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From the collection of the

T> T m

0 i repnger

u ibrliy

San Francisco, California
2007

PURVEY GRAPHIC

INDEX

VOLUME XXVII
JANUARY 1938— DECEMBER 1938

SURVEY ASSOCIATES, INC.

112 EAST 19TH STREET

NEW YORK CITY

Index

VOLUME XXVII
January 1938— December 1938

The material in this index is arranged under authors and subjects and
in a few cases under titles. Anonymous articles and paragraphs are
entered under their subjects. The precise wording of titles has not been
retained where abbreviation or paraphrase has seemed more desirable.

Abell, Irvin, 440, 474

Portra

Absolon, William (letter). 400
Ackerman, F. L.. 264. 265
Actors' Equity, 275

S Jane, 19
Administrative justice, 494

Efficiency, 526

Trend toward, 494
Adult education, libraries and, 562
Advertising, 585
Africa, visiting the natives, 522
Age, chance of a job, 87

227

Ahart. Mrs. H. \V., on rural health.471
Aiken's Speaking from Vcrmm •
Akron, 261, 267

Rubber strikes, 554
Alcohol, 392
Alcott, L M., 289
Alexander, T. H.. 195

Paper prophet, 208
Alldredge, J. H., 281
Allegheny County, Pa., 75, 76

Racial groupings, 77
Allen, R. G., 227, 228, 229

Portrait, 229
Altmeyer. A. J., 203, 473

Portrait in group, 436
Ambassador Extraordinary, 388
America, economics, 624

III will toward Britain, 364

Land, 624

Political fog, 373

Russians in, 114

State of the world and, 561
American Arbitration Association, 275

American Documentary Films, Inc.,

AF of L, 147, 486

CIO and. 148

Letter to Arbitration Association, 277
American Labor Party, 487. 488
American Medical Association. 13i
440. 474, 606

Health insurance and, 548

Ten Commandments, 137
Americans, 169

Citizen*, of Oriental ancestry, 432

-Middle class, 619
Amidon, Beulah, 3, 21, 483, 531

Behind the business indices 32

Labor at the ballot-box, 485

New metes and bounds in industry,
538

Sooners in security, 203

Women breadwinners. 151
Amlie, T. R., 227, 228, 229

Portrait, 229
Ammons, Governor, 376, 378, 37'i (with

portrait)
Anarchy, 392

Ancient Order of Foresters, 52
Anderson, George, 83
Andrews, E. F., 538

Portrait in group, 540
Andrews' Labor Laws in Action, 622
Annapolis, Md., St. John's College, 333
Anne Arundel County, Md., 509, 510
Angell's Peace with the Dictators, 513
Anshe Emet Forum, 58
Anstey, Edgar, 596, 599
Anthony's Louisa May Alcott, 289
Anthracite. See Coal industry
Antigonish, 340, 343
Arbitration, industrial, case conducted,
276

Clause in contract. 311

lovers and unions, what they
think, 308

Letters of appreciation, 276, 277

Promise of industrial arbitration,
the, 275

Typical cases, 308
Architecture, 110
Arisaig, 341

Aristotle in Annapolis, 333
Arizona, 510

Arlington, Va., housing project, 266
(ill.). 267

Armaments, 512

Arnold. Benedict. 290

Arnold. F. C... 4<>8 (with ill.), 499

Arnold. M. E., 90. 91. 92

Arnold, Thurman. 6!2

Arnold's The Folklore of Capitalism, 47

Art. 175

Barnard's sculptures (ills.), 344-345
Fechin lithographs, 442-444
Hincs and his photographs, 502
Immigrants (mural at Ellis Island),

224-226

Murals of Eric Mose (ills.), 10, 11
Photographs by Walker Evans

(ills.), 612, 613

Quintanilla, drawings, 284, 285
Sculpture of American workers

(ills.), 4, 25, 26, 27
Sert's paintings in the League of

Nations building (ills.), 293
Shannon's paintings of Negroes
(ills.), 552-553

Ascher. Charles, 267

Australia, 413

British character, 416
Commonwealth, 415
Wool, 413, 414 (ill.)

Australians, 236

Austria, 236

Austrians, 550

Authorities, semi-independent, 450

Automobile industry, class production
vs. mass shelter, 456-457

A vocational education, 117

Bacon, Peggy, 619

Baer, S. R.. 585

Bailey, J. W., 272, 273

Bailey, W. C.. 387

Baker, H. C., 531

Shawncetown climjn a hill, 570

Baker, R. S., I'l

Uakunin, Michael, 392

Balancing the — population. 15

Baldwin, II. W.. 243

Baldwin, Stanley, 104

Ballinger, Secretary, 107

Baltimore Evening Sun, 128

Barnard, George drey, 344
Sculptures (ills.), 344-345

Barnes s A History of Historical Writ-
ing, 180

Barnes and Becker's Social Thought
from Lore to Science, 300

Baron's A Social and Religious His-
tory of the Jews, 50

Ilarr. Stringfellow, 333, 334 (with por-
trait)

Bay, M. C., 408

Bayne, M. C., 435

Middle county, 458

Beacon, N. V., 459, 461

Beals's America South, 432

Bell, H. M.. 210

Bell's Rebel, Priest and Prophet, 290

Belmont, Mrs. August, 12 (portrait),
16, 20

Benes. Dr., 560, 561

Benet s The Devil and Daniel Webster,
181

Bengt>on, Caroline (letter), 400

Benns's European History Since 1870,
427

Benton Harbor, Mich., 153

Benton's An Artist in America, 288

Herding, Andrue, 512

Berry. George, 270

Beveridgc, Sir William, 445

Bicknell s With the Red Cross in
Europe 1917-1922. 566

Biemiller, Andrew and Hannah, 403
Medical rift in Milwaukee, 418

Binding ideas, 364

Birmingham, Ala., 17

Birth rate, 445

American, 446

Bisson's Japan in China, 516

Blach, Friedrich, 435

Semi-independent authorities, 450
Black plague (map), 168
Bliss's Poems of Places, 301
Bonneville Dam, 586, 590 (ill.)
Books, 562

