04 f.). After the 
publication of the Visnukundin copper-plate grants, however, 
the theory of the Pallava occupation of Vengi in the begin- 
r -ning ^f the 7th century A.D. may be tacitly given up. 
'Since v iiendu]ura, for some time the residence (vasaka) of a 

- ' 4 

. .Visnukundin king, has been undisputedly identified with 

l Dr. R. C. Majumdar has recently suggested that the beginning of the GaAga 
era falls between1J50 and 557 A.D. (Ind. Cult., IV, p. 171 ff.). Unfortunately, he has 
totally ignored the astronomical side of the question. 


Dendaluru, a village on the ruins of the ancient city of 
Vengi, 5 miles north-east of Ellore in the Godavari 
district, it is certain that the Vengi country passed from 
the hands of the Salankayanas to .the possession of the 

It is interesting to notice a passage in the Aihole 
inscription dated in 634-35 A.D. (Ep. Ind., VI, loc. cit.) 
which describes Pulakesin (II) 's southern campaign. Verse 
28 of that famous inscription speaks of a piece of water, 
which appears to contain some islands that were occupied by 
Pulakesin 's forces. This piece of water has been called 
the Kaunala water or the water (or lake) of Kunala. The 
position of this Kunala is indicated by the sequence of 
events recorded in the inscription. Verse 26 tells us that 
Pulakesin II subdued the Kalihgas and the Ko&ilas and 
then, according to the following verse, took the fortress 
of Pistapura. After that is recorded the occupation of 
Kunala (verse 28); this again is followed, in the next verse, 
by Pulakesin's victory over the Pallava king near Kanci- 
pura. Verse 29 describes the Calukya king as crossing 
the river Kaveri, after which is described his contact with 
the Colas, Keralas and the Pandyas (verse 31). Kielhorn 
seems therefore perfectly reasonable when he says (ibid, 
pp. 2-3). "Pulakesin's march of conquest therefore is from 
the north to the south, along the east coast of Southern 
India; and the localities mentioned follow each other in 
regular succession from the north to the south. This in 
my opinion shows that 'the water of Kunala* can only be 
the well-known Kolleru lake, which is south of Pithapuram, 
between the rivers Godavari and Krshna. To that lake the 
description of ' the water of Kunala ' given 
would be applicable even at the present daj^j 
from other inscriptions that the lake contaj 
fortified island, which more than once has j 
of attack/' Since the ruins of Vengi and De 


vicinity of the Kolleru lake there can now hardly be any doubt 
that the 'water of Kunala' (i.e., the Kolleru or Kollair 
lake) was, at the time of Pulakesin (II) 's invasion, in the 
possession of the Visnukundins and that the battle of 
Kunala was fought between the Calukya king and a Visnu- 
kundin ruler who was most probably either Madhavavarman 
II or Vikramendravarman I, both of whom were weak 
successors of the great Madhavavarman I. 

The theory now generally accepted is that Vengi was 

conquered by Pulakesin II, during his campaign in the 

south-eastern region. There is, as I have already said, no 

conclusive evidence in support of this theory. In the 

records of the early Eastern Calukya kings there is no 

reference to the occupation of Vengi at all. The first use 

of the name of Vengi is in the inscriptions of the time 

of Amma I (918-925 A.D.) which call Vijayaditya II (c. 

794-842 A.D.) vehg-Ua, and in the inscriptions of the time 

of Calukya Bhima II (934-945 A.D.), which contain the 

first explicit statement that the territory over which Kubja- 

Visnuvardhana and his successors ruled was the Vengi 

country (Ind. Ant., XX f p. 94), Both Amma 1 and Calukya 

Bhima II reigned in the tenth century A.D.; the evidence of 

their inscriptions as to the Calukya occupation of Vengi in 

the 7th century can, therefore, be reasonably doubted. The 

fact seems to be that the Visnukundins of Vengi, from the 

time of the Calukya possession of Pistapura, became weaker 

and weaker, and their country was gradually annexed to 

the waxing empire of the Eastern Calukyas. The formal 

annexation which took place possibly after the extinction 

of the Visnukundins end of the 7th or (somewhere in 

the 8th century A.D. ?) seems to have been completed long 

before the tenth century A. D., i.e., the time of Amma I 

and Calukya Bhima II, when the Eastern Calukyas claimed 

that they were master of the Vengi country from the very 

beginning of their history. There appears therefore no 


strong grounds against our theory that the Visnukundins, 
though shorn of their past glory, were ruling for sometime 
at Vengi, contemporaneously with the Eastern Calukyas, 
who ruled first probably from Pistapura, 1 next from Vengi 2 
and then from Kajamahendri. 8 

We have to notice two other points before we conclude 
this section. Smith in his Early History of India, 4th ed., 
p. 441, says : "In the east he (scil. Pulake&n II) made 
himself master of Vengi, between the Krishna and the 
Grodavari, and established his brother Kubja Vishnu- 
vardhana there as viceroy in A.D. 611 with his capital 
at the stronghold of Pishtapura, now Pithapuram in the 
Godavari district/ 1 Smith, here, professes to rely on 
the Kopparam plates of Pulakesin If, edited by Lakshmana 
Eao in Ann. Bhand. Or. Res. Inst., IV, p. 43 ff. These 
plates, which are full of textual mistakes, seem to record 

1 It is to bo noted that the Timmapuram grant of Vi^uvardhana I Vigama- 
siddhi was issued from the vasaJca (literally, residence) of Pistapura. We 
have suggeste 1 above that possibly the term vasaka, like the term skandhavara, 
signifies temporary (or sometimes secondary) capital of a king. It is well known 
that Pulakem II crushed the power of the king of Pistapara (piffam Pi^apurarp, 
yena) and established his brother Kubja-Vis^u-vardhana on the throne of that 
place. At the time of Vicnnvardhana therefore Pistapura could reasonably be 
looked upon as the vasaka or skandhavara of this king. 

2 The Vehg-Ua (lord of Vengi) antagonists of the Rasraku$as appear to have been 
the Eastern Calukya kings (see Bomb. Gaz., I, Pt II, p. 199). The earliest 
reference to a king of Vengi in the Raff$raku$a records appears to be that in an 
inscription dated 770 A.D. (Ep t Ind., VI, p. 209). The Eastern Calukyas therefore 
seem to have occupied Vengi before the 9th century A.D. possibly before the second 
half of the 8th century, the time of Vijayaditya II and his father. 

5 AccordiDgto Sewell (Ind. Ant., XX, p. 94, note 6) there are two traditions 
regarding the origin of the name of BajamahendrT (modern Rajamundry) or Baja* 
mahendrapura. The first of these traditions connects the name with a Calukya 
king named " Vijay&ditya Mahendra." This Vijaylditya Mahendra is apparently the 
Eastern Caiukyn king Amma II (A.D. 945-970) who had the epithet Rftjamahendra 
and the surname Vijayaditya VI (ibid , p. 270) Fleet (ibtd, pp. 93-94), however, 
Ukes the founder of, or the first Eastern Calukya king at, Bajamahendrapnram to be 
Amma I (918-926 A.D.), who no doubt had the epithet Rajamahendra, but whose 
surname wai Vinuvrdhana (VI) and not Vijayaditya. 


the grant of some lands in Karmarastra (northern part of 
Nellore and southern part of Guntur) by one Prthivl- 
Duvaraja in the presence of Pulake&u II. The grant is 
dated in the pravardhamana-vijaya-rajya-samvatsara 21. 
Hultzsch while editing these plates in Ep. Ind., XVIII, 
has shown that the inscription belongs to the 21st regnal 
vear of Pulakesin II, i.e., to about A. D. 629-30 and that 
PrthivI-Duvaraja is to be identified with his younger 
brother Kubja-Visnuvardhana, who is styled Prthivi-vallabha- 
Visnuvardhana,- Yuvaraja in the Satara grant (Ind. Ant., 
XIX. p. 309). The word duvaraja is a Dravidian tadbhava 
of Sanskrit yuvaraja. C/, A kalankat-tuvarayar=z Sanskrit 
akalanka-yuvarcija in the Amber ins.; Ep. Ind., IV, p. 180, 
and Tuvaraan = yuvaraja in the Kasakudi ins.; S. Ind. 
Ins., II, No. 73. * Lakshmana Eao, however, thought 
that Duvaraja of this inscription is to be identified with 
Dhruvaraja of the Goa plates, and that the year 21 of his 
reign falls in A.D. 611. 

But even if we accept 611 A.D. to be the date when 
Pulakesin II invaded Karmarastra and defeated the Visnu- 
kundin king, does it follow that Pulakesin II conquered 
the whole of the kingdom of the Visnukuijdins ? Does 
the defeat of a king always lead to the loss of his entire 
territory ? Pulakesin II is known to have defeated the 
Pallava king, penetrated through the whole of the Pallava 
territory and crossed the Kaverl ; but was the Pallava 
power weakened? Again, in 642 A. D., the Pallava king 
Narasimhavarman defeated and killed Pulakesin II and 

1 It is also interesting to note in this connection the name of the third king of the 
Calukya line of Kalyanl. In rmny of tl-e insciiptions it is civen as Da^varmnn, hut 
it is also written (e.g., in the Kautbem grant; Ind Ant , XVI, p. 15) us Yafovarman. 
Fleet while noticing the point remarked, " The reason for the variation there is not 
apparent" (Bomb. Gaz. I, pt, II, p. 431). It ueems to me thau DaBavarman if an 
emended form of Dasovarman which ia but the same as Yadovarman. 


took Vatapi, the Calukya capital ; but did the Calukya 
power permanently collapse ? Did not the power of the 
Calukyas exist even during the period of Kastrakuta 
usurpation ? 1 

Then again according to Bilhana (Vikramahkadevacarila, 
Intro., p. 44; Ind. Ant., V, p. 323) the Calukya emperor 
Vikramaditya VI of Kalyani marched on and occupied 
Kafici, the capital of the Colas (i.e., the Eastern Calukyas), 
and amused himself there for sometime before returning 
to his capital. "It is doubtless this campaign that led 
to there being so many inscriptions, referring themselves 
to the reign of Vikramaditja VI, at Draksharama and other 
places in the Telugu country, outside the ordinary limits 
of the Western Chalukya kingdom " (Bomb. Gaz., I, pt. 
II, p. 453, note 1.). But does this fact prove that Kafici 
and the Telugu country were permanently occupied by the 
Calukyas of Kalyani ? Temporary success like this is 
possibly also shown in the grant of two villages near 
Talakad, the Ganga capital in Mysore, by the Kadamba king 
Ravivarmnn (Ep. Ind., VIII, p. 146 ; Sewell, List, s. v. C. 
A.D. 500 ; Moraes, Kadambahda, p. 48). 

To commemorate even the temporary occupation of part 
of a country, Indian kings appear to have used to grant 
there lands to Brabmanas (see Mannsamhita, VII, verses 
201-02), and generally, this sort of grants was acknowledged 
by other kings who followed the donor in the rule of that 
locality. 2 It may, therefore, be not altogether impossible 
that Pulakesm II penetrated as far as Karmarastra, where 
the reigning Visnukundin king was defeated, and the 
Calukya king felt himself justified in granting lands in 

1 Vide the Calukya genealogy as given, e.g , in the Kauthem grant (Ind. Ant., 
XVI, p. 15). See aUo Bomb. Gaz., I. pt. II, p 390 ff 

2 Cf. sva-dattarp para-dattam va yo hareta vwundharam, etc., quoted in the 
copper-plate grants 


the district of which he thought himself to be master 
for the time being at least. 1 

If these suggestions be accepted, there is then no 
difficulty as regards the discovery of Calukya grants, giving 
lands in places which were originally under the Visnukun- 
dins. We however do not argue that all the Eastern 
Calukya kings who granted lands in the country once 
occupied by the Visnukundins were temporary possessors 
of the land. It seems reasonable to believe that the Visnu- 
kundin country gradually, not long after the invasion of 
Pulake^in II, merged into the Eastern Calukya empire 
and gradually the Visnukundins lost all their territories 
excepting the small district round their capital city of 
Vengi. The existence of Visnukundin rule at Vengi in 
the 7th century may be compared with that of the Kadamba 
rule at Vaijayanti even in the glorious age of the early 
Calukyas of Badami. 

The next point is regarding the find-spot of the Bama- 
tirtham plates of the Visnukundin king Indravarman. The 
plates were found at a place near Vizianagram in the 
Vizagapatam district of the Madras Presidency. They 
record the grant of a village in the Piakirastra, which was 
evidently situated in the Vizagapatam district (Anc. Hist. 
Dec., p. 91). On the evidence of the find of these plates, 
it may be suggested that the Vizianagram region was 
included in the Visnukundin kingdom, that is to say, the 
Visnukundin boundary extended as far as the borders of 

l It ia also possible that the time of Pulakesin (II) 'a expediton, the 
Karmarastra was occupied not by the Vi^ukog^ins (bat by a branch of the Pallavas?). 
In A.D. 639 the celebrated Chinese pilgrim Yuan Chwang visited the kingdom of 
An-to-lo (i.e., Andhra), which wa a small diatrict only 3,000 U (about 4,600 miles) 
in circuit. The capital was at Ping-ki-lo, which seems to be a mistake for Ping-kj-pu- 
lo, i.e., Vefiglpura. The southern part of the Andhra country formed a separate 
kingdom called To-na-kie-tse-kia (Dhanyakafaka?) or Ta- An-to-lo (Mahandra) with 
its capital possibly at Bezwada, where the pilgrim resided for " many months". See 
Cunningham! Anc. Oeog. Ind,, ed. 1924. pp. 590 ff. t 608 ff. and 647. 


the Ganjam district. 1 In view of the fact that there were the 
royal house of Pi?$apura, the houses of the Varmans of Siip- 
hapura, Vardhamanapura, Sunagara, Sripura and Sgrapallika 
and also of the Gafigas of Kalinganagara whose era probably 
started from 496 A. D M permanent Visnukundin occupation 
of the Vizianagram region seema to be highly improbable. 
The truth might have been that in retaliation to the raids 
of Pulake&n II and Jayasimha I, Indravarman Visnukundin 
invaded the Calukya country and penetrated as far as the 
Piakira^ra, where he made grants of land, as did Pulake&n II 
in Karmarastra, Jayasimha I in Guddavadi and Gudra- 
bSra, and Vikramaditya VI in the Telugu country. The 
Plakira^tra or Vizagapatara district seems to have been under 
the Eastern Calukyas as early as the 13th year of Vinu- 
vardhana L His Chipurupalle plates (Ind. Ant., XX, p. 15), 
dated in that year, were found in the Vizagapatam district. 
They evidently refer to the Plakiviaya, doubtfully read as 
Pukivisaya by Burnell and /leet. This Plakivisaya is 
evidently the same as Flnkiragtra of the Ramatirtham 
plates of Indravarman. 

We have seen that the Godavari grant of Prthivirnula 
refers to a coalition of kings against Indrabhattaraka- 
vartnan, who has been identified with the Visnukundin king 
of that name. It seems to me that when Indravarman 
Vi$nukun<Jin defeated the Eastern Calukya forces and 
penetrated far into their country, Jayasiinha I, who seems 
to have been the Eastern Calukya contemporary of Indra- 
varman, formed an alliance with several other kings, one 

1 Set, e g , Quart. Jaurn. Myth. Soc. t XXV, p. 80. Kiclhorn entered the 
Chikkulla grant of VifQnkurfm Vikramendra%arman II in h*s List of Inscriptions of 
Northern India (Ep. Ind., V. App., No. 607). Fo lowing KMhorn. D. B. Bhandarkar 
ha also entered the V.wikup4m inscriptions in his List of Inscriptions of Northern 
India (Ep Ind., XX-II1, Af.p., Nos. 1117 nd 2096-99). The SaUnkayana and V.ana- 
kqtfin records muitpioperly be entered into a List of SoM Indian Inscription*, at 
tbete wtre local dynasties ruling o?r the Andhra country in the iouth. 



of whom was Adhiraja Indra, identified by Fleet vuth the 
Ganga king Indravarman. The combined forces of these 
allied kings possibly defeated the Visnukundin king and 
compelled him to return and shelter himself behind the 
ramparts of his capital, the city of Vengl. 




As we have already noticed, king Vikramahendra is 
mentioned only in the Polamuru grant of his grandson 
Madhavavarman 1. He is there described as favoured by 
(i.e., as a devotee of) Lord Sriparvatasvamin and is said to 
have subdued the feudatory chiefs by his own valour. The 
Lord Sriparvatasvamin is referred to in all the inscriptions of 
the Vinukundin family and may, therefore, be taken to 
have been the family-deity of the Visnukundias. Srlparvata 
may be identified with SrKaila in the Kurnool district of the 
Madras Presidency. 1 The original home of the Vinukundin 
family may, therefore, be supposed to have been not very far 
from SrI6aila. Kielhorn (Ep. Ind., IV, 193) suggested a 
connection of the name of the family with that of the 
hill-fort and town of Vinukonda in the Kistna district, 
about 60 miles east of SrMaila and 50 miles south of 
the Krishna river. Vinukonda, according to Kielhorn, was 
possibly the early home of the Visnukundins. 

l?he son and successor of Vikramahendra was Govinda- 
varman. His surname VikramaSraya and the epithet anefca- 
samara-samghatta-vijayin possibly show that he was a king 
of considerable importance. He is said to have been obeyed 
by all the feudatory chiefs. 

1 Excepting the grant of Madhavavarman II, which applies the epithet 
bhagavac-chripaTvalasvami-pad'&nudhyata to the name of the issuer himself, all otbtr 
Vi$$ukun4in records apply the epithet to the first king (a predecessor of the issuer) 
with whose name the genealogical part of the inscriptions begins. Tn the records 
therefore king Yikrameudravarman I and his BOD and grandson are not themselves 
called "favoured by (i.e., devotee of) Lord Srlparvata-svamio." The celebrated temple 
of goJ Si vi, called Mallikarjuna, is situated on the northern plateau of the Nallaiuatai 
hills. Many Western Calukya grauts have been found in the Kurnool district Which 
region appears to have passed to the Western Calukyas before the middle of the 7th 



Mftdhavavarman I JanSgraya appears to have been the 
greatest of the Vinukun<Jin kings. 1 The performance of 
11 a^vamedhas, 1,000 a^nistomas and some other rites 
including the Hiranyagarbha proves that he was a prince of 
power and resources. In very early times the agvamedha 
was evidently performed by kings desirous of offspring (see 
Apte, Sanskrit-English Dictionary, s.v. a&va). According 
to the Ramayana (I, viii, 2), king Da^aratha performed this 
sacrifice for progeny (sut-arthi vajimedhena kiin^artham 
na yajamy aham) . Kings are also known to have performed 
agvamedha for purifying themselves from sin. According 
to Visnu, afoamedhena udhyanti mahapatakinas = tv=zime 
(Sabdakalpadruma-paritista, s. v. a$vamedha) . Yudhiijthira in 
theMahabharata(XIV, ii) is said to have performed the horse- 
sacrifice with a view to purifying himself. But, as we have 
already noticed, it was performed only by a king who was 
a conqueror and a king of kings, Keith has rightly pointed 
out that the A6vamedha " is an old and famous rite, which 
kings alone can bring to increase their realms" (Rel. Phil. 
red. Up., p. 343). The Baudhdyana Sr. Sut. (XV, i) 

Laksbmana Rao ( Jotifn. Dept. Let., XT, pp. 55-59) refers to several tradition! 
that have grown on the glorious name of Midhavavarman, A 18tb century inscription 
in tht Mailed varasv inn temple at Bezwftg* give* an anecdote about Madhavavarman, 
king of Bezwatfa in Saka 117 ( 1), who punished bis own ion with death for kfiiBg 
a poor woman's son. A Bezwa<Ja pillar inscription of the 16th century claims lor a 
general of Kfenadevaraya of Vijayanagara di scent from Madhavavannan of Bezw&4 
A poem called tiritytnavijaycnn (c. 1540 A.D. ) speaks of the migration into Teliagtna 
of four Rajput tribes under the leadership of one Madhavavannan in daka 514. Ttois 
MldhaFaTarman i* claimed to be the ancestor of the family of the ilabara * of 
Vizianagram ic the Vizsgapatam dUtrict. The eaate called Afizu or Rpehat&T in 
the Tfloga country also claims Madharavarman as progenitor. 


Taittiriya Br. (111,8,9,4; V, 4, 12, 3), Apastamba $r. Sat. 
(XX, I, i) and many other early texts prove beyond doubt that 
a feudatory ruler could not perform the agvamedha. 1 A point 
of great interest, however, is that Madhavavarmafc I claims 
to have performed as many as ELEVEN agvamedhas, while 
uccessful conquerors like Samudragupta and Pusyamitra 
are known to have performed only one or two aSvamedhas. 
Of course, from the description of the sacrifice given in the 
Ramqyana and the Mahdbharata, it appears that some 
a^vamedhic practices of the Vedic age may hive been 
slightly modified in the epic period; but it is impossible to 
think that it became so easy as to be performed by even a 
king of the feudatory rank. It must be noticed that some 
Vedic kings are known to have performed a great number 
of avamedhas. Thus Bharata, son of Dusyanta, accord- 
ing to a gatha quoted in the Satapathabrdhmana (XIII, iii, 
5, 11; Weber's edition, p. 994), performed as many as one 
hundred and thirty-three horse-sacrifices on the banks of 
the Ganga and the Yamuna (astdsaptatim bharato dausyantir 
*yamunamanu gahgaydm vftraghne ' badhndt paiica- 
pan>cdatarfi haydn^iti). According to another gdthd (loc. 
cit., 13), Bharata performed more than a thousand agvamedhas 
after conquering the whole earth (patahsahasrdn indrdy^ 
JMvamedhan = ya == aharad vijitya prthivlm sarvam = Hi). 
The epics and Puranas however knew of traditions regarding 
some early kings trying to perform a hundred a^vainedhas, 
which would lead the performer to the attainment of 
the seat of Indra who is, therefore, represented as trying 
to prevent the hundredth sacrifice (see Vamana-Puraw, 
Ch. 78 ; Raghu., in, 38-66 ; Bhagavata Purdna, IV, 16, 24 ; 
17, 4; etc.)- May it be that the Vedic aSvamedha was less 
pompous than the epic advamedha and that the agvamedhas 
performed by South Indian kings were of the Vedic type? 

1 Sec Keith, Black Yajut, ($. c*xxiW? aod Appwdfr below. 


We have already noticed tbat the Deccan performs Vedic 
rites more fanatically than Northern India. See also my 
views in Jonrn. Ind. Hist., XIII, p. 40. 

Madhavavarman I married a girl of the Vakajaka family 
of Northern Deccan, and thus made his power secure in 
that direction. 1 According to V. A. Smith (J. R. A. S. f 
1914, p. 137) the Vakataka father-in-law of Madhavavarman 
Vignukundin was king Harisena who claims to, have con* 
quered the And bra and Kalinga countries. It is also 
believed that Madhavavarman succeeded in getting the pos- 
session of the Veftgl country by virtue of this Vakataka 
alliance (Sewell, List., s.v. A. D. 500). This suggestion is 
however untenable in view of the fact that Madhavavarman I, 
though he was the greatest king, was not the first king of 
his dynasty, he being at least preceded by his father Govinda- 
varman and grandfather Vikramahendra. The Polamuru 
grant calls him daiatata-sakala-dharanltda-narapati 2 and 
credits him with an expedition for the conquest of the 
eastern region. 

It must be noticed in this connection that, in the Haraha 
inscription dated A. D. 554, the Maukhari king l^anavar- 
man claims victory over an Andhr-adhipati. There can 
hardly be any doubt that this Andhr-adhipati was a Vi- 
nukundin king. Prof. Eaychaudhuri (PoL Hist. Anc. Ind., 
2nd ed., p. 370) has taken this Andhra king to be Madhava- 
varman of the Polamuru plates who according to this grant 
" crossed the river Godavari with a desire to conquer the 

1 Dr. D" C. Ganguly writes in Ind. Hist. Quart., VIII, p. 26 : "Mfidhavavarmao I 
was the founder of this dynasty. Bis mother was a princess of tte Yak&takt family." 
According to the Chikkulla plates (Ep. Ind., IV, p. 193), however, the Vukafaka prinress 
was the mother of Vikramendravarman I, son of Madhavavarman I. C/. Vi^nuktin^i- 
t&k&ta'Varjtia'dvay-dlarpkrta-janmanah Ari-vikramendravaTinanah , etc. As we have 
ihown, M&dhavavarman I was not the founder or the first king of the Visnukuntfin 

Mr. M. Bomasekhara Sarma suggests to me that the epithet may possibly be 
translated as " lord of the VengI Ten Thousand." 


'eastern region." This identification suits well the chrono- 
logy we have accepted injthese pages. It may not be impos- 
sible that the eastern expedition of Madhavavarman I 
was undertaken in retaliation to bis previous unsuccessful 
struggle with the Maukharis. This supposition is supported 
by the fact that a victory over the Andhras is alluded to in 
the Jaunpur Inscription of Idvaravarman, father of Iganavar- 
man Maukhari (Corp. Ins. Ind., Ill, p. 230). 

In the Polamurn grant, Madhavavarman I has been 
called avasita-vividha-divya (line 8). This passage has been 
left out in the translation of Mr. Subba Rao who has edited 
the inscription in fount. Andhra Hist. Res. Soc., VI, p. 17 ff. 
The passage, however, appears to me very important in con- 
nection with the administration of justice in the Andhra 
country at the time of the Visnukundins. Here is a clear 
evidence of the prevalence of the system of trial by ordeals 
in the Visnukuncjin kingdom. The word divya, here, 
certainly means "ordeal" and vividha-divya "various (forms 
of) ordeals." The verb ava-so has, among others, the 
meanings "to accomplish," " to know" and "to "destroy." 
The passage avasita-vividha-divya may, therefore, mean, 
one " who has accomplished the various (forms of) ordeals, V. 
or " who has known (how to use) the various (forms of ) 
ordeals," or "who has destroyed (Le. 9 abolished) the various 
forms of ordeals." We have seen that this Mftdhavavar- 
man I Vi^ukumjin performed eleven A^vamedhas and a 
thousand agnis$omas(frr atus). It must be noticed in this 
connection that no one except a fanatic can be expected to 
perform an a^vamedha sacrifice and expose his wives to such 
indecent and obnoxious practices as are necessary in the 
performance of this sacrifice. As for instance, the mahii 
of the performer of the aSvamedha is required to lie down 
beside the sacrificial horse and to put the horse's penis into 
her own private parts (cf. mahisl svayam ev = a&va-6i$nam = 
akr$ya sva-yonau stli&payati Mahjdhara on Sukla-yajus, 


XXXII. 18-25 ; and atvasya titnarfimahisy tipasthe nidhatte : 
Satapalhabr <hmana, XliL iv, 2). Madhavavariuan I, per- 
former of eleven agvarnedhas, thus appears to have been one 
of the mo*t orthodox Hindu kings of ancient India. 1 It is, 
therefore, doubt! ul whether we am expect from him such a 
great reform as the abolition of the deep-rooted system of 
trial by ordeals, which is sanctioned by ancient law-givers 
and which was in use in our country as late as the end of 
the l&tb ce&tury and possibly still later. 2 The last mean- 
ing is, therefore, less probable. The divyas or ordeals, 
which were used in ancient Indian courts in order to ascer- 
tain the truth of a statement, has been enumerated as nine 
in the Divyatattva of Brhaspati. They were ordeal (1) by 
balance, (2) by fire, (3) by wattr, (4) by poison, (5) by 
"image- washed" water, (6) by rice, (7) by the hot masaka, 
(8) by spear-head, and (9) by images. Cf. 

dhato gnir ** udakaft = c=aiva visarri kofa$ = ca paficamam 
a?thaii=ca tandulah proktaqi saptamam tapta-m&sakam 

phalam^=ity^uktamnavamani dharmajam smrtam. 

For details see my paper on the Divyas in Journ. Andhn 
Hist. Res. Soc. 9 VII, p. 195 If. and Appendix below. 

In both the Ipur and Polamuru grants the king is 
said to have been the delighter of the damsels residing 

l ID the Chikkulla grant of hi great-grandon, be is credited with a nbmber of 
sacrifices among which is mentioned puru^amedha. If this tradition is to be believed, 
Mftdhavavrmn I must have been an nbominable fanatic. 

* Journ. Andhra Hist. Res. See , VTI, p. 196 ff. Tritl bj brdeals is used to settle up 
disputes among some aboriginal tribes of the And bra region even at the present day. 
Mr. G. T. H. Bracken, Chief Secretary to the Madras Government, in course of his 
address on "Wi der Parts of India" to the Rotary Club on March 9, 1984, said, "In 
disputes over land, the custom (in the East Godavari Agency) is to make the) parties 
to the dispute walk round the land, and he who walks the whole way round continually 
and eats some of the earth is declared to be the owner*' (from fit-port in the Amrita 
BOMT Patrika, Calcutta). This system of trial was prevalent in the Marian* country 
even at the time of the Pdihwas, that is to say, as kta aa the 19th century A,D. (ate 
8. K, 8en, A4i*inutrati*)e Hit tor j of ih$ Maratha*, 2nd ed., p. 868 ft.) 


in -the houses of Trivaranagara. . Trivaranagara appears to 
mean *' the city of king Trivara." 1 A king named Trivara 
has been mentioned in the Kondedda grant (Ep. Ind., XIX, 
p. 267) of the Sailodbhava king Dharuiaraja, as having form- 
ed an alliance with a certain king named Madhava and 
fought against Dharuiaraja. It is possible that king Tri- 
vara of the Kondedda inscription is tbe same as that men- 
tioned in the grants of Mailhavavarman I Vi^nuku^in. 
Madhavavarman I however does not appear to have lived at 
the time of Sailodbhava Dhannaraja and therefore can hard- 
ly be identical with Madhava who fought against the 
Sailodbhava monarch. A king named Tivara is found in 
the hue of the Pand ivas of Kogala, who had their capital at 
Sripura (see the Rajirn and Baloda grants, Corp. Ins. Ind., 
in, p. *9i ff.; Ep. Ind., VII, p 10 ff.). The charters and 
seals of Alaha&va fivararaja of 3dpura are in the box-headed 
character. According to some scholars, tbe boxheaded 
characters were in use in the 5th and 6th centuries of 
the Christian era (Ind. Hist. Quart., IX, p. 596). Fleet 
and Kielhorn, however, think that the inscriptions of 
Tivara of Kotiala are not earlier than 700 A.D. (Indische 
Palaeographie^ p. 63, note 20). According to Buhler 
(ibid, p. 62), the Central Indian or "box-headed" type is 
found fully developed "in einer luschrift Sarnudragupta's 
aus Eran und emer Chandragupta's II. aus Udayagiii, den 
kupfertafeln der Kouige von Sarabhapura, den Inschriften 
der V&k&taka; der des Tivara von Kogala und in zwei friihen 
Kadamba-Inschriften/ ' The Gupta, Vakafaika and Kadamba 
records are definitely known to be earlier than 700 A.D. 
The same may be the case with the inscriptions of Tivara 

1 am indebted for this suggestion to Prof. K. C Baycbaudbun. Lakibmana Rto 
identifies it with Te war i a the Jabhulpore district and considers it to have been the 
place of Madhava, >arm an (1)'$ father (Journ. Dept. Let., XI, pp. 84, 89). The 
pattage in question however seems to. suggest bis hostile zeJatioas with Trivaranagara 
rather than bin marriage with a girl of tbat place. 



of Kodala. It must be noticed in this connection that 
Fleet's and Kielborn's view that the Vakataka records date 
from the 7th century A.D. (ibid, note 19) has now been 
conclusively disproved. 

The performance of Vedic sacrifices and the epithet 
parama-brahmanya (highly hospitable to the Brahmaas) 
clearly show that Madhavavarman I was a staunch follower 
of the Brahinanical faith. 

I. The Ipur plates (set I) were issued on the 15th day 
of the 7th fortnight of summer in the 37th year 1 of the 
king, from the camp of Kudavada (vijaya-skandhavarat 
kudavada-vasakat). They record a notice to the inhabitants 
of Vilembali in the Guddadi-visaya. The village was granted 
by the king to a Brahmana named Agni^arman belonging 
to the Vatsa gotra, and all royal officers were ordered to 
protect it and make it immune from taxation. The executor 
of the grant was the king's beloved son, Prince Mancyanna. 
The village of Villembali and the Guddadi-visaya have not 
been satisfactorily identified. Guddadi may be the same as 
Guddavadi-visaya, i.e., the present Bamachandrapur taluka. 
It is possibly not the same as the Gudrahara-visaya which 
is the district round Gudivada in the Kistna district. 

The seal of king Madhavavarman I attached to the plates 
is circular and somewhat worn. It is divided by a cross- 
line into two sections. The lower section bears in relief 
Sri-Madhavavarma in two lines. Hultzsch thought that 
the upper section bears the figure of Laksmi or svastika on 
a pedestal, flanked by two lamp-stands and possibly sur- 
mounted by the sun and crescent of the moon (Ep. Ind., 
XVII, p. 334). As on the seals attached to the Chikkulla 
and Bamatirtham plates the figure of a lion is clearly 
visible, it may not be impossible that the obliterated part 

.1 ^9 old form of dating in the VigQakngjia records is probably doe to local 
custom of the original home of the dynasty. See 


above the line contained the figure of a lion which was 
possibly the crest of the Vignukundins. 

II. The Polamuru grant * was issued by the king when 
he set out on the eastern expedition and was crossing the 
GodavarL By it the mahattaras and adhikara-puruas 
were informed that the king made an agrahara of the 
village of Puloburu on the Daliyavavi river and of four 
nivartanas of land at the southern extremity of MayindavS- 
takl, and granted it to the Gautama gotra Brahmana 
Sivagarman, resident of Kunlura in Karmarastra. As 
Polamuru (Puloburu of the inscription) is a village in the 
Eamchandrapur taluka of the Godavari district, the present 
taluka may be roughly identified with the Guddavadi-visaya 
in which the village is said to have been situated. Mayinda- 
vataki has been identified with Mahendravada adjacent to 
Polamuru, and Daliyavavi with the small stream Tulyabhaga 
now turned into a drainage canal. Kunlura may be the 
same as Konduru in the Sattanepalle taluka or Peda-Konduru 
in the Tanuku taluka of the Guntur district. As we have 
already seen, the village of Polamuru was re-granted to the 
recipient's son by the Eastern Calukya king Jayasimha I who 
probably conquered the region from the Visnukimdins. 

In the Sanskrit lexioa Trikandatesa, mahattara has 
been called the sa r ne as grama-kuta, "the head of a village" 
(cf. rastra-kuta "head of a rastra," an official designation 
in the Calukya inscriptions). Evidently, affairs in villages 
were controlled by them. The word adhikdra-purusa 
appears to mean "a purusa '(agent) having an adhikara (a 
post)," i.e., a government official cf. na nisprayoja- 
nam adhikaravantah prabhubhirahuyante : Mudra-raksasa, 
Act III. The mention of the mahattaras along with 

1 The language and orthography of this record are bad, and the characters are 
rude and late. The authenticity of the grant therefore may not be quite certain. But 
we are not definite, as sometimes we also get copies of older records. See also our 
rem ark s at p. 57 and notes above. 


'government officials" possibly shows that the former were 
. not salaried officers of the government. 1 The executors of 
the grant were the Hastiko&t arid Virako^a, which terms 
have already been discussed. 

"It is believed that the seal (of the Polamufu plates) 
contains the figure of a lion, the crest of the Vi^nukurnjins, 
and probably also the name of the royal donor" (Journ. 
Andhra Hist. Res. Soc., VI, p. 17). 

C/. the OMB of yramika ID Manu, VII. 116-19 ; also below. 


Madhavavarman II was the son of Devavarman and 
grandson of Madhavavarman I. Only one copper-plate grant 
of this king has been discovered. It was found at Ipur, a 
village in the Tenali taluka of the Guntur district. The 
grant appears to have been issued on the 7th day of the 7th 
paksa of var$a in the 17th (47th according to Hultzsch) 
regnal year, 1 from Amarapura which may probably be 
identified with the modern Amaravatl. 

Madhavavarman II has been described in this inscription 
as trikuta-malay-adhipati, " lord of Trikuta and Malaya/' 
We do not know of any other Malaya except the famous 
Malaya mountain, generally identified with the southern- 
most part of the Western Ghats. Triku$a is placed by 
Kalidasa (Raghu., IV, 58-59) in the Aparanta, i. e., 
Northern Konkan. It is, however, difficult at the present 
state of our knowledge to justify Madhavavarman II 1 s claim 
to be in possession of those countries. The epithet may 
show that the Vinukundin king came into hostile relations 
with Trikuta and Malaya. He may have joined the 
armies of^ some powerful king who invaded those regions. 2 
Mr. B. V. Krishna Eao appears to suggest that Madhava- 
varman II was Viceroy at a place called Triku$amalaya 
which he is inclined to identify with Kotappakoncja near 
Narasaraopeta (Bharatl (Telugu), J930, p. 414; Journ. 

1 It has.reoently been suggested in a paper read at the nmtb session of the 
All-India Oriental Conference (1987) that the grant wag issued in the reign of 
M&dhavavanuan I. 

* The V&k&faka kings Narendrasena and Harisena are said to have conquered 
Malaya and Trikfl> respectively (Bhandarkar's List, Nos. 1700, 1712). But they 
appear to be considerably earlier thau Visoukundin Madhayavaruoan II. 


Andhra Hist. Res. Soc., X, p. 191). This is a happy 
suggestion ; but I could not examine his arguments in 
favour of the identification. 

The plates record the grant of a village, the name of 
which seems to be Murotubiliki, to two Brahmanas named 
AgniSarman and IndraSarman. In connection with the 
asan-ajM, reference is made to the attention paid by the 
visnukundy-adhiraja who may be Madhavavarman II. 
If, however, it may be believed that Madhavavarman II 
was a viceroy under his grandfather, this adhiraja should 
of course signify Madhavavarman I. 

The seal attached to the Ipur plates (set II), is 
circular and much worn. It is divided by a cross-line into 
two sections like the seal of the Ipur grant (No. 1). 
In the lower section the legend $ri-Mddhava(varmmd) in 
two lines is very faintly visible, while the symbols in the 
upper section cannot be made out at all (Ep. Ind,, 
XVII, p. 338). 



The next king appears to have been Vikramendravar- 
man I, son of Madhavavarman I. Mo inscription of this 
king has been discovered. The most interesting point 
about the king is that, in the Chikkulla plates of his grand- 
son, he is called visnukundi-vakdta-vamfa-dvay-alwflkrta- 
janmd. Vakata is evidently the same as Vakataka, which 
was the most glorious dynasty ruling in Northern Deccan in 
the 5th century of the Christian era. The relation of 
Vikramendravarrnan I with the Vaka^akas is also referred to 
in the Ramatirtham plates of his son, where he is called 
ubhaya-vam$-alamkarabhuta (who is the ornament of both 
the dynasties). 

"The Vaka$akas were the neighbours of the Kadambas 
and the Vakataka kingdom extended up to the modern 
town of Kurnool on the banks of the Krishna. We know 
that the famous temple of Srigailam or Sri-parvata is in the 
Kurnool district, and ' a story, as related in the Sthala- 
mahatmya of the place^ says that the princess Chandravati, 
a daughter of the Gupta king Chandragupta, conceived a 
passion for the God on the SrlSaila hill and began offering 
every day a garland of jasmine (mallikd) flowers to him' 
(Report on Epigraphy for 1914-1915, Part If, 91). 

"In fact, we shall see that this dynasty (sell, that of 
the Vignukundins) had for its tutelary deity the God of Sri- 
parvata and that the first (?) king of this dynasty Madhava- 
varman married a Vi^ukundin (? Vakataka) princess, I 
think there can be no doubt that this princess was the 


daughter or grand-daughter of queen Prabh&vati," the 
daughter of king Candra^upta II and wife of the Vakataka 
king Eudrasena (see Dubreuil, Anc. Hist. Dec., pp. 73-74). 
According to Vincent Smith (J.R.A.S., 1914, p. 137) the 
mother of Vinukundin Vikramendravarman I was the 
daughter of the Vakataka king Hari?ena who claimed to 
have conquered the countries of Andhra and Kaliftga. 


The son and successor of Vikramendravarman I was In^ 
dravarman, to whom belong the plates discovered at a place 
called Ramatirtham in the vicinity of Vizianagram. The 
king has been described as parama-mahetvara (staunch devo- 
tee of MaheSvara, i. e., Siva) and aneka-caturddanta-samara* 
fata-sahasra-samghatta-vijayi. The significance of the 
latter epithet may be understood from what has been already 
discussed above. It refers to the king's struggle with his 
eastern or north-eastern neighbours. In the Chiknlla grant 
he is said to have made some ghatikas, which mean estab- 
lishments (probably founded in most cases by kings) for holy 
and learned men. GhatikS, is mentioned in the Talgunda 
inscription of Santivarman and the Kasakudi grant of Nandi- 
varman. It is the same as Brahmapurl of other records 
(Ep. Ind., VIII, p. 26). In the same grant, Indravarman 
is also called parametvara and bhrubhahga-kara-vinirdhuta- 
samagra-dayada. It is suggested that the latter epithet 
refers to his success against the viceregal line of Trikuta- 
malaya (Journ. Andhra Hist. Res. Soc., X, p. 191). 

The Ramatirtham plates (Ep. Ind., XII, p. 133) which 
were issued from the Puranisangamavasaka (which possibly 
means the camp at the confluence of the river Purani) on 
the 7th tithi of the bright half of Jyaistha in the 27tb year 
of king ! Indravarman record the grant of the village of 
Peruvatakain Plakira^ra a s an agrahara to a taittirlyaka 
BrShmaija named NagnaSarman who belonged to the 
MamJira gotra. 


The agrah&ra was exempted from the burden of all taxes 
and the peasants assembled at Peruvataka were ordered to 
give to the Brahmana the customary share of the produce 
of the agrahara and to perform regularly all duties, such 
as conveying message, etc. The future owners of the country 
are also requested not to confiscate but to protect the 
agrahara. The king himself was the exeuctor of the grant. 
The nature of the grant appears to support our view that 
king Indravarman granted the agrahara, while leading an 
expedition against his eastern enemies. PJtakirastra, as we 
have already noticed, is the present Vizianagram region. 
It is mentioned as Plakivisaya and Palakivisaya in the ins- 
criptions of Calukya Visnuvardhana I (Ep. Ind. 9 IX, p. 317). 

' The seal attached to the Raraatirtham plates shows the 
faint figure of an advancing lion facing the proper right, 
with its left forepaw raised, neck erect, mouth wide open, 
and the tail raised above the back and ended in a loop. 



Indravarman was succeeded by his eldest son, Vikra- 
mendravarman II. A copper-plate grant (Ep. Ind., IV, 
p. 193) of this king was discovered at Chikkulla in the Tumi 
sub-division of the Godavari district. It was issued on the 
5th day of the 8th masapaksa of grlsma (?) in the 10th year 
of the king, from the Lenduluravasaka which has been 
identified by Rarnayya with modern Dendaluru near Ellore. 

King Vikramendravarman II, who was a parama* 
mahevara like his father, hereby dedicated a village called 
Regonrana to Soraagire^varanatha in honour of the matted- 
haired, three-eyed God, the Lord of the three worlds. Soma- 
giresvaranatha appears to have been the name applied to a 
linga established in a temple at Lendulura. 

The village of Regonrana is said to have been situated 
to the south of the village of Ravireva on the bank of the 
Kr^navenna (Krishna) 1 in Natrpa^i which appears to be the 
name of a district. 

The seal of Vikramendravarman II attached to the 
Qhikkulla plates "bears in relief on a slightly countersunk 
surface a well-executed lion, which stands to the proper 
right, raises the right forepaw, opens the mouth and appa- 
rently has a double tail " (loc. cit.). It t however, seems to 
me that the tail of the lion is not double as Kielhorn takes 
it to be, but is only raised above the back so as to end in a 
loop. Compare the figure of the lion on the Ramatirtham 
plates of Indravarman. 

1 "Kfishpabesna, or more usually Kpabrave^nS or Kpstmaverna, was the ancient 
epigrapbic name of tbe Krishna, evidently taken from its confluence at SaAgam- 
Mahull, three miles east of Satara, with tbe Yenna or Vena, one of its most important 
feeders " (Bon? 6. Gaz. t I, ii, p, 384 n.). See p. 61 above. 




The earliest reference to Kaficlpura (Conjee verm an in the 
Chingleput district of the Madras Presidency) seems to be 
that in the Mahabhasya (iv, 2 second ahnika) of the great 
grammarian Patafijali whose "date, B. C. 150, may now be 
relied upon " (Bomb. Gaz., I, ii, p. 140). Patafijali is now 
generally taken to have been a contemporary of the first 
Sunga king, Pusyamitra, who reigned from circa 185 to 149 
B. C. according to Smith (E. Hist. Ind., 4th ed.,p. 208 ff.). 
The mention of Kaficlpura in the Mahabhasya goes to show 
that Kafici became a place of importance as early as the 
beginning of the second century B. C. It is however not 
certain whether Kafici was of political or commercial im- 
portance in the age of the Mahabhasya. 

If traditions recorded by the Chinese pilgrim Yuan 
Chwang are to be believed, Kafici rose to prominence even 
earlier than the age of the Mahabhasya. This Chinese 
pilgrim tells us that be noticed a stupa about hundred feet 
high, built by king Asoka in the city of Kafici (Beal, Bud. 
Rec. West. World, II, p. 230). In this connection we may 
also note the mention of A6oka or Asokavarman an one of 
the early Pallava kings in the mythical portion of the later 
Pallava inscriptions. Hultzsch appears to be right in 
taking this Aoka or Asokavarman as "a modification of the 
ancient Maurya king- A6oka." The claim of having this 
great Maurya emperor as predecessor is to be found also in 
the Rajatarahgim, the traditional history of Kashmir (i, 
102-!06). Though the genealogy of A6oka given in the 

1 The paper was originally published in Journ. Ind, Hut., Vol. XIV, 
pp. 14047. 


Kashmir chronicle does not tally with the Maurya genealogy 
found in the Puranas, the description of the Kashmir king 
named A6oka " who had freed from sins and had embraced 
the doctrine of Jina (i. e., Buddha), covered Su?kaletra and 
Vitastara with numerous stupas," clearly shows that he is 
no other than the great king of Pataliputra. The inclusion 
of Maurya A6oka in the traditional Pallava genealogy is 
therefore not impossible. 

If however we take the find-spots of A6okan inscrip- 
tions so far discovered in the far south as establishing the 
southernmost boundary of the Maurya empire in A6oka's 
time, it would appear that the KancI region lay outside 
that empire. Nevertheless, if traditions recorded in early 
Tamil works are to be believed, the Maurya frontier at the 
time of CaadMgupfca, grandfather of A6oka, possibly ex- 
tended far to the south of Kafici. "We have seen that in 
the south the Maurya power, at one time, had probably 
penetrated as far as the Podiyil hill in the Tinnevelly 
district. In the time of Aoka, the Maurya frontier had 
receded probably to the Pennar river near Nellore,, as the 
Tamil kingdoms are referred to as prachamta or border states 
and are clearly distinguished from the imperial dominions 
(vijita or raja-visaya) which stretched only as far south as 
the Chitaldrug district of Mysore'* (Raychaudburi, PoZ. 
Hist. Anc. Ind., 2nd ed., p. 195). If then the Kanci region 
was once under the Mauryas, it may not be altogether im- 
possible that owing to the commercial importance of its 
position Kaficl attracted the notice of a Maurya emperor 
or a viceroy of the southernmost Maurya province, who 
assigned this Sanskntised name to a Dravidian original 
like Kacci (Kaccippedu) or Kanji. 1 

1 Bomb. Gaz.,1, JJ, p. 318, note. At the time of A&ka, the southernmost 
Maurya province bad its headquarters at Suvarnagin which baa been identified by 
Hultzich with Eaoakagiri in the Nizaii/g dominions to tl e south of Maaki (Corp. Int. 
Ind., I. p. ixxviii). 


The exhaustive list of countries, mentioned in Gautaml 
Bala6ri'8 inscription, over which Gautamiputra Satakarni 
is said to have ruled, does not mention any district of the 
far south. This fact along with the conspicuous absence 
of inscriptions and coins of Gautamiputra Satakarni in the 
And bra region possibly goes to show that the country was 
outside the kingdom of this Satavahana king. It must 
however be noticed that Gautamiputra Satakarni has been 
described in that famous Nasik Cave inscription as lord of 
the Vindhya, Eksavat, Pariyatra, Sahya, Krsnagiri (Kan- 
heri), possibly SrISaila (maca-siri-tana = Marty a-ri or Sri- 
stana?), Mahendra, Malaya, Setagiri and Cakora mountains. 
Malaya and Mahendra, quite well-known in Sanskrit litera- 
ture, have been identified respectively with the Western 
Ghats (to the south of theNilgiri) and the Eastern Ghats. If 
there is in the list really the name of Srigaila, it is to be 
found in the Kurnool district of the Madras Presidency. 
Cakora has been mentioned along with Srigaila in the 
Puranas. It is therefore possible that Gautamiputra Sata- 
karni claimed a sort of suzerainty over the whole of southern 
India. Since there is no mention of the Himalaya, the list 
of mountains in Gautamiputra 1 s kingdom does not appear 
to be altogether conventional. Another importaat point in 
this connection is the king's epithet ti-samuda-toya-pita- 
vdhana which says that his war-horses drank water from the 
three seas. We are to notice that the inscription does not 
refer to the conventional catuh-samudra, but only to tri- 
samudra (three seas) which evidently signifies the Wes- 
tern (Arabian) sea, Eastern sea (Bay of Bengal) and 
Southern sea (Indian Ocean). The traditional southern 
expedition of Maurya Candragupta and the southern expedi- 
tions of the Calukyas of Badami and Kalyani, of the Ra$- 
trakutas of MalkhecJ and later of Sivajl and Haidar Ali 
show that it was almost a custom with great Deccan kings 
to lead expeditions to the far south. Is it impossible that 


Gautamlputra S&takarni's vague claim of suzerainty over 
the whole of Southern India originated from such a southern 
expedition ? l 

The Amaravati inscription of Vasisthiputra Pulumftvi 
(Arch. Surv. S. Ind., I, p. 100 ; pi. LVI, No.'l), Ama- 
ravati inscription of sm'-Sivainaka-Sada (ibid, p. 61, 
pi. LVI, No. 2), Chinna inscription of Gautamlputra Yajfia 
Satakarni (Ep. Ind., I, p. 95), Kodavali inscription of 
Vasisthiputra Cnda Sata (ibid, XXIII, p. 316 ff.) and 
the Myakadoni inscription of Pulumavi (ibid, XIV, 
p. 155) however clearly show that the successors of Gautaml- 
putra Satakarni certainly ruled in the Andhra region. 
This southerly extension of the Satavahana power may have 
been due to the rise of the house of Castana who seems to 
have established himself at Ujjayini and to have been a con- 
temporary of the Greek geographer Ptolemy (c. 140 A.D.) 
and of the Satavcihana king V c asisthiputra Puluraavi, son of 
GautamTputra Satakarni. We know from the Junagadh 
inscription (ibid, VIII, p. 44 if.) that Castana's grandson 
Rudradaraan (c. 130-150 A.D.), who for some time ruled 
conjointly with his grandfather, 2 was reigning over some of 
the countries that were formerly under the possession of 
Gautamlputra Satakarni. 

The occupation of Andhrade^a and the adjoining districts 
by the later Satavahanas is also proved by numismatic 
evidence. According to Rapson (Catalogue, p. Ixxi) the 
Satavahana coins found in the Kistna-Godavari region " fall 
into two classes distinguished from each other both by their 
type and their fabric." In the district of the first fabric, 

1 A Ngflik inscription possibly refers to a southern expedition led by OautamT- 
pntra flitakarni who seems to have once encamped at Vaijayanfcl VaijayantJ which 
was later the capital of the Cufa flatakarnis and after them of the Kadarabas 
has'been identified with modern BanavasI in the North Kanara district of the Bombay 
Presidency (see infra). 

Baychaudhuri, op eft., p. 917 ff* 


"coins of the following five kings have been found (ibid, 
Ixxii) : 

1. Vasisfchlputra 6ri-Pulumavi, 

2. Vasi^hiputra Siva6rl Satnkarni, 
3." Vasi^thiputra 6ri-Candra Sati. 

4. Gautamlputra 6ri-Yajfia Satakarni, and 

5. SrI-Kudra Satakarni. 

In the district of the second fabric are found coins struck 
by the following three kings (ibid, p. Ixxiv) : 

1. 6rI-Candra Sati, 

2. GautaraTputra ri-Yajna Satakarni, and 

3. 6ri-Rudra Satakarni. 

Some lead coins found in the Anantapur and Cuddapah 
districts have been taken by Kapson to have belonged to 
some feudatories of the Satavahana kings (ibid, pp. Ixx-xi). 
This suggestion- appears to be supported by the following 
facts. Firstly, in the Chitaldrug district has been found 
a coin of one Sadakana (Satakarni) Kalalaya Mabarathi 
who was most probably a feudatory of the great SatavSbanas; 
secondly, the Myakadoni (Bellary district) inscription of 
Pulumavi shows that the Bellary region was called the 
janapada (district) of Satavahanihara, and that it was under 
the rule of a governor (mahasendpati) whose name was 
Skandanaga. This fact seems to show that the southern 
districts of the Satavahana kingdom were ruled by military 

From what has been said above it is perfectly clear that 
the dominions of the later Satavabanas extended as far as 
the borders of the district round Kaficl. We shall now con- 
sider the question whether Kaficl could have formed a part 
of the S&tavahana kingdom. 

There is no epigraphic evidence to prove that the Sata- 
v&hana kings ruled over Kaficl; but certain lead coins with 


" ship with two masts " en one side and the Ujjain symbol 
on the other have been discovered on the Coromandel coast 
between Madras and Cuddalore. " That they belong to the 
Andhra (Satavahana) dynasty seems certain from the Ujjain 
symbol which forms their riverse type, and from such traces 
as remains of the coin-legend. On the solitary specimen on 
which these traces admit of any probable restoration the ins- 
cription appears to be intended for Siri~Pu[luma]visa (No. 95, 
p. 22; pi. V)." l Of course, mere discovery-of some coins of a 
certain dynasty in a certain area may not prove that that 
particular area was under the direct control of the rulers of 
that dynasty. But this distinct type of ship-coins found ex- 
clusively in the Coromandel coast possibly supports the view 
that at least the issuer (or issuers) of the ship-coins had some 
sort of political supremacy over the coastal region. But who 
ruled the coast-country during the time of the later Sata- 
vfihanas who most probably issued the ship-coins? 

According to some scholars, "The coast-region in 
which these coins arc found was in the third century B.C. 
inhabited by the Colas; but before the middle of the second 
century A.D. it seems to have passed into the power of the 
Pallavas who were thus contemporary with the later Andhras 
(i. e., Satavahanas)." 2 This view however can be proved 
co be unwarranted on the evidence of the Periplus of the 
Erythraean Sea and the Geography of Ptolemy. 

We may not expect to get the name of Kaiicipura in the 
Periplus as this work does not attempt to give an exhaustive 
list of cities and towns of the countries about which it speaks. 
The KancI region was possibly not a separate political unit 
in the age of this work (c. 80 A.D.). The Periplus says : 
" 59. From Koniari (mod. Kumarika) towards the south 
(actually toward NNE) this region extends to Kolkhi 

1 Rapson, op cit., pp ixxxi-ii. 
9 Ibid, p. ixxxii. 



(Earkai on tbeTamraparni in the Tinnevelly district; Smith, 
op. cit.,p. 469) ; and it belongs to the Pandian king- 
dom. Beyond Kolkhi there follows another district called 
the Coast country (Coromandel or Cola-mandala coast), 
which lies on a bay, and has a region inland called Argaru 

(=Uragapura*mod. Uraiyur near Tanjore) 60. 

Among the market-towns of these countries and the harbours 
where the ships put in from Damirika and from the north, 
the most important are, in order as they lie, first Eamara, 
then Poduka, then Sopatma; in which there are ships of the 
country coasting along the shore as far as Damirika; and 
other very large made of single logs bound together called 
Sangara; but those which make the voyage to Khryse and to 
the Ganges are called Kolandia and are very large." We 
do not definitely know whether any of these three ports men- 
tioned by the Periplus belonged to the district of Kanci, but 
the fact that the Periplus after referring to the Coast country 
refers to Masalia (=district round Masulipatam) possibly 
suggests that the borders of the Coast country touched, in 
the age of the Periplus, those of the district round Masuli- 
patam. This suggestion, it should be noticed, is in accord 
with the tradition which says that " the Chola country 
(Cholamandalam) was bounded on the north by the Pennar 
and on the south by the southern Vellaru river; or, in other 
words, it extended along the eastern coast from Nellore to 
Puddukottai, where it abutted on the Pandya territory" 
(Smith, op. cit., p. 480). 

In the Geography of Ptotemy (c. 140 A.D.) who gives a 
fairly exhaustive list of countries, cities and important 
places, we do not find the name of Kanci ; but the district 
of Kanci can be satisfactorily identified from Ptolemy's 
map of India. The order of the position of countries in 
the east coast has been thus given in Ptolemy's Geography, 
VII, i : 

1, Country of the Pondioaes ( - Pandyas) with its 

HlStTOEY 0# KiSFCI 147 

capital at Modoura (-Madura) 125 1620', ruled by 
Pandion (89); 

2. District of Batoi (90) with its metropolis at Nisa- 
mmal2510' 1030' (12); 

3. Coast of the Soringoi ( = Colas) with its capital at 
Orthoura 130 16 20', ruled by Sornagos (91); 

4 Arouaraoi with its capital at Malanga 130 13, 
ruled by Basaronagos (92); and 

5. District of the Maisoloi (called Maisolia in 15, 
and Masalia in the Periplus) with its metropolis at Pitundra 
135 18 (93). 

It is clear from the situation of the above countries 
that on the way from the district of Masulipatam to the 
Pandya country, i. e., to the south of the former, lay first 
the country of Arouarnoi, then the coast of the Soringoi, 
and then Batoi. This " coast of the Soringoi " is evidently 
the same as the "Coast country" of the Periplus which 
seems to represent the Co]a-mandala of Sanskrit literature. 
Its capital Orthoura appears therefore to be the same as 
Argaru of the Periplus and Uraiyur (=Uragapura) of the 
present day. 1 But what about this Arouarnoi which has 
not been mentioned in the Periplus 9 but has been placed be- 
tween the Cola-mandala and Masulipatam by Ptolemy ? In 
this connection it is interesting to note what Dr. S. K. 
Aiyangar says about the countries of this coast. "The east 
coast region, however, beginning with the river Vellar 
flowing across the state of Pudukottah now and emptying 

1 It mast be noticed that a oity called Argarou 125* 15' 14W has been mentioned 
by Ptolemy (Geog., VII, i, 11) as belonging to the Pandya country. It can however 
hardly be identical with Argaru (=Uragapura) of the Periplus which, as we have seen, 
places it in the Coast country, beyond the kingdom of Pandion. Ptolemy's Argarou in 
the Papaya country is evidently the same as Uragapura mentioned by Kalidasa as the 
capital of the PM7 kings (Raghu, VI. 69-60). That Uragapura of these two Greek 
authors is different is also proved by the fact that while the Periplus has it as "a region 
inland called Argaru , Ptolemy's map places the city just on the sea-shore (Renon, 
La Qtographie d* Ptolemfe, Paris, 1925, Plates). 


itself into the Bay of Bengal which marked the orthodox 
southern boundary of the Cholas, constituted the Chola- 
mandalam which actually extended northwards therefrom to 
as far as the river South Pennar where began the division 
known as Aruvanadu which extended northwards along 
the coast almost as far as the Northern Pennar" (R. 
Gopalan, Pallavas of Kanchi, p. xi-ii). There can 
hardly be any doubt that this Aruvanadu between the north- 
ern and southern Pennars is the Arouarnoi of Ptolemy's 
Geography. This Arouarnoi is practically the same as the 
Kaiici-mandala, i. e., the district round Kanci. 1 It must 
however be noticed that the capital of this district, at the 
time of Ptolemy, was at Malanga which appears from 
Ptolemy's map to have been far to the north of Eafici. 

It now appears that the Co]a-mandala or the Cola coast 
which at the time of the Periplus was possibly bounded by 
the Pandya country in the south and the "Masuli district'" 
in the north was divided into two kingdoms in the age of 
Ptolemy (c. 140 A.D.). What is more interesting is that at 
the time of the Greek geographer, the Cola-mandala proper 
was being ruled by a king named Sor-naga, while Aruva- 
nadu, the northern part of the former Cola kingdom, was 
under the rule of a king named Basaro-ntf{/0. We cannot 
be definite whether these two names really represent Indian 
names like Sura-naga (or Surya-naga) and Vajra-naga 
or Varsa-naga; but there can be no doubt that at Ttoleiny's 
time the Cola kingdom as well as the district round Kanci 
was ruled by princes who belonged to the family of the 
Nagas. The existence of the Nagas in the Coromandel 
coast seems to be further supported by the existence of the 

1 " The surrounding territory was known as the Drftvida country, and also as the 
Kafichf manQala or province of KafichI, and as the Tonda, Toijdai, Togdira, Tundlra 
and TuiJ<jaka mandala, rasher a, vishaya, or nad. And Kanchi it pelf was sometimes 
called Tuijijfrapurai, as the capital of the territory under the latter name*' (Bomb. Gaz. t 
I, ii, p. 318). 


city called Uaraga-pura in the Pandya country and another 
of the same name in the Cola country. Uraga, as we all 
know, is the same as Naga. It is however difficult to ascer- 
tain whether the "inland region called Argaru ( = Uraga- 
pura)" was being ruled by the Nagas (=Uragas) in the age 
of the Periplus ; nevertheless the name supports a conjecture 
that in or before that period a place in the heart of the Cola 
country was under the Nagas. 1 

In this connection we should also notice the Buddhist 
traditions of Ceylon and Siam which speak of a Naga country 
on the coast near the "Diamond Sands/' to the south of 
Dantapura, between the mouth of the Ganges and Ceylon 
(Cunningham, Anc. Geog. Ind., ed. 1924, pp. 611-12). 
This country has been called Majerika. We do not know 
whether Majerika is the same as Masulika (Masulipatam) or 
a district named after the Manjhira branch of the Godavari 
or it is Ptolemy's Arouarnoi where the Naga king Basaro- 
naga once ruled. But the traditions seem to support the exis- 
tence of a Naga country on the eastern coast. Much value 
of the traditions is however vitiated by the fact that the 
epochs to which the two traditions refer are irreconcilable. 
The Ceylonese tradition gives the date as B.C. 157, while 
the Siamese tradition gives A.D. 310-313. If we believe 
the latter tradition (and also in the fact that the tradition 
refers to the Nagas of the Coromandel coast), the Pallavas 
would appear to have risen to prominence after A.D. 313. 
This however seems to be improbable. 

Before the middle of the second century therefore not 
the Pallavas but the Nfigas were ruling the coast country. 

As scholars generally take Ptolemy's Siriptolemaios 
(siri-Pulumavi), ruler of Baithana (Pai than in the Aurang- 

1 It may alternutively be suggested that Uragapura is really a Sanskritised form 
of the Tamil name Uraiyur (literary, "city of greatness"?). We must however notice 
that as early as the beginning of the Christian era the locality (or localities) was known 
to foreigners not as Uraiyur, but as Uragapura (cf. Argaru). 

150 saccfissofcs o# THE 

abad district) to be the same as Vasi^hTputra 6ri- Pulumavi, 
son of Gautamlputra Satakarni, we see that Basaro-naga, 
ruler of the KancI region, and Sor-naga, ruler of the Coja- 
mandala, reigned contemporaneously with this Satavahana 
king who possibly was the first to establish Satavahana 
power in the Andhra country (Pol. Hist. Anc. Ind., 
2nd ed., p. 313). 1 It may not be altogether impossible that 
the successors of Basaro-naga acknowledged the suzerainty 
of the powerful successors of Vasisthiputra Pulumavi, such 
as the great Gautamiputra Yajna Satakarni. It should be 
noticed here that Pulumavi of the ship-coins appears to be 
the same as the king of the Myakadoni inscription, who 
was probably a successor of Vasisthiputra Pulumavi and 
was the last king of the direct Satavahana line. 

1 Vasisthiputra Pulumavi has been called "lord of Daksinapatha" in the 
Nanik inscription -of year 19. In line 12 of the Junagadh inscription (Ep. Ind., VIII, 
p. 44 ff.) the Saka king Rudra daman (c. 180-150 A.D.) mentions his Satavahana 
contemporary (Pulumavi?) as "fiatakarni, lord f DakgiQapatha." The epithet 
however seems to have nothing to do with the inclusion of Andhradesa in the 
Satavahana Kingdom (see p. 1 abate). 



Scholars are now generally of opinion that the Pallavas 
were not indigenous to the KaficI region. Thus Dr. S. K. 
Aiyangar says, " The Pallavas seem nevertheless to have 
been foreign to the locality as far as our evidence takes us at 
present" (op. ci., p. x). The question is now: When 
did the Pallavas attain political supremacy in the Kanci 
region ? 

We have already seen that about the middle of the second 
century A.D., when Ptolemy is known to have written 
his Geography, the above region was being ruled by the 
Nagas. The Pallavas therefore did not rule as a re- 
cognised political power in the same locality before the 
middle of the second century of the Christian era. They are 
however believed to have risen to prominence certainly before 
the middle of the fourth century A.D. which is the time of 
Sainudragupta's Allahabad pillar inscription. This record, 
as we all know, mentions a certain Kanceyaka Visnugopa 
with whom the Gupta king (c. 330-75 A.D.) came into 
conflict during his South Indian compaign. This " Visnu- 
gopa z ruler of Kaflci " has been unanimously taken to have 
belonged to the Pallava family. 

To about the same period should be assigned the Mayida- 
volu (Ep. Ind., VI, p. 84) and Hirahadagalli (ibid, I, p. 2) 
grants of the Pallava ruler Sivaskandavarman, and the 
British Museum grant (ibid, VIII, p. 143) dated in the 
reign of a Pallava king named Fiyat/a-Skandavarman. These 
grants are written in Prakrit and are unanimously taken to 
be the earliest available epigraphic records of the Pallavas. 

1 The paper was originally published in /ottm, Ind. Hist., Aoguit, 1985, 
pp. 157-64, 


There is however difference of opinion regarding the date 
of these epigraphs. But, as we shall show in the next 
section, they appear to belong to the first half of the fourth 
century A.D. The Pallavas therefore seem to have attained 
political supremacy in the Kanci region after the middle of 
the second but before the beginning of the fourth 
century of the Christian era. Now, the next question 
would be : Who were the PalJavas, and how did they 
succeed in obtaining mastery over the Kfiiici region from the 
hands of the Nagas ? 

It is almost certain that the Pallavas originally were 
executive officers under the Satavahana kings. 1 They 
were most probably in charge of the government of districts 
with titles like Maharathi and Mahasenapati, i.e., governor. 
There is inscriptional evidence to prove that the Satavahana 
kings took their officers from the families of the Guptas and 
Nagas. A Nasik inscription mentions an officer named 
Siva-gupta, and the Karle inscriptions refer to Gupta and 
Sivaskanda-Gupta (Pol. Hist. Anc. Ind., 2nd ed., p. 332). 
We have already seen that a Naga chief named Skanda-naga 
was ruling the Bellary district during the reign of Pulumavi 
who was possibly the last Satavahana king of the main 
line. The Pallavas may have been officers like the Guptas 
and Nagas. 

But, who were the Pallavas? 2 Were they identical with 
the people called Pahlava or Palhava in inscriptions and litera- 
ture ? Some scholars are in favour of the identification. Their 

1 Aiyangar, op. at., p. xv; Sewell, List. s. v., c. 225 A.D. 

> See H. KrishDasastri, Ep. Ind., XV, p. 246. " The origin of the Pallavas has 
been obscure. A suggestion has been thrown out by Mr. Venkayya they may have 
been connected with the Pahlavaa, mentioned in the MaJiabhdrata and the Puranis 
and there classified as foreigners outside the pale of Aryan society (Arch. Sun. Rep. for 
1916-17, p. 217 f.). It is true that here the Pallavas are so classed with the Sakas, 
Yavanaa and other foreign tribes ; nevertheless the possibilify of their being a class 
that originated from an intermingling of the Brahmanas with the indigenous Dravidian 
tribes is not altogether precluded. Thiu presumption is confirmed partly by a 


arguments may be summed up as follows. The Palhavas, 
i.e., the Parthians, are known from inscriptions and coins to 
have been ruling in North- Western India in the beginning 
of the Christian era. At the time of the Periplus, 
" Parthian princes [who] were constantly driving each 
other out," were occupying the valley of the Indus. This 
people possibly pushed a little down to the south when they 
came'into conflict with the Satavahana king Gautamiputra 
Satakarni who is called "subduer of the Sakas, Yavanas 
and the Palhavas." Indeed, from the Junagadh inscription 
of Rudradaman we learn that a Pahlava governor named 
Suvisakha, son of Kulaipa, was ruling the district of 
Anarta 1 and Surastra under that great Saka king. If, as it- 
seems to be, the territory of the Palhavas lay not far off 
from the Satavahana kingdom, if they really came into con- 
flict with the Satavahanas at the time of Gautamiputra 
Satakarni, if the Palhavas accepted offices in the government 
of neighbouring kings, and if the Satavahana government 
accepted services of persons belonging to the neighbouring 
tribes, there is nothing impossible in the suggestion that the 
Palhavas were employed by the Satavahana kings and 
eventually carved out a principality in the south of the 
Satavahana kingdom after the decline of the latter. 

curious statement, made in the Rayakofca copper plates (above, Vol. V, p. 62) that 
Advatthamsn, the Brahmana founder of the race, married a Naga woman and had by 
her a BOP called Skandagishya. Other copper-plates (e.g., S. 7. 7. , Vol. II, p. 853, 
vv. 16 & 17) which relate a similar btory mention in the '[name of Skandasishya 
the name of the eponymous king Pallava, after whom the family came to be called 
Pallava. Hence it appears almost probable that the Pallavas like the Kadambas of 
Banavasi (Dy. Kan. Dist., p. 286 and fn. 2), the Nojambas^of Mysore (Bice's Mysore 
^nd Coorg, p. 55), the Matsyas of Odcjavadi (0<Jdadi in the Vizagapatam district) 
and other similar dynasties were the products of Brihmana inter-connections with 
the Dravjdian races, as the stories related of their origin indicate. The Pallavas are 
however referred to in an.early Eadamba record of the 6th century A. D. (Talgunda 
inscription, Ep. Ind. t VIII, p. 31 ff., verse It?) as Kahatnya*, and their earliest 
sovereign B are stated to have performed Vedio sacrifices like the Aryan kings of old/ 1 

1 Anarta ia the district rouud modern Dvaraka. In the Mahabharata (XI V> 52, 59 ; 
58) ihe same ]plaoe his been referred to both as Anartapun and Dv&rakft. 



We however think that there are very strong grounds 
against the identification of the Pallavas with the people 
called Palhava (i.e., the Parthiana). If the people who 
were called Palhava or Pahlava at the time of Gautamiputra 
Satakarni and Rudradaman, that is to say, during the first 
half of the second century A.D., is the same as the Pal'avas 
whom we find stationed at Kaiici at about the end of the 
third century, how are we to explain the fact that the latter 
have never been called Palhava either in the records of their 
own or in the records and works that refer to them ? It is 
improbable that within the short period of about 150 years a 
tribe had utterly forgotten its original name, so much so that 
not even for once did its members use that name in the 
whole course of their history, though Indian literature in all 
succeeding ages has recognised a tribe named Palhava, 
sometimes even side by side with Pallava. 

Another important point in this connection is that, in 
the Hirahadagalli grant, the earliest known Pallava king 
Sivaskandavarman, who appears to have ruled in the first 
quarter of the fourth century A.D., is reported to have 
performed the A6vamedha sacrifice. There is no evidence 
that kings belonging to foreign dynasties or tribes like 
the Saka, Kusana, Gurjara, Huna and others ever perform- 
ed the Horse-sacrifice, even when they were Hinduised. 
It seems highly improbable that a foreigner would be very 
favourable to the obnoxious practices followed during the 
course of this sacrifice. Unless an immigrant tribe hope- 
lessly forgets itself and imbibes utter orthodoxy of 
Hinduism, it seems impossible for its members to be able 
to expose their wives to such indelicate practices as are 
necessary in performing the Horse-sacrifice. 1 The per- 
formance of this out-and-out Brahmanical sacrifice by the 

i I am indebted for thin suggestion to Prof. H. C. Raychaudhuri. For 
details about the Afivamedha sacrifice, see SvkfaYajurveda, XXH-XXV, *lth 
Mabjdbara's commeptirj tbereoD. For tb$ indelicate portion, see tffd, XXIII, 


earliest known Pallava king seems to go against the theory 
of foreign origin of the Pallavas. 