Cheap, 174

Great — method of choosing, 336

Great — St. John's College list, 335

Reviews, 47, 110, 174, 237, 286, 355,
391, 427, 467, 564, 614

Travel and adventure, list, 304

Year's harvest of important, 614
Booze, Mary, 35 (portrait), 36
Borden, Mary, 238, 240
Bowen, Louise de Koven, 259, 282, 283

(portrait)
Bowman's Limits of Land Settlement,

611

Boyle, Louise, photographs, 160-162
Braden, J. N., 277

Bradley, R. M., portrait in group, 438
Brady, Miss, 277. 306
Brand, Lillian, Teaching the unteach-

ables, 253

Brandeis, L. D., 20, 339
Brenner, Mrs., 20
Brief's The Proletariat, 519
Britain, 236

Authorities, 452

British NRA, 620

Central Electricity Board, 453

Grid system, 453, 454 (ill.), 455

111 will toward America, 364

Life on the dole, 623

Private housing boom, 233

Statutory Unemployment Insurance
Committee, 455

Trade disputes act, 104

Unemployment Assistance Board,

455

British Broadcasting Corporation, 454
British health, 617
British housing act, 455
British Medical Association, 83, 84

Position, 119

Proposals for general medical serv-
ice, 85, 120
Britt, George. 67

Charlotte Carr at Hull House, 80
Broad compassion (verse), 605
Broadcasting, 356
Brookings Institution, 581, 584
Brooks's When Labor Organizes, 50
Brown, Philip King, 531

By six-to-one in California, 547
Browne!! and Wright's Architecture

and Modern Life, 110
Bruere, R. W., 480
Bruere. M. B., 195

Youth goes round and round, 210
Bryan, Charles, 497, 524
Bryan, W. A., 220
Bryn-Jones's Frank B. Kellogg. 288
Buchanan, Scott, 333, 334 (with por-
trait)
Buck, P. S., 133

Security in a cage, 167
Bucll, R. L., 466
Buhl Foundation, 24
Building industry, 264
Burial, Europe, 464

High cost, 463

Industry, 463, 464
Burlingame, C. C., 220
Burlingame's March of the Iron Men,

627
Burnet v. Coronado Oil & Gas Co.,

338, 339

Burns, A. R., 246

Burns, Lucy, Avocational college edu-
cation, 117
Burrows, W. R., 583
Business, Approaches the middle way,
581

Behind the indices. 32

Cooperation with government, 583,
585

Four-power conference (cartoon),

580

Business cycle, 227
Butler, A. M., 474

Butler, N. M., 106, 171
Butte-Anaconda region, 352
Byington, M. F., 17, 67, 133
Pittsburgh studies itself, 75
Byrd, R. E., 466

Cabot, C. M., 18, 282

Cabot, Hugh, on medical services, 440

Portrait in group, 438
Cabot, Philip, 18
Cabot, R. C., 16, 18, 20, 608
Cairo, congress on leprosy, 384
Caldwell's Southways. 467
California, group medicine decision,
547

Ham-and-egg campaign, 534, 535

Legalized resale price, 156

Objections to the Downey scheme,
536

Thirty dollars-every-Thursday

scheme, 533, 534
California, University of, 476
Canada, U. S. boundary, 512
Canberra (ill.), 417
Capital, 10
Cardozo, Justice B. N., portrait and

note, 426
Carr, Charlotte, at Hull-House (with

portrait), 80

Carr's Michael Bakunin, 392
Carville, La., leprosarium (with ill.),

385

Cascade Mountains, 588
Cattle ticks, 279
Cavalcanti, Alberto, 596
Cebu, leprosarium (with ill.), 387
Central and South America, 575
Chain stores, 158
Chamberlain, E. H., 246
Chamberlain, T. P., 20
Chamberlain, Neville, 235, 236
Chamberlain, Wilson, 195

New roads back to sanity, 218
Chapman. V. M.. 272, 273 (portrait)
Chapman s Republican Hispanic Amer-
ica, 515
Chase, Stuart, 259, 371

The case against home ownership,

261

Chase's The Tyranny of Words, 110
Chatham Village, 23, 24
Chauvinism, 561
( henery, W. L., 19
Cheney's Art and the Machine, 175
Chicago, 282

Forums, 58. 59
Health conditions, 470
Child labor, Ban on, 539
Child welfare, 440
Children, German, misguided, 425

Spanish, 405

Spanish, drawings by, 406, 407

Subnormal, 253
Children's Bureau, child labor and,

539. 540

Childs, R. S., 174
China, 49, 390, 393, 611

Japan and, 512, 516

Japanese bogged in, 353

Verse by June Lucas, 420
Chosen people, 332, 364
Christianity. Judaism and, 365
Christians, Jews and, 357, 358, 36i
Christie, A. C., 607
Cincinnati, tuberculosis (diag.), 202
Cincinnati, University of, 476
Cities, 286
City planning, 449
Civilization, test for, 601
Clapper, Raymond, 531

Middle age money-go-round, 533
Clark, Colin, 234
Clark, Dale, 524
Clark, J. B., 531

We can banish gonorrhea, 572
Clark, J. P., 531

"Watchman: What of the night?",

550

Clark's The Rise of a New Federalism
618

Clarke, Elsa, 164
Class consciousness, 519
Classics, 333

Revival, 334

Cloisters, Barnard's, 344
Close, Kathryn, 480

Dying is a luxury, 463
Coady, M. M. (with portrait in group).

342

Coal industry, bootlegging, 160
Coal mining, Illinois, southern, 347
Cobb, Ed, 459

Children, 478
Coeur d'Alene, 351, 352
Coffee, J. M., 272
Coffey, W. B., 547
Cole, G. D. H., 106
Collective bargaining, 583
College graduates, 124
Colleges, avocational education, 117

Birth rate and, 448

College with an idea, 333
Collier, John, 21, 476
Colonial policies, 566
Colonies, 611

Colorado, little Townsend plan in ac-
tion, 376

Old age pensions, 376, 480
Colum, M. M., 238
Columbia River, 586
CIO, 486

Letter from a union to locals, 276

Life curve of a CIO union, 554

Origin and character, 554

Southern textile workers and, 146

Unions; in basic industries (picto-

graph), 559
Commons, J. R., 17, 259

What I saw in the Tennessee Valley,

279

Communism, 517, 519
Compensation, disability, 441
Competition, medical care, 634
Condon, Mollie, 21
Congress, 494

Continental (ill.), 372

Powers, 494

Spending power, 543
Connolly's The Devil Learns to Vote,

394

Constitution, 494
Consumer movement, 213, 215
Consumers, 213, 584

Co-op and a union, 90

Goals, 213

Periodicals, 216

Prices and, 159

Testing goods, 214, 215, 216
Consumers Cooperative Services 90
Contracts, industrial, 306, 311
Cook, C. L. (letter), 371, 400
Cooke, M. L., 18, 21
Cooper Union, 57, 58
Cooperation, 355

Industrial, 381
Cooperatives, consumer movement, 217

Nova Scotia and New Brunswick
coast, 340

Pioneers in Nova Scotia (portrait

group), 342
Copeland bill, 272, 273
Copper, 394

Copper-mining regions, 346, 348, 352
Correspondencecoursesforhighschools,

Cosmetics, 274

Cotton and the unions, 146

Country town, rebirth, 570

Counts's The Prospects of American

Democracy, 617
County government, 499

St. Louis, Mo., 408
Cournos' An Open Letter to Jews and

Christians, 357
Courts, 494. 496
Cox, Alfred, 84
Coyle, D. C, 279, 371

The political fog, 373
Coyle's Roads to a New America 624
Crane, A. W., 20
Creeping collectivism, 635
Crow, Carl, 111
Crowder, Farnsworth, 67, 87, 371, 480,

Chance of a job after 40, 87

Tattle-tale gray on America's White
Spot, 497

Who pays the pensions?, 376
Crowell, Elizabeth, 18
Crozier, Percy, 223
Curie's Madame Curie, 288
Currier, R. P., 385
Curtis, H. A., 280
Cut-over lands, 346, 348, 351
Czechoslovakia, 390, 511, 550, 560,
602, 610

Tradition of freedom, 353

Wounded (sculpture), 532
Czechs, 561

Dabney, Virginius, 609, 632

Dain, H. G., 83

Dallas Forum, 58

Damien, Father, 386

Daniels' A Southerner Discovers the

Index

South, 467

Daniels' Cooperation, 355
Danton's The Chinese People, 393
Dantzig's Aspects of Science, 49
Davenport, F. M., 475, 476
Davey, Governor, 487
Davidson, J. E., 524
Davies, Rhys, 54, 238, 239
Davis, M. M., 21, 198
Davis, Maxine, 67, 86, 483

Chance of a job before 25?, 86

On WPA, or else 163

Reply to Mr. Hinckley (letter), 191
Woman in blue, the: The public

health nurse in rural areas, 508
Dawson, A. K., The recreation indus-
try, 184

Day, M. K., sketches, 78, 79
Death, funerals and, 463
De Forest, R. W., 20
DeLigt's The Conquest of Violence,

514
Democracy, 242, 355, 373, 375, 391,

517, 617
Crisis in, 14
Definition, 514
Depression, 11, Aftermath, 242

Depressed areas, 346
Des Moines, forum at, 59
Devine, E.T., 17, 19
Dewey, John, 615

Epstein's bust of (ill.), 615
Dewey's Logic, 615
Dickinson and Others' Problems of

War and Peace, 293
Dickson, W. B., 18
Dictators, 167, 168, 294
Dictatorship, 514
Diepoldsau, 550
Dies Committee, 486
Diet, 51
Dilliard, Irving, 323

The Chief Justice on tax immunity,

338

Disability compensation, 441
District of Columbia Medical Society,

606
Division of Standards and Research,

395
Doctors

Future of the general practitioner,

138

Hospitals and, 186
Public health work and, 138
Documentation, 44
Dodd, W. E., 311, 388
Dodd's The Old South, 358
Dog's tail, 170
Donnell, H. E., 424
Douglas, E. T., Lorado Taft's Peace

Medal (with ills.), 404
Downey, Sheridan (with portrait), 534
Druggists, prices and, 156
Drugs, 271

Dangerous new drug, 221
Those for and against legislation, 274
Dubinsky, David, 486
Dublin, L. I., 472
Duffus' Lillian Wald, 616
DuhamePs The Pasquier Chronicles,