The next important point is that the family of the 
Pallavas is known even from the earliest record to have 
belonged to the Bharadvaja gotra. 1 This Bharadvaja 
gotra of the Pallavas can hardly be imitated from the gotra 
of any earlier dynasty that ruled in the Deccan. The Sata- 
vahanas of the main line, whose records the early Pallavas 
imitated in drawing theirs, did never specifically mention 
their own gotra. The Vinhukada Cutu-Satakarnis however 
called themselves Manavya-gotra-Hariti-putra. This title 
was imitated by the Kadambas who succeeded the C/utu- 
Satakarnis in the Kuntala country. The Calukyas who 
appear to have originally been provincial governors under the 
early Kadambas (or probably under the Vakatakas), got the 
title in their turn along with the sovereignty of the Kanarese 
country. Since the Pallavas do not use metronymics 
like their predecessors and since their Bharadvaja gotra 
cannot be reasonably proved to have been imitated from 
any preceding ruling dynasty of theDeccnn, it seems possible 
that they were originally Brahmanical Hindus of the 
Bharadvaja gotra and therefore belonged to Northern India. 2 

18-95. Mantra to be uttered by tbe queen of the performer of this sacrifice : 
o.mbe-'tn&ifre= 'mbahke no ma nyati kacana, 6a*ast y - afoakab subhadnkani 
kayipiJa-rasinini. Mahldhara f s commentary: mad=agamane = ^vo^'nyam^ddaya 
6aiti$yata=itt maya gamyate. Aft-r pronouncing another mantra, the queen sits 
(according to Mahldhara, lies down) beside the sacrificial horse. Queen : ta ubhau 
caturah padah tarppras&raydva ; Adhvaryu : svargo loke ^prornuvatham. Aftrr the 
Adlivaryu covers the bodies of the Queen and the horse with a bheet of cloth, the 
queen say 3 : vtfd vdjl retodhH reto dadhatu, and then according to Mahldhara : 
mahi*i $va>yam~evatva h&nam = aktfya sva-yonau stMpayatt. See Satapatha- 
Brahmana, XIII, iv, 2, and above. 

1 According to K. P. Jayaswal (History of India, p. 182), " The Pallavas were a 
branch of the Vaka$akas." The theory however is obviously untenable, as the 
former are known to lave 'belonged to the Bharadvaja gotra, while the latter belonged 
to the Vignuvrddha gotra. 

1 The Purdnio genealogy of the Pallavae, based on the name of their &atrar?t t 
does not appear to have been imitated. See Fleet, Bomb. Gaz. t I, li. p. 312, note ; 


Panini (IV. i. 117) seems to say that the Sungas 
belonged to the Bbaradvaja gotra. From the Puranas we 
know that the Sungas succeeded the Mauryas on the 
throne of Magadha, and the Malavikagnimitra informs us 
that a secondary capital of the Sungas was at Vidi^a (mod. 
Besnagar near Bhilsa in the Jubbalpure district).. Is it alto- 
gether impossible that the Pallavas really were a branch of 
the Sungas of Vidi&i, who gradually pushed to the south, took 
services under the Satavahanas and eventually carved out 
a principality in the Kanci region ? 1 Whatever the value 
of this suggestion may be, the fact that the Pallavas never 
try to connect themselves with the solar and lunar dynas- 
ties, famous in Indian legends, at least seems to show that 
they belonged originally to a Brahmana family of Northern 
India. If a Brahmana family rises to royal dignity, it 
cannot quite naturally look back for past glory to the Surya 
and Candra vamas which were Ksatriya dynasties. They 
can however claim connection with Bharadvaja Drona, the 
great epic king of Northern Paiicala, who was a Brahmana 
by birth, but took the profession of the Ksatriyas. Cf. 
the case of the Sena kings of Bengal, who refer to them- 
selves in their inscriptions as Brahma-ksatriya. 

" The Puranic genealogy of the RasbfrakuUs mukes its first appearance in the 
Sfcngll grant (Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 247). The pretended historical genealogy of 
the Western Gangas may have been concocted a little earlier, but was more probably 
devised about A. D. 950 (Ep. Ind., Vol. Ill, p. 162) The Cola Puranic genealogy is 
apparently first met with in the Kaltngattu-Parant (Ind. Ant , Vol XIX, p. 329) 
which was composed in thej-eign of the Eastern Calukya king Kulottunga Choladeva 
I, A.D. 1063-1112. And the Puranic genealogy of the Eastern Gangas of Kalinga- 
nagara is first presented in a record of A.D. 1118-19 (Id., Vol XVIII, p. 165). The 

Puranic genealogy of the Pallavas is the earliest such pedigree that has as yet 

come to light. And possibly the discovery of it in some ancient record set the later 
fashion which became so general.*' 

1 It may be noted that the early Gangas clai ned to have belonged to the 
Kanvayana gotra. Thus they claim connection with the famous Knnvlyana royal line 
that succeeded the Sungas. We however do not know whether the claim could be 
an imitation, nor do we know whether the family-name Gang a has anything to do 
with the famous North Indian river called Ganga. 


But, how did the Pallavas occupy the Kancl region 
which was once under the Nagas? This question is diffi- 
cult to answer, as we know nothing definitely about the 
Pallava kings who ruled before Sivaskandavarman, or his 
father whose name is as yet unknown. 1 Indeed, later 
Pallava inscriptions, such as the Kasakudi plates of Nandi- 
varma-Pallavamalla (S. Ind. Ins., II, p. 34*2), the Velu- 
ralaiyam plates of Nandivarman III (ibid, p. 508) and 
the Vayalur pillar inscription of Rajasimha (Ep. Ind., 
XVIII, p. 150), have mentioned the names of some early 
Pallava kings otherwise unknown and have traced the 
Pallava pedigree from Lord Brahman, through his descen- 
dants, Angiras, Brhaspati, Samyu, Bharadvaja, Drona, 
A^vattharnan, Pallava and Asoka (or Asokavarman). There 
can be no question about the unhistoricity of this part of 
the genealogy. It is obviously fabricated on the basis of 
the name of the gotrarsi of the Pallava family. We know 
that the Pallavas belonged to the Bharadvaja gotra which 
has the pravaras, Bharadvaja, Angirasa and Barhaspatya. 
Pallava is evidently the eponym, while Asokavarman " can 
scarcely be considered a historical person, but appears to be a 
modification of the ancient Maurya king Asoka." 

It must be noted that the order and form of names 
mentioned after Asokavarman in the traditional part of the 
Pallava genealogy are not uniform in the different inscrip- 
tions. Hultzsch therefore remarked on this part of the 
Kasakudi grant (S. Ind. Ins., II, p. 343), " It must 
rather be concluded that, at the time of Nandivarman, 
nothing was known of the predecessors of Simhavishnu 
but the names of some of them, and that the order of their 

1 According to Sewell (List, p. 17), " Bappa," i. e. , the father of Sivaskanda- 
varman, was a name assumed by Jayavannan of the Kondamudi grant. This 
thtory is untenable in view of the fact that Jayavanuan belonged to the 
Bjrhatphaliyana gobra, but the Pallavas are known to have belonged to the Bharadvaja 
goira. See my note in Journ. Andhra Hist. Res. Soc. t VIII, p. 105 ; and aboca, p. 41. 


succession and their relation to each other and to the sub- 
sequent line of Simhavishnu, were then entirely forgotten." 
This part of the Pallava genealogy may be compared with 
the mythical genealogy of the Calukyas about which Fleet 
says, " For the above account (scil. Calukya genealogy 
before Pulike&n I), a certain amount of foundation may be 
derived from the fact that from the time of Pulike^in II 
onwards, the Western Chalukyas were constantly at war 
with the Pallavas, who were their most powerful and invete- 
rate foes, coupled with a tradition of the later Kadambas that 
the founder of the Kadamba family was a certain Trinetra 
or Trilochana. But in other respects, the account is a 
farrago of vague legends and Puranic myths of no autho- 
rity " (Bomb. Gaz., I, ii. pp. 341-42). It is therefore diffi- 
cult to believe that the traditional portion of the Pallava 
genealogy is much useful for the purpose of authentic 
history. Nevertheless it is tempting to make a few sugges- 

(t) Verse 6 of the Valurpalaiyam inscription says that 
Virakurca, son of Cutapallava, obtained the insignia of 
royalty along with the hand of a Naga princess (c/. 
phanlndra-sutaya sah=agranld = raja-cihnam = akhilam). We 
have seen above that the Nagas were ruling over the Kafici 
region before the rise of the Pallavas in that locality ; it 
is therefore not impossible that Virakurca married the 
heiress of the last Naga king of Malanga and thus became 
the first Pallava king of the district round Kafici. 1 Some 
very late inscriptions (of about the llth century) mention a 
king named Trilocana as the earliest illustrious ancestor of 

1 Many scholars think that the Cufu-Satakarnis of KunUla were Nagas and that 
the father-in-law of Pallava Virakurca belonged to the family of these Cu$u-Nagas. 
Since we have tried to prove Naga occupation of the Kafici region just before the rise 
of the Pallavas, the above suggestion seems to be more plausible. Jayaswal 
(op. ctt., p. 189) is inclined to identify the Naga relations of the Pallavas with 
the Bhara&vas (possibly Nagas) of Central India. His arguments however are not 


the Pallavas. He is also called Trinetra, Trinayana, 
Mukkanti-Pallava and Mnkkanti-Kaduvetti (Butterworth, 
Nellore Inscriptions, I, p. 389, II, p. G71 ; cf. Ep. 
Ind., XI, p. 349). He is described as having, like Siva, a 
third eye on the forehead and is believed by some scholars to 
have been a historical person who was the founder of the 
Telugu-Pallavas and who ruled over some part of the Telugu 
country ((An. Rep. S. Ind. Ep., 1916, p. 138 ; lyenger, 
History of the Tamils, pp. 364, 384). The historicity of this 
Trilocana-Pallava is impossible in view of the facts that a 
similar Trilocana is said to have been the progenitor of the 
Kadarnbas in some Kadamba inscriptions of about the same 
period (Ep. Carn., VII, Sk. 236) and that all early 
Pallava records deny the possibility of the existence of any 
.such early king named Trilocana-Pnllava. Many scholars 
have now discarded this Trilocana as purely mythical. 
"The name Trilocana seems to have passed from the 
Kadamba inscriptions of the west to the Pallava inscriptions 
of the east" (Moraes, Kadamba-kula, p. 8, note). 

(ii) The name of the father of Virakurca who was 
possibly the first king of the family was Cuta-Pallava. May 
Pallava, the name of the dynasty, have anything to do with 
the second syllable of the name of the first Pallava king's 
father? 1 

1 Is the name Cuta-pallava (lit. twig of the mango tree) eponymioal like the 
came Pallava? I have elsewhere suggested (Ind. CM ft., IV, p. 118 ff; also below) 
that the names Kadamba and Pallava are possibly of totemistio origin. Tree 
names, like Kadamba, of tribes and families, many of vthich are totemistio, ate 
quite common in India. When, on the other hand, we find that a sept of the Mundas 
is called Chirko i.e., mushroom (Riaely, Tribes and Castes of Bengal, II, 1892, 
p 108) and another is called Sewar, i ., moss (p. 108) and that a totemistic section 
of the Bautifts is called Kharia, i.e., blade of grass (p. 123), the possibility of 
Pallava, t.c., twig, having originally a toteinietio significance in connection with 
the Pallavas may not appear altogether impossible. ftiseley (p. 47) mentions 
Pallab as a subcaste of the Goftl&s of Bengal. This is evidently a corruption of the 
vallabha meaning " cow- herd/' 


(Hi) A successor of Virakurca was Skanda&sya who 
came into conflict with a king named Satyasena (verse?). 
Was this Satyasena in any way connected with the 
Palakkaka Ugrasena of the Allahabad pillar inscription, who 
possibly ruled at Palakkada (sometimes a seat of Pallava 
government) in the Nellore region? 

(iv) Another successor of Virakurca was Kumaravisnu 
(verse 8) who is credited with the seizure of Karici (grlrita- 
kancmagara). Does it mean that the Pallavas first ruled at 
Malanga, the Naga capital, which possibly lay somewhere 
to the north of Kane! and that Kumaravisnu was the first 
Pallava king to have his capital at Kanci? Had the Colas, 
then, become again master of their country and occupied the 
Naga territory as far as the city of Kafici? The mention of 
Kumaravisnu and Buddhavarman together, however, makes 
it very probable that this Kumaravisnu is to be identified 
with Kumaravisnu I of the Chendalur grant. 1 

(v) A successor of Kumaravisnu was Buddhavarman, 
who, is called submarine fire to the sea that was the Cola 
army (cola-sainy-arnava-vadav-agni). Does it signify the 
continuation of the war with the Colas, which we have 
supposed to have begun in the reign of Kumaravisnu? 

1 If this i lentification be accepted, the other suggestion is improbable. Kafici 
became I' e capital of the Pallavas bng before the time of Eumarsvi^u I. In that 
case grhUa-k&flcinagara would possibly mean recovering Kaflcl from the temporary 
occupation of the Colas. 



The Mayidavolu and Hirahadagalli grants of Sivaskanda- 
varman and the British Museum grant dated in the reign of 
king wjaya-Skandavarman are the earliest available records 
of the Pallavas. They are written in Prakrit, while the 
later epigraphs of the early Pallavas are in Sanskrit. We 
have already noticed that there is a controversy over the 
date of these records and, therefore, of the Pallava rulers 
named Sivaskandavarman and Skandavarman to whom they 
belong. Fleet thought that these kings should be placed 
after the Pallava king Visnugopa mentioned in the Allaha- 
bad pillar inscription (Bomb. Gaz., I, ii, p. 319). Accord- 
ing to this scholar therefore the two Pallava kings reigned 
about the last quarter of the 4th century A.D. Prof. 
Durbeuil Cine. His. Dec., p. 70), on the other hand, 
assigns Sivaskandavannan, whom he identifies with vijaya- 
Skandavarman, to about A.D. 250-75, i.e., about the 
third quarter of the third century. It is now generally 
believed that the king or kings mentioned in the Prakrit 
grants of the Pallavas ruled before the time of Visnugopa, 
ruler of KancI, mentioned in the Allahabad pillar inscrip- 
tion (Krishnasastri, Ep. Ind., XV, p. 243; Jayaswal, 
History of India, p. 181). Here I am going to show that 
Sivaskandavarman probably reigned in the first quarter 
of the 4th century and that vijaya- Skandavarman of 
the British Museum grant was possibly a different king 
who seems to have reigned a little later than Sivaskanda- 

Ptolemy who wrote his geography about A.D. 140, 
mentions (VII, i, 63 and 82) Tiastenes (=Ca?tana), 

1 My !paper on the date of Fallava Sivaskandavarman was first published in 
Journ. Ind. Hwt., XIII, p. 792 ff.; the question was previously discussed in my 
paper, Date of 9alahkay<tna Dwavannato, in Ind. Cult., I, p. 498 f . 



ruler of Ozene (Uj jay ini), and Siriptolemaios (=siri-Pulu- 
mayi or mavi) , ruler of Baithdna (Paithan in the Aurangabad 
district), as his contemporaries. The Andau inscriptions, 
issued in the joint-reign of Gastana and his grandson 
RudradSman, are dated in the year 52 which must be 
referred to the Saka era and would correspond to A.D. 130 
(R'lychaudhuri, Pol Hist. Anc. Ind., 2nd ed., p 307 ff). 
Cabana's contemporary Pulumavi who has been identified 
with Vasisthipulra grl-Pulumavi, son of Gautamiputra 
Satakarni (ibid, p. 313), must also have ruled about the 
same time. 

According to the Matsya Parana, which is the only 
work that gives a fuller list of the Satavahana kings and 
seems therefore to be more authentic as regards Satavahana 
chronology than the other Puranas, the following Satavahana 
kings ruled after Vasisthiputra Pulumavi (see Rapson, 
Catalogue, p. Ixvii) : 


Siva^ri [Satakarni] 

... 7 years. 


Sivaskanda Satakarni 

... 7 years. 


Yajna&I Satakarni 

... 29 years. 1 



... 6 years. 


Candasri [Satakarni] 

... 10 years. 2 

59 years. 



... 7 years. 8 

66 years. 

1 The real name of this king is Yajfta (not YajftasrI) 3&tikarni (see my note in 
J.R.A.S., July, 1934, p 580). He iscahed tiri-Yafia-Stoakani In inscriptions and 
coins, and sin is no donbt an honorific. The Chinna inscription is dated in his twenty- 
seventh year (Ep. Ind. t I, p. 95). The Puranic tradition ascribing a reign-period of 
twenty-nine years to him therefore seems to be true. 

* The real name of the Puranic Ca^asr! appears to have been Oan4a (or Candra) 
fittakarni. He is never called Oandrasrl or Ca^rasrT in inscriptions and coins. 

The Myakadoni inscription (Ep. Ind., XTV, p. 103) of Pnlmnavi is dated in 
his eighth regnal year. He therefore appears to have rulec| for more than 
seven years. 


The only inscription of Puloma or Pulumavi, the last 
king of the list, has been discovered at Myakadoni in the 
Bellary district (Ep. Ind., XIV, p. 153). We therefore 
cannot be definite as regards his rule over AndhradeSa 
proper. But the Amaravati inscriptions of Vasithlputra 
Pulumavi and Sivamaka Sada ( = Sivaskanda Satakarni?), 
the Chinna (Kistna district) inscription of Yajna Satakarni 
and the Kodavali (Godavari district) inscription of Cada Sata 
or Sati (Canda&I or Candra6ri Satakarni) leave no doubt that 
at least the Satavahana kings of the list, who ruled before 
Pulumavi of the Myakadoni grant, were rulers of the Andhra 
country (Arch. Surv. 8. Ind., Vol. I, pp. 61 and 100; Ep. 
Ind., I, p. 95; XVIII, p. 316). As Vasisthiputra Pulumavi, 
son of Gautamlputra Satakarni, is known to have ruled in 
the second quarter of the second century, it appears that 
the Andhra country was under the Satavahana yoke at 
least up to the beginning of the third century A.D. 

According to Krishnasastri (Ep. Ind., XVIII, p. 318) 
the second year of Cada Sati is equivalent to A.D. 210. We 
may therefore arrange approximately the chronology of the 
above kings as follows : 

1. Sivasri Satakarni ... circa A.D. 160-166. 

2. Sivaskanda Satakarni ... circa A.D. 167-173. 

3. Yajna(sri) Satakarni ... circa A.D. 174-202. 

4. Vijaya ... circa A.D. 203-208. 

5. Canda(M) Satakarni ... circa A.D. 209-218. 

According to the Matsya Purana, Vasis^hiputra Pulu- 
mavi ruled for twenty-eight years. He therefore seems to 
have ruled from about A.D. 132 to 159. 1 This date, 

1 From a different point of view, Rapaon baa also come to prac'ically the 
am a conclusion. The last known date of Nahapana, the records of whose reign, 
according t? many scholars, are dated in the Saka era, is Saka 46=-124 A.D. ; 
his reigo could not have extended much beyond that date. Gantamiputra Satakarni's 
success over Nahapaoa almost certainly tcok place in the eighteenth year of his 
reign (c/. Nasik Ins. ; Ep. Ind., VJI1, p. 71 ; Karle Ins.; tbtd, VII, p. 64). The 


though approximate, corroborates the fact that Vasisthiputra 
6r!-Pulumavi was a contemporary of the Greek geographer 
Ptolemy who wrote his book about 140 A.D., and of the Saka 
ruler Castana who is known to have reigned in A.D. 130. 

The Iksvakus who succeeded the Satavahanas in the rule 
of the Kistna-Guntur region (i.e., the Andhra country) 1 must 
therefore have risen to prominence not before the time of 
Canda (M) Satakarni. The sovereignty of the Iksvakus over 
Andhrade^a thus appears to have begun from about the 
end of the first quarter of the third century A.D. Vasisthi- 
putra Camtamula I, the first known Iksvaku king, should be 
placed after the time of Canda(sri). He could not have been 
a feudatory of the Satavahanas, as he is said to be a performer 
of the Asvamedha and Vajapeya sacrifices. We have already 
seen that according to the $atapatha-Brahmana(V, 1. 1. 13) , 2 
the performance of the Vajapeya bestows on the performer a 
superior kind of kingship called samrajya, while Kieth has 
rightly pointed out that the Asvamedha "is an old and 
famous rite, which kings alone can bring to increase their 
realms " (Rel. Phil. Ved. Upanis., p. 343). It is perfectly 
clear from statements contained in the Baudhayana-Srauta- 
sutra (XV, 1), Apastamba-Srautasutra (XX, i, 1, quoted in 

eighteenth year of Gautamlputra, is therefore A.D. 124 or 124 + x. Gautamlputra 
6atakarni thus seems to have ascended the throne in A.D 106 or 106 + x. The latest 
macriptional date of this king is year 24, which would correspond to A.D. 130 or 
180 + x. His son Vasisthiputra Puluuiavi appears to have lost much of his 
territories to the $aka ruler Rudridaamn before Pnlumavi'a 10th regnal year "and 
before Saka 52 (A.D. 150), which is the date of Rudrad&man's Junagadh inscription. 
According to Eapson therefore the accession of Vasiathiputra Pulumavi took place in 
about A.D. (15019 = ) 131. See Kapson, op. cit. t pp. xxvi-ii, xxx, xxxvi-viii. 
The chronology we have proposed here would place Vfisisf/hTputra Pulumavi approxi- 
mately in A.D. 132-159 and Gautamiputra Satakanji, who seems to have ruled for 
about 24 years, in A.D. 107-131. 

1 The Iksvftkn records have been discovered at Jaggayyapeta in the Nandigram- 
taluka of the Eistna district (Ind. Ant., XI, p. 257) an<l at Nagarjunikonda in the 
Palnad taluka of the Guntur district (Ep. Ind., XX, p. 1 ff. ; XXI, p. 61 ff ). 

8 Cf. ra/3 t>at r3/0*fiyen = e$i3a bhavati, samrwj vajapeyen dvarartilii rajyatfi 
p*r*ip tamrajyaifi kamayeta vai raja sarfirad = bliaviturii t etc. 


tiabdakalpadruma-Paritista, s. v.) and the Taittiriya-Brahmana 
(III, viii, 9, 4 ; V, iv, 12, 3) that a feudatory ruler could 
never perform the Agvamedha sacrifice. 1 The Horse-sacrifice 
celebrated by Camtamula I, therefore, appears to suggest his 
success against his Satavahana overlords. 

We do not know for how many years the Iksvaku king 
Vasisthiputra Camtamula I ruled over the Andhra country. 
It is however known from the Jaggayyapeta records that 
his son, Virapurisadata, reigned at least up to his twentieth 
year, while according to the Kottampalugu record, Ehuvula 
Camtamula II, successor of Virapurisadata and the last 
known king of the dynasty, ruled at least up to his eleventh 
year. It is therefore reasonable to suppose that these three 
Iksvaku kings together ruled for about more than half a cen- 
tury. The end of the reign of Camtamula II thus appears to 
have fallen in the fourth quarter of the third century A.D. 

According to the evidence of the Mayidavolu grant, dated 
in the reign of Sivaskandavarman's father, Andhrapatha 
(i.e., the Andhra country) with its headquarters at Dhamfia- 
kada (Dhanyakataka) passed from the Iksvakus to the 
possession of the Pallavas. Pallava Sivaskandavarman, who 
was like Cfimtamula I a performer of the great Vajapeya 
and A^vamedha sacrifices, 2 was preceded in the suzerainty 
of Andhrapatha at least by his father who must have 
ruled the country after Ehuvula Camtamula II. Sivaska- 
ndavarman therefore can hardly be placed earlier than 
A.D. 300. His title [Dharma-] Maharajadhirdja, which, in 
North India, the Guptas imitated from the Kusanas at the 
beginning of the fourth century also points to this direction. 
This view, moreover, can be confirmed by an altogether 
different line of argument. 

J See Kieth, Black Yajtts t pp. cxxii-iv; and my notes in Ind.CuU,l, p. 311, 
II, p. 7ft9, III, p. 876, IV, p. 272. See moreover the Appendix where in the whole 
question has been discussed. 

* The Advtinedha performed by Sivaskandavarman seems to suggest, his success 
against the Iksv&kns and othtr neighbouring poweri. 


There is some linguistic difference between the grants 
of Sivaskandavarraan and the records of the Iksvaku kings. 
Like the Satavahana grants and other early Prakrit inscrip- 
tions, the Iksvaku records (excepting a record of the last known 
King; Ep. Ind., XXI, p. 62) express compound-consonants 
by single letters. The Mayidavolu and Hirahadagalli grants 
of Sivaskandavarman, on the other hand, express them, in 
many cases, by two letters. Though the grants of Siva- 
skandavarman are in Prakrit, the legend on the seals of 
both the grants are written in Sanskrit. The Hirahadagalli 
grant, moreover, ends in a mangold which is also written 
in Sanskrit. This linguistic difference between the 
epigraphs of the known Iksvaku kings and those of Siva- 
skandavarman (one of whose grants is dated in the reign 
of his father) clearly points to the fact that there was an 
interval between the reign of the former and that of the 
latter Consequently, Sivaskandavarman could not have 
ruled much earlier than the beginning of the fourth century 
A.D. He cannot however be placed later than Kanceyaka 
Visnugopa who came into conflict with Samudragupta about 
the middle of that century. We have shown that Pallava 
Sivaskandavarman ruled earlier than Salaiikayana Deva- 
varman who was a predecessor of Salankayana Hastivarman, 
the Vaingeyaka contemporary of Samudragupta (see above, 
Ind. Cult., I, p. 493 If.; also Ind. Hist. Quart., IX, p. 212 
and Journ. Ind. Hist., XIII, p. 37). He therefore appears 
to have reigned about the first quarter of the fourth century. 
We have already shown that the word vijaya, in names 
like t?ijaj/a-Skandavarman, is not an integral part of 
the name, but is a simple honorific, 1 The name of the 
Pallava king mentioned in the British Museum grant there- 
fore is Skandavarmani. Some scholars think that the word 

in the name of $i0a-skandavarman, is also an honorific 

1 Ind. Hist. Quart., IX, p. 208 ; also above. 


like vijaya in ihe other names and that the Pallava prince 
&'t?a-Skandavarman of the Mayidavolu and Hirahadagalli 
grants is identical with king in;at/a-Skandavarman of the 
British Museum grant. The absence of any king named 
Sivaskandavarman and the existence of many Skandavarmans 
in the traditional list of early Pallava kings, and also the 
use of the word iva, in the Kadamba inscriptions, as an 
honorific in names like tnjaya-&t;a-MandhatTvarman, vijaya- 
.<it?a-Mrge3avarinan and t?^aj/a-^t;a-Krsnavarman (II), may 
be taken as proofs in support of this theory. It must 
however be noticed that there is not even a single instance 
where the word Siva is singly used as an honorific. It may 
be argued that Siva in the names of Sivaskandanagasri of 
the Banavasi inscription (Haiders, List, No. 1124) and 
Sivaskandavarman of the Malavalli inscription (ibid, No. 
1196) is only an honorific compounded with the names. 
These persons belonged to royal families. But Siva- 
skandagupta is the name of an ordinary person in 
the Karle inscription No. 19 (ibid, No. 1105) and Sivas- 
kandila (Sivaskandanaga?) is that of an ordinary officer in 
a Nasik inscription of Pulumavi (ibid, No. 1L24). Since 
honorifics are not known to have been used by ordinary 
persons, it is clear that Sivaskandavarman was certainly 
not an improper name in ancient India. The name of 
Sivaskanda Satakarni in the Puranic list of the Andhra 
(Satavahana) kings, where no other king's name is mentioned 
with an honorific, is also in support of this suggestion. 
The name of the Brahmana Bhavaskandatrata in the 
Chendalur grant is also to be noticed in ihis connection. 
Since the traditional list of early Pallava kings is of very 
doubtful authority, we can hardly make out anything from 
the non-mention of Sivaskandavarman in it. The identi- 
fication of Sivaskandavarman of the Mayidavolu and 
Hirahadagalli grants with Skandavarman of the British 
Museum grant is therefore extremely doubtful. 


As the British Museum grant is also written in Prakrit 
a linguistic consideration may be useful in ascertaining its 
date. This grant expresses double-consonants, in all 
cases, by more than one letter, and generally follows the 
spelling accepted in literary Prakrit. It has moreover the 
usual imprecatory verses in Sanskrit. There can therefore 
be hardly any doubt that the British Museum grant is 
later than the grants of Sivaskandavarman. Skandavarman 
seems to have been a successor of Sivaskandavarman. 

Such linguistic considerations have led us to believe 
that the Pallava kings of the Prakrit records, Salankayana 
Devavarman of the Ellore grant, Kadamba MayuraSarman 
of the Chandravalli inscription (Mys. Arc. Surv. 9 A. R., 
1929, p. 50), the Kadamba king of the Malavalli record 
(Ep. Cam., VII, Sk., No. 2G4), Vinhukadda Satakarni of 
another Malavalli record (ibid, No. 203) l and Brhatphala- 
yana Jayavarman of the Kondamudi grant 2 may all be 
placed roughly between about the beginning and the 
middle of the fourth century. 

1 Linguistic consideration seems to suggest that the Banavaai inscription (Ind. 
Ant., XIV, p. 881) belonged to an earlier Viijunkada Sfttakarni. 

3 The difference in palaeography between the Kondamudi plates and the seal 
attached to them may be taken to suggest that Jayavarman ruled a little earlier than 
the time suggested by the linguistic standard of the Kondamudi grant. But as has 
already been noticed, the legend on the seal which is in Sanskrit cannot be much 
earlier than 300 A.D. 



Some Sanskrit records of the Early Pallavas have been 
found in the Nellore and Guntur districts, which at one 
time formed the Northern part of the kingdom of Kanci. 
The Pallava genealogy constructed from these records cannot 
be quite easily and satisfactorily assimilated into the 
traditional list of early Pallava kings found in later records. 
The Pallava kings mentioned in these northern inscriptions, 
moreover, can scarcely be identified without difficulty 
with the Pallava princes mentioned in the inscriptions of 
the rulers of Kanci. Whether they ruled over Kanci proper 
is also not definitely known. It is therefore convenient to 
discuss the Early Pallavas of the northern records separately. 

The Omgodu grant, No. 1 (#p./nd.,XV,p. 246), issued 
from the sthana or city of Tambrapa in the 33rd year of 
king Skandavarman, furnishes us with the following list of 
kings : 

1. Maharaja Kumaravisnu; his son 

2. Maharaja Skandavarman (I); his son 

3. Viravarman; his son 

4. Maharaja M-injaj/a-Skandavarman (II). 

Next we come to the Uruvupalli grant (Ind. Ant., V, p, 
50) of prince Visnugopavarman, issued from the sthana of 
Palakkada, in the llth year of Maharaja Simhavarman. 
Here we get the following names : 

1. Maharaja Skandavarman (I); his son 

2. Maharaja Viravarman; his son 

3. Maharaja Skandavarman (II) ; his son 

4. Yuvamaharaja Visnugopavarman. 


There can be no doubt that prince Visnugopavarman, 
issuer of the Uruvupalli grant, was the son of king Skanda- 
varman II who issued the Omgodu grant No. 1. There is 
however difference of opinion as regards the identification of 
king Simhavarman in whose reign the grant of the prince 
was issued. According to Fleet, Maharaja Simhavarman 
was possibly an elder brother of the Yuvamaharaja Visnu- 
gopa. According to Hultzsch however king Simhavarman 
of the Uruvupalli grant is the same as Visnugopa's son 
Simhavarman who issued the Omgodu (No. 2), Pikira and 
Mangalur grants. " The term Yuvaraja or Yuvamaharaja 
which is prefixed to Vishnugopa not only in bis % Uruvupalli 
grant, but in 'the two grants of his son Simhavarman, sug- 
gests that he never ascended the throne, but that the succes- 
sion passed from his father Skandavarman II to his son 
Simhavarman. The reason of this need not have been pre- 
mature death. If it is assumed that Vishnugopa declined to 
take up the reins of government or was prevented from 
doing so by some other reason unknown he may well have 
been alive during the reign of his son Simhavarman to whose 
eleventh year I would assign laghavat as an Indian philo- 
sopher will say the Uruvupalli grant " (Ep. Ind., VIII, 
pp. 160-61). 

Three inscriptions of Visnugopa's son Simhavarman have 
as yet been discovered. They are the Omgodu (No. 2) grant 
issued in his fourth year from a vijaya-skandhavara (Ep. 
Ind., XV, 246), the Pikira grant issued in his fifth year 
from the vijaya-skandhavdra of Mernatura-vasaka (ibid, 
VIII, p. 159 ff.) and the Mangalur grant issued in his 
eighth year from Dasanapura (Ind. Ant., V, p. 154). They 
give us the following genealogical list : 

1. Maharaja Viravarman; his son 

2, Maharaja Skandavarman (II) ; his son 


3, Yuvamaharaja Visnugopa; his son 

4. Dharma-maharaja 1 Simhavarman. 

Next we come to the fragmentary Darsi record (Ep. Ind., 
I, p. 397). The only information we get from this inscrip- 
tion is that it was issued from the adhi$thana (city or capital) 
of Dasanapura by the great-grandson of a Pal lava king named 
Virakorcavarman. The form virakorca (cf. Virakftrcavarman 
of later grants) shows considerable Prakrit influence which 
proves that the grant belongs to the period immediately 
following the age of the Prakrit grants. We have already 
noticed that the Prakrit records of the Pallavas are not 
written in the early inscriptional Prakrit and that they have 
in them passages and verses couched in Sanskrit. It must 
also be noticed that the Omgodu grant (No. 1) of king 
Skandavarman II is dated in his 33rd regnal year, on the 
13th tiihi of the third fortnight of Hemanta. This is an old 
form of dating used in almost all Prakrit inscriptions. Like 
the Darsi grant, therefore, the Omgodu grant (No. 1) also 
seems to have belonged to the same period, i. e., the early 
Sanskrit period. Sanskrit grants showing considerable 
Prakrit influence appear to me not much later than the 
beginning of the fifth century A.D. They may be roughly 
placed between the middle of the fourth and the beginning 
of the fifth century. 2 

1 Other South Indian kings (e.g., the Kadamba kings MrgeSavarman and Ravi- 
rar man) also used the title DharmamaharSja. According to Fleet (Bomb. Gas., I, ij, 
p. 288, note 5), the title means " a Maharaja by, or in respect of, religion," and may 
be rendered by " a pious or riteous Maharaja " ; but what it actually denotes is " a 
MahSrftja who, at the particular time of the record, was engaged in an act of religion 
(dhanna)." Some kings are called Dharmamabara jadhiraja ; cf. Pallava Sivaslcan- 
davarman ; the Kadamba king of the Malavalli record ; Ganga Nltimarga-Konguni- 
Yarma-Permana<Ji and his successors (op. cit., p. 303, note 3). The epithet Dharma- 
maharaja, as Prof. Raychaudhuri suggests to me, seems to have been connected with 
the peculiar boast of these kings to be kaliyuga-do?-avasanna-dharrn-oddhaTona-mti/6- 

1 For dates expressed in the old fashion in the Visnukun<}in records, Me above ; 
and for the two Kadamba grants, see below. 


It is possible that the great-grandson of Virakocavarman, 
who issued the Darsi grant, was a predecessor of king 
Skandavarman II. Consequently, Virakocavarman, 
great-grandfather of the issuer of the Darsi grant, was 
probably a predecessor of Kumaravisnu, great-grandfather of 
the issuer of the Omgodu grant (No. 1). 

We have now to consider the seventh and last of the 
Sanskrit grants so far discovered in the Nellore-Guntur 
region. It is the Narasaraopet record (commonly called the 
Chura grant), issued from the camp at Palotkata( = Palakkada) 
during the reign of vijai/a-Visnugopavarman (II), son of 
Simhavarman, grandson of Maharaja Visnugopavarman (I) 
and great-grandson of Kandavarman (i.e., Skandavarman). 
See An. Rep. S. Ind. Ep., 1914, pp. 10 and 82. The grant 
is not dated; its language is Sanskrit and the alphabet used 
is Telugu. It registers the king's grant of the village of 
Cura in the Karmarastra to a Brahmana named Casami bar- 
man who belonged to the Kasyapa gotra and was an inhabi- 
tant of Kundur. 1 

The fact that the first three names of the Narasaraopet 
list, tM2.,(l) Kandavarman (i.e., Skandavarman), (2) Vinu- 
gopavarman (I) and (3) Simhavarman, are found exactly 
in the same order in the Omgodu (No. 2), Pikira and 
Mangalur grants of Simhavarman makes it almost certain 
that Vi^nugopavarman II of the Narasaraopet grant was a son 
and successor of the issuer of the above three grants. Two 
points however have been advanced (ibid, 82) against the 
possibility of this identification. First, it has been said 
that the characters in which the Narasaraopet record is en- 
graved are comparatively more modern than those used in the 
grants, of Simhavarman. Secondly, it is argued that in the 
Uruvupalli, Omgodu (No. 2), Pikira and Mangalur grants, 

The same as the native Tillage of divaSarmao, recipient of the Polamuru grant 
nukuitfin M&dhavavarman 1; see Ind. Hist. Quart. , IX, p.969, and above. 


the son of Skandavarman and father of Simhavarman has 
been mentioned as a Yuvaraja or Yuvamaharaja, while in the 
Narasaraopet grant Visnugopavarman I is called a Maharaja. 
It has therefore been observed that Visnugopavarman II of 
the Narasaraopet grant " must be a later king and very 
probably one of the missing group immediately preceding 
the line of Simhavarman and Simhavishnu whose] history 
is pretty certain" (loc. cit.). The grant has been assigned 
to the beginning of the 7th century A,D. 

In connection with the first point however we should 
notice the fact that the characters used in the Omgodu 
grant (No. 2) of Simhavarman, son of Visnugopavarman (I), 
are remarkably similar to those of the Narasaraopet grant 
of Visnugopavarraan II. Krishnasastri . therefore thought 
that the Omgodu grant (No. 2) " must have been a copy of 
a grant of the 5th-6th century A. D., put into writing in 
the seventh century, though no direct evidence, external 
or internal, is to be found on this point from the wording 
of the grant itself. The numerous mistakes made by the 
engraver may possibly point to this conclusion" (Ep. Ind., 
XV, p. 252). If the Omgodu grant (No. 2) is believed to 
have been an early record copied about the beginning of the 
7th century A.D., what is the objection if we think that the 
Narasaraopet grant was also an early inscription likewise 
copied about the same time ? 

As for the second point, it may be said that the epithet 
Maharaja applied to Visnugopavarman I in the Narasaraopet 
grant, which should properly be Yuvamaharaja, may be a 
mistake due to the engraver's inattention. The possibility 
of such a mistake becomes greater, if we believe that the 
Narasaraopet record is an early gn 
the Omgodu grant No. 2, abou 
7th century A.D. 

From the seven Sanskrit cc 
the following genealogical list of 


be prepared : 

1. Maharaja Virakorcavarman (Darsi grant); his 
successor (?) 

2. Maharaja Kumaravisnu; his son 

3. Maharaja Skandavarman (I); his son 

4. Maharaja Viravarman; his son 

5. Maharaja Skandavarman (II) ; issued the Omgodu 
grant No. 1 in his 33rd year; his son 

SA. Maharaja Simhavarman (I ?); he is according to 
Fleet the Pallava king referred to in the Uruvupalli grant; 
his existence however is doubtful; 

SB. Yuvamaharaja Vinugopavarman (I); issued the 
Uruvupalli grant; did not rule as Maharaja; seems to have 
been wrongly called Maharaja in the Narasaraopet grant; his 

6. Maharaja Simhavarman (II?); issued the Omgodu 
No. 2, Pikira and Mangalur grants respectively in his 4th, 
5th and 8th years; his son 

7. Maharaja Vinugopavarman (II); issued the Nara- 
saraopet grant. 



We do not know whether the Pallava kings discussed 
in the last section ruled over the whole of the kingdom of 
Kafici. It is however probable that some one of the princes 
of the Pallava house of Kafici, who was originally made a 
viceroy of the northern part of the Pallava kingdom by the 
king of Kaflci, carved out a separate principality in that part 
independent of his overlord. If this .suggestion is to be 
believed, the kings of the main line of the Pallavas appear 
to have been ruling at Kafici side by side with the branch 
line that was ruling in the Northern part of the old KSficI 
kingdom. Here we shall try to see what we know about 
the history of Kafici after the time of the Pallava kings of 
the Prakrit grants. 

We have seen that Kaflci was under a Pallava king 
about the fourth quarter of the third century A.D. That 
king was succeeded by his son Sivaskandavarman who 
ruled about the first quarter of the fourth century A. D. 
He may have been succeeded by a king named Skandavarman. 
In the British Museum grant of the time of Skandavarman, 
there is mention of the Pallava Yuvamaharaja Buddhavarman 
and of the YuvamahSraja's son whose name has been 
doubtfully read as Buddhyankura. It is not known whether 
this king ruled at Kaflci and whether the crown-prince 
Buddhavarman and his son ever ascended the throne. 

In an attempt to fix the date of the Early Pallava kings 
of Kafici, we are fortunate to have at least three points 
whereon we can stand with confidence. 


(i) The first of these points is supplied by the Jain 
work,, Lokavibhaga (Mys. Arch. Surv. L A.R., 1909 & 1910), 
where the precise date of the completion of the work is 
given as the 22nd year of Simhavarman, lord of the 
Pallavas, and as 80 beyond 300 years of the Saka era. The 
22nd year of a Pallava king named Simhavarman therefore 
comes to be equivalent to Saka 380, i.e., A.D. 458. Accord- 
ing to S. Jha the date given in the Lokavibhaga corres- 
ponds to the 1st of March, 458; but according to Fleet to 
the 25th August, 458. Any way, the 22nd year of the Pallava 
king Simhavarman corresponds to A.D. 458. He therefore 
began to reign in (458-21=) A.D. 436-37 (Ep. Ind., XIV, 
p. 334). 

(it) The second point of importance is furnished by the 
Penukonda plates of the Ganga king Madhava (ibid, p. 331 
ff.) which, according to Fleet, are to be assigned, on 
palaeographical grounds, to about A.D. 475. It may be 
noticed here that the characters of this epigraph are remark- 
ably similar to that of the epigraphs of the Salankayana 
king Nandivarman II (e.g., the Peddavegi grant; 
Journ. Andhra Hist. Res. Soc., I, p. 92ff.) whom 
I have placed about the middle of the fifth century 
A.D. (above, p. 73; Ind. Hist. Quart., IX, 208ff.). The 
Penukonda grant was issued by the Ganga king Madhava- 
Siiiihavarman, son of Ayyavarman, grandson of Mftdhava 
and great-grandson of Konkanivarman. But the greatest 
point of historical importance in this inscription is that it 
tells us of Madhava-Simbavarman being installed on the 
throne by the Pallava king Skandavarman and his father 
Ayyavarman being installed by the Pallava king Simbavar- 
man. We have seen that Fleet ascribes the Penukonda 
plates to circa 475 A.D. It is therefore almost certain that 
the Pallava king Simhavarman who installed Ayyavarman, 
father of the Ganga king Madhava-Siiphavarman of the 
Penukonda plates, is identical with the Pallava king Sim- 

PAL^AVAS Qtf KASC1 17-7 

havarman who, according to the Lokavibkaga, began to rate 
inA.D, 436-37. 

(Hi) The third point of importance is supplied by the 
Allahabad pillar inscription of Samudragupta, vyhich refers 
to the Gupta king's conflict with a certain Kanceyaka 
Visnugopa. This " Visnugopa of Kanci " has been taken 
by all scholars to have belonged to the family of the PalJa- 
vas. Samudragupta is believed to have reigned from circa 
330 to 375 A.D. This dating appears possible from the 
facts that his father Candragupta I began to rute in 
A.D. 320 1 and that the earliest date of his son Candragupta 
II, according to the Mathura inscription (Ep. Ind., XXI, 
p. 1 ff.), is (Gupta 61+320 = ) 381 A.D. Since it is proved 
from the Prakrit records that the PaUavas were master 
of the kingdom of Kanci during the first half of 
the fourth century A.D., it is almost certain that 
Kanceyaka Visnugopa of the Allahabad pillar inscription 
was a Pallava king who ruled in the middle of that century 
which is the time of Samudragupta' s South Indian cam- 

Let us now see whether these three Pallavq, kings 
Simhavarman, Skandavarman and Visnugopa, whose date 
is fairly correct can be found in the epigraphs of the 
Pallavas themselves. The evidence of the Penukonda 
plates recording the installation of two consecutive Ganga 
kings Ayyavarman, and his son Madhava-Simhavarman 
who seems to have been named after his father's overlord 
by the Pallava kings, Simhavarman and Skandavarman, 
renders it most likely that the Pallava king Simhavarman 
was the father and immediate predecessor of Skandavarman. 
It is very interesting in this connection to note that the 
Udayendiram grant (No 1) of Nandivarman (Ep. Ind. 9 III, 
p. 142) issued from Kancipura, is the only known Pallava 

i Smith, B. Hist. Ind., 4th ed., p. 296; above, p, 89 , 



record, where in we find a Pallava king named Singhavarman 
(Simhavarman) succeeded by his son Skandavarman. The 
genealogy given in this record is : 

1. Skandavarman (I) ; his son 

2. Singhavarman ; his son 

3. Skandavarman (II) ; his son 

4. Nandivarman. 

These four kings are mentioned exactly in the same 
order in the Vayalur grant of Rajasimba (ibid, XVIII, 
p. 150 ; see Nos. 41-44), though the relation of one with the 
others is not specified there. We are therefore inclined to 
identify the Pallava king Simhavarman of the Zokavibhaga 
and the Penukonda plates and Skandavarman of the latter, 
with respectively the second and the third king of the 
above list. 

Beside the Udayendiram grant, there is another 
Sanskrit grant belonging to the early Pallava rulers of 
Kancl. This is the Chendalur grant of Kumaravisnu II 
(ibid, VIII, p. 233ff.) issued from Kancipura in the king's 
second regnal year. The grant supplies us with the follow- 
ing line of kings : 

1. Maharaja Skandavarman ; his son 

2. Maharaja Kumaravisnu (I) ; his son 

3. Maharaja Buddhavarman ; his son 

4- Maharaja Kumaravisnu (II) ; 2nd year. 

According to Hultzsch (ibid, p. 334), " The alphabet 
of the Chendalur plates is more archaic than those of the 
Kuram and Ka&ikudi plates, but resembles those of the 
Pikira, Mangalur and Uruvupalli grants, from which it 
differs chiefly in the omission of horizontal strokes at the top 
of letters. But a point which stamp it as more modern 
is the fact that r, fc, and subscribed u consist of two ver- 
tical linW of nearly equal length, while in the Pikira, 


Mangalur and Uruvupalli grants the left line is still con- 
siderably shorter. Hence we rnay conclude that the four 
Pallava kings of the Ohendalur plates ruled in the interval 
between Simhavarman ( of the Omgodu No. 2, Pikira 
and Mangalur grants) and Simhavishnu (father of 
Mahendravarman I, ace. circa 600 A.D.)." 

We have already seen that Simhavarman, the second 
of the four kings mentioned in the Udayendiram grant, 
ruled from A.D. 436-37 to not earlier than A.D. 458. Thus 
his father Skandavarman I appears to have ruled at Kanci 
about the first quarter of the fifth century, and his grand- 
son Nandivarman seems to have ended his rule about the 
beginning of the sixth century A.D. The accession of 
Mahendravarman I to the throne of KaficI is supposed to 
have taken place about the end of the same century, owing 
to his being an older contemporary of the Western Calukya 
king Pulake&n II (A.D. 609-642). Mahendravarman I 
was preceded by his father Simhavisnu and grandfather 
Simhavarman (see verses 10-11 of the Velurpalaiyam 
grant ; S. Ind. Ins., Vol. II, p. 363). Between Nandivarman, 
the issuer of the Udayendiram grant, who seems to have 
ruled up to the beginning of the sixth century and Simha- 
varman, grandfather of Mahendravarman I, the Vayalur 
record places three kings named (1) Simhavarman, (2) 
Simhavarman and (3) Visnugopa. The Vayalur grant 
thus places five kings between Nandivarman and Mahendra- 
varman I, i.e., in the sixth century A.D. roughly. Since 
the rule of five kings covering about a century does not 
appear impossible, since the existence of four earlier kings 
(Nos. 41-44 of the Vayalur list) has been proved by the 
Udayendiram grant and since it is possible that the 
Greater Pallavas of the line of Mahendravarman I did not 
forget even their immediate predecessors, the three kings 
(Nos. 45-47) placed by the Vayalur record between Nandi- 
varman and Mahendravarman' s grandfather may be 


historical persons, though we bave as yet no corroborative 
proof of their existence. We therefore think that the four 
kings of Kanci mentioned in the Chendalur grant ruled 
bdftta the kings of the Udayendiram grant. The kings 
6f the Chfendalur record however appear to have ruled after 
Vipnugopa who came into conflict with Samudragupta in the 
middle of the fourth century A.D. We have already se< J n 
tfaftt, in the first half of the fourth century, Kanci Avas 
occupied by the Pallava kings who issued the Prakrit 

There are references to some Pallava rulers in the 
inscriptions of the Kadambas. An epigraph of the 
Kadamba king Ravivarman (Ind. Ant,., VI, p. 29) mentions 
Candadanda, the lord of Kanci, who was defeated by the 
Kadamba monarch. Cajadadanda 1 is evidently not the 
nfcine but a biruda of the Pallava ruler of Kafici who fought 
with Rfcvivaftnan. He cannot be satisfactorily idfentified 
With any king of the traditional list of early Pallava 
kings. His contemporary, the Kadamba king Ravivarman 
appfc&rs to have ruled about the end of the fifth and 
the beginning of the sixth century (500-537 A.D. according 
to Dubreuil, op. cit., p. 95). The Anaji inscription (Ep. 
CflSrn., XI, p. 142) mentions a Pallava king whose 
name has been read as Nanakkasa and who was possibly 
a Contemporary of the Kadamba king Kysnavarman I 
who ruled about the middle of the fifth century. But the 
reading of the name Nanakkasa is doubtful. 2 Another 
Pallava king named Santivara[varman, i.e., Santivarman] has 
been mentioned in the Hebbata plates (Mys. Arch. Burv., 
A.B., 1926, p. 98) of the Kadamba king Vinuvarman. 
This Pallava king is supposed by some (see infra) to be also 

1 Cf. rgradaQ4 a biruda of Pallava ParatneSvar.ivarrnan I, c. 655-80 A.D. 

> In Journ. Ind. Hut v XIII, p. k2 cote, ii has bees suggested that the reading of 
the passage ^ouffl le svd-defa-tyayena niqk&sita. If ibis reading is to be accepted, the 
Dame of the Pallava king referred to in the Anaji inscription it not as yet known. 


mentioned in the Birur plates (Ep. Cam., VI, p. 91). But 
he cannot be satisfactorily identified with any of the Pallava 
kings known from the traditional list. It must also be 
noticed that excepting Candadanda none of these kings is 
expressly said to have ruled at KSfici. 

We thus come to know of the following early Pallava 
kings who appear to have ruled at Kafici before the rise of 
the Greater Pallavas of Mahendravarman's line : 

1. Father of Sivaskandavarman; about the end of the 
third century A.D., his son. 

2. Sivaskandavarman ; about the beginning of the 
fourth century; issued the Prakrit grants discovered at 
Mayidavolu and Hirahadagalli. 

3. Skandavarman ; the British Museum grant was 
issued in his reign ; he is not definitely known to have ruled 
at KaiicI ; he in ay have been an early member of the branch 
line of the Nellore-Guntur region. 

4. Vinugopa; came into conflict with Samudragupta 
(circa 330-375 A.D.) about the middle of the fourth century 

5. Skandavarman; his son 

6. Kumaravisnu I ; l his son 

1 May this Kumaravisiju I be identical with Kumaravispu, great-grandfather of 
the issuer of the Omgodu grant No. 1 ? The first difficulty in this identification is that 
Kumaravisnu of the Omgodu (No 1) grant has heen called a performer of the 
ASvamedha sacrifice, while the Chendalur grant does not credit Kum&ra\i|nu I 
with any such distinction. It is also striking that only in the grants of the descendant! 
of Kun.&ravisnn of the Omgodu (No. 1) praot the Pallava family is called " purified by 
the As*vamedha " The above tentative identificat'on is therefore extremely doubtful. 
Another difficulty is that while according to t.he Cbendalur <:rant Knmaravisnu I was 
succeeded by his son Bnddhavarman and grnndson Kumaravisnu II, according to the 
Omgodu grant (Ko. 1) Kum&ravisnu was succeeded by his son Skandavarman I, 
grandson Vlravarman and great-grandson Skandavarman IE. But in this connection we 


7. Buddhavarman ; his son 

8. Kumaravisnu II ; issued the Chendalur grant. 

9. Skandavarman (I) ; his son 

10. Simhavarman; he ascended the throne in A.D. 
436-37 and ruled at least up to A.D. 458 ; his son 

11. Skandavarman (II) ; his son 

12. Nandivarman ; issued the Udayendirara grant. 

13. Candadanda, who came into conflict with the 
Kadamba king Bavivarman about the first quarter of the sixth 
century. Candadanda may have been the biruda of No. 12 
or possibly of one of his three successors mentioned in the 
Vayalur grant (Nos. 45-47). 

14. Simhavarman ; 1 his son 

15. Simhavisnu; his son 

16. Mahendravarman I ; ascended the throne about A.D. 

may notice that the Vayalur record places a Skandavarman between Buddhavarman 
and Kumarvisnu II and it may be coirectured that this Skandavarman was a son of 
Kumaravisnu I, who was made a vicerory of the northern part of the Pallata 
kingdom and eventually carved out a principality fhere. Tn the Omgodu grant No. 1 
Skandavarman I, son of, has been called sva-viry adhigata-rajya, which 
epithet may support the above suggestion. 

1 Tt is doubtful whether Siiphavarmari, grandfather of Mahendravarman I, ruled 
at Kami. 



The earliest known Pallava king is Sivaskandavarman 
who issued the Mayidavolu and Hirahadagalli grants. In 
the latter grant Sivaskandavarman refers to his father as 
Mahlraja'-bappasaini. Biihler (Ep. Ind., I, p. 8, i:ote 15) 
and following him many other scholars think that Bappa is 
probably the name of Sivaskandavarrnan's father ; and in 
this connection Fleet's article in Ind. Ant., XV, p. 272, is 
referred to. Bappa of course may signify a personal name as 
we find this name in the list of recipients of the gift recorded 
in the Hirahadagalli grant itself. 2 We must however 
remember that in many early copper- plate grants including 
some belonging to the Pallavas, the kings called themselves 
bappabhattaraka-pada-bhakta, "devoted to the feet of the lord, 
the father." The word bappa there means "father" and 
cannot be a personal name, as the fathers of those kings are 
definitely known to have borne names having no connection 
with the word bappa. It must also be noted that the tradi- 
tional lists of early Pallava kings do not mention any name 

1 In connection with the title Maharaja of Sivaakandavannan's father, it should 
be noticed that Sivaskandavarman himself is called yuvamaharaja in the Mayidavolu 
graur. He assumed however the more dignified title Dbjrma Maharajadhiraja wheu 
he became king. At the present state of our knowledge, it U not possible to determine 
what relations flivaskandavarman had with Northern lodia and how this North 
Indian title was adopted by him. The celebration of the AsVamedba possibly suggests 
that Sivaskandavarman added new territories to the kingdom that was left by his 

* Cf. Bappa, the name of the progenitor of the Guhilotg of Me war, 
and also the names Bappa 6 arm an in the Birur grant of Kadamba Viggurarman 
(Ep. Cam., VI, p. 91) and Bappasvaroin in the Nidbanpur grant of Bhftskarayarman 
(Kqma<rvpa4Q9anavali t p. 21). 


even slightly resembling Bappa. Bappa therefore cannot be 
taken as the name of Sivaskandavar man's father without 
further evidence. 

At the time of Sivaskandavarman the Pallava kingdom 
of Kafici certainly included the Andhra country in the north 
and the Bellary district in the north- west. From the Penu- 
konda plates of the Ganga king Madhava we know that about 
the middle of the fifth century theGangas of Mysore acknow- 
ledged the suzerainty of the Pallavas of Kafici. It is possible 
that this region was under the Pallavas as early as the time 
of Sivaskandavarman who was the most powerful king 
among the early Pallavas. This suggestion seems to be 
supported by the Talgunda inscription according to which 
the early Kadambas of BanavasI (a place to the west of 
Mysore) also acknowledged Pallava supremacy. 1 MayQra- 
garman, the first king of the Kadamba family, is there said 
to have been installed by the Pallava king of Kafici. 
According to the Talgunda inscription (Ep. Ind., VIII, 
p. 31 ff.) Maydra&irman received the pattabandha-sanipujH 
as well as the land between the western sea and the Preh&ra 
from the Pallava king of Kafici (cf. sani6ritas==tada, 

1 According to the Talgonda inscription of Kadnmba Sftntivarman, Mayura- 
Ijtrman went to KftficT for studying the Vedas. There he took part in the pallav- 
MtMcwstha-'kalaha, became enraged at the treatment he received there, and then, 
hating trained himself to warlike exercises, easily overpowered the Pallava 
frontier guards and established himself at drlparvata (in the Knrnool district). Tbe 
Pallava king took the field against him ; bat being unable to subdue him installed 
him * king over the territory extending from the Western Ocean (Arabian sea) to the 
Prehira (river t). But what i* the meaning of Mvasarpstlia Jbefctaf According to 
the lexicon Trik&njotcia, the *ord Mrpttlw means Icratu, i. e., sacrifice (cf. tarflithafy- 
tamapti-fcratufti car at -c a nija-rtotragah, verse 768). May then the word 4**ftffitt* 
mem H0rse-acriftce? dee Journ. Ind. Hitt., XH, p. 854 if. If this e*pHnatien 
is acceptable, it would appear that the quarrel of Mayfirafarman wiMithe Pallaras 
ATOM in connection with an Aivamedha tacrrfioe. Among the IBariy ^allavat only 
ilvaskandararman and Kum&ravifnn of the Omgodn (No. 1) grant are known to have 
{Britated the Horse-sacrifice. Maytraiarmm wis Joesibly a contemporary of one of 
these Iclaffs. Tbe discovery of flivatknd*Ytrmm*i gr*nt t Blrsdkadagalli in the 
IwttJWr* df Kuntela Apjpears to settletiie qneition. It it pwfible that at the time of 
flivaskandavarman the Pallava kingdom extended op to Khe AMfbian en 1ft the ^wet t 
&* infra. 


mahlpcil&n=dr&dhya yuddhyesu vikramaihprdpa pattabandha* 
saifipufoni karapallavaih pallavair~dhrtam, bhahgur-ormmi- 
valgitair * nTtyad-apar&rnav-ambhah-krtavadhini preharan- 
taw = ananya-saftcaraqa-samaya-sthitawi bhumim = eva ca). 
This MayuraSarman cannot be placed long after Sivaskanda- 
varman. We have seen that Sivaskandavarman ruled in 
the beginning of the fourth century, while scholars place 
Mayura^arman about the middle of the same century 
(Anc. Hist. Dec., pp. 95-96; Kadambakula, p. 19). Indeed 
the Prakrit language of the Chandravalli inscription of 
MayuraSarman (Mys. Arch. Surv., A.E., 1929, p. 50) "shows 
that this Kadamba king ruled a little later than the 
accession of Sivaskandavarman. The use of (1.1) and 
the numerous double consonants like mm (1, 1), tr, II 
(1, 2), sth, nd (1, 3), etc., appears to prove that the 
Chandravalli inscription was engraved some time after the 
execution of the Mayidavolu and Hirahadagalli grants of 
Sivaskandavarman. He can therefore be rightly placed 
about the middle of the fourth century. A.D. 

I. The Mayidavolu grant was issued from Kaijicipura 
by the Pallava Yuvamaharaja Sivakhamdavamma ( Siva- 
skandavarman) on the fifth lunar day of the sixth fortnight 
of summer in the tenth year of the reigning Pallava king 
who was almost certainly the father of the Yuvamaharaja, 
but whose name is not mentioned in the grant. By this 
grant the Pallava crown-prince, for the increase of bis 
victory, religious merit and strength, offered with libation 
of water, the village of Viripara situated in the Amdhapata 
(=Andhrapatha) to two Brahmanas, Puvaketuja and 
Gonamdija, who belonged to the Agnive^ya gotra. Tie 
executor of the grant was Sivaskandavarman himself, and 
the order was accordingly sent to the vapata (vyapjrta), i.e., 
governor, of Dhamflakada (Dhanyakataka). Dhaipflakada 
which has been identified by different scholars with 
, Amaravati t Bezwa4a and Nagftrjunikoruja, was 



evidently the headquarters of the Andhra province 
incorporated in the Pallava kingdom. To the village of 
Viripftra were granted all the immunities enjoyed by the 
Brahmadeyas. 1 The word brahmadeya therefore means 
not only "a deya (grant) to Brahmanas," but like the 
technical terms brahmatrii, devatra, devas&t, etc , signifies a 
religious donation which implied certain immunities. Of 
the immunities or parihQras, the following only are specified 
in the Mayidavolu grant : (1) a-lona-khadaka, (2) a-ratfta- 
saifivinayika, (3) a-pararripara-baHvadha, (4) a-bhada- 
pavesa, and (5) a-kura-cohka-vinSsi-khafa-samvasa. 

A-lona-kh&daka is, as already noticed, Sanskrit a-lavana- 
khataka ; by this immunity the grantor gave up the royal 
right of digging salt in the village granted. About the next 
parih&ra Senart says (Ep. Ind., VI, p. 68), "The word 
seems to represent arashtrasamvinayika, but etymology alone 
is an unsafe guide in the interpretation of technical terms. 
Vineti is only used in a moral sense. Could we think of 
translating J exempted from the police, the magistrate of the 
district (rashtra ; compare Dr. Fleet's Gupta Inscriptions > 
p. 32 note), or of a rashtrin?' This would remind us of 
those grants in which, on the other hand, it is stated that the 
right to punish the 'ten offences' (sadagaparadha ; see, e.g., the 
Alina plates ; 1.67 in Dr. Fleet's Gupta Inscriptions, p.^179 
and the Deo-Baranark inscription, 1.17 ; ibid 9 p. 217) is 
transferred to the donee." A-pararfipara-balivadha has been 
called a-paramparci-balivadda-gahana in the Hirahadagalli 
grant and has been translated by Biihler as "free from the 
taking of the oxen in succession." This parihara aeems to 

1 According to Kautilya's Arthat&stra (Samasastry'a 2od ed., p. 47), 
"those who perform sacrifice:! (ftoi'fc), spiritual guides (deary a), priests (purohita) 
ra^d those learned in the Ve J&s (irotriya) shall be granted Brahmadeya lands yielding 
sufficient produce (abhirupa-dayaka) and exempted from taxes and fines (a danfa-kara)." 
Brabmadeya is also mentioied when Kaafilya says (II, 20) that the danja (rod) of 
8 cubits (192 aftyulu) in length was used in measuring Brahmadeya and Atithya 


suggest that the villagers had to supply bullocks for the 
bullock-carts used by royal officers when the latter wept 
on tour through the country. A-bhada-pavesa, as we have 
already noticed, implies that no troops would enter the 
village of Viripara and cause disturbances. Battles therefore 
could not be fought on the fields of this village. The next 
parihara is very important. According to Hultzscb, kUra 
means " boiled rice " and colaka (collaka of the Hira- 
hadagalli grant) is the same as cullaki, i.e., pot. The 
word vindsi has not as yet been explained. Possibly it 
means "fuel." The words khata and sarfivasa, respectively, 
mean " cot " and "dwelling." This parihara then implies 
exemption from the obligation of supplying boiled rice, 
water-pots, vin&si, cots and dwellings to the officers who 
visited the place. In this connection it is interesting to 
note the views of Manu (VII, 115-119). According to 
this law-giver, the king must appoint a headman called 
gramika over each village, a da$in or da-ea over each unit 
of ten villages, a viniSat-tia over each unit of twenty 
villages, a $at-ea over each unit of hundred villages and 
a sahasr-adhipati over each unit of thousand villages. As 
remuneration, the head of thousand villages should enjoy 
a city, that of hundred villages a village, that of twenty 
villages five kulas of land, that of ten villages one kulo, 
( = kulyavdpa = Bengali kuroba, i.e., Bigha?) of land, but 

yani raja-pradeyani pratyaharp, grama-vasibhih, 
anna-p&n-endhan-adini grSmikas tan avapnuy&t. 

" The headman of the village should get all of what is 
daily payable by the villagers to the king in the shape of 
food (anna), drink (pana) fuel and other things (indhan- 
adi).' 9 By the above parihara then the village would 
appear to have been exempted from its dues to the gramika. 
But khafod, (cot) and samvasa (dwelling) should possibly 
have been required by officers who came to the village on 


tour, the gramika being probably more or less a settled 
inhabitant of the village. In connection with this parihara 
we must also refer to line 8 of the Kudgere grant of 
Kadamba Mandhatrvarman (Ep. Ind., VI, p. 12) where 
the immunity is mentioned as a-khatva-vas-audana, 
" exempt from (the duty of providing) cots, abodes and 
boiled rice." 1 

The villagers of Viripara and the royal officials are 
asked to exempt the village and to cause it to be exempted 
with all the above pariharas. It is also said that one who 
would transgress the royal edict and would give or cause to 
be given any trouble or annoyance to the donees, on him 
the royal authority should inflict bodily punishment. 

The ends of the ring that holds the plates together are 
secure in an elliptical seal which bears in relief " an animal 
couchant and facing the proper right apparently a bull, 2 
as it has a hump on its back and below it the legend 
tivaska(ndavarmanah ?) in an alphabet which appears to 
be slightly different from that of the inscription" (ibid, 
p. 84). The seals seem to have been kept ready in the 
record-office and were attached to a set of copper-plates when 
the latter was prepared. 

At the beginning of the Mayidavolu grant, there is the 
word dithani, i.e., " has been seen/' exactly as on the last 
plate of the Hirahadagalli grant. This possibly refers to 

1 A Tamil record of A.D. 1407 re few to revenue in rice (sakala-bhakt-adZya), 
and another of 1240 mentions "all the revenue in paddy excluding tolls and the 
small tax for the village police and including the three handfuls of paddy ; the ric$ 
in Karttika" ; etc. (S. Ind. Inf., I, pp. 82, 89). 

1 The crest of the Pallavaa was a bull (r^abha l&flchana) , evidently intended for 
Nandin the servant and carrier of Siva. The bull appears on the seals of Pallava 
copperplate grants, sometimes recumbent and sometimes standing. The banner of 
the Pallavas was the khatvabga-dhvoja, i.e., banner bearing the representation of a 
dub with a skull at its top. Sometimes the bull is described as the banner of the 
PftUavM. Siva setms to have been the family god of the dynasty (Bomb. G<z*., I, 
ii t p. 319 aad note). 


a practice of examining the grants a ter the copying of the 
plates from a set kept in the king's record-office. 

II. Hirabadagalli is a place near the western border of 
the Bellary district of the Madras Presidency. The copper- 
plate grant discovered there was issued from KamcTpura on 
the fifth day of the sixth fortnight of rainy season in the 8th 
year of the Pallava Dharma-maharajadhiraja Sivaskanda- 
varman who is said to have belonged to the Bharadvaja 
gotra and is credited with the performance of the 
Agnistoma, Vajapeya and ASvamedha sacrifices. As we 
have already suggested, the celebration of Asvamedha by 
Sivaskandavarman seems to speak of the success of the 
Pallavas against the Iksvakusand other neighbouring powers. 
By this record the king granted a garden situated in the 
southern boundary of a village called Cillarekakodumka as 
a parihara, i.e., an honorific grant (see Manusamhita, VII, 
201). Two nivartanas of land were also granted in a village 
called Apitti, one for a threshing floor and the other for a 
house, along with four Addhikas and two Kolikas. The grant 
was made in favour of a number of Brahmanas, the chief 
among whom was Agisamaja (=Agnisarmarya). Addhikd 
(=ardhika) , according to Biihler, is ft a labourer receiving 
half the produce." It has been referred to in the Ellore 
grant of Salankayana Devavarman as addhiya-manussa (see 
also Mitaksara on Yajnavalkya, I. 166). Kolika, as Biihler 
says (Ep. Ind. 9 I, p. 9, note), " corresponds to Sanskrit 
Kaulikah and may mean ' weavers.' But it is also possible 
to think of the well-known tribe of the Kolis who are 

The village of Cillarekakodumka, as also possibly Apitti, 
was situated in the Satahani-rattha (Satavahaniya-ratra) 
which is evidently the same as Satavahani-hara mentioned 
in the Myakadoni inscription of Pulumavi (ibid, XIV, p. 
153) and corresponds roughly to the present Bellary district. 
The garden of Cillarekakoduinka is said to have been 


originally granted by Sivaskandavarman's father. This 
part of the old Satavahana empire was therefore occupied 
by the Pallavas as early as the time of that king, that is to 
say, before circa 300 A.D. 

The following officials, employed in the different parts 
of the vitaya, have been mentioned in connection with the 
observance of immunities : (1) Eajakumara, (2) Senapati, 
(3) Eatthika, (4) Ma<Javika, (5) Desadhikata, (0) Gamaga- 
mabhojaka, (7) Vallava, (8) Govallava, (9) Amacca, (10) 
Irakhadhikata, (11) Gumika, (12) Tuthika and (13) 
Neyika. Along with these are also mentioned (14) the 
Samcarantakas and (15) the Bhadamanusas who might be 
sent by the king to the villages in order to execute any 
commission (ahma-pesanap-payutta) . Kajakumara seems to 
refer to princes who possibly acted as viceroys of the king. 
Senapati is obviously " leader of the army." The word 
ratthika is equivalent to Sanskrit rastrika, i e., governor 
of a rastra. As regards the next terra, Biihler says (ibid, 
I, p. 7, note), " I consider the correction mandavika as 
certain and take the word mandaba or mandapa, from which 
it has been derived, in the sense of modern mandavl, 
c custom-house. 1 " Leumann however thinks that madavika 
is the same as mUdarfibika, i.e., " chief of a madaniba 
district," and Eaychaudhuri translates it as " burgomaster " 
Desadhikata ( = deadhikrta) is " ruler of a de6a." Gama- 
gamabhojaka has been translated by Biihller as ''freeholders 
of various villages." This meaning of the word bhojaka is 
supported by its use in line 8 of the Hirahadagalli grant itself 
where the donees are called cillarekakodwrika-bhojaka. In 
justifying the form gamagamabhojaka, Fausboll points out 
that repetitions of the same word with a lengthening of 
the final vowel of the first are commonly used in Pali in 
order to indicate vlpsa (loc. cit., p. 7, note). According 
to Amara, the word vallava means gopa which is obviously 
the same as go-vallava of this inscription. Vallava there- 


fore seems to be the same as vallabha which is so common 
in early South Indian inscriptions and is according to 
Jatadhara, the same as ava-raksa (keeper of horses). 
Biihler has translated the two terms as " herdsmen " 
and " cowherds " respectively. Amacca is evidently the 
same as Sanskrit amatya, " minister." Leumann thinks 
that drakhadhikata (**araksa4hikrta) means " employed 
as a guard." Biihler however read the word as 
aranadhikata and translated it as " foresters." Gumika 
( = gaulmika) is evidently " head of a gulma (outpost of 
soldiers)." According to Manu (VII, V, 114), a king 
must place a gulma in the centre of two, three, five or 
hundred villages in ord3rto protect his kingdom (see also 
Manu, VII, 190 ; and Ep. Ind., XIV, p. 155). According 
to Biihler, Tuthika may be connected with Prakrit tuha, 
" tlrtha," and possibly means " overseers of fords or of 
bathing places." With neyika may be compared the 
word naiyyoka of the Uruvupalli grant, which Fleet changed 
ioniyukta (Ind. Ant., V, p. 52). Biihler thinks that 
naiyyoka is a mistake for naiyika, which would exactly 
correspond to neyika, and that both the terms are corrup- 
tions of Sanskrit nayaka, which is commonly pronounced 
naieka and seems to mean a military officer of the rank of 
corporal or sergeant (Ep. Ind., I, p. 8, note 13). It 
however seems to me that neither Fleet nor Biihler is 
justified in ths interpretation of neyika. Naiyyoka of the 
Uruvupalli grant is evidently a mistake for naiyogika 
which word we find in the Chendalur grant of Kumaravisnu 
IE (ibid, VIII, p. 233). The word is derived from niyoga 
and is evidently the same as niyogin which, according to 
Hemachandra, is synonymous with karmasaciva, ayukta 
and vyaprta. A vyaprta is known from the Kondamudi 
grant to have been ruler of an ahara and an ayukta is 
mentioned in an inscription of Budhagupta as a visaya- 
pati (ibid, XV, p. 139). Naiyogika (or niyogin) may there- 


fore be supposed to have been the ruler of some territorial 
division. The saficarantakas are " spies " (see Manu, VII. 
122) and the bhata-manu?yas are " soldiers. 1 ' 

The grant is said to have been confirmed by libation 
of water (udakadim) 1 and made valid as long as the moon 
and stars endure (a-cantda-tarakalika katunam). All the 
eighteen kinds of pariharas were granted. The inhabitants 
of the viaya, specially those of ipitti and Cillarekakodumka, 
were ordered to observe the pariharas and to see that they 
were observed by others. The king says, " Now, if any- 
body, knowing this, proud of being a favourite of the king, 
should cause or cause to be caused a smaller obstacle to the 
donees, him, forsooth, we shall restrain by punishment. 
And further I pray both the future great warriors of our 
Pallava race who may rule within a period exceeding one 
hundred thousand years, as well as kings differing from 
us in descent, saying unto them : ' To him among you 
blessings, who in his time makes the people act according 
to the rule written above. But he who acts contrary to 
it shall be the lowest of men loaded with the guilt of the 
five mortal sins." 

Of the eighteen kinds of pariharas the grant specifies 
the following : (1) a-kura-collaka-vinesi-khattd-iwsa, (2) 
a-dudha-dadhi-gahana, (3) a-rattha-samvinayika (4) a-lona- 
gufa-cchobha, (5) a-kara-vetthi-komjala, (G) a-parampara- 
balivadda-gahana, (7) a-tana-kattha-gahana, and (8) 
a-harltaka-saka-pupha-gahana. The first parihara has 
already been explained in connection with the Maidavolu 
grant. The next parihvra, viz., a-dudha-dadhi-gahana, 
made the village free from the obligation of supplying sweet 
and sour milk, and appears to fall under the category of 
pana, daily payable by the villagers to the gramika (see 

1 As regards this custom, cf. Agni Purftga, oh. 209, 49-50 : 
dravyasya nama grhniyad--dadan=iti tathd vadct, 
toyatp dady&t tato haste dyne vidhir =ayaip smfitah. 