429

Duluth, 348
Duma, 45

Dunbar, S. O., 473
Dutchess County, New York, 458
Changes, 459
Cities and industries, 461
Government and lack of leadership,

462

Health problems, 462
Schools, 461 (ill.), 478
Dying is a luxury, 463

Earhart's Last Flight, 114
Eastman, Crystal, 20
Eastman, L. R., 16, 21, 276
Eaton, A. H., 390
Economic change, books on, 47
Economic decay, 346
Economic planning, 247
Economics, 170, 428
Eden, Anthony, 235, 236
Education, 334

Diagnosis of American educational
disease, 334

See also Schools
Educational travel, 244
Einstein and Infeld's The Evolution of

Physics, 628
Ekins and Wright's China Fights For

Her Life, 393
Electricity, 586

TVA and, 281
Eliot, C. W., 333
Eliot, Martha, 438

Portrait, 436
Elixir, 271

Ellis, C. A., portrait, 378
Ellis Island, mural, 224-226
Ely, M. L., 3

The old town meeting reincarnated,

Emerson, Haven, 17
Employes, 582

Reports to, list of firms that make,
411

Employers, arbitration with ui

308
Employment before 25 and after 40,

86, 87

Encyclopedia, Standard, 43
Ends and means', 110
England, 427

1'orgotten families, 38
Friendly Societies and Approved So-
cieties, 38, 54
National Health Insurance, 39, 52,

53, 83

Public Medical Service, 84
Travel in, 245

Voluntary health organization, 39
English, H. D. W., 18
Enterprise, 9, Government and, 6
Enters' First Person Plural, 289
Epstein, Abraham, 20, 472
Ethical Culture School, 502
Europe, 108, 427, 511, 513
Central, 49
Medieval, 394
Revolutionary story, 618
Evans, Elizabeth Glendower, 191
Evans, Walker, photographs (ills.),

612, 613

Everett, C. K., 190
Expectation of life at birth (diag.),

198
Ezekiel, Mordecai (with portrait), 228,

247
Ezekiel Plan, 227

Its working in shoe factories, 232

Fahey, J. H., 606
Fair Trade Laws, 156, 157
Fairall, Herbert, 379
Falk, I. S., 371

Roads ahead in health security, 382
Falkland, Md., housing project, 266

(ill.), 267
Family life, 629
Paris' The Nature of Human Nature,

428

Farm Bureau Federation, 471
Farmers, 15

Dirt farmers, 279

In war paint, 108
Farms, Dutchess County, 458 (ill.),

459, 461

Farrow, John, 386
Fascism, 518
Fawcett, C. B., 611
Fayette County, W. V., 508
Fear, 10

Fechin, Nicolai, lithographs, 442-444
Federal grants, 542
Federal Home Loan Bank Board, 606
Federal Housing Administration, 233,
261

Beneficiaries of, 263
_ Three projects (ills.), 266, 267
Federal. Trade Commission, 526, 528
Federalism, new, 618
Feller, A. H., 483

Administrative justice, 494
Fels, S. S., 21
Fenton, Jessie, 238, 239
Ferris, J. P., 281
Fiction, "reality" in, 238
Films, Berlin, 596

Documentary, 595

Frontier Films, 599, 600

Housing Problems (Anstey), 596
(ill.), 599

March of Time, The, 595, 600

Moana of the South Seas, 595 (ill.),
596

Nanook of the North, 595

People of the Cumberland, 599 (ill.),
600

Plow That Broke the Plains, The,
595, 598 (ill.)

Rien Que Les Heures, 597

River, The, 595, 600 (ill.)

Russian, 597

Ten Days That Shook the World
(with ill.), 597

Today We Live, 596 (ill.), 599

Wave, The, 598 (ill.), 600
Films for Democracy, Inc., 600
Finley, J. H., 16
Fish, Stuyvesant, 18
Fishbein, Morris, at Health Confer-
ence, 472

Portrait, 436
Fitch, J. A., 17
Fitzgerald, S. E., 403

Prison idleness — a crime behind

bars, 421
Fixed beliefs, 7
Flaherty, R. J., 595, 596
Fletcher, A. L, 538, 540 (portrait in

group)

Fodor's Plot and Counterplot in Cen-
tral Europe, 49
Folks, Homer, 20
Food and drug laws, 271, 274

Joker, 323
Ford, Henry, 582
Foreclosures, 262, 263
Foreign policy, 618
Forel's Out of My Life and Work, 291
Fort Worth, Texas, 261, 267

Fortune (magazine), 581, 583
Fnnin.s, 57, Leaders, 61
Foster, W. Z., 18
Founders, 355
Fowler, B. B., 323

The Lord helps those—, 340, 627
France, mixed companies, 450
Francis, Clarence, 584
Frank, Jerome, 483
Frank's Save America First, 620
Frankfurter, Felix, 16, 191

A rigid outlook in a dynamic world,

Frankfurter's Mr. Justice Holmes and
the Supreme Court, 621

Frederick the Great, 451

Freedom, 236, 394

Freedom of the seas, 465

Freund's Watch Czechoslovakia!, 354

Frey, J. P., 486

Friedrich's Foreign Policy in the Mak-
ing, 618

Frisbee, J. C., 397

Fritts and Gwinn's Fifth Avenue to
Farm, 237

Froembgen's Kemal Ataturk, 517

Frog shakers, 395

Frost, Robert, 291

Funeral directors, 463, Increase, 464

Funeral Service Bureau of America,
463, 464

Funerals, high cost, 463

Furnas' Man, Bread and Destiny, 51

Furuseth, Andrew (portrait and note),
134

Futurians, 614

Gallup, George, 250

Gantt's Russian Medicine, 469

Gardner, Charles, 497

Garment workers, backstage with the,

172

Gary, E. H., 18, 282
Gates, E. M., 473
Gavit, J. P., 19, 531

But Mars is attacking the world!,
610

Imponderables on the job, 353

La Guardia in flesh-and-blood, 630

Low tide of surrendering, the, 235

Of poison in the well-springs, 425

Of savages, science and imaginary
lines, 511

Of the other end of the dog's tail,
170

Safety First, alias "Neutrality," 465

Straws in the prevailing wind, 390

The Moujik votes, 45

Very well, let's be logical, 107

Victory — by whom and for what?,

560

General Electric Co., 583
General welfare, 545
German colonies, 611
Germany, 46, 235, 236