Matin Quoted afcote). A-rattha-sawvinayika has been 
explained. A-loya-gula-cck&bha (a-lavarw-guda-ktibha) hte 
been translated by Biihler as ''free from troubles abblit 
salt and sugar. 1 ' That digging pits for extracting salt was 
a royal monopoly is known from a number of inscriptions 
-which refer to pariharas like a-lona-khsdaka (a-lavana- 
khStaka), a-lavana-kreni-khanaka (Corp. Ins. Ind., Ill, line 
28, No. 55, and No. 56) and sa-loha-lavan-akara (Ep. Ind., 
IV, p. 101). The word guda, mentioned along with lona, 
shows that the manufacture of sugar was also a royal monopoly. 
The following immunity exempted the village from the 
obligation of supplying grass and wood (cf. indhana in the 
passage quoted from Manu). The last parihdra of the list 
seems to signify exemption from the (occasional) supply of 
myrobalan, vegetables and flowers. Biihler says (ibid, I, 
p. 8, note 28), " Milk, grass, fire-wood, vegetables atod so 
forth had to be furnished gratis by the villagers to royal 
officers and their servants. The custom still prevails in 
many native states" (see also Manu quoted above). 

The grant was executed by the king himself and the 
plates were prepared in the handwriting of his privy- 
councillor (rahasyadhikrta) Bhattisamma who was the 
bhojaka (i.e., in&mdar) of Kolivala. 

The Hirahadagalli plates are held together by a ring to 
which an almost circular and somewhat battered seal, 
about an inch in diameter, is attached. The emblem on 
the seal is an animal facing the proper right, which, 
according to Biihler, may be intended for a deer or a 
horse. 1 Below the emblem stands the word Sivaskanda* 
varmanah, the last three letters of which are defaced and 
doubtful. It is certain that the legend on the deal was 
written in Sanskrit like the nwhgala at the ead of tfee 

1 The Aoimftli* most probably a boll which wu the crea t ofthePlUtn (te* 
Bom*. Go*., I, U, p. 810, note 5). 


inscription which reads svasti go-brahmanq-hkhaka-vacakar 
frotrbhya(b) iti. This along with the fact that the 
Mayidavohi and Hirahadagalli grants sometimes express 
compound consonants by more than one letter shows that 
these two grants were executed at a time when Sanskrit had 
already made its way in the field of South Indian epigraphy. 

HE. The British Museum plates appear to have been 
originally found at Kondakur in the Guntur district of the 
Madras Presidency, They were issued in the reign of siri- 
w'jat/a-Khandavamma ( = Skandavarman). We have already 
discussed about the identification of Sivaskandavarman of 
the Mayidavolu and Hirahadagalli grants and Skandavarman 
of the British Museum grant and have shown that the identi- 
fication is extremely doubtful. 

The donor of the grant is Carudevi, wife (devl) of the 
Pallava Yuvamaharaja Buddhavarman and mother of a 
prince whose name has been conjecturally read by Hultzsch 
as Buddhyankura, The relation of Maharaja Skandavarman 
and Yuvainaharaja Buddhavarman is not specified in the 
grant. There is no evidence that this prince, who seems 
to have been a provincial governor, 1 ascended the throne. 
Skandavarman is not known to have ruled at Kanci. It is 
possible that he was an early member of the Pallava house 
of the Nellore-Guntur region and was an ancestor of 
Skandavarman II of the Omgodu grant (No. 1). He may 
possibly be identified with king No. 29 (or No. 32 ?) of the 
v Vayalur list (see Appendix below). 

. By this grant CarudevI seems to have addressed the 

- villagers and officials at Kadaka (Kanaka) to the effect that 

. a certain field to be ploughed by Atuka on the western side 

of the drinking well below the rfja-tadaga, containing four 

nivartanas of land, had been given by her highness for the 

i BuddliaYarman may not be the king of the same name mentioned in the 
fcbendalur grant. Buddbavannan of the Chendabr grant seem* to be of late; d*te, 


increase of her highness' s life and power, to the god 
Narayana of the Kuji-mahataraka temple at Dalura. This 
Kuli-mahataraka-devakula appears to signify a temple estab- 
lished by a Mahattara named Ku]i. The villagers and 
officials were asked to exempt the field with all immu- 
nities and to cause it to be exempted. The executor of the 
grant was Eohanigutta (Rohimgupta). 

The most interesting feature of the grant is that though 
it is written ia Prakrit, it contains two imprecatory verses 
(bahubhir=svasudha datta etc.) which are in Sanskrit and 
are so common in the Sanskrit copper-plate grants. This 
fact and the fact that the grant expresses compound 
consonants, in all cases, with more than one letter, appear 
to suggest that the British Museum grant is slightly later 
than the grants of Sivaskandavarman. 

The seal of Skandavarman attached to the British Mu- 
seum grant bears a standing animal which faces the proper 
right and looks like a deer, but must be meant for a bull, 
the crest of the Pallavas (cf. Bomb. Gaz., I, ii, p. 319, note 
5), and, over the back of the bull, a few indistinct symbols 
which may be taken for the sun, a crescent, and perhaps 
one or more stars (Ep. Ind., VIII, p. 144). 



The Cheadalur grant was issued from w/at/a-KancIpura 
qu the fifth tithi of the bright half of Karttika in the 2qd 
regnal year of the Pallava king Kumaravinu II, who was 
the son of Maharaja Buddha varman, grandson of Maharaja 
Kmparavisnu I and great-grandson of Maharaja Skandavar- 
man. Kumaravisnu I and his son Buddhavarman have 
possibly been mentioned in the Velurpalaiyam record (see 
above, p. 160). Like Skandavarman II (of the Uruvupalli, 
Omgodu No. 2, and Pikira grants), Kumaravi^iu I has been 
described as the fifth loka-pala. In the Mahabharata (see 
Hopkins, Epic Mythology, p. 149) and the Nanagbat cave 
inscription (Luders, List, No. 1112) the gods Yama, Varuna, 
Kubera and Vasava are called the four loka-palas or guardians 
of the world. The description of a king as the fifth loka-pala 
meaos to say that he was a protector of the earth like those 
four gods. In classical literature (e.g., Raghu, II, 16) a 
king is called madhyama-loka-pala, " protector of the middle 
wprid (i.e., the earth)." In this connection it is interest- 
ing to note the description of Samudragupta as " equal to 
(the gods) Dhanada ( Kubera), Varuna^ Indra (= Vasava 
who is however different from Indra in the Nanaghat record) 
and Anteka(= Yama) ; see Corp. Ins. Ind,., in, pp. 14n v 250. 1 

Like many other Pallava rulers, Kumaravisnu II calls 
himself fca%ujo-do^t?(wann(^d^rm-odd^r^a-nityo-5anna-. 
ddha. This epithet is also used by Vi^ugopavarman and 
Simhavarman, and Nandivarman of the Udayendiram 
grant. The Pallava kings thus appear to have boasted of 
being called " Defender of Faith; " and the epithet possibly 
refers to the fact that they were determined to purify their 

1 Sometimes the quarter-guardians an said to be eight. According to Amara, 
the dik-palis are Indra (eaat), Vahni (mtlheaat), Pitrpati, t>, Yama (sooth), Ntirrta 
(*th-w*st) f Vanma (west), Marat (nocth-weit), Kubera (north) and laa (north-east). 


Brahntanical faith which was influenced by heretical doctrine* 
like Buddhism at the time o{ the later Satavahanas and the 
Ik?vakus. Kumaravi^nu II has sonae epithets in 

with Vignugopavarman of the Uruvupalli grant. Like 
Vi^nugopa and his son Simhavarman, he is called bhagavat- 
pad-anudhy&ta and parama-bhcigavata, and like the records of 
those two princes the Chendator grant begins with the 
adoration jitaw bhagavata. He was evidently a Vaigjiava 
in faith. 

The record is an order to the villagers of Cendalura in 
the Karmakara?tra and to all the naiyogikas and vallabhas 
employed there. Chendalur, the find-spot of the inscription, 
is a place in the Ongole taluka of the Nellore district. 
Hultzsch has corrected EarmmUkarastra as Karmara^ra 
known from several inscriptions. The form Karmmakara?tra 
seems to be the same as Kamakara^ha mentioned in a 
Nagarjunikanda inscription. 

The word naiyogika is derived from niyoga and is 
evidently the same as niyogin which appears to mean 
11 governor of a district" (cf. niyogi karmasaciva ayukto 
vy&prta$ ca sdh, Hemacandra). Vallabha means either the 
king's favourites or keepers of the royal cattle. 

It is said that there were eight hundred pattikas (pieces), 
of kk&s land (raja-va$tu bhuva sthitarfi) in the village of 
Cendalura, and that by this grant the king offered 432 
pattikOs out of that land as a Brahmadeya (brahmadeya- 
maryddayd) to a Brahmana named Bhavaskandatrata 1 who 
belonged to the Kauncjinya gotra and the Chandogya sutra. 
The lands given did not include what was previously 
granted for the enjoyment of gods (devabhoga-hala-varjjaifl) 
The grant was executed with a hope for the increase of 

According to Yarn* quoted in Sabdakalpadruma. . T. ^amd (cf. rfarmd 
raiva ottrmd MU ca bhtibhujofy, etc.), Bh*?ikndtrit can not be the proper 
name of a Br&htuana. 


the king's longevity, strength, victory and wealth, in 
accordance with the hala-nyaya (laws regarding the halas, 
like devahala, bhikuhala, etc.) ahd was made immune with 
fill the parihdras. 

- The villagers and officers were ordered to observe the 
immunities and to see that others observed them. People 
who would violate this order have been threatened with 
physical punishment. The charter ends with the mangala : 
go-brahmana (sic) nandatu, svasty^astu prajabhyah, which 
reminds us of a similar mangala at the end of the Hira- 
hadagalli grant of Sivaskandavarman. 

The word pattika ordinarily means " a piece of cloth ;" 
on analogy, it seems to mean " a piece of land." We do 
not know whether pattika here signifies a particular land- 
measure like the nivartana. The land is said to have been 
situated in the Kavacakara-bhoga of the Karmmakarastra. 
Bhoga is evidently the same as bhukti of North Indian 
inscriptions. It signifies a territorial unit like " district." 
Cf, Pallava-bhoga (KancI?) mentioned in the Mahavamsa 
(Ind. Cult., I, p. 111). 



The UdayeDdiram grant was issued from Kuficlpura on 
the fifth tithi of the bright half of VaiSakha possibly in tb 
first year of the Pallava king Nandivarman, son of Ska&da- 
varman II, griradson of Simhavarman and great-grandson of 
Skandavarman I. Like the issuers of other early Pallava 
charters, Nandivarmam is called kaliyuga~do$-8>vQ,sanna 
dharm-oddha-rana-nitya-sannaddha. His epithets bhagdwt- 
pad-anudhyato and parama-bhagavata together with the fact 
that his grant begins with the adoration jitam bhagavata, 
show that he was a Vaisnava like Visnugopa, Simhavarman 
and Kumaravisnu II. 

Udayendiram, the find-spot of Nandivarman's grant, 
is a place in the North Arcot district. The grant is full 
of textual mistakes ; the characters moreover do not 
belong to the early Pallava period. According to Kielhorn 
(Ep. Ind.t III, p. 143), the grant is to be paleeographically 
assigned to about A.D. 680 ; according to Fleet however it 
was fabricated about 935 A.D. (Bomb. Gaz.,I, ii, p. 321 n.) 
But the facts that the four kings mentioned in it are given 
exactly in the same order in the Vayalur record and that 
the style and phraseology of the grant are very similar to 
those of the early Pallava records, seem to prove that the 
grant was copied, though by an incompetent scribe, from 
an early genuine record. 

By this grant, the Pallava king Nandivarman offered 
four pieces of aranya land at Kaficivayil-grama in 
Adeyara-rastra, according to purva-bhoga-maryadd, to a 
Brahmaiaa named Kutecarman (=KulaSarman) who was an 


inhabitant of Kaficivftyil and belonged to the Kauika gotra, 
Pravacana sutra and Taittiriya carana. The lands were 
granted in accordance with Brahmadeya-maryada, with all 
the immunities but with the exception of devabhoga-hala, 
for the increase of the king's longevity , strength, victory and 
wealth. It is said that the four pieces of forest-land in 
K&ficivayil-grama are to be made immune with all the 
p&rikdras and that anyone who would violate the order should 
be physically punished. 

The seal of Nandivarman attached to the Udayendiram 
grant is circular. It contains in bas-relief the figure 
of a standing bull facing the proper left. There is a 
much worn aad illegible inscription at the margin ((loc. 


In the Omgodu grant (No. 1) of Skandavarman II, the 
reigning king's great-grandfather, Kumaransnu, has been 
called agvamedha-yaji, i.e., performer of the Horse-sacrifice. 
He was therefore a great king who was possibly a successor 
of Vlrakorcavarman of the Darsi plate. 

Kumaravisnu was succeeded by his son Skandavarman I 
who is mentioned in the Omgodu (No. 1) and Uruvupalli 
grants. He is said to have been a parama-brahmanya ; but 
his most significant epithet seems to be sva-vlry-adhigata- 
rajya, which means to say that he obtained the kingdom by 
his own valour. His father was a powerful king who 
performed the great a^varnedha sacrifice. The significance 
of this epithet, as I have already pointed out, may be that 
after the death of Kumaravisnu, Skandavarman I quarrelled 
with his brother who was probably Kumaravinu*s 
successor at Kanci, and carved out a separate principality 
in the northern part of the Pallava kingdom. Kumaravisnu's 
successor at Kanci was possibly Buddhavarman mentioned 
in the Chendalur grant. We cannot however be definite 
as regards this suggestion, as the identification of this 
Kumaravisnu with Kumaravisnu I of the Cbandalur grant is 
very doubtful. 

The son and successor of Skandavarman I was Viravar- 
man who has been called "the sole hero in the world " in 
all the inscriptions. He was possibly a warrior of consider- 
able importance. According to Krishnasastri (Ep. Ind., 
XV, p. 249), this Viravarman is to be identified with 
Vlrakorcavarman of the Darsi plate. Darsi, identified by 


some scholars with Darianapura, is a place in the Podili 
division of the Nellore district. Only the first plate of the 
Darsi grant has been discovered; it was edited by Hultzsch 
in Ep. Ind. 9 I, p. 357. The grant was issued from the 
adhisthana of the victorious Da^anapura by a Pallava king 
whose name and genealogy cannot be known until the 
missing plates of the grant are found. Only the name 
of Virakorcavarman, the great-grandfather of the issuer, is 
known. The Sanskrit form of the word is Vlrakurca which 
is found in the Vayalur and Velurpalaiyam records. The use 
of this Prakritised name appears to show that the grant 
was issued at a time when Prakrit was still lingering in the 
field of South Indian epigraphy. The identification of this 
king with Viravarman however seems to me doubtful, since 
these two distinct forms (viz., Vlrakurca and Viravarman) 
are found as names of .different kings in the Vayalur list of 
early Pallava kings- Virakorca of the Darsi plate may be 
the same as (the second) Vlrakurca of the Vayalur list. 

Viravarman was succeeded by his son who is called 
M-tny'aya-Skandavarman in his own Omgodu grant (No. 1), 
but simply Skandavarman in the inscriptions of his descen- 
dants. He has some epithets in common with Kumaravisnu 
I of the Chendalur grant and also with Skandavarman II 
of the Udayendiram grant. Like Kumaravisnu I of the 
Chendalur grant he is described as the fifth loka-pala. 
Though he is not called parama-bhagavata, his epithet 
bhagavad-bhakti-sadbhava-sambhdvita-sarva-kalyana in the 
grants of his grandson shows that he was a Vaisnava. 

The Omgodu grant (No. 1) was issued from the 
victorious city of Tambrapa in the 33rd regnal year of 
Skandavarman II, on the thirteenth tithi of the third 
Hemanta-paksa, This form of dating resembles that used 
in the early Prakrit grants and is remarkably different from 
the form of dating used in the Sanskrit grants of the 
Pallavas. It therefore shows that Skandav&rmaa II ruled 

GRANT (No, i) 303 

not long after the kings of the Prakrit charters. We have 
already shown that some parts of the Mayidavolu, Hiraha- 
dagalli and British Museum grants are written in Sanskrit 
and that the issuers of those grants could not have ruled 
long before the kings who issued the Sanskrit grants. We 
have also suggested that the Sanskrit grants showing 
considerable Prakrit influence may roughly be placed in the 
period between the middle of the fourth and the beginning 
of the fifth century A.D. 1 

By this grant the king made a Brahmadeya of the 
village of Omgo<Ju in the Karmara^ra, and offered the same 
with the exception of the devabhoga-hala, in a form of 
sattvika-dana, to a dvi-veda and sadahga-paraga Brahmana 
named Gola^arman of the KaSyapa gotra. The Karma- 
rastra in which Omgodu was situated has been taken to be 
the same as Kamma-nadu of later Telugu inscriptions and 
has been identified with the northern part of Nellore and 
southern part of Guntur. According to Krishnasastri 
(Ep. Ind., XV, p. 254), Omgodu may be the same as 
modern Ongole, the head quarters of the Ongole taluka of 
the Guntur district. Of the boundaries of Omgodu given 
in the Omgodu grant (No. 2) of Simhavarman, Kodikim 
may be identical with modern Koniki near Ongole and 
Penukaparru may be the same as Pinukkiparu mentioned 
as the family name of certain Brahmanas who were reci- 
pients of a village called Tandantottam near Kumbakonam 
(S. Ind. Ins., II, pp. 519, 532). 

1 The early form of the dates used by the Vi^ukuitfins appears to be due to 
conservatism inherited from their original home. It should however be noticed that 
two grants of the Kadamba kings Mrge&ivarman and Bavivarman who ruled about 
the end of the 5th and the beginning of the 6th century are dated in the old fashion. 
One is dated in the 4th year of Mfgedavarrnan on the full-moon day of the 8th 
fortnight of Varsfi (Ind. Ant , VII, pp. 37-38), and the other in the llth year of 
Ravivarman on the 10th tithi of the 6th fortnight of Hemanta (ibid, VI, p. 28). 
This old way of eipressing dates in such a late* period appears to be due to Jain 
influence. See below. 


The seal of Skandavarman II attached to the Omgodu 
grant (No, 1) is almost circular. It is totally worn away, 
and has no trace of any symbols, "though it may be 
presumed to have had on it originally the recumbent bull, 
as in the case of other Pallava grants " (Ep. Ind., 
XV, p. 249). 



Visnugopa or Vinugopavarman, son of Skandavarman 
II, did not ascend the throne. His Uruvupalli grant was 
issued in the llth year of the reign of Maharaja Simha- 
varman. As we have already seen, Fleet thought that this 
Simhavarman was an elder brother of the Yuvamaharaja (or 
Yuvaraja) Visnugopavarman. Hultzsch, however, suggests 
that he is no other than Visnugopa' s son who issued the 
Omgodu (NTo. 2), Pikira and Mangalur grants. According 
to the latter view therefore the Pallava throne passed from 
Skandavarman II directly to his grandson Simhavarman. 

In the Uruvupalli grant Visnugopavarmani calls himself 
praja-sarfiranjana-paripalan'Odyoga-satata'SatTa- vrata- dlksita 
and rajarsi-guna-sarva-sandoha-vijigifu, which he could not 
have said if he was not a ruler of subjects. As a crown- 
prince he was possibly in charge of a district of the Pallava 
kingdom. The district of which he was the governor 
probably had its head quarters at Palakkada from where 
the Uruvupalli grant was issued. As we have already 
noted, both Visnugopa and his son Simhavarman are 
called parama-bhagavata in the inscriptions, all of which 
begins with the adoration : jitam bhagavata. They were 
evidently Vaisnava. In this connection, the name Vi?riugopa 
and the dedication of 200 nivartanas of land (595 
acres according to Kautilya, but 148*6 acres according 
to his commentator ; see below) to the god Vi?nubara 
may also be noted. 


In all the inscriptions of Vignugopa and Simhavarman, 
the Pallavas have been credited with the performance of 
many agvamedhas or many kratus and this evidently refers 
to the aSvamedba performed by their ancestor Kumaravi?nu. 
So far we know only of two Pallava kings who performed 
the Horse-sacrifice. The first of them is Sivaskandavarman 
of the Mayidavolu and Hirahadagalli grants, and the second 
is Kurnaravi?nu, grandfather of Skandavarman II who issued 
the Omgodu grant (No, 1). The former is also credited with 
the performance of the Agni^oma and Vajapeya sacrifices. 

In the Omgodu grant (No. 2) of Simhavarman, the 
Pallavas have been referred to as vallabha which is evident- 
ly the same as ri-vallabha of the Mangalur grant. It is 
interesting to note that titles like ri-vall&bha 9 prthivl- 
vallabha, etc., were adopted by the Calukya kings of 
Badami. 1 We do not know whether the Calukyas appro- 
priated the title of the Pallavas. It is however certain 
that the Ras^rakuta kings who succeeded the Galukyas in 
the sovereignty of the Deccan appropriated these titles 
and were therefore known as vallabha-raja. Arabic travel- 
lers of the 9th and 10th centuries mention a powerful 

* The Calukya antagonist of Pallava Narasiqahavannan has been called Vallabho- 
rQi* (jet& bahuto vaUabha-r&je&ya t etc., of the Udayendiram grant, No. 2; Ind. 
Ant., Yin, p. 278). In the Samangadh inscription (ibid, XT, p. Ill), the Calukya 
contemporary of Ra^rakfl^a Daotidarga (II) has been called Vallabka. In the 
YfTUT and Miraj grants (ibid, VHI, pp. 12-14), the Calukyas themselves refer to 
the greatness of their family as vallabharaja-laksmi. These are only a few of the 
examples. Prof. Raychaudhuri points out to me that the fuller form of the epithet 
is MOTtfetpf-eaZUto which possibly suggests that these Vai?nava kings claimed 
to bait been incarnations of Visnu who ia the tallabha of both Sri and Ptfhivu 
Tbeze seems to be an analogy between these kings' upholding Dharma from the 
Kfttiyuga-dosa and Vifnu f s upholding Prthm from the Pralaya in his Var&ha incar- 
T!M figures of two queens with each of the two Pallava kings engraved on the 
idi-Varaha cave (identified by Krishnasastri with Mahendra?armaa 
I and his son Narasimhavannan-Siiphavisnu, but by T. G. Aravamuthan with 
and his son Mahendravarman I, see South Indian Portrait*, p. 11 ff.) 
to fepreseat symbolically 6rl and Pfthifl (see my note in 7n4. Cult., II, 
pp, 131^2). 


dynaBty of the Balharas who ruled at M&nklr* Accord- 
ing to R. G. Bhandarkar (Bomb. Gaz., I. ii, p. 209), 
BalharO, is an Arabic corruption of Vallabhat&ja and the 
Balharas of Manklr are no other than the Rastrakiitas of 
Manyakheta. 1 

I. The Uruvupalli grant of Visnugopavarman was 
issued from the glorious and victorious sthana of Palakkada. 
By this grant, the Dharma-yuvamaharaja "Visnugopavarmati, 
who belonged to the Bharadvaja gotra and the Pallava 
family, issued an information about his donation to the 
villagers of Uruvupalli (situated in Mundarastra) and an order 
to all the ayuktakas and naiyyokas, and the raja-vallabhas 
and saficarantakas, who had to make the following gift of 
the crown-prince immune with all the parih&ras. The 
grant was in the form of 200 nivartanas of lands which 
were made a devabhoga to be enjoyed by the god Visnuhftra 
whose temple called Visnuhara-devakula was built by the 
sen&pati Visnuvarman at a place called Kandukura (or 
KendukQra). The object of the grant was the increase of 
longevity and strength of the donor. It is warned that 
any one who would transgress the order would be liable to 
physical punishment. The plates are said to have been 
given in the llth year of Simhavarma-maharaja, on the 
tenth day of the dark half of Pausa. 

Syuktaka which, as we have already seen, is 
synonymous with niyogin, karma-saciva and vyQpfta, 
seems to mean "governor of a district/' The passage 
asmin visaye sarv-Hyuktak&b possibly shows that there 
were several dyuktakas employed in a single visaya. 
The word naiyyoka is evidently the same as naiyo- 
gika of the Chendalur grant which is derived from 

1 "Vallabharftja ahonld, by the rules of Prakrk or Vernacular pronunciation, 
become VaUabha-Tty or BaU*hn-T*y. The Ittt it the same aa the fefart of the 
rbie " doc. cit. t also p. 887 f.), 


ftiyoga (office, employment) and seems to mean " governor.' 1 
The word raja-vallabha may signify favourites or subordinates 
of the Pallava kitog. It may also possibly refer to keepers 
of the royal horses or cows. 1 Sailcarantaka has already 
been explained. It is the same as sancara of Kautflya's 
Arthatastra. For the appointment of spies in the king's 
own state to report to him about the conduct of his officials 
and subjects, see Manusarfihita, VII, 122. 

The word devabhoga has been shown to be the same as 
devatra, devasat, devadeya and devadaya, and signifies 
" religious donation to a god." In numerous South Indian 
grants reference is made to the fact that the land is granted 
with the exception of lands previously given away as 
devabhogahala. The word devahala has been used in the 
same sense in the Peddavegi grant of Nandivarman II 
Salankayana (above, pp. 94-95). 

The village of Uruvupalli in the Mundarastra has not yet 
been satisfactorily identified. The boundary of the field grant 
ed is however clearly stated in the charter. The southern 
and eastern sides of the field were bounded by the river Supra- 
yoga (or Suprayoga). At the northern extremity was a 
large tamarind tree in the hills ; and the western side 
was bounded by the villages of Kondamuruvudu, Kendukura 
and Kararnpura. 

According to Fleet (Ind. Ant., V, p. 5), '* The seal 
connecting the plates bears the representation of what seems 
to be a dog, but in native opinion a lion." The figure 
is possibly that of a bull. 

II. The Oragodu grant (No. 2) was issued from an un- 
named skandhavara on the fifth tithi of the bright half of 
VaiSakha in the fourth regnal year of Simhavarman, son of 
Visnugopa. By this record, the king granted the village of 
Omgodu (previously granted by his grandfather to a Brah- 

* r/, eattaea in the Pikira and H'rahadagalli grants, and vallqbha in the Chendf 
I or and Mang&lur grants, 


mana named Gk>la6arman of the Kagyapa gotra) to a Brah- 
mana named Devaforman who was an inhabitant of Kon- 
dura and belonged to the KaSyapa gotra. Devaarman was 
possibly a relative and heir of Golaforman. The village of 
Korujura seems to be the same as the native village of Siva- 
barman, recipient of the Polamuru grant of Visnukurujin 
Madhavavarman I, and of Casami^arman, recipient of the 
Narasaraopet grant of Pallava Vi ? nugopavarman II. The 
identification of Oqagodu in Karmarastra has already been 

The grant is here referred to as purva-bhoga-vivarjita, 
which seems to be the same as devabhoga-hala-varja of 
other grants. It was endowed with all the pariharas, and is 
said to have been copied from the oral order of the Bhatta- 
raka, i.e., the king himself. According to Krishnasastri 
(E p. Ind.i XV, p. 252), the characters of this grant are of a 
later period than that used in Simhavarman' s other grants. 
He is therefore inclined to think that the grant was copied 
from an original record about the beginning of the 7th 
century A.D. 

In line 22 of the grant, reference is made to an eclipse 1 
being the occasion of the grant. It is however contradicted 
by the details of the date, viz. t 5th lunar day of the bright 
half of Vaisakha (11. 31-32). Krishnasastri however tried 
to reconcile the two particulars by supposing Tf that the grant 
which was actually made on the new moon day of Chaitraj, 
a possible day for the nearest solar eclipse^ was engraved on 
the copper-plates five days after, i.e., on the 5th day of the 
bright half of VaiSakha" (ibid, p. 253). 2 

1 As regards the importance of eclipse with reference to donation, see Garwja- 
Purftna, Purva-Khipda, Ch. 51, 29 : 

ayane vijuv* c-aioa graha^e candTW&ryayok, 
aipfcranty-fidtftt fcfiteft* dattaw bhavati c$fcfay<*ro. 

* According to Fleet ( J.R.A.S., 1915, p, 473), Siinhavarman, son of Vif^ugopa, is 
to be identified with the king of the same name who is known from the Lokavibh&ga 



HI. The Pikira grant of Simhavarman was issued from 
the glorious and victorious camp. at the king's residence at 
Menmatura in his 5th regnal year on the third tithi of the 
bright half of ASvayuja with a hope for the increase of his 
longevity, strength and victory. The copper-plates were 
discovered at Nelalur in the Ongole taluka of the Guntur 

By this record, the villagers of Pikira in Munda- 
rastra, as well as the adhyaksas, vallavas and asana-safic8,- 
rins, stationed in the rastra, were informed of the king's gift 
of the above village, endowed with all the immunities (but 
with the exception of lands previously granted for the enjoy- 
ment of gods) to a Taittiriya Brahmana named Vilasa^arman 
who belonged to the Kasyapa gotra. The king says here 
that, as the village of Pikira has been made a Brahmadeya, 
it should be made immune with all pariharas by the king's 
officials who would also see that they be observed by others. 
Any one transgressing this order is warned to be liable to 
physical punishment. The word adhyakm means a "supe- 
rintendent" or a "ruler" (Apte, Sanskrit-English Dictionary, 
s.v. ; Glta, IX, 10 ; Kumarasambhava, VI, 17). l Vallava 
means gopa according to Amara ; other Pallava inscriptions 
(e.g., the Chendalur and Mangalur grants) have vallabha, 
which means ghotaka-rak$aka according* to Jatadhara (see 
Sabdakalpadruma, s.v. palaka). According to Amara however 
vallabha means adhyaksa which has been explained by a 
commentator as gav-adhyaksa (ibid, s.v.). Vallabha is 
generally taken to signify favourites of the king. Sasana- 
saflcarin may be the* same as 3asana-hara, i.e., messenger; 
it may also be identical with SaHcarantaka of other inscrip- 

to have ascended the throne in A.D. 436-87. In A.D. (436-87 + 3) 439-40 however 
there was no solar eclipse on the new moon day of Caitra. 

1 Being connected with vallava (cowherd), may adhyaksa signify grat?- 


. The seal of Simhavarman attached to the Pikira grant is 
very much wbrn, but bears in relief, on a counter-sunk sur- 
face, an animal (bull?) with mouth open and face to the 
proper left. ' It is represented as seated on a horizontal line 
.that is in relief. It closely resembles the animal represented 
on the seal attached to the Uruvupalli grant. The tail and 
fore-legs of the animal are not seen (Ep. Ind., VIII, p. 160). 

IV. The Mangalur .grant was issued from Da6anapurk 
(identified with Darsi in the Nellore district), on the fifth 
tithi of the bright half of Caitra in the 8th year of Simha- 
varman's reign with the hope of increasing his longevity^ 
strength and victory. 

By this record, the king granted the village of Manga- 
cjur or Mangalur in Vengorastra as a Brahmadeya to the 
following Brahmanas : (1) Apastambiya KudraSarman 
of the Atreya gotra, (2) Apastainbiya Turkka^arman of the 
Vatsyayana gotra, (3) Apastambiya Damasarman of the 
Kau&ka gotra, (4) Apastambiya Yajnasarman of theBharad- 
vaja gotra A (5) Apastambiya Bhavakotigupta 1 of the Paragara 
gotra A and (6) Vajasaneyi Bhartrgarman, (7) Audamedhaj, 
(8) Chandoga^ (9) Sivadatta, and (10) HairanyakeSa Sagthl- 
kumara of the Gautama gotra. 

The villagers of Mangadur as well as the ad/ij/afc?as 
vallabhas and Sasana-sailcarins were informed of the dona- 
tion which was endowed with all the immunities^ but was 
with the exception of the devabhoga-hala. The villagers 
and officials were ordered to observe the immunities them- 
selves and to see also that others observed them. Trans- 
gressers of the order were liable to physical punishment. 

VefigorMra seems to be the district of Vengl which lies 
between the'rivers Krishna and Godayari. This district was 

to S*tatapa quoted in the C7MU* and Srtddhatattia <*e 


in the possession of the Salankayanas as early as the time of 
Ptolemy (140 A.D.) ; but they became independent only 
after the downfall of the Satavahaoas. At the time of 
Sitnhavarman, the southern fringe of the district may have 
been occupied by the Paliavas. It is however possible that 
the name Vengi extended over some parts of the country to 
the south of the Krishna at the time of the Salankayanas. 1 
Matigadur was possibly situated in the southern fringe of the 
ancient kingdom of the Salankftyanas, 

1 J 1 ram the ninth century VeAgl appear* to hite signified the kkftea of the 
Ewtera Calokyas. The Teln^D-MafefibhAraU fidi, 1, ) of tiw mil&* <rf UM flU 
centnry referi to BftjahmrOidty in the VeAgl country l/einn. Z>|^ X**., XI, 9. W. 







The Kuntala country seems to have comprised the sou- 
thernmost districts of the Bombay Presidency and the nor- 
thern part of Mysore. 1 In a wider sense Kuntala possibly 
signified the whole of the Kanarese speaking area of Bom- 
bay, Madras and Mysore with the exception perhaps of the 
coast region. The position of the country is indicated by 
the fact that it was washed by the river Krsnavarna (Ind. 
Ant., 1879, p. 18) and included Kurgod in the Bellary dis- 
trict (Ep. Ind., XIV, p. 265), Gangavadi in south Mysore 
(Ep. Cam., IV, Hunsur 187), Nargund in the Dbarwar 
district (Ind. Ant^, 1883, p. 47), Taragal in the Kothapur 
state (ibid, p. 98), Terdal in the Sangli state in South 
Bombay (ibid, 1883, p. 14) and Kuntalanagara (Nubattur 
in the north-west of Mysore). 2 From about the middle of 
the fourth century up to about the middle of the seventh, 
when the country was finally made a province of the Calu- 
kya empire, Kuntala or Karnata 8 is known to have been 
ruled by princes who belonged to the Kadamba family. 

1 Cf. a record of A.D. 1077 in Ep. Cam., Vm, Sb. 262 : M In the centre of tbat 
middle world is the golden mountain to the south of which is the Bhirata land in 
which like the curls of the lady earth shines the Konbala country to which an 
ornament (with various natural beauties) is Banavasl." Some other inscriptions also 
prove that Euntala was the district round Banav&sl. In the traditional lists of 
countries and peoples in the epics, Parana* and works like the BrhatsaifihitSL however 
Kuntala and Banav&s! are sometimes mentioned separately. 

* T am indebted for some references to Prof. Baychandburi. See Bomb. Oaz. t I, it, 
p. 558. 

8 Knntala and Karna> are used as synonymous ir 
Bilhana. Vikram&dilya VI has been called both ku 
karnat-endu (IX, 41-49). Vaijayantf, identified with Bi 
tffrta (that IB to ay , the capital) of the Karna(a country 


Some inscriptions of the Nagarakhanda Eadambas 
(/. B. J3. R. A. 8., IX, pp. 245, 285; Ep. Cam., VH A Sk. 
225, etc.) say that the Kadamba family originated from the 
Nandas who ruled over Kuntala and the adjoining districts 
of the Deccan. 1 But these inscriptions belong to the eleventh 
and twelfth centuries, and very little importance can be 
put to the traditions recorded in them. It is however not 
quite impossible that the mighty Nandas held sway over 
considerable portions of the Deccan. Reference to the 
wealth of the Nandas in a Tamil poem (Aiyangar, Beg. S. 
Ind. Hist., p. 89) and the existence of a city called Nander 
or Nau-Nand-Dehra on the Godavari (Baychaudhuri, Pol. 
Hist. Anc. Ind., 2nd ed., p. 142) may be supposed to support 
the above conjecture. 

In the Sravana-Belgola inscriptions (Ep. Cam,, VIII, Sb. 
1, 17, 54, 40, 108; III, Sr.147, 148, etc.), there is a story 
of the migration of Chandragupta Maurya in Mysore in 
company of the Jain teacher Bhadrabahu. An inscription 
in the Sorab taluka (ibid, VIII, Sb. 263) says that Nagara- 

man (Ep. Cam., VT, p. 91). Kan?a> therefore signified the sume territory as 
Kuntala or the country of which Kuntala formed a part. In the traditiouai lilts 
hwever they are sometimes separately mentioned. Karna{a has been taken to have 
been derived from a Dravidian original like kar-na4u**kan-na<}u (black country) or 
kato-n&fu (great country; cf. Maha-ra^ra). Kuntala seems also to have been 
SaoskritiMd from an original like Karg&fa. The separate mention of KuofteJa, 
Kargafa, BanavasI, Mftbisaka (cf. Mahisa-vfgaya in a Kadamba grant), etc., in some of 
the traditional lists may possibly refer to the fact that these names originally signified 
separate geographical units abutting on one another. Sometimes however one of 
them may have formed the part of another; c/. the case of Tamralipti which is men- 
tioned in literature as an independent state, as a part of Sumha and also as a part of 
Vaftga; ateo the case of Taxila (Rayohaudhuri, Indian Antiquities p. 186 f.) 
With the rise of Eanarese powers like the Calukyas and the Raffraku>i, the name 
Karna> (sometimes also the name Kuntala) extended over a large part of western 
and southern Deooan. In the Kalihgattu-parayi, the Calukyas have been described as 
Kuntalor, " lords of Kuntala " (see Tamil Lexicon, Mad. Univ., s,v.). An inscription 
of Ewihara II, dated in fiaka 1807 (8. Ind. Int., I, p. 158, verses 25-96) says that 
Vijajnagar (modern Hampi) belonged to the Kontala visaya of the Karn*> country. 

1 : An inscription says that the nine Nandae, the Gupta family, and the Meorja 
.kings, ruled over the Und of Kuntala ; then the Raft s, then the Oalukyas, then 
JKalactirva Bijiala, and iihen Hoysala Vlra-Ballalft U (Bomb. GOM., l t ii, p, 281, 


kban<Ja "was protected by the wise Candragupta, an abode 
of tbe usages of eminent Ksatriyas." This record however 
belongs to the fourteenth century, and none attaches much 
importance to it. But these traditions, taken together 
with references to the Vamba-Moriyar (Maurya upstarts) 
advancing as far south as the Podiyil Hill in the Tinnevelly 
district, may possibly be taken to suggest that the Maurya 
successors of the Nandas were master of considerable por- 
tions of Lower Deccan and the Far South. The above 
traditions are in a way confirmed by the discovery of the 
inscriptions of A6oka at Siddapur, Jatinga-Rameswar and 
Brahmagiri in the Chitaldrug district of Mysore. This goes 
to show that at least the greater part of the Kuntala country 
was within the dominions of the Mauryas at the time of 
A6oka. According to a tradition recorded in the Mahavamsa 
(XII, 41) and the Dipavamsa (VIII, 10), the Buddhist tea- 
cher Rakkhita was deputed to Banavasi (the capital of Kun- 
tala or the district round the city) in the third century B. C. 
shortly after the Great Council held at Pa^aliputra in the 
eighteenth year of ASoka. Some scholars think that Kong- 
kin-na-pu-lo visited by the Chinese pilgrim Yuan Chwang is 
to be identified with the capital of the Kuntala country. If 
this identification is to be accepted, we have possibly another 
tradition regarding the Maurya occupation of Kuntala. Yuan 
Chwang says that there was to the south-west of the city a 
stupa, said to have been built by A3oka on the spot where 
SrutavimSatikoti made miraculous exhibitions and had many 
converts (Waiters, On Yuan Chwang's Travels, II, pp. 
237-38; Beal, Bud. Rec. W. World, II, pp. 253-55) . l 

We know very little of the Kuntala country for a long 
time after Afoka. The Satavahana king Gautamipura Sata- 

1 The reference to an officer designated rajjuka in the Malavalli grant of 
Vi9$uka<)4a Cutnkul&nanda Sfttakarni possibly suggests that the Kuntala country was 
onoe ruled by the Mauryas. The rajjvkas (*r5/#faw) are many times referred to in 
tbe inscriptions of As*oka. 



karni, who ruled about the first quarter of the second century 
and claimed a sort of suzerainty over the whole of Dak?ina- 
patha, possibly had some connections with Vaijayanti (Bana- 
vasi), 1 the capital of ancient Kuntala or Karnata. The 
claim of Gautamlputra'a lordship over the Malaya mountain 
(the southern part of the Western Ghats) may be a vague 
one; but the Nasik inscription ( Ep. Ind., VIII, p. 71) of 
his eighteenth regnal year records an order of the Satava- 
hana king when he was in ' 'the camp of victory of the army at 
(or, of) Vaijayanti." This record was issued through the 
amatya Sivagupta who was, according to Eapson (Catalogue, 
p. Iviii), apparently Gautamlputra's minister at 
Banavasi. Eapson further identifies this Sivagupta with 
Sivaskandagupta mentioned in a Karle inscription of the 
same Satavahana king (I c. cit.\ Ep. Ind, VII, p. 64). There 
is as yet no further proof to make us definite as regards the 
occupation of Kuntala by the main line of the Satavahanas. 

According to thePwranas, the Andhra (i.e., Satavahana) 
dynasty had five different branches (cf. andhrdnam samsihi- 
tah paftca team vam&ah samah punah; Vayu, 99, 358). 
Indeed one branch of the Satavahanas, generally called the 
Cutu-Satakarni family, is known from inscriptions, coins 
and literary references to have ruled at Vaijayanti (Banavasi) 
in the Kuntala country before the Kadambas. 

The Matsya list of the Andhra (= Satavahana) kings 
gives the name of Kuntala-Satakarni. A commentator of 
Vatsyayana's Kamasutra clearly explains the term kuntala in 
the name Kuntala-Satakarni-Satavahana as kuntala-visaye 

1 As shown by Fleet (Bomb. Gaz , I, ii, p 278-79 note), the identification of 
Vaijayami with Banavasi is sufficiently established by two points. Firstly, a Dame 
of Banavasi is known to have be>n Jayanti (see, e.g., Ind. Ant., IV, p. 207), which 
is very similar to Vaijayanti. Secondly, a Caluky a record (ibid, XIX, p. 152) of A.D. 
692 mentions the Bdevolal district as situated in the north-east quarter in tl.e vicinity 
of Vaijayanti, while other records prove that Bdevolal was the name of the district 
round Hanual which is just to the northeast of Banavatf. The city seems to h*ve 
been mentioned in the Geography of Ptolemy as Banauej. 


jatatvat tat-samakhyah. A Satavahana king of Kuntala is 
mentioned in the Kdvyamlmam^d as having ordered the ex- 
clusive use of Prakrit in his harem. Prof. Raychaudhuri 
(op. cit. 1 , p. 260) is inclined to identify this king with the 
celebrated Hala, sometimes credited with the authorship 
of the Gathasapta6atl. According to this scholar, the 
Matsya-Purana which gives thirty names in the list of the 
Andhra or Satavahana kings mentions not only the kings of 
the main line, but includes also the kings of the branch that 
ruled in Kuntala. 

Inscriptions discovered in the western and south-western 
districts of the Satavahana empire, that is to say, in 
Aparanta (cf. Kanheri, Arch. Surv. W. Ind., V, p. 86) and 
in Kuntala (cf. Banavasi; Ind. 4nt.,1885, p. 331) including 
the north of Mysore (cf. Malavalli, Shimoga district, Ep. 
Cam., VII, p. 251) testify to the existence of a line of the 
Satavahanas called the Cu^ukula which was in possession 
of South- Western Deccan before the conquest of Banavasi 
by the Kadambas. The relation of the Cu^u-Satakarnis with 
the Satakarnis of the main line is quite uncertain. But 
Bapson thinks that, as the Cutus were intimately connected 
with the Maharathis and Mahabhojas, it is probable that 
the branch of Kuntala was originally subordinate to 
the main line of the Satavahanas and that it shook off the 
yoke when the power of the imperial line began to decline 
after the death of Yajfia Satakarni (op. cit., pp. xxi-ii, 

A doubtful passage of the Devagiri grant (Ind. Ant., 
VII, p. 35), which seems to imply a connection of the 
Kadambas with the Nagas possibly suggests that the Kuntala 
country was originally ruled by the Nagas. These Nagas 
however may be identical with the Cutu-Satakarnis who 
according to many scholars belonged to the Naga dynasty. 
That the Cu^u family had Naga connections is clear from 
the Kanheri inscription which mentions Nagamulanika^ 


mother of Skandanaga Sataka and daughter of Visnukada 
Cutu-kulananda Satakarni (Rapson, op. cit., p. liii). 

The following records of the Cutu-Satakarnis are said to 
have so far been discovered : 

I. Kanheri inscription of Haritiputra Visnukada Cutu- 
kulananda Satakarni (Rapson, loc. cit.). As the name of 
the king could not be read, this record was formerly attri- 
buted to the reign of Vasistliiputra Pulumavi. The donor 
mentioned in this inscription is Nagamulanika who was the 
wife of a Maharathi, the daughter of a Mahabhojl and of the 
great king, and the mother of Skandanaga-Sataka. Rapson 
has no doubt that she is to be identified with the donor of 
the Banavasi inscription in which she is said to have been 
the daughter of king Haritiputra Visnukada Cutu-kulananda 
Satakarni whose name must have originally stood also in 
the Kanheri inscription. 

II. Banavasi inscription of the twelfth year of Hariti- 
putra Visnukada Cutu-kulananda Satakarni (Rapson, op. 
cit., pp. liii-iv). According to Biihler's interpretation of the 
record (Ind. Ant., XIV, p. 334) the king had a daughter 
named Sivaskandanaga^ri who made the grant of a naga, 1 a 
tank and a vihara (monastery) on the first lunar day of the 
seventh fortnight of Hemanta. With respect to these gifts 
amaco (amatya, i.e., minister) Khada Sati (Skanda Sati) was 
the Superintendent of work (kamamtika). The Naga was 
made by Nataka (Nartaka), the pupil of dcarya Idamoraka 
(Indramayuia) of Samjayanti. According to the Maha- 
bharata (II, 31, 70) Samjayanti was situated near Karahata 
which may be the same as modern Karhad. Samjayanti 

1 " In Southern India, curved stone-mages of the Naga are set up to this day, 
often at the entrance of a town or village, for public adoration, and ceremonial 
offerings are made to the Jiving cobra. Groups of Nagn-kals (snake-stones) are to be 
found in almost every village, heaped up in a corner of the court-yard of a Siva temple 
or placed under the shade of a venerable Pipal (Ficus Religiosa) or a Margosa (Melia 
Azadiracha) tree " (An. Rep. 8. Ind. Ep., 1918-19, p. 25 and plates). 


may possibly be identified with Vaijayanti or Banavfisi 
which was also called Jayanti. The Mahabhaiata mentions 
the city of Samjayanti in connection with Sahadeva's 
digvijaya in the south, along with the Pan<Jyas, Keralas and 

Rapson, on the other hand, thinks that the proper 
name of the donor is not mentioned in the inscription, 
but she is said to have been the daughter of the great 
king and to have been associated in the donation with 
Prince Sivaskandanaga&ri. He further suggests that the 
donor is styled Mababhoji or, it is possible, that the 
passage mahabhuviya maharaja-balikaya may be taken to 
mean "of the daughter of the Mahabhoji and of the great 
king." If the latter interpretation be accepted, the 
epithets except maharathinl would be the same as in the 
Kanheri inscription. Rapson has little doubt that the 
prince Sivaskandanaga^ri of this inscription is identical with 
Skandanaga-Sataka of the other inscription. Thus, accord- 
ing to him the donors mentioned in the Kanheri and Bana- 
vasi inscriptions must be one and the same person, viz., the 
daughter of king Visnukada Cutu-kulananda Satakarni. He 
further identifies this Sivaskandanagasri = Skandanaga-Sataka 
with king Sivaskandavarman mentioned in the Malavalli 
record (Ep. Cam., VII, p. 252) of an early unknown 
Kadamba king, and says that the prince subsequently came 
to the throne of Vaijayanti as the heir of his maternal grand- 
father and was possibly the last reigning member of the 
Cutu dynasty. The identification of the slightly similar 
names, viz., Sivaskandanagagrl, Skandanaga-Sataka and 
Sivaskandavarman, however, cannot be accepted as certain. 

III. The Malavalli inscription of the first regnal year 
of Manavya-sagotra Haritiputra Visrmkadda Cutukulananda 
Satakarni (Ep. Cam., VII, p. 251). The inscription 
records the grant of a village. The king is here called raja 
of the city of Vaijayanti. The inscription is followed on 


the same pillar by an early Kadamba record which mentions 
Manavya-sagotra Haritlputra Vaijayantl-pati Sivaskanda- 
varman as a previous ruler of the locality. If judged by 
the standard of palaeography, the second record, according 
to Biihler (Ind. Ant., XXV, p. 28), cannot be much later 
than the first. In this connection, it is also noticed that 
the famous Talgunda inscription of the Kadamba king 
Santivarman refers to Satakarni (very probably a king of 
the Cutu family) and other kings having worshipped in a 
Siva temple at Sthanakundura (Talgunda). It has there- 
fore been suggested that the Kuntala country passed into the 
possession of the Kadambas directly from the bands of the 
Cutu Satakarnis (EUpson, op. cil., p. Iv), and the following 
genealogy of the Cutu dynasty has been drawn from the 
above records 

(1) Vaijayantlpura-raja Manavya-sagotra Haritlputra 
Cutukulananda Satakarni (Kanheri, Banavasi and Malavalli 
records) + Mahabhojl 

Maharathi 4- Nagamulanika. 

(2) Vaijayanti-pati Manavya-sagotra Haritlputra Siva- 
skandavarman (Malavalli record). 

We have already said that the identification Sivaskanda- 
naga&rl = Skandanaga-Sataka = Si vaskandavarman is not 
quite happy. It has moreover been pointed out (see above, 
p. 168, note 2) that, on linguistic consideration, the 
Mallavalli record of year 1 appears to be later than the 
Banavasi record of year 12. The language of the Banavasi 
inscription resembles that of the records of the Satav&banas 
and Ikijvakus ; the language of the Malavalli inscription is, 
on the other hand, very similar to that of the grants of 
Pallava Sivaskandavarman. I therefore think that the 
Banavasi and Malavalli records belong to two different 


Cufakulananda Satakarnis. This suggestion is 
also supported by the palaeographical standard of the 
Banavasi inscription. According to Biihler (Ind. Ant., XIV, 
p. 331 ff.)i the record is to be placed about the end of the 
first or the beginning of the second century. 

From the fact that, according to the evidence of the 
Talgunda record, Mayuragarman, the first king of the 
Kadamba family, received the pattabandha-sampuja along 
with the country from the Prehara (river?) up to the 
western (Arabian) sea from the Pallava kings of Kafici, it 
appears that for a time the Kuntala country passed into the 
possession of the Pallavas. This may have taken place 
about the time of the great Sivaskandavarman and his 
father whose direct rule is known to have extended as far 
as the Andhrapatha (i.e., the Andhra country with its capital 
at DhamfiakadaDhanyakataka) in the north and the 
Satahaniraftha (i.e., the Bellary district) in the north- 
west. We have also shown (see above, pp. 168, 184) 
that a comparison of the language of the Malavalli record 
with that of the Mayidavolu and Hirahadagalli grants 
would place the rule of Mayurasarman, the progenitor 
of the Kadambas, not long after the accession of Sivas- 
kandavarman about the beginning of the fourth century. 
Since the language of the Malavalli record of Visnukadda 
Cutukulananda Satakarni who, as we have suggested, appears 
to have been different from the earlier Visnukada Cutukula- 
nanda Satakarni of the Banavasi inscription, closely 
resembles the language of the Chandravalli record of 
Mayurasarman and the Malavalli grant which seems to 
belong either to the same king or to his immediate successor, 
and does not appear to be earlier than the grants of 
Sivaskandavarman, I think it not impossible that the 
later members of the Cutu dynasty of Kuntala 
acknowledged the suzerainty of the powerful early Pallava 
rulers of KaficJ. 


No coins have as yet been attributed to any of the 
kings known from inscriptions. Some large lead coins 
from Karwar bearing the title cutu-kul-anamda in the legend 
are doubtfully assigned to an earlier feudatory member of 
the Cutu family (Rapson, op. cit., p. xliii). The reading 
haritl as a portion of the legend on some lead coins found 
in the Anantapur and Cuddapah districts (loc. cit.) is not 
quite certain and therefore does not justify in the present 
state of our knowledge the attribution of those coins to any 
of the Cutu kings. 

Besides the coins bearing the legend ratio cutu-kul- 
anarfidasa, there are other coins discovered from the Karwar 
district with the legend rafio mud-anamdasa. The express- 
ions cutu-kul-ananda and mud-ananda have been thought to 
signify respectively " Joy of the family 1 of the Cutus " and 
" Joy of the Mundas." These titles resemble in character 
that of the Maharathi Arigika-kula-vardhana, " the cherisher 
of the race of Anga." They have been taken to be dynastic. 
According to Eapson, these may be designations attached to 
particular localities or titles derived from the home or 
race of the rulers. Cutu evidently signifies the Cutu- 
Satakarni family. The Mundas are frequently mentioned in 
Sanskrit literature. The Vifnu-Purana (IV, 24, 14) speaks 
of thirteen Munda kings who ruled after the Andbras, (i.e., 
Satavahanas) . "It is perhaps, more probable that the 
kings bearing these titles were members of two families of 
feudatories in the early period of the dynasty, and that, 
at a later period, on the decline of the empire, one of these 
families gained the sovereign power in the western and 
southern provinces, while the eastern provinces remained in 
the possession of the Sfttavahana family " (Kapson, op. cit., 
p. xxiii). 

1 In place of kula of the inscriptions, Kapson reads kwfa on the coina and 
intnslateB the term as " city " (op. cit,, p. Ixxxiv). 



Iq almost all Eadamba inscriptions the Kadambas 
claim to have belonged to the Manavya gotra and call them- 
selves Haritlputra. 2 The designation Manavyagotra-Hariti- 
putra was evidently borrowed from the Cu^u Satakarnis who 
ruled over Kuntala before the rise of the Kadambas. From 
the Banavasi grant of the eighth year of Mrgegavarman's 
reign (Ind. Ant., VIE, pp, 35-36) the Kadambas seem to have 
actually belonged to the Angirasa gotra. 8 This suggestion 
is possibly supported by the fact that they are called try-dr$a~ 
vartma (see verse 3 of the Talgunda inscription ; Ep. Ind., 
VIII t p. 31 ff.) which seems to refer to the three pravaras 
of the ingirasa gotra, viz., Arigirasa, Ya&stha and Barhas- 
patya (Sabdakalpadruma, s.v. pravara). 

According to a very late inscription belonging to the 
Kadamhas of Hangal (Ep. Cam., VII, Sk, 117), the 
Eadamba family originated from the three-eyed and four- 
armed Eadamba. This Kadamba is said to have sprung 
into being under a Kadamba tree from a drop of sweat that 
fell on the ground from the forehead of Siva. Kadamha'g 
son waa Mayuravarman who conquered the earth by the 
power of his. sword and invincible armour. Another ins- 
cription (ibid, XI, Pg. 35) eays that Mayuravannan him** 
self was bom under an auspicious Eadama tree, with an eye 

I TWapapet M %ioliy pnblUhed in Jna. 0*tt.,IV,p. 118 f. 

91 Sviyftmbhavt M*nu'i no* WM Mftnavya from whom came all tho*e who belopg4 
io tte HinaTTa gotra (Bomb. Go*., I, ji, p. 889). Mftnavya's son was Harita ; hit aon 
waa Paflcatikhi-Hiriti. 

8 Did the Kaiambatolalm connection with the lAgirasa HriAai who axe aaid 
to bate descended; through tksvlka, from Mann? ^Se* Bomb. Gaf,, I, U, p. 217, note). 



on bis forehead. He is there described as the son of Rudra 
and the earth. His family became famous as Kadamba owing 
to the fact that he grew up in the shade of a Kadamba 
tree. An inscription of A. D. 1077 (ibid, VHI, Sb. 262) 
gives still more interesting details. . There Mayuravarman 
seems to have been described as the son of the famous 
'2Lnanda-jina-vratindra's sister 1 and as born pfcder the 
famous Kadamba tree, and to have had the other name 
Trilocana. A kingdom having been procured for him from 
the Sasanadevi and a forest being cleared and formed into 
a country for that prince, a crown composed of peacock's 
feathers was placed on his head. From this crown, the 
prince obtained the name Mayuravarman. 

These mythical accounts do not differ materially from 
those recorded in the inscriptions of the Later Kadambas 
of Goa. Some of the Halsi and Degamve grants (e.g., ibid, 
VII, Sk. 236) attribute the origin of the Kadamba family 
to the three-eyed and four-armed Jayanta otherwise named 
Trilocona-Kadamba. This Jayanta is said to have sprung 
from a drop of sweat that fell on the ground near the roots 
of a Kadamba tree, from the forehead of Siva when the 
god killed Tripura after a hard fight. 

An inscription of the same period belonging to the 
Later Kadambas of Nagarakhanda (J.B.B.R.A.S., IX, pp.^ 
245, 272, 285) gives a slightly different story. It says that 
king Naoda worshipped Siva for many days with the desire 
of getting a son. One day some Kadamba flowers suddenly fell 
down from the sky and a heavenly 'voice assured him of his 
getting two brilliant sons in the near future. Thus according 
to this tradition, the Kadambas claimed relation with the 
famous Nanda kings of Pataliputra. Some other late 
Kadamba grants also attribute a northern origin to the 

1 Here IB possibly a reference to the oUim of having been related with -the 
Inanda kings pf Kandarapura For the Inandas, fee above, p. 50 ff ; alao my note ,in 
/. *. 4: *., October, 1934, p. 787 ff. 


Kadambas. The Kargudari record of the Hangal Kadambas 
asserts that Mayuravarman came from the Himalayan regions 
and brought from Ahicchatra eighteen Brahmanas whom he 
established in Kuntala (Bomb. Gaz. 9 I, ii, pp. 560-561) * 
According to another record (Ep. Ind., XVI, pp. 354, 360) 
Mayuravarman is said to have established his power oh 
the summits of the Himavat mountain. 

All these traditions are of little historical value. All 
they may indicate is that the progenitor of the Kadamba 
family was named Mayura and that the family-name had 
an accidental connection with the Kadamba tree. In con- 
nection with the tradition regarding the three-eyed Trilocana- 
Kadamba, it is interesting to note that there are similar 
accounts of a mythical Trilocana-Pallava in later Pallava 
inscriptions. This three-eyed Pallava is said to have brought 
some Brahmanas from Ahiccbatra and to have settled them 
to the east of Sriparvata where he made seventy agraharas 
(An. Rep. S. Ind. Ep., 1908, pp. 82-38). Later Kadamba 
inscriptions, as we have noticed, attribute this Brahmana 
emigration to Mayuravarman. These facts seem to show that 
the mythical traditions about the two Pallava and Kadamba 
Trilocanas bad a common origin, though they possibly 
depended on the development of each other (Moraes, 
Kadambakula, p. 8 note). As has already been suggested, 
the evidence of the Mysore records of the twelfth century 
stating that the N^nda king ruled over Kuntala (Bice, 
Mysore and Coorg, p. 3), the reference to the wealth 
of the Nandas in a Tamil poem and the existence of a city 
called Nau Nand-Dehra in the South may suggest that the 
Nanda dominions embraced considerable portions of 
Southern India. In the present state of our knowledge 
however it is not possible to prove a genealogical connection 

l Another record Bays (Bomb. Ga.,p, 561) that Muka^a-Kadamba (the three- 
eyed Kadambaa) brought 12,000 Brfthmajjas of 82 gotras from Abiochatra aod eatablfsh- 
td them *t the Sthftgugwjhapura (i.e., Talgunda). 


between the Nandas and the Eadambas. Moreover, the 
Eadambas, as we shall presently we, were origiaaHy 
Brahmanas, wbile the Nandat are known from the PurSn** 
to have been Ksatriyas with an admixture of Sudra blood. 

It is clear that all the later traditions connected with 
the origin of the name Eadamba developed on a reference 
in a much earlier Eadamba record. It is the Talgunda 
inscription of king gantivarman who ruled about the 
middle of the fifth century, that is to say, about a century 
after the establishment of the Eadamba power in Kuntala by 
Mayura about the middle of the fourth century A.D. This 
inscription records (Ep. Ind., VIII, p. 31) that the 
Eadambas were so named owing to their tending a Eadaniba 

tree that grew near their house (c/ grha-Mmlpa- 

samrudha-vika^at^kadamb-aika'padapam, tad-up&caravat = 
tadasya tar oh sandmya-sadharmyam^asya tat prtvavrte 
satirthya-vipraif&m prScttrt/ata5=todt?tteanam), and that 
they belonged to the dvija-kula (Brahmana family). In this 
Kadamba-kula was born a person named Mayuraformaa, 
the best of the Brahmanas (cf. evam** agate kadamba-kult 
tnmdn^babhuva dvijottamah nSmato m&gurafann^eti). 
There seems to be nothing very strange and unbelievable in 
this simple account. The statement that the Eadambas were 
Brahmanas is also supported by the evidence of the earliest 
Eadamba record, the Chandravalli inscription of Mayura 
(Mys. Arch. Surv., A.R., 1929, p. 50). In this ins- 
cription, the name of the Eadamba king has been 
given as Mayura-larman, and not as Mayura-tHrrmon 
which form we find only in the inscriptions of the 
Later Eadambas. Since barman was used with the names 
of Brahmanas and varman with that of Eiyatriyas (cf. 
iarma-vadbrahmanasya sy&t, Manu, II, 82 ; &mna 
deva&=sca viprasya varma trata, ca bha-bhujab, etc., 
Tama quoted in Sabdakdpadrurna, s.v. 6arm&) 9 the pro- 
genitor of the Eadamba family was a Brihnwina aosordiog 


to the earliest known Kadamba record, and there is no 
reason to doubt the truth of the statement. It is not 
impossible that the Kadambas were originally Brahmanas 
.who migrated from Northern India like many other South 
Indian toyal families, took service under the S&tavahanaus 
and eventually carved out a principality in the Kuntala 
wuntry. 1 That they later gave themselves as Ksatriya is 
proved by the fact that not only the names of the succeeding 
kings ended in varman, but MayuraSarman was himself 
made Mayuravarman in all later records of the family. Their 
case may be compared with that of the Sena kings of Bengal 
who styled themselves as Brahma-Ksatriya which possibly 
means "Br&hmana first and Ksatriya afterwards/' that is 
to say, " Brahmana by birth and Ksatriya by profession." 

It is interesting in this connection to note that, like 
the Kadambas, there were and still are many tribes and 
families in India, named after particular trees. The Sakyas 
were a branch of the Iksvaku family and were so called 
owing to their connection with the Saka tree (cf. &aka- 
tifk$a~praticchannam vasavi yasm&c = ca cakrire, tasmad 
ikpvdkn-vaifltyas te bhuvi takyah praklrtitah ; Saundaranan- 
dak&vya, I, 24). Coins of a tribe or family called Odnmbara 
hate been discovered in the Pathankot region (Kangra and 
Hosyarpur districts according to Smith, Catalogue, pp. 
160-61) and have been assigned to circa 100 B.C. (Kapson, 
Indian Coins, p. 11). Odumbara (Sanskrit Audwnbara) 
appears to be connected with the Udumbara or fig tree. 
A tribe named Arjunayana has been mentioned Varaha- 
mihira's Brhatsamhita (XIV, 25) and the Allahabad piller 

1 Had thft Kadtmbae tome sort of relation with the N!pa (= Kadamba) family 
Which ruled, according to a traditiofi recorded by K&lidlsa (Raghu, VI, verses 45-51), 
over the district round Mathuri? G. M. Moraes says (Kadambakula, p. 10). 
"H) ?ry name of the family saggeata that they (i.e., the Kadambaa) were the natitea 
of the South* For the Kadamba tree ia common only in the Decoan." ft la 
howeter a miarepreaentation. The Kadamba tree ia largely found alto in other parta 
tf India. 


pillar inscription of Samudragupta (circa 350 A.D.);- 
Many coins belonging to this tribe have also been discovered 
(Indian Coins, p. 11). These Arjunayanas seem to have 
been called after the Arjuna tree. The name of the Sibi 
tribe may also be connected with Sivi or the birch tree. 
Some coins bearing the legend vatasvaka are assigned to 
about B.C. 200 (ibid, p. 14). Biihler has explained the 
legend as denoting the Vata (fig. tree) branch of the 
A6vaka tribe (Ind. Stud., Ill, p. 46). It is interesting 
in this connection to notice that even at the present time 
the Lari Goalas of Chhota-Nagpur, the Goraits, Kharias, 
Kharwars, the Kumhars of Lohardaga, Mundas, Nagesars, 
Oraons, Pans and many other tribes have septs or sections 
amongst them named after the famous Indian tree Vata 
(Ficus Indica). (See H. H. Kisley, Tribes and Castes of 
Bengal, II, 1892, pp. 51, 55, 77, 78, 86, 103, 111, 113, 
115, etc.) A consideration of modern tribal names seems 
to suggest that the above tree-names had originally some 
sort of totemistic significance. 

We have already mentioned several Indian tribes and 
castes bearing the name Vata. There are many such tribes 
and castes in India, which go by the names of particular 
trees. Tribal septs are named after the Pumur (fig. tree), 
bamboo, Palm tree, Jari tree, Mahua tree, Baherwar tree, 
Kussum tree, Karma tree and many other trees (Riseley, 
op. cit. 9 pp. 61, 78, 87, 96, 97, 103, 105, etc.). Some 
,of these are actually totems, while others appear to have lost 
their original totemistic significance. 1 

1 Totemistic ideas appear to be gradually changed with time. Among the 
preiepfc^ay Bantais, only traces of their primitive totemism are to be found. "None 
of ^tfi&e^ Appear to be associated with the idea of culture-heroes as amongst the 
Amrf4ndraaB. * The folklore shows indeed some stories centering round the plants 
(betel-palm*, Pan jaum tree, Sabai grass) and animals (tiger, jackal, leopard, crab). 
B&des these/some of the clans* names centre round industrial object? and articles 
of usefulness, such as chain, earthen vessel , etc. These would be more in line with 
a belief in objects possessing mana and venerated at such and gradually getting 


It however cannot be proved in the present state of our 
knowledge whether the Kadambas and the other tribes 
and families with tree-names were totemistic in the true 
sense of the term. In this connection it is interesting to 
note what has been said about the totemism prevalent 
among the present-day Santals who must originally have 
been a totemistic people. "Totemism in the truest form 
is not present amongst the Santals. The Santals of our 
days do not believe in the actual descent of a clan from 
its totem, and the few legends of the Santals about the 
origin of some of their clans do not point to any belief in 
the descent of men from their totems. All that they 
indicate is that the totem animal and plant bad some 
accidental connection with the birth of the ancestor of the 
clan. As for example, the sept Pauria is called after the 
pigeon and Chore after the lizard ; and the story is that on 
the occasion of a famous tribal hunting party the members 
of these two septs failed to kill anything but pigeons and 
lizards ; so they were called .by the names of these animals." 1 
It is interesting also to note that according to the Talgunda 
inscription and many other later Kadamba records the 
Kadamba tree "had some accidental connection with the 
birth " of the family of Mayura^arman, the ancestor of the 
Kadambas, exactly as the pigeon and lizard in the family 
traditions of the two Santal septs called Pauria (pigeon) and 
Chore (lizard). 

associated with exogamons Bab-divisions which might have had a hand in the invention 
ox diffusion of those useful objects. There is no seasonal recurring ceremonial round 
these objects meant for the preservation or propagation of animals or plants ' 
as ancestors as in Australia. There is indeed some taboo to the use 
subclan of the plant and animal venerated as its ancestor. The anij 
thus venerated are taboo to the elans; none can hunt it, nor can) 
flesh. But for the observation of this taboo, the Santals are in 
animal worshippers" (P. 0. Biswas, Primitive Religion, etc., of i 
Dipt. Let., XXVI, p. 6). 
I Jbid, pp. 67-58, 



The following genealogy of the Early Kadambas is 
established by the Talgunda inscription of Santivarman and 
the numerous records of his son! grandson and great-grand- 
son (see Ind. Ant., VI, p. 22) : 





Kafcustha or Kakusthavarman 

Santivarman or Santivara- 

MygeSa, MrgeSvara, MfgeSa- 
varman or Mrgeavaravarman 

Bavi or Bavivarman 



, In connection with the discussion on the date of 
Pallava Sivaskandavarman (above, pp. 161-68 ; also 
Jaurn. Ind. Hut., XII, p. 297 ff.}, I have tried to 
prove that Sivaskaadararman ruled in the first quarter 
of the fourth century A.D. I have also suggested 
a comparison of the language of the 


(Mys. Arch. Sure., A.B., 1929, p. 50) with that of the Mayi- 
davolu and Hirahadagalli grants would place the reign of 
Kadamba MayuraSartnan only a little later than the accession 
of Sivaskandayarman. The use of rf (1.1) and the numerous 
double-consonants like mma (1.1), tr, 11 (1.2), sth, nd (1.3), 
etc., appear to prove that the Chandravalli record was en- 
graved after, but not long after, the execution of the grants 
of Sivaskandavarman. I therefore think that scholars (see 
Anc. Hist. Dec., p. 95 f.; Kadambakula, chart opp. p. 15) are 
justified in placing Mayura&irman about the middle of the 
fourth century A.D. We may not therefore be far from the 
mark if we suppose that the date of Mayura's accession lies 
somewhere between A.D. 320 and 350. 1 

According to the evidence of the Talgunda inscription 
(Ep. Ind., VIII, p. 31 ff.) of the Kadamba king named 
Santivarman, this Mayurasarman was followed on the 
Kadamba throne by his son Kangavarman, grandson Bhagi- 
ratha and great-grandson Eaghu ; Raghu was succeeded by 
his brother whose name was Kakusthavarman. Supposing 
that Mayura^arman's reign began about the middle of the 
fourth century and that the reign-periods of the four prede- 
cessors of Kakusthavarman (viz., Mayurasarman, Kangavar- 
man, Bhaglratha and Eaghu) together covered about a 
century, we arrive at about the middle of the fifth century 
for the period of Kakustba. 

The Halsi grant (Ind. Ant., VI, p. 23) of Kakustha- 
varman, the Yuvaraja (crown-prince) of the Kadambas, 
was issued in the eightieth year. 2 Fleet says (Bomb. Gaz., 

According to the Talguada inscription, MayuraSarmai received the 

, as well as fche land between the Western sea an] the Pretrira from th P*llav 
kings of Kafl;T. We have already suggested that this may have takeo place about the 
time of the great Siva*kandavarmnn and bis father who were poasib'y suzerains of the 
wbole land hounded by the Arabian sea in the west. See above, p. 184 n. 

t Iu Ind. int., XIV, p, 13, it has been suggested to be the eightieth year from 
tit <x<H*tt of the Htywi by Rrsnavarman (!) who however omnot be 80 years 
earlier than Kaknsthavarman. 



I, ii, p. 291), " The year purports by strict translation to 
be his own eightieth year. But it cannot be the eightieth 
year of his Ywwra/a-ship ; and, even if such a style of dating 
were usual, it can hardly be even the eightieth year of his 
life.. It must therefore be the eightieth year from the 
Pattabandha of his ancestor Mayura^arman, which is 
mentioned in the Talgunda inscription." The beginning 
of Kftkustha's reign thus falls more than eighty years 
after MayuraSarman's accession (somewhere between circa 
320 and 350 A.D.). The record issued when Kakustha- 
varman was a Yuvaraja thus seerns to have been inscribed 
some time between circa 400 and 430 A.D. 1 

Kakusthavarman was succeeded by his son Santi- 
varman daring whose reign the Talgunda record was 
engraved. Mrge^avarman was the son and successor of 
Santivarman. Thus the two reigns of Kakusthavarman and 
of Santivarman intervened between the date of the Halsi 
grant when Kakustha was a Yuvaraja (some time between 
A.D. 400 and 430) and the date of Mrgesavarman's 
accession. But since we do not know the precise date of 
MayuraSarman's accession and the exact reign-periods of 
Kakusthavarman and Santivarman, it is difficult to 
conjecture any definite date for the accession of Mrge^a- 
varman. It is however almost certain that Mrge^a's rule 
did not begin earlier than A.D. 415. 

Mrgesavarman's last known date is year 8. He was 
succeeded by his son Eavivarman whose last known ins- 
criptional date is year 35. Ravivarman's son and successor 
was Harivarman whose Sangoli grant (Ep. Ind., XIV, 
p, 165 ff.) was dated in the eighth year of fiis reign. The 
date of this record is calculated to be either Tuesday, the 

1 Prof. Kaychaudburi suggests to me that, since this is the only instance of an era 
being used in the Kadamba records and since Klkustha, is known to have had relations 
with the Guptas, tbe-year 80 may possibly be referred to the Gupta era. The sugges- 
tion suits our chronology, as the date then falls in 400 A.D. 


22nd September, 526, or Thursday, the 21st September, 
545 A.D. So Harivarman ascended the Kadamba throne 
either in 519-520 or in 538-539. 1 Since Bavivarman's 
reign of about 35 years intervened between the end 
of MrgeiSavarman's rule and the beginning of Harivarman' s 
reign, Mrge^avarman does not appear to have ended bis 
rule before (538-35 = ) 503 AD. Thus we see that the 
reign of Mrgeavarman fell in the period between A.D. 415 
and 503. 