Authorities, 451

Civilization, 601

Housing organizations, 452

Misguided children, 425

Security in a cage, 167
Gibbs's Across the Frontiers, 513
Gifford, W. S., 16, 21

Well-being for everyone, 9
Gilbert, Morris, 133

Backstage with the garment workers,

172

Gillespie v. Oklahoma, 338, 339
Gilmer County, W. Va., 508
Gittler, L. F., 371

Ambassador Extraordinary, 388
Glaeser, M. G., 281
Gleason, Arthur, 18
Glickman, Maurice, 196
Goebbels, 167, 171, 610, 611
Golden, C. S., 506, 507
Goldwater, S. S., 472
Gompers, Samuel, 485
Gonorrhea, 572

Goodrich (B. F.) Co., 555-559
Goodyear Tire and Rubber Co., 555-

559

Gorge Camp, 586
Government, 167, 494

Administrative legislation, 494

Domination (map), 168

Enterprise and, interplay, 6, 7

Independent commissions, 526

Internes in, 475

Quasi- judicial agencies, 494, 495, 526

Regulation, 528
Government spending, 542

Public spending — with strings, 542
Graham, Frank, 473
Grand Etang, Cape Breton

Cooperators and visitors (ill.), 340
Grants-in-aid, 542

Flexibility and standards, 545

Regulative application, 544, 545

Space and function, 543
Grattan, C. H., 403

Dominion down under, 413
Graves, J. T., 170, 610
Graves, Mark, 476

Gray's The Advancing Front of Sci-
ence, 49

Index

(portrait)
in. 146. 486

• e, at Health t on-
.-. 470

428
wood. Arthur, 55

. 118
Grierson, John, 598

h. Richard, 579
The film faces facts, 595

1's Tombs. Travel and Trouble.
112

Group Health Association
Group medicine. California decision.

547

^^^Ht> 142
^^^Eds. 143, 145

145
an tell the Gypsies' fortune?,

Youth (ills.), 144

Haber, William. 579

Relief: A permanent program, 591
Hall, Helen, 21
Hall, Helen, and Paul KcllocK. 4.15

The unserved millions, 437
Halsey. Margaret, 619
Hamilton. Alice. 20. 259
Letters of a woman citizen, 2H2
On the medical problem, 474
Hamilton. W. IL. 20
Hamilton s Modern England. 427
Hansa, 450
Hansen's disease, 386
Hanson, E. P.. 579

Vermont Symphony, (>.!7

ison, F. H., 483
Steel workers go to summer school,

506
Hard, William, 579

, ine and monopoly, 606
Harding, W. G.. 19
llarriman, VV. A.. 582
Harris. Herbert, 195

"This bill bears watching, 227
Harrison, S. M.. 17
Hart. J. K., 21

Hart's" Mind in Transition. 356
Harvey, Dudley, 35 (portrait). 36
Haslett's Everyday Science. 49
Hasluck's Foreign Affairs— 1919-1937,

511

Hatton, A. R.. 410
Hauser, E. O.. 483

Japan's silent masses. 489
Haverhill, Mass.'. 262, 267
Hawcs-Cooper act. 421
Hawes's Fashion is Spinach.
Hays's Let Freedom Ring, I HO
Health, 11
Negroes, 197

People's problem, 201, 251
Roads ahead in health security, 382
nized medicine (cartoon), 546
State of the Union, facts, 439
See also National Health Conference
Health insurance. 37, 565

American Medical Association and,

548

British, 38. 617
British medical profession and,

changed front. 83

Defects and limitations of the Brit-
ish scheme, 136
Public health vs, 185
When we choose heallh insurance,

135

Health services, 437
Heart disease, 17
Hermann's Communism, Fascism or

Democracy, 517
Hemingway, Ernest, 238, 240
Henderson, Arthur, 105
Henderson. Ralph, drawings for new

motor can, 456-457
HermaiiMon's. Where Now Little Jew?,

Herty, C. H. (with portrait), 208
Hicks. Granville, 515

I Hub's Roosevelt — and Then?. 49

I 1 m'hschool graduates. 123

bools, effect of birth rale on, 447

hool by mail, 153
Charles, 84

Hillman. Sidney. 21. 150, 486
Hinckley, W. W. (lelter), 191

, ki. C. M., 218
Hine, L. W., 19, 483

Contribution to society. 503
Photographs by (ills.). 484, 504, 505
Portrait of a photographer, 502
History, essential, 361
Old and new. 331
Topics for teaching, 360
Writers. 180

Hillcr, li.7, in. 2'<4, 511
Mussolini and, 236, 354
Hobohemi.i

Hoehler, Fred, portrait in Kroup, 43H
Hogben's Retreat from Reaso
Hogben's Science for the Citizen, 614,