Now, the Banavasi grant (Ind. Ant., VII, pp. 35-36) of 
Mrgesavarman gives a verifiable date. This record is said 
to hive bsen dated in rajyasya trtlye varse pause samvatsare 
karttikamasa-bahula-pakse dafamyantithau uttara-bhadra- 
pada-naksatre. The date is therefore Pausa year ; month of 
Karttika ; Bahula or the dark fortnight ; tenth lunar day ; 
and Uttara-bhadrapada naksatra. This date fell in the 
third regnal year of Mrgegavarman. It must first be 
observed that Bahula is here apparently a mistake for Sukla. 
The lunar mansion called Uttara-bhadrapada may have 
chance to occur on the tenth lunar day only of the bright 
half, and not of the dark half, of the month of Karttika. 
We are therefore to find oat a Pausa year in the period 
between A.D. 415 and 503, in which the lunar mansion 
Uttara-bhadrapada occurred on the tenth tithi of the bright 
half of Karttika. 

Between A.D. 415 and 503, Pausa years, counted 
according to the twelve-year cycle of Jupiter, occurred in 
A.D. 425, 437, 448, 460, 472, 484 and 496; but calculations 
show that the lunar mansion Uttara-bhadrapada occurred in 
Karttika-sukla-da^imi only in A.D. 437 and in 472. On 
October 24, A.D. 437, Sukla-dasami continued till 2-5 A.M. 
in the night;' and Uttara-bbadrapada naksatra began about - 

1 Mr. E. N. Dikahit who has edited the Sangoh grant (Ep. Ind,, XIV, 
p. 165 f.) rightly prefers the second date, viz., A.D. 538. 


12-15 P.M. in the day. On October 27, A.D. 472, Sukla- 
daSam! continued till 8-57 P.M. in the night and Uttara- 
bhadrapada began about 2-31 P.M. in the day. It therefore 
appears that Mrge^avarman ascended the Kadamba throne 
either in A.D. 434-435 or 469470. 1 

Scholars (see Anc. Hist. Dec., pp. 95-96; Kadambakula, 
chart opp. p. 15) generally place Mrge&ivarman's accession 
in circa 475 A.D. We would therefore prefer the second 
alternative, viz., 469-70 A.D. 

In this connection we should also note that a Halsi grant 
(Ind. Ant., VI, p. 24) of king Mrge^avarman is dated on the 
full-moon day of Karttika in his eighth regnal year which was 
a Vai^akha samvatsara. We have already seen that the 
tenth tithi of the bright half of Karttika of his third year 
fell in the Pausa samvatsara. This fact seems to show that 
the same lunar day of Karttika in the next Vai^akha samvat- 
sara fell in his seventh regnal year. Are we to suppose that 
the eighth year of Mrge&ivarman's reign began in between 
the Sukla-da^ami and the full-moon day of Karttika ? 
Mrge^avarman would then appear to have ascended the 
throne on a day between these two tiihis. 

There were several branches 2 of the Early Kadambas, 
the most important of them besides the direct line of 

1 I am indebted for some calculations to Mr. D. N. Mukberji, B.Sc , of the 
Daulatpur College (Kb ulna distiict, Bengal). Tbe calculations are on tbe beliacal 
rising system as followed by Dikshit ID Fleet's Gupta Inscriptions (Corp. Ins. 
Ind., III). After tbe publication of my paper on this subject (Journ. Ind. Hist., 
XIV, p, 844), I have noticed that in a foot-note at page 853 of his Lilt, the 
late Mr. Sewell said, " Mj-geSavarinan may have come to the throne in A.D. 471. 
For an inscription of his third year bears a date in A.D. 473, given as in tJ* 
year Pausa, which, in the twelve year cycle *Kllaka." Sewell appears to have 
calculated the Pausa years according to the mean motions of Jupiter. 

1 It will be seen that tbe lines of Mayuralarman and Knfnivarman I and a few 
other lines one of them being that to which king Mftndbtj-varman belonged, ruled 
more or less simultaneously over different parts of the Kadamba country. The refer- 
ence to Galukya Kirtivarman's victory over the kadaiflba-kadarnba-kadaipbdka (com- 
bined army of a confederacy of Kadamba princes ?) is interesting to note in this 
connection. Buddhadatta, tbe celebrated author of tbe Vinayavinicchaya, is said to 
have flourished at Uragapura (modern Uraiyur near Tanjore) about the fifth century 


Mayura&trmanbeing the line of Krsnavarman I. Since 
the exact relation of these branch lines with the main line, 
that is to say, with the line of Mayura&irman, is not as yet 
definitely and unquestionably settled, I think it wiser to 
deal with them separately. 

A.D. In the nigamwna of that work, he says that he resided in the v iliara of Venhu- 
data at Bhutamangala-on-Kaveri in the Colaratfcha and composed the book when 
the country was being ruled by Accutaccutavikkanta who was a kalamba-kula nandana. 
The $ka says that the Cola-raja Accutavikknma who was kalamba-'kula-vamsa-jdta was 
ruling the Co)a-rat(ha. It has been suggested that king Acyutavikrarra belonged to 
the Kadamba family (see Ind. Cult., I, pp. 71-74). Some scholars think that he was 
a Kalabhra. The suggestion that the Cola country was ruled by a Kadamba 
or Kalabhra king about the fifth century however cannot be accepted without 
farther evidence. Kalamba-kula nandana, i e. t delight of the Ka Jamba =- Kadamba 
(Bomb. Gaz.., I, ii, p. 558, note 2) or Kadamba family, may supgest that 
Acyotavikrama's mother was a Kadamba princess. In this connection it is 
interesting to note that a Pallava king (Pallava-raja) named Gopaladeva 
has been described in the Haldipur grant (Ep. Ind., XXI, p. 173 ff.) as 
kaiktya-vaipt-odbhava which has been taken to indicate that Gopaladeva was 
connected with the Kaikeyas on his mother's side. Galukya Jayasimha III is described 
io the records of the family as being born in the Pallava lineage (Bomb. Gaz. t I, ii, 
p. 888), and Fleet suggests that hit mother was a Pallava princess. Fleet also 
suggested (ibid. p. 819) that Satyasrayt-Dhruvaraja-IndraTarman, " an ornament 
of the Adi-maba-Bappura-vainsa," was a son of Calukya Mangales*a and was connected 
with the Bappura or Batpura family on his mother's side, J t is also not impossible 
that the Kamboja-var^a tilaka- B&jyapftla of the Irda grant is the same asking 
Rftjyapala of the P&la dynasty, whose mother was a Kamboja princess. See my note in 
Sown. Andhra Hitt. Res. Soc., X, p. 227 f. 



We have seen that according to the Talgunda inscription 
the Kadambas belonged to a Brahmana family devoted to 
the study of the Vedas. There the family has been described 
as tryarw-vartma, hariti-putra and manavya-gotra. In this 
family of dvijas was born an illustrious and learned 
Brahmana named Mayura&irman who went with his pre- 
ceptor Virasimha to Kancipura, the Pallava capital, in 
order to prosecute his Vedic studies. There Mayura^arman 
was drawn in a quarrel with the Pallavas, 1 and considering 
the illtreatment he received a dishonour to the Brahmanas, 
"he unscathed a flaming sword eager to conquer the 
world." He then easily defeated the frontier guards of the 
Pallava kings (antah-palan pallav-endranam) 2 and esta- 
blished himself in a dense forest near Sriparvata. His 
power gradually increased, and he levied tributes from the 
Brhad-Banas 8 and other kings. At length a compromise 

1 Kielhorn thinks that afoasaiflstha is the same as atvaroha," a horseman" (Ep. 
Ind.. VIII, p 26). May the passage afoa-strpsthena kalahena suggest that the quarrel 
of MayuraSarman was in connection with a horse sacrifice (see above, p. 184, 
Dote). Among th? Early Pallavas Sivaskandavarman and Kurnaravisnu of 
the Omgcdu (no. 1) grant are the only kings known to have performed the A6vamedha. 
This fact aldo appears to sugeast that MayuraSarmin lived about the time of the 
{Treat Sivaskandavarman who is known to have held sway over the greater portion 
of Lower Deccan. Kumaravisnu seems to have ruled about the end of the fourth 

8 The plural number in pallavendran&i^t etc., suggests that the quarrel of 
Mayuras*armanj*was not limited within the reign period of a single Pallava king of 
KftficI, but continued in the succeeding reigns. Antafy-pala (Warden of the Marches) 
it mentioned idy Kaufcilya'a Arthafastra (Samasastry's ed., pp. 20,247). The salary 
of an Antdh-pala was equal to that of a Kumara, Paura-vyavaharika, Ra?trapala 
and of a memberof the Mantri-parifat. 

3 Brbad-Bapa appears to mean the great Ban a or the greiter house of the 
Binai. Cf. Peramblnapp&4i in Tamil. 


was brought in, and Mayiira^arman accepted service under 
the Pallava kings of KaficI, from whom he received the 
pattabandha-swripuja, that is to say, the status of a subordi- 
nate ruler, as well as the territory extending from the 
Apararnava (Western or Arabian Sea) and the Prehara 
(river ?) with a specification that no other chief would enter 
into it. The eightieth year of an unknown era by which the 
Halsi grant of Kakusthavarman (Ind. Ant., VI, p. 23) is dated, 
is supposed by some scholars to have begun from this time. 

Mayura&irman is said in theTalgunda inscription (v. 20) 
to have entered into the service of the Pallava kings and to 
have pleased them by acts of bravery ioi battles. He seems to 
have become a dandanayaka (field-marshal) of the Pallava king 
of Kanci. This view is further supported by verse 3 of the 
same inscription in which the Kadamba family is called the 
great lineage of leaders of armies (kadamba-senanl^brhad- 
anvaya), as well as by verse 22 in which Mayuragarman is 
said to luve been favoured 2 and anointed Senapati (general) 
by Sbdanana aiil the Mothers 3 (sadananafy yam = abhisikta- 

1 The word tenant means " leader of an army " (see Git a, X, 24; Kumar a. t 
II, 51). II is also a raame of Kftrttikeya, the divine general (Raghu, II, 37). It may 
also be suggested that Mayura8*arman was famous as Senani or Senapati like Pusya- 
mitra Sunga (Malavikagnimttra, Act V). 

2 The word anudhyata is generally taken to be m the active use to mean *' medi- 
tating on .." In the passage in question the verb anu-dhyai is evidently used in the 
passive to mean " to favour," "to bless." That the word anudhydta should be taken in 
the passive to mean " favoured "is also proved by passages like mahdsena-matrgai)- 
anudhyat-abhifikta io which the other word abhtftkta is used in the passive. Note also 
a similar passage of the Calukya grants which says that the family " acquired an un- 
interrupted continuity of prosperity through the favour and protection of Earttikeya" 
(Bomb. Gaz., I, ii, p. 387). The common phrase bappa-bha^Hraka-pad-dmtdhyata means 
11 favoured (or, blessed* by the feet of the (or, the noble) lord, the father. 1 ' 

3 The Calukyas are described in their grants as " who have been nourished by 
the seven Mother* who are the seven mothers of mankind." The Mothers are 
personified energies of the principal deities. They are generally seven (sometimes eight 
or sixteen) in number, e.g., BrfthmJ (or Brahman!), MaheSvarl, Kaumari, Vai^avl, 
Varahl (sometimes NarasirphI), IndranI (Aiodrl or Mahendrl) f and CSuuu^a. who 
attend 09 diva but rsually on his son Skanda (Mahasena or Sadaoana). The list of 
eight Mothers omits Mabendr! but includes Cangi and Carcika. They were probably 
connected with the six Krttikas (Pleiades) who are said to become mothers to Skanda 


van=anudhyaya senapatim matrbhik saha). 1 In this connec- 
tion it is interesting to note that in almost all the Eadamba 
recDrds the family has baen described as anudhyata (favoured) 
by Svami-Mahasena (aianana) and the Mothers. It must 
also be noticed in this connection that the Sirsi grant (Ep. 
Ind., XVI, p. 264) of Ravivarman describes the king as 

A very late inscription found at Talgunda (Ep. Cam., 
VII, Sk. 178) says that MayuraSarinan (or Mayuravarman as 
there written) performed no less than eighteen horse-sacri- 
fices. G. M. Moraes says, "It may safely be maintained 
that he really performed one or perhaps a few more which 
thus formed a historical foundation for the exaggerated 
version of the later reords." The suggestion is however 
untenable in view of the fact that Mayuravarman is never 
credited with the performance of any sacrifice not only in 
his own Chandravalli record but also in the inscriptions of 
his immediate successors. The Kadarnba family is said to 
have b?en ranlered pure by the bath of the A^vamedha only 
after the time of Krsnavarman I who is the only Kadamba 
ruler known to have performed the horse-sacrifice. 

The Chandravalli inscription of Mayuravarman (My$. 
Arch. Sun>., A. B., 1929, p. 50) records the construction 
of a tank by the king who belonged to the Kadamba family 
and cDnquerei the Trekuta, Abhlra, Pallava, Pariyatrika, 
Sakasthana, Sayindaka, Punata and Mokari. This record 

by nursing him who formed six mouths to suckle them siraultnualy (cf. Sksnda's 
names, Karttikeya, SadSnana, Sinmitura, etc.). See Bomb. Qaz. t I, ii, p. 837 and 

1 The piBBage has been taken by some to mean that Maynrasarman was anointed 
by Sadanana after he meditated on the SanapaU (i.e., Saganaoa?). This interprta- 
tirn is certainly untenable. Tue verb in anudhy&ya (after favouring) , whioh has 
hate its subject in ^ananah and its object in yam, is the samt as in anudhytta 
(favoured) in passages like mah&9ena-m&trg<*n>&nudhy&t'&bhitikata(twoQT6& and 
anointed by Bfahasena and the Mothers) occurring in many Kadamba records. 

; cf. bis names Mah*se& end Senapatf. 


is engraved on a boulder at the entrance of the BhairaveS- 
vard, temple at Chandravalli in the Chitaldrug district of 
Mysore^ and is so obliterated that it is difficult to be definite 
as regards the reading of some of the names mentioned in 
connection with Mayura^arman's conquests. 

I. Trekuta appears to signify the Traikutakas who 
probably received their name from the Trikuta mountain in 
Aparanta, mentioned by Kalidasa (Raghu, TV, verses 58-59). 
An inscription (Arch. Surv. W. Ind., p. 124f) of the 
Vakataka king Harisena (circa 500-520) refers to the king- 
dom of Trikuta. The copper- plate grants of the Traikutaka 
kings are all discovered in the neighbourhood of Surat and 
Kanheri (Bhandarkar, List, Nos. 1199^ 1200, 1202, etc.). 
The Kanheri grant of the year 245 (A.D. 493-94} 
of the augmenting sovereignty of the Traikutakas refers 
to a monastery at Krsnagiri (Kanheri) itself. The Pardi 
inscription of Dahrasena is dated in year 207 (A.D. 455- 
56). The date of the Surat inscription of Vyaghrasena 
is the Traikutaka year 232 (A.D. 479-80). The 
evidence of the Traikutaka inscriptions thus shows that 
the family ruled in Southern Gujarat and the Konkan about 
the second half of the fifth century. It is possible that the 
Traikutakas ruled in the same place also about the time of 
Mayura^arman. The era used in the Traikfltaka inscriptions 
is said to be the same as the Kalacuri or Cedi era which 
begins from A.D. 248-49 (Bapson^ op. cit^ pp. clx-xlxi; 
Bomb. Gaz.j I. ii, p. 294.) 

Traikutaka coins have been discovered not only in Sou- 
thern Gujarat and the Konkan, but also in the Maratha 
country on the other side of the Ghats. Bhagwanlal 
Indraji noticed a Traikutaka coin mentioning the Parama- 
vai^nava Maharaja Rudragana (sena), son of Maharaja 
Indradatta (Bomb. Gaz., I. ii, p. 295 n.). The fact that 
the Traikutaka coin-types are very closely imitated from the 
Western K^atrapa coins shows that they were intended for 


circulation in districts where the Western Ksatrapa coim 
hadtecome familiar to the people. <f Local conservatism 
in regard to coin-types is a marked characteristic of Indian 
numismatics" (Rapson, loc. cit.). It is therefore clear 
that the country of the Traikutakas was originally a part 
of the dominions of the Saka kings of Ujjain. According 
to the Ajanta inscription (Arch. Surv. W. Ind., IV, p. 138 ff.) 
the Trikuta country was conquered by the Vakataka king 
Harisena who Appears to have ruled about the beginning of 
the sixth century A.D. 

II. The earliest mention of the Abhlras seems to be 
that in Patanjali's Mahabhasya, I, 252 (Ind. Ant., XLVII, 
p. 36). There they are associated with the Sudras. Accor^ 
ding to a verse of the Maliabharata, these two tribes lived 
near the place where the Sarasvati lost itself into the sands 
(cf. IX, 37, 1: udr-abhwan prati dvesad = yatra.nasta 
sarasvatl ). In another place however the epic places the 
Sbhiras in Aparanta (II, 51). The country of the 
Abhlras has been mentioned as Abiria in the Periplm and as 
Aberia in the Geography of Ptolemy. According to the 
Greek geographer (Geog., VII, i, 55), the land about the 
mouth of the Indus was generally called Indo-Scythia which 
consisted of three countries, viz., Patalene (Indus delta), 
Aberia (ibhira country) and Surastrene (Kathiawar), 

The Puranas (e.g., Vayu, 99, v. 359) mention the 
Abhlras who ruled after the Andhras (Satavahanas). An 
Abhira chief named Rudrabhuti is known to have served as 
general of a Saka king of Ujjain. The Gunda inscription 
of Saka 103 (A.D. 181), belonging to the reigm of Rudra- 
simha I, records the digging of a tank by the ibhira general 
Rudrabhuti, It is also known that for a time the Saka 
Satraps of Western India were shadowed by an Abhlra king 
named Madharlputra Igvarasena, son of Sivadatta. The 
Nafiik inscription (Ep. Ind., VIII, p. 88) of this king re- 
cords the investment of 1,500 Uarsapanas in the trade-guilds 


of G-ovardhana (Nasik) for the purpose of providing medicines 
to the monks dwelling in the monastery on the Triragmi 
mountain. 1 Coins of a Mahaksatrapa named l^varadatta 
have been found in Kathiawar. These are silver fcoins of 
the same style and type as the coins of the Saka Ksatrapas. 
Isvaradatta dates his coins in the regnal year and not in the 
Saka era like the Western Ksatrapas. According to Bhag- 
wanlal Indraji, Isvaradatta was probably an Ibhira connect* 
ed with the dynasty of I^varasena of the Nasik inscription, 
and it was Isvaradatta who founded the Traikutaka era 
of A.D. 248-49. Kapson however has no doubt that 
Igvaradatta reigned between A.D. 236 and 239, 2 that is to 
say, about ten years before the establishment of the 
Traikutaka era. It is not possible to determine whether 
the Ibhiras and the Traikutakas belonged to the same 
dynasty or race. It may however be said that the two 
groups of kings ruled over substantially the same territory 
and had a similar formation of names, which facts possibly 
suggest some sort of relation that may have existed between 
the ibhiras and the Traikutakas (Bapson, loc. cit.). 

III, We have already discussed the question of Mayura- 
forman's quarrel with the Pallavas of Kaflcl. About the 
beginning of the fourth century, the Pallavas appear to have 
held sway not only over Andhrapatha and Satahaniraftha 
(Bellary district) in the north and the north-west, but 
possibly also over the Kuntala country in the west. 

IV. Pariyatrika seems to signify the people dwelling on 
the Pariyatra mountain, which may be identified with the 
Aravelly Eange and the Western Vindhyas. According to 

1 The Nasik district " may have passed immediately into the power of these 
Ibhiras, either during the reign or after the reign of 8rI-Yajfla, or it may have first beea 
held by the Cutu family of the Satakarnis, the ' other Aodbras ' or < Andhra-bhftyas ' 
(' servants of the Andhras ') of the Puranas, who undoubtedly were in possession of the 
neighbouring maritime province of Aparanta " (Rapson, op. cit, p. cxxxiv). 

* Bhandarktr places the rule of Mahaksatrapa ISvaradatta between 188 and 


thePuranas (Vayu, 45, 97-98 ; Markaiideya, 57, 19-20), rivers 
lil?e the MahI A Carmanvati(Chambal), BarnaSa (Banas), Sipra 
and Vetravati have their origin in the Pariyatra or Paripatra. 

V. Sakasthana is th3 country of the Sakas. It has 
been mentioned by the author of the Periplus ( 38) as 
Scythia which was situated in the Lower Indus valley 
and was under the rule of Parthian chiefs, engaged in un- 
ceasing internecine strife. As has already been noticed, the 
Indian Saka country is described in the Geography (VII, i, 
55) of Ptolemy as Indo-Scythia which included Patalene, 
Aberia and Surastrene. At the time of Mayura^arman 
(middle of the fourth century A.D.), Sakasthana seems to 
have signified the kingdom of the Saka kings of Ujjain. The 
line of the Sakas of Ujjain was founded by Castana (a 
contemporary of the Greek geographer Ptolemy) in the first 
half of the second century. The Sakas continued their rule 
in that locality up to the beginning of the fifth century when 
Chandragupta II of the Imperial Gupta dynasty of Magadha 
conquered Malwa from Saka Eudrasimha III (Eapson, 
Catalogue, p. cxlix ff. ; Allan, Catalogue, p. xxxviii f .) 

VI. Sayindaka has been suggested to be the same as the 
country of the Sendrakas. The Sendrakas are known to be 
of Naga origin and their country is generally identified with 
the Nayarkhanda or Nagarakhanda division of the Banavasi 
province, which possibly formed a part of the present 
Shimoga district of Mysore. The Sendraka-vi?aya is known 
to have been included in the dominions of the Kadamba 
king Krsnavarman II. The Bennur grant (Ep* Carn.^ V, 
p. 594) of Krsnavarman II records the gift of a village called 
Palmadi which was in the Sendraka-visaya. A Sendraka 
chief named Bhanu3akti seems to have been a feudatory 
of the Kadamba king Harivarman (see the Halsi grant of the 
eighth year of Harivarman's reign ; Ind. Ant., VI, p. 31). 
After the fall of the Kadambas the Sendrakas transferred 
their allegiance to the Calukyas of Badami, who succeeded 


the Kadambas in the rule of the Kuntala region. A record 
of Pulake&n I (Ind. Ant., VII, p. 211 ff.), who was the first 
great emperor of the Calukya dynasty, mentions the Sendraka 
raja Bundranlla Gonda, his son Sivara and grandson Sami- 
y&ra who ruled the Kuhundi-visaya (Belgaum district) 
with its headquarters at Alaktaka-nagari. 1 The Chiplun 
grant (Ep. Ind., UI^ p. 50 ff.) says that the Sendraka prince 
Sri-vallabha Senananda-raja was the maternal uncle of Pula- 
ke&n II. An inscription (J.B.B.R.A.S., XVI, pp. 228-29) of 
the tenth year of Vikramaditya 1 mentions the Sendraka 
chief DevaSakti who appears to have been his feudatory. 
According to the evidence of the Balagami record (Ind. r Ant.> 
XIX, p. 142; Ep. Cam., VIII, Sk. 154), the Sendraka 
Maharaja Pogilli, a feudatory of Calukya Vinayaditya I, 
ruled over the Nayarkhanda division which had a village 
called Jedugur, identified by Fleet with Jedda in the Sorab 
taluka of the Shimoga district. The crest of the family of 
Pogilli was the elephant (Bomb. Gaz., I, ii, p. 192). In connec- 
tion with a certain Satyagraya(PulakesinlI?) a Lakshmesvar 
inscription mentions the Sendra(t.e., Sendraka) king Durga- 
6akti, son of Kumaraakti and grandson of Vijayasakti. 

VII. Panama has been taken to be the same as modern 
Punnadu in the southern part of Mysore. Ptolemy seems to 
have mentioned it (Geog., VII, \ L < 86) as Pounnata where 
beryls were found. The country or district of Punnata was 
adorned by the rivers Kaverl and Kapinl. The capital of 
this ancient kingdom was Klrtipura (Kittur) on the Kapinl 
(Kabbani) river in the Heggadedevanakote taluka. The Ko- 
maralingam and Mamballi plates (Ind. Ant., XII, p. 13 ; Mys. 
fach. Sun., A.E., 1917, pp. 40-41) 'belonging to early 

1 Records like the Bagumra (Nausari district) grant (Ind. Ant., XVIII, 
pp. 266-67) of tho Sendraka prince Pftbtavallabha-Niknmbballadafeti, eon of iditya* 
ffakti and grandson of Bhftmi&kti, dated in the year 406 (Cedi era?655 A.P.) 
9h0w tiiat the QendrakM were granted jtytr* in Southern Gujarat after the country 
Wai conquered by tbe Calukyw, Alaktakanagori-LattalQj: of B&trakuta v* *** ? 


Punnata rulers speak of the kings named Visnudasa, Ea?tra- 
varman, Nagadatta, Bhujaga (son-in-law of Ganga Madhava- . 
Simhavarman ?), Skandavarman and Eavidatta, who belonged 
to the Tamraka^yapa kula. According to the Ganga records, . 
Ganga Avimta, father of Durvimta, married the daughter of 
Skandavarman, king of Punnata. Ganga Durvinlta is known 
to have had a very long reign which covered more than forty 
years and, as we shall see, the Ganga king probably helped 
his daughter's son, Calukya Vikramaditya I, in securing the 
throne of Badami about 654 A.D. The Punnata king Skanda- 
varman, Durvimta's mother's father, must therefore have 
reigned in the second half of the sixth century. Some of the 
Ganga recojds assert that the Punnata country formed a part 
of Durvimta's kingdom. The country may have passed to 
Durvinlta as the heir of his maternal grandfather. 1 

VIII. Mokari has been taken to signify the Maukharis 
of Eastern and Northern India. Inscriptions of the Maukha-, 
ri kings have been discovered in the Jaunpur and Bara- 
Banki districts of U. P. and in the Gaya district of Bihar 
(Bhandarkar, op. cit., Nos. 10, 1601-1605; Corp. Ins. 
Ind., Ill, Intro, p. 14). The Haraha inscription (Ep. 
Ind., XIV, p. 115) of Maukhari Iganavarman is dated in 
Vikrama 611 (A.D. 544). About the sixth century a line 
of the Maukharis is known to have established themselves in 
the Kanauj region. Maukhari Grahavarman of this line 
married the sister o the illustrious Harsavardhana (A.D. 
606-647) of the Puyabhuti family of Thaneswar. The 
Chandravalli record however seems to refer to the Maukharis 
of Eajputana. Three inscribed yupas (Krta year 295= A JD. 
238) of a feudatory Maukhari family have been found at 
Badva in the Kotah state (Ep. Ind. XXIII^ p. 42 ff.). 

1 Dr. B. A. Saletore has written a paper on the kingdom of Pannfita in Ind. Cult. , 
IH (October, 1936), p. 802 ff. His chronology is however based on the theories that 
liayfiralarman ruled about the middle of the third century, and that Ganga Dur?injtu 
reigned in the last quarter of the fifth century, which 1 consider to be inadmissible, 
chronology is more reasonable (inc. flitt. Dec., pp. 107-9). 


It is interesting in this connection to note that the 
tentative reading of the Chandravalli record does not speak 
of the Banas who are, according to the evidence of the 
Talgunda record of Santivarman, known to have been 
harassed by Mayura&trmara. The Banas were a very ancient 
ruling family in the Chittoor and -North Arcot districts. 
According to Hultzsch (S. Ind. Ins., Ill, p. 89) the capital 
of the Bana dynasty seems to have been Tiruvallam which 
had the other name Vanapuram and belonged to the 
district of Perumbanappadi (the country of the Great Bana). 
Tiruvallam is 40 miles west by north of Conjeeveram. 
On the evidence of the Penukonda Plates (Ep. Ind., 
XIV, p. 331), it may be suggested that about the 
middle of the fifth century A.D., the Pallava kings Simha- 
varman and Skandavarman installed the Ganga feudatories 
Ayyavarman and his son Madhava-Simhavarman for the 
purpose of crushing the Banas who had possibly become 
unruly. The early history of the Banas is wrapped up in 
obscurity. The earliest rulers of the family, whose time is 
known, are Vikramaditya-Bali-Indra who was a vassal of 
Calukya Vijayaditya (A.D. 696-733), and Vikramaditya 
who governed the country, *' West of the Telugu Road,* as 
a vassal of Pallava Nandivarman II (A.D. 717-79). See 
Hultzcb, Ep. Ind., XVII, p. 3 ff., Sewell, List, p. 328. 

According to Dr. M. H. Krishna (Mys. Arch. Surv., 
A.R., 1929, p. 56), the Chandravalli inscription is to be 
assigned to circa 258 A.D. He suggests that the rise of 
Mayura is to be placed between A.D. 250 and 260. All 
his arguments are however based on an untenable view 
regarding the date of Pallava Sivaskandavarman whom he 
places about the end of the first half of the third century 
A.D. It appears that Dr. Krishna too is inclined to place 
Mayuragarman only a little later than Sivaskandavarman. 
Pallava Sivaskandavarman, as I have already shown, ruled 
in the first quarter of the fourth century. Mayura^arman, 


the language of whose Chandravalli record is a little 
more developed than that of the grants of Sivaskanda- 
varman, should therefore be placed not earlier than the 
first quarter of the fourth century A,D. 

The Malavalli inscription (Ep. Cam., VII, 8k. 264) 
possibly also belongs to king Mayura^arman. Here however 
the issuer of the grant is simply said to have been feadatfi- 
lanani raja (king of the Kadambas) and vaijayantl-dhamma- 
mahardjadhiraja (Dharma-Maharajadhiraja 1 of Vaijayanti 
or Banavasi) ; but the name of the king is not mentioned. 
Nevertheless, as the Prakrit language of the record is 
later than that of the grants of Sivaskandavarman, 
the issuer of the Malavalli grant must have been either 
Mayura^arman himself or his immediate successor. 

The grant was executed in the fourth year of the king's 
reign, on the second lunar day of the first fortnight of autumn, 
under the first asterism Rohim. The grant was in the form 
of a Bahma-dijja (Brahma-deya) which was meant for the 
enjoyment (deva-bhoga) of the god Malapalideva. It consist- 
ed of a number of villages which are said to have been 
previously granted by king Manavyagotra Haritlputra Siva- 

* Titles like Maharajadhir&ja were derived from Raj&tiraja, etc , of the Scythe- 
Ku^anas. They were first used in Northern India by the 0- apt as who were the 
political successors of the Kus&nas in the sovereignty of Arvavarta. In Southern 
India, the title Dharma-Mah&rajadhiraja first appears in the Hirahadagalli grant of 
Pallava Sivaskandavarman. No other early Paliava king is known to have used the 
title. Sivaskandavarman himself has been called Yuva-mah&raja in the Mayidavolu 
grant. The early Ganga kings call themselves Dharma-Mahadhiraja. Since no early 
Kadamba 1 king ia known to have been called Dharma-Mah&r&j&dhir&jo, may it be 
supposed that this title of the Kadamba king of the Malavalli record was an imitation 
of the title of Pallava Sivaskandavarman who, as we have suggested, was possibly 
suzerain of the Kuntala region in the first quarter of the fourth century ? May it bo 
further suggested that the name of Manavyasagotra Haritlputra Vaijayaotl-pati 
Sivaskandavarman who seem to have been the immediate predecessor of Mayuraformaa 
was after that of Pallava Sivaskandavarman, just like the name of the Ganga king 
Madhava-Simhavarman was imitated from that of his father's overlord, king Simha- 
Tarman (A.D. 43645E) of 


skandavarman, lord of Vaijayaatl. 1 The Brahmadeya 
was granted for a second time, with all the pariharas includ- 
ing abhata-pravefa, to a Brahmana named KauSiklputra 
Nagadatta of the Konninya (Kaundinya) gotra, who is said 
to have been an ornament of the Kondamana-kula. The 
necessity of granting for a second time is said to have been 
the fact that the ownership of the estate was abandoned. 
The villages granted were Somapatti, Konginagara, Mariyasa, 
Karpendula, Para-Muccundi, Kunda-Muccundi, Kappennala, 
Kunda-Tapuka, Vejaki, Vegura, Kona-Tapuka, Ekkattha- 
hara and Sahala. The king's oral order seems to have 
been written down by Vi^vakarman and engraved on the 
stone-column by Nagadatta who is possibly not the same 
as the donee. 

The grant begins with an adoration to Malapalideva 
and ends with the mahgala : jayati lokanatha[h~] nandafitu 
go-brahmanaty'] ; siddhir=astu ; &rirastu. This Sanskrit 
mahgala at the end of a Prakrit grant reminds us of a 
similar mahgala at the end of the Hirahadagalii Prakrit 
grant of Sivaskandavarman. Many of the Sanskrit grants of 
Mayura^arman's successors also end with similar mahgalas. 

The above inscription is engraved on a pillar in front 
of the Kallevara temple at Malavalli in the Shikarpur 
taluka as a continuation of, as has already been noticed, an 
inscription dated in the first year of Manavyagotra Hari- 
tiputra Vinhukadda Cutukulananda Satakarni, king of Vija- 

1 It has been suggested (e.g., in Liiders, Ltst, No. HQfj;Journ Ind. Htst., 
Xtr,p. 361) that Sivaskanda-varman was the name of the Kadamba king who 
issued the Malavalli grant. The composition of the record however clearly shows 
that the theory is untenable ; cf. vaijayanti-dharma-maharajadhtraja patikata- 
sanjjh&yicaccdparo kadambanam raja sivakhadavavvand manavyasagottena haritiputtena 
vatjayanfipattna puvvadatt^eti, etc. It must be noticed that the word [kadambanarp] 
raja with all the epithets preceding it is in the first case-ending, while sivakhado- 
vwvaria and all its epithets following it are in the third case-ending. Moreo-er, 
the epithet vatjayantl'dharma-maharajadhiTaja applied to kadarpbanaifl raja and 
taijayanti-patind applied to sivakhadavavvand show beyond doubt that these two 
identical epithets refer to two different kings. 



yanti (Banavasi). This grant also begins with an adoration 
to the god Malapalideva for whose enjoyment a Devabhoga 
was granted in the king's first regnal year on the first lunar 
day of the second fortnight of summer. The Devabhoga 
was in the form of a Bahmadijja (Brahmadeya) of the 
gramahara (group of villages ?) of Sahalatavi which was 
granted to Takinciputra Kondamana who has been called 
Haritiputra and is "said to have belonged to the Kaundinya 
gotra, with all the pariharas like abhatapravca and others. 

It must be noticed that the Malavalli record of the 
Kadamba king also mentions Sahala (cf. the gramahara of 
Sahalatavi of the present grant) and there the donee is one 
who belonged to the family of this Kondamana (kondamana- 
kula-tilaka) . Since thelinguistic andpalaeographical standards 
of the two Malavalli records agree in placing them very near 
each other in time, I think it possible that the Kondamtina- 
kula-tilaka Kau^iklputra Nagadalta of the Kaundinya 
gotra (donee of the Kadamba grant) was the son of 
Takinclputra-Haritiputra Kondamana of the Kaundinya gotra 
(donee of the Cutu Satakarni grant). 1 We should however 
notice the facts that in the Kadamba record the twelve 
villages including Sahala are said to have been previously 
granted by a Vaijayanti-pati named Sivaskandavarman 
and that the ownership of the estate is said to have been 
abandoned. It may be supposed that Sahala was granted 
by Vinhukadda Outukulananda Satakarni, while the eleven 
other villages were granted by Sivaskandavarmau who was 
possibly the former's immediate successor. It is however, 
possibe to suggest that the gramahara of Sahalatavi consisted 
of the twelve villages mentioned. In the terminology 
of later inscriptions it would belike " the Sahala Twelve" or 
"the Sahala-mahagrama.'' The cause of abandoning the 

1 See, e.g., Natsadhiy a, V, verse 124, in wfcioh Nala, son of Vlrasena, has been 
described as rirasena-kula-dipa. 


ownership of the estate by the heir of Kondamana seems to 
have been the political troubles caused by the rise of Mayura- 
barman. The case appears to be the same as that suggested 
in connection with Siva&irman who received the village of 
Polamuru fronf Madhavavarman I Visnukurujin, and with 
his son Kudragarman who fled to Asanapura during the 
Calukya invasions and received back his father's agrahara 
from Jayasimha. I Eastern Calukya when the latter was 
established in the Guddavadi visaya (see above, p. 107 ff.) 

The order of king Vinhukadda Cutukuljinaiida Satakariji 
for the execution of the Malavalli grant is said to have been 
given to a Rajjuka whose name was possibly Mahabhava. 
Rajjuka (from rajju) has been taken to be the same as a 
class of officials described by Megasthenes (McCrindle, Ancient 
India, pp. 53-54). These officials are said to have measured 
the land, collected taxes, superintended rivers and the 
occupations connected with land, enjoyed the power of 
rewarding and punishing, inspected sluices, constructed roads 
and carried out other works of pubJic utility. Some of 
these have been described as the functions of the Rajjuka or 
Rajju-gahaka-amacca in the Kurudhamma-Jataka. From the 
inscriptions of Agoka we know that the Rdjukas (i.e., Rajjukas) 
were appointed over many hundred thousands of men and were 
placed in direct charge of the janapada jana ; they therefore 
seem to have been the highest district officers (see Bhandar- 
kar, ASoka, 2nd ed., pp. 59-60). The Rajjukas were 
possibly employed in this region when Kuntala formed a 
part of the Maurya empire. The existence of such an offi- 
cial in South-Western Deccan about the beginning of the 
fourth century shows that the official machinery of the 
Maurya age was still functioning in Southern India (see 
Eaychaudhuri, op. cit., p. 321). 


According to the Talgunda inscription, Mayurasarman 
was succeeded by his son Kangavarman. In the Satara 
treasure trove four Kadamba coins have been found to bear 
the legend skandha which Moraes takes to be a mistake for 
kahga (op. cit., p. 382). The suggestion however is 
doubtful. Another writer suggests (see Journ. Ind. Hist., 
XII, p. 361) that Skanda was the real name of the son 
of Mayurasarman and that he was the same as Sivaskanda- 
varman of the Malavalli record. We have already shown 
(above, pp. 166-67) that the identification of the names 
Siva?kanda and Skanda is not quite happy. It has also 
been proved that Sivaskandavarihan of the Malavalli record 
did not belong to the Kadamba family, but was possibly 
a scion of the Cutu Satakarni dynasty of Kuntala. 

The same Talgunda inscription says that Kangavarman 
was succeeded on the Kadamba throne by his son Bhagi- 
ratba. The coins in the cabinet of the Indian Historical 
Research Institute (St. Xavier's College, Bombay) with the 
representation of lions and the word in and with the legend 
bhagl in Hale-Kannada characters have been taken to be the 
issues of this king (Kadambakula, p. 382). But the 
Kadamba coins (even if the Early Kadambas issued coins) 
have not yet been studied, and we are not definite if these 
coins can be assigned to the Kadambas. 

Rev. Heras has pointed out (J.B.O.R.S., XII, p. 458 ff.) 
that the story of Kalidasa being sent as an embassy of 
Vikramaditya (possibly Candragupta II of the Gupta 
dynasty) to the court of the king of Kuntala is referred to in 


tbe tfpigaraprafea^a of Bhoja and possibly also in the Aucitya- 
vicaracarca of Ksernendra (not of Hemacandra ; see Ind. 
Hist. Quart., IX, p. 200). He suggests that this Kuntala 
king was Bbaglratha and that Kalidasa was sent ii*, order to 
contract a matrimonial alliance that has been referred to in 
a passage of the Talgunda inscription which says that 
Kakusthavarman, son of Bhagiratha, married his daughters 
in tbe families of the Guptas and other kings. The theory of 
Rev. Heras however seems to me to be based on a tissue of 
assumptions. As has already been pointed out by N. Lakshini- 
narayana Rao (Ind. Hist. Quart., IX, p. 199), in the passage 
of the Talgunda record, king Kakustbavarman, and not his 
father Bhagiratha, has been credited with tbe family alliance. 
We have already suggested that Kakusthavarman appears to 
have ruled in the first half of tbe fifth century A. I). He 
was therefore contemporary of the Gupta king Eumaragupta I 
(circa 415-455 A.D.), tbe successor of Candragupta II (circa 
37 5-415 A,D). It is possible that a son or a grandson of 
any of these Gupta kings was the son-in-law of Kadamba 
Kakusthavarman. 1 

* Dr. S. K. Aiyangar (The Jaka^as and their place in Indian History, 
p. 41 ff.) and, apparently following him, Mr. N. Lakshminarayana Eao (Ind. 
Hist. Quart., IX, p. 200) think that the king of Kuotala to whom Candra- 
gapta II is suppjsed to have sent an embassy was a king of the Vakafcaka 
dynasty. It is pointed oat that the Bharatacarita (An Bhand. Or. Res. lnst. t 
V, p. 46) mentions the author of tbe well known Prakrit poem Setubandha as a 
Kuntalefo, while Bina in the Har$acanta (Intro., verse 14) tells us that the poem was 
composed by Pravarasena, who has been identified with Pravarasena H of the Vakafaka 
dynasty. According to them, the Vakfttakas were also known as " Lords of Kuntala." 
The theory is however nntenable in view of the fact that the country of Kuntala has 
been described as a separate political unit in the records of the VSkatakas themselves. 
According to the Balaghat plates (Pp. Ind.. IX, p. 260 ff), Narendrasena, son of 
Pravarasena II, was married to Ajjhita-Bhattarika who was the daughter of the lord of 
Kuntala. The Ajanta inscription (Arch. Sun. W . !:*., IV, p. 138 ff.) says that the 
Vakifakaking Prthivtsena, father (? grandfather) of Pravarsena II, conquered the 
lord of Kunteli. That the Kuntala country did not form a part of the Vk$aka 
dominions is also proved by the fact fiat according to the same inscription, Harisega 
who was the last great king of the V*kW dynasty claims to have conquered 
Kuntala once again. Of course, the Kadambas of Kuntala may, for some time, hve 


Bhagiratha was succeeded by his son, king Eaghu. 
Nothing important is known about his reign except the fact 
that his younger brother Kakusthavarman was a Yuvaraja 
during bis reign and was possibly in charge of the district 
round Pala&ka (modern Halsi). 

acknowledged the suzerainty of the Vak&takas; hot that would hardly justify Pravara- 
sena IT being called kuntal-ea. Moreover, the Puranas (e g. t Vayu, 99, 865-66) 
describe the Vakatakas as vaidiiaka (belonging to Vidife), and the Vakafaka grants 
show that the Vak&takae ruled from the Vidarbha region in northern Deccan (eee 
Bhandarkar, ListjNos. 1703-18). 

The mention of a Vftk&taka king as " Lord of Kuntala * ' in the BharAtacaripa 
only shows that its author lived in (or referred to) a period when the name Euntala 
extended over the greater part of Western and Southern India, e.g., in the age of the 
Calukyas who have been described as Kuntalar, " Lords of Kuntala," in the 
Kalihgattupararii (see above, p. 215. note 8). The Early Calukyas may be supposed 
to have been political successors of the Vakatakas in the Deotan. 



Raghu was succeeded by his younger brother Kakustha- 
varman l who was possibly ruling the Pala&ka division of 
the Kadamba kingdom as a governor during his elder 
brother's reign. Only one inscription of Kakusthavarman 
has so far been discovered. 

The grant of Kakusthavarman (Ind. Ant., VI, p. 23) 
begins with the word namah, and a verse 2 which says, 
"Victorious is the holy Jinendra who abounds in good 
qualities and is renowned as being extremely compassionate, 
and the banner of whose tenderness which comforts the 
three worlds is lifted up on high." Some of the grants of 
Mrge&ivarman and Eavivarman begin with the same verse. 

The grant was issued from Palasika (modern Halsi on- 
the road to Nandigarh in the Bidi taluka of the Belgaum 
district) in the eightieth year of Kakusthavarman, the 
Yuvaraja of the Kadambas, who claimed to have enjoyed 
the general good wish of the subjects. We have already 
seen that the date of Kakusthavarman's grant is supposed 
to "be the eightieth year from the pattabandha of his 
ancestor Mayura^arman, which is mentioned in the Talgunda 
inscription/' But since there is no proof that the 
Kadnmbas had any era like that, it may not be unreason- 
able that the date should be referred to the era of the 
Gupta with whom Kakustha was matrimonially related. 

1 The correct form of the name would be Kakutsthavarman (literally, one whose 
shield, t.a., protector, is Kakutstha, t e., Kftmacandra). In the Kadamba grants however 
the name of the king is invariably spelt Kakusthavarman. 

Jayati bhagavfin jintndro gunarundrah prathtta-parama-Jcaru^ika^ Trailoky- 


By this grant a field called Badovara-ksetra in the village 
called Kheta-grama, which belonged to the holy Arhats who 
are said to be the refuge of the created beings and the saviours 
of the three worlds, was given to the general Srutakirti as a 
reward for saving the prince. It is said that the confiscators 
of the field, belonging to the king's own family or of any 
other dynasty, would be guilty of the pafica-mahapataka. 
According to the Jains, the five great sins are destruction of 
life, lying, stealing, unchastity and immoderate desire. The 
grant ends with the usual imprecatory verses and the adora- 
tion : namo namo ; rsabhaya namah. Rsabha is the first 
Arhat and the first of the twenty-four Jain tirthahkaras 
(sanctified teachers) of the present age. 

As we have already seen, the Talgunda inscription says 
that king Kakusthavarman "by means of his rays which 
were his daughters caused to expand the splendid lotus- 
groups which were the royal families of the Guptas and 
others." In this connection it is interesting to note that, 
in the Balagbat plates (Ep. Ind., IX, p. 270 f .), the Vakataka 
king Prthivisena II is said to have been the son of Narendra- 
sena by the MahadevI Ajjhitabhattarika who was the 
daughter of the lord of Kuntala. The Vakataka prince 
Narendrasena was grandson of Prabhavatlgupta, daughter 
of Candragupta II. Dubreuil thinks (Anc. Hist. Dec., 
p. 100) that Vakataka Narendrasena, great-grandson of 
Candragupta II, was the son-in-law of Kakusthavarman 
and that the Talgunda record refers to this indirect relation 
of the Kadambas with the Guptas. If this suggestion is 
to be believed Ajjhitabhattarika was a daughter of Kakustha- 
varman. It is however also possible that another daughter 
of Kakustha was actually given in marriage to a Gupta 
prince of Pataliputra, who was possibly a son or grandson of 
Candragupta II or Kumaragupta I. 

There is a lithic record in box-headed characters (Mys. 
Arch. Sure., A. K. 1911, pp. 33, 35) on the right jamb 


of the doorway of the Pranave6vara temple at Talgunda, 
which speaks of a certain Kakustha of the Bbatari dynasty 1 
and of his mother Laksmi who is said to have been born 
in the Kadamba family. Since Kakusthavarman is known 
to have had several daughters and since grandsons are some- 
times seen to bear the names of the maternal grand-fathers 
(cf. E. Calukya names Rajaraja and Rajendra), it is possible 
that Laksmi, the mother of the Bhatari chief Kakustha, 
was another daughter of the Kadamba king Kakusthavarman. 
Thus Kakustbavarman appears to have been matrimonially 
related to the Guptas, Vakatakas and the Bhataris. 

The son of Kakusthavarman was king Santivarman. 
The famous Talgunda inscription was engraved at the time 
of this ruler. The Talgunda inscription begins with an adora- 
tion to Siva* and a verse eulogising the god. 2 It records the 
construction of a tank in the premises of a siddhalaya (temple) 
of lord Bhaxa (i.e., Siva) by Kakusthavarman. It is also 
said that the siddkalaya was formerly abhyarcila (worshipped 
at) by Satakarni (possibly a king of the Cntu family) and 
others. The record ends with the following mangala : 
nandatu sarva-samant^gato = 'yam=*adhivasah ; svasti praja- 
bhyafr. It is sometimes supposed that the Talgunda record 
was engraved by Santivarman when he was a governor 
of Sthanakundura (Talgunda) during the reign of his father. 
But passages like gxhesu yasya laksmy-angana dhrtimati 
sucirarn, ca reme, yam ...... samanta-cuda-manayah pranemuh, 

etc., show that king Kakusthavarman was dead at the 

1 The epithet bha^ari va^a-tilaka, applied to the cbief named Kakustha, may 
also suggest that the name of the chief's father was Bhat&ri. See above, p. 250 
and note. The record speaks of ooe PaSupati devoted to lord Paupati, i.e , diva, 
Kakustha is said to have been chief among the ten Mairfdhkas and bad the control of 
SuUca He is also said to have pleased his masier, the fcf tffjpa. The record also refers 
to the xt*idents of Sthinakuftjapura-tlrtha which may be the same as Sthana- 
kundflra or Talgunda. The record has been assigned palaeographically to about the 
middle of the fifth century. 



time when the Talgunda inscription was engraved. The 
record moreover speaks of the rule (asana) of king 
(nrpati) Santivarman who has been described as patta-tray- 
arpana-virajita-caru-murti which means to say that the 
king wore three diadems or crowns (patta ; see Raghu, 
XVIII, v. 44), that is to say, had three kingdoms in his 
possession. It is not clear whether he received the 
three pattas from his father or from a Pallava over-lord 
(Pallavendra Santivara of the Hebbata grant ?) like his 
ancestor MayuraSarman. 

It is interesting in this connection to note that the 
Birur grant (Ep. Cam., VI, p. 91) records the gift of a 
village in the Sindhuthaya-rastra, made by the Kadamba 
Dharma-Maharaja Visnuvarman with the permission of 
(anujnapya} his jyesthapitd Santivarma-dbarmamaharaja 
who has been described as vaijayantl-tilaka-samagra-karnata* 
bhuvarga-bharta. If this Santivarman is to be identified 
with the son of Kakusthavarman, one of the latter's three 
pattas seems to refer to the kingdom of his feudatory 
Visnuvarmaru Another patta possibly refers to the 
Vaijayanti (Banavasi) division of the Karnata country, 
which appears to have been under the direct rule of 

If the above identification is to be accepted (see infra), 
v.e see that the Kadamba king Krsnavarman I (father 
of Visnuvarman) who celebrated the A^vamedha, and 
was a very powerful ruler and possibly had the 
whole of Karnata (consisting of three kingdoms ?) under 
him, was a son of Kakusthavarman and a younger 
brother of Santivarman who was the jyestha-pita l 
(father's elder brother) of Visnuvarman. We also see that 
Krgijavarman I who was presumably dead when his son 

1 The word jyetfha-ptia is synonymous with jyetfha*tata and pttrjyetfha, 4 a father's 
eldest brother ' See the Jliraj grant of Jayasiroha II (Ind. Ant.. VIE, p. 17a, 1. 4). 
Ind., VIII, p. 80 n. 


Visnuvannan was Dharma-Maharaja under his jyestha-pita 
ruled before his elder brother Santivarman. It will be 
seen below that the great Krsnavarman was defeated 
and probably killed in a battle with the Pallavas. 
May this fact suggest that, after the death of Krsnavarman 
who usurped the throne, the rightful heir of Kakustha- 
varrnan got the possession of the entire Karnata country 
with the help of the Pallavas who defeated the usurper ? r 
It is also to be noted that according to the Hebbata grant 
Visnuvarman himself is also known to have been anointed 
by a Pallava king. 

An inscription in front of the Durgi temple at Jambe- 
halli in the Sorab taluka (Ep. Cam., VIII, Sb. 44) has been 
attributed by Moraes to the Kadamba king Santivarman, 
son of Kakusthavarman. This record was written by 
Kannaya, he minister for peace and war. According to it, 
when Santivarm-arasa was ruling the [Banavasi] Twelve 
Thousand, Kannaya built two temples and made a tank ; 
having come and seen them, the king granted a mattal 
of riceland to the priest of the temples. The inscription 
however is in the Eannada language and bears the date 
Saka 894 (A.D. 972). There is therefore no reason to 
believe that it belongs to the Kadamba king Santivarman 
who ruled about the middle of the fifth century. Santi- 
varm-arasa of the Jambehalli record obviously belonged to 
a vice-regal family that ruled Banavasi under the Bastra- 
kutas. 2 The fact that the date of the inscription falls about 
the decline of the Rastrakuta power in A.D. 973, possibly 
explains why the name of the overlord is not mentioned in 
the record. 

1 It may be also suggested that Kakustha was a feudatory of Pallava Ssntivara 
and named hid son after his overlord. The atvaanedhin Krsnavarman became independ- 
ent. He was succeeded by his elder brother, but the Pallavas sopported his son. 
These suggestions are however only speculative. 

* Was he identical with Sftntivarman of the Batta family of Saundatti, who 
ruled in Northern Kuntala in 980 ? 



Santivarman appears to have been succeeded by his son 
Mrge^avarman whose last known date is year eight of his 
reign. The king was matrimonially connected with the 
Kekayas whose dominions appear to have comprised the 
present Chitaldrug district in north-eastern Mysore. An 
inscription (Mys. Arch. Rep., 1911, pp. 33, 85) on the left 
jamb of the doorway of the Pra^ave^vara temple at Talgunda 
describes queen Prabhavati, dear wife of MrgeSavarma- 
Dharmamah&raja and mother of Ravivarma-Dharmamaha- 
raja, as kaikeya-mahakula-prasuta. The inscription obvious- 
ly recorded a grant made by Prabhavati ; but only the 
beginning of the record survives. 

The following inscriptions of Mrge6avarman's time have 
been discovered : 

I. The Banavasi grant (Ind. Ant., VII, pp. 35-36) 
begins with practically the same verse 1 as is found at the 
end of the Devagiri plates of Yuvaraja Devavarman, son of 
Krsnavarman I. It is in adoration of the Arhat, the lord 
of the three worlds. 

The grant was issued under the asterism Uttarabhadra- 
pada on the tenth lunar day of the Bahula (sic. Sukla)- 
pak$a of Karttika in Mrge^avar man's third regnal year which 
was a Pausa samvatsara, when the king was at Vaijayanti. 
We have already tried to show that the date corresponds 
to October 24, A.D. 437, and to October 27, A.D. 472, 
of which the latter appears to be the actual date of Mrge^a- 
varraan's grant. 

In this record Mrge&avarman is called the son of Santi- 
varman and born in the family of Kakustha. Another 

sarva-bhwta-hitB rat ofc, 
R&g-ady-ari-haro * 'nanto = 'nanta-jft&na~dfg i 


important point is that it describes the Kadambas not 
only as Manavya-sagotra but also as SAgirasa which 
appears to show that the family actually belonged to the 
Angirasa gotra. 

The grant records the gift of some black-soil lands 
(kTsnabhumi-k$etra), forty nivartanas by the royal measure, 
in the village called Brhat-Paralura to the devine supreme 
Arhat whose feet are rubbed by the tiara of the lord of gods, 
for the purpose of the glory of sweeping out the temple, 
anointing the idol with ghee, performing worship and 
repairing anything that may be broken (sammarjan-opalepan- 
abbyarcam-bhagnasawskara-mahima). These forty nivar- 
tanas of fend lay within the western boundary of the 
village. A field, four nivartanas by the ordinary measure 
(kfetra-nivartana) , was also granted along with one nivar- 
tana outside the Caityalaya for the purpose of decorating the 
idol with flowers, and one nivartana that was the measure of 
the angana (court-yard) of the devakula. 

The grant quotes the usual imprecatory verses and 
refers to the uoresumable character of lands that have been 
given with libations of water, enjoyed by three generations 
and have been preserved by good people. 

The pattika (grant) is said to have been written by 

II. Another Banavasi grant (Ind. Ant., VII, pp. 
37-38) of ri-vijaya-$iva-Mrge6ava,rmm 1 was issued on the 
full-moon day of the eighth fortnight of Varsa (rainy season) 
in the fourth year of the king who was residing at Vaija- 
yantl. The form of dating refers to a primitive division of 
the year into three seasons of eight fortnights each. Traces 
of this primitive division are to be found in the ancient 

1 E. B Pathak on the strength of this form of the name identified (Ind. Ani. t 
XIV, p. 15) , Mrgeria varman with Maharaja divaknmftra who is mentioned by Bftla- 
ohandra in his introductory remarks on the Prd&ffaiara, as haying for his preceptor 
t he wellknown 6c&rya Padmanandi-Kupdakanda. The identification is fantastic. 


Indian custom of performing caturmasya (four-monthly) 
sacrifices at the beginning of each season on the full- 
moon days of the months of Phalguna, Asadha and 
Karttika. In connection with the above date of Mrge6a- 
varman's record it is interesting to note that an inscription 
of his son Ravivarman is dated on the tenth lunar day 
of the sixth fortnight of Hemanta (winter). It is also 
to be noted that both of these grants record some gifts 
made in favour of Jain asetics. It is therefore almost certain) 
that the ancient form of dating in these cases was due ot Jain 
influence. To the ascetics of ancient times the year seems 
to have been divided into three seasons, viz., grl$ma. varsa 
and hemanta, each of which was subdivided into eight 

In this record the vam&as of the king's father and 
mother are said to have been pure. Mrge^a himself is 
described as learned in various 6astras and skilled in exer- 
cises like riding. He is also said to have fought in many 
battles and acquired much wealth by the power of his arms. 
He was a giver of cows, lands, gold, clothes, food and many 
other things. 

By this grant, M-ui;aj/a-^a-Mrge^avarman, the Dharma- 
maharaja of the Kadambas, made a gift of the village called 
Kalavanga. The village was divided into three equal 
portions, the first of which was given to the holy Arhat and 
great Jinendra residing in the Purva-mahac-chala ; the 
second portion was granted for the enjoyment of a samgha 
(sect) of the Svetapata 1 (i.e., Svetambara Jain) Maha^ramanas, 
and the third for the enjoyment of a samgha of the 
Nirgrantha (i.e., Digambara Jain) Maha&ramanas. Future 
kings are requested to protect the grant according to the 
devabhoga-tamaya in order to provide money for deva-bhaga, 
dkanya, deva-puja, vali, earn, deva-karma-kara and bhagna- 
kriya-pravartana. The record ends with the usual verses. 

1 Bee Bhandarkar's List, No. 2085 and note. 


The charter was written by a senapati named Naravara. 
The seal attached to the plates is indistinct, but seems to 
bear the device of the sitting or standing figure of a god 
or man. According to Fleet, the figure may be meant for 
a Jinendra. This suggestion however cannot be accepted 
until it is definitely proved that Mrge^avarman was a Jain. 

III. In the Hire-Sakuna grant (Ep. Cam., VIII, p. 
12) the king has been called Mrge^varavarman and the son 
of Kakustha's dear son. It was issued on the full-moon 
day of Vaisakba in the eighth regnal year of the king when 

he was residing at Vaijayantl. 

The grant records the gift of a village called Kadala- 
kaiani and some vastuka-ksetra (house-site) along with 
Perddala to a Brahmana named Kratusomagarman who 
seems to have belonged to the Gautama gotra. In connec- 
tion with the boundary of the lands are mentioned Viraja 
which seems to have been a river, a field called Karvvelli, a 
river called Venna, Palavakkeni , Kadai'lkura, Kadakorasa 
and a confluence of rivers (Viraja and Venna ?). The 
bhojakas or free-holders of the locality were informed of 
the king's grant (de^a-grama-gramabhojakanairi ravita- 
ravanam krtva) . The village was granted all the pariharas 
and was made a-bhata-pravea. The record ends with 
the usual verses. 

The legend on the seal attached to the Hire-Sakuna 
plates reads ri-mrge$varavarmanah. 

IV. The adoration with which the Halsi grant (Ind. 
Ant., VI, p. 24) of Mrgesavarman's eighth regnal year 
begins is the same as that at the beginnig of Kakusthavar- 
man's grant. In this record the king has been called a 
dharma-vijayi and has been described as the dear eldest son 
of Santivaravarman and the grandson of Kakusthavarman. 
He is also called the uprooter of the Gaftgas (tuhga-ganga- 
kul-otsadl) and the very fire of destruction to the Pallavas 


(pdlava-pralay-anala). We have seen that Mrge6a possibly 
began to rule in A.D. 470. His GaAga contemporary 
therefore seems to have been either Ayyavarman who was 
installed by the Pallava king Sirahavarman (436-37 to circa 
458 A.D.) of Kaficl or probably Ayyavarman's son Madhava- 
Simhavarman whose Penukonda plates have been assigned 
by Fleet to circa 475 A.D. Mrge&t's Pallava contemporary 
was probably king Skandavaraan, the son of Siinhavarman 
and the overlord of the Ganga king Madhava-Simhavarman 
(see above, p. 17 6). ! The reference to the Pallava overlords 
together with their Ganga feudatories appears to prove that 
Mrgesavarman had to fight hard with his eastern neighbours. 

While residing at the city of VaijayautI, the king, 
through devotion for his father who was dead, caused to 
be built a jinalaya at the city of Pala&ka and gave to the 
holy Arhats thirty-three nivartanas of land between the 
river Matrsarit and the sacred confluence of riveis (Matrsarit 
aad Ingim ?) called the Ingim-samgama. The grant was 
made for the benefit of the Yapaniyas, Nirgranthas and 
the Kurcakas who were apparently sects of Jain ascetics. 
Nirgrantha is the same as the Digambara sect. The word 
y&panlya seems to signify " those who go away," i.e., the 
mendicants who are going away and not staying. 

The date of the grant is given as the full-moon day of 
the month of Karttika in the king's eighth regnal year which 
was a Vaigakha samvatsara. We have already seen that 
the tenth tithi of the bright half of Karttika of his third 
year fell in the Pausa samvatsara. This fact seems to show 

1 Mr. Moraes suggests (op. ctt., pp. 32-83) that Yuvamahfcraja Vi^ugopa wag 
poasibly the Pallava contemporary of MrgeSavarman. He takes the title YuvamahtT&ja 
M iignifying Vi^ugopa'a subordinate poeitioa to the Eadamba king. Yuvamahi- 
raja however means a crown-prince and never signifies a feudatory ruler. Pallava 
Viggagopa could not have been the crown -prince, i.e., heir, of Eadamba Mrgedavar- 


that the same lunar day of the next Vaigaka samvatsAra 
fell in his seventh regnal year. We are possibly to suppose 
that the eignth year of Mrge&t's reign began in between the 
6ukla-da6ami and the full-moon day of Karttika. The king 
then would appear to have ascended the throne on a day 
between those two tiihis. 

The executor (ajfiapti) of the grant was a Bhojaka 
named Damakirti; all other functions were performed by the 
iyuktaka Jiyanta. According to Fleet, Bhojaka is the 
name of a class of officiating priests in Jain temples. It is 
however generally taken in the sense of free-holder (t'nSw- 
dUr) which seems to be better. It may be noticed that a 
person named Srutaklrti who has been called a senapati 
(general) in the grant of Kakusthavarman has been mentioned 
as Bhoja Srutakirti in an undated Halsi grant of Bavivar- 
man. Ayuktaka generally means the governor of a district. 
Jiyanta who has been called sarvasy = anusthata was pro- 
bably entrusted with the construction of the Jinalaya, 

The grant ends with the usual imprecatory verses and 
the mangala : siddhir^astn. 

V. The Hitnahebbagilu grant (Ep. Cam., IV, p. 130; 
Hs. 18) of ri-in;a#a-wa-Mrgesavarman begins not with the 
usual adoration to Jinendra, but with a verse adoring lord 
Brahman. 1 It must be noted ini this connection that this 
grant was made in favour not of any Jain institution but of 
a Brahmana, described as an atharvanika and veda-vedfinga- 
vit. Are we to suppose that Kirtivara, the writer of the 
present record, was a Brahmanical Hindu worshipper of 
Brahman, while the grants showing considerable Jain 
influence were written by devout Jain officials of the 
king? It is known that Mrge6avarruan and Bavivarman 

1 Jayati 8ur-asura>makuta-pra$ihita- 
mayi-kiTWa-khacita-caraQa-yugal!, ; 
padma-pravar-asano brahmd. 



favoured Jainism ; but it is not definitely known whether 
they were Jains themselves. While in this record the 
king is called dharmajtta like Yudhisthira, satyavadl like 
Pratardana and brahmanya like Vinu, his Banavasi grant, 
as we have already seen, describes the supreme Arhat as 
having his feet rubbed by the tiara of Indra. It is thus 
difficult in the present state of our knowledge to form a 
definite idea about the religion of Mrge^avarman. 

The Hitnahebbagilu grant was issued 011 the tenth 
lunar day of the bright half of Marga&raswhen the king was 
residing at Vaijayanti. Mrgesavarman is described as a 
giver of cows, lands, villages, gold and other things (go- 

The grant records the gift of a village called Kilum- 
rilli to a Brahmana named Sarvasvamin, son of Pingala- 
svamin who belonged to the Aupagahani gotra. It was made 
in accordance with the law of the Brahmadeyas, with liba- 
tions of water and dakgina. The village was granted the 
pariharas called abhata-pravesa and antahkara-vistika which 
we find referred to in the Kudgere grant of Mandhatrvar- 
man (Ep. Ind., VI, p. 12). It is also said to have been 
exempted from pangotkota the meaning of which is not 
quite clear. 

Some verses quoted at the end of the record are said to 
fre the words of Bhlsma and Eama. The pattika was written 
by Kirtivara. 


Mrgegavarman was succeeded by his son Ravivarman 
who ruled at least up to the thirty-fifth year of his reign. 
This king is known to have annexed the Pala&ka division 
of the Karnata country to his dominions which probably 
comprised the Vaijayanti and Ucca^rngi divisions only. A 
Halsi garnt of his son's fourth regnal year (Ind. Ant., 
VI, pp. 30-31) suggests that the Ucca&rngi division was 
governed by Ravi's younger (?) brother Sivaratha. Another 
Halsi grant of Ravivarman describes how the king killed 
Visnuvarman (son of the usurper Krsnavarman I), defeated 
the latter's Pallava allies and established himself at Pala&ka. 
A damaged stone inscription (Ep. Cam., VIII, p. -167) 
discovered at Kavadi in the Sorab taluka mentions a queen 
along with the name of Ravivarman, son of Mrgesa. The 
record is written in four lines of verse; the first few letters 
of the lines however could not be deciphered. The epigraph 
has been taken to imply that at the death of Ravivarman 
one of his queens burnt herself with him as a sail. The 
following records of Ravivarman 's time have so far been 

I. The Nilarnbur grant (Ep. Ind., VIII, p. 146 ff.), 
of Ravivarma-Dharmamaharaja was issued when the king 
was at Vaijayanti. In this record the Kadamba family has 
been described as purified by the avabhrtha-sndna of the 
Agvamedha sacrifice. As we shall see, the only performer 
of the ASvamedha among the Early Kadambas was Krna- 
varman I whose descendants generally refer to the celebra- 
tion of the sacrifice in their grants. The Nilambur grant 


bears the only instance in which the ASvamedha of the usur- 
per is referred to in a record of a king of the main line. 

By this record the king granted on the full-moon day 
of Karttika, for the increase of his own religious merit, a 
palll called Multagi which was to the east of a grama called 
Kipupasani in the viaya of Mogalur. The grant was 
made in favour of a Yajurvedlya Brahmana named Govinda- 
svaznjn who belonged to the Kagyapa gotra. Another place 
called Majkavu was also given along with Multagi. Multagi 
is mentioned in the Merkera plates of the Ganga king 
Eongani-Mahadhiraja as the eastern boundary of a village 
called Badaneguppe which was granted to the Jinalaya of 
Talavananagara. Talavanapura and Talavananagara were 
the Sanskrit forms of Talekkad or Talakad, the Ganga 
capital, which still exists under the name of Talakad, on the 
left bank of the river Kaveri about 28 miles to the south- 
east of Mysore (Bomb. Gaz., I, it,, p. 299). Badaneguppe 
is five or six miles south of Talakad on the other side of the 
riven Mogalur is supposed to be the same as Mugur or 
Mullur which is also near Talakad. The grant of two 
villages so near the Ganga capital proves the success of 
Ravivarman against the Gangas. We have already seen 
that according to the evidence of a Halsi grant the Gangas 
were 'uprooted' by the father of Eavivarman before the 
eighth year of his reign. It is interesting in this connec- 
tion to note that the Gangas were friendly towards the 
junior line of Krsnavarman I. The Ganga king Madhava- 
Mahadhiraja is known to have married a granddaughter of 
Vi$9uvarman who, as we shall see, was killed by Eavivar- 
man before the eleventh year of Eavi's reign. Ganga Avinlta- 
Konkani, son of Madhava, has been described in the Ganga 
records as the beloved sister's son of Krsnavarman, evidently 
Kfgnavarman 11^ grandson of Vi^nuvarman (see infra). 

The grant is said to have been made with gold and 
with libations of water. AU the pariharas were granted* 


Those who might confiscate the lands are said to be com- 
mitting the paftca-mahapataka, while those who would 
protect the grant are said to be acquiring religious merit. 
The record ends with the imprecatory verses and with the 
matigala: svasty=astu go-brahmanebhyah, prajabhyo man- 

H. The Halsi grant (Ind. Ant, VI, p. 28) of Raja 
Bhanuvarman is dated on the tenth lunar day of the sixth 
fortnight of Hemanta in the eleventh year of the reign of 
his elder brother Ravivarma-Dharmamaharaja. The record 
begins with the usual adoration to Jinendra-gunarundra and 
traces the royal genealogy from Kakusthavarman. 

By this grant a piece of land, fifteen nivartanas by the 
royal measure, in the field called Kardamapati in Pala&ka 
was assigned in a copper charter and was given to the 
Jinas by the Bhojaka Pandara who was a worshipper of the 
supreme Arhat. Pandara is said to have acquired the 
favour of Kaja Bhanuvarman, younger brother of Maharaja 
Ravivarman. The patl seems to be the same as pattl or 
pattika which as we have seen (above, p. 198) probably 
means a piece of land. 

The lands were given free from the gleaning tax and all 
other burdens (uftcha-kara-bhar-adi~vivarjita) in order that 
the ceremony of ablution might always be performed with- 
out fail on days of the full -moon. 

Fleet suggested (Ind. Ant., VI, p. 29n)that Bbanuvar- 
man may have ruled conjointly with his elder brother Ravi. 
The fact that the prince is simply styled Bhanuvarma-raja 
while his elder brother has been called Dharma-maharaja 
renders this theory untenable. Bhanuvarman seems to 
have been the governor of Palasika under king Ravivarman. 

The grant ends with the usual impecatory verses. The 
seal attached to the plates is indistinct. 

m. The Sirsi grant {Ep. Ind. L XVI, p. 264) of Bavi- 
varman's thirty-fifth year was issued when the king was at 


VaijayantL Eavivarman, the Dharma-mabaraja of the 
Kadambas, is said to have been kadamba-mahasenapati- 
pratima 1 and atyanta-pitr-bhakta. The grant records the 
gift of four nivartanas of land at Saregrama to the temple 
of Mahadeva (mahadev-ayatana) that belonged to the desa- 
matya named Nilakantha who was the king's priya-vaidya 
(favourite physician). The grant was made on the fifth 
lunar day of the bright half of Karttika in the thirty-fifth year 
of Kavivarman's reign. The land is said to have been in 
a field called Bamdupukropi which lay between two tanks 
called BarpbSre-tadaga and Dasa-tadaga. The record 
mentions a Brahmana named Bharadvajarya who belonged 
to the Ka^yapa gotra and was possibly also called Svami- 
pa^upata. He seems to have been the chief priest of the temple 
of Mahadeva. 

IV. The undated Halsi grant (Ind. Ant., VI, pp. 
25-26) which begins with the usual adoration to Jinendra- 
gunarundra records an interesting history of a family that 
was favoured by Kakusthavarman and his descendants. It 
says that in former time the Bhoja named Srutakirti who 
acquired great favour of the Kadamba king Kakusthavarman 
enjoyed the village of Kheta. W.e have seen that Kakustha- 
varman granted a field called Badovara in the village of 
Kheta to the senapati Srutakirti for saving him. When 
Srutakirti died, Kakustha's son Santivarman was ruling the 
country. Then the village was again granted to the mother 
of Damaklrti (son of Srutakirti?) by Santivarman's son 
Mrge^avarman for the sake of piety and in accordance with 
the direction of his father. The eldest son of Damaklrti was 
the pratihara (door-keeper) Jayakirti whose family is said to 
have been established in the world by an acarya (or the dcaryas) 
called Bandhu?ena. In order to increase his good fortune, 
fame and family and for the sake of religious merit, Jayakirti^ 

1 See above, p. 240n. 


through the favour of king Eavi, gave the village of Puru- 
Khefaka (i.e., larger Khefa or Khetaka) to the mother of his 
own father. 

The grant further records that the lord Eavi established 
his ordinance at the great city of Palasika that Jinendra's 
glory, the festival of which used to last for eight days, 
should be celebrated regularly every year on the full-moon 
day of Karttika from the revenues of that village; that the 
learned men who were ascetics of the Yapamya sect and the 
chief amongst whom was Kumaradatta should, according to 
justice, enjoy all the material substance of that greatness 
during the four months of the rainy season ; and that the 
worship of Jinendra should be perpetually performed by 
the pious countrymen and citizens. 

The record says, " That (land, etc.) which has been 
conveyed by copper-charters under some ordinances accepted 
by previous kings should be preserved by the king not 
inattentive to religion, having pondered over the misfortunes 
of being born again and again/' and quotes the usual impreca- 
tory verses. It also says that the grant which is bestowed 
with libations of water, is enjoyed by three generations^ 
is preserved by good people and the grants which have 
been made by former kings are not resumed. 

The record ends with the adoration namo = namah and 
says, " Wheresoever the worship of Jinendra is kept up there 
is increase of the country; and the cities are free from fear; 
and the lords of those countries acquire strength." 