616

Holdcn, T. S., 265
Holiday cruises, 636

Hollywood, 596, 600

Holmes. lusti<>

1 1,, mi Bun-ail of. H"

Home Library. 174

Home Owners' Loan Corporali,

263
Home work. New York (ill. by lln>. >.

504
Homes, Case against home ownership,

Foreclosures, 262, 263

Home-, -weel homes (ill

( >wn a home I'll

Outlet ship, t'or and against, sum

mary. .'(,6, 267
Ownership, pros and cons (V

Rent a-home idea, 267
Homestea'l. tli
Hook. C. U..
Hoover. Herbert, is
Hopkins. II

H,,,,,,. I.. W. (letter). 133
Hospital

Doctors and, 186
Mental. 218
Hot-stuff men, 395
Hough's Renown. 290
Housing, 261

Britain's private boom. 233
I ermany. organizations, 452
Housing that pays, 23
Low rent, 24

of America (ill.), 265
Miurtage, 204
Shortage and needs, 22
Hughes, C. E., on tax immunily, 338
Huizenga. L. S., 386
Hull-House.

Charlotte Carr at, 80
Human affairs, 468
Human nature, 428
Humphreys case, 526
Hungarians, 610
Hungary, 602
Hunt's One American and His Attempt

at Education, 290
Hurd-Mead's A History of Women in

Medicine, 296
Hurston's Their Eyes Were Watching

God, 178
Hutchison, Keith, 195

Britain's private bousing boom, 23.i
Huxley's Ends and Means, 110
Hydroelectricity, 586
Idaho, 351

Isolationists, 390

Italian Jews. 602

Italy. 46, 107, 108. 171, 236

Ivcns, Joris, 597

James's Andrew Jackson, 288
Janowsky and Fagen's International
Aspects of German Racial Poli-
cies, 469
Japan, 107, 10S, 171, 235, 23d

•i-d in China. .'5.1
Cabaret girls (with ill.), 492
China and. 512, 516
Cloisonne makers (ill.), 491
Farmers harvesting rice (ill. '
Feudal system, 489
Future, 493
Girls in factories, 490
Home industries, 491, 492
Japan's silent masses, 489
New aristocracy. 4('3
Population problem, 301
War and poverty, 490
War with China, 490, 493
Jewell. E. A.. 532
Jews. 50, 332. 364. 365
Children. Kroup (ill.), 603
Christia, s and, 357, 358,
Nazi persecution of, 601
Jobs. Chance of a job after 40?. 87
Chance of a iob before 25 ;. S<,, I ''I
Ivlufatnmal requirements for, 121
IMannini! for. 124
Johns's Time of Our Lives, 288
Johnson, Alexander, 16
Johnson, Alvin, 531

A people's university, 562
Johnson, C. S., 3

A footnote on isolation, 36
Johnson, General H. S., 227
Johnson, Rudolph (letter), 480
Johnson's The Wasted Land, 2'i'>
Jones, John Paul, Long shadow of, 222

Medal (ill.), 222
Jones. Morgan A. (letter), 400
Jones's Swords Inlo Ploughshares. Ill
oseph in Egypt, 292
udaism, Christianity and, 365
udge-prosecutor combination, 496
udges, 494, 496, 528
udicial review, 496
ustice, 375, 4'I4, 496
Fair bearing, 496
See also Administrative jnsii, ,-

Idle Hands (film), 423
Ignorance, 170

Iff and Petrov's Little Golden Amer-
ica, 114
Illinois relief rolls, study of, 163

Southern, coal mining, 347
Illness, 437

See also Nebraska

Whitman's Bread and Circuses, 113
Wight. Frederick. 238. 239
Wilkins, E. H., Ill
Willett, O. G., 385
Williams, Gluyas, 619
Williams, Pierce, 323

Hard-core unemployment, 346
Willson, Corwin, 400 (letter), 435

Class production vs. mass shelter— on

wheels, 456-457
Wilson. Woodrow, 466
Winant, J. G.. 390
Winslow, C. E.-A., 438
Wiprud, Theodore, 634
Wisconsin, 90

State and university, 476
Witte, E. E., 473
Wolf. Herman, 131

Cotton and the unions, 146
Woman in blue, 508
Women, breadwinners, 151

Extent of responsibility, 151

In medicine. 296

Woman and children first (verse), 449
Wood. E. E., 263, 266
Woodley's Great Leveler-The Life of

Thaddeus Stevens, 288
Woodward, W. C.. 607
Wool, Australia, 413
Woolston, Howard, 323

Seattle spirit, 327
Words. 110. Ill
Workers

Consumers and. 10

Sculpture of American (ills.), 4, 25,
26. 27

Worker (ill. by Hine). 484

Workers say, "Yes — and More," 37
WPA. 82, 592

Guide to Vermont, 181

On WPA. or else .... 163

Theatre, 113
World affairs. 235
World brain organization. 41
World knowledge, 42
Wnrld story, 332
World's Fair, Time Capsule, 614
Wounded (sculpture), 532
Woytinsky's The Social Consequences

of the Economic Depression, 242
Wyngarten. Herman, 347
Wyoming public lands case, 338, 339

Young. A. D.. Ill

Young. O. D., 19

YWCA. Study of women's earnings, 152

Youth. 128

Chance of a job, 86, 191

Excerpts from letters by. 324, 325

Maryland and, 210

World Congress at Vassar. 520

Zimmerman. R. R.. 606, 607 (portrait)
Zipf's Peter Crabtree, 469
Zurich, refugees, 551

A CHOICE SELECTION OF AMERICANA AND OTHER ITEMS

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i President.

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An introduction to Dante and his times.
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The Gist of It

OUR FIRST FOUR AUTHORS WERE THE

speakers at our Silver Anniversary Dinner.
Ic is impossible to recapture here the deft in-
troductions of Mrs. Belmont as chairman.
They and many other participants are identi-
fied in the article by the editor (page 16) ;
himself ovcr-generously introduced by the
board of directors as follows:

JANUARY 1938

CONTENTS

VOL. xxvn No. 1

L KELLOGG

on the Twenty- Fifth Anmvc-
Survey

ll Bcunl ol Di-

Jeep (erne o(
.-.-Icr, Piul kclkjgg
K i>j..l Kcllo££ ihci.

-,UtOs~ld»'U(

.tf xri i»l tymbfllue

wool! N - lodgment cf hit k»ici-

which he H w
byflliad

•icy u the oprcKUuury u jffoftk ftt rutunl L,

lUfUCuUllj I't chiTittC! ; l! C^U»J»-

r;^ Jtir
pcnxpciun of the I-TCO ttui uukr !<•: ^ jiiiitou-

. uiJco muunxfuiocB in purwmx mrao* n» kurhcr
CU<h 4 OviliB£HXt 111 [i'

C. V. STARRETT. ASSOCIATE DIRECTOR OF THE
Buhl Foundation's Chatham Village, in Pitts-
burgh, writes out of six year's rental-man-
agement experience (page 23).

THOMAS WOOD STEVENS CONTINUES WEST-
wanl I'ndtr Vtga (page 28), an epic on
wheels that began in the December issue.

IN HER BRIEF SUMMARY OF THE PRESENT

extent of lay-offs, and of how the situation
is hting met in various American communi-
ties, Beulah Amidon, associate editor, draws
upon recent reports from all points of the
compass. (Page 32)

WEBB WALDRON WHO EXPLORES MOUND
Bayou (page 34) lives in Connecticut;
Charles S. Johnson (page 36) heads the de-
partment of social science at Fisk University.

THE FIRST CLOSE-UP STUDY OF BRITISH

Health Insurance (page 37) was initiated
by the National Federation of Settlements.

FOR THE SECOND CONSECUTIVE MONTH WE

link the talents of H. G. Wells and Hendrik
Van Loon (page 40).

MARY L. ELY WROTE WHY FORUMS? FROM
which our excerpts are gleaned (page 57).
She is editor of the Journal of Adult Educa-
tion, and assistant director of the five-year
study of adult education now going forward
under a grant of the Carnegie Corporation.

Frontispiece — The Make-up Man

A Rigid Outlook in a Dynamic World

Well-Being for Everyone

Mankind's Quest for Peace

Balancing the Population

Shapcrs of Things

Who Needs Houses? .

Housing That Pays

Sculpture of American Workers

Westward Under Vega — II

Behind the Business Indices

All Black

The Workers Say, "Yes— and More!"

DOUGLASS W.

Drawing

A World Brain Organization

Through Neighbors' Doorways

The Moujik Votes

Life and Letters

Forecasts of Change

Talking It Over

MAX KALISH 4

FELIX FRANKFURTER 5

WALTER S. GIFFORD 9

FRANK MURPHY 12

FlORKLLO H. LA GUARDIA 15

PAUL KELLOGG 16

C. V. STARRETT 23

MAX KALISH 25

THOMAS WOOD STEVENS 28

BEULAH AMIDON 32

WEBB WALDRON 34

ORR, M.D. AND JEAN WALKER ORR 37

HENDRIK WILLEM VAN LOON 40

H. G. WELLS 41

JOHN PALMER GAVIT 45

LEON WHIPPLE 47

.MARY L. ELY 57

Survey Associates. Inc.

SURVEY ASSOCIATES, INC.

Publication Office: 762 East 21 Street, Brooklyn, N. Y. Editorial Offic;: 112 East 19
Street, New York, N. Y. (To which all communications should be sent)

President, Lucius R. EASTMAN; vice-presidents, JOSEPH P. CHAMBERLAIN, JOHN PALMER
GAVIT; secretary, ANN REED BRENNER.

Board of Directors: JULIAN W. MACK, chairman; ELEANOR R. BELMONT, FRANCIS
BIDDLE, JACOB BILLIKOPF, JOSEPH P. CHAMBERLAIN, FRANCES G. CURTIS, Lucius R.
EASTMAN, FELIX FRANKFURTER, SIDNEY HILLMAN, JOHN A. KINGSBURY, AGNES BROWN
LEACH, EDITH G. LINDLEY, SOLOMON LOWENSTEIN, J. NOEL MACY, RITA WALLACH

MORGENTHAU, BEARDSLEY RUML, EDWARD L. RYERSON, JR., RlCHARD B. SCANDRETT, JR.,

HAROLD H. SWIFT, LILLIAN D. WALD.
Editor: PAUL KELLOGG.

Associate editors: BEULAH AMIDON, ANN REED BRENNER, JOHN PALMER GAVIT,
FLORENCE LOEB KELLOGG, LOULA D. LASKER, MARY Ross, GERTRUDE SPRINGER, VICTOR
WEYBRIGHT, LEON WHIPPLE. Assistant editors: HELEN CHAMBERLAIN, RUTH LERRIGO.

Contributing editors: HELEN CODY BAKER, JOANNA C. COLCORD, EDWARD T. DBVINE,
HAVEN EMERSON, M.D., RUSSELL H. KURTZ, GRAHAM TAYLOR.

Business manager, WALTER F. GRUENINGER; Circulation manager, MOLLIE CONDON;
Advertising manager, MARY R. ANDERSON.