V. Another undated Halsi grant (Ind. Ant., VI, pp. 
29-30) of Eavivarman records that the king granted four 
nivartanas of land to Jinendra. The actual donor of the 
land seems to have been Sriklrti, brother of Damaklrti; the 
object of the grant was the increase of the religious merit of 
Damaklrti 's mother. There are the usual imprecatory 
verses at the end of the record, 


The most interesting point in the record is that it de- 
cribes Bavivarman as established at Pala&ka after con- 
quering the whole world, killing Visnuvarman and other 
kings and uprooting Candadanda, the lord of Kaflci. 1 The 
descendants of the usurper were hostile to the kings of the 
main line. Visnuvarman however seems to have had to 
accept for some time the suzerainty of Santivarman. We 
have seen that, according to the Halsi grant of the eighth 
year of Mrgeavarman, the king while residing at Vaijayanti 
built a Jinalaya at the city of Pala&ka and gave to the holy 
Arhat thirty-three nivartanas of land between the Matrsarit 
and the ligim confluence. It possibly shows that Visnu- 
varman ruled at Pala&ka as a vassal of the Vaijayanti kings 
at least up to the eighth year of Mrge^avarman's reign. 2 
The reference to his fight with Bavivarman shows that, 
possibly after the death of Mrgega, Visnuvarman rebelled 
against the authority of the main line. The mention of the 
defeat and death of Visnuvarman in connection with the 
establishment of Bavivarman at Pala&ka seems to suggest 
that the former was a king of the Pala^ika division of the 
Karnata country. We have already seen that Bavi's 

1 Sri-viwuvarma-prabhriin norendran 
nihatyo jitva prthivtrp samast&m ; 
Utsddya kaflc-i6vara-can$adan<),arfl 
palahkayarp samavasthitas^sah. 

M. Govind Fai Bays (Journ. Ind. Hist., Xin, pp. 29-80) : " when after the 

death of Ers.navarman I his son Visnuvarman ascended the Eadamba throne, hit 
cousin- brother ( ? ) Bavivarman of the senior branch fought with him and defeated him 
and his Pallava ally Can<Jadan<Ja, seized the Eadamba crown and enthroned himself as 
king. As a consequence, Visnuvarman was obliged to remove his court to a place 

called Kugalur (whence be issued his Hebbata grant) " The verse however clearly 

says that VigQUvarman was killed and could not therefore have removed to Ktujalur 
after the battle. As has already been pointed out, Visnuvarman was poMibly the king 
of the Paladjka division and not of the whole Eadamba country. 

1 It may also be suggested that Vi?Quvarman originally ruled at the city of 
Eu4&Iur whence his Hebbata grant was issued and that he occupied PalasikS when 
h? rebelled against his overlords of the Vaijayantl house. 


younger brother Bhamuvarman was ruling at Pala&ka in the 
eleventh year of his elder brother's reign. The death of 
Viffnuvarman therefore seems to have occurred before the 
eleventh year of Bavi. Since Ravi appears to have ascended 
the throne earlier than A.D. 503, the date of Vignuvarman's 
death appears to have fallen in the ninth or tenth decade of 
the fifth century. 

As we have already suggested (above, p. 182) Candadan^i 
described as the lord of Kafici, may have been a biruda 
of Pallava Nandivarman (issuer of the Udayendiram grant) 
or of one of his successors. Since the twenty-second 
year of Nandivarmnn's grandfather Simhavarman is known 
from the Lokavibhaga to have fallen in A.D. 458, the above 
suggestion does not appear improbable. 

The seal attached to the plates is said to have the device 
of a dog. 



Ravivarman was succeeded by his son Harivarman who 
is the last known king of the main line. According to a 
late record (Ep. Cam., VIII, Nr. 35, p. 134) an early San- 
tara chief, named Tyagi-Santara, married the daughter of a 
Kadamba king, named Harivarman. This Kadamba Hari- 
varman seems to be no other than the son of Ravivarman. 
Harivarman possibly began to reign in A.D. 538. About 
this time the Calukyas under Pulake&n I became the great- 
est political power in Western Deccan and the Kadam- 
bas of Kuntala began to decline. It is not known whether 
Harivarman was a contemporary of Pulakegin I. The 
Calukya king however seems to have come into conflict with 
the Kadambas in connection with the A^vamedha which he 
performed. 1 Calukya Klrtivarrnan I, son and successor of 
Pulake&n I, has actually been said to have defeated the 
king of Vaijayanti in the Mahakuta pillar inscription 
of MangaleSa (Ind. Ant., XIX, p. 16 ff.). In the Aihole 
inscription (Ep. Ind., VI, p. 4 ff.) of PulakeSin II, 
Ktrtivarman I has been described as the very night of des- 
truction to the Nalas, Mauryas and Kadambas. A reference 

1 According to Bilbana (Vikramahkadevacanta, 2, 61), the Calukya conquest 
in the southern region at first extended as far as Nftgarakhanda which is known to 
have formed a part of the Kadamba country. The Calukyas are generally believed to 
have been a foreign tribe who entered India along with the Hflnas. The different 
forms of the name of the family are Calkya, Calikya, Calakya, Caulukyu, Calukki, 
Calukika and Calukja. The Calukya family of AnMiwada is commonly known as 
Solaki or Polanki. Prof. Raychaudhuri (op. ci/., p. 370 f.) is inc'ined to connect 
them with the Sulikas (evidently the same as the Sulkika family of Orissa) of the 
Haraha inscription. Dr. P. C. Bagohi connects the Calukyas with the Sogdians who, 
according to him, are mentioned as Sulika or Culika in the Purftnas and who spoke 
the Culika PaisacT. See his excellent article on Sulika, Culika and Culika Paifocl in 
Journ. Dept. Let., XXI. In that case however we have to explain the Kanareae-looking 
original of the name Pulakctin and the celebration of A6vamedha by the first great king 
of the family. Possibly they entered India centuries before the time of Pulakesjn I 


to kadamba-kadamba-kadambaka in the Aihole record appears 
to suggest that Klrtivarman I had to fight with the com* 
bined army of a confederacy of Kadamba kings. It will be 
seen below that in the sixth century there were other ruling 
branches of the Kadamba family than the lines of Santivar- 
man and Krsnavarman I. In several grants, Klrtivarman I 
is described as " establishing the banner of his pure fame 
in the territories of the hostile kings of Vanavasi and other 
(cities) that had been invaded by his prowess" (Boryib. 
Gaz., I, ii, p. 346). After the death of Mangale6a, there 
was a general renunciation of allegiance by the subordinate 
peoples, and Pulakesin II had to reduce Banavasi once 
again (ibid, p. 350). In the Lakshmeswar inscription 
(Ind. Ant., VII, p. Ill), Calukya Vikramaditya I is said to 
have defeated the Kadambas. The Bennur grant (Ep. Cam., 
V, p. 594) of Krsnavarraan II, grandson of the ill-fated 
Vig^uvarman who was defeated and killed by Ravivarman 
before the eleventh year of his reign, describes Kr^navar- 
man II as set out on an expedition against Vaijayanti 
(vaijayanfovijaya-yatram=abhiprasthita). In the nineteenth 
year of Krsnavarman (II) 's reign however we find the king 
stationed at Vaijayanti (cf. Sirsi grant ; Ep. Ind. 9 XVI, 
p. 268). It is not impossible that Krnavarman II defeated 
Harivarman and occupied the throne of Vaijayanti before 
the nineteenth year of his reign. , 

The following grants of king Harivarman have so far 
been discovered : 

1. The Halsi grant (Ind. Ant., VI, pp. 30-31) of 
Harivarman was issued in the fourth year of his reign on 
the thirteenth lunar day of the bright half of Phalguna. It 
says that, at Ucca^rngi, the king, at the advice of his father's 
brother (pitrvya), named Sivaratha, gave such a promise as f 
gladdened the heart of all people. In accordance with tha* 
promise, he made Candrak?anta the principal donee and 


gave to the possession of the sarfigha (sect) of Varigenacarya 
ef the Kuroakas the village of Vasuntavataka in the vi^aya, 
called Suddikuadura, 1 with all the parihdras. The grant was 
made for the purpose of providing annually, at the great 
eight days' sacrifice, the perpetual anointing with clarified 
butter (car-upalepana-kriy-arthaw) for the temple of the 
Arhat ; whatever might remain over after that was to be 
devoted to the purpose of feeding the whole sect (or all 
sects; cj. sarva-samgha-bhojanaya) . The temple of the 
Arhat is said to have been built at Pala&ka by Mrgea, 2 son 
of the general Siriha who belonged to the Bharadvaja gotra. 

The grant quotes the usual imprecatory verses and ends 
with averse saying, " May the practice of sitting in abstract 
meditation which is the doctrine of the Arhat Vardhamana 
and by which is effected even in the present age the destruc- 
tion of the sins of worldly existence, flourish.' 9 It further 
adds an adoration to Vardhamana, the last and the most 
celebrated of the Arhats of this age. 

The seal attached to the plates is said to bear the legend 

II. The grants of the early Eadambas generally begin 
with the word svasti or siddhaw. The Halsi grants of king 
Earivarman (Ind. Ant., VI, pp. 31-32 ; also pp. 30-31) 
however have both of these words at the beginning. The 
present grant was issued in the fifth year of Harivarman's 
reign when the king seems to have been residing at the 
adMthana of Pala&ka. The word adhis^hana generally 
means a city ; sometimes it also signifies the capital of a 
king. Pala&ka was possibly a secondary capital of the kings 

I In Journ. Ind. Hist., XH, p. 358, it has been naggested that Buddikundura in to 
be identified with Siddhakedira in Triparvata, mentioned in the Devagiri grant of 
Yuvaraja Dewarmam Sinoe however Siddhakedara was presumably the name of a 
field (or Tillage; ked&ra means ' field ') and flnddikundfira wisfeatof a 9tfaf, the 
identification is doubtful. 

s Sinba may have been the general of Mrgegavarman and named his son 
after his master. 

of Vaijayanti from the time of Visnuvarman's dfeath and 
the annexation of the Pala&ka division by Ravivarman. 

The grant records the gift of a village, called Marade, for 
the use of the holy people (sadhu-janopayog-&rtharfi) and 
for the purpose of pujfcsamskara of a Caityalaya. The 
Caityalaya is said to have been the property of a sect of 
Sramanas, called Ahari^i (ahari$ti<samahvaya-samgh-anvaya~ 
vastu). The Head of the Caityalaya was possibly the ficarya 
Dharmanandin. The word tramana signifies a Buddhist or 
a Jain religious mendicant or ascetic. The favour shown 
by Harivarman and his forefathers to the Jains suggests 
that this Caityalaya was a Jain temple. Jain adorations 
and mahgalas are however absent in this record. Was it 
written by a non-Jain ? 

The grant is said to have been made at the request of a 
Raja, named Bhanugakti, who belonged to the Sendraka 
family. The Sendraka chief Bbanusakti who appears to 
have been the rulfer of the Pala&ka division was evidently a 
feudatory of Harivarman. 

Like other grants of the family, the record ends with 
some imprecatory verse. The seal attached to the plates 
bears the legend ri-harivarmana which is preceded and 
followed by 'svastika. 

III. The Sangoli grant (Ep. Ind. 9 XIV, p. 165) of 
Harivarman begins with a verse 1 adoring lord Sambhu, and 
the king is expressly said to have been a parama-mahe6vora 
(devout worshipper of MaheSvara). We have seen that, like 
many of the grants of Kakustbavarman, Mr#eavarman and 
Eavivarman, the composition of the Halsi grant (No. !) of 
Harivarman exhibits remarkable influence of Jainism. That 
Eakusthavarman and Santivarman were also favourable to 
Saivism as they were to Jainism is proved by the Talgunda 

Jafati dhruva-balcndu /afa-mwfcttfa-tmiru/flfwj, 
As<idhya>nidhana Jatp&ftur - 0t/o0f dft - fagataifi pat it. 


inscription. If it is not supposed that Harivarman became 
a parama-mahegvara after the date of his Halsi recorde, it 
may possibly be suggested that the early Kadambas of the 
main , line , were Saivas who were exceptionally tolerant 
towards Jainism. 1 It is clear that many officials of the 
Kadamba kings were Jains ; it is also known that a general, 
named Srutakirti, who was evidently a Jain, once saved the 
life of Kakusthavannan. 

The grant was issued when the king was at Vaijayanti. 
The date of the record is given as the Visupa or Visuva day 
on- the Amavasya of A6vayuja in the eighth year of Hari- 
varman's reign. It has beeni found to correspond with Tues- 
day, September 22, A.D. 526 and with Thursday, September 
21, A.D. 545. Mr. K. N. Dikshit who edited the Sangoli 
grant rightly prefers the second date. Eadamba Harivarman 
thus appears to have ascended the throne about A.D. 538. 

The grant records the gift of a village, called Tedava, 
with 'the pravibhagas (Jiterally, divisions; sic. pariharas?), 
dak$ina and libations of water. The recipients were 
Siva^arman, Prajapati^arman, DhatrSarman, Nandigarman 
and Dharma6arman of the Kaimbala gotra; Vaikuntha- 
garman, Vasugarman, Naga&irman and MagdanaSarman of 
the KalaSa gotra; Visnusarman, Prajapatisarman and 
Pitr^arman of the Garga gotra; Kumara^arman, Tvastr- 
4arman, Skanda barman and Varunagarman of the Kotsa 
'gotra; Yasogarman, Arya^arman, Pasupati^arman and 
Mitra^arman of the Srivistba gotra ; VaDasarman of the 
iGauliya gotra; PrajapatiSarman of the Valandata gotra ; -and 
Kumara^arman of the Ka^yapa gotra. 
) The grant ends with the usual verses and the mangala : 
$iddhir**a$tu- 9 namo hari-hara-hiranyagarbhebhyah-, svasti 

1 The late tradition saying that Mayoravarroan (i.e., MayuraSarman) was born of a 
drop of sweat that fell on the ground from the forehead of Siva, is to be noticed in 
this connection. 


prajabhyah. The adoration to the Hindu Trinity (viz., 
Hari, Hara, and Hiranyagarbha, i.e., Brahman) in a 
record wherein the king has been described as a devotee 
of Mahe^vara seems to suggest that Harivarman was a 
Brahmanical Hindu with sense of exceptional religious 






The Bennnr grant (Ep. Cam., V, p. 594) was issued by 
a Kadarnba Dharraamaharaja, named Krsnavarman II, who 
claims to have been the son of Simhavarmnn, grandson of 
Visnudasa and great-grandson of Rajaraja Krsnavarraan I. 
Krsnavarman II has been described in this record as belong- 
ing to the Kadamba family which was rendered pure by the 
avabhrtha bath laken during at the end of an A6vamedha sacri- 
fice. Visnudasa, grandfather of Krsnavarman If, calls himself 
Visnuvarma-Dharma-maharaja and the son of the a$vamedha- 
yajin (performer of the Horse-sacrifice) Dharmamaharaja 
Krstuivarman I in his own Birur grant (ibid, VI, p. 91). 
According to the Devagiri grant (Ind. Ant., VII, p. 33), 
Yuvaraja Devavarraan, dear son (priya-tanaya) of the 
a6vamedha-yajin DharmamahSraja Krsnavarman I, appears 
to have been in charge of the Triparvata division of the 
Kndamba kingdom. From the Tagare plates (Mys. Ach. 
Surv., A. R.. 1918, p. 35) of the Kadamba Maharaja Bhogi- 
varman, which describes the Kadamba family as sanctified 
by the celebration of AJvamedha, we get the names 
of the following descendants of Krsnavarman II his son 
Ajavarman, grandson Maharfija Bhogivarman and great- 
grandson Visfluvarman (II). From the evidence of the 
above inscriptions therefore the following genealogy of the 

* This chapter was origioftllj published in Joum, Ind, Hist., XV, pp. 801-19. 

Early Kadambas is drawn : 
Kr^navarman I, 

performer of Agvamedha 

Vi$nudasa or Visnuvarman I Devavarman 


Kr^navarrnan II 

A Java r man 


Visnuvarman II 

The exact relation of this line of kings with the line of 
Mayuragarman is not yet established beyond doubt. We 
have seen that, according to the Birur grant, the Kadamba 
Dharmamaharaja Visnuvarman I, son of Krgnavarman I, is 
said to have granted a village, called Katattaka, in the Sindhu- 
thaya-rastra, with the permission of (anujnapya) his jyestha- 
pitd (father's elder brother) Santivarma-Dharmamaharaja. 1 
Santivarman has been described as rana-^abhasa-pravarttadr 
af^da^a-mandapika-mandita-vaijayantl-t ilaka- samagra- 
karifita-bhuvarga-bharta. We have also seen that, according 
to a Halsi grant of Kavivarman, that king is known to have 
killed king Visnuvarman, extirpated the latter's Pallava ally 
Candadnda and established himself at Pala&ka which was 

1 From the cases of Bhfinuvarman and Bhaou^akti we have seen that the governors 
of divisions of the Kadamba kingdom were called Bija. In the Birur grant how- 
ever both S&Dtivarman and VigQavarman are called Dharma-mahftraja. There may 
bate been a difference in the position of Vi^uvarman with that of governors like 
Bhltauvannan and Bhftnnfokti. He was possibly a subordinate king. In this con* 
nection, it is interesting to note that, in the Penukonda plates (Ep. Ind. t XIV, 
p. 831 ff.) of circa 475 A.D., the Pallava overlord has been mentioned as Skand*- 
ft-jlf ahar*;a, while his Gaftga feudatory has been called 



possibly the headquarters of Visnuvarman's kingdom. Since 
Visnuvarman was killed in the early years of Bavivannan's 
reign, it is not unnatural to suppose that the former's 
jyestha-pita Santivarman, mentioned in the Birur grant of 
the third regnal year, is no other than Bavivarman's grand- 
father Santivarman, son of Kakusthavarman. 

The above identification has, however, been challenged by 
a recent writer on the subject, who points out that Viijnu- 
varman has been called antivara-maharaja-pallavendr- 
abhisikta (installed by the Pallava king Sftntivara-mabaraja) 
in the Hebbata grant and suggests that Santivarman, 
jyestha-pita of Visnuvarman, is to be identified with this 
Pallava king, named Santivara (i.e., Santivarman). See 
M. Govind Pai, Journ. Ind. Hist., XIII, p. 21. 

The suggestion is ingenious; but there are difficulties in 
the way of accepting it as true without further evidence. 
Santivarman has been called the jyestha-pita (father's 
elder brother) of Visnuvarman. Though terms of relation 
were possibly rather loosely used in ancient time as they are 
now, this epithet would ordinarily suggest that Santi- 
varman belonged to the Kadamba family. The suggestion 

'that " not only one's father's elder brother is called 

as jyestha-pitr, but the husband of one's mother's elder 
sister is also called as such" can hardly be accepted 
without definite proof. Moreover, the jyestha-pita of Visnu- 
varman is described as " lord of the lands of the entire Kar- 
Qa^a country adorned with (the capital) Vaijayanti." This 
is hardly applicable to a Pallava king who presumably 
had his owm kingdom outside the Karnata-dega. It is not 
impossible that the Kadamba kings prior to Krsnavarman I 
were feudatories to the Pallavas ; but the above passage, 
seems to suggest something more than mere suzerainty, 
and a theory that the whole of Karna^a, i. e., the 
entire Kadamba country, was, about the middle of 
the fifth century A. D., ruled by a Pallava king, named 


Santivara, cannot be accepted as certain without con-- 
elusive evidence. It must also be noticed that no king, 
named Santivara, is as yet known to have belonged to 
the powerful Pallava houses of Kanci and of the Nellore- 
Guntur region. In the present state of our knowledge, 
therefore, it is better to take the Dharmamabaraja Santi- 
varman, jyeifha-pita of Visijuvarman I, to be the same 
as the son of Kakusthavarman and grandfather of Visnu- 
varman's later contemporary Eavivarman. Krsnavarman I, 
father of Visnuvarman I, would thus appear to have b en a 
son of Kakusthavarman and a younger brother of Santi- 
varman. Since Krsnavarman I seems to have been dead at 
the time when his son was ruling as a feudatory Dhnrma- 
maharaja under his elder brother Santivarman, he possibly 
usurped the throne of Kakusthavarman and ruled before 
Santivarman. The fact that Santivarman, elder brother of 
Krsnavarman I, has been described not as the eldest son, 1 
but as a priya-tanaya (favourite son) or priya-hita-tanaya 
(favourite and beloved son) of Kakusthavarman (see Ind., 
Anl., VI, pp. 24, 28) suggests that the eldest brother of 
Santivarman and Krsnavarman I, died and that his death 
was the cause of a struggle for the throne among the younger 
brothers of whom Krsnavarman I came out eventually vic- 

We have seen that Visnuvarman I, son of Krsnavarman 
I, was installed on the throne by a Pallava king, named 
Santivara. The cause of this seems to be the fact that though 
Viijnuvarman was the eldest son and the rightful heir to the 

1 Eldest BODS are generally specified in the Kadamba grants. A Hal si grant (Ind. 
Ant., VI, p. 24) of MfgeSavarman says, M k&kustha-narendrasya tunurbhanur-iv 

apaTak,tr\-tantwarai>arm=etiraja rajiva-locanah ; tat-priya-jye^ha-tanaya^ rfrt- 

mrgefa-naradhipafy. Another Halsi grant (i'6fd, p. 28) of Itavivarman sajs, irimat- 
kfHwstha-Tajfrpriya-hita-taiiayal!, fontwarm-avan-i&ak, tasy^aiva ca jyaitfha-tunu% 
pmthita pr^u^ya^li rfri-tnrg^o nar-etah. It will be seen that while Mrgeiavarman is 
described as the eldest son of d&nti varman, the latter is described as a favourite SOD 


throne of Kr?navannan I, he was a neglected son of his father. 
According to the Devagiri grant, Devavarman, who was the 
priya-tanaya (favourite son) of Kpsnavarman I, was made 
the Yuvaraja (crown-prince, i.e., heir) in preference to his 
eldest brother Vi?nuvarman. .It may be conjectured that 
Vi^uvarman, after receiving this ill-treatment from his 
father, removed to the court of the Pallava king Sfintivara 
in despair. We have seen that Visnuvarman probably ruled 
at Pala&kft when he was killed by Bavivarman. It is pos- 
sible that he received that territory with the help of the 
Pallava s who, as we shall see, defeated and probably killed 
his father Krsnavarman I. He appears, however, to have 
transferred his allegiance to his jyestha-pitB, Santivarmau, 
son of Kakusthavarman, who possibly became the king of 
Vai jayanti after the defeat and death of his younger brother 
K^navarman I. 1 

Mr. G. M. Moraes says (op. cif., p. 29) that during the 
reign of S&ntivarman, his younger brother Krsnavarman I, 
" had been ruling in the capacity of viceroy over the southern 
provinces of the empire. For the Birur plates of Vishnu- 
varma, while describing Santivarma, the grand-uncle (? 
father's elder brother) of Visbnuvarma, as 'the master of the 
entire Karnaita region of the earth,' clearly specify that his 
younger brother Krishnavarma * was sovereign of the 
southern region.' Now the same plates record a grant made 
by Vishnuvarma during his father Krishnavarma' s life. 
This grant was nevertheless made ' with the permission of 
Santivarma-Dharmamaharaja.' This evidently shows that 
the donor as well as Krishnavarma, the father of the 

1 It may be conjectured that Kwavarroan I was a king of the Triparvata division 
of ttaKarnfcta country, while Vi^uvarman, hostile to bis father, was ft king of Pali- 
iika under the Kadamba bouse of VaijayaotT. If each was the ease, the celebration of 
Aivamedha by Krftavarman I, described aa the datyintpatha-vafumatl-van-Tuti. 
beflotDM qmte meaninglest. Moreover, that conjecture doea not explain how Eftna- 
Yarman I could be a viceroy of d&ntivarman. 


donor, occupied a subordinate position under Santivsrma."' 
Moraes further thinks that, after the death of Santivarman, 
Kpjnavannan I broke up relations with his nephew 
Mfge^avannan and became the founder of a southern 
branch of the Kadamba family, which ruled from Tri- 
parvata (ibid, pp. 30-31). None of the above statements 
however stands to reason. 

The evidence of the Birur grant has been .taken to 
prove that Krsnavarman I was a viceroy of the southern 
districts of the Kadamba empire under Santivarman. 
Three points are however to be noticed in this connection. 
Firstly, in the same grant Krsnavarman I has been called 
avamedha-yajin (performer of the Horse-sacrifice). I 
have shown (see above, pp. 17 f.; 124 ff. ; also Appendix 
below) from the evidence of the astras and inscrip- 
tions that " a subordinate king could never perform the 
A^vamedba sacrifice." Krsnavarman I therefore could 
not be a feudatory or a viceroy of Santivarman, but was 
certainly* an independent king himself. Secondly, the 
same grant calls him daksinapatha-vasumati-vasu-pati (lord 
of the riches of the land of Daksinapatha) which clearly 
shows that Krsnavarman I claimed a sort of suzerainty 
over the whole of the Deccan. The word datyinapatha 
of the grant cannot be taken to mean the southern part of 
the Kadamba kingdom. '* Lord of Dak^inapatha " seems 
to have been the hereditary title of the great Satavahana 
kings. As we have already noticed, Satakarni, husband 
of Naganika, is called daksinapathapati, Vasigthiputra 
Pulumavi bas been called Daksin5-path-e^vara, and the 
Satavahana, contemporary of the Saka Satrap Budra- 
daman, is called Dak?inapatha-pati Satakarni. The 
significance of the claim of Kadamba Krsnavarman I 
to have been " lord of the riches of the land of Dak^a- 
patha " is possibly to be found in his performance 
of the Avamedba which cannot be celebrated without 


digvijaya (loc. cit.). In this connection, we should also 
notice that in the Devagiri grant Kr?navarman I has been 
called ek-atapatra (possessor of tlie sole umbrella), which, 
as Mr, Moraes himself suggests (op. cit., p. 39 note), " is 
indicative of the universal sovereignty." This epithet at 
least shows that he was an independent ruler of some 
importance. It is also to be noticed that he has been 
called Rajaraja in the Bennur grant of his great-grandson 
Krsnavarman II. The third important point in this con- 
nection is that the grant recorded in the Birur plates 
could hardly be " made by Vishnuvarma during his 
father Kjrishijavarma's life," as Mr. Moraes would let us 
believe. The donor of the Birur grant was 6ri-Visnuvarma- 
Dharmamaharaja, eldest son of Krsnavarrna-Dharmamaha- 
raja. Since Visnuvarman has been called Dharmamaha- 
raja, he was obviously a crowned king at the time of issuing 
the Birur grant. Krsnavarman I could not have been 
reigning then as the overlord of his son, because Visnu- 
varman is reported to have granted lands with the permission 
of his jyestha-pita Santivarman. It therefore appears 
that Krsnavarman I died before the end of Santivarman's 
rule and could not therefore have been the founder of a 
southern branch of the Kadamba family after the death of 
Santivarman. It is most likely, as has been suggested 
above, that he died before the beginning of Santivarman's 
rule. There is nothing in the Birur grant to prove that 
Krsnavarman I was a viceroy of Santivarman ; it is, on 
the other hand, certain that he was a great and indepen- 
dent king who performed the Agvamedha sacrifice. 

Mr. Moraes thinks that the Devagiri grant was issued 
when K^navarman I " set up as an independent sovereign;" 
and that the Birur grant was issued some time earlier when 
he was still a viceroy of Santivarman (op. cit., pp. 30-31), 
This view too is untenable. The Devagiri grant (Ind. Ant., 
VII, p. 34) was issued by Devavarma-YuvarSja, dear son 


of Dharmamaharaja Krsnavarman I. It is clear that this 
gr&nt was issued during the reign of Krsnavarman I him- 
self. The Birur grant (Ep. Cam., VI, p. 91) was issued, 
as we have seen, by the Kadamba DharmamahSraja Vi?nu- 
varman, who presumably ruled after his father Krsna- 

Only one record of the time of Kfgnavarman I has so 
far been discovered. It is the grant of Yuvaraja Devavar- 
man found at Devagiri in the Karajgi taluka of the Dharwar 
district. Krsnavarman I appears to have appointed the 
crown-prince governor of the Triparvata division of the 
Kadamba kingdom, which probably comprised parts of the 
present district of Darwar in the Bombay Presidency. 
The Triparvata division seems to have formed the northern 
part of the Karnata country. 

The Devagiri grant was issued by Yuvaraja Devavar- 
man, dear son of Krsnavarman I Dharmamaharaja who 
celebrated the A^vamedha sacrifice, probably when the 
Yuvaraja was at the city of ^n-M/aya-Triparvata. By this 
record, a piece of land called Siddhakedara l inthe Triparvata 
division was granted (o the Yapanlya samgha (or samghas) 
for the purpose of the glory of repairing anything that 
may be broken (bhagna-samskdra) in and of the perfor- 
mance of worship at the Caityalaya of the holy Arhat. 
It is also recorded that Devavarman granted the lands to 
the Arhat Jaina. The record ends with the benediction, 
" Victorious is the Arbat, the lord of the three worlds, the 
maker of the good of all people, the destroyer of passion 
and other enemies, the eternal one, the lord having eternal 
knowledge." 2 

1 A recent writer thinks that Siddhakedara (in Triparvata) ia the same as Suddikon- 
dura mentioned in the HaUi grant of the fourth year of Harivnrman. Since 
Suddikundnra was the name of a visaya, the identification is doubtful. 

1 Jayaty~arhatps-trtlokejali sarva-bhuta-ltitankarah 
*nanfo= 'n 


In this record Krsnavarman I, father of the YuvarSja, 
has been called sarnar-arjita-vipul-aitvarya and raja-m&es^ 
ratna. The epithet ek-atapatra shows that Krsnavarman 
I claimed to have been a paramount sovereign. The king 
is also called nagajdn^dkramya day-anubhuta which has 
been explained as " who enjoyed a heritage that was not 
to be attained by persons of Naga descent," or as " who 
enjoyed his heritage after attacking some chieftains of Naga 
descent." The reading of the passage is however doubtful 
and the interpretation cannot therefore be taken as per- 
fectly established. The former interpretation would suggest 
the Nagas to have been the Cutu-Satakarnis, but the latter 
would possibly suggest the Sendrakas 1 of Nagarakhancja. 

There is an oval and worn out seal attached to the 
plates. It has the devise of some animal standing towards 
the proper right but with its head turned round to the left. 
There is also the figure of a god or a man leaning against 
it or sitting on it. The animal may be meant for a horse 
or bullock, but Fleet suggests that it may also be a deer 
with horns. 

According to the evidence of the Bannahalli plates 
(Ep. Ind., VI, p. 16) of Krsnavarman II, Krsnavarman I 
married a girl of the Kekaya family which, as we have seen, 
probably ruled in the modern Chitaldrug district of Mysore, 
His eldest son Visnuvarruan was born of this Kekaya 
princess. 2 

1 For the Naga connection of the Cutu-fiatakarnis, see above, 158 D, In the 
Iiakshmeswar inscription (Ind. Ant.. VII, p. 110), the Sendraka* are described a* 
belonging to the Bhujagendra lineage. 

f ftovixtfa Pai thinks (Journ. Ind. Hist., XH, p. 8CI ff ) that Deiavarman was the 
on of Efgnavarman H. He wrongly take* Devavarman to be tbe eldest son of his 
father simply because he was the Yuvaraja. There are however numerous instances in 
bistoty to show that a favourite younger son was sometimes made heir to the throne in 
preference to the neglected eldest son. The suggestion moreover is untenable in view 
of tbe fact that tbe Devagiri grant describes the father of Devavarmaa as the perform- 
*<rf'ti*A*medha which undoubtedly refers to Krsnavarman I. Krsnafarmap B 

A stone-inscription of a Kekaya chief, named Sivananda- 
varman, has been discovered at Anaji in theDavanegere taluka 
of the Chitaldrug district. According to this record, Siva* 
nandavarman, after the loss of his country and the defeat of 
Krw ara i a ' s army in the tumultuous battle that took place 
between Nanakkasa (?) Pallava-raja and Krsnavarma-raja, 
with a tranquillized heart, lay on a bed of darbha and became 
desirous of going to heaven. Possibly he burnt himself to 
death. We have soen that Kadamba Krsnavarman I was 
matrimonially connected with the Kekayas. This fact and 
the palaeographical standard of the Anaji record support the 
identification of this Krsnaraja or Krsnavarma-raja with 
Kadamba Krsnavarman I. Some scholars think that Siva- 
nandavarman was a son of Krsnavarman I and was possibly 
identical with Devavarman. The suggestion, however, is 
untenable in view of the fact that Sivanandavarman is des- 
cribed as belonging to the Atreya gotra and to the Kekaya 
family which was a Soma-vam^a. The Kadamba family, on 
the other hand, was of the Manavya or Afigirasa gotra and 
was never connected with the lunar race. 

Sivanandavarman may have been a relative and feudatory 
of Krsnavarman I. The relation of the ksaya (loss, ruin) 
of his own country with the defeat of Krsnaraja's army and 
of his becoming prasamita-hrdaya and desirous of going to 
heaven, however, is not quite clear. PiaSamita-hrdaya 
(having one's heart tranquillized) has been wrongly taken 
by previous writers in the sense that the defeat of Krsnavar- 
man broke the heart of Sivanandavarman (see infra). Krsna- 
varman I possibly died in this encounter with the Pallavas 
or was dethroned as a result of this defeat. 

never performed any Horae-sacnfice The S,r,i ffrant (Bp. 
Krsoavannan II. which describes him as belonging to the Kid 
atoamedh-abhivkta (having takeu the bath, t ... rendered pure 
at the end of a Horse-sacrifice) never suggests that Kr^avarin j 
an Mvimedha. 



Visnuvarman was the son of king Krsnavarman I by a 
princess of the Kekaya family. He has been described as 
kaikeya-sutayam=*utpanna in the Bannahalli grant of his 
grandson Krsnavarman II. We have seen that though he 
was the eldest son of his father, one of his younger brothers, 
by name Devavarman who was the favourite son of Krsna- 
varman I, was made Yuvaraja in preference to him. As a 
consequence, he appears to have left his father's kingdom 
and taken shelter in the court of a Pallava king, named 
Santivara. According to the Hebbata grant of Visnuvarman 
he was anointed by the Pallava king Santivara-maharaja. If 
the identification of his jyestha-pita Santivarrnan, mentioned 
in the Birur grant, with the son of Kakusthavarman is to be 
believed, he seems to have transferred his allegiance to the 
kings of Vaijayantl. Before the eleventh year of Ravivar- 
man however he appears to have rebelled against the autho- 
rity of his overlords and, as a result, was killed by Ravivar- 
man, grandson of Santivarman. The Palasika division, 
over which he seems to have ruled, was annexed by the 
victor and the victor's brother Bhanuvarman was made the 
governor of that division. 

Only two grants of the time of Yisnuvarman have so far 
been discovered. 

, v Th Birur grant (Ep. Cam., VI, p. 91) of Visnuvarman 
begins with a verse in adoration to the Hindu trinity Hara, 
Narayana, and Brahman. 1 The Kadamba Dharmamaharaja 
Visnuvarman is here called the eldest son of DharmamabS- 

1 Hara-ndrayana-brahrna-tritaydya-namas sadd 
$ula-cakr-dk$asutr-odgha~bhava> bhdsita-pdnine, 


raja KrsnavarmanI who has been described as " lord of the 
riches of the land of Daksinapatha " and as " performer of 
the Horse-sacrifice." As we have already suggested Kr?na- 
varman I seems to have claimed a sort of suzerainty over the 
whole of the Deccan. Such a vague claim may have origi- 
nated from his performance of the Agvamedha which could 
not be celebrated without dig-vijaya. The epithet vikatita- 
sac-chatr-dvatamsa applied to him in this record possibly 
means the same thing as bis epithet 6a$i-sadrs-aik-atapatra in 
the Devagiri grant of his favourite younger son Devavar- 
man. He is also described as parama~brahmai}ya-$aranya 
and is said to have acquired fame in battles. 

The grant was made on the fifth lunar day of the bright 
half of Phalguna in the third year of the king's reign. By 
it the king made, with libations of water and daksina, a gift 
of a village, called Katattaka, in the Sindhuthaya-rastra, 
along with the boundary of the road to Nandapada, the 
bridge on the river called Karnnesakn, the Cesapali (lands?) 
and a field measuring two hundred nivartas(i.e,,nivartanas). 
The recipients of the grant were eighty-five Brahmanas, 
among whom were Bhava, Kolana, Siva, Yajiia and 
Sarva of the Kurukutsa gotra ; Merusarman and Soma^ar- 
man of the Harita gotra ; Bhava, Hara and others of the 
KaSyapa gotra ; Deva of the Atreya gotra ; Yuvu and Ukti 
of the Vasistha gotra ; Panda, Yajiia, Naga and Bhrta of 
the Vatsya gotra ; Bhava and Soma of the Kau&ka gotra ; 
Bhutigarman of the Kaundinya gotra ; Bhrta of the 
Purukutsa gotra ; and Bhutisarman of the Bharadvaja 
gotra. The word arya is suffixed to the names excepting 
those which end in the word barman. This fact shows that 
Arya (the same as modern Ayyar) and Sarman became cog- 
nomens in the South as early as the time of this record. 

The tamra-fasana was endowed with the pariharas, called 
attemara-vittika (sic. antahkara-vistika) and abhida-pradefa 
(sic. abhata-pravefo), which have already been explained. 


The most important point in the record, however, is that 
the grant is said to have been made after getting the per- 
mission of (anujMpya) Visnuvarman's jyetha-pita Santi- 
varman who was the lord of the entire Karaatade$a with its 
capital at Vaijayantl. It is generally held that this Sftntivar- 
man is to be identified with theKadainba king of that name, 
who was the son of Kakusthavarman and father of Mrge6a- 
varman. A recent writer on the subject however thinks 
that this king is to be identified with the Pallava king Santi- 
vara who, according to the Hebbata grant, installed Visiiu- 
varman; As we have already admitted, it is difficult, until 
further evidence is forthcoming, to be definite as regards 
the relation of the line of Krsnavarman I with the Early 
Kadambas of Mayura^arman's line. We have also seen that 
in the present state of our knowledge it is better to take 
king SSntivarman of the Birur grant to be the same as the 
Kadarnba king who was the son of Kakusthavarman. Krsna- 
varman I waR possibly a son of Kakusthavarman and a 
younger brother of Santivarman. 

Any one who would cause disturbances to the donees is 
said to be committing the sins of brahma-stri-go-matr-pitr- 
acarya-bhratr-vadha, guru-dara-gamana and vam$-otsadana. 
The grant also quotes the usual verses referring to paftca- 
mahapataka, etc. 

The Hebbata grant (Mys. Arch. Surv., A. E., 1925, p. 
98) begins with the auspicious word svasti and a verse in the 
anustubh metre adoring Vinu and beginning with the words 
jitam bhagavata. 1 In this record, Visnuvarma-Maharaja has 
been called a parama-brahmanya and an expert in all the 
iastras and kolas ; cf. his epithets gandharva-hastitiksti,- 
dhanurvedesu vatsaraj-endr-arjuna-samena abd-artha-nyaya- 
vidusa in the Bannahalli grant of his grandson (infra). 

1 Jitam bhagavaia tena vi$nun& yasya vaJfa^i. 

*oa nabhi padme pittimahah. 


He is also described as the jyestha-priya-tanaya of the 
avamedha-yajin Krsnavarma-Maharaja and as installed 
by S&ntivara-Maharaja-Pallavendra. We have seen that 
Krsnavarman I made his younger son Devavarman the 
Yuvaraja in preference to his eldest son Visnuvarman 
who could not therefore have been a priya-tanaya of his 
father. The mention of Visnuvarman as the " dear son " 
of Krsnavarman 1 in the Hebbata grant of the fifth year 
of the former may therefore be taken as an erroneous exag- 
geration. 1 

The grant was issued on the full-moon day of Karttika 
in the fifth regnal year of Visnuvarman when the king was 
residing at the adhisthdna (city or capital) of Kudalur. We 
do not definitely know whether he occupied Palasika when 
he rebelled against the house of Vaijayanti. 

By this grant the king made an agrahara of the village 
called Herbbata in the Sattipalli-Jaripata (division) of the 
Mahisa-visaya and offered it with daksina and libations of 
water, in accordance with the brahmadeya-nyaya, to a Yajur- 
vediya Brahmana belonging to the Badira family (or clan) 
and the Gautama gotra. The name of the Mahisa-visaya (cf. 
Mahisika in the Puranic lists) is evidently the source from 
which the present Mysore ( = Mahiur) has derived its 
name. The agrahara was made free from danda (fine), 
viti (unpaid labour) and kara (tax). 

The record ends with a reference to the five great sins, 
but does not quote the imprecatory verses. 

1 It may be conjectpred that Vis^marman became his father's favourite ion after 
the death of Yuvaraja Devovaiman. Put that does net explain the celebration of 
Afoamedba by KnQavarmati and the installation of VigQifvarmaxi by a Pallavalting. 



The son of Visnuvarman I was Simhavarman who has 
been described as Maharaja of the Kadambas (or a Maharaja 
belonging to the Kadamba family) in the Bannahalli plates 
of his son Krsnavarman II. We do not know where Simha- 
varman became king after the death of his father and the 
annexation of his paternal kingdom, i.e., the Palagika 
division, by Ravivarinan. No record of his time has as 
yet come to light. 

Simbavarman's son was Krsnavarraan II who was a 
powerful king. We do not definitely know where he origin- 
ally ruled. An inscription recording his gift of a village 
in the Sendraka-visaya (the Nagarakbanda region forming 
parts of the present Shimoga district of Mysore) appears to 
suggest that his rule was at first limited in that part of the 
Kadamba kingdom. He is known to have led a successful 
expedition against Vaijayanti and to have conquered the 
Vaijayanti division ultimately. It is not certain whether 
betook Vaijayanti from Harivarman or from a member of 
another junior line of the Early Kadambas, which is known 
to have occupied Vaijayanti temporarily. 

Three records of the time of Krsnavarman II have so 
far been discovered. 

I. The Bennur (Belur hobli) copper-plate grant (Ep. 
Cam., V, p. 594) of the Kadamba Dharma-maharaja Krsna- 
varman II begins with the Vaisnavite adoration svasti jitaiji 
bhagavatft. which is in consonance with the verse speaking 
of the glorjr of lord Hari at the beginning of the Bannahalli 
grant of the same king. 


The adoration is followed by three verses which say that 
king Krsnavarman II was the son of Simhavarman, grand- 
son of Visnudasa and great-grandson of Rajaraja Krsnavar- 
man I who, like king Yudhisthira of old, gave perpetually 
food to thousands of Brahmanas. Krsnavarman II is said 
to have made the Brahmottara (brahmatra ?) again and 
again (a$vad-brahmottaram kurvan). In this record the 
Kadamba family is described as " rendered pure by the 
avabhrtha bath of the ASvamedha." This undoubtedly 
refers to the Horse-sacrifice celebrated by the reigning king's 
great-grandfather Krsnavarman I. 

The most important point in the Bennur record is that 
the grant is said to have been made by the king when he 
had already set out on a military expedition against Vaija- 
yanti (vaijayanti-vijaya-yatram abhiprasthita) . l This shows 
beyond doubt that at the time when the Bennur grant was 
issued Krsnavarman II was not the ruler of that division of 
the Kadamba kingdom which had its headquarters at Vaija- 
yanti. We have seen that Visnuvarrnan, grandfather of 
Krsnavarraan II, was killed by Ravivarman before the ele- 
venth year of Ravi's reign. It is thus clear that the des- 
cendants of Santivarman and Krsnavarman I were ruling 
simultaneously at different parts of the Kadamba country. 

The grant records the gift of the raja-bhaga-databandha 
(the tenth part of the king's share or the tenth part which 
was the king's share 2 ?) and also a piece of land measuring 
six nivartanas in a village called Palmadi in the Sendraka- 
visaya. Mr. V. R. R. Dikshitar published a paper on the 

1 Some Bttholara fiink Kpnivarmaa II led an expedition from Vaijayantl. 
The passage vaijayanti vijaya-ydtra clearly shows that this interpretation is un- 

DaSabandha has been called the king's share in books on law ; see, e.g., Mann, 
VIIT, verse 107. Kulluka in his gloss on this verse says, aoy&ftito} tffftfi nM** 
adi-vy&pareiu tn-patya parymtam yadi sMjyarfl ni vadet tada tad-vwad-atpadaip 
s<irvam = w<m-uttamaTvasya dadyat, iasya ca rnasya datamarp bhtgay rajflo danjw 


term databandha in Journ. Ind. Hist., August, 1934, 
pp. 174-80. Dikshitar however could not find out any refe- 
rence to the term in such an early charter as the Bennur 
grant of Kfgnavarman II. Dafabandha (as also the term 
panca-bandha) is a legal expression found in the Arthafastra 
(HE, chs. ii, xiii, etc.) and the Smrtis (e.g., Manu, VlII f 
verse 107; Vijnane^vara on Yajfiavalkya, II, 171) in connec- 
tion with some offences punishable with fines. It refers to 
the tenth part of the sum forming the subject-matter of the 
suit. In South Indian inscriptions of the mediaeval period 
the term occurs in the sense of a tax or an allowance of 
land or revenue as compensation for excavating a tank, well 
or channel (Rangacharya, Ins. Mad. Pres., II, Nl. 368,797, 
etc.). According to H. H. Wilson (A Glossary of Judicial and 
Revenue terms, etc., London, 1755, p. 127) the Telugu 
word dafabandham means " a deduction of Ath of the 
revenue on account of compensation for some public work, 
as the construction of a tank, etc." At the present time 
ordinarily the enjoyers of the da$abandham rights are to 
undertake due repairs of irrigational works. 

The grant was made by 6rimad-dharma-maharaja-vijaya- 

$0a-Krsnavarman n on the first lunar day called pratipad 

in the bright fortnight of Pausa when the king was before 

(a linga or an idol of) Mahadeva in the great temple 

of the village called Inguna. It is interesting to note that, 

though possibly a Vaisnava Krsnavarman II was praying to 

Mahadeva (Siva) for success in his expedition against Vaija- 

yanti. The present grant resembles in nature a grant of the 

Vinukundin king Madhavavarman I who is known to have 

made the gift of a village when he set out on an expedition 

against the eastern countries (above, p. 131 ff.) The 

recipient of the grant of Krsnavarman II was a Bxahmana, 

named fihavasvamin, who belonged to the H&rlta gotra 

and is described as a Painga. He was skilled in the 

performance of sacrifices and was well-versed in the 


Chandoga. Painga-Bhavasvarain seems to have been the 
priest of the said temple of Mahadeva. 

The gift of a village in the Sendraka-visaya (parts of the 
present Shiraoga district) suggests that the district formed 
a part of the kingdom of Krsnavarman II. We have seen 
that the Sendraka raja BhanuSakti was a governor under 
Harivarman. If this fact may be taken to suggest that the 
country of the Sendrakas was a pirt of Harivarman's king- 
dom, it may be supposed that Krsnavarman IE took the Sen- 
draka-visaya from, and led the VnijayantI expedition against 

The grant ends with the usual verses and the adoration 
namo visnarc. 

II. The Baunahalh grant (Ep. Ind., VI, p. 16) of 
king Krsnavarman II begins with the manqala : om svasti 
and a verse 1 in adoration to lordHari. The grant was issued 
in the seventh year of the king's reign on the fifth lunar day 
of the waxing (i.e., bright) fortnight of Karttika-masa under 
the asterism called Jycstha. Maharaja Krsnavarmnn II is 
called the son of Maharaja Simhavarman, grandson of Maha- 
raja Visnuvarman and great-grandson of Dharma-maharaja 
Krsnavarman I, Visnuvarman is here said to have been 
born of a daughter of the Kekayas and to have been skilled 
in gandharva (music), hasti-iksa (science of elephant-rearing) 
and dhanur-vidya (archery) like Vatsaiaja, Indra and Arjuna. 
He is also called well-versed in sabda, artha 2 and nyaya. 
Krsnavarman I has been credited with the performance 
of A6vamedha and with victory in many battles. The 
reigning king Krsijavarman II has been described as a 

1 Jayaty^udrikta-daity-endra-bala-virya-viinardanal} 
Jagat-pravfth-sarphara'Stati-maya dharo hank. 

8 Sabdirtba is aometimes supposed to signify 9abda-6a9tra and artha-tastra i 
it is however interesting to note that such a pli rase is generally applied to a person 
having literary talent, e.g., Kudradaman and gaba-Vlra?ena ; cf. the \ery 
similar epithet pada-pad&rtha-vicara-Suddha-buddlii applied to Poet Umapatidharo. 
in the Deopara grant of Vijayasena. 



parama-brahmanya and as " one who acquired rajya-$ri by 
his own power, strength and valour." 

The grant records the gift of a village called Kolanallura 
in the Vallavi-viaya, with libations of water and with all 
pariharas, to a learned and pious Brahmana, named Visnu- 
garman. The grant was made at the request of Haridatta 
Srrs$hin who belonged to the Tuviyalla gotra-pravara. The 
Sresthin is described as raja-pujita (honoured by the king). 
He was a performer of the Gosabasra mahadana. 

The charter ends with the verses referring lo the usual 
imprecation, the unresumable character of the grants and the 
five great sins. The mahgala at the end of the record reads 
svasty *= astu go-brahmanehhyah. 

III. Another grant (Ep. Ind., XVI, p. 268) of 
Krsnavarman II was discovered at Sirsi (Sirsi taluka, North 
Kanara district). It was issued when the king was at 
Vaijayanti, which fact shows that the vaijayanti-vijaya-yatra 
that he undertook sometime before the date of this record 
was completely successful. 

The grant records the gift of Kamnkapalli in the Giri- 
gadagrama of the Karvvannaiigam-visaya to a Somayajin 
Brahraana, named Soraasvamin, who belonged to the Varahi 
gotra and was well-versed in the Rgveda. Karvvannangam 
has been supposed to be the modern Karur in Sirsi. The 
village Girigada has been identified with modern Girigadde 
in the same taluka. 

In the Sirsi grant Krsnavarman II has been described 
as "obtainerofraja-M as a result of victory in many battles" 

and as "belonging to the Kadamba family which 

took the sacred bath at the end of an Agvamedha sacrifice." 
It is strange that some recent writers have taken the passage 

ativamedh-abhisiktanam kadambanaifi rt-krnavarina- 

maharaja to mean that Krsnavarman II was anointed 
during a Horse-sacrifice. The passage undoubtedly means 
the same thing as avamedha-snana-pavitrikrt^tmanaw 


kadambanayi (Bennur grant of Krsnavarman II) and other 
similar expressions in the records of the successors of 
Krsnavarman I. The descendants of the Pallava 
avamedhin Kumaravisnu use a similar expression, e.g., 
yathavad-ahrt-a&amedhanam pallavanam. The Sirsi grant 
of Krsnavarman II certainly refers, as his other grants 
unquestionably do, to the Agvamedha performed by his 
great-grandfather Krsnavarman I. There is absolutely no 
proof to show that Krsnavarman II himself performed the 
Horse-sacrifice. The idea of a king's or prince's ra}y- 
abhiseka during the Asvamedha is fantastic. If moreover 
he performed any horse-sacrifice, why do the Bannahalli and 
Bennur grants refer to the Asvamedha of his great-grand- 
father and not of his own ? In case an Asvamedha was 
performed by Krsnavarman II before the time when the 
Sirsi grant was issued, he himself must have been described 
as avamedha-yajin like his great-grandfather. No perfor- 
mer of the Asvamedha is as yet known to have vaguely 
claimed to belong simply to an A 6 vamedha -performing 
family. It must also be noted that he is rot credited with 
the performance of Asvamedha in the Tagare grant of his 
grandson. That the passage atoamedh-abhisikta (applied 
to the Kadamba family) does not mean Krsnavarman 's being 
" installed during Asvamedha " is proved beyond doubt 
by the Ganga records which refer to the Kadamba family 
as avicchinn-avamedh-avabhrlh-abhisikta (abhisikta by the 
avabhrtha bath of a series of A^vamedhas) . 

It is interesting to note that in many of the early Ganga 
records, Avinita-Kongani-Mahadhiraja, son of Madhava- 
Mahadhiraja, has been called krnavarma-maMdhirajasya 
priya-bhagineya (dear sister's son of Krsnavarma-Mahadhi- 
raja). This Krsnavarma-Mahadhiraja has been described as 
^rl-rna^kadamba-kula-gagana-gabhasti-malin (sun in the 
firmament of the illustrious Kadamba family). There is 
however difference of opinion as regards the identification 


of this Kadamba king, named Krsnavarinan, mentioned 
in the Ganga records. Mr. K. N. Dikshit and some other 
scholars (Ep. Ind., XIV, p. 166, n. 2; Ind. Hist. 
Quart., IX, p. 197) think that he is to be identified 
with the avamedha-yajin Krsnavarman I, while others 
are of opinion that he should be identified with the 
avamedhin'a great-grandson Krsnavarman II. It is 
believed that " there are no clues in the records to enable 
one to ascertain who this Krshnavarma was, whether he was 
the first king of that name or his great-grandson " 
(Kadambakula, p. 55). The Ganga records however clearly 
show that Krsnavarma-Mahadhiraja, maternal uncle of the 
Ganga king Avimta-Kongani-Mahadhiraja, was not Kadamba 
Krsijavarman I who was a performer of A^varnedha, but 
his great-grandson Krsnavarman II who never celebrated 
any Horse-sacrifice. The Kadamba relative of the Gangas 
is sometimes described in the Ganga records (see, e.g., 
the Merkera, Nagamangala, Javali and Kadagattur plates, 
Ind. Ant., I, p. 3d2; II, p. 155; Ep. Cam., VI, p. 151; 
etc.) as Srl-mat-kadamba-kula-gagana-gabhasti-malin. In 
some Ganga records (see, e.g., Mallohalli and Bangalore 
Museum plates, Ind. Ant., V, p. 133 ; Ep. Cam., IX, 
p. 33; etc.), however, he is also described more fully as 
avicchinn (or avical^asvamcdh-aimbhrth-abhisikta-srl'mat- 
kadamba-kula-gagana-gabhasti-malin (sun in the firmanent 
of the illustrious Kadamba family which was wet owing to 
its taking the sacred bath in continuous Horse-sacrifices). 
The king has not been called a performer of Agvamedha, 
but is said to have belonged to the Kadamba family 
in which A6vamedha was celebrated. Since he is not 
described as an avamedha-yajin 9 he cannot be the same as 
Krsnavarman I who has that epithet in the Devagiri, Birur 
and Bannahalli grants of his descendants. The fact that 
the epithet of the relative of the Gangas saying that he 
belonged to the Kadamba family which was avamedh- 


abhisikta is essentially the same as that of Krsnavarman If 

in the Sirsi grant (cf. avamedh-abhisik1anam 

kadambandm 6rl krsnavarma-w aharaja) and in the Bennur 
grant (cf. a^oamedh'dvabhrt^a-snana'pavitrikrtatmandvi 

kadambandm dharnia-mahdrdja-vijaya-iva-krsnavarma ) 

shows beyond doubt that he should be identified with 
Kadamba Krsnavarman II and not with (he latter 's great- 
grandfather Krsnavarman I. It must also be noticed that 
Krsnavarman I was the only performer of the Horse-sacrifice 
among the early Kadambas and that no Kadamba king is 
known to have celebrated the sacrifice before his time. 1 Only 
a successor of this king therefore can properly be called 
" belonging to the Kadamba family in which the A^vamedha 
was performed." It may further be noticed that many of 
the grants of the successors of Santivarman refers to the 
Kadamba family as svdmi-mahdsena~matr-gan-dnudhydt- 
dbhisikta. We do not know whether there is a covert allusion 
to the avabhrtha of an Asvamedha in this passage. The 
corresponding passage in the Sirsi grant of Krsnavarman II, 
which simply adds the word avarncdha between the words 
anudhydta and abhisikta, is practically the same. 

The identification of the maternal uncle of Avimta- 
Korigani-Mahadhiraja with Kadamba Krsnavarraan II seems 
to be supported also by the chronology of the Early Gangas. 
Ganga Durvimta, Konganivrddha son of Avinlta-Kongani, 
probably lived up to the middle of the seventh century. There 
is a record (Ep. Cam., VIII, Nr. 35, p. 135) which speaks of 
a matrimonial relation between the Gangas and the Calukyas 

1 A v.ry late inscription found atTulgunda (Ep Cam , VII, Sk, 178) says that 
Mayuravarman (i.e., Mayuras'arman) performed no less than eighteen Arivamedhas. 
We have already seen that this late tradition is tn be discarded as entirely unhistorical 
(above p. 240; Journ. Ind. Hist., XIII, p. 40, note; An. Bhand. Or. Res. Inst., 
XVI, p. 163, note). The plurality of ASvamerlhaa claimed for the Kadambas in the 
passages of the Gnn#a records i* evidently an unhiatoncal exaggeration. Tn this 
connection, it is interesting to note that the "one" Asvamedha performed by Samadra- 
gupta is referred to as "many" Advamedhas in the records of his Vakataka relatives/ 


of Badami. " Seizing in the field of battle Kaduvetti 
who was celebrated as a Ravana to the earth," it says, 
"and setting up his (own) daughter's son, be became 
formidable in the world in the heriditary kingdom of 
Jayasimha-vallabha; what a terror was this might of arm 
of Durvimta ! ' ' Kaduvetti is the Dravidian expression 
for Pallava l and Vallabha was the title of the Calukya 
kings of Badami. Jayasimha-vallabha is therefore the 
same as the grandfather of Pulake^in I (circa 550-66) 
and the first historical figure with which the Calukyas 
begin their genealogy. Calukya Jayasimha has been called 
Vallabhendra and Vallabha in the Mahakuta and Aihole 
inscriptions respectively (Bomb. Gaz. 9 I, ii, p. 342). It 
has been suggested (Triveni, I, pp. 112-20; Kadambakula, 
pp. 55-56) that the Ganga king Durvimta was the father- 
in-law of Pulake&n II who was defeated and killed by 
Pallava Narasimhavarman I about A.D. 642 and that it was 
the Gafiga king who restored his grandson Vikramaditya I, 
third son of Pulake&n II, to the throne about 654. The 
suggestion seems probable. 

If however the above suggestion be accepted, Ganga 
Durvinlta who possibly had a very long reign appears 
to have lived as late as A.D. 654. 2 As Durvinita's 
reign is thus known to have ended in the second 
half of the seventh century, it is reasonable to suppose 
that his father Avimta-Kongani could not have ruled 

1 ID tbe same inscription, there is reference to a Ka<Juvetti of the warlike Kane! 
and his Pallava-urabrella. 

* Dnbreuil places DurvinTta ia 605-50 A.D. (Anc. Hist. Dec., p. 109). Darvi- 
nita's last known ioacriptional date is year 40. Pariccheda I of the Avantisundarikaiha 
8&ra seems to speak of the Pallava king Sirahavisnu of KaficI, Narendra Visnuvardhana 
of the Nasik region and Durvinita (possibly the Ganga king son of Avinlta) as con- 
temporaries. Pallava Sirphavisnu appears to be the same aa Karasimhavarmao I Simha- 
visnu (aon of Mahendravarroan I) who ruled about the eecond quarter of tbe seventh 
century. Narendra Vispuvardhana may be the same as Kubja- Visnuvardhana, 
1 rotber of Pulake&in II (600-42 A.D.), *ho might have been a governor of tbe Nasik 
region for some tin.e before he was established at 

n 803 

earlier than the second half of the sixth century. Kr$na- 
varman, the maternal uncle of Avinita-Kongani (second half 
of the sixth century), thus appears to have lived about the 
middle of the sixth century and certainly not much earlier. 
We have seen that Visnuvarman who saw the latest years 
of Santivarman and the early years of Bavivarman was 
killed before Ravi's eleventh year about the ninth or tenth 
decade of the fifth century. Since Santivarman ruled 
before A.D. 470 which is possibly the date of his son 
MrgeSa's accession, Krsnavarman I must be placed about 
the middle of the fifth century. As Visnuvarman seems 
to have ended his rule about the end of that century, his 
grandson Krsnavaroian II must reasonably be placed about 
the middle of the next century. 


The son of Krsnavarman II was Ajavarman. No record 
of Ajavarman's time has as yet been discovered. We do not 
know whether he ascended the throne at all. The Tagare 
plates of his son Bhogivannan (Mys. Arch. Surv., A. R., 
1918, p. 35) do not call him Maharaja. Maharaja Bhogi- 
varman' s rule appears to have fallen in the second half 
of the sixth century. It was the time of Calukya ascen- 
dancy in Maharastra and Kuntala. The relation of Bhogi- 
varman with the powerful Early Calukyas of Badami 
cannot be determined until further evidence is forthcoming. 
Possibly the political existence of the dynasty of 
Krsnavarman I ended with Bhogivarman. His son Visnu- 
varman II (who is not mentioned as a Yuvaraja in the 
Tagare record) does not appear to have ascended the 

The Tagnre grant of Maharaja Bhogivarman begins 
with the word svasti and a verse l in adoration to lord 
Visnu. In this record the Kadamba family is mentioned as 
rendered pure by the avabhrtha bath taken at the end of the 
A^vamedha which evidently refers to the sacrifice performed 
by the donor's ancestor Krsnavarman I. Bhogivarma-[Ma] 
haraja, dear son of Ajavarman and grandson of Krsnavarma- 
[Majbaraja II (not the performer of A^vamedha), is said to 
have acquired a large kingdom by the power of his own arms. 
He is also said to have defeated many enemies. The claim 
may be an exaggerated one ; but it proves at least that 
Bhogivarman h^d to fight with enemies. 

1 Jayaty = ambuja-gehayah potir visnus sanatanah ( ?) 
Varaha-Tupena dhararp yo dadhara ytiga-ksaye. 


The grant was made at the request of the king's son, 
named Visnuvarman. It is not dated. It records the gift 
of a palll called Kiru-Kudalur to a pious Brahmana, named 
Bhuta^armau, who belonged to the Ka6yapa gotra. Kiru- 
Kudalur-palli, which reminds us the name of the Kudalur- 
adhisthana whence the Hebbata grant of Visnuvarman was 
issued, is said to have been one of the twenty-four pallls of 
the maha-grama called Tagare situated in the Tagare visaya. 
Tagare has been found to be a place in the Belur taluka. 

It is said that the protector of the grant would enjoy the 
phala of an A6vamedha sacrifice, but the confiscator would 
be loaded with the five great sins. The record quotes two 
verses (bahubhirvasudha datta, etc., and svam datuni 
sumahac = chakyam, etc.) as spoken by Manu. 

The grant ends with a few lines written in the Kannada 
language, which say that the palll was granted with the 
exemption from the thirty-two imports, and seems to 
mention the additional grant of a house in the northern 
street. " The second and the fourth lines on the third 
plate appear to be a subsequent addition by a later hand. 
They tell us that Poriyadga] granted Kijtivur to Vinnar, as 
also an equal share below the tank of Kiru-Kudalur" (ibid, 
pp. 40-41). 






Another line of the Early Kadambas, the exact relation 
of which with the lines of Mayuragarman and Krsnavarman I 
is not definitely settled, is known from inscriptions to have 
ruled in the Kadamba country and for sometime even at 
VaijayantL Only two inscriptions of this line have so far 
been discovered* They belong to a Kadamba king, named 
Mandhata-raja (evidently a mistake for Mftndhatrraja), or 
Mandhatfvarman. 1 In the Kudgere plates (Ep. Ind., VI, 
p. 12) the king is called M-t?i;aj/a-^a-Mandhat)*varman and 
is said to have resided at Vaijayanti. In the Sbimoga plates 
(Mys. Arch. Surv., A. R., 1911, p. 32) of the same king 
however the issuer's name is given as Mandhata-raja and he 
is called the son of Maharaja Kumaravarman. The explicit 

1 Mandhatrvarman of the Kudgere grant has been thought to be different 
from Mandhata-raja of the Sbimoga grant and the reign of the former had 
been placed before that of Kr^pavarman I on the grounds that the names of the 
donors are not exactly the same, that the Kudgere grant begins with the word 
siddharp like the Malavalli and Talguoda records and that it does not mention the 
Kadamba family as being rendered pure by the Agvaraedha (of Krsnavarman I). See 
My*. Arch. Surv , A. R., 1911, p. 86 ; Journ Ind. Hist., XIII, p. *lf. It must-be 
noticed that the Birur g r ant of Vi^nuvannan begins with siddhaip Both the Halsi 
grants of Harivarman begin with the expression aiddharp svasti. Are we to suppose 
that these princes lived before Krsnavarman I ? Again, the performance cf the 
Avamedha by Krsnavarman I is not mentioned in any of the three grants of Hari> 
varman. Does it prove that Harivarman lived before the reign of Krfnavanuan I ? 
M&ndhat<w&ja is most probably a copyist's mistake for Afandtotprd/o Cf. Kr?na- 
vanoa raja add Krs.nar&ja in the Anaji record of Sivanandavarraan ; Klrtivarman aud 
Kirtiraja of the Calukya records ; Vi jayavarmtn and Vijayar&ja of the Kaira grant, etc, 
For palaeography, see above, p, 67, n^ 2. 


ptatement that the king belonged to the Kadamba family which 
was sanctified by the Horse-sacrifice (cf. afoamedha-pavitrikrt- 
dnvaySnatfi...kadambSnam) clearly shows that the Kadamba 
king, named Mandhata or Mandhatrvarman, ruled after the 
celebration of the ASvamedha by Krsnavurman I who was 
the only performer of the Horse-sacrifice among the Early 
Kadambas. We do not know where Maharaja KumSra- 
varman ruled. His son jVTandhatrvarman however is known 
to have reigned at VaijayantI from where he issued the 
Kudgere grant in the second year of his reign. In the 
present state of our knowledge it is difficult to place 
Mandbatrvarman's reign in the period between the time of 
Santivarman and that of Harivarman. It is possible that 
Mandhata became the lord of VaijayantI for some time in 
the period when the Kadamba country was in a state of 
chaos owing to the repeated attacks of the Early Calukyas 
of Badaini. He may have conquered VaijayantI from 
Harivarman or from KrsQavarman II or one of the latter* s 
successors. . 

A set of copper-plates (Ep. Ind., VI, p. 12) belonging to 
the Kadamba king, named Mandhatrvarman, was discovered 
at Kudgere in the Shimoga district. The grant was issued 
on the full-moon day of Vaitfakha in the second regnal year 
of the king who has been called M-m/at/a-rfwa-Mandhatr- 
varman. The king issued the charter when he was residing 
at VaijayantI. 

The grant records the gift of a kedara (field, land), twenty 
nioartanas by the royal measure, of the hala (plough-land) 
called Modekarani within the border of Kojala-grama which 
has been identified with modern Kolala in the Tiplur taluka 
of the Tumkur district of Mysore. It was made with 
daksinft and with libations of water, and was exempted from 
the duty of providing cots, abode and boiled rice (a-fcJwtt?fi- 
vas-audana), from the ingress of soldiers, and from internal 
taxes and unpaid labour (antahkara-vistika). The panham 


called a-khatva-vas-audana has been discussed in connection 
with the Mayidavolu and Hirahadagalli grants (above, 
p. 187 f.). It is practically the same as a-kura-collaka- 
vinasi-khata-[saw]vasa mentioned in the grants of Pallava 
Sivaskandavarman. In this connection, it is interesting 
to note that according to Manu (VII, verse 119) "the 
headman of the village should get all of what is daily 
payable by the villagers to the king in the shape of anna 
(food), pana (drink), indhana (fuel) and other things." In 
connection with antah-kara (internal revenue) , a reference 
to puravayam (external revenue) in an inscription (S. Ind. 
Ins., Ill, No. 61) is interesting to note. 

The recipient of the grant was a taittirlya*salrahmacarin, 
named Deva^arman, who belonged to the Kaundinya gotra. 
The record ends with the usual verses and says that the 
pattikd was written by the Rahasyadhikrta ODamodaradatta. 
The official designation rahasyadhikrta is found in other 
early inscriptions like the Hirabadagalli grant of Sivaskanda- 
varman and the Peddavegi grant of Salankayana Nandi- 
yarman II. 

The Shimoga plates were issued on the twelfth lunar 
day of the bright half of Karttika in the fifth regnal year of 
Mandhata-raja when the king was residing at tn;at/-0cchrngi, 
that is to say, at the city of Ucca^rngl. Ucca^rngi has 
been identified with Uchchangidurga situated about three 
miles to the east of Molkalmuru in the Dodderi taluka of 
the Chitaldrug district, Mysore (Mys. Arch. Surv., A. R., 
1910-11, p. 31 ; Bomb. Gaz., I, ii, p. 285 n). We 
have seen that in the fourth year of king Harivarman's 
reign, his pitrvya (father's, i.e., Ravivarman's, brother) 
Sivaratha was probably in charge of the Uccasrngl division 
of the Kadamba country. It is however not known whether 
the Vaijayanti and Uccasrngl divisions were both taken by 
Mandhata directly from Harivarman. Uccangi was the 
capital of the Nolambavadi 32,000 province (Bellary district 


and parts of Mysore) under the Pandyas and probably under 
the Pallavas before them. The Pallavas acquired the 
province when they conquered Badami and temporarily 
overthrew the Calukyas. It was occupied by the Pandyas 
about the beginning of the eleventh century A.D. Accord- 
ing to a Harihar record of 1170-71, Kadamba Mahamanda- 
lesvara Ketarasa had the hereditary title ' ' lord of Uccangi- 
giri " (Bomb. Gaz., I, ii, p. 564). 

The Shimoga grant (Mys. Arch. Surv., A. K., 1911, 
p. 32) begins with the adoration : svasti : jitani bhagavata. 
The record speaks of the Kadmaba family as rendered pure 
by the sacred bath of the Horse-sacrifice which obviously 
refers to the Agvamedba celebrated by Krsnavarman I. 
Mandhataraja, son of Kumaravarma-Maharaja, has been 
described as a successful warrior. 

By this grant the Kadamba king made a gift of six 
nivartanas of land along with some materials for building a 
house (grha-vastu) 1 in the village of Kaggi as well as some 
lands in the village, called Palgalim, to a learned and pious 
Brahmana, named Triyainabakasvamin, of the Atreya gotra. 
The passage palgalinl-grdmasy^Mcan^catiispat'ksetram is 
not quite clear. Kaggigrama has been identified with the 
village of the same name, situated about ten miles to the 
south of Channagiri in the taluka of the same name (ibid, 
p. 35). 

The grant ends with the usual imprecatory verses and 
the benediction : siddhir = astu. 

1 The passage grha-vastuna s&rddham has been explained as " together with 
a house and necessaries" (Mys. Arch. Surv., A. B., 1911, p. 36). 



Two other names of kings belonging to the Early 
Kadaraba family are known from inscriptions. They are 
Madhuvarman of the record found at Tadagani in the 
Udagani hobli of the Shikarpur taluka (Ep. Cam., VII, 
Sk. 66) and Damodara of the lithic record discovered at 
Konnur in the Belgaum district (Ind. Ant., XXI, p. 96). 
Their exact relation with the three lines of Early Kadamba 
kings already discussed cannot be determined in the present 
state of our knowledge. 

The Tadagani inscription which according to Eice 
belongs to circa 500 A.D. was issued by a Kadamba prince 
whose name has been written as maduvarmma. Madu- 
varmma is generally taken to be a mistake for Madhuvarma. 
Mr. Govind Pai points out (Jaurn. Ind. Hist , XIII, pp. 
25-26) that the name Maduvarman or Madhuvarman bears 
no good sense. He is therefore inclined to change the read- 
ing $ri-maduvarmma as Sri-maddevarma which he further 
corrects as frl-mad-devavarmma. The word samgha written 
in the Devagiri grant as sang a, and names like Madura for 
Madhura, Attivarman for Hastivarman, etc., suggest that 
the correction Madhuvarman is not impossible. It may also 
be pointed out that many names in the early history of 
India do not bear any good sense. The names Dattavarman 
and Jalavarman of the Lakhamandal inscription (Bhandarkar, 
List, No. 1790) and Jatavarman of the Belava grant 
(tbtd, No. 1714) may be cited as examples. Since the 
Sanskrit word madhu means " water," the names Madhu- 
varman and Jalavarman would mean the same thing. 


As has been suggested to me by Dr. Barnett, Madhuvarman 
may moreover be an abbreviated form of names like 
Madhuripuvarman. The correction Devavarman may not 
be quite absurd, but it cannot be accepted without 
further evidence. Palaeography moreover seems to go 
against the suggestion of Govind Pai that this king ruled 
before Krsnavarman I. He thinks that Madhuvarman, 
whom he calls Devavarman, was the father of Krsnavarman I 
simply on the ground that the Tadagani record does not 
refer to the Agvamedha of Krsnavarman I. We have seen 
that, excepting the Nilambur grant of Ravivarman, none of 
the records of Mrge^avarman, Ravivarman and Harivarman 
refers to the A^vamedha of the usurper. 

As the Tadagani epigraph is damaged, the inscription 
could not be fully deciphered. It seems to record the gift 
of some lands in the villages called Satomahila-grama and 
Ketakapada to a Brahmana, named Narayana6arman, who 
belonged to the Gautama gotra. The record ends with the 
usual verses. At the top of the stone there is an unfinished 
final verse along with the name of one Soma who seems to 
have belonged to the Ka^yapa gotra. The connection of 
this person with the grant of Madhuvarman is not known, 
it is also unknown to us whether Madhuvarman was a Raja, 
Maharaja or Yuvaraja of the Kadambas. The letters between 
the passages kadambanam and rl-maduvarmnia could not 
be deciphered. His position among the Early Kadamba 
princes is therefore bound to remain uncertain until further 
evidence is forthcoming. 

The name of nrpa Damodara, born in the family of the 
Kadainbas, is found in a verse inscribed on a rock near 
Konnur, at the falls of the Ghataprabha in the Belgaum 
district. The inscription is in the so-called box-beaded 
characters and is probably not later than the beginning of 
the sixth century A.D. It has been noticed however that 
above the vene the name $ri-Damodara is twice inscribed 


on the same rock, once in the usual box-headed characters 
and once in the characters used in the records of the Early 
Calukyas. Does this fact suggest that Damodara lived in 
the period when the northern part of the ancient Kadainba 
kingdom was already occupied by the Calukyas? Is it 
possible that Damodara was a feudatory or viceroy of 
a king of the Early Calukya family which was established 
about the middle of the sixth century at Badami in the 
Bijapur district of the Bombay Presidency ? It is however 
impossible to be definite on this point in the present state 
of our knowledge. Govind Pai presumes (Journ. Ind. Hist., 
XIII, p. 32) that Damodara was the son of Hrrivarman. 
The suggestion is absolutely without any ground. 