Surrey Graphic published on the 1st of the month. Price of single copies of this issue,
30c. a copy. By subscription — Domestic: 1 year $3; 2 years $5. Additional postage per year —
Foreign 50c.: Canadian 30c. Indexed in Reader's Guide, Book Review Digest, Index to Labor
Articles, Public Affairs Information Service, Quarterly Cumulative Index Medicus.

The Midmonthly Survey published on the 15th of the month. Single copies 30c. By
subscription — Domestic: 1 year $3; 2 years $5. Additional postage per yeai — Foreign 50c.;
Canadian 30c. Indexed in Reader's Guide, Book Review Digest, Index to Labor Articles,
Public Affairs Information Service.

Joint annual subscription to Survey Graphic and The Midmonthly Survey |5. Coopera-
tive Membership in Survey Associates, including a joint subscription, $10.

THE MAKE-UP MAN

by MAX KALISH

JANUARY 1938

VOL. XXVII NO. 1

SURVEY GRAPHIC

THE SHAPE OF THINGS TO COME

Here we share with our readers everywhere the birthday gifts of
prophecy contributed to the Silver Anniversary celebration of Survey
Associates. The governor of Michigan, the mayor of New York, a
leading industrialist and a teacher of law were asked to throw their
imaginations forward into a new quarter century — beginning now.

A Rigid Outlook in a Dynamic World

by FELIX FRANKFURTER

ON THE OCCASION OF EVERY IMPORTANT CELEBRATION THERE

comes to my mind for some strange reason the sentence
I heard in my youth, in the last fateful speech of President
McKinley at Buffalo. "Expositions," he said, "are the time-
keepers of progress." What a typical nineteenth century
sentiment! That fortunate age believed in the idea of
progress — a wholesome, generating faith, without which
cynicism and defeatism all too easily become dominant.
But the nineteenth century not merely talked of progress.
It unfortunately too readily assumed that progress was
inevitable. Now we arc in a much more chastened mood.
We do not speak so glibly of progress, and certainly do not
identify the progress of the machine with the progress
of man. Not that the nineteenth century was without its
warning voices, both here and abroad. But it is significant
that today some of the gravest and most penetrating
anxieties regarding the gap between the progress of science
and the moral health of society are voiced by the great
leaders of science itself. And so no statesman, I believe,
today would venture to find in any exposition of material
things satisfying proof of the quality of our contempo-
rary civilization. I do not mean to decry diings, the ma-

terial conquests of man. But the vital issue for any society
is what we do with them, what they do for us and to
us, and on that issue I do not know a more illuminating,
balanced and courageous reporter than The Survey has
been during the last twenty-five years.

WlTH CHARACTERISTIC CREATIVE DIRECTION PAUL KELLOGG

has sought to give organic unity to our remarks by asking
us to evoke the shape of things to come. This is most
salutary for the orientation of thought and action, for it
is an attempt to shake off the confusions and conflicts of
the past and to seek to influence the only thing we can
influence, the future. Unfortunately, however, the future
is not a clean slate. The life of society, as of the individual,
is a palimpsest. What has been, or at least what we think
about what has been, may very considerably influence
what will be. The shape of things to come depends not
a little upon the remembrance of things past. One of the
strange paradoxes about man is his disdain of theory as
theory and the dominance of theory in practice. William
James spoke of "irreducible and stubborn facts." But I
think I can summon history to witness that dieories can be

even more stubborn than facts. Men who suggest that no
one who has not had to meet a payroll is entitled to
speak on social policy sometimes seek to meet their pay-
rolls on theories whose validity they have never critically
examined, or whose origin was based on facts which have
long since been supplanted. The elder Huxley once said
there is nothing more tragic than the murder of a big
theory by a little fact. But he hastened to add that noth-
ing is more surprising than the way in which a theory
will continue to live long after its brains are knocked out.

No Golden Age, No Utopia

DOMINANT THEORIES CONCERNING THE INDIVIDUAL AND
society determine our mental climate, and our mental
climate — the intellectual and moral atmosphere which we
breathe — determines the outcome of specific issues much
more than the so-called intrinsic merits of these issues. It
is well, therefore, to disengage ourselves from too much
absorption in present conflicts, and, instead, to examine
critically our general outlook and attitude.

Two notions exert powerful and destructive sway over
us — the assumption of a Golden Age and the hope of a
Utopia: a Golden Age that never was and a Utopia that
never will be. These beliefs are powerful because they
are rooted in romance, and for the same reason they are
destructive. They provide the satisfaction of fairyland, but
cloud the mind and debilitate the will in facing the
realities of an intractable world.

Let me translate these airy generalities into concrete-
ness. Our major domestic issues are phases of a single
central problem, namely the interplay of enterprise and
government. Taxation, utility regulation, control of the
security markets, labor standards, housing, banking and
finance, all these current issues turn essentially on the
relation of government to money-making and of money-
making to government. This central problem was with us
long before the New Deal and will be, long after it has
passed into history. The controversies which it engenders
have at bottom not been differences over details, but as to
essential attitudes toward the organic nature of modern,
large-scale, industrialized society, and ultimately turn on
the conception of the relation of individuals one to another
in the circumstances of our society. It is one thing to op-
pose a specific measure because economically unsound or
administratively unworkable or because the cure would be
worse than the disease. Quite a different thing is it to
oppose some empiric measure, aimed at the correction of a
specific evil or for the promotion of some concrete public
good, because it runs counter to what are believed to be
eternal verities embodied in slogans or formulas which
themselves are merely expressive of the specialized experi-
ence of the past. Whatever