According to the Puranas (Matsya, 48, 10-20 ; Vayu, 
99, 12-23), the Kekayas, Madras and U&naras were branches 
of the family of Anu, son of Yayati. The Anu tribe is 
frequently mentioned in the ftgveda (I, 108, 8 ; VII, 10, 5). 
A hymn of the Ftgveda (VIII, 74) seems to suggest that 
the Anus lived in the central Punjab, not far from the 
river Parusni. It is interesting to note that the same 
territory is afterwards found to be in the possession of the 
Kekayas and the Madras (see Eaychaudhuri, Pol. Hist. 
Anc. Ind , 2nd ed., pp. 36-37 ; Law, Ancient Indian Tribes, 
II, p. 49 f.). 

The Kekaya tribe is known from early literature to have 
dwelt in the modern Punjab between the country of 
Gandhara which lay on both sides of the Indus, and the river 
VipaSa (Beas). According to the Ramayana (II, 68, 19-22; 
VII, 113-14), the Kekaya territory lay beyond the Vipaga 
and was adjacent to the Gandharva (i.e., Gandhara) visaya. 
The name of the capital of the Kekaya country is not 
mentioned in the Vedic texts ; the Ramayana (II, 67, 7 ; 
68, 22) however tells us that the capital of the Kekayas was 
at Rajagrha or Girivraja. This Kajagrha-Girivraja has 
been identified with modern Girjak or Jalalpur on the 
Jhelum. Another Rajagrha-Girivraja is known to have 
been the ancient capital of Magadha. This city has been 
identified with Rajgir situated in Bihar between PaJnS and 
Gayfc. In order to distinguish between the eastern and 

I My paper on the Southern Kpkayas wan published in Ind. Cult., IV, p. 516 ff 


western Rajagrha-Girivrajas, the eastern city was sometimes 
called "Rajagrha of the Magadhaa " (S.B.E., XHI, p. 
150). A third Rajagjrba is mentioned by Yuan Chwang 
(Beal, Si-t/u-fct, I, p. 44) as a city of Po-lo, i.e., Balkh. 
Jain writers mention a Kekaya city called Setaviya and say 
that one-half of the Kekaya kingdom was Aryan (Ind. Ant., 
1891, p. 375). See Raychaudhuri, loc. cit. 

The Chandogya Upanisat (V, II, 5) tells a story about 
A6vapati, king of Kekaya, who realised the supreme truth 
and IR reported to have once said, " In my janapada, there 
is no thief, no villain, no drunkard, no Brahmana who does 
not maintain and consecrate sacred fire in his house, no 
illiterate person, no adulterer and therefore no adultress." 
According to the Satapatha-brahmana (X, 6, 1,2) and 
Chandogya Upanisat (loc. cit., et seq.), Agvapati, a con- 
temporary of king Janaka of Videha, instructed a number 
of Brahmanas. It is known from the Rdmayana that 
DaSaratha, the Iksvaku king of Ayodhya, married a Kekaya 
princess by whom he got a son, named Bharata. It may 
not be quite impossible that Agvapati was the name of a 
family of Kekaya kings and not the name of any particular 
ruler of Kekaya. A similar instance seems to be found in 
the name of the ancient Brahmadattas of Ka*i. That 
Brahmadatta was the name of a family and not that of a 
particular king has already been proved (Bhandarkar, 
Carmichael Lectures, 1918, p. 56 ; Raychaudhuri, op. cit., 
pp. 45-46). It is interesting to note that a traditional 
king (father of the celebrated Savitri) of the Madras who 
dwelt near the Kekaya country, on the western bank of the 
river Iravatl (Mahabha., VIII, 44, 17), was also named 
ASvapati. We do not know whether he actually belonged 
to the family of the Kekaya kings. 

Inscriptions prove the existence of a ruling dynasty 
called Kekaya or Kaikeya in the Cbitaldrug district of 
Mysore. It has been supposed that the Kekayaa migrated 

to the south like the Ik?vakus, Sibis and other north Indian 
tribes or families. The southern Kekayas are known to 
have belonged to the itreya gotra and the Soma-vaip$a 
(lunar race). We have seen that, according to the Puranas, 
the Kekayas belonged to the family of Anu, son of the 
celebrated Yayati. According to the Mahabharata (I, 95, 
7), Yayati was a king of the lunar race. Yayati, son of 
Nahu$a, is mentioned in early texts like the ftgveda (I, 31, 
17 ; X, 63, 1). The Kekayas who belonged to the family 
of Yayati-Nahu^ya's son, therefore, could rightly claim to 
have belonged to the Soma-vamSa. According to the 
Puranas (e.g., Vayu, 26, 18-20), Soma (i.e., mooa) was 
boru of Anasuya by Atri, one of the principal gotrakarins. 
The pravaras of the Atreya gotra are Atri, Atreya and 
Satatapa. The Kekayas who claimed to have belonged 
to the family of Anu should properly belong either to the 
Atri or to the Atreya gotra. 

According to the Ramayanic tradition, the Kekayas of 
Girivraja were matrimonially connected with the Iks vak us 
of Ayodhya. It is interesting to note that the family of 
the southern Kekayas has also been described as iksvakubhir 
=api rajarsibhih krt-avaha-vivaha. 1 This fact goes to show 
that the princes and princesses of the southern Kekaya 
family were married in the house of the Iksvakus. This 
Ikgvaku family however seems to be the same as that to which 
the great kings Camtamula I, his son Virapurisadata and 
grandson BhuvulaCamtamula II belonged. These kings ruled 
in the Kistna-Guntur region of the Madras Presidency in the 
second, third and fourth quarters ol the third century and 
are known to have had matrimonial relations with the kings 
pf Ujjayini and of Banavfcsl. The reference to the Iksvfiku 
in a Kekaya record of about the middle of the fifth 

son's marriage, while vivaha meaos the marriage of a daughter. 
These two terms occur in Bock Edict IX of Afoka. See Dlghanik&ya, I, & ; /****, 
1,408, ; IV, 816 # * ; VI, 71, 88 ; also Oowell'* teanalrtkw of Jofcfl, V, p. 145, not* 1.", 


century seems to suggest that the dynasty did not come to 
an end with the conquest of Andhrapatha by the Pallavas of 
KaficI about the end of the third century. For the Iksvakus, 
see above, p. 9 ff. 

Besides the Kekaya record discovered at Anaji in the 
Davanegere taluka of the Chitaldrug district, there are other 
inscriptions which prove the existence of the Kekayas in the 
Mysore region about the middle of the fifth century and 
possibly also in the eighth. IntheBannahalli grant (Ep. Ind., 
VI, p. 16) of Kadamba Krsnavarman II, the king's grand- 
father Visnuvarman, eldest son of Krsnavarman I, has been 
described as kaikeya-sutayam utpanna. As we have seen, 
Krsnavarman I who married in the family of the Kekayas 
possibly ruled about the middle of the fifth century. In 
another Kadamba record (Mys. Arch. Surv., A. R., 1911, 
pp c3,35),QueenPrabhavati, wife of MrgeiSavarma-Dbarma- 
maharaja and mother of Ravivarma-Dharmamaharaja, has 
been described as kaikeya-mahakula-prasuta. We have seen 
that Kadamba Mrge^avarmari possibly began to rule in A. D. 
470. The Kekayas are known to have had matrimonial rela- 
tions not only with the Iksvakus and the Kadambas, but also 
with the Pallavas. A Pallava chief designated Vikramaditya- 
Satya^raya-Prthivivallabha-Pallavaraja-Gopaladeva who was 
the son of Candamahasena and the lord of Payvegundupura 
has been described as kaikeya-vam$-odbhav-oddhata-purusa 
in the Haldipur plates (Ep. Ind., XXI, p. 173 ff.) which 
have been palaeographically assigned to the eighth century 
A. D. The passage kaikeya-vam-odbhava has been taken 
to indicate thnt Pallava Gopaladeva was connected with the 
Kekaya or Kaikeya family probably on his mother's side. 

The Anaji stone inscription (Ep. Cam., XI, p. 142) 
belongs to a Kekaya chief, named Sivanandavarman, who is 
described as belonging to the Kekaya family, Soma race 
and itreya gotra. He was a parama-mdhe6vara and was 
devoted to his parents, and his family was connected 


matrimonially with the saintly kings of the Iksvaku family. 
The record refers to the loss of Sivanandavarman's own 
country and to a tumultuous battle fought between Nanak- 
kasa (?) Pallavaraja and Krsnavarmaraja, and says that 
after the defeat of Krsnaraja's army, the Kekaya chief, with 
a sense of relief in his heart, made up his mind, lay on a 
bed of darbha grass and being unwilling to enjoy worldly 
pleasures became desirous of going to heaven. 1 Sivananda- 
varman is then said to have approached that position which 
is desired by all valiant men, and thereby spread the 
prosperity of his own family to last as long as the moon 
and the stars endure. 2 Even after going near that position, 
he performed some meritorious deeds with the idea tli it a 
man dwells in heaven so long as his glory is remembered 
on the earth. 8 The stone appears to have been engraved 
after the death of Siyanandavarman. 

The inscription has been differently interpreted. Some 
scholars think (see Sewell, List, p. 352) that Sivananda- 
varman was a son of Kadamba Krsnavarman I and 
that be turned an ascetic. The first part of the theory 
is impossible in view of the fact that Sivanandavar- 
man has been described as belonging not to the Kadamba 
family of the Manavya or Angirasa gotra, but to the Kekaya 
.family which belonged to the Soma vam6a and the Atreya 
gotra. The second part of the theory is also rendered 

1 Sivanandavarma sva-defasya ksaye nanakkasa (?) pallavaraja-k^navaTmrnard- 
jayolj samara tumulini(?) pratjtte kfmaraja-sainye bhagne pratamita-hrdaya 
saMeatpita-safikalpafy tyta darbha-tvyanal} pavitrarp abhyavdfiarayama^ah cira-kal- 
avastUyinirp kirttirp abhilajan Sruti smrti-vihita-fila-guv-gmanab (?) mantttya- 
bhoga-virakta<manfa-8varg-avapti-krt-ekava1i indraloka-sukhaw ak&mayata. In place 
of the paaaage kfaye nanakkfoa, Govind Pai is inclined to read kfayena nifkfaitdi. 
If this Bogffestion is accepted, the name of the Pallava antagonist of Krffnavarroan I 
is not yrt known. 

tcawdr'tarakarp atmano vaipSasya parama-tivarn vitantan virya Saurya- 
tikrama'pratopoir-vatah iaurya karmo-parawpora ttagha.vis'eianarviteiital}, sura- 
gcm&n&rp abhimatarp abhigatah. 

Abhigamy^&pi 9va-vaw6a-8th&paka>jana.punya-kannot* yukto 
loke vicarati ttoantorp M0r& purui <% divi nivaiati pramudita-hrdaya tti. 


untenable by the fact that be is said to bave attained the 
position which is desired by all valiant warriors, to have 
prepared a bed of darbha and to have become desirous of 
going to heaven. It seems to me that Sivanandavarman 
became seriously wounded in the battle fought between the 
Pallava king and king Krsnavarman and, apprehending 
death, lay on a bed of darbha. It may be noticed that the 
words avahara and avaharana (cf. the verb in abhyava- 
harayamana) signify " cessation of fight " or " removing 
from the battle-field to the camp." The desire of Siva- 
nandavarman to go to heaven and to attain eternal fame 
may suggest that he burnt himself to death. 

It has been suggested by previous writers that Sivanan- 
davarman 1 s heart was broken at the defeat of Krsnaraja's 
army. The passage prafamita-hrdaya however seems to 
suggest that the Kekaya chief's mind was relieved of anxiety 
at the disastrous defeat of Krsnaraja who has been identified 
with the Kadamba king Krsnavarman I. This fact appears 
to prove that, in the battle referred to, Sivanandavarman 
fought against Krsoavarman I. We have seen that though 
Visnuvarman I, born of the Kekaya princess, was the eldest 
son of Krsnavarman I, his claim to the throne was laid 
aside and one of bis younger brothers, named Devavarman, 
who was the favourite son of his father, was made YuvarSja, 
i.e., heir to the throne. The fact that Visnuvarman was 
installed by a Pallava king possibly suggests that he left his 
father's court and removed to the court of a Pallava king. 
It is interesting to note that the battle referred to in the 
Anaji record was fought between Krsnavarman I and the 
Pallavas. It is possible that Sivananda, the Kekaya 
relative (maternal grandfather or uncle ?) of Visnuvarman, 
fought in the battle for the Pallava allies of Vi$nuvarnaan 
and against Krsnavarman I. Otherwise Sivananda being 
pratamita'tirdaya at the defeat of Krsnaraja's army seems 
to become 



In an interesting paper on the question of Zoroastrian 
influence on early Buddhism in Dr. Modi Memorial Volume 
(Bombay, 1930), Dr. E. J. Thomas has offered some sugges- 
tions regarding the interpretation of the term Yavana in 
Indian inscriptions and literature. It is generally believed 
that Yavana originally signified the Greeks, but later it was 
used to mean all foreigners. Dr. Thomas however thinks it 
to be "an unnecessary assumption that the term must have 
first meant 'Greek' to the Indians" (p. 282) and takes it to 
be unlikely "that Indians could have distinguished the 
Yavanas from the Persians as specially Greek." "It is 
more probable," he says, "that they learnt the name from 
the Yavana forces with whom they came in contact, and 
that they applied the name to all foreigners whose military 
power was represented by these Yavanas, that is, to the 
Persians generally" (pp. 282-83). Asa sequel to these 
views of his, Dr. Thomas has been constrained to think that 
Amtiyoka (=Antiokhus II Theos of Syria) has been called 
Yona-raja (i.e., Yavana king) in the second and thirteenth 
Bock Edicts of A6oka, because he was "the chief ruler of 
what remained of the ancient Persian empire" (p. 282). 
Dr. Thomas thus seems to think that the word Yavana, from 
the earliest times, meant "foreigner," and not "Greek'* 
specially, and that the Indians never distinguished the 

1 This paper was originally published in Journ. Ind. Hist. t XIV, pp. 84-89. 



Yavanas from the Persians. There is however evidence to 
show that neither of these two suggestions is justifiable. 1 

As regards the first point, we must note that the Persian 
or any other foreign tribe is never known to have been 
called Yavana in the early literature and records of India, 8 It 
is, on the other hand, definitely known from a number of 
instances that the term Yavana denoted the Greeks. Amti- 
yoka's being called Yona-raja may be explained away, as he 
was "the chief ruler of what remained of the ancient Persian 
empire." But that Yavana meant "Greek" is perfectly 
established by the evidence furnished by the Mahavarfisa, 
-Milindapaftho and the Besnagar pillar inscription of Helio- 

Some gathas of the Mahavamsa (XXIX, verse 30 ff.) 
give a list of countries and cities among which we get 
Yonanagara-Alasanda (i.e., Alexandria, the city of the 
Yavanas). Alasandahas been identified with Alexandria, 
founded by Alexander the Great near Kabul (op. cit., 
Geiger's ed., p. 194). Alasanda= Alexandria can hardly be a 
Persian town. According to the Milindapanho, Milinda 
.who has been identified with the celebrated Indo-Greek king 
Menander was born at Kalasigama in the dipa 8 of Alasanda. 

1 Dr. D. B. Bhandarkar holds (Ind. Cult. I, pp. 16-17, 519 ff.) that " in early times 
Yavana always denoted the Greeks, but from the second century A.D. onwards* it 
seems to have been used to denote the Persians." As we shall see, this theory is 
equally untenable. For the evidence of the Raghuvamta and the Junagadh inscription, 
see below. The reference to the Yavanas in the seventh century work Harfa-carita 
in connection with K&kavarna, eon of Sisuuaga, proves nothing. 

1 It may be argued thit since Tu?ispa, who was Aloka's governor in Sura^r*, 
had a Persian name, but has been called Yavana-r&ja in the Junagadh inscription 
of Rudradftman (circa A.D 180-50), the word Yavana in this case means a Persian. 
Name* however can hardly be taken as proof of nationality. V&sudeva, the name 
assumed by a great Ku?&na king about the end of the second century A.D., is an 
Indian name, but the Kug&na king's family was not certainly indigenous to India. 
Many early Indian inscriptions, moreover, mention Yavanas bearing Hindu names, e.g., 
Yavana Catfida (-Candra) in Liiders, List, No. 1166. 

1 Alasanda thus seems not to have been merely a city. Dipa (cf. 
tppeaff to mean a district between two rivers.. 


This Milinda = Menander is said to have had his capital &t 
Sagala, modern Sialkot in the Punjab (I, 9 : jarfibudipe 
s&galanagare milindo nama raja ahosi). Again in another' 
passage, this Sagalanagara is said to have belonged to the 
Yavanas (I, 2 : atthi Yonakanarfi nanHputabhedanaifi s&ga- 
lan ndma nagarani). Next we should note that the Besna- 
gar pillar inscription mentions a Yona-dttta (i.e., Yavana 
envoy), named Heliodora (=Heliodorus), son of Diya 
( = Dion), who was an inhabitant of Takhasila ( = Tak9a6ilR f 
modern Taxila) and was sent by Maharaja Amtalikita 
(=Antialkidas) to the court of the Sunga king Kautsiputra 
(probably Kosiputa, not Kftslputa) Bhagabhadra (Kapson, 
Ancient India, p. 157) who ruled about the middle of 
the second century B.C. (Smith, E. Hist. Ind., 4th ed., 
p. 238, note). The Greek names of the Yona-duta and 
his father as well as of the king who sent, him leave 
no doubt that the word Yona ( Yavana) was used to 
mean the Greeks. Amtalikita of the inscription is evidently 
the Indo-Greek king, named Antialkidas, whose coins 
with both Greek and Indian legends, have been discovered in 
the Punjab (Smith, Catalogue, pp. 15-16). The possible 
reference to Yavanaraja Dimita and his identification with 
Demetrius may also be noticed (Ep.Ind., XX, p. 84, n. 31). 
There is moreover evidence to show that the term Yavana 
was borrowed by the Indians directly from their Persian 
neighbours. The Persians became acquainted with the 
Greeks chiefly through the Ionian colonists whom they 
called Yauna (= Ionian). This term occurs in the inscrip- 
tions of Darius in a wider sense to signify the Greeks or 
people of Greek origin generally. The Persian word Yauna 
was borrowed by the Indians. The Mah&bharata (XII, 
207, 43), for example, has : 

Uttarapatha-janm&nah klrtayisyami t&n 
Yauna-karfiboja-gandh&rah kirata barbaraib saha> 


Yavana is only a Sanskritised form of Yauna of which the 
real Prakrit form is Yona. If the Indians learnt the use 
of the word from the Persians, it is hardly reasonable to 
suppose that they used it in an entirely different sense. It is 
possible that from the time of the Persian occupation of 
North- Western India (i.e., from the sixth century B.C.) and 
probably from still earlier times 3 the people of that part of 
India had commercial relation 2 with Persia. It may there- 
fore be suggested that Indian merchants who visited the 
bazaars of Persia for purposes of merchandise came into 
contact with Greek merchants and called them Yauna in 
imitation of the people of that country. 

As regards the second supposition of Dr. Thomas, it 
may be said that, in early Indian literature and records, the 
Yavanas are not only distinguished from other foreign tribes, 
but are mentioned side by side also with the Parasikas, i.e., 
the Persians. The Nasik inscription of Vasisthiputra 
Pulumavi's nineteenth year mentions the Yavanas along 
with the Sakas and the Palhavas who are said to have 
been routed by the Satavahana king Gautamiputra 
Satakarni (circa 107-31 A.D.). The Ramayana (I, 54, 21) 
distinguishes the Yavanas from other foreign tribes in 
passages like akan==yavana-miritan (i. e. } Sakas who had 
the Yavanas with them). In the Puranas (e. g. 9 Vayu, 
46, 105-21, see also 88, 122), the following foreign 

1 Arriansays (Chinnock's ed., p. 399) that " the district west of the river Indus 
as far as the river Cophen is inhabited by the AstaceoianB and the Assacenians, 
Indian tribes. These were in ancient times subject to the Assyrians, afterwards 
to the Medes, and finally they submitted to the Persians and paid tribute to Cyrus, 
the son of Oambyses, as ruler of their land." Scholars like Ludwig, Hillebrandt 
and Weber think that the Persians were known to the Indians as Partava as early 
as the time of the fgveda. See Macdonell and Keith, Vedic Index, I, pp. 604-05 
(par M and pp. 521-22 (parthava) ; see also Comb. Htst. Ind. t Vol. I, p. 822 and 

* There seems to have been political relations as well. Indian soldiers in the 
Persian army are known to have fought on Greek soil, while the Greeks too fought 
for the Persians in Indb (Smith, E. Hist. Ind. t 4th ed., p. 40). 


tribes are said to have belonged to the Udlcya country : 
(1) Yavana, (2) Saka, (3) Darada, (4) Tuara and 
(5) Palhava. According to the Mahabharata (V, 19), the 
Kfimboja king Sudaksina marshalled Yavana and Saka 
forces at the great battle of Kuruksetra. In works like the 
Mahabharata (VI, 9), moreover, the Yavanas (Greeks) and 
the Parasikas (Persians) are separately mentioned as peoples 
living in the Udicya-dega. Cf. 

yavanacina-kamboja daruna mleccha-jatayah, 
sakrdgrahah kulattha = ca hunah parasikaih saha. 

Eapson says (Ancient India, p. 86) that the word Yavana 
denoted the Greeks " in the Indian literature and inscrip- 
tions of the last three centuries before and the first two 
centuries after the Christian era." The latest extremity 
however must be pushed at least up to the age of Kalidasa 
who is generally supposed to have lived in the 4th century 
A.D. and to that of Vi&ikhadatta who lived still later. 
It is generally believed that, while describing Eaghu's 
victorious campaign in the western countries, Kalidasa 
identifies the Yavanas with the Parasikas. This belief is 
based on a wrong interpretation of verses 60-64 of Kalidasa's 
Raghuvarrita, Canto IV, where, as a matter of fact, the 
post clearly distinguishes the country of the Parasikas from 
that of the Yavanas. In verse 60, Eaghu is said to have 
started from the Aparanta (Northern Konkan) and to have 
gone by the sthala-vartma (land-route) to conquer the Para- 
sikas. The king had a strong navy 1 and could have easily 
sailed from the Aparanta coast to the Persian shore. Why, 
then, did he go by the land-route ? The answer is to be 
found in the next verse wherein we are told that Eaghu was 
jealous, as it were, of the merry-making of the Yavana 
girls. The host of Eaghu' s army is here very happily 

l Cf. verse 86, which describes Raghu's fight with the VaAga*. 

386 80CCES80&8 OF TfiE SI'TAVlHANAS 

compared with a-kala-jalad-odaya. Verse 61 thus clearly 
suggests that in going to Persia from the Northern Konkan, 
Raghu had to cross the country of the Yavanas with whom 
he bad no mind to fight. 1 Just as clouds temporarily 
prevent the lotuses from enjoying the sun, Baghu with 
bis large army passed through the Yavana country frighten- 
ing the Yavana girls and causing temporary cessation of 
their merry-making. 1 The case of the Yavana girls may 
be compared with that of the Kerala women who 
were running this way and that way in extreme fright 
when, starting from the Pandya country, Baghu was 
marching through Kerala with a view to conquering the 

In the passage asti tavac~chaka-yavana*kir&ta-kamboja- 
p&rasika-bahlika-prabhrtib of the Mudrar8,k$asa, Act II, 
ViSakhadatta also distinguishes the Yavanas from the 
Parasikas. 8 

1 Of. verses 88 and 54, which describe Raghu's march through Utkala and Kerala 
without; fighting with the inhabitants of those countries. It may be supposed 
that these countries were ruled not by independent kings bat by feudatory 

1 I am indebted for the suggestion to Prof. H. C. Raychaudhuri. Baghu did 
not fight with the Yavanas, but was going through their ountry to fight with 
the Parasikas who lived further west (cf. pafotltyaih in verse 62). But the very 
appearance of his large army in the Yavana country was sufficient to cause terror in 
the hearts of the inhabitants. The poet says that Batfhn oonJd have avoided this, 
but as he wanted jealously, as it were, to put a stop to the merry-making of the 
Yavanfc, he purposely preferred the land-route. In interpreting verses 59-65 of the 
RotfwvainJa, IV, V. Venkayya also separated the Yavanas from the Pftrasfkas, 
For bis interpretation, see Arch. Surv. Ind., A. R., 1906-07, p. 218, note 1. See also 
Bnhler, Indian Inscriptions and the Antiquity of Indian Artificial Poetry (p. 40) in 
Ind. Ant., 1918. 

1 I am indebted for this reference to Prof. Raychaudhuri. In the Brhatsaiphit* 
(XXV, 17-18), Varthamihira mentions the Paralavas along with the flfldras, Yavanas, 
AxBtastfaM, Eambojas and Smdhusaavlras. It is not impossible that Partsava her* 
signifies the Persians. Vftkpati (8th century A.D ), author of QaU4o>vaho t mentions 
the Parasikas in the list of peoples conquered by his master and hero, Yasovarman of 
Kaaauj (Bolder, toe. c#.). 


Evidence thus shows that the Yavanas were generally 
distinguished from the Persians and other foreign tribes by 
the Indians in ancient times even as late as the sixth 
century A.D. and that therefore the Persians and Yavanas 
were not identical. 



In the year 1924, Mr. N. Lakshminarayana Eao dis- 
covered at Alluru (Nandigrama taluka of the Kistna 
district), five miles from Yerrupalem, on the Bezwada- 
Hyderabad Railway line, an old Brahml inscription and 
the remains of an old Buddhist stupa, at about two furlongs 
to the west of the village. A facsimile of the inscription 
(No. 331 of 1924), along with a short note on it, was 
published in the Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy 
for the year ending 31st March, 1924. The inscription was 
afterwards edited by Dr. B. Shamasastry in the Calcutta 
Review for July, 1925. According to the transcript published 
in the Review the epigraph refers to jayadharma (line 2), and 
caradharma (line 5), and to Sana, king of the Ayis (lines 
16-17), who is supposed to have been the grantor of some 
gifts. The Report rightly says that the inscription may be 
pal8BOgraphically assigned to the 2nd century A.D. If, 
then, Dr. Shamasastry 's reading and interpretation be 
correct^ a king called Sana ruled over some parts, at least, 
of the Kistna district about that period, i.e., some time 
before the age of Jayavarman Brhatphalayana. 

It will, however, be seen from the facsimile that the 
transcript published in the Calcutta Review is faulty in many 
places,, and that the words read as jayadhama and caradhama 
there, are clearly deyadhama (pious gift) and ca-ra-the-ma 
respectively. Here, however, we shall only examine the 
passage where the name of the king has been read. 

The Alluru inscription is very important from the 
palseographical point of view. Though it is a fragment, 
all the letters that have been preserved are perfectly legible ; 
and an interesting point is that in lines 7 and 13 we 
have a peculiar form D^j]. This figure has been taken 
to be w in both the Report and the Review, 


According to the Report, the inscription records the gift 
of " a certain Mahatalavara accompanied by his wife, son 
and daughter-in-law. Evidently the Report reads in line 
16 : sabhariyasa saputakasa sanasakasa and finds in the last 
word a Prakrit corruption of the Sanskrit word snusa 
(daughter-in-law). * In the transcript of the Calcutta 
Review, the last word of the passage has been read as 
sanasa kaia (made by Sana). The letter after ka is certain- 
ly sa ; but the letter after sana is that interesting figure we 
have referred to above. 

I have no doubt that the letter which has been read as 
sa, is anything but that. The letter sa occurs many times 
in the inscription and in all cases the right side of the letter 
is prolonged upward to about the same height as that of the 
left side [ ^J ]. It is clear that this form of sa, with the 
right side considerably raised upward, has been purposely 
used by the scribe to avoid a confusion between this letter 
and the sa-like form already referred to which occurs twice 
in the inscription. There can hardly be any doubt that the 
sa-like form is to be read as tu. It is certainly the original 
form from which the forms gf ( tu), Q(=tu), etc., of later 

inscriptions were developed. I, therefore, read line 16 of 
the Alluru inscription as eta salhariyasa saputakasa sana- 
tukasa. In the last word, then we get naptr (grandson) and 
not snu?a (daughter-in-law), and the word really means 
" accompanied by (his) grandson " and not " accompanied 
by his daughter-in-law." From what has been said, it is 
clear that there is not the slightest reference to any person 
named Sana in line 16 of the AlJuru inscription. 2 As 
regards the passage ayirana (line 17), interpreted as " the 

1 In such a case, however, the passage is required to have been 8o-8(ma8oka t liktr 
tchputaka and sa-bh&nya. 

1 It muit be noted that in the line 7, where also this form of tu occur*, the word 
his been read in the Calcutta Review as casavisa and has been translated aa N twenty* 
is." I do not know how the word casavisa means twenty-si*. Toe word is cartainly 
cttvvisa, thai if, twenty-four. 


king of the Ayis/ ' it may be left out without any serious 
consideration. The line (line 17) ayiraya puvaseliyana 
nigayasa should certainly be aryanarri purva6aillyanam 
nikayasya in Sanskrit. Cf. ay irahamgha = Sanskrit arya- 
sanigha in the Nagarjunikonda inscriptions. 

Though it does not mention the name of any king, the 
Alluru inscription is important to the student of the history 
of South Indian Buddhism. It records the gift of lands and 
some other things to the nikaya of the purvafaitiya 
ftryas. Purvaaila or Purvatila has been mentioned by the 
Chinese pilgrim Yuan Chwang as Fu-p'o-shih-lo (Waiters, 
On Yuan Chwang 9 s Travels in India, II, 214), and in the 
inscription F. of Nagarjunikonda ssPuvasela (Ep.Ind., XX, 
p. 22). The grantor of the gifts is a certain Mahatalavara 
which word, as we have already seen, occurs several times 
in the Nagarjunikonda inscriptions and probably means 
" a governor." The gifts appear to be in the shape of some 
nivartanas 1 of land, cows (gavi), bullocks and carts (balivadha- 
sakata), men-servants and women-servants (dasi-dasa) , lamps 
(divikayo), 2 pans (kubhi-kataha) , iron-vessels (lohiyo* 
Sanskrit lohika), vessels made of bell-metal (kasasa bhayana), 
etc., etc. There are also references to the dedication 
of a talaka (pond), of karsapanas and of an aksaya-nlvi (per- 
manent endowment) of a thousand puranas (purana-sahasa). 

1 According to Kautilya's Arthatastra, II , 20, one nivartana appears to have beeo 
240 x 240 square cubits '2*975 acres). According to a commentator of the Arthatastra, 
however, it was 120 x 120 square cubits ('748 acre) only. Whereas the dan$a (rod) is 
equal to 8 cubits according to Kau^ilya, u is equal only to 4 cubits according to tde 
commentator. It may be conjectured that the measuring rod was 8 cubits long in 
some parts of ancient India, while in other parts it was only 4 cubits long. Measuring 
rods are not uniform in all the provinces or districts of India even at tie present day* 
Note also that a Bombay bighd, (3925 sq. yds.) is equal to about 2} Bengal btghas 
(1 Bengal faglna** 1600 aq.. yds.) at the present time. The longer rod may also have 
been used for special measurements (see above, p. 186 D.). 

For dantfa= 6 ft. (4 cubits), see Fleet's note at p. 541 of the English translation 
of the Artliatastra (1st ed.), by Shamusastry. 

s The passage is vadalabhikarokarofayo ya[na]lx>"divik(iyo. Some time ago, Mr. 
K. N. Dikshit informed me that it has been explained as " lamps of the shape of tip 
mouth of a vad&la fish, manufactured by the Yavanas,*' 



The Peddavegi plates appear to be in an excellent state 
of preservation. All the characters are perfectly legible. 

These plates were edited in Journ. Andhra Hist. Res. 
Soc., I, p. 92 ff. My reading is based on the excellent 
plates published there. 

1st Plate : 2nd Side 

L. 1. Svasti [||*] Vijaya-Venglpuran = naika- 1 

samar-avapta-vijayino 2 
L 2. I. Hastivarinma-maharajasya prapautrah a vividha- 

L. 3. pradhanasya Nandivarmma-maharajasya pautrah 

2nd Plate : 1st Side 

L. 4. pratap-opanata-samantasya 4 Candavarmma- 

maharaja 5 - 

L. 5. II. sya putro jyethali bhagavac-Citrarathasvami- 
L. 6. pad-anudhyato bappa-bhattaraka-pada-bhaktah 

2nd Plate : 2nd Side 

L. 7 . parama-bhagavataS == Salankayano Maharaja- 7 

gri 8 -Nandi- 

1 Readd=ane*o. 5 Read rfi/6f. 

2 Readvtjat/a^a. 6 Bead rt*o. 

3 Read'tro. 7 



L. 8. varmma Pralura-grame Mutu4a-sahit5n=gra- 

L. 9. kan = samajfiapayati 1 [||*] Asti 2 asmad- 

dharmma-ya6o- 'bbi- 

3rd Plate : 1st Side 

L. 10. vrddhy-arthan = triloka-nathasya Visnugrhasv5- 

mina [h] Aru- 8 

L. 11. III. tore vraja-palakanam kra stum devahalaft = krtva 4 
L. 12. asmabhir = bhumi-mvarttanani da^a X tath = 


3rd Plate : 2nd Side 

L. 13. Mundura-grame bhumi-nivarttanani da^a X 


L. 14. va-grame bhumi-nivarttanani sat VI tath = ai- 

L. 15. va Kamburaficeruve bhuini-nivarttanani ?at VI 

4th Plate : 1st Side 

L. 16. dettani 5 [||*] Tad = avagamya deSadhipaty- 


L. 17. IV. bha-rajapurus-adibhi/i = pariharttavyani || 
L. 18. Pravarddhamana-vijaya-rajya-samvatsarasya da- 


4th Plate : 2nd Side 

L. 19. masya X Sravana-masa-6ukla-pakasya Pratipa- 
L. 20. di pattika datta [||] Ajfiaptir e -Mulakura- 

L. 21. Likhitam rahasyadhikrtena Katikurina [||*] 

< Bead M- 
8 4rfi'ii superfluous. B Bead d att&ni. 



5th Plate: 1st Side 
L 22. Bahubhirv=vasudha datta bahubhi^=c= 

anupaiita [ i] 

L. 23. V. Yasya yasya yada bhumi x tasya tasya 

tadaphalam 8 [||*] 
L. 24. ^ti-var^a-sabasrani svarge kri<Jati 

bbumidah [ I*] 

5th Plate : 2nd Side 

L. 25. Ak^epta c abhimanta ca tany = eva narake 
vased=itih 8 [||] 

1 Read tfcfiww-. * Bead phalam. BdM. 



The Polamuru grant of Madhavavarman I was edited 
by E. Subba Kao in Journ. Andhra Hist. Res. Soc., VI, 
p. 17 f . But his reading does not seem to me quite accurate 
in all places. Mr. Subba Rao, moreover, did not notice 
the numerous mistakes in the composition of the 
record. His translation is also not satisfactory. The 
passage visnukondinam = appratihata-asana has been tran- 
slated as " whose edicts pass unchallenged with the name 
of Vishnukundi," daaata-sakala-dharanltala-mrapatir = 
avasita-vividha-divya as "who subdued the kings of the 
whole earth of ten hundred villages," parama-brahmanya 
as "who is the best Brahman," taittiriyaka-sabrahmachari 
as f who is the true Brahmachari of the Taittirika branch, ' - 
etc., etc. It may also be pointed out that LI. 29-34 
have been translated as " The executors of this grant are 
Hastiko^a and VlrakoSa who are great warriors and whose 
duty it is to protect the grant." I fail to find any connec- 
tion between LI. 29-34 and Mr. Subba Rao's transla- 

My reading is based on the facsimile published along 
with Mr. Subba Rao's paper in Journ. "Andhra Hist. Res. 
Soc. 9 VI. 

1st Plate : 2nd Side 

L. 1. Svasti [|1*] BhagavatMriparvatasvami-pad-anti- 
dhyatasya Visnuko[ndina]m appra- 

1 Read Bhagavac-Chrl . 


L. 2. tihata-6asanasya sva-pratap-opanata-samanta-ma- 

nu japati-mandala [sya] 
L. 3. I. virahita-ripu-sad-vargasya vidh ^imdu-pavitra- 

trivargasya vibudha-pati-sa[ddhya ?]- 
L. 4. sara-vira 2 -vibhava-bala-parakramasya 8 6rI-Vikra- 

mahendrasya suno 4 aneka- 
L. 5. samara- [sain] ghatta-vijayina[h]para-narapati-ma 

[ku]ta-mani-mayukh 6 -avadata-ca- 
L. 6. [ra*] na-yugalasya Vikrama^rayasyasri-Govinda- 

varmanah priya-tanayah atula- 

L. 7. [ba*] la-para [kra] ma-ya^o-dana-vinaya-sapa 7 - 
[nno] dato^ata-sakala-dharanitala-Dara- 

2nd Plate : 1st Side 

L. 8. patir = avasi [ta-vi] vidha-divyas = Tri varana- 

gara-bhavana-gata-yuvati 8 -jana-vi- 
L. 9, harana-ratir = annanya 9 -nrpati-sadharana-dana- 

mana-daya-dama 10 -dhrti- 
L. 10. mati-ksanti-kanti-gauriy u -audaryya-gabhiryya 12 - 

L. 11. j-janita-raya-samutthita-bhumandala-vyapi-vipula- 

ya^oh 13 kratu-sa- 

1 Bead vidh'itydu* . 

2 Bead sadhya and vira. Ddhya is not clear and the idea seems to be awkwardlj 

3 Bead *sya. 

4 Bead *norane. 
s Beadi/ti . 

6 Bead >-ttt/a. 

7 Bead sarppanno. 

8 Subba Bao reads yuvatt. 

9 Bead *T=ananya. 

!0 Subba Bao reads dharma. 

11 Bead Saury. 

11 Bead gaipbhtrya. 

13 Bead yatah. 


La 12. hasra-yaj! Hira^yagarbha-prasutah 1 ek*da-?a~ 

L. 13. gata-jagad-enaskah sarva-bhuta-pariraksana-cu- 

flouh 2 vidva-dvija 8 -guru-vri 4 - 
L. 14. ddha-tap&svi-jan-Sgrayo mah&rajah 6ri-Madhava- 

varma [||*] Api ca niyam 6 = au- 

2nd Plate : 2nd Side 

L. 15. ganasam sattvam kateavam ka[nti]m=ainda- 

vim 8 udvahann urubha[h] bhati vikram- 

ada 7 - 
L. 16. pta-bhuri-bhuh 8 apy=asau 9 mahltala-nrpati-bha- 

skarah [||*] Parama-brahmanyo 
L. 17. mata-pitru 10 -pad-anudyatah n Jana&aya-mahara- 

jah w Guddavadi 18 -visa- 
L. 18. II. yye 14 visaya-mahSttaran 15 =adhikara-purusain^ 

- ca 16 imam = arttham a[jfia]pa- 
L. 19. yaty=asti 17 vidi[ta]m = astu voyath = asma- 

bhi[h] w Guddavadi- vi[sa] ye Da[Ji]ya- 

1 Omit visarga. 

9 Subba Bao reads cuncuh. 

8 Read T~vidvad-dvi . 

* Bead t>f . 

6 Read nay am . 

Bead B f>im-t<d . 

7 lte&(lunibhar= bhati vikram-Svapta. 

8 Read bhur = apy=asau. 

9 Subba Bao reads asyasau. 

10 Readpi/f. 

11 Read 'dhyato. 
H Beadrd/o. 

W Bead Quddavadi. An. Rep. S. Ind. Ep. 9 1914, p. 10, reads 
14 Bead vi$ayc. 

Subba Bao reads %ar^ca. Bead Vc 

^ttt is raperfluong. 

ead 6Wf-Ott<Ma% See above f note |9 f 


L. 20. vavi-tire Pulo[bQ]ru-nama-gramah l Mayinda- 
f vataki-dakinata-8i- 

L. 21. mante catu 2 -nivarttanan=ca k^etrarp yugapat 
pra[ttam] prSg-di-jigisaya prasthi- 

3rd Plate : 1st Side 

L. 22. tab Goaava[ri]in==atitaran 8 veda-vedamga- 
vido Rudra6a[rmma]no naptre 4 sva-pitu- 

L. 23. r=adbika-gun-adhyasi-tanoh c Dama^armmanah 
putraya Siva^armmane Gauta- 

L. 24. ma-sagotraya Karmmarastra-Kuniura-vastavya- 
ya Taittirika 6 -sabra[hma]carine 

L. 25. veda-catustaya-samamnat-avadat-ananaya sva-kar- 

mm-anu 7 - 

L. 26. thana-paraya phalgunyam 8 paurnamasya 9 soma- 

rahu-sagraba-nimi [tte] 
L. 27. Jana^raya-datya 10 - sarva-kara-pariharen = agraha- 

ri n [kr] tya 12 samprattah [||*] Ta- 
L. 28. tba bhavadbbir = anyaisca dbarm-adhiiSata 18 

buddbibhib pari[pa]laniya 14 [||*] Na kai- 

1 Tlie third letter jn the name of the village is not dear. An. Rep. S. Ind. Ep. t 
1914, p. J.U, reads the Dame aa Puhmburu. To the grant of Jaya^iraha t t the name 
is PuJobuijirfl Read 9 gramo**Mayi. 

Bead dakfino-slm&nte catnr-niva . 

Head prag-dig-jigi^ayd, prastlutath and taradbhih Subba Ruo reads taram. 

Subba Rao naiis napptre. 

Read 'dhyasita-tanor = Dama. 

Read Taittinyaka. 

Read karmm-anu*. 

Subba Rao readn phalgunya. 

Read paurnarn&syam. 

Reud "dattya. Subba Hao .e.-U datlyani. 

Ht-ad 9 hari. 

Head 'krtya. 

Read Vayifd . 

Read p&lanlyah. 



3rd Plate : 2nd Side 

L. 29. 6cidv&dha karajilya [||*] Ajfiaptir^itra l 

Hastikofia-Virakotou [||*] Maba- 
L, 30. III. m&tra-yodhayos=teaiji a freyafe kirtir-idaip 8 

mahat 4 [(] Ye- 
L. 31. na fi lobbena lumpanti SvapakSs tegu 6 jayate 7 

[||*] A[Dyftlya- 
L. 32. Bamakale tu sthatavyam Saktitah pura [ |*] 

L. 33. punaryyatra 8 nara[ke] sa [nijmajjati [||*] 

Ity = cvam ubhaya- 
L. 34. ga?au sthikrlya 9 paripalayet [||*] Atra 

Vyasa-gita 10 [61okah]. 

4th Plate : 1st Side 

L. 35. [Ba]hubhir=va[su]dh5 datta bahubbi^ = c= 

L. 36. *&[!*] Yasya yasya yada bbumi8=tasya tasya 

tada phalaip n [|j*] Sva-da- 
L. 37. tta" para-datt5m = va 18 yo hareti M vasun- 

dharain 15 [|] 9a ? thi-va r L ri]sa lft - sahasra- 

Bead *tt>*atra. 
Kead V-foyo^. 
Bead tyam. 
Bead mahati. 
Bead ca. 
Bead tu. 

Bead jayant*. though it doei not rait the line, which srems to be in the 
anutfubh metre. 

Bead yo *tra. 

Head wifcfiya. But tie me anin^ of l he pa'sage is not clear. 

^ Rad Vyfoa-giM. 

11 Beadpfca/ont. 

** Bead sta-datiM. 

19 Bead 'dottiip vd. 

14 B*ad forefa. 


* Bead f atft-vart a. 

GfcANT I 38 

L. 38. ni viethayafi=jayate krmi[h||]* 

L. 39. svrage modati bhumidab [ | *] ikgetta 1 c 

anumanta ca tany - eva naka s va- 
L. 40. se[t] [||*] Na vi?a 4 vi?am = ity-ahuh 5 

brahmasvam vi?am *=ucyate [ | * 1 

L. 41. kaki[nam] ha[nti] brahma-svairi pu[tra]- 

pautrikam c [ || *] Vijaya-rajya-saipvat- 
sare[40] 7 

See note 16 at p. 838. 
Bead &k<epto. 
Read narake. 
Bead ri?a?i. 
Bead 'HuT-bra*. 
Bead 'kam. 

The upper part of the symbol looks like 40, and the lower part like 8. 8*e 
above, p. 104, note. 


These Plates have been edited in Journ. Andhra Hist. 
Res. Soc., IV, p. 72 ff. and in Ep.Ind., XIX, p. 254 ff. My 
transcript is prepared from the facsimile published in the 


L. 1. Svasti [||*] Srl-vijaya-skandhaviirat l matr- 

gana-pariraksitanam Manavya-sagotranam 
L. 2. I. Haritl-putrapam 2 A^vamedha-yajinam Calu- 

kyanam kula-jala nidbi- 
L. 3. samutpanna-raja-ratnasya sakala-bhuvana- 

mandala-mandita-kirttih 8 M- 
L. -1. Kirttivarmmanab pautrah 4 aneka-samara- 

samghatta vijayina[h] para-nara- 
L. 5. pati-makuta-mani-mayukh-avadata-carana- 

yugalasya 6rI-Visnuvardhana- 
L. 6. maharajasya priya-tanayah pravardhamana- 


2nd Plate : 1st Side 

L. 7. s[a]manta-ma[n]dalah sva-bahu-bala-par- 


L. 8. vibhasita-dig-antarah sva-sakti-traya-trisul- 


1 Read O fan.mfit r *. 

1 Read 'namfAtva*. 

> Better read fort t eh. 

4 Read *tro>='ne1ca. 

L. 9. 
L. 10. 
L. 11. 
L. 12. 

L. 13. 
L. 14. 
L. 15. 
L. 16. 
L. 17. 
L. 18. 

At>PfiNDiX POLAMURU &RAtfT ll 34! 

sakala-bala-cetanah l Brhaspatiriva nayajflo 

Manur=iva vinaya- 
jfiah 2 Yudhiijthira iva dharma-parayanah * 

Arjuna-vad apara-nara- 
patibhir = anabhilamghita-paurusyah 4 aneka-* 

6astrarttha-tattvajfiah para- 
ma-brahmanya 5 mata-pitr-pad-aimdh) atah 

Sri-Pridbivi-Jayasiiigha -va- 

2nd Plate : 2nd Side 

llabha-maharajah 7 Guddavadi 8 -visaye visaya- 

mahatta[ran=adbi] kara-pu- 
ru^amg ca imam=arttham = ajnapayaty 

asti 10 viditam = astu vo yath asmabhih u 
II. Guddavadi-visraye Pulobumra-nnama 12 -gra- 

mah 18 veda-vedamga- 
vido Dama^armmanah pautraya sva-pitur = 

vasasya SivaSarmmanah putraya Taittirika 

sahrahmacarine M veda- 
dvay-alamkrta-^ariraya lfi Gautama-sagotraya 

sva[ka]rmm 16 =a [ 

Bead -cetano. 

Bead */no. 

Bead fioV] 

Bead 'fyo-i'firta. 

Bead broHman|/o. 

Bead Pfthivi-Jayasirpha. 

Bead Va/o. 

C/. da in Dcda-^edarjigo (1. 15). 

Bead *QQifl wm c~cma* . 

AstiiB superfluous. 

M Bead'nfima*. 

J > Bead *grdtno. 

14 Bead taittiriyaka sabrahmacarine. 

i Bead foriraya. 

11 Bead karmm-onu*. 


3rd Plate : 1st Side 

L. 19. paraya purw-agrftharika '-Budra&rmmane * 

L. 20. dri-Sarwasiddhi-datyfi ' sarvva-kara-parihareij. 

= agraharikrtya samprattab [||*] 
L. 21. Tatha bhavadbhir=anyais=sca dharmmadbi- 

SataMrnddhibhih paripalamyah [|*] 
L. 22. Nakai~cid=vadba karaniya [||*] ijfiap- 

tir - atra Hastikofo-Virakofo ' [||] Bya 6 - 
L. 23. sa-gitah Bahubhirv = vasudha datta bahu- 

bhi6c = anupalita [j*] Yasya yasya. 
L. 24. yada bhumis tasya tasya tada pbalam=iti 

[||*] Sam||5 | gi 8 | di 8 

1 Bead ptrvv'&gra*. 
1 Bead tw-' 
3 Beadfbtty* 

1 Bead Vyfoa. The word ilokah leerot to be left oat after gltth. 

7 The date was originally read in An. Rep. 8. Ind. Ep. 9 1914, p. 10, ai year 
, [/u] di 6 (Sunday). Subba Bao reads saw *. which ia certainly wrong. M. 8. 
Barma reads 5 gi(grl ?) 8 di 7 (Journ. Andhra. Hist. Res. Soc. t V, p. 168). I agree 
with Mr. Barma eicept in the case of the last figure, which appears to me to be 
certainly 8. Cf. the symbol for 8 in 1. 80 of the Polamurn grant of Mftdhavavarman I. 
Cf. also Bfthler'i Indisch* Palatographie, Tafel IX, col. T iii. The date thus appears 
to be zpressed in the old fashion. 8te above, p. 180 n. 


In a note in Ind. Cult., I, pp. H4-115, it has been 
suggested that since Madhavavarman I Vinukun<Jin and 
Pravarasena I V&kataka have been called simply Maharaja 
(not MahHrajadhirdja) in the inscriptions, they are to be 
taken as petty feudatory chiefs even though they performed 
the Advamedha. In support of this theory, Dr. D. E. 
Bhandarkar says that "even a feudatory chieftain can per- 
form a horse-sacrifice " (ibid., p. 115) and that the A6va- 
medha "mayor may not be preceded by a dig-vijaya" 
(p. 116). These theories however are not only against the 
evidence of the Sruti literature, but also go against the 
evidence of the inscriptions of these kings. 

In inscriptions, Pravarsena I has been called samrUt 
which never signifies a subordinate chieftain (c/., samr&fljo] 
vakatakanarp, maharG,ja~&rl-Pravarasenasya, etc., in the Bala- 
ghat plates ; Ep, Ind., IX, p. 270, 1. 4; also the Chammak 
plates ; Corp. Ins. Ind., Ill, p. 235). l That Madhavavar- 
man I was not incapable of dig-vijaya is proved by a refer- 
ence to his expedition for conquering the eastern countries 
in the Polamaru grant (Journ. Andhra Hist. Res. Soc., VI, 
p. 17 ; above, p. 131). MahHrajadhiraja, based on rdjdtirQja, 
etc., of the Scytho-Kusanas, was in early times not very often 

1 A critic of .my tiews has tried to explain the passage amrd((/o) 
' an mere overlord of the V&kafakas " (Ind. Cult., I, p. 705). There ii however a 
number of instances (e.g., in the early Pal lava, and Eidamba grants) which prove 
beyond doubt that v&k&taktnd* here means " of (I.e., belonging to) the Vikafaka 
family.*' Another critic takes (ibid., H, pp. 54-55) tamrat vtk&tdkanam to be one 
word in composition and point* out that the passage has been used only in connection 
with the name of Pniwasena I which fact, h thinks, shows that the Vikfttaka* lost 
their original imperial position after the time of that king. This interpretation however 
up ports oar view that Pravarasena I Vftkafaka was a *amr*(. The Dadia plates 
(Ep. Ind., m, p. 260 and n. 7), it should be noted, read samratah which, *coordfaf to 
iejnoro, is apparently a mistake 


used in South India. The Eadamba king Krijnavarman 
I who performed the ASvamedha sacrifice ruled over the 
Kuntala country about the middle of the 5th century A.D. 
In inscriptions, he is simply styled Dbarma-AfaJifiraja not 
Dbbimb-Maharajadhiraja like Pallava Sivaskandavarman and 
others. The Devagiri grant (Ind. Ant., VII, p. 34) however 
calls him ek-atapatra, "possessor of the sole umbrella," 
which, as scholars have suggested (Moraes, Kadambakula, 
p. 39 n), "is indicative of universal sovereignty/ 1 A 
subordinate king can hardly be called ekatapatra. The 
Birur grant (Ep. Cam., VI, p. 91) moreover calls him 
dakinapatha-vasumatl-vasupati, " lord of the riches of the 
land of Daksinapatha," which " clearly shows that Krsna- 
varman I claimed a sort of suzerainty over the whole of the 
Deccan." See above, p. 222, and Journ. Ind. Hist., 
XV, p. 305 ; also my paper on Kadamba Kr^a- 
varman I in An. Bhand. Or. Res. Inst., XVI, p. 160 if. 
Note also that the Malavalli record (Ep. Cam., VII, Sk. 
264) describes an Early Kadatnba king as kadambanam raja, 
but also as vaijayantl-dhamma-maharajadhiraja* The Penu- 
konda plates (Ep. Ind., XIV, p. 331) mention the Ganga 
feudatory named Madhava-Ma/zadfetra/a and his Pallava 
overlord Skandavarma-Maft4raja. For Maharaja Varaha- 
siqiha, general of Raja Aparajita, see the Nagda record 
(ibid., IV, p. 31). 

Keith has pointed out that the A Gained ha " is an old 
and famous rite, which kings alone can bring, to increase 
their realms" (Rel. Phil Ved. Upanis., p. 343). The 
Baudhayana Srauta Sutra (XV, 1) says that a king victorious 
and of all the land should perform this sacrifice. According 
to the Taittirlya Br. (Ill, 8. 9. 4), " he is poured aside who 
being weak offers the Asvamedha," and again (V, 4. 12.3), 
" it is essentially, like the fire offering, an utsanna-yajfia, a 
sacrifice of great extent and elaboration/ 9 See Keith, Black 
9 pp. cxxxii-iv. According to the Apastamba Srauta $. 


(XX, 1.1), l a universal (sarvabhauma) king can perform the 
ASvamedha, but not (n flpi) 2 an un-universal (a-sarvabhauma) 
king. It is clear from these statements that a subordinate 
ruler could never celebrate the Agvamedha. A performer of 
the Agvamedha may not have been a ruler of the earth from 
North Pole to South Pole or of India from the Himalaya 
to the Kumarika ; but he must have been an independent 
ruler of a considerable portion of India. 

An essential feature of the Agvamedha, besides the actual 
slaying of the horse, is that about the completion of the 
performance, at the bidding of the Adhvaryu " a lute-player, 
a Rajanya, sings to the lute three Gathas, verses, made by 
himself which refer to victories in battle connected with the 
sacrifice " (Keith, Rel. Phil. Ved. Upanis., p. 344). Fur- 
ther, "As revealed in the later texts, the sacrifice is 
essentially one of the princely greatness. The steed for a 
year roams under guardianship of a hundred princes, a hun- 
dred nobles with swords, a hundred sons of heralds and 
charioteers bearing quivers and arrows, and a hundred sons 
of attendants and charioteers bearing staves " (Sat. Br., 
XIII, 4. 2. 5 ; Baudh. Sr. S., XV, 1). See Black Yajus, 
loc. cit. To manage these requirements is simply impossible 
for a subordinate chief. 

Moreover, that the progress of the A^vamedha was some- 
times impeded when other kings challenged one's authority 
to perform the sacrifice, is not only proved from the early 
cases referred to in Sat. Br. (XIH, 5. 3. 21-22) and 

* See tiabdakalpadruma-parititfa (Hitnbadi Office, Calcutta), s. v. 

* In place of n- apt there is an alternate reading apt, which is a later inter- 
polation according to Keith (Black Yajus, p. cxxxii). The interpolation seems to show 
that asarvabhauma (-not master of all the land) kings could alao perform the 
AfSvamedba. The word asarvabhauma however never means a feudatory. The 
alternative reading only shows that in later times kings who were powerful but who 
did not claim to be ruler of the earth (i.e., the major portion of the country) did alao 
perform the As" vamedha. It must however be noticed; that the alternate reading goes 
against all the old texts quoted above, 



Mah&bha. (XIV, 74-84), but is also proved by a tradition 
recorded in such a late work as Kalidasa's Malavikagnimitra 
(Act V). It is stated that Pusyamitra Sunga's sacrificial 
horse was let loose to roam for a year at its own will 
under the guardianship of his grandson Vasumitra who 
was attended by a hundred princes and brought the horse 
back after defeating the Yavanas as the horse perchance 
reached the southern bank of the Sindhu (i.e., the Indus) 
and was captured by the Yavana horsemen. That the 
ASvamedha could not be performed without some sort 
of dig-vijaya is further conclusively proved by an eighth 
century inscription of the Pallavas. The Udayendiram 
grant No. 2 (Ind. Ant., VIII, p. 273) records that 
Ud^yacandra, general of Nandivarma-Pallavamalla, defeated 
the Nisada king Prthivlvyaghra who was accompanying an 
afoamedha-turahgama, i.e., horse let loose in connection with 
a horse-sacrifice. This instance proves beyond doubt that 
the essential features of the ASvamedba hardly changed even 
as late as the 8th century A.D. The famous poet Bhava- 
bhuti who flourished in the same century also recognises the 
above characteristic when he refers to the sacrifice as a$va- 
medha iti vi$vajayinam ksatriyanam = urjasralah sarva-ksatriya- 
paribhavl maMn = utkarsa-niskarsah (lltlaracarita. Act IV). 1 
Al-BirunI (first half of the eleventh century A.D.) also says, 
fl certain of them (i.e., sacrifices) can only be performed by 
the greatest of their kings. So, e.g., the Atoamedha" 
(Sachau, AlbSruni's 'India, II, p. 139). 

Dr. Bhandarkar thinks (Ind. Cult., I, p. lie) that the 
number of performances of the Agvamedha could be increased 
by simply multiplying the amount of daksina payable to the 
Brahmanas This view is however based on a wrong inter- 

1 I am indebted for this and for some of her references to Prof. H C. Raychaudhiiri. 
That the Advamelha did not lose its original an 1 esseutidl significance in later times 
is alsoprored by the Vaidyanath Temple inscription which refers to Idity*eena as, 
la*t# samudr-antar-vasundhaTaya yas 


pretation of the following verse of the Mah&bharata (XIV, 
88. 14) : 

evam = atra maharaja daksinam tri-gunam kuru, 
tritvam vrajatu te rajan brahmana hy = atra karanam. 

The verse obviously implies that, according to a Brahma- 
uical theory, the merit accruing from the celebration of the 
Agvamedha, and not the Agvamedha itself, could be tripled 
if the performer offered three-fold daksina to the Brahinanas. l 

In Ind. Cult., II, pp. 140-141, Mr. J. C. Ghosh has 
quoted the Harivnmsa to show that feudatory rulers could 
aLo perform the Asvamedha. Vasudeva, father of Krsna, 
lived at Gokula on Mount Govardhana in the vicinity of 
Mathura ; he was engaged in cattle-rearing and was a kara- 
dayaka to Kamsa, the king of Mathura (Harivamta, LVI, 
1162-61). After the fall of Kamsa, the family of Vasudeva 
removed to Dvaraka. In Krsna's conversation with Indra 
there is an incidental reference which says that while in 
Dvaraka Vasudeva performed an Asvamedha (ibid., CL, 
8574). 2 

It will be seen that Mr. Ghosh's contention is clearly 
beside the mark. The question at issue is whether Vasudeva 
was a feudatory of the Mathura kings at the time of celebrat- 
ing the sacrifice after he was established in Dvaraka. There 
is absolutely no proof to show that he was. We do not know 
whether the Dvaraka region ever submitted to the kings of 
Mathura. It must also be noted that the evidence of tradi- 
tions recorded in works like the Harivamsa should always 

1 Another supporter of Dr. Bhandarkar's theory says (Ind. Ctilt. t I, p. 937 n), 
11 The AS vamedha certainly had a great imperial significance in the old days But 
in the period under review it must h*ve lost that importance. Oth -rwise it would not 
have been repeated so often." Tt may however be pointed out th it the Asvamedha is 
known to " have been repeated" many times even "in the old days." Of., e.g., 
Bharata Dau^yanti's 133 ASvatnedhas in Sat. Br., XIH, 3. 5. 11; H!BO Jot/rn. Ind. 
Hist., XIEI, p. 40 and above, p 125. 

8 Bangab&gt ed., Vinuparva, 01, 24. 


be taken with a grain of salt. Harivarfita is obviously 
written for the exaltation and glorification of the family 
(vaififa) of Hari (i.e., Krna-Vasudeva) and like similar 
treatises in honour of other religious heroes is not free from 
extravaganzas incident to a pronounced theological bias. 
The critical historian can hardly hope for sober history in 
such texts. On the contrary the probability is that the 
parent of the hero of the tale has been given more than his 
due. lu the New Testament the saviour of the Christians 
is described as the son not of a mortal man but of God, and 
in the Saundarananda (II, verses 32, 39, etc,), etc., glories 
of the mightiest rulers are put on the head of a petty Sakya 
chief named Suddhodana. 

Mr. Ghosh moreover does not 'appear to take the evi- 
dence of the HarimniM as a whole. While describing the 
ASvamedha that was attempted by Janamejaya', Harivama 
itself (Bangabasi ed. f Bhavisyaparva, 2 ) makes it clear that 
the horse-sacrifice could not be celebrated by a petty chief. 
When the Sarpa-yajna was finished, Janamejaya collected 
materials for the celebration of an Agvamedha. Then he 
invited the rtviks, purohitas and acaryas, and said, " I am 
desirous of celebrating a horse-sacrifice. Do ye dedicate 
the horse " (verses 5 and 6). l Knowing however that the 
king's sacrifice would not be successful, the omniscient 
Vyasa warned him not to begin the ASvamedha. The sage 
said, " The Sruti lays down that the K^atriyas should 
celebrate the Atvamedha, the foremost of sacrifices. On 
account of the greatness of it, Vasava witt violate your 
sacrifice 9 ' (verse 28). 2 "0 slayer of enemies/ 1 the sage 
added, " as long as the world will last, K^atriyas will not 

1 Yatyye = 'tai|i vajimedhena hay am - utsrjyat&m - iti. 

Attamedhab kratutre9tha% ktatriyai&V pariSrutab, tena bhavena it ya;ftaf|t 
vfoavo dharfayijyati. 

That the Advamedba conld be performed by great kings only is also proved 
by tibe fact that Vasava (~lndra) is always represented as jealous of its performance. 
The Harivawta describes how he endeavoured to spoil the Alvamedha of Janamejaya 


be able to collect materials for your horse-sacrifice " (v. 35). * 
The king became very sad and said, " Console me by saying 
that the A6vamedha will again be undertaken by kings " 
(v. 58) . 2 To this Vyasa replied, " As energy counteracted 
by another lives in it, so (the knowledge of) the Agvamedha, 
although stopped, will exist in the gods and Brabmanas. 
There will be one Senani, * an Audbhijja, a Dvija and a 
descendant of Ka^yapa, who will revive the Asvamedha in 
the Kali age" (v. 39-40). 4 Could this great sacrifice, of 
which the Harivanifa speaks in so high terms, be performed 
by a petty feudatory chief ? 

Mr. Ghosh further points out (Ind. Cult., Ill, p. 547 f.) 
that Sewai Jaysingh of Amber (1699-1744 A.D.), though 
he was a feudatory of the Mughal Emperors Parrukh- 
slyar (1712-19) and Muhammad Shah (1719-48), 
according to Todd (Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, 
2nd ed., Madras, 1873, pp. 328-32), performed a horse- 
sacrifice and that therefore subordinate rulers could perform 

(Bhavifyaparva, 5). Note also what Vis*vavasu says to the king : " king, thou hast 
celebrated three hundred sacrifices; VSsava therefore cannot forgive thee any longer" 
itri^qna-fata-yajvananivasavas^tvarflntmrsyate, ibid., 5,24). In this connection 
note what Bhandarkar himself says in another occasion (Ep. Ind., XIX. App., p 2, 
n. 5). " As Indra is represented as being suspicious of Govinda Gupta's power, the 
latter seems to have been a supreme ruler." See the Vamana*Purana> Ch. 78, in 
which the significant of the Asvamedha and the cause of Indra's unfavourable attitude 
are clearly described ; also Raghu, m, 88-66 ; BUgavata Purano, IV, 16, 24 ; etc. 

1 Tvaya vrttW kratun~c=aiva vajimedharp parantapa, kfatnya n**ahaiitfjanti 
yavad bh&mir = dhari$yati. 

f Yady - asti punar - ot?ri'r - yajAasy - atoasayasva mton. 

3 The reference is generally thought to [be to Pu?yamitra Sunga. But that is 
doubtful, as the Sungas were Bhftradvftjas and not Ka^yapas. On the strength of this 
verge and another in the Af tlavikagnimitra, Raychaudhuri suggests (Ind. Cult., HI f 
p. 789 ff ; IV, p. 868 ff.) that Pusyamitra was possibly not a Sunga but a Baimbika. 
The unanimous evidence of the Puranai, however, may be set aside only on evidence 
of a more positive character. Bimbaka or Bimbika appears to have been a predecessor 
of Posyaimtra. Ghosh thinks that the Sudgas were dvyamuiyayana, \.e , both Bhftra- 
dva> and K6yapa. 

< VpWa-yojno deve*u brdhmane^^upapatsyate, tejasa Dyahrta^ tejwtejasy***) 
; audbhijjo bhwita ko6**cit senani Mtyapo dvijah, afoamcdhaty kaJiyug$ 


the A6vamedha. In my opinion, however, if Sewai Jaysingh 
performed any horse-sacrifice he must have become virtually 
independent before its celebration. In a paper on this 
subject in Ind. Cult., Ill, p, 376 ff, I suggested that Sewai 
Jaysingh may not actually have celebrated any Asvamedha 
and pointed out that he was certainly not a vassal of 
the Mughal emperors of Dehli during the later years of his 
reign. I quoted the words of Todd himself : * Among 
the vanities of the founder of Atnb6r, it is said that he 
intended to get up the ceremony of the Aswamddha yuga 
or " sacrifice of the horse " a rite which his research into 
the traditions of his nation must have informed him had 
he entailed destruction on all who had attempted it, 
from the days of Janarneja the Pandu, to Jaichand the 
last Kajpoot monarch of Oanauj ' (op. cit., p. 339). It 
was pointed out that Todd only speaks of probabilities 
' it is said/ ' he intended to,' etc. It is moreover a known 
fact now that Todd who wrote early in the nineteenth 
century and had scarcely any means of testing the authenti- 
city of bardic tales is not accurate in his details. The very 
passage quoted above from Todd shows that the celebrated 
author made at least three statements which are not borne 
out by authentic history. Firstly, he calls Sewai Jaysingh 
' the founder of Amb6r.' This is wrong ; because Jaysingh 
was the founder of Jaypur or Jaynagar, and not of Amber. 
Secondly, he mentions Grahadavala Jayaccandra as * the List 
Rajpoot monarch of Canauj.' It is, however, now definitely 
known that the last Grahadavala king of Kanauj was not 
Jayaccandra, but his son Hari^candra who, as is known 
from the Machhlishahr and Belkhara inscriptions, ruled as a 
Parama-bhattaraka-Maharajadhiraja-Parame^Dara at least up 
toSamvatl257=A.D. 1200 (J.A.S.B , 191L, pp. 763-65). 
Thirdly, he credits Gahadavala Jayaccandra with the cele- 
bration of an Asvamedha like the Pandava king Janamejaya. 
]So historian has ever suggested that Jayaccandra performed 


any horse- sacrifice. He is never credited with the 
ASvamedha in any of the numerous Gahadavftla records, nor 
in any other work that refers to him. Bardic traditions 
however report that Jayaccandra performed a Rajasuya-yajna 
along with the svayamvara of his daughter, the celebrated 
Samyogita. I therefore suggested that Todd may have 
confused the Rajasuya and Agvamedha sacrifices. This 
suggestion has however been recently controverted by Mr. 
P. K. Gode (Journ. Ind. Hist., XV., 364 ff ; Poona Orient- 
alist, II, p. 166 ff; Mlmansa Prakash, II, p. 43 ff.) who 
points out that MSS. of Sada&va-DaSaputra's Acarasmrti- 
candrika, Krsna-kavi's X&aravilasa, Vrajanatba's Padya- 
tarahginl, Visve^vara'sPrataparka and Harigcandra'sD7za?'wa- 
samgraha refer to the Asvamedha performed by ?ewai 
Jaysingb. I have read Cantos IV and V of the lvaravilasa 
as quoted by Mr. Gode in Mimansa Prakash and admit that 
the evidence is genuine. 

Now the point is whether Sewai Jaysingh performed 
the Asvamedha as a vassal of the Mughal emperors. It is 
admitted by all writers on Mughal history that within less 
than twenty years after the death of Aurangzib in 1707 the 
actual possessions of the so-called emperors of Dehli became 
limited within the district round the walls of their capital, 
and that after the invasion of Nadir Shah in 1739 no power 
of the emperors was left in Rajputana. We need not go into 
details. It will suffice to refer to Sir Jadunath Sarkar 
who says, * The invasion of Nadir Shah dealt such a 
shattering blow to the empire of Dehli that after it the 
imperial authority was totally eliminated from Rajputana in 
all but the name. The Rajput princes were left entirely to 

themselves (Pall of the Mughal Empire, p. 279). 

It is interesting in this connection to note that Todd 
himself takes the celebration of the sacrifice as a ' virtual 
assumption of universal supremacy ' (op. cit. 9 p. 339). 
He also says, ' amidst revolution, the 


destruction of the empire, and the meteoric rise of the 
Mahrattas, be (i.e., Jaysingh) not only steered through 
the dangers, but elevated Ambr above all the principalities 
around ' (op. cit., p. 331). 

That Sewai Jaysingh defied imperial authority even 
before 1739 is proved by the following facts. In the war of 
succession that followed the death of *Aurangzib, he attached 
himself to prince Bidar Bakht, son of Ajarn Shah, and 
declared him successor of Aurangzlb. For this opposition, 
Ambr was sequestered and an imperial governor sent to take 
its possession ; but Jaysingh entered his states sword in 
hand, drove out the imperial garrisons and formed a league 
with Ajitsingh of Marwar for their mutual preservation 
(Todd, op. cit., p. 328). That he had independent political 
relations with neighbouring states is also proved by the fact 
that he did ' dispossess the Birgoojur of Deoti and Rajore 
which were added to his dominions ; they embraced all the 
tract now called Macherri ' (op. cit., pp. 337-38). 

The only proof of Sewai Jaysingh's vassalage to the 
Dehli emperors is that, according to traditions, he was 
successively the governor of Agra and Malwa and was made 
governor of Malwa a second time in 1732 under Muhammad 
Shah. We must however note in this connection that 
the great Mara$h leader, the PeshwS, snatched away the 
provinces of Gujarat and Malwa from Muhammad Shah who 
issued a farman bestowing the naib subahdarl on the 
Peshwa. 1 The Maratha leader replied that ' though the 
chauth of the whole of Hindusthan was his due, he would 
be satisfied with the above two subhas ' (Sarkar, op. cit., 
p. 277). Will any student of Mara^ha history believe that 
the great Peshwa, formally the ndib subahdar of Muhammad 
Shah, was a feudatory of the rois faindanls of Dehli ? 
Again, the so-called Mughal emperors occupied the throne of 

1 It IB interesting to note that the emperor of Dehli conferred (Jane 12,1723) 
the dignified title R&jtdhir&ja on Sewai Jajiingh (Poona Orientalist, H, p. 168), 


Dehli as late as A.D. 1858 when Bahadur Shah II (1837- 
1858) was deposed, and the East India Company pretended 
to rule in the namQ of the Mughal emperors. Would it 
justify us to suppose that Governors-General of the 
East Lidia Company were feudatory to the puppet 
emperors of Dehli ? 

In my opinion therefore the suggestions that Sewai 
Jaysingh of Amber performed a horse-sacrifice as a feudatory 
of the Mughal emperors and that therefore the ASvamedha 
could be celebrated by a feudatory chief are inadmissible. 1 

1 Jaysingh may have performed the Aramedha after 1780 and before 1744. 
There is however a tradition current at Jaipur wliich refers to an invitation for an 
Asvftinedha received by Nftgojibhafta from Sewai Jayaingh (Mimansa Prdk&sh, II, 
p. 43). Even if this tradition be genuine. I think that the sacrifice should be styled not 
at one celebrated by a feudatory of the Mughal* but as one performed by a virtually 
independent king. The Smrti verses quoted by Messrs. J. C. Ghosh and A. Ghosh 
tfnd. Cult., m, pp. 709 f. ; 768 f.) prove notjiipg (see my note, ffttf., IV, p. 272 f.). 



The prevalence of the system of trial by ordeals in 
ancient Indian courts is amply attested by the SrarU litera- 
ture. The subject has been dealt with in the Mitdksara on 
Yajnavalkya, II, verses 95-113, and the Sanskrit lexicon 
gabdakalpadruma (Calcutta) under the word parlksa. It 
has also been discussed by Hopkins in Camb. Hist. Ind., I, 
p. 282 ff., by Stenzler in Z.D.M.G., IX, p. 661, by 
Schlagintweit in Die Gottesiciiheile der Inder (1866) and 
by Jolly in Recht und Sitte, p. 145. We refer our readers 
to a very interesting paper " On the Trial by Ordeal among 
the Hindus by *Ali Ibrahim Khan, Chief Magistrate of 
Benares, communicated by Warren Hastings Esq." in the 
Asiatic Researches, Vol. I, pp. 389-404. See also S.B.E., 
XXV, p. cii ; Kaegi in Alter und Hirkunft des german. 
Gotteswitheils (1887), B. V. Bhat in Bharat-ltihas-sam- 
odhak-Mandal (3rd vrtta, p. 42 ff.) and S. N. Sen in Admini- 
strative System of the Maratha$ 9 2nd ed., pp. 363-68. 

According to scholars like Biihler and Jolly (Camb. Hist. 
Ind., I, p. 283 ; S.B.E., XXV, p. cii; Recht und Sitte, 
p. 145), it is possible that all the nine forms of ordeal 
mentioned in later Smrti literature existed in India from 
the earliest times. This implication evidently takes its 
stand on some doubtful early references and on the solitary 
example of a form of the phala-divya in the Chandogya 
Upanisat (VI, 16, 1-2) and the recognition of the daiva 
(divine) proofs in the Apastamba Dharma-sutra (II, 11, 3 ; 

1 My paper on the D ivy as was or ginally read before the oieuabers of the Andhra 
Historical Research Society at ilajahmundry (Madras Presidency), and was 
ip the Society's Journal, Vol. VII, p. 195 ff, 


cf. 29.6). 1 Some scholars, e.g., Hopkins, Stenzler, Schla- 
gintweit and Kaegi, on the other hand, believe that fire 
and water ordeals were first used and then came the elaborate 
trials by balance and other ordeals, till eventually there 
were nine formal ordeals (Cawb. Hist. Ind., I, p. 283 ; 
Z.D.M.G., IX, p. 661, etc.). The latter view seems to be 
more probable. 

The earliest reference to trial by ordeal in India is to 
be found in the Chandogya Upanisat (loc. cit.) where it is 
said that a man accused of theft takes in his hand a heated 
axe and is proved guilty if it burns him, but is acquitted if 
it does not. The above Upanisat seems to have been com- 
posed in a country to the South of Gandhara (modern 
Rawalpindi and Peshawar districts) and in a place between 
the Indus and the Jumna (see op. cit., VI, 14, 1-2; VI, 
10, 1). The reference to the axe-ordeal in it shows that 
this form of the phala-divya ^as used in that country when 
the Upanisat was composed about 550 B.C. (see Cawb. Hist. 
Ind., 1., pp, 116 and 112). There is however no proof to 
show that this ordeal was used in the different parts of 
India from such an early date as the sixth century B.C. 

More important seems to be the recognition of the daiva 
or divine 2 form of proof by the Apastamba Dharma-sutra 

1 Apastamba-- " ID doubtful cases they shall give their decision after having 
ascertained the truth by inference, ordeal and the like me a,ns "( S.B.E., II, p. 168). 
Trial by ordeals are said to have been referred to in early works like the Paficaviwia- 
Brahman*. Geldner thought that the ordeal by red-hot axe is referred to even in the 
ftvMfo, and Griffith discovered in another passage of it references to the fire and 
water ordeals. According to Weber, the Satapatha-Brdhmana makes mention of the 
balance ordeal. Macdocell and Keith however do not agree with any of these 
scholars. Scholars like Schlagintweit, Weber, Lud wig and Zimmer think that the 
fire ordeal is mentioned in the Atliarva-vetla; but Bloomfield and Whitney have 
disproved this theory. The system of trial by ordeals rnaj or may not Lave been referred 
to in the early Vedic l.terature ; bt>t the practice seems to have been not unknown i" 
India even in the early Vedic period (see Vedic Index, I, pp. 3K-18, ^4-65). A 
full-fledged system universnlly used was, however, most probably uoknown. 

Cf N&radt-"Pro>f is said to be of two kinds, human and divine. 
Human proof consists of documentary and oral evidence. By divine proof is 


(loc. eft.) which is a book on law. It must be noted that 
no other early text on criminal law prescribes trial by ordeal 
for the person accused. According to Buhler (S.B.E , II, 
2nd ed., p. xiv), the Sutras of Apastamba are to be 
assigned to a date not later than the third century B.C., 
but may be placed 150 or 200 years earlier. Ipastamba's 
however is a general recognition ; none of the ordeals has 
been defined in the Sutras. The chief subject discussed by 
him under this head are assault, adultery and theft. It is 
interesting to note in this connection that Kautilya, supposed 
to be the author of ths celebrated Arthafastra, does not 
recognise the application of ordeals in connection with civil 
or criminal procedure. According to the Puranas, Mudra- 
rak$asa, Mahavaryifa and Aryamattjunmulakalpa, Kautilya 
lived about the time of CandraguptaMaurya in the 4th century 
B.C. He is therefore generally supposed to have been more 
or less of the same age as Apastamba and to have had 'in his 
purview the administration of the Mauryas whose kingdom 
embraced almost the whole of India. These facts may not 
be sufficient to justify us in assuming that Kautilya is 
earlier than ipastamba, 1 but they may suggest that the 

meant the ordeal by balance and other (modes of divine test) ; where c a transaction 
hat taken place by day, io a Tillage or town, or in the presence of wit- 
nesses, divine test is not applicable. Divine test is applicable (where the 
transaction has taken place) in a solitary forest, at night, or in the interior 
of a house, and in cases of violence or of denial of a deposit " (S.B.E., XXXOT, 
pp. 80-81). 

l See, however, Smith, E. Hist. Ind., 4th ed., p. 161 : " I have pointed out that 
iti contents describe the state of things as existing immediately before the establishment 
of the Maurya empire, while Mr. Samasastry suggests that it may refer back even to the 
pre-Buddbiutic age. The book seems to be based on much more ancient -treatises^ now 
lost and a good deal of it must have been archaic in Maurya times." I do not agree 
with Johnston and Jolly (see J.R.A.8., 1929, p. 77 ff.) who think that Kaufilya, 
Cftoakya or Viftyugupta was a fictitious figure. The testimony of the Purfinas and 
other works (though not cou temper a neons) regarding Kaufilya's connection with. 
Candrtgupta Manrya may be disregarded only on definite negative evidence. Absence 
of reference to Kautilya in the works of classical writers and in early works like the 
Milindapaftho is not definite proof. Kautilya appears to have been the founder of a 
new school of Political Philosophy, and the Arthatattra may be the work of this school. 


system of trial by ordeal was not much popular and was not 
universally used in India about the fourth century B.C. 
which is generally supposed to be the time of Kautilya 
and Apastamba. The general reference to daiva trial by 
Apastamba possibly shows that the system of applying 
ordeals, known to him and used in his time and place, was 
not elaborate like that illustrated by later law-givers, but 
was rudimentary like that recognised in the Manusarfihita. 

In view of the fact that the law-givers lived in different 
ages and in different parts of this vast country, we cannot 
expect unanimity in their views regarding trial by ordeal. 
It is interesting to note that the word divya originally 
meant an " oath," that is, a form of invoking the Supreme 
Being to prove the truth of an allegation ; but later it was 
generally understood to mean " trial by ordeal," that is, a 
form appealing to the direct interposition of divine power. 
In connection with the development of the system of trial 
by ordeals, it is also interesting to note that while the 
system is unknown to the Arthaastra of Kautilya, it is 
seen sprouted in the codes of Apastamba and Manu, a little 
developed at the time of Yajfiavalkya and Narada, and fully 
grown at the age of the Mitakfara of Vijfiane^vara and the 
Divyalattva ot Brhaspati. According to Kautilya (Artha- 
fastra, II, i), " Self-assertion (svayarfivada) on the part of 

Many of its viewa may be ascribed to Kautilya ; bat the book, in its present form, is 
certainly poet-Chmti in. Tbe reference to Cina (derived from the name of the Tsin 
dynasty) pro\es that the Artba&stra cannot be earlier than the later half of the 
8rd cent. B.C. The language aud structure of the text and reference to the system 
of dating in terms of regnal year, month, fortnight and day (n VI) prove that 
the work cannot be much earlier tban the 2nd cent. A.D. which is the time of 
Rudradftman's Junagadh inscription. The present Arthafastra may be placed in 
the 1st or 2nd cent. A.D. The suggestion that works like the Arthafastra present an 
ideal rather tban the real state of society can only be partially true. The Arthai&ttra 
could hardly avoid referring to trial by ordeals, had the system been popular in the 
locality where Kautflya's school developed. For an interesting paper on the date of 
the Arthaiftalra by Mr A. N. Bose, see Ind Cult.,lV, p 486 ff ; see also m> paper 
Popularisation of Clastical Sanskrit and the Age of Sanskrit Dramas t read at the Indian 
History Congrats, Allahabad (1088). 


either of the litigant parties has been found faulty ; exami- 
nation (anuyoga), honesty (arjava), evidence (hetu) and 
oath (fapatha) these alone enable a man to win his 
cause.' 1 It appears that the system of trial by ordeal did 
not fully develop and was not popular at the time and 
locality of the author (or authors) of the ArthaSastra. This 
fact possibly goes to show that Kautilya cannot be placed 
as is the view of some scholars 1 in the 3rd century A.D. 
i.e., almost about the time of Yajnavalkya. 2 

The simple 6apatha of the Artha6astra is seen developed 
at the age of the Manusamhita, i.e., about the 1st century 
A.D. or the 1st century B.C. (Camb. Hist. Ind,, I, p. 279)." 
According to Manu, aBrahmana in order to justify the truth 
of his statement should be compelled to swear by a declara- 
tion of truth ; a Ksatriya by his vahana (horse, elephant, 
etc.), a vaigya by his cattle, seed-corn and gold, and a 
Sudra by all sins. Alternatively, a Sudra may be put to 
fire, drowned into water or compelled to touch separately 
the heads of his sons and wives and swear ; in these cases, 
the man who is not burnt by fire or quickly drowned by 
water and whose sons and wives (heads of whom were 
touched in swearing) do not fall ill within a short time, is 
to be considered as true regarding his statement (see 
Manusamhita, VIII, verses 113-15). Manu therefore 
seems to have known only three forms of ordeals, the last 

1 See Raythaudburi, Pol Hist. Anc. Ind., 2nd e<l., p. 6, 

2 Cf. Camb. Hist. Ind., I, p. 383 : " As the Sutras do not notice ordeals except 
for a general recognition of them as ' divine ' proofs on the part of the late ApaRtan> 
ba, and s the later writers Yajfta\alkya and Ngrada describe five orders adding (he 
plough-aba re, scales and poison, it is reasonable to conclude th it Manu stands, in time 
as well as description, midwny between the two sets o r authors and is the first to 
describe ordeals already known and practised.' 1 

3 Liter writers on law have prescribed tayatha for minor and dwya f r iiir ;'or 
crimes. Cf. 

deta-bTahmana'pad'inifi=*ia jnrtra-dara-tnar$M ca I 
ete tu xapalhah proUa. mamma stalpa-karane II 
abluAape ca tlivyfini in vifodlianam II 

(Sabdakalpadruma , B.V. tapatlia) 


form of which however is not mentioned as a legal divyti in 
the works of the later law-givers. 1 

In the age of the Code of Yajfiavalkya who possibly lived 
in Mithila about the 1th century A.D. (Camb. Hist. Ind., I, 
p. 279), the system of trial by ordeals became more deve- 
loped. According to this law-giver " Balance, fire, water, 
poison and Ko^a these are the ordeals used here for 
the proof of innocence, when the accusations are heavy 
and when the accuser offers to hazard a mulct (in case he 
should fail) ; or one party may be tried by ordeal if he 
likes, the other then must risk an amercement ; but the 
trial may take place even without any wager if the crime 
committed be injurious to the king . . . Balance for women, 
children, old men, the blind, the lame, BrShmanas and 
the sick ; but for the Sudra, fire or water or seven yavas 
of poison. Unless the loss of the accuser amounts to a 
thousand pieces of silver, he must not be tried by the 
spear-head, nor by poison, nor by balance ; but if the 
offence be against the king or if the crime is heinous, he must 
acquit himself by one of these trials in all cases " (Yajna- 
valkya- samhita, II, 95-99). Yajnavalkya thus appears to 
have known six forms of the ordeals, viz., (1) Balance, (2) 
Fire, (3) Water, (4) Poison, (5) Kosa and (6) Spear-head. 

The existence of trial by ordeals in Indian courts in the 
7th century A. P., i.e., some time after Yajnavalkya, is 

1 This form of ordeal seems to have been largely used in Bengal. It can be 
faintly traced Jn the allocations of rustic girls of Bengal e\en at the present time. 
Swearing before fhe learned Brihmanas is also mentioned by al-Blruni (Saehau, op ctt., 
1 1, pp. 158-59). On < ne occi sion a man is known to have taken an oath on the feet of the 
Marfiihaking Sfthn Chatr;pati "Then Blnkhft/ Harpala said thut the MaharftVs 
leet were the Krsna to Kim and that he would take an oath on hh feet. According- 
ly he awore that the watan m the aforesaid manja belonged to him and that Kauitl e 
was a Thahatk (Mtrast) peasant Within a day or two of this oath, Btukhftjl Qaikwa4 
got Cholera ; he had to be carried back to the village on t! e back of a bullock and 
there he died after a month in consequence of that false oath ti ken on his behalf." 
Bee 8, N. Sen, Adminittr&ivo System of the Marathas. 2nd ed. ( p. 869. 


evidenced by the accounts left by Yuan Chwang who 
travelled in India from 629 to 645 A.D. Ordeals by water, 
fire, weigh ment or poison are said to have been much 
esteemed as efficient instruments for the ascertainment of 
truth, and are described with approval by the Chinese 
pilgrim (Waiters, On Yuan Chwang, I, p. 172). The six 
principal ordeals, viz., poison, water, image- water, balance, 
hot-coin and spear-head, are also described by the celebrated 
Mahomedan savant, al-Birum, who wrote his book on India 
in the second quarter of the eleventh century (Sachau, 
Alberuni's India, II, pp. 158-60). 

The fully developed form of the system of trial by 
ordeals, however, can be found in the works of later writers 
on law, such as Brhaspati, Vijfianegvara and others. Ac- 
cording to the Divyatattva (XIX, 4) of Bj-baspati who seems 
to have lived about the 7th century A.D. (Camb. Hist. Jnd v 
I, p. 280), there are nine different forms of ordeals. They 

Dhato**gnir=udakafl = c=aiva visarfiko6a$=ca pancamam \ 
Satliafl~ca tandulah proktani saptamani tapta-ma?akam I 
A$tamarfi phalam = ity = uktairi navamam dharmajaw smrtam I 

I. Dhata-divya or Tula-divya, i.e., Ordeal by Balance. 

The beam having been previously adjusted, the cord 
fixed and the scales made perfectly even, the accused person 
and a Brabmana judge (pradvivaka) fast a whole day. 
Then, after the accused has been propitiated with homa 
and deities have been worshipped, the person is weighed. 
When he is taken out of the scale, the pradviv&ka pro- 
strates before the balance, pronounces some mantras and 
having written the substance of the accusation on a fo'pi- 
patra, binds it on the head of the accused. After reciting 
some more mantras, the judge puts the man again on the 


scale. If he weighs more than before, he is guilty l ; if 
less, innocent ; and if exactly the same, he is held partially 
guilty. In case of doubt, the accused must be weighed 
again ; but if any part of the balance though well fixed- 
breaks down, it will be considered as proving his guilt 
(Sabdakalpadruma, s.v. tula). 

II. Agni-divya, i.e., Ordeal by Fire. 

In performing the fire-ordeal, an excavation nine cubits 
long, two spans broad and one span deep is made in the 
ground and filled with a fire of Pippala wood. Into this 
fire the accused person must walk bare-footed ; if his feet 
are unburnt he is innocent, otherwise guilty (As. Res., I, 
p. 390). 

III. Jala-divya or Ordeal by Water. 

In the water-ordeal, the accused should be caused to 
stand in a depth of water sufficient to reach his navel ; but 
care sho^d be taken that no ravenous animal be in it and 
that it is not moved by much air. A Brahmana is then 
directed to go into the water with a staff in his hand, and 
a soldier shoots three arrows on dry ground from a cane 
bow. A man is then despatched to bring the arrows that 
has been shot farthest, and, after he has taken it up, another 
man is also ordered to run from the edge of the water. At 
this moment, the person accused is ordered to grasp the 
foot or the staff of the Brahmana who stands by him in the 
water, and immediately to dive into it. He must remain 
under water till the two men who were sent to fetch the 
arrows return. If he raises his body or head above the 

1 Al-BlrunI says (op. tit., p. 159), " In case ha bs spoken the truth, be now 
weighs more than the first time." We are not definite whether this is wrong or 
is based upon a local practice. Yuan Cbwang al*o s*y 3| "The accused is weighed 
against a stone; and if the Utter u th* charge is false, if otherwise 
it is true. " 



surface of the water before the arrows are brought back, 
his guilt is proved 1 (t*i<f., pp. 390-9 i). The water ordeal 
is mentioned in the Padm&vatyavad&na of the Bodhi- 
sattv&vadanakalpalatd, (8. N. Sen, op. cit., p. 573), 

IV. Visa-divya or Ordeal by Poison. 

The poison-ordeal was performed in two different ways : 

(a) After the homo, is performed, and the accused person 
is bathed, 2| ratw or 7 yavas of vianaga (a poisonous 
root) or of 6ahkhya 2 (i.e., white arsenic) are mixed with 
6 m&sas or 64 ratis of clarified butter which the accused 
should take from the hands of a Brahmana. If the poison 
is visibly effective, the man is condemned ; if not, absolved. 

(b) A hooded snake, called nflga, is thrown into an earthen 
pot into which is also dropped a ring, seal or coin. The 
accused person is then ordered to take it out with bis hand. 
If the serpent does not bite him, he is proved innocent; 
otherwise, be is pronounced guilty (As. Res., I, p. 391). 

Yuan Chwang seems to refer to a third variety of this 
ordeal when he says, " The poison ordeal requires tbat the 
right hind leg of a ram be cut off, and according to the 
portion assigned to the accused to eat, poisons are put into 
tbe leg, and if the man is innocent he survives, and if not 
the poison takes effect " (Watters, loc. cit.). 

1 Trial by ordeal existed also in ancient Babylonia as ia evidenced by the Code 
of Hammurabi who, according to Hall (Ancient History of the Near East, 7th ed., p. 211) , 
idled from circa 2128 to 2080 B.C. The Code which seems to hive been based on ancient 
Samerian laws takes cognisance of a form of the water-ordeal. It was used when 
a man was accused of sorcery and a woman of adultery without sufficient evidence. 
In both oases the accused were to leap into the river, and their innocence was estab- 
lished if they came out alive (see 00mb. Anc. Hi*t. t I, xiv). 

* Hindi Sankhiyd ; Bengali Mko-vif. According to al-BMnl (op. cit,, p. 159) 
the to* (poison) which tbe accused person was invited to drink was called 
This may ba a mistrans Iteration for 


V. Kofadivya or Ordeal by " Image- Washed " Water.; 

The Kofa-divya is performed in the following way. Tte 
accused person is made to drink three draughts of water 
into which images of the sun, the Devi and other deities 
have been washed for the purpose. If the man has any 
sickness or indisposition within 14 days after taking the 
draughts, his crime is considered to be proved (ibid., p. 
391). Al-BirunI says (op. cit., p. 159) that the accused is 
taken to the temple of the most venerated idol of the town 
or realm and that the priests pour water over the idol of 
the town and give it lo the accused to drink. The accused, 
according to him, vomits blood, in case he is guilty. 

VI. Tandula-divya or Ordeal by Bice. 1 

The rice-ordeal is generally applied to persons suspected 
of theft. Some dry rice is weighed with the Salagram or 
some mantras are recited over it, and the suspected persons 
are severally asked to chew a quantity of it. As soon as it 
is done, they are ordered to throw it on some leaves of the 
Pippala tree or on some bhurjapatra (bark of a tree from 
Nepal or KaSmlr). The man from whose mouth rice 
comes dry or stained with blood, is pronounced guilty and 
the rest innocent (ibid.* pp. 391-92). For two cases of the 
Tandula-divya, the first in connection with payment of 
inooey and the second with reference to a boundary ques- 
tion, see Bice, Mysore and Coorg, etc., p. 177. 

VII. Tapta-m&aka-divya or Ordeal by the Hot Mfyaka 

In performing this ordeal, the appointed ground is 
cleared and rubbed with cowduag. The next day at sun- 
rise, after the worship of Gane&t and other deities is done, 
the prtidvivaka, having recited some mantras, places a round 

1 Cf. Cai-por* of rural Bengal. 


pan of gold, silver, copper, iron or clay I with a diameter 
of 12 inches and depth of 3 inches, and throws into it one 
seer or 80 sicca weight of clarified butter or oil of sesa- 
mum. 1 After this, a masaki coin is thrown into the 
pan, or alternatively a ring of gold or silver or iron is 
cleaned and cast into the oil which some Brahmanas pro- 
ceed to heat. When the thing in the pan is very hot, they 
throw a fresh leaf of Pippala or Bilva into it ; if the leaf is 
burnt, the thing is taken to be sufficiently hot. Then after 
reciting a mantra, the pradvivaka orders the accused person 
to take the coin or ring out of the pan. If he can do this 
without his fingers being burnt or blistered, he is considered 
not-guilty ; otherwise guilty 2 (As. Res., T, p. 392; see also 
Pitarnaha quoted in the Mitaksara on Yajnavalkya, II, 113, 
mdAlberuni's India, II, pp. 159-60). For cases of this ordeal 
in records of A.D. 1580 and 1677, see S. N. Sen, loc. cit. 

VIII. Phala-divya or Ordeal by Spear-Head. 

In performing the phala-divya, the Brahmanas, after due 
worship of GraneSa, draw nine circles on the ground with 
cowdung at intervals of 12 inches, each of which circles 
should have 12 inches as diameter except the ninth which 
may be smaller or bigger than the rest. Then the homa is 
performed, gods are worshipped and some mantras are recit- 
ed. The accused person then performs ablutions and, wear- 
ing wet clothes and facing towards the east, stands in the 
first circle with his hands on his girdle. After this, the 
pradvivaka and the Brahraanas order him to rub some un- 
huskedrice between his palms which they carefully inspect. 

1 Twenty palas of ghee and oil, according to Pit&maha. 

1 Even in the 12th oeutury A.D. the re*l trial in England was by the ordeal of 
water, failing to get through which the accused was condemned. The English water 
ordeal was however more akin t > tha tapta majaka dtvya of the ancient Indian Penal 
Code- " The accused had to dip !iis ban I into bail! ig water and take oat a stone from 
the bottom of the vessel. The h in 1 was fien tiel up for a time (usually seven days), 
and if, when the bandages were was fjund to be healed, the man WM 
held acquitted " i Warner & Marten, Groundwork of British History, p. 79). 


If any scar of a former wound, mole or any other mark 
appears on his pilms, they stain it with a dye, so that it 
may be distinguished from any new mark after trial. The 
accused is then ordered to hold both his hands open and 
close together. Having, then, put into his hands seven 
leaves of the trembling tree or Pippaln, seven of the ami or 
jend, seven blades of the darbha grass, a little barley moist 
ened with curd and a few flowers, they tie the leaves on 
the hands with seven threads of raw cotton. Some mantras 
are then recited by the Brahmanas who next write a state- 
ment of the case and the point in issue on a palmyra leaf 
together with the appointed mantra, and tie the leaf on the 
head of the accused person. Then they heat an iron-ball or 
a spoar-head, weighing about five pounds, and throw it into 
water: they heat it again, and again cool it in the same 
way. The third time they heat the iron till it is red-hot. 
Next, the Brahmanas, after reciting the mantras, take the 
red-hot iron with tongs and place it in the hands of the 
accused who is standing in the first circle. He must then 
gradually step from circle to circle, his feet being constantly 
in one of them. After reaching the eighth circle, he must 
throw the iron in the ninth to burn some grass which must 
be left there for that purpose. He is thereafter ordered to 
rub some unhusked rice between both his palms ; if, on 
examination, any mark of burning appears on either of the 
palms, he is considered guilty ; if no such marks appear, 
his innocence is proved (As. Res., I, p. 392). For a case of 
grasping a red-hot iron in a record of 1309 A.D. in the 
presence of the god HoysaleSvara, see S. N. Sen, loc. cit.\ 
see also AlberunVs India, H, p. 160. 

IX. Dharmaja- or Dharm-adharma-divya, i.e., Ordeal 
by (the images of) Dharma and Adharma. 

In performing the image-ordeal (or Dharm-adharma 
ordeal), two processes may be followed. 

366 SUdCESSO&fi Ofc HE 

(a) An image named Dharraa is made of silver, and 
another called Adharma of clay or iron. 1 Both of these 
images are thrown into a big earthen jar. If the accused 
can bring the image of Dharma oat of the jar after thrust- 
ing his hand into it, he is considered innocent ; but if he 
brings out the image of Adharma, he is condemned. 

(b) An image is drawn on a piece of white cloth and 
another on a piece of black cloth. The first is called 
Dharma and the second Adharma. 2 These are severally roll- 
ed up in cowdung 8 and thrown into a large jar, without 
being overseen by the accused. The accused is then order- 
ed to bring out one of those rolls. If he brings out the figure 
on white cloth, he is acquitted ; if that on the black cloth, 
convicted (ibid., p. 392 ; see also Pitarnaha quoted in 
Mitaksart on Yajnavalkya, II, 113). 

Certain months and days are specified for the different 
species of ordeals. There are also other injunctions in the 
Smrti literature ; but the law-givers are not unanimous on 
these points. It is not necessary to notice these 
in detail. We simply quote 4 a passage from 'AH 
Ibrahim Khan (op. cit., p. 393), where we find the 
tradition based on VijfianeSvara's Mitaksard and followed in 
the Benares region about the end of the eighteenth 

" Agrah&yana, Pausa, Magha, Phalguna, Sravana and 
Bh&dra for that of fire ; Asvina, Karttika, Jyaistha and 
5$a4ba for that by water ; Pausa, Magha and Phalguna for 
that by poison ; and regularly there should be no water 
ordeal on the Atami or eighth, Caturdagi or fourteenth day 
of the new or full moon, in the intercalary month, in the 

1 Lead or iron, according to Pit tot ha. 

* Accirdiax to Pit&raaht, " A Dharma ia white HD<! an Adharma in black are 
to be drawn either on the bh&rja or cloth." 

* CowduDg or clay, according to Pit&maha. 

* We oae our method of tramHteratioD. 


month of Bbadra, on Sanaifcara or Saturday, and on Maft- 
gala or Tuesday ; but whenever a magistrate decides that 
there shall be an ordeal, the regular appointment of months 
and days need not be regarded. 

"The Mittksara contains also the following distinctions. 
In cases of theft or fraud to the amount of a hundred gold 
mohurs, the trial by poison is proper ; if eighty mohurs be 
stolen, the suspected person may be tried by fire ; if forty, 
by the balance ; if from thirty to ten, by the image-water; 
if two only, by rice." 

As has been already noticed, differences in the views of 
different law-givers appear to us to be due to differences in 
their time and place. A few instances will possibly enable 
our readers to understand the point clearly. 

(a) One of the most glaring instances of such differences 
may be seen in the views of Brhaspati on the eighth form 
of the nine divyas, namely, the phala-divya. According to 
Brhaspati, " A piece of iron, eight ahgulis in length^ four 
angulis in breadth and weighing twelve palas, is called a 
phala ; when the phala is red-hot (agni-varyd), the thief 
(here, stealer of a co\0 must once lave it with the 
tongue ; if (the tongue) is not burnt, he is held innocent ; 
if otherwise, convicted/' The passage go-caurasya prad&ta- 
vyarfi tapta-phal-avalehanam = iti smrtir = iti maithttah 
(Sabdakalpadruma, s.v. phalam) possibly goes to show that 
this form of the phala-divya was very popular in North Bihar 
and that Brhaspati Jived not very far from the Mithila 
region. This form of the ordeal seems to have been unknown 
in South India. 1 The licking form of the phala-divya is 
mentioned by Yuan Cluvang (Walters, loc. cit.). who 
however describes it as a fire-ordeal. 

1 Difference in the practice of the phala-divya is aJso evidenced by the 
Chandogyo-Vpanitat where the thinf to be heated is eaid to have been 


(b) A local variety oi the third ordeal, nainelj jaladivya, 
has been thus noticed by 'AH Ibrahim Khan: "In the 
villages near Benares, it is the practice for the person, who 
is to be tried by this kind of ordeal, to stand in water up to 
his navel, and then holding the foot of a Brahmana, to dive 
under it as long as a man can walk fifty paces very gently. 
If A before the man has walked thus far, the accused rise 
above tbe water, he is condemned; if not, acquitted" 
(op. cit., p. 393). 

Al-Biruni possibly refers to a slightly different custom 
when he says (op. cit., p. 159), " They bring the man to a 
deep and rapidly flowing river, or to a deep well with much 

wa ter Then five men take him between them and 

throw him into the water. If he has spoken the truth, he 
will not drown and die." 

According to Yuan Chwang (Watters, op. cit., p. 172), 
the accused was put in one sack and a stone in another, 
then the two sacks were connected and thrown into a deep 
stream ; if the sack containing the stone floated and the 
other sank, the man's guilt was proved. 

A different form of the jala-divya was prevalent in the 
Maratha country. " The parties and the Pandhars were 
sent 10 a sacred river like the Krishna, or better, to 
a sangama of special sanctity like the Krishna- Vena Sangama. 
There, at an auspicious moment, the Pandhars stood on the 
bank after their bath in the sacred stream, the defendant 
and the plaintiff still remaining standing in the river. 
Either the Patel or some other trustworthy man there present 
was then ordered to draw the rightful party from the water 
andj^BR^wopscientious verdict " (Sen, op. cit., p. 365). 
* V'!(ol Another glaring instance is in connection with the 
whether ordeals should be applied to women. 
Narada, who seems to have lived in Nepal about 
fthe 5th century A.D. (Camb. Hist. Ind. 9 1, p. 280), women 
*jpannot\be tried by ordeals (strlnalica na bhaved^divyam). But 


.another law-giver, SulapSni, says that this prohibition refers 
to divyas other than the tuld-divya, and we have already 
seen that Yajnavalkya prescribes trial by the balance ordeal 
for women. There is also a view that in connection with a 
.quarrel between a man and a woman, the latter should 
undergo ordeals (gabdahalpadruma, s. v. parlka). 

The application of ordeals, to women appears to be 
supported by the Ramayanic story of Sita undergoing the 
fire-ordeal in order to prove that her chastity was not violated 
by Havana during her confinement in Lanka, and also by 
some epigraphic references. Some records (e.g., Ind. Ant., 
XIX, p. 248) say that Candaladevi (Candrike or Candrika- 
devl), wife of Laksmideva I (c. A.D. 1209), the Ratfa king 
of Saudatti, " attained victory over a number of serpents in 
an earthen water- jar " ; the allusion here is certainly to the 
queen having undergone trial by the poison-ordeal (Bomb. 
Gaz., I, ii, p. 556 and note 5). 

It is evidenced by some old Bengali works that, in 
Bengal also, the purity of wives was sometimes examined by 
ordeals. Thus, Khullana, heroine of Kavikankan Mukun- 
daram's Candlkavya (about Saka 1499=A.D. 1577) is 
reported to have undergone successfully four ordeals, the first 
three of which are in reality the water, poison and spear- 
head ordeals (see D. C. Sen, Bangabhasa-o-Sahitya, 4th ed., 
p. 371). It is also stated that Khuilana was put into a 
jatu-grha made specially for the purpose of testing her 
chastity, and then it was set fire to. This form of the 
fire-ordeal is however unknown to the Smrti literature. But 
the description of the Candlkavya seems to be more or less 
conventional. It is therefore not certa 
ordeals were actually prevalent in Bengal^ 
of the sixteenth century A.D. Behula^ 
the famous heroine of the Manasd-m^ 
have proved her purity by undergoing 
of the ordeals (Pfavdsl, Karttik, 133c 


From ibe above references we see that the prevalence of 
the system of trial by ordeals is not only proved by the 
Smrti literature, but can also be proved from references to 
the practice in inscriptions and other writings. For 
inscriptional references, we refer our readers to Ep. Ind., 
XIII, p. 294; XV, p. 394; and Bomb. Gaz., I, ii, pp. 556 
and note 5, 571 and note 3. Here we quote three instances 
of trial by ordeal, one from an inscription and two from 
the paper of 'AH Ibrahim Khan who claims to have been an 
eye-witness of the trials : 

I. In the Kuliyuga year 4289 (A.D, 1188) and the 15th 
year of the Goa Kadamba king V Ira- Jay ake^i (leva III " on 
Sunday, the eighth day of the bright fortnight of Asadha 
in presence of the fortunate prime-minister, Igvararya 
Dandanayaka, Siva&ikti, the deary a (priest) of the god 
Sri-KalleSvaradeva of the well called Attibavi at Kittur, and 
Kalyana6akti, the acarya of the original local deity of that 
place (Mulasthanadeva), opened a subject of dispute, the 
former asserting that a plot of ground in that place, called 
Alakolanakeyi, had from of old belonged to Kalle^varadeva, 
while the latter claimed it for the original local deity 

" The agreement that they both of their own free-will 
entered into at the presence of the same tSvara Dandanayaka 
was this : Siva&ikti said, ' Whereas this plot of ground 
(called) SJakolanakeyi belonged ol old to Kalle^varadeva, 
DevaraSi, the father of KalyanaSakti, unauthorisedly brought 
it under cultivation under the Cancje state and had a grant 
written in his own favour ; and I am now prepared to 
undergo- the phala-divya in support of my statement that 
it had belonged from ancient times to KalleSvaradeva.' 
(On the other hand), the argument of Kalyana^akti under 
oath with the sscred symbols on his head was, if the Can<Je 
Samsthana gave this plot of ground (called) Ilakojanakeyi 
vto my father DevariSi and to myself on fcebajf of the original 


locat deity (MulasfrhSnadeva), it has not been unauthorisedly 
brought under cultivation.' 

" Igvara Daijujanayaka then said, Go both of you 
before the assemblage of the bankers of the village of Degave, 
which has been granted in perpetuity to Brahmajoas ; and on 
their assenting to this, on Sunday, the seventh day of the 
dark fortnight of Asadha in the same year, in the presence of 
all the bankers of the agrahara village Degfive and in front 
of the temple of Mallikarjunadeva of that place, Sivasakti, 
undergoing the ordeal of phala-divya, made oath that the 
piece of land (called) SJakoJanakeyi belonged of rid to the 
god KalJe6vara of Attibavi; while KalyanaSakti, taking the 
sacred symbols on his head (or standing on his head !), 
declared thnt it was the property of the original local deity 
(Mulasthanadeva). After this, on Monday, the eighth day 
of the same dark fortnight, all the bankers of the agrahara 
village Degave having convened themselves in the assembly- 
hall and having examined the hand of Sivagakti, decided 

that he bad won his cause, and that Kalyanasakti who had 
taken the sacred symbols on his head had lost it, and that 
the plot of ground called ilakolanakeyi belongs to the god 
Kallegvara of Attibavi, and gave a certificate of success to 
Sivasakti " (Kittur inscription, J.B.B.R.A.S., IX, pp. 

II. "In the year of the Messiah 1783, a man was 
tried by the hot-ball (phala-divya) at Benares in the presence 
of me, 'Ali Ibrahim Khan, on the following occasion. A 
man had accused one Sankar of larceny, who pleaded that 
he was not guilty; as the theft could not be proved by legal 
evidence, the trial by the fire-ordeal was tendered to the 
appellee and nccepted by him. This well-wisher of mankind 
advised the learned magistrates and Panijits to prevent the 
decision of a question by a mode not conformable to the 
practice of the Company's Government, and recommended an 
oath by the water of the Ganges and the leaves of the 


tulasl in a little vessel of brass (copper ?) or by the book 
HarivamSa, or by the stone Salagram, or by the hallowed 
ponds or basins, all which oaths are used in Benares. 
When the parties obstinately refused to try the issue by any 
one of the modes recommended and insisted on a trial by 
the hot-ball, the magistrates and Pandits of the court were 
ordered to gratify their wishes and, setting aside those 
forms of trial in which there could be only a distant fear 
of death or loss of property as the just punishment of perjury 
by .the sure yet slow judgment of heaven, to perform the 
ceremony of ordeal agreeably to the Dharmafastra : but it 
w as not till after mature deliberation for four months that 
a regular mandate was issued for trial by the red-hot ball; 
and this was at length granted for four reasons : first, 
because there was no other way of condemning or absolving 
the person accused; secondly, because both parties were 
Hindus and this mode of trial was specially appointed in the 
Dharmafastra by the ancient law-givers; thirdly, because 
this ordeal was practised in the dominions of the Hindu 
Eajas 1 ; and fourthly, because it might be useful to inquire 
how it was possible for the heat of fire to be resisted and 
for the hand that held it to avoid being burned. An order 
was accordingly sent to the Pandits of the courts and of 
Benares to this effect : ' Since the parties accusing and 
accused are both Hindus and will not consent to any trial 

1 A case of the same ordeal (described as agnt-divya according to the system 
of Nftrada) has been quoted by Prof. S. N. Sen (op. cit., pp. 677-78) from a MarathI 
document " On Wednesday, ir,y hands were bandaged. The next day, the aforesaid 

Panxjit sat on the banks of the GodavarT, opened the bandage of my hands in the 

presence of the god and bad them rubbed with rice The signs on the two hands 

were all marked, and one iron-ball, 50 palas or 168 tolas, 2 radfo*, was duly 
weighed and thrice heated in fire. They bound a bh&gya-palra on my forehead, 
placed seven atvatiha leaves on my hands and bound them with thread. Then they 
placed the bail on my head and ordered me to walk over seven circles and drop the 

ball in the eighth dropped the ball on some grains which had been kept in the 

appointed place and the grains took fire "etc. The accused person in this case 

came out successful through the ordeal. 


but that by the hot-ball, let the ordeal desired be duly 
performed in the manner prescribed by the MitaksarS or 
Commentary on Yajfiavalkya. 

" When preparations were made for the trial, this well- 
wisher to mankind, attended by all the learned professors, 
by the officers of the court, the sipahls of Captain Hogan's 
battalion and many inhabitants of Benares, went to the 
place prepared, and endeavoured to dissuade the appellor 
from requiring the accused to be tried by fire, adding, ' if 
his hand be not burned, you shall certainly be imprisoned/ 
The accuser, not deterred by this menace, persisted in 
demanding the trial. The ceremony, therefore, was thus 
conducted before me, 'Ali Ibrahim Khan. 

" The Pandits of the court and the city, having wor- 
shipped the god of knowledge and presented their oblation 
of clarified butter to the fire, formed nine circles of cow- 
dung on the ground ; and, having bathed the appellee in 
the Ganges, brought him with his clothes wet ; when, to 
remove all suspicion of deceit, they washed his hands with 
pure water : then, having written a statement of the case 
and the words of the mantra on a palmyra leaf, they tied 
it on his head ; and into his hands, which they opened and 
joined together, seven leaves of Pippala, seven of Jend, seven 
blades of the darbha grass, a few flowers and some barley 
moistened with curd, which they fastened with raw white 
cotton. After this they made the iron-ball red-hot and, 
taking it up with tongs, placed it in his hands. He walked 
with it, step by step, the space of three gaz and a half 
through each of the seven intermediate rings, and threw the 
ball into the ninth where it burned the grass that had been 
left in it. He next, to prove his veracity, rubbed some 
rice in the husk between his hands, which were afterwards 
examined and were so far from being burned that not even 
a blister wag raised on either of them. Since it is the 
nature of fire to burn, the officers of the court and the people 


of Benares, nearly five hundred of whom attended the 
ceremony, were astonished at the event ; and this well- 
wisher to mankind was perfectly amazed. It occurred to bis 
weak apprehension that probably the fresh leaves and other 
things which, as it has been mentioned, were placed in the 
haads of the accused, bad prevented their being burned ; 
besides that the time was but short between his taking the 
ball and throwing it down ; yet it is positively declared in the 
Dharmafastra and in the written opinion of the most re- 
spectable Parujits that the hand of a man who speaks truth 
cannot be burned ; and 'AH Ibrahim KhSn certainly saw 
with his own eyes, as many others also saw with theirs, 
that the hands of the appellee in this case were unhurt by the 
fire. He was consequently discharged. But that men 
might in future be deterred from demanding the trial by 
ordeal, the appellor was committed for a week. After all, 
if such a trial could be seen once or twice by several intelli- 
gent men acquainted with natural philosophy, they might 
be able to assign the true reason why a man's hand may be 
burned in some cases and not in others " l (As. Res., I, 

1 In ooooect on with the above remark it may be interesting to note what 
Edwin Edser writes about the " Spheroidal State.*' 

" Expt. 52 , 

*' E*pt. 68 The ab->ve experiments illustrate what is called the 

Spheroidal State of water. A laundress generally tests the temperature of her iron 
by observing whether it is sufficient to cause a drop of saliva to assume the Spheroidal 
State. Juggler* were formerly in the Inbit of plunging their hand* into molten 
tod, their i mm unity from burning depending on the moisture on their hands assum- 
ing the Spheroidal State. Blacksmiths will often lick a bar of red-hot iron. In 
early times, a common form of ordeal was to walk on red-hot ploughshares. Many 
w%o came through this ordeal triumphantly must hive ascribed to supernatural inter- 
vention an occurrence which was strictly in accordatic* with natural Uw. 

" Water is not the only substance which CID assume the Spheroidal State. All 
liquids will do to if placed on a metal surface that is sufficiently hot. If a mixture 
of solid carbolic acid and *thr is poured into a re l-'>ot pi itin-im crucible, it will 
assume tbe SpheroHal State If mercury is poured on to the mixture, it will 
be frozen though the platinum dish remains red-hot "flee Heat for Advanctd 
SftfdenMMacmfflan & Co., 1988), pp, 195-96. 


pp. 395-98). For another instance of the phala-divya, see 
B. V, Bhat, op. dt. t p. 44. 

III. "A Brahmana named RI6vara Bhatt-a accused 
one Bamdayal, a linen-painter, of having stolen his goods. 
Ramdayal pleaded not guilty ; and after much altercation, 
consented to be tried, as it had been proposed, by the vessel 
of oil (tapta-masaka-divya). This well-wisher to mankind 
advised the Pandits of the court to prevent, if possible, that 
mode of trial ; but since the parties insisted on it, an ordeal 
of hot oil, according to the Sastra, was awarded for the 
same reasons which prevailed in regard to the trial by the 
ball. The Papdits who assisted in the ceremony were 
Bhi?ma Bhatta, Nna Pajhak, Maniram Bhafta, Siva, 
.Anantaram Bhatta, Krparam, Visnuhari, Krsnacandra, 
Ramendra, Govindaram, Harikrsna Bhatta and Kalidas ; 
the three last were Papdits of the court. When Gane&i 
had been worshipped and the homa presented according 
to the Sastra, they sent for this well-wisher to mankind 
who, attended by the two Daroghas of the Divani and Fauj- 
dari courts, the Kotval of the town, the officers of the^ court 
and most of the inhabitants of Benares, went to the place 
of trial, where he laboured to dissuade Barndayal and his 
father from submitting to the ordeal ; and apprised them 
that, if the hands of the accused should be burned, he would 
be compelled to pay the value of the goods stolen, and his 
character would be disgraced in every company. Eamdayal 
would not desist ; he thrust his hand into the vessel and 
was burned. ' The opinion of the Pandits was then taken, 
and they were unanimous that by the burning of his hand, 
his guilt was established and he was bound to pay R$vara 
Bhafta the price of what he had stolen ; but if the sum 
exceeded five hundred ashrafls, his hand must be cut off 

1 Tbt boJdwwaod persistence possibly show that poor RtadajU WM tcfeuUy 


by an express law of the $&stra\ and a mulct also must be 
imposed on him according to his circumstances. 

" The chief magistrate, therefore, caused Hamdayal to 
pay Rsl^vara seven hundred rupees in return for the goods 
which had been stolen ; but as amercements in such cases 
are usual at the courts of judicature at Benares, the mulct 
was remitted, and the prisoner was discharged. 

"The record of this conviction was transmitted to 
Calcutta in the year of Messiah 1783 ; and in the month of 
April, 1784, the Governor-General, Imad-ud-daulah Jeladat 
Jang Bahadur, 1 having seen the preceding account of trials 
by ordeals, put many questions concerning the meaning of 
Sanskrit worJs, and the cases here reported, to which he 
received respectful answers " (ibid., pp. 399-400). 

The judgment of a case of the tapta-ma$aka ordeal 
(described as agni-divya) has been quoted by Prof. S. N. Sen, 
op. cit., pp. 366-67 : "You were then sent with Kajagri 
ipaji Hanumant Subhedar and Balaji Dadaji and Baghoji 
Raut, officers from the Huzur and the District, to Pali for 
the performance of an agni-divya. The got of that place 
assembled in the temple and they lighted a fire and heated 
ghee and oil mixed in customary proportion. You bathed 
and after a declaration of your right, took two pieces of 
metal from the heated liquid in the presence of all. Then 
your hand was bandaged and sealed. The next day the 
aforesaid parties were brought to the Huzur by the Karkun 
of the District officer. On the third day, in the presence 
of the Majalasi, the bandage was taken off and the seals 
broken. On your hand were found only the marks that 
formerly existed there. Nothing more, nothing less ; you 
passed the ordeal successfully." 

* The same as Warren Hastings, Governor of Bengal, 1772-74, Governor* 
General, 1774-85. 


We have already said that the traditional list of early 
Pallava kings given in some late records is, in our opinion, 
not much valuable for the purpose of authentic history. 
All recent writers on Pallava history however have put 
much faith in the genealogical list given in the Vayalur 
grant of Rajasimha. The late Mr. H. Krishnasastri said, 
" It looks, therefore, as if the authors of the Ka^akudi, 
Udayendiram and Velurpalaiyam plates, all of which are 
admittedly later than the Vayalur record, but not much 
later, drew these stray names for airing their knowledge 
of early Pallava chronology purely from memory and were 
not always correct " (Ep. Ind., XVIII, p. 147). But this 
scholar and many others think the Vayalur list historically 
valuable. There are however reasons to believe that the 
earlier names of this list are all legendary and unhistorical 
and that the rest of the list has in it not only the names of 
a single branch of the Pallava family. 

The following is the list of the Pallavas given in the 
Vayalur record : 

1. Brahman. 7. Agvatthaman. 

2. Angira. 8. Pallava. J 

3. Bjrhaspati. 9. ASoka. 2 

4. Sainyu. 10. Harigupta. 

5. BharadvSja. 11. Bhutadatta. 

6. Drona. 12. Suryavarman. 

1 Not. 1-8 are also mentioned i j the Kuram (S. Ind. Ins. t l, p. 144 ff.). Udaye idiram 
No. 2 Jnd. Ant., VIII, p. 273) and Velurpalaiyam plates (S. Ind Jn*., II, p. 508). 
These name* are evidently legendary. 

1 Aloka ia mentioned in the Kasakudi (S. Ind. In*., II, p. 842i and Velurpalaiyam 
Platea. In the latter inscription he ie called Atokavarman. According to 
the name ia a modincation of Afoka, the great Maurya king of P&taliputra. 




13. Vi$nugopa (I). 

14. Ghytaka. 

15. Kalinda. 

16. Jyamalla. 

17. Bipumalla. 

18. Vimala. 

19. Kongani. 

20. Kalabharta. 1 

21. Cutapallava. 

22. Virakurca (I). 2 

23. Candravarman. 

24. Karala. 

25. Visnugopa (II). 

26. Skandamula. 

27. Kanagopa. 

28. Virakurca (II). 8 

29. Skandavarman (I). 

30. Kumaravinu (I). 

31 . Buddhavarman (I) . 

32. Skandavarman (II). 

33. Kumaravignu (II). 4 

34. Buddhavarman (II) 

35. Skandavarman (III). 

36. Visnugopa (III). 8 

37. Visnudasa. 

38. Skandavarman (IV). 

39. Simhavarman (I). 

40. Viravarman. 

41. Skandavarman (V). 

42. Simhavarman (II) . R 

43. Skandavarman (VI). 

44. Nandivarman. 7 

45. Simhavarman (III). 

46. Simhavarman (IV). 

47. Visnugopa (IV). 

48. Simhavarman (V). 

49. Simhavisnu. 

50. Mahendravarman 8 ; 

etc., etc., 

1 There is no proof that NOB. 10-20 were historical persons. 

9 He was possibly the first king of the family. 

9 The Velurpalaiyam record appears to identify Virakurca I (No. 22) with Vira- 
kurca II (No. 28). This fact possibly shows that Nos. 23-27 are unhistorical. May 
Virakurca (II) be identical with VTrakorcavarman of the Darsi plate? 

4 This Kum&ravifnu II issued the Chendalur grant. 

5 This Vignugopa may have been the contemporary of Samudragapta. On 
pnlaeographical grounds however the contemporary of Sainudragupta (circa 880-75) 
cannot be placed after the issuer of the Chendalur grant. 

' Possibly the king mentioned in the Penukonda plates of about A.D. 475, 
According to the Lokavtbhdga, he ruled from 486 to about 458 A.D. (Ep. Ind. t XIV. 
p. 881 ff.). Names 40-42 are found consecutively in the genealogy of the Pallavas 
of the Nellore-Guntur region ; see Nos. 4-6 at page 174 above 

7 He possibly issued the Udayendiram grant No. 1. 

He ascended the throne about 600 A.D. 


G. Biihler in his famous article entitled The Indian 
Inscriptions and the Antiquity of Indian Artificial Poetry 
(translated from German in Ind. Ant., XLII, 1913) has 
proved the existence of a Kavya literature in Sanskrit and 
Prakrit during the first five centuries of the Christian era 
and showed that a great period of literature following the 
style of the poetic school of Vidarbha (Berar) lies before the 
middle of the fourth century A.D. The poetic citations in 
the Mahabhatya (Ind. Ant. 9 XIV, p. 326 ff.) by Patafijali 
(generally placed in the second century B.C., but is 
probably later), exhibiting metres characteristic of arti- 
ficial poetry, such as Malati, Pramitakara, Prahar^im 
and Vasantatilaka and many verses in the Anusfabh agree 
fully as regards contents and the mode of expression, with the 
court Kavyas. 1 The Buddhacarita (translated into Chinese 
between 414 and 421 A.D.) by ASvaghosa, said to have 
been a contemporary of Kaniska, also shows a marvellous 
development of the Kavya style. The description of the 
literary capacity of a Saka prince named Eudradaman 
(c. 130-150 A.D.) in the Junagadh record as sphuta-laghu- 
[*kavya-vidhana-pravina'] which marvellously agrees with the 
principles of the Vaidarbhi style explained by Dapdin 
(KavySdarfa, I, 41-42) and Bharata (Natyafastra, Ch. XVI), 
and the prose style of the Junagadh record (150 A.D.) it- 
self and the Nasik inscription of the time of Budradaraan's 

1 It it interesting to note that the famous Nanaghat inscription of Nftganik*. 
which is placed in the 1st or 2nd cent. B.C., uses the figurative expression itgora- 
pfltfuwtya patJiawa-t>f>a, etc. 


Satavahana contemporary Vftsi^hlputra Pulumavi show, 
according to Biihler (p. 34 note), that " in the second cen- 
tury, there had been many superior and more elaborate com- 
positions ; because the author of the Girnar (i.e., Junagadh) 
inscription was only an obscure provincial writer and the 
author of the Nasik inscription was only a court poet of 
the And bra (i.e., Satavahana) king." Buhler has in this 
connection examined from Corp. Ins. Ind., Ill, some eigh- 
teen inscriptions, which are partly or wholly metrical and 
of definitely known date, including the Allahabad pillar in- 
scription of Samudragupta described as a Kavya by its author 
Harisena, the Junagadh inscription of Gupta years 136-38 
(456-58 A.D.) described as a Grantha and the Mandasor 
inscription of Malava year 529 (473-74 A.D.) described as a 
Pro&wti by its author Vatsabhatft. The dates of the records 
examined fall in the period between 350 and 550 A.D. 
From the great number of similar inscriptions of the period, 
Babler suggested that in the above period " the use of the 
Kavya style in i ascriptions, especially in longer ones, was 
ia vogue aad, from this very circumstance, it follows that 
court poetr) was jealously cultivated in India." 

It should be noticed that in considering the question 
Buhler did not take into account the inscriptions of the 
Vakafakas and other successors of tbe Satavahanas. The 
reason seems to be that early writers like Buhler and 
Kielbora did not think the records of many of these dynasties, 
e.jr., the Vakafaka records, to be earlier than the middle of 
the sixth century A.D. It was therefore easy for Buhler to 
remark (p. 34 note), " It is however very questionable whether 
the poetic art had reached in southern India that degree of 
development which it had reached at the special centres of 
iateliectual life in Northern India." But evidence shows 
that Biihler 1 s doubts are unjustified. It is true that tbe 
Pralgrit language, which gradually died out from North 
Indian inscriptions as early as the beginning of tbe second 


eeatary A.D., lingered on in the records of Southern India as 
late as the beginning of the fourth century. It is also true 
that many of the southern inscriptions are written in a 
matter-of-fact style. But that the Kavya style was culti- 
vated in Southern India is perfectly established by a number 
of South Indian inscriptions, especially those belonging .to 
the family of the Kadambas. The poetic genius of the 
authors of the Junagadh and Nasik inscriptions was certainly 
inherited by their successors in the Vakataka and Kadamba 
courts and, patronised by the Calukyas, found in Kavikirti, 
a rival of Bharavi and Kalidasa. 

The Vakatakas ruled over the greater part of the Deccan 
before the rise of the Calukyas about the middle of the sixth 
century. All the Vakafaka grants are therefore to be 
assigned to a period anterior to 550 A.D. Most of their re- 
cords are however written in elegant Sanskrit prose; but the 
prose style is not so much artificial as that of the Allahabad 
pillar inscription of Samudragupta. Biihler has rightly 
remarked, " It was a familiar custom in the fifth century to 
glorify the erection of temples and other edifices, by means 
of such occasional composition/' The Vakataka records, 
it should be noted, are ordinary land grants and 'cannot 
therefore claim to have been written in the style of 
Prafastis, Granthas or (Gadya-) Kavyas. But the prose style 
of the Vaka^aka records is as much artificial as that of the 
contemporary ordinary land grants belonging to the Guptas. 
We know that Dancjin defines the ojo-guna as samasa-bhuya- 
stva and describes it as the very life of artificial prose (ojafc 
samite frbhuyastvam^etadgadyasy a jlvitam; Kavyadaria, I, 
70). This ojah is characteristic of the prose style of the 
Vakajaka records. The Chammak, Dudia and other records 
describe the Vaka$aka king Pravarasena I in a phrase con- 
taining no less than thirty-six syllables. The Bhara&va 
relatives of the Vaka$akas are described in several inscrip- 
tions as 


tutfa : samutpadita-rajavar{i6anani parakram-adhigata-bhagl- 
rathy~amda-jala-murdh-abhiiktan6w da-a6vamedh-Hva- 
bhrtha-snananam (33 + 21+11 syllables). The plurality 
of adjectival phrases, reference to epic characters in 
passages like yudhisthira-vrtti and the length of sentences in 
these records exhibit the artificial nature of the style. It 
should also be noted that verses are sometimrs found in the 
prose inscriptions of the V&kafakas. The seal of the Dudia 
plates of Prabhavatigupta, for example, has the following 
verse in anustubh metre and Vaidarbhi style : 

Vakataka-1 alamasy a krama-prapta-nrpa-Myafr, 
Jananya yuvarajasya asanam ripufasanam. 

The figures of speech exhibited by this verse are Anu- 
prasa and Yamaka. Records like the Ajanta inscription of 
the Vakataka king Harisena are wholly metrical and show 
that the poetic genius of the Vakataka court poets was of 
no mean order. This record is fragmentary ; but the 
existing padas show that many metres characteristic of 
artificial poetry were used by the poet. Padas like purandar- 
opendra-sama-prabhavah svabahu-viry-arjita-sarva-lokah ; 
pravarasenah prthu-pma-vakah saroruh-aksah fc?apzt-fin-pafc- 
sah ; etc.; and the only existing complete verse 1 


Pravarasenas tasya putro = ' bhud = vikafan-navendwar- 


prove that the author of the Ajanta record tried to show hrs 
skill in the Kavya style. Repetition of the bard sound k$a in 

1 Eielhoro is inclined to describe the metre of this ?er*e as a species of mftfri- 
$amaka : but Dr. Venkatasubbia takes it to be a variety of gttikfi (see hid. Cult ., V, p. 
114). This metre with slight variation is found in lines 1-2 of the Tosam inscription 
(Corp. Ins. Ind., Ill, p. 270), verges 1-24 of the Talgonda record and at p. 4 of the 
Bower MSB. In the 6th-7th centuries the metre seems to have been in use in different 
parts of India. 


the line pravarasena, etc., shows that the poet preferred the 
Gau<Jiya-riti of poetry to the Vaidarbhi. 1 

The earliest records of the successors of the Satavahanas 
in Lower Deccan are written in Prakrit prose. That the in- 
fluence of the Satavahana court poets was still working on 
their successors in South Indian courts is proved by the 
artificial style exhibited by some of the Iksvaku records dis- 
covered at Nagarjunikonda. The artificial nature of the 
style of the Ikgvaku court poets is shown not only by the 
ojo-guna and the length of sentences in the Iksvaku inscrip- 
tions, but also by the mode of glorifying the Buddha and 
the reigning king's ancestor with a large number of epithets, 
some of which exhibit figures of speech characteristic of the 
Kavya style. Most of the Nagarjunikonda records begin 
with an adoration to Lord Buddha namo bhagavato deva- 
raja-sakatasa supabudha-bodhino savamiluno sava-sat-anukarfi- 
pakasa jita-raga-dosa-moha-vipamutasa mahagani-vasabha- 
gairidhahathisa sammasabudhasa dhatuvara-parigahitasa. In 
one of these record^, the adoration is namo bhagavato ikha- 
ku-raja-pravara-risi-sata-pabhava-vanisa~bhavasa deva-manusa- 
sava-sata-hita-sukha-maga-desikasa jita-kama-kodha-bhaya- 
harisa-tarisa-moha-dosasa dapita-mara-dapa-mana-pasamana- 
karasa dasabala-mahabalasa athawga-m&ga-dhamacaka-pava- 
takasa caka-lakhana-sukumara-$ujd,ta-caranasa taruna-divasa- 
kara-pabhasa sarada-sasi-sama-darisanasa sava-loka-cita-mahi- 
tasa budhasa (4 + 20+19 + 19 + 18 + 9 + 14+164-11+12 + 
LO syllables). At least the figurative expressions tartwa- 
divasakara-pabha and sarada-sasi-sama-darisana are concieved 
quite in the Kavya style. But such is not only the case 
with ths adoration; the earlier king, Camtamula I, is generally 
glorified in his son's and grandson's records as virup&kha- 

l Development of the Kivya style in the Vftkftfcka period is also evidenced by the 
existence of a Prakrit poem entitled Setubandha described by Bftna in bis Hartacarita 
M composed by Pravaraatna who has been identified with the Vakftfaka 
Prararaeena ||. 



dha-y&jisa hiranakoti-go-satasahasa-hala-satasnh 

savathesu apatihata-sarfikapasa v&sithlputasa ikhakusa siri- 

ciHjitamulasa (16+17 + 22, etc., syllables). 

The early Sanskrit records of South-Eastern Deccan are 
written in prose. They are not composed on special occasions 
like erection of temples or other edifices and are not to be class- 
ed with Gadyakavyas. Rut that the writers of these records 
were not unfamiliar with the artificial style of Sanskrit prose 
is proved by the ojo-guna of the records. Reference may be 
made to tha description of Madhavavarman I in the records 
of the Visnukundin family. The Chikkulla grant describes 
him with seven ep thets, the longest having no less than 
fifty-five syllables. The longest epithet describing Madhava- 
varman I in the Bamatirtham plates contains as many as 
forty-nine syllables. It is however better to refer to the Ipur 
and Polamuru grants of Madhavavarman I himself who 
ruled in circa 535-85 A D. 

Ipur grant smrti-mati-bala'Sattva-dhairya-vlrya-vinaya- 
saippannab sakah-mahlmandala-manujapati-pratipujita^asa- 
nas = trioarandgara-bhaoana-gata-yuvati-hrdaya-nandanah sva- 
sattva-sarjipannah sakala'jagad'avanipati-pratipujita-4asano=x 
^n^oma-sahasra-yajirhiranyagarbha'prasuta ekadai-a^va" 
raja-6ri-madhavavarHia (18 + 21 + 19+32 + 18 + 16 + 18 + 14 
syllables) . 

Polamuru grant atula'bala'parakrama-yafo-d&na^inaya" 
sarppanno da$aata-sakala-dharanitala-narapatir = avasita-vivi- 
dha-divyas = trivaranagara - bhavana-gata-parama-yuvati-jana- 
viharaya - ratir=ananya-nrpa!i - sadharana- dana-mana-daya- 
damadhrti-mati-ksanti-aitry - audarya- gambhlrya - prabhrty- 
wieka guna-sampaj-janita-raya-samutthita bhumandalavydpi 
vipulayafah kratu-sahasra-yajl hiranyagarbha-prasata=eklida^ 


parirafc?aria-ctiflcttr = vidvad^vija-gtini-vrddha-tapasvi-'janaira' 
yo mah&r&jak ri-madhavavarma (19 + 16 + 25 + 60 + 7 + 
8+20+11+15+4+6 syllables). 

The Early Kadambas who succeeded the Cutu Sfttakarnis 
in Southwestern Deccan in the first half of the 
4th century were subdued by the Early Calukyas 
about the middle of the sixth when the latter estab- 
lished themselves at Badami. Excepting the Talgunda 
inscription of Santivarman, however, no other early record 
of the Kadambas can be said to have been composed on 
special occasions like the inscriptions examined by Biihler. 
Nevertheless, the small Kadamba records, many of which are 
wholly or partly metrical, contain in them verses which are 
specimens of excellent poetry. We give below a collection of 
the namaskara verses from different records of the Early 
Kadambas and the reader will see that they would make a 
mangold carana suitable to any work of the best writers of 
Sanskrit poetry. 

Jayati bhagavan jinendro gunarundrah prathita-parama- 


Trailoky-atvasakari daya-patak-occhrita yasya. 
Jayaty^arhams = trilokefah sarva-bhuta-hitamkarah, 
Rag-ady-ari-haro = 'nanto = 'nanta-jftana-drg-ttvarah. 
Jayati sur-asura-makuta-pranihita-mani^ 


Danda-kamandalu-hastah padma-pravar-asano brahma. 
Jayaty udrikta'daity'endra-bala'Vlrya'Vimardanah, 
Jagat-pravrtti-samhara-srsti'rnayadliaro harih. 
Jitaw bhagavata tena vifnuna yasya vaksasi, 
Snli svayarp, bhati deva$ = ca nabhi-padme pitamahah. 
Jayaty =ambuja- g ehay<ih patir=visnuh sanHtanah, 
VarGha-rupew dhatfw yo dadh&ra yuga-k?aye, 



Jayati dhmva-bal-endu-jato-mukuta-mandanah, 
As&dhya-nidhan&h iambhur=*vite6o fagat&m patih. 
Hara-nSr&yana-brahma-tritayaya namak sadA, 

The first of these verw written in theory a metre occurs 
in several insoriptio^s, the earliest belongiug to the time 
when Kakuathavarrpan was a yuva,raja about the beginning 
of the fifth ceutury. 

we find such beautiful Hoes as the following in ft 
and quite ordinary grant like the Halsi grant of 
eighth year we canaot but think that the 
wurt poet was a consummate artist : 


&ri-6antivaravarm**eti raja rajwa-locanafy, 

Khal = eva vanit=akfft& yena laksmir^dvisad-grhat. 

Tat-priya-jye$tha-tanayah ri-mrgea-nar&dhipah , 

iiayi dvija-s&manta-pujitah. 
danam daridrdnam mahaphalamit=wa yah, 
Svayatfi bhaya-daridro 'pi atrubhyo~'dan=mahad- 

Tuhga-ganya-kul-otsqdi pvHava-prqlay-analah, etc. 

Tp iUurtrate how the writer of an ordinary small land 
gtnt bringa in epic characters, we may refer to the Bennur 

Sa r&ja rfy 

SttLfi IN ttfSCllttfttOite 3tt 

III fbift Wflnwtioti 1W Ibcfeid Also ttote th*t the Bftttha- 
hftffi ffrttit Of the Wrtfle king describes his 
Vifttttttrtlteti a* gtHdhtttifchbatifihsa-dkanur 
faje*4f-&rjuna*sai*n ftnd 6abd+attha-nyaya-vidviit. We aft 
tes to frttioft not orily the reference to epic and historical 
cteraotett liki Vfttdftf&jft, Indra afid Arjuna, but also to 
the foot that Ktdfttuba Visnuvarman claimed to have beflfl 
skilled in g4ndbatoa (music), fabda (grammar, or tbfr 
f6iefic of words), attha (their t)5ci/a, i.e., 
, i.*., indicated, and vyanga,i.e., suggested 
ny&ya (logical method). It i interesting that 
poet (kavi) Saba-Vtrweaa, the tociM trf Candrftgupt* ft, 
describes himself in the Udayagiti cave inscription as 
skilled in fobda, art ha, and ny ay a (cf. kautsah SabAiti khy&to 
vifasenah kiil-Akhyaycl, tdbd-attha-nyaya^okajfldh'kitVih 
Ivpntmkdft). Cf. ftlso, the e 
buddhi applied to Umftpati Dhara, court-poet of Lakgmtttttt* 
Wtt*, ih the Deopatia grant of Vijayasena. Evidently 
Kadafflb^ VtttMvarman claimed to have been a mimcian amrd 
poet like Satnudragupta and his court encouraged Artiste like 
that of the Gupta king and of the $aka king Rttdrtdftttfen. 

Th metrical portions of Early Kadatnba tecorite 
generally contain fine verses written in the Vaidarbh! styte. 
As it is ttot possible to quote all of them we satisfy ourselves 
only With two verses in the Upajstt mertre from A IMtfc 
cbttter of the time of Bavivarmati : 

rt*tfi?ntiwr mw-prfi*fer tm =* narendtan 

*ihvty& jit 

Mfaena catviri nivarte*ani 

Mm jwemdmyu mafeim mafeendraft. 


. The only Early Kadamba inscription that was composed 
on a special subject is the Talgunda record of Santivarman. 
It describes how a tank was constructed by Kakustbavarman, 
father of Santivarman, for a temple of Siva. It is written in 
verse. Verse 34 of the record says that a poet named Kubja 
was responsible for the composition of the Kdvya which the 
author himself inscribed on stone. The poet cannot be 
ranked with the best writers of Sanskrit poetry ; but his 
literary talent was not of a mean order. Kubja 1 s Kavya is 
written in 34 verses which exhibit such metres as Puspi- 
tagra, Indravajra, Vasantatilaka, Mandakranta, Sardula- 
yikrujita and Pracita (a vareity of Dandaka). The first 24 
verses are however composed in a metre rarely found 
in classical Sanskrit works. Kielhorn has fully describ- 
ed it in Ep. Ind., VIII, p. 26 ff (see above, p. 382 
note). We give here an analysis of the Talgunda inscrip- 

The inscription may be conveniently divided into four 
parts; Part I deals with rfiangalacarana and namaskara; Part 
II with the early history and glories of the family to which 
the hero of the performance belongs; Part III with the des- 
cription of the hero and his performance, and Part IV with 
conclusion and benediction. 

Part I. The record begins with the auspicious word 
siddhatji and a verse in adoration to Sthanu, i.e., Siva. The 
namaskara is then extended to learned Brabmanas well- 
versed in the $k, Yajus and Sama Vedas. 

Part II. Kakusthavarman, the hero of the performance, 
is introduced, as well as the family to which he belonged. 
The story how the family was named Eadamba owing to its 
early members tending a Kadamba tree with care. The 
birth of Mayuradarman, the founder of the Eadamba family, 
and his exploits. His quarrel with the Pallava king of 
KaficI and victorious campaigns against the Pallavas and 
Bfhad-Bagas. His installation by the king of KaficI on the 


throne of the kingdom lying between the Prehara and the 
Western Ocean. Description of his abhi?eka by ?adanana 
and the Mothers. His son Kangavarman, grandson Bhagl- 
ratha and great-grandson Baghu. 

Part III. Description to Baghu 's brother and successor 
Kakusthavarman, the hero of the performance. The pro- 
sperity of the Kadamba kingdom during his reign. His 
daughters married to princes of the Gupta and other royal 
families. How his feudatories obeyed him. How he 
constructed a tad&ka in the siddhdlaya of Bhagavan Bhava, 
i, e., Siva, which had been occasionally visited by such 
ancient kings as Satakarni. 

Part IV. Adoration to the Bhagavan, i. e., Siva, resid- 
ing at Sthanakundura, i. e., Talgunda in the kingdom of 
king Santivarman who wore three diadems. Benediction 
Happiness for the dwelling (i.e.. the temple) and prosperity 
for the subjects. 1 

1 There is another way of looking at the question of the development of Kftvya 
style. Epigraphic evidence does not prove that the style developed much earlier than the 
first or second century A.D. As regards classical Sanskrit (Sawskrt*, the reformed or 
refined language), it owes its development and popularisation to schools of grammarians 
likePanini. It was however not popular in North India before the 2nd cent, and 
in South India before the 4th cent. A.D., as Prakrit was still the language of tfce 
records of kings and the common people. The stoiy of a Sfttavahana king's ignorance 
of Sanskrit which led the grammarian Sarvavarraan tj write the famous Katantra 
or Kal&pa-vyakarana slows that even cultured people did not onderstsnd Sanskrit 
In my paper, Population of Classical Sanskrit <md tne Age of Sanskrit Dramas, read 
at the Indian History Congress, Allahabad (1988), I have tried to prove that the cradle 
of sanuktta was the north-western part of India and that no wo* in C assacal 
Sanskrit and developed Kavya style (especially, dramas which are meant for Jhe 
common people) cao be given a date before the Christian era. ^* 
that Sanskrit was at toft favoured by foreign immigrant, who came through II. W. 
IndU to which Panini (inhabitant of Salatura in Gandhara) belonged. is aUo 
interesting that the earliest known classical author, As vaghosa, is connected with 
Kaniska's court at'Pnrasapura (Peshawar). 




A.D. 100 

Later Sdtavahanas 
Gautamlputra Satakarni c. 107-131 A.D. 

. 140 A.D. 

A.D. 210 

a Pulumavi 
SivaSrl Satakarni 
Sivaskanda Satakarni 
Gautamlputra, Yajfla 


Cancja Satakarni 

c. 132-159. 

c. 160-166 

c. 167-173 

c. 174-205J 

c. 203-208 

c. 2C9- 4 a8 

c. 219-225 

TMrd Gen- 
ttiry A.D. 


I (2nd quarter of 

Virapurisadata (3rd qtittter of 3rd ceottiry). 
Ehuvtila C&mtatnQla IE (4th quartet of 8fd 


c. 800 A.D. 
c. 350 A.D. 

Early Pattavas of Kdfici 

Father of divaakftndavarman (4th quarter of 

3rd century). 

Sivaskandavarman (let^iftrter of 4tb oentwy), 

Vi^nugopa (Conflict with Samudragupta, 
about the middle of the fourth 



Kumaravi^u (I) 
KumBravi^nu (II) 

AJX 486-58 Simbavarman c, 436-460 A.D, 

c. A.D. 620 MaheDdravarman (I) c. 600-630 A.D. 


JSarly P#Hava$ of the Nellwe-Guntur regio 

Skandavarman (I) 

Skaodavarman (ID 
Simhavarman c. 500 A.D. 
Vi srmgopa varman 


c. 300 A.D. 



c. 400 A.D. 



D&modaravarman (about tbe end of the fourth 

century and tbe beginning 

of the fifth). 



c. 350 A.D, 


c. 320-345 A.D. 


c. 345-370 

Nandivarman (I) 

c. 370-395 ,, 


c. 395-420 

Nandivarman (II) 

c. 420-445 


c. 445-470 

Vikramabendra (Vikramendra I ?) c. 500-520 



c. 520-535 

e. 550 A.D. 

Madhavavarman I 

c. 535-585 ,, 

[Madhavavarman II 

c. 585-615 ,,] 1 

Vikramendravarman I (II?) 

c. 615-625 


c. 625-655 

Vikramendravarman II (III?) c. 655-670 M 

1 If it is believed that Madhavavarman n issued his charter as hia grandfather's 
viceroy i bis reign should be omitted and the succeeding reigns closed up. 


c. 340 A,D. 
400 A. D. 

472 A.D. 
545 A J>. 

Barfy Kadambas of Mayiirafarman's Line 





Kakustbavarman c. 405-35 A.D. 


Mjrge^avarman c. 470-90 ,, 

Bavivarman c. 490-538 ,, 

Harivarman c. 538-50 ,, 




c. 450 A.D. 
c. 490 A.D. 

c. 530 A.D. 

Early Kadambas of Krsnavarmari s Line 

Krpavarman I 
Visnuvarman I 
Krnavarman II 

About the 
middle of 
6th cent. 

Early Kadambas : Miscellaneous 





c. 450 AD. 




P. 5, 1. 32. Read between two Snanda kings. 

P. 9, II. 2-3, 12, etc. Read Jaggayyapeta ; Read Nandi- 
gama. L. 20. Omit middle and. 

P. 16. Read Camtamula I (second quarter of the third 
century A.D.) ; Virapurisadata (third quarter of the third 
century) ; Ehuvula Camtamula II (fourth quarter of the third 

P. 20, 1. 16. Omit (Vapisrl ?). Note A* Vogel suggests, the 
name may be connected with names like Bappikd. L. 25. NoteIt 
is significant that epithets like virupdkhapati-mahdsena-parigahita 
are applied to Camtamula I and not to bis son and grandson. 

P. 23, II. 1-2. Read Rudrasena I, II, III, IV. Rudrasimha 
I, II, III. L. 30. NoteVanavdsa as a form of the name of 
Banavasi or Vaijayanti is found in inscriptions and literature 
(Bomb. Gaz., I, ii, p. 278 ; Vikramdnkadevacarita, V, 23 ; 
XIV, 4). 

P. 24, L 21. Bead dated on the 10th day of the 6th fort- 
night of varsd, 

P, 25, II. 18-19. NoteMatuka has been supposed to be 
the same as the Nikayas, corresponding to the maittMna (matr- 
sthdna, i.e., matrices) of the Jains (Ind. Cult., I, p. 107 ff. ; Law, 

Mahaeira, p. 59). 

P. 28, L 1. Read dated on the 13th day of the 6th fortnight 
of winter. L. 10. Omit and other therls. L. 12. Omit 
that is, who belonged to. L. 15. Bead and also fcious people of 
other countries (of. ndnddesa-samdgatdnam) . 

P. 29, I. 33. Read the word in Indian literature. Add 
The word cinapatta is mentioned in the Pali Buddhist works, 
Apaddna and Milinda-panho, and also in the Canonical book 
called Buddhavamsa (p. 60), supposed to be a work of the 1st 


cent. B.C. See Ind. Cult., IV, p. 381. It is also mentioned in 
Kautilya's Arthatdstra. 

P. 32, I. 10. Add Dantapura is mentioned in some other 
Ganga records, e.g., a grant of Madhukamarnava (Journ. Andhra 
Hist. Res. Soc., VIII, p. 181). Sometimes the name is written 
Dantipura. L. 16. Note The Nallamalai range seems to have 
been known by the general name Sriparvata. 

P. 33, I. 25. Read dated on the 5th day of the 6th fortnight 
of winter (hemanta). 

P. 34, 1. 15. Bead dated on the 10th day of the 8th 
fortnight of varsd. L. 28. Add A fragmentary pillar ins- 
cription dated in the 6th year of Virapurisadata has been 
discovered at Bamireddipalle not far from the Jaggayyapeta 

P. 35. Note The name Ehuvula may be compared with 
names like Hamgunavula-Devana of a 7th century Darsi record 
(A.R.S.I.E., 1933-34, p. 41). 

P. 42, 1. 1 Read issued on the 1st day of the 1st fortnight 
of hemanta. 

P. 45, L 4. Note According to Hemacandra's Detindmamdla, 
aviam means uktam which signifies " speech." 

P. 55, 1. 2. Read their own copper-plate granis L. 3, etc. 
Read Damodaravarman . 

P. 56, I. 37. Add Mi. V. S Eamachandramurti has 
recently written a note on the inscription in the KapoteiSvara 
temple at Chezar la (Journ. Andhra Hist. Res. Soc., XI, p. 43 
ff.). A tentative reading of the record has been published in 
5; Ind. Ins., VI, No. 594. The record belongs to Satsabhamalla 
whose mother was the Mahadevi Avanitalantavatl (?), dear 
daughter of Kaodararaja. King Kandara is said to have belonged 
to the mahdgotra of the great sage Ananda. He was the lord of 
" the Black Benna " (i.e., Krsnavenna or Krishna) in which 
the Andhra girls used to take their bath , of the Trikuta parvala, 
of the city called Kandarapura, and also of two janapadas 
(janapada-dvitaya). Mr. B. V, Krishna Rao thinks that this 
Trikuta- par vata is mentioned in the Ipur grant of Visnukundin 
Madhavavarman II as Trikuta-malaya, and identifies it with 


Kotappakonda near Kavur. One of Kandara's two janapadas 
may have been the district round the Trikuta hill and the other 
the district round Kandarapura (not yet identified). The banner 
of king Kandara is said to bear the representation of Golangula 
(a species of monkey). As sometimes the banner and crest of 
a dynasty are found to be the same, it may not be impossible 
that the seals attached to the Goran tla and Mattepad plates bear 
the representation of a monkey. Prince Satsabhamalla, 
daughter's son of king Kandara, appears to have been called 
Prthivi-yuvaraja, and is possibly also credited with victory in 
some battles at Dhanyakata. The first case-ending in the epithet 
prthivi-yuvardja and the epithet kdlUvarasdraviraketu (which is 
no doubt different from Kandara's epithet goldngula-vijaya-ketana) 
possibly suggest that the epithets in lines 2-4 of the record belong 
to Satsabhamalla and not to his maternal grandfather Kandara. 
The seal of Satsabharnalla's family bore the representation of 
Muraripu (Visnu) on Garuda and its ketana or banner had the 
figure of a seated vulture (grdhra). May Kalisvarasaravira be 
the name of the vigraha whose figure was the crest of Satsabha- 
malla's family ? 

P. 58, /. 19. Note May Vakevara be a mistake for Tryam- 
bakesvara ? LI. 24-25. Note According to Coomaraswamy 
(History of Indian and Indonesian Art, p. 77), the Kapotesvara 
temple (4th century A. D.) at Chezarla in the Kistna district is 
" a structural cattj/a-hall originally Buddhist and later connected 
to Hindu usage." May it have been built by Damodaravarman, 
the only known Buddhist king of the locality, who ruled about 
the close of the 4th or the beginning of the 5th century ? 

P. 62, I. 29. Read supplanted by the Pallavas. 

P. 78, I. 25. Note Some scholars think that the grant 
contains a date in year 138 which should be referred to the Gupta 
era (Bhandarkar, List, No. 2036), while others think that it is 
dated in the king's 7th regnal year. The reading and suggestion 
of the former are very doubtful. 

P. 80, I. 10. Note This is the Kindeppa grant published by 
Mr. M. Narasimham in Journ. Andhra Hist. Res. Soc., VIII, 
p. 160. The Siripuram grant of the same king (issued from 


Devapura, possibly the chief town of Devaras^ra) was also 
published by the same scholar in Bhdratl (Telugu) , September, 
1931. The suggestion that the Siripuram grant is dated in year 
8 of the Saka era cannot be accepted. L. 17. Add The Tandi- 
vada plates (Journ. Or. Res., IX, p 188 ff.) issued from Pista- 
pura in the 46th year of Prthivi-maharaja, son of Vikramendra 
and grandson of Maharaja Kanadurjaya, have been ascribed to 
the first half of the 7th century. The kings mentioned in this 
record appear to have ruled after the kings of the other records 
already discuss e d. Prthivi-maharaja may have been the king of 
Pistapura overthrown by Pulake&n II. 

P. 81, L 2. Bead beginning of the 6th century. L. 14. Read 
takes to have been. 

P. 89, L 39. Add Note that a record of Harjjara, an Assam 
king of the 9th cent., is dated in Gupta 510 (Ind. Cult. V, 114). 

P. 112, I. 40. Add Dr. E. C. Majumdar suggests that the 
struggle between Indravarman and the Ganga king Indra should 
be placed before the Calukya conquest of Pistapura (Outline of the 
History of Kalinga [offprint], p. *22). I do not think it absolutely 
necessary ; but the suggestion may be reconciled with our chro- 
nology if we think that Madhavavarman II did not rule (see 
above, p. 133 ff.) and give Vikraraendravarman I a shorter reign. 
In that case, Indravarman may be placed in c. 487-517. His 
Ganga contemporary would then be an earlier Indravarman who 
reigned in Ganga years 87 and 91. 

Add. A word about Fleet's chronology of the Eastern Calu- 
kyas, which we have accepted in this work. Fleet thinks that 
Kubja-Visnuvardhana's reign began, as his brother's viceroy, in 
615 (Ind. Ant., XX, p. 12). But his date 888 as the first year of 
Calukya-Bbima I has now been provad wrong by the Attili grant 
(C. P. No. 14 of 1917-18) which gives the king's coronation date 
on Monday, April 17, 892. According, to the Chendalur grant 
C&p. Ind., VII, p. 236 f.) there was a lunar eclipse in Vai&kha- 
purnima in Mangiyuvaraja's 2nd year which, according to Fleet, 
falls in 672-73. Actually however there was no Junar eclipse in 
that tithi between the years 666 and 682. It ie therefore not 
impossible that the beginning of Viemirardhana's reign w*i 


a few years later than 615. Mr. M. 8. Sarma thinks that 
he began to rale " Vengl " in 633 (Journ. Or. Res., IX, 
p. 17 ff.), while Mr. B. V Krishna Rao thinks it to be 624 
(Journ. Andhra Hist. Res. Soc,, IX, iv, p. Iff.). Historical 
arguments in support of both the theories are however weak. 
Both the scholars rely on the doubtful evidence of the Kopparam 
grant (above, pp. 117-18). Krishna Rao follows Lakshmana Rao 
and thinks that Pulake&n II conquered " Vengl " in 611 ; Sarma 
follows Hultzsch and takes 632 as the date of the conquest. 
In my opinion the former theory is improbable and the latter is 
just possible. But Pulake&n had to fight with two generations 
of Pallava kings and no doubt led several expeditions to the east 
coast country. There is no guarantee that the date of the con- 
quest coincided with that of the grant. If however Fleet's epoch 
is wrong, one of these dates should be examined astronomically, 
because according to the Cbipurupalle grant there was a lunar 
eoJipse in Sravana-purnima in Kubja-Visnuvardhana's 18th year, 
and after 632 (date of the grant according to Fleet) the nearest 
lunar eclipse on that tithi were in 641 and 650. In my opinion, 
the latter date is too late, as it would make a very long difference 
between the dates of the Polamuru grants of Madhavavarman I 
and of Jayasimha I. Moreover, the astronomical details in 
the Chendalur grant of Mangij uvaraja supports Krishna Rao's 
theory, not Sarma's. The Musinikonda grant, we should 
notice, is supposed to support Sarma. It gives the chronogram 
date read as svddita (va = 4, da - 8, ta = 6), i.e., Saka 
684 = 762 A.D. as following in Visnuvardhana(III)'s reign 
(A. R. S. Ind. Ep., 1917, p. 116 ; for the chronogram system, 
Burnell, S. Ind. PaL, p, 76). Visrmvardhana III ruled 
in 709-46 (Fleet), or 719-55 (Krishna Bao) or 727-63 (Sarma). 
But since to, da, dha, and da may be confused in early- mediae- 
val Telugu script, Fleet and Krishna Rao may read svddita and 
svadhita respectively to suit their theories, da being =3 and dha= 
4. Another difficulty is with the Terala grant (No. 80 of 1929- 
30) giving the date in the Saka year Bahudhanya and Karttika- 
dukla-paficaml on Sunday (A.D. 739 or 859) as falling in the 5th 
year of a Visnuvardbajia (III or IV), which does not suit any of 


the three theories. Year 5 may be a wrong reading. The problem 
cannot be solved in the present state of our knowledge; but of the 
three dates 615, 624 and 633, the possibility of 624 as the first 
year of Kubja-Visnuvardhan's rule at Pistapura seems to be 
just a little more than the other two. 

P. 114, 1. 35. Add The Chicacole grant of Indravarman 
(Bhandarkar, List, No. 1474) dated in year 128 of the Ganga era 
refers to a lunar eclipse in MargaSrsa-paurnamasi. According to 
Dr. Majumdar's theory, this year falls in 678-85 A.D. But there 
was no lunar eclipse in Margasirsa-paurnamasI in the period 
between 673 and 689 A.D. 

P. 116, I. 80. Read end of the 7th or somewhere. 

P. 117, L 4. Note Not Vengi, but Bezwada, however, seems 
to have been the capital at the time. 

P. 124, 1. 31. Add In this connection, it is also interesting 
to note that in Telugu works like Somadevarajyam (Journ. 
Andhra Hist. Res. Soc., Ill, p. 113) the Kakatiyas are represented 
as descendants of a certain Madhavavarman of the lunar 

P. 126, 1. 36. Read Vengi Ten Hundred. Add See Journ. 
Or. Res., XI, p. 221 ff. The district is sometimes referred to 
Vengi-sahaera or Vengipura-visaya-grama-sahasra. Gfrawa=tbat 
which is the subject of an assessment (Abhidhdna rdjendra), 

P. 129, I. 5. Note As generally believed, this Madhava may 
have been Dbarmaraja's younger brother. LI. 6-8, Note The 
suggestion is possible if Trivara had a long reign and if Sailodbhava 
Dharmaraja may be placed about the middle of the seventh 
century. Scholars like B. D. Banerji and D. B, Bhandarkar 
are inclined to identify Sainyabhita-Madhavavarman II (son of 
Ayagobhita, son of Sainyabhita-Madhavavarman I) of the 
Ganjam (Gupta year 300= A.D. 320) and Khurda grants with 
Sainyabhita II-Madhavavarman-grlnivasa (son of Ayafobhita, born 
in the family of Sainyabhita I) of the Buguda and Parikud grants. 
Some scholar? however point out that the latter grants should be 
placed centuries later on (doubtful) grounds of palaeography 
and on the strength of the passage tasy-dpi vamte with 
reference to the relation between Sainyabblta I and his successor 


Ayafobhlta (R. 0. Majumdar, Journ. Andhra Hist. Res. 
8 oc., X, p. 1 ff.)\ But the striking resemblance in the 
genealogy furnished by both sets of the records cannot be explain- 
ed away. Sailodbhava Ayafobhlta may have been an adopted 
son of Sainyabhita I. We cannot therefore be definite on 
this point until further evidence is forthcoming. If Sainya- 
bhita-Madhavavarman Il-Srinivasa reigned in 620 A.D., his 
grandson may be placed in the middle of the seventh century. 
Pr. Bhandarkar's contention that the Kondedda and Puri grants of 
Dharmaraja are dated in Gupta year 5l2632 A.D. (List, Nos. 2040 
and 2041) is however clearly wrong ; because the Parikud grant 
of his father Ayasobhlta-Madhyamaraja (ibid, No. 1675) shows that 
the intervening reign covered more than 25 years. L. 12 ft. 
Note.Iu Ep. Ind., XXII, p. 19 ff., Prof. V. V. Mirashi accepts 
my Visnukundin chronology, and believes that Tivara of Kofela 
reigned in 530-50 A.D. L. 35. Add. C/, the passage referring 
to the kaumdra-keli of Laksmanasena with the females of Kalinga 
in the Madhainagar grant (Ins. Beng., Ill, p. Ill); also 
"who fulfilled the ardent wishes of the Gauda women," etc., 
applied to Yuvaraja Keyuravarsa in the Bilhari inscription (Ray, 
Dynastic History, II, p. 760). 

P. 134, 1. 3. Note. The god on the hill at Kotappakonda 
(near Kavfir in the Narasaraopet taluka of the Guntur district) 
is called Trikdtigvara in inscriptions. Mr. Krishna Rao suggests 
that Trikotii$vara=Trikute6vara, lord of the Trikuta hill, and that 
Triku$a-malaya=Trikuta hill, malai (the Dravidian original of 
malaya) meaning " a hill." See /own. Andhra Hist. Res. Soc. 9 
XI, p. 45. The suggestion does not appear improbable. The 
acceptance of this theory would necessitate the omission of 
the reign of Madhavavarman II from the table at p. 112 

* P. 140, L 4ff. I now believe that Patafijali is much later than 
the Sunga king, and iha pusyamitram ydjaydmah, etc., of the 
Mahdbhdsya are merely " stock instances.'* 

P. 176, I. 15. The evidence of the Penukonda grant is sup- 
ported by that of the Pura grant (Mys. Arch. Surv., A.B., 1930, 
p. 259). 



P. 280, 1. 32. Read ParameSvaravarman I c. 670-90, accord- 
ing to Dubreuil. 

P. 185, 1. 1. Readyuddhesu. 

P. 192, 1. 21. Note. According to Manu (XI, 35), the five 
great Bins are brahma-hatyd surd-pdnam steyam gurv-angana- 
gamah, mahdnti pdtakdny ahuh samsarga~ c=*dpi taih saha. 
Kulluka says that steya brdhmana-suvarna-harana, guru** pit a, 
and samsarga is for one year only. The Mahabha. (XTTI, 130, 
38) also gives a list of five great sins in the tloka, brahmahd 
caivagoghnas-caparaddrarata-*ca yah, a&raddhadhana& ca 
narab striyam ya = c opajivati. 

P. 193, L 10. Add The next parihdra means exemption from 
taxes, forced labour, and komjala the meaning of which is not 
known, A-parampard-balivadha-gahana has already been ex- 

P. 200, I. 7. Read were to be. 

P. 207,1. 34. Bead Arabic. 

P. 212, 1. 9. Add Another copper-plate grant of Siniha- 
varman dated in the month of Sravana of his tenth year has been 
discovered in Nellore Dist. (An.Rep.S Ind.Ep., 1934-35. p. 30). 
Simhavarman, son of Yuvamaharaja Visnugopa, grandson of 
Skandavarman and great-grandson of Yiravarman, granted with 
the object of securing long life, strength of arm and victory a 
village called Yilavatti in Mundarastra to a Brahmana named 
Visnuarman who belonged to the Gautama gotra and Chandoga 
akha. The seal bears a coucbant bull facing the proper left 
with another figure (said to look like an anchor or boat) 
above it. 

P. 216, 1 37. AddI>r. N. Venkataramanayya has recently 
suggested (Journ. Andhra Hist. Res. Soc., X, p. 89 ff.) that 
Karnata=Kanna visaya or Kannadu, the original home of the 
Satavahanas at the foot of the Sri&ula. According to him, 
Kanna-Karna, an abbreviated form of Satakarna, i.e., Satakarni. 
He thinks that the kingdom of the Satakarnis became known as 
Karnata from the name of their original home and became after- 
wards restricted to the western part of their kingdom where their 
rule lingered for a longer period than elsewhere. The suggestion 


may ,oot be unreasonable, and the name Karnata may have 
Actually been derived from that of the Kanna visaya. But as 
there IB no early evidence to support the theory, it is impossi- 
ble to be definite on this point in the present state of our 
knowledge. The equation Kanna =Satakarni and the suggestion 
that the original home of the Satavabanas was at the foot of the 
Sri&ila cannot be conclusive until further evidence is forthcoming. 

P. 227, I 26. Read Nanda kings. 

P. 229, I. 28. Bead mentioned in. L. 29. -Bead pillar. 

P. 230, II. 8, 23. Readfig tree. 

P. 254, L 5. Add Verse 13 of the Davangere grant 
(Mys Arch.Surv., 1933, p. 116) is supposed to suggest that 
Eundagiri or Miligundagiri was Eagbu's capital. But the verse 
seems to mean that a hill-fort called Milikunda (near A sand I?) 
repulsed an attack of Baghu, but was conquered by Ravi. 

P. 255, I. 24. Bead Gupta kings. 

P. 262, I. 10. Bead due to. L. 32. Bead and to provide. 

P. 267, I. 6. Bead Halsi grant. 

P. 269, L 13. Bead A patl or piece. 

P. 273, I. 16. Add A record of Eavivarman dated on a certain 
bright fortnight day of Madhu (Caitra) in the king's 34th year 
has been discovered by a lawyer of Davangere (Mys. Arch.Surv., 
1933, p. 109 ff). It begins with siddham, and a verse (Prabar- 
sim metre) in adoration to Sarvajna-Sarvalokandtha which possibly 
means Siva. The record is interesting as the verses describ- 
ing the king are composed in a developed Kavya style. It 
records a grant of lands for (the continuation of) worship at 
a Siddhayatana or Saiva temple possibly at Asandi (identified 
with a village of the same name in Kadur taluka near 
Ajjampur), and for the prosperity of the sangha (ascetics 
belonging to the temple?), at the instigation of Haridatta 
who may be the fresthin of that name mentioned in the Banna* 
halli grant. The lands granted were at Asandi, and at Kora* 
manga near the boundary-stone (upaldka) of a bridge. One 
nivattana (by royal measure) of granted land was in a field near 
the bridge to the south of Asandi. The king granted, before 
MB Samantas, also one nieartana at Samara (sic. samaya** 


extremity?) of the bridge and three nivartanas (by royal measure) 
at Vetikauta, The localities mentioned may have been in the 
vicinity of Asandl. The identification of KQramanga with 
Koraroangala 8 miles from Hassan and 40 miles away is 

P. 277, I 21. Bead verses. 

P. 280, I. 7. Omit during. 

P. 285, 1. 80. Read Satavahana contemporary. 

P. 287 , I. 14. Read north-eastern. 

P. 301, /. 16. Read refer. L. 25. Read Durvimta-Kongani- 

P. 326, L 6. Read Davangere. 

P. 825, L 16. Read 4th-5th centuries. 

P. 330, 11. 37-39. Bead t/o[na]fca. NoteKarodi (Sans- 
krit: Jcaroti) means " a cup." 

P. 353, I. 18. Beadreceived in 1714 A.D. 

P. 358, /. 20. Bead drowned in. 

P. 366, J. 21. Bead wherein. L. 26. Read by fire. 

P. 367, /. 33. Bead wherein. 

P. 382, L 30. Read to be the Oltika variety of the Misragana 
metre. L. 31. Bead 115. 

P. 391, Read c. 400 A.D. Damodaravarman. 

P. 392. Readc. 350 A.D. Hastivarman. c. 340 A.D. 
Mayuraforman. 400 .\.D. Raghu. 472 A.D Mrge&varman. 
545 A.D. Harivarman. 

P. 398, I. 30. Bead proved wrong. 

P. 399, /. 19. Bead lunar eclipses. L. 27. Bead as falling. 


Aberia, Abiria 242, 244 

A-bhata-praveta 186f., 249f., 268, 266, 291 

ibhlra tr. 242f. 

trfrya 220, 270, 277 

Acyutavikrama 287n. 

Atfavi-Cfttasiri 20, 26 

Addhika, Ardhika 90, 189 

Afleyara-rastra 199 

Adhik&ra-punifa 181 


Adhistftna 80, 171, 276, 293 

Adhyatya 210 f. 

Adi-maba-Bappura-vamfo 237n. 

Idityasakti 245 n 

A-dugdha'dadht-grahana 192f. 

Agni-divya 128, 361f. 

Agnihotra 17, 21, 88 

AgniBfoma 17, 21, 88f., 88, 102f., 124, 189, 


Agaisarman 106, 180. 134 
AgraMra 93, 108ff., 137f., 251, 293 
Agnri caste lln. 
Argarou, Aigaru 146 
Ah&ra 42 
Aharisti 277 

A-haritaka-i&ka-pUfpa-grahana 192f. 
Ahicchatra 287 
Airavata 113 

Ajavarmao 280f., 304, 393 
Ajjhita-bhattarika 256 
I/flaptt'94, 265 
A-kora-v^i-konjala 192 
A'khatv&-v&8-audana 307 1 

AJatanda, Alexandria 31, 322 
A-lavana-kreni-khcmaka 193 
Alexandria 822 
A'hwkhMoka, A-lovaya-khataka 43f., 

A-lotya-gufa-whobho, A -lavana-gufaksobha 

44n., 192f. 
Allnru Inscription 828 
Aaarapura 188 
AID art ?atl 87, 40, 183 
Ammal U6 
Ajnma II 11 7n. 
Ammanadeva 14n. 
Anaji inacriptioB 816ff. 
Inanda df . 89, 60ff., 65ff., 26, 296n., 891, 



inanda-jma-vratlndra 226 

Ananta6aktivarman 80n. 

icarta 153 

Andhra country or people Iff., Ill, I20n., 
126,128n., 136, 143, 150, 163ff.,184, 
J18, 224 

Andhra (Satavahana) 242f 

Andhrapatha 4, 14, 165, 135, 223, 243 

Afigika-kala-vardhana 221 

Anomasa, Anavamjtya 48f. 

Antab-kara-vifttka 266, 291, 807 

Antahpdla 238 

Antaka (Yam a) 196 

Antialkidas 323 

Antiokhus n Theoa 821f. 

Aotnkkura 61 

Ana tr. 313 

Anudhyata 239n. 

A-tfna-k&tfha'grahana 192f. 

AparamabavmaseJiya 25f., 38 

A-parainpara-bahvarda-grahaqa 186f., 192f. 

Apartnta 28, 80, 133, 219, 241, 248n., 325f. 

Apar&rnaTa 239 

Aparasailiya 25 f. 

Apastamblya 211 

Apavcsa, Apr&vefya 43 

Apitti 189, 192 

Aptoryama 88 

Araktfdhikrta 190f. 

A-rH^ra-ea^ivinayika 48f., 186f., 192f, 

Aravelly Ban^e 243 

Ardhika 90, 199 

Arbat 262, 264, 276, 287 

Arjuoayapa tr. 229f. 

Aronarnoi 147 

Artha 297 

Arthafastra 356n. 

Arutofa 95, 332 

AmvaD&4a 148 

Arya, Ayyar 43, 291 

Iryftvarta 91 

Asanapura-Bthana I08f 251, 342 

Asandl 403f. 

Asmaka tr. lit. 

Afeka, Afokayarman 2, 140f., 157, 217, 251, 

Assyrian 334n. 

Asraghosa 879, 389 

Asraka tr. 230 

Asvamedha 4, 17f., 21, 38f., 86ff., 98ff., 
124ff., 127f., 154ff,, 164ff., 188, 189, 
201, 206, 238n., 240, 258, 267,274 A n. t 
280ff., 284ff., 289n, 291, 296, 297ff. f 
301 & n., 304, 811, 386, 840, 843ff. 

AsTapati 814 

Asvatthaman 163n. 

Atirfttra B8 



Itithya land, 186n. 



Audamedba 211 

Aurangzlb 851f . 

Avanitalantavatl 396 

Avinlta Kongani 246, 268, 299ff. 

Ayiatobblta 400f. 

Ayria-hamgha, irya-saxpgha 25f. 

Ayodhyfi 10 

A ukta, Aytiktaka 93, 95f., 207, 265 

Ayjar 29 L 

Ayyavarman, iryavarman 176f., 247, 264 

Badami 47n., 142, 809, 312 

Badira fa. 

Badovara-kwtra 256, 270 

Bagdi lln. 

Bahadur Shah II 353 

BahuButiya 35 

BahuBUvarna 98 

Baithana 3, 149 

Balance Ordeal 360f. 

Bdladri Gautami 142 

Balbara, Vallabharaja 207 

Balbika 326 

Balkb 313 

Baipbftre-ta4&ga 270 


Banavaai Province or City 30, 215ff., 247, 
269, 815, 395 

Bandhosena 270 

Banoahalli grant 297ff . 

Baoavasi grant of Cu\u Satakarni 220f. 

Bana^Mi grant I of Mfgesavarman 260f . 

Banavasi grant II of Mfgesavarman 261ff. 

Bappagaiman 183n. 

Bapiairinika 20, 22, 24 

Beppa 41n, 188f. 

Bappura, Batpura fa. 237n. 

Barbara 323 

Barn&aa R. 244 

Basaxonagofl 147ff. 

Batoi 147 



Benagouron 71f . 

Bennnr grant 294ff* 

Besnagar 156 

Bezwft4al4,120n. t 124n. 

Bhajamanusta, Batamanuqya 190 

Bbadrabahu 216 

Bhaglratta fl 
Biudravrtvara temple 241 
ftnadakti 244 f., 277, 281n. 

BbinuvariBan 282, 269, 273, 981n:, 290 

^hahkdva jarya 570 , ', , 


~" |teta Daufljanti 125, 847 

Bhat&ri dy. 267 

Bhatideva 28, 85 

Bhaft&raka 209 

Bhattisamma 193 

Bbava (Siva) 257 

Bhava Kdtyapa 291 

Bhava Kauhka 291 

Bhava Kurukutsa 291 

Bbavako^igupta 211 

Bhavaskandatrata 167, 197 

Bhik^-hala 195, 198 

Bhilea 166 

Bhoga 198 

Bhogivannan 280f., 804.!., 898 

Bhoja, Bhojaka 94f., 198, 261, 263, 265, 270 

Bhojavarman 81n. 

Bbrta Purukutea 291 

Bbj-ta Vatsya 291 

Bhukti 198 

Bhutamangala-on-Kftver! 237n. 
Bhnta^arman 305 

BbutiiSarman Bharadvaja 291 

Bbuti^arman Kaundtnya 291 

Bilexnbali 106 ' 

Bimbaka, Bimbika 349 

Birur grant 290ff. 

Bodbieiri 28, 32 

Bodbi Tree 32 

Brabmadatta fa. 314 

Brahmadeya, Bahmadeya, Bahmadtjja 42, 

186, 197, 200, 208, 248ff., 266 
Brahmadeya-maryada 200, 210, 298 
Brahman (god) 290 
Brahmana lln. 
Brahmapurl 137 
Brahmottara 295 
B r had-Bfina 238 
Brhaepatisava 88 
Brhat-Paralura 261 

Bfhatphalgyana df/. 14f., 39, 41ff., 391 
Britieh Museum grant 194f. 
Buddha 10 
Buddbavarman of British Museum grant 

65ff., 175, 194 
Buddhavarman of Chendalur grant 160. 

178ff., 201 
Buddhism 87ff., 197 
Baddhyankora 175, 194 

CatfaBlti 143,163 

Caity&laya 277, 287 

Gakora Aft. 142 

Calukyady. 4, 112n M 113ff., 142, 158f., 

158, 216n., 244 f., 254n., 257, 274 f., 

801f., 809, 812, 340, 897f. 
Calukya-Bblma I 397 
Calukya-Bhlua II 116 
Cftmtamula (C&ntamula) I 4, 14, 16ff, 84, 

88, 87,164f.,315,895 
Cftmtamula (Cantamula) II Ebuvula 16, 

28, 26, 85f., 166, 815, 895 
Cftmtaiiri, Oftmtisiri 24, 27. 88f. 
Can<Jadan<}a 18Qff., 272f., 281 


(OandrasrT) Satakarni 162ff. 
Can4avarman of Rating a 74ff . 
Cajj<javarinan Salankayana 65f.,68ff., 74ff., 


Oaadragupta (Maurya) 141f., 216ff. 
Candragupta I (Gupta) 68f., 177 
Candragupta H (Gupta) 88, 185f., 177, 

252f., 256 
Candraksanta 275 
Gandra Sftti 3, 144 
OandravatT 185 
CarmanvatI R. 244 
Cfcrudevi67f., 194 
Casamisannan 172, 209 
Cabana 22f., 143, 164, 244 
Cafta, Cabala. Gaftaya, Caftayya 17n. 
Caturdanta 113, 137 
Caturmasya 262 
Gedi era 241 
Ceficeruva 95, 332 
Cendalfira 197 
Cera 2 
Ceeapalli 291 
Chandogafekha, Cbandogyasutra 197, 211, 


Chandra valli inscription 2iOff. 
Chaplain 20, 22, 24, 26ff. 
Chendalur grant 196ff. 
Obezarla inscription 396f. 
Chikkolla grant 139 
Chore Santal 281 
Cikura 80n. 
Gilata, Kirata 28f. 
Cillarekakodunika 189, 192 
Ctna 23f., 825, 395 
Cificinacja 95 
Cinnapura 96 

Citrarathasvamin 76, 83f., 331 
Cola llf., 115, 119, ]56n, 160 
Coast Country 146ff. 
Cola-mandala 146ff. 
Coja-rat^ha 237 n. 
Curft 172 
Gfitapallava 158 
Cu$u/a.ll2n.,218ff., 224f., 243n., 249ff., 


Gu(a Satakarni 2, 5, 24, 36, 153, 158n. 
Gula-Caipdamukha 27 
Cula-Catptiairinika 21, 26 

Dahrasena 241 

Dakain&patha 1, lln., 91, 150, 218, 285, 

291, 844 

Daklin&patha-pati, Dak?inapathetvara 1 
Daliyavftvi R. 386f., 181 
DftlQra 195 

Damaklrti 261, 265, 270f 
Dftmalarman of Mangalur grant 211 
Damaferman of Polamuru grant 337, 341 
Damila 28, 81 


Dfimodaradatta 308 

Damodaravarman 51, 55ff. f 62 

Darrfa 263 

Dan$anaya>ka 239 

Dantapura 81f., 149, 396 

Darada 325 

Darsi grant 202f . 

Databandhn 295f . 

Da^anapura 170ff. f 202, 211 

Dasatajaga 270 

DaSavarman 118n. 

Davangere grant of Ravitarman 403f. 

Deccan, Dakkhana, Daksina 1 

Demetrius 323 

Den^aluru 116, 139 

Deta 96 

Detadhikrta 190f . 

Det&dhtpati 93, 95 

DefomMya 270 

Devabhoga 248, 260 

Devabhogahala 94f., 197, 200, 203 

Devabhoga-eamaya 262 

Devagiri 32 

Devagiri grant 287f. 

Devahala, Devabhogahala 84f., 94/., 208f., 

Devakula 261 

Devapura 398 


Devasakti 245 

Deva^arman Katyapa 209 

Devasarman Kaun^inya 308 

Devavarman Kadamba 280f., 284, 290f. 

Devavarman Salahkayana 65f. f C8f , 84f 

86ff., 166,168 ' f 

Devavarman Vt$nukun$in 99, 104ff. 
Dhaifafiakada, Dhanyaka^aka 4. 2 3 
Dhanada (god) 196 
Dhanaka fa. 20, 26 
Dhanurvidya 297 
Dhanyakataka 14, 120n. f 165, 185 
Dharmadharma or Dbarmaja Ordeal 128. 


Dharmagiri 32 
Dharrna-maharaja, Dharma-mahardjddhi- 

raja 39, 165, 171 & n., 183n., 189, 248, 

260fP,268ff., 844 
Dharmauandin 277 
Dharma^arman 278 
Dharma-yuvamah&raja 207 
Dharanikota 14 

Dha^a-divya, Tula- d ivy a 128, 860f. 
Dbatr^arman 278 
Digha-nikdya 25 
Divya, ( 



Eclipae, Lunar 111, 209n., 887 

Bclipse, 8oUr 209 

Ehnvnla Oftintamula H 28, 26, 35f., 896 

Ekafthahftra 249 

Ellore grant 86ff. 

EJura 90 

Panam 27 
FarrukhaTyar 249 
Fire Ordeal 861f . 


G&jayana Barvat&ta 88 

Oamagdma-bhojaka 1'OOf. 

Ganasarman 90 

Gandhara 28f., 818, 828 

Gandharva (science) 297 

Gandharva-visaya 318 

Ganga dy. 81 & n., 121, 156n., 176ff., 246, 

Ganga era 114n, 400 

Gangava4i 215 

Oautamlputra 8, 41, 142ff., 153, 162ff. 

Oavadhyafya 210 

Ghatika 187 

Ghafotkaca 89n, 311 

GingadagrSma 298 

Giri;>a44e 298 

Girivraja 8l3ff . 

GodavarlB. Ill, 115ff , 131, 149, 211f., 


Gol&ngula 897 
Golaiarman 208, 209 
Gonaodija 185 
Goi?4a Hundranlia 245 
Gopaladeva 816 
Gorantla grant 65ff., 61 
Gosahasra mahadana 18n., 50, 59ff,, 298 
Qotra igasti 62 
Ootra Agniveiya 185 
Gotra Ananda 56, 896 
Ootra itreya 211, 289, 291, 809, 315ff. 
Gotra Atri 815 
Gotra AnpagahaQi 266 
Ootra Aupamanyava 48 
Gotra Babhura (Babhru) 90 
Ootra Bhlradvftja 4ln., 48, 155ff., 207, 211, 


Ootra Brhatpfcalftyana 41, 157n. 
Gotra Garga 278 
Gotra Gautama 48, 107, 211, 268, 298, 811, 

Gotra Kavtia 156n. 

Gotra EAtfyapa 68,61f., 172, 208, 209f.,966, 

6k>eraKaan4iaya 48, 62, 197, 49f., 891, 

Gotra Kautika 48, 211, 291 

Gotra Kautea 278 

Gotra Kurukutsa 291 

Ootra Mftnavya 112n., 222, 225, 088, 248, 

Ootra Ma$<}ira 187 
Gotra Maudgalya 92, 96 
Gotra Paraeara 211 
Gotra Parukutsa 291 
Ootra Salaftkftyana 82f. 
Ootra drivitfha 278 
Gotra Tanavya 48 
Gotra Valandftta 278 
Ootra V&rahi 298 
Gotra Va6i?tha 291 
Gotra Vatfla 106 
Ootra V&taya 291 
Gotra Vfttsyftyana 211 
Gotra Vi^nvrddha 155n. 
Ootra-pravara Tuviyalla 298 
Govagama, Gopagrftma 28 
Govallava 190f. 
Govardhana 248 
Govindacandra 81n. 
Govindaevamin 268 
Govindavarman 98ff., I04ff., 112, 185 
Gramahara 250 
Gramaktila 181 
Oramika 187f., 192 
Guddavidi-visaya 107ff., 121, 130f , 386, 


Guddadivisaya 106, ISO 
GudiTa4a 180 
Gadrab&ra 121, 130 
Gaduru 38 
Qumika 190f. 
Ga^avarmaD 80 
Gupta 89n 

Gupta dy. 12n., 88f., 129, 152f. , 216n., 256f. 
Gupta era 89 n., 255 
Gutta fa. 12n. 

Hadit 11 
Hairajjyakesa 211 

Hala 219 
Hala-nyaya 198 

Halai grant of Bhanuvarman 269 
Halai grant of Mrgetavarman 268ff. 
Halsi grant I of Harivarman 275f. 
Halai grant. II of Harivarman 276f . 
Halsi grant I of Ravivarman 270f . 
Halii grant n of Ramarman, 271ff. 
Haipmaiiri (Harmyairt) 20, 22, 24, 97 
Hara (Siva) 278f., 290 
Hari(Vi W n)278f.,a84 
Haridttta dref(bin 298, 408 
Harisena Vikft(aka 196, 188n , 186, 241, 


Haritlputra 112n, 155, 220ff., 225, 288, 248 

Harivarraan 282ff., 244, 274ff., 291, 297 


HattikoSa llDn., 888. 842 
Hastitiksa 297, 888, 842 
Hastivirman 68ff., 87, 91, 186 
Hebbata grant 292ff . 
Hemanta 262 
Himavat Aft. 227 
Hirahadagalli grant 189ff. 
Hiranyagarbha (Brahman) 50, 278 
Hiranyagarbba Mahadana 6. 18o , 60ff , 

98f., 124ff. f 886 
Hiranyaka fa. 21, 26 
Hiranyakftroadhenu 18n. f 50 
Hiranyasva 18n., 50 
Hiranyas>aratba 18n., 50 
Hire-Sakuna grant 263 
Hitnahebbagilu grant 2f>5f. 
Hirurnufcliuva 32 
Huna 328 

Idamoraka (Indramayfira) 220 
Iksvakudy. 3f ,9ff. t 39, 164flf., 189, 222, 

22i), 315, 388f., 290. 
linage Ordeal 863 
Indo-Scytbia 242, 244 
Indra (god) 196, 266, 297 
Indrabhattaraka Eastern Calukya 113 
Indrabhatiarakavarman or Indravarmao 

Vi?nukttn4in 97, 104, 112ff., 120ff., 

137f , 898 

Indra iatta Traikutaka 241 
Indrasarman 106, 134 
In Iravarman Qanga 82, 114, 398 
Indra varman Vtwukunjin, set Indra- 

Ir.dravarman-Satyasraya-Dhruvar&ja 237o. 

Inxinl-Bingama 264 

Ipur grant of Madhavavarman 1 130f. 

Ipur grant of MSdhavaparman II 133 f. 

Isinavannan 126f., 246 

Ira vat I 814 

Isvaradatta 243 

JainiRin 277 

Jaladivya 861f. 

Janamejaya 848 

J&napadaiana 251 

JanMrayo, title of Madhavavarman I 

Vimukun4m 104 f., 124ff., 336f. 
Jata varman 81 n, 

Jayaccandra Q&ha4avla 350f. 
Jayaklrti 270 

Jayanta, same as Trilocana Kadamba 226 
Jayasiinhk I Eastern Calulcya 108f., U3ff., 



Jayasiinba III Calukya 227n 

Jayasiiphft-vullabha Calukya 802 

Ja^avarman 89, 41ff., 157n., 168, 328 

Jaysingh (Bewai) of Amber 849ff. 

Jedda 245 

Jedugur, same as Jedda. 

Jina 141 

Jinalaya 265, 268, 272 

Jinendra 262f., 365, 270f. 

Jiyanta 265 


Eacci, Kaccippedu 141 

Kadailkura 263 ' 

Kadaka 194 

Ka4akorasa 263 

Eadajakalani 263 

Kadamba (eponym) 225ff. 

Kadamba dy. 6, 24, 312n., 119ff., 129, 185, 

153n., 155, 159n.,203n., 215ff., 22|flp , 

225ff., 282ff., 252, 257, 274, 280ff. 

S06ff,, 317, 382ff., 892f. 
Eftduvetti 302 
Kaggigrama 809 
Kaikeya. Eekaya 287n. 
Kakavarija Saisunftgi 322 
Eakustba BhafrriW 
Eakustbavarman 282ff.,239 f 253ff., 263, 

270, 277f.,282f.,292, 288f. 
Kalabhra 237n. 
Ealacuri era 241 

Kajamba, Kadamba, Kadamba 237n. 
Ealasigama 322 
Kalavanga i-62 
Kalidasa 252 

Ealinga 11, 74f. f 81, 115, 126, 136 
Ealing&dbipati 76, 78ff. 
Kalifiganagara 121 
Kalinga-vifaya 79 
Ealyanl 116n, 119, 142 
Kamakaratha 34 
Kamara 146 

Komburaflceruva 95, 332 
Eamdasiri, Kbamdaairi, Skandasr! 18, 


Kaipgura 62 
Eamman&4u 203 
Kanakagiri 14ln. 
Kafici, Kaficlpura 115, 140ff,, 151ff., 157ff., 

169ff., 175ff,,185, 189, 196, 201, 223, 

233n.,238ff.,243, 272 
KaficT-mangala 148 
Eaficiv&yilgrama 199f. 
Eandara, Ersna 55f., 896f. 
Eandarapura 56f., 62, 396f. 
Kanda varman, Skandavarmao 172 
Eangavarman 232f., 252 
Kanheri inscrip ion 220 
Kaniska 379, 380 
Kanji 141 
Eaona-vifaya 402 



Eanteru grant of Nandivarmo* 92 
Kanteru ffrant of SkanJnv&rman 96 
Eapinl K. 245 
Eappennalft 249 
Kara 293 
Earah&fa 220 
Kararnpura 206 
Earb&4 220 
Karmar^ra 34, 107, 109,1 18f., 181 V 172 

197, 208 209, 837 
Earmakarasfra 197 
Earna$a215ff., 258,267, 272, 281ff., 


Earnesaka R. 291 
Earpenduli 249 
Karsapana 242, 330 
Kara- 298 

Earwannangaip-visaya 298 
Karvvelli 268 
EataJra 28 
Eatattaka 261, 291 
Efctfikuri 95, 832 
Kwnala 115 
KauSikiputra 249f . 
Eau^ilya 356f . 

EaverT B. U5, 118, 245, 237 n. 
Kavya Style 879ff. 
Eekayas of Girivraja 10, 3l3ff. 
Eekayas of Mysore 12n M 15, 26< 


Eerala 115, 221 

Eetakapada 311 

Ketarata 809 

Ehada Sati 220 

Ebaipdacalikireipmanaka 20o., 21, 26 

Ehaifidaa&fraraipnaka 20, 24, 27, 88 

Ehaipdavit&khainnaka 20, 26 

Ehaipdaairi 24, 27 

Ehftravela49, 77n., 79f. 

Khatvahgadhvaja I88n, 

Ebe^a, Khetagrama 266, 270 


Ellaka year 286n. 


Kilnnrrilli 266 

Kirata 29. 628, 826 

KIrtipura 245 

Elrtivara 266f . 

Klrtivarruan I 286 D., 274f.. 340 

EjrQ*Eu4aldr' > pallT 805 

Kittur 245 D1 
Kodabalisiri 23, 85 
Koddoura 88 

Kol&lagrama 807 
Eolana 291 
XolaoaHfira 296 
Kolandio 146 
Kolika 169 
Koli vala 193 

grant 92ff 

Kollwr or EoUeru Lake 115/ 
Komari, Eomlrika 145 
Kramer* 95 
Kojja-Tapuka 249 

Eon4amana-kula 949f. 
~ lamodi grant 41ff. 

, Koi?4ara 181, 209 
Eonginagara 249 
Eo&ka^ivarman 176 
EoQDur inscription 311f. 
Eftrama^gft 403f . 
Eor&Bo4aka-Pafic&lI 78 
Eo^a-divya 128, 368 
Ko^ala 10f., 80, 81, 115, 129f. 
Eo{a Beta II 40 

Eratuaoma^arman 268 
Kriahna R. 88, 115ff , 136, 139, 211, 215, 

i 142, 241 

1 180. 286n., 287, 258f., 267f. f 
275, 280ff., LOOff., 303, 3l6ff. f 3i4, 

Ey^avaruaan n 166, 244, 268, 275, 280f. f 

286n, 294ff , 887, 8 3 
Ejr^abe^a. Ef^avenoa 61, 139 
Erta year 246 
Kyttika 289n. 
K^ftntamula I7n. 
K^atrapa 241f. 
K?atriya lln., 19 
Eabera (god) 196 
Eubiraka 2f. 

Eubja-Vi^avardbana 116ff.,398f. 
93 805 

Endr&bira-vi^aya 42, 92f. 
Ku4obftra Cinnapora 96 
Eu4fira42, 46ff. 
Eadurahftra 42, 92 
Eubundl-vigaya 245* 
Kula (measure) 187 
Eniacarman, Eulaiarman 199 
Kulaha-vihara 82 
Knlaipa 158 

Knli*mabfttaraka temple 195 
Kolottufig* Cola 1 40 
Eomaradatta 271 

fflirapipUieS.dSS, 266 
Efamarftjja 58 
EnmiratolcU 245 
Sumiravarnoan 806f , 898 

rant 160ft. . 

Enmftraiarman Kautta 978 

miraTifna of Omgodu 

181n., lB4n., 901, 206, 
KnmaraTisnuI of Chtndalur ornt 160, 

178ff., 181, 196, 201, 878 
KumiraTiann n of Chenfafar grant 1768., 

Euurada 118 

Eonftla Lake 115f. 

Kunda-Muocunflt 249 

Kuada-Tepaka 249 

Eundnr 172 

Eunjura 107, 109, 131, 887 

Enntala 155, 184 D., 215ff., 228, 225ff., 248, 

Euotalesa 258 o. 
Kuntalanagara 215 
Euntala-datakarni-Batavabana 2l8f. 
Enravaka-drTvara 98 
Eurcaka 264, 276 
Eurgod 215 
Enrnool 185 
Euruv4a 92 
Eusfina 165 
Eusasthall, EuiavatI lln. 

Mahfocn&pelini 21 
MahS6iva TTvararftja 129 

Laksmi 130, 257 
Lattaftr 245n. 
Lekumarigrftma 96 
LcnduJtLravasaka 114, 189 
Linga 189 
Lokamn<}i 96 
Lokapala 196, 202 


Mdjhariputra 20, 242 
Madhava-mabadbiraja 268 
Madbava father of Avinita 299ff. 
Madhava-SiipbavarmaD 176ff., 184 246ff. t 


Madhavavarmao 1 Sailodbhava 400f. 
Mftdbavavarmao II Sailodbhava 400f. 
M&dbavavarmao I Vu^ukun^m 62, 57, 

97ff.,104ff.,112ff., 124ff., 18f., 172n., 

251, 296, SSSff., 348 
Mftdhavavarman II Viwufa**i** C9ff - 

104, 106ff., H2ff., 183, 896ff., 401 
Madhnvarman 310/f., 898 
Madra 8181. 
Madura 147 
Mabftbhava 251 
Mabftbbojl 220f . 
Maba-Cajpdaomkba 27 
Mabftcetiya 25ff. 
Mabfidftna 18n., 50fF. 
MahtdAnapatinl 19 
Mah&darrfanayaka 20, 44 
MabftdtYa (diva) 270, 296 
Mabi-Kftgurflra 84 
Mabl-Kaqidauri 27 
Mahtmttra llOo. 

Mahartj&dhir&ja 89fi., 248 n., 344f. 
Mahftriftra47f. 804 
MaUrafti 144, 152. 220, 222, 224 

Mah&talavara 18ff , 27, 45, 829 

MahHtalavari 9f., 26f, 

Mahattara 181 

MaLayana 87 

MaheDdra ML 142 

Mahendrava^a 181 

Mahendravarman 1 179, 182, 206D., 878 

Mabesvaia (diva) 39, 42, 277 

Mablfi 244 

Mabieaeaka 25f . 




Mairtlia 147 


Majerika 149 

Majjhima-nMya 25 

Ma}apa)ideva 248, 250 

Mftlava, Malaya tr. 12o. 

Malaya Mt. 183, 142, 218 

Malavalli inscription of Cu\u Salakarni 

Malavalli inscription of the Kadamba* 


Malkavu 268 
Malkbe4 142 
Mallikarjuca diva 123 
Mancanna, Mancyanna-bbattAraka 98, 


Man4ana^arman 278 
Maodbataraja, Mandbfttrvarjnan 16C, 188, 


ur, Mangalur 211f. 
l93f..l98, 249, 256f., 2i 6, 269, 

Kfangalesa 51, 274 
Mangalur grant 21 If. 
Mftnklr 207 
Manjbira R. 149 
Mantri parisat 288 
Maoyakbeta 307 
Marade 277 
Mariyasa 249 
Masalia, Maisdlia 146 
Masuli District 148 

Maanlipatam 88, 42ff., 4Cff., 71, 92, 146 
Ma^bara fa. 79f. 
M&thariputra 24, 34f. 
Mt r .gana 289f . 
Mattya 158n. 
Mattal 259 
Mattepad grant 55*., 62 

Mafeitena (god) 18,288". 

ti IQff., 27,144, 152, 240 

Maukbaridy. 111,1361. ,246 
Manrya dy. 12n., 216ff. t 261, 274 
Mayidavoln graai 185ff. 
Mayindavi^tT 887 

MajfiraitrmaB 168, 184 ff., 228, 228ff., 



Mayuravarman, same as May&radarman 

225ff., 288ff., 278n., 801 D. 
Medea 824n. 
Menmfttura-vftiaka 170 
Meruaarman 201 
Milinda, Menander 322f. 
Mitraaarman 278 
Modekarani 807 
Modoura, Madura 147 
Mogalur-visaya 26(8 
Mokari, Maukhari dy. 246 
Molkalmura 808 
Mrgesa 276 
Mrgeda, Mrgelavarman, Mrges>aravarrLan 

166, 203n., 282ff., 255, 260ff., 270, 272, 


Mn4fioanda 224 
Mugiya fa. 18n. 

Muhammad Shih 349, 352 
Mnkkana Kadamba, same as Trtlocana 

Kadamba 227n. 
Mukkanti Pallava, same as Trilocana 

Pallaea 159 
Mulaka lln. 

Mulaku, Mulakura 94f., 332 
Mullfir 266 
Multagi 268 

Mu(04a, Mutuja 90, 93 f. 
r. or fa. 224 

5, 882 
Muraripu (Viah^u) 397 
Murotukajiki 106, 134 


Naga (image) 220 

Naga( tribe) U8ff , 162f., 157f., 239, 288, 


NJgakal 220 n. 
Na^ adatta Brahmana 249 
Nagad^tta engraver 249f. 
N&gadatta king 246 
Nagaraulanika 219 
N&g a barman 278 

Nagari 12n. 
Nagna^arman 137 
Naiyogtia 191, 197, 207f. 
Natyyoka (Naiyogika) 207 
Nala/a 274 

0,289, 317 
Nanda fa, 216ff., 226 
Nanda or Nandodbhttva fa. 77 n. 

Nandivarman Pallava* of Udayendiram 
grant 177ff., 182, 1U6, 199f. f 278 

Naodivarmnn I Salank&yana 68, 91 

Nandivarmanll Sa/an/fdyand 68ff , 74ff., 
77,84f.,92ff t 176 l 208,331 

Nandi^arman 278 

Naravara 268 

Narasitphavannan 1 118, 802 

Naraja^a (Vi^u) 195, 290 

Narayajja^arman 311 

Narendrascna 188o. f 253n., 256 

N argued 215 

Nasik 302n. 

Nataka (Nartaka) 220 

Natrpati 189 

Nau-nand-debra 216, 227 

Najarkbas4a, same as Nagarakhan4a 

Neyika 190f. 

Kikumbhallasakti 244f. 

Nilambur Riant 267ff. 

NJpa fa. 22 ( Jn. 

Nirgrantba sect 262, 264 

Nirvana 2Gf. 

NiBamma 147 

Nivartana 84, 90, 92, 95, 189, 194, 198, 205, 

261, 264, 269f., 272, 295, 807; 309, 


Niyogjn 197 
Nolamba/a. 153n. 

Nolambavadi-Thirty-two-Thousand 308 

NDda-PrabhafijaDavarmaB 71 f. 
NandiD 82f. 

Nftudhw&sn Pallava df Kasdkudi grant 

Odumbara tr. 229 
Omgo^u 203 
Omgodn grant I 201 ff. 
Omgodu grant II 208ff. 
Ongole 203 
Ordeal 127f., 354ff. 
Orthoura 147 
Ozenft 162 

Pamga-Bhavasvamin 296f. 

Paitban 162 

Pala dy. 237 D. 

Palftkka^a 160, 169, 205 

Pala^ika 254ff., 267, 269, 271f., 276f,, 281, 


Pftlgalin! 309 
Pallava dy. 39, 140ff., I45ff., 151ff., 159n., 

176ff., 238n., 238f., 248, 258, 268,282f., 

289, 809, 390f. 
Palma^i 244, 295 
Palotkata, Palakkada 172 
Paflcabandha 296 
Paficftla 156 

PailcalEngala 18n. , - 

Paflca-mah&pAtaka 192, 256, 2(9, 




Pantfft 291 

Pan<fava/a. 81,129 

Pandion, Pan4ya (king) 147 

Pandiones, Paij4y (people) 146 

Pan4ya Country or People 11, 115, 146 f., 

Pahgotkata 266 
Pauria Santal 281 
Papilft 82 
Parattra 261 
Parama-bhagavata 84f., 92, 197, I 1 . 9, 


Parama-brahmajiya 180 
Parama-m&hetvara 84, 137, 139, 277, 


Parama-vaifnava 241 
Paramefoara 187 
Paramesvaravarman I 180n. 
Parasava 826o. 
Pftrasika 321ff. 
Parihara (exemption) 43 f., 62, 93ff., 186ff , 

lP2ff., 198, 200,209f,,249f., 263, 268, 

276, 278, 307f. 
Parih&ra (honorific Rift) 189 
Pfiriyatra Mt. 142, 243 
Piriyatrika ir. 243f . 
Parsava 324n. 
Parthian 163ff. ' 
Pasupati (god) 257n. 
Pa6apati (personal name) 267n. 
PaSupalisarman 278 
Patal6n6 242,214 
Pfctalipotra 141, 217, 226, 266 
Pataflfali 879, 140, 401 


Patia 258 

Pattabandha 283n., 234, 238f., 255 
Panngarlka 98 
PauTd-vyavahdrika 239 n. 
Pauga-samvataara 235f. 
Pay vegundupura 816 
Peda-Kon4uru 181 
Pedda-Vegl 83 
Peddavegi grant 94f., 331ft. 
Pennar R. 141, 146ff. 

Perdala 263 

Peruipbanappft4i 238n., 247 
Peruv&taka 137 
Peshwa 352 
Phila-divya 128, 364 f. 
Pikira 210 
Pikira grant 210f. 
Pingalasvftmin 266 
Pinrf-ki lo (Ping-ki-pu-lo), 

., 114ff., 121, 302n., 398 

Pitr6arman 278 

Pitiapuram.Pithapurara 114ff. t 117 A n 
Pitundra 48f. 

Plaki-rt^f Piaki-vi?aya 320f. f 187f. 
Pogilli, 245 
Poison Ordeal, 862 

f PolamuTD, 181, 257 

Polamuru grant of Madhavavamm !81f., 


Polamaru grant of Jayasityha 34( ff 
Poriyadgul 805 
Pounnuta, PunoA^a 245 
Prabbafijanavartnan 77o., 30 
PrabbftvatJ 260 
Prabbavatlgnpta 88, 136, 256 
Pradhirajya 98 
Pragjyotisa 29 
Prajapati^arman Garga 278 
Prajftpati^armnn Kaimbala 278 
Prajapati barman Valand&ta 278 
Prajapatya 98 
Praluragrama 94, S3-J 
Pranave^vara temple 257, 260 
PravacanaFUtra 200 
Pravarasena I 87 ff., 348 
Pravaraseoa II 253n 
Pravibhdga 278 
Prdhivi-Jayasingha, same as Jayasiipha I 


Prehfira R. 223, 283n., 289 
Prthivl'du v araja, Pfthtv i-yuvaraja 118 
Prtk'/I-mabaraja 398 
PflhivTmula llOo., 113 
PfthivTsena I 88, 263n. 
Prthivlsena H 256 
Prthmvallabha Gopaladeva 316 
PrtbivTvallabha NikambhallaSakti 2i5n. 
PrthivTvySghra 346 
Pudukottdi 146f. 
Pukly/a ] 8,24,26, 38 
Pulakesin I 245, L74, 802 
Pulakesio n 11, 47f., 79, 114ff., 121, 275, 802 
Pulobura, Pulobumra, Polamuru 107ff., 

lllff., 131, 337,841 
Pulum&vi 143ff, 150, 1621T., 189 
Pulumavi Vasistbipntra 3, 41, 148ff., I49f , 

Punata 245f . 

Pundrabhukti, Pundravardhanabbukti llOn. 
Punnadu 245 
Puphagiri, Pupagiri 32f. 
Puraiia (coin) 330 
Puranisangama-vasaka 187 
Puravayam 308 
Purvamahacchalft 262 
Pnrva^aila 330 
Puru-Khe^aka 271 
Purusamedha 98 
PoskalSvati 29 

Puijkara 12n. ' 

Pusyamitra 88, 126, 140, 346 
Puvaketaja 185 
Puvapela, Purvasaila 32f., 880 

_^a 825f. 
Baghu Kadamba 282f., 252, 254, 408 
Ra-hasyadhikria 198, 308,83' 
fi&jabhaga-daJabandha 295 




Rftjamabendrl, Bfijainabendrapura 117 An 

R&japunt?* 93, 05, 


Btjaauya 18, 98, 164 n. 


Bajslr 818 


Jte;;ttto, JJa/fifca 217o., 251 

Rajjugdhaka amocca 251 


Bamatirtbam grant 187f . 

Banadurjaya 898 

. 142, 156n., 206 D., 207, 246, 


RaBtravarmao 246 

Ratihika 190 


Eftvireva 139 

Bamarmao 119, 180, 203 D., 255, 267ff., 

282, 290,295,316,403f. 
Razu, Bacbavar 124s. 
Regoorana 189 
Bice Ordeal 868 
BobaoigQtta, Eohioigupta 195 


fyabha-l&flcliana 188o, 
Badra (diva) 226f. 

Kodrabhfifci 242 

Budradaman 1, 8, 28, 148, 153, 164 D., 

297n., 879 

Bodradhara bhat^arikft 22f. 9 26 
Budragana, Badra86Da241 
Budra6arma D 108ff, 951, 887, 343 

Budrasena Saka 28 
Bndraseoa I Vdha^ka SSL 
Budraaena II Vafotaka 88, 186 
Budrasiipba III 944 


6aba Vlraaena 297n. 
Sabda 297 

Sadakaaa Kalalaya 144 
8a4nana (god) 289f. 
Sabalft 249f . 

Sahya Mt. 142 
fiailodbhsva dy. 400f. 
Bamyabhtta-MidhaTavannan I 400f. 
Sainyabhtta-MAdbavaTarman II 400f. 




flaktivarman 79 f. 


dftiaftkayana dy. Sff., 89, 42, 68ff., 82ff. t 

102n., I2ln., 212, 881, 892 
Sftlaftkayanaka 83 
Salaktooi 71 
Sa-loha lavan-akara 193 
fiambhu (diva) 58, 61 
Samiyftra 245 
Saipjayanti 22 f. 

Sartukfta, Refined Language 389o. 
Pamndragupta 70, 72, 79f., 86ff., 91, 125 

Samyakiarpboddha 22. 58 
Sana 829 
Saficara 208 

Satlcarantaka 190, 192, 207!., 210 
Saogara 146 

Sanffoli grant 277ff. 
SaAkaraga^a-Banavigraba 18o. 
Saotal tr. 230 S. 
fiintamula, Caiptamnla 17n. 
Santivara Pallava 258, 282ff,, 290, 292f. 
Santivaravamnan, tame as Kadamba S&nti- 

varman 263 
Santivarman, same as Pallava S&ntwar* 

SantivarmaD Kadamba 187, 184n., 228. 247. 

255ff.,270, 272, 277, 28 Iff., 290, 292, 


Santfrarm-ama 259 
Sarabhapara 81, 129 
Sarabbavaram 81 
Sarapalliki 78f., 121 
SarasvatJ R. 242 
Saregrama 270 
barman 291 
Sarva 291 

Sarvajfla-sarvalokanathn (Siva?) 408 
Sarvagiddhi Jayaaiipba I 342 
Sarvaevamin 266 
Sarvatftta Gaj&yana 88 

$&tanahara 210 
^faanasaflcarin 260f. 
Sas^ha, as(badeva 17n. 

Satabani-rattba 189, 243 

Sitiikarni 162, 257, 402f. 

fiitakarni Cu{u 217, 249ff. 

64taktri?i I 87 D. 

fiitakar^i Gautamiputra 3, 41, 142f., 158f., 

162ff., 217 f., 824 
Bitavihana 8ff., 14 37ff., 47ff. 87f., 112n. v 

I42ff., 1451T., 150, 152ff., 102 ff., 212, 

222ff., 890,402 
fiatavihanibira 144, 189 
8afi 267 

datoioabilagrima 811 
Sataabbamalla 896f . 

Satyaaena 160 

SatyMraya DhrnTartja 287n. 
SatyWraya G opal a 816 



Benaoanda 245 

Sendra, same as Sendraka 245 
Sendraka fa. 244f ., 877, 288 
Sendraka-visaya 244, 294ff. 
Senapati 190, 289f , 268, 270 
Betagiri 142 
Setaviyi 814 
Shimoga grant 809 
Sibi tr. 815, 12o. 
Siddhakedftxa 276n. 9 287 
Siddhalaya 257 
Blhala-vibftra 82, 38 
- iipbapora 75ff., 81 ft n., 121 
Supbavartnan Greater Pallava 179, 162 
Siipbavaiman Kadamba 280f., 294, 898 
Siipbayarman Pallava of Nellore-Guntur 
region 70n., 71n., 196, 206ff., 209n., 

Siinh varman Pallava of Avnaravati inscrip- 
tion 40 

bupbavarman Pallava of Udayendiram ty 
Pemikonda grants and Lokavibhaga 
170, 174, 176ff., 184, 247, 204, 278 
Siqibavarman-Madbava 176, 246, 264 
Siipbavi$nn 157, 173, 179, 182, 878 
Sindimthaja-rastra 258, 281, 291 
Sifiha 276 
Sipra R. 244 

SinptolemaiOB 3, 149, 162 
Sirsi grant of Kjfnavarman II 2981. 
Sirai grant of Ravivarman 269 
Siva (Brahma^a) 291 
Siva (god) 42 9 82ff., 123D., 187, 159, 188n., 

Sivabhagavata 84 
Sivadatta Abhira 242 
^ivadatta Brahmana 211 
divagupta 152, 218 
Sivaji 142 
Sivakumara 261 
Sivamaka8adal43, 163 
QivaDandavarman 15, 289, 818ff. v 893 
Sivira 245 
flivarya 97 

Sivaratha232, 275, 08 
Sivagarman Gautama 107ff , 172, 209, 251, 

givasarman Kaimbala 278 
SivMskandagupta 152, 167. 218 
8ivaBkandanagarI 187 220f. 
fiivatkanda dltakarni 162, 167 
Sivaakandavarroan Pallava 4, 6, 14, ^ 89, 

41, 44n., 87&n., 98n., 151ff., 154n. f 

J61ff., 175, 181 , 188ff., 282f., 222, 288f., 

247f., 249, 808, 344 
Sivaekandavarman of Vaqayantt 221ff., 

246ff., 252 
Siraikandila 167 
flivasri Satakar^i 144, 162 
Skanda (god) 18, 240o. 
Sktndanaga 144, 152 
Skandanftga dfttaka 220 
Skanda larman 278 
Skacdalifya 158o, 160 

Skandavarman Pallava of British Museum 

grant 14, 67f., 151ff., 1611, 181, i8ff., 

Skandavarmaa I of Nellors-Guntur region 

169ff., 201 
Skandavarmau II of Nellore-Quntur region 

64, 169ff.,201ff.,402 
Skandavarman I of Udaysndiram grant 

178ff , 182 
SkandavarmaD II Udayendtram & Pneu- 

konda grants 178ff., 182, 247, 264 
Skandavarman of Chendalur grant US. 


Bkandavurman of Punnfya 246 
SkandavarmaD Salahk&yana 65f. f 68ff , 96 
Skandhdvara 42, 46ff., 109, 117D., 170, 2i>8 
Spear-bead Ordeal 364 f. 
Spheroidal State 374o. 
SramaQa 277 
drlklrti ^71 

Sriparvata 28, 32, 135,289,396 
grlparvata-svamin 123, 334 
Sripura m Kalinga 79, 121 
fiiTpura in Ko6alal<2$ 
Srlsai'a 123, 135,142,4021. 
Srl-vfillabha, Sn-prthiv'i'Vallabha 206n. 

Sri-vijaya, Sri-vijaya-tiva 64, 261ff., 2G6f., 


Srulaklrti 256, 265. 270 278 
Srutaviipsatikoti 217 
Stbanakundura 257 
Stb&nakufijapuratlrtba 257n. 
Svamidatta V2 
ST&mi-P&sopata 270 
fivetapata sect 262 

Soroa 311 

Somagires'varaoatba 139 

Somapatti 249 

Somaiannan 291 

Somasvamin 298 

Soroavaipsa 315 

8omaya;in Brahmana 298 

Sopatma 146 

Bonngoi, Cola 147 

Sornagog, Suranftga, Suryaoaga 147f. 

Snddikundura-viaaya 276 

dudra 242 

Snnagara 121 

gunga dy. 156 

Sapratika 113 

Buprayoga R. 206 

Sarft^ra 163 

Soraatreo* 242, 244 

SQrparaka 80 

Suvaroagiri I41n. 

Snviakha 153 

Ta-An-to-lo 120 
Tadagani inscription 810f . 
Ta.-are grant 8&4f. 
Tagare-mabigrtma 805 



Tagare-visaya 805 

TaittirTya School 107, 187, 200, 2(0 

Takitelputra 250 


Talagnoda inscription 888f. 

Ta|ak&4, Tajekad 119, 268 

Ta] ivanaoagara, Talavanapnra 268 

Talavara 19f. 

T&lupaka vieaya llOn. 

Talwar 19 

Taipbrapa-sthana 169 

Tainpoyaka 78 

T&iprakftBjnpakala 246 

Tamralipti 216n. 

Tftmraparua, Tarnraparni 28 

Tftmraparni R. 149f. 

Taodivada inscription 3,/H 

Tan<jula-divya 128, 863 

Taojikonla 61 

Tapta-masaka-divya 128, 363f. 
Tapuka 249 
Talavara, Talara 19 f. 

Taragal 215 
Tewar 129n. 
Tiastftnes, Casfcana 8, 22 

Tirnvallam 247 

TTvara 129 

Tuiia-kie-tse-kia, Dhanyakataka, l20n, 


Tosala, Tosall 28, 8) 

Totemism 159n, 230 D., 231 

TraikiStaka dy. 241ff. 

TraikiHaka era 211, 243 

Trekuta, Traikutaka 2llf. 

Trikuta.malaya 183, 896, 401 

Trikuta Mt. 183, 241 

Trilocana Kadamba 158, 226f. 

Trilocana Pallava 158f. 227 

Triparvata 276n, 284 n., 287 

Tri'Samudra 142 

Trivara 129 

Trivaranagara 129, 885 

Triya^bakasvamin 309 

Tflin dy. 29 

Tula-divya 360f, 

Tulyabhaga 181 

Turkka^arman 211 

Tflthika 190f . 

Tiisfirn 825 

Tufaspa 822 

Tyagi-Santara 274 

UccaAgidurpa 808 
Uocangigiri 809 

Udaka-divya 128 
Udnjacandra 846 
Udayendiram grant 199f. 
Ugnaena 160 
Ujaniki, Ujjain 22 
Ujjain 27, 148, 162, 815 
UjjaiQ symbol 145 

Ukthya 88 
Ukti 291 

Umavarman 77|. 
Uflcha-kara-bhara 269 
Uragapura ]46ff., 236 o. 

Uruvapalli 208 
Uruvupalli grant 207 f. 

Vaidya 270 120, 113n.,2l8, 221, 248ff., 268, 

260ff., 266, 270, 272, 274f., 278, 282, 284, 

290, 294ff., 298, 306f. 
Vaikun^baBarman 278 
Vai^ftkha-sanivataara 236, 264f. 
Vaisnava 197, 199, 205 v 
Vajapeya 17, 21, 88f., 98, 164ff., 189, 206 
VajranSga, Varaaniga 148 
Va^ravarman 81n. 
Vakata, Viktaka86ff ,105, U2n., 126 & n., 

I29f. f 135,155,253n. f 257, 301 n, 843, 


VaJlava 98, 95, 211 
Vallabha, Vallabharaja. Vallabhendra 


Vallavi-visaya 298 

V&napura 247 

Vanasarman 278 

Vanavasa, Vanavasi, Banabasi 23f., 28, 30, 

35, 275, 395 
Vanga 28. 80, 325 
Yangaladesa 81 D. 
Varflha iVisnu) 206 n. 
Vardbamana 276 
Vardbaminapura 121 
Varisen&carya 276 
Varman dy. 75n., 81n., llOj, 121 
Var^na (god) 196 
Varunasarman 278 
Vasaka 78, H7n. 
Vasava (god) 196 
Vaaistblputra 3, 17f., 21ff., 38, 41, 

148ff., 162ff., 220 
Vasudeva 847 
V&audeva Ensna 322n. 
Vasuntavataka 276 
Vasugarman 278 
Va^a tr. 280 
Vatftpi 119 

Vayalur inscription 377f. 
Vegura 249 
Ve)akl 249 
Vell&rn R. 146 
Vena R. 189n. 
VengI, Venglpnra 5, 70ff., 75, 77, 88, 90ff M 

97,115ff.,120n. f 211f.,881 
Vengf Country 114ff., 126n. 
Venfforfts^ra 70ff., 2)lf. 
Vennndftsa 287n. 
Ve^buairi 27 




VtraftJ* 968 

Vetavatl R 944 
VidaH&a 254n. 
Videnft-apallikagrami 98 

Vi aja (Batavi^ana) 162 
Vijayftditya (Bftdftmi) 247 
Viiayiditya II (Veftgl) H6ff. 
Vijayiditya-mahendra, *am a Amma II 


VijayaparT 14, 28, 82 
Viiayanftgar 216a. 
Fifcf a-/it> 296 
VikramadUya Bdna 247 
Vikiamiditya-Bali.Indra 247 
Vikiamaditya I CaJukya (Badami) 245 f., 

Vikramaditya VI Calukya (A'a/ydn?) 119, 

91 t 

Vikramfcditya Chandragnpta II 259 
VikniD&ditya Gopalftde^ 816 
VikramamaheDdra lOOff., 104ff. t 118, 128, 

126, 885 
Vikram&traya 104, 112, 123, 885 

Vikrmmeodrvarmao I 97, 104ff. ( 112, 

128n..l96n.,136f., 898. 
Vikramendravarman II 12 In. , 189 
Vilftsa&umaa 210 
VilaTAtti gnnt 4 2 
VileipUli 180 
Viniiyftditya I 245 
Viodtyt Mt 142, ?48 
Vindhyalnkti 9tm. 
Vi9boka4&-Cutiikul&nanda-dfttakar9i a & 

II) 1l2a., 155, 168n. 217fo. f 220ff. v 


Vippnr 805 
Vipukopda 128 
Virajft 268 

VTrakoreavannan 17 Iff., 201 
Vlrakota 11 On., 888, 842 
Vlwkflioa 158ff 
YirapurtBadata, VTrapnru^adatta 10, 18, 

16, 90<f., 88, 165,816, 895f. 
Vlraaiipba 288 
VlrayaTman 169ff., 201 f., 409 
Viripam 185f., 188 
VirQpftkha, Virdpftkaa 18 
Vifa difya 198, 86J 
Vittkhavarman 78 

2, 96, 190. 192, 207, 968 
6, 191 

(God) 84f., 906a. 
Viwudfttt of Ptmndfd 946 
Viwadata, toma tu Xademba Ftf* 


, 400 

84!., 94, 882 
Vi 9 Quhara905 

Vi^ulra^a, Yi^hukofa U9n. 
V^aku^mdy. 89, 97ff., I02n., 105ff. 

112, 121n., 1^8, 208o., 884, 884, 892 
VigQularman Qarga 278 
Vi9Qut*rman, same a* Qarga (?) 998 

Vi^uvardhaoa I Kubja 116ff. f 191, 18( 

802n , 897f , 840 
Vigijavardhana III 899 
Viwnrarman I 180, 215f., 258f., 267f. 

272f., 2S21T., 288 4 n., 290fl , 808, 816 

818, 898, 867 
ViB 9 uvarman II 280f , 805 

ViBupa 278 
Vi^vakarman 249 
Vyaghraaena 241 
Vy&pfta Vapata 42, 185, 191 

Water Ordeal 861f. 

Yadava/a. 81n. 

Yaifia Kurukutsa 291 

Ya?fia Vatsya 291 

Yaifia6rman 211 

Yajfia datakar^i 8, 148ff., 150, 162ff., 2H 


Yama (god) 196 
Yapanlya $ect 264, 271, 297 
YasosarmaD 278 
YaftovarmiD 118o. 
Yandbeva 19n. 
Yauoa 828f. 

Yava D a28,81,321ff.,846 
YenDft B. 189 
Yona 829ff. 
Yuvaraja, Yutamakaraja 118, W9ff, , , 17 

188, 185, 194, 2541., 988f., 960, 964n< 
Yuvu 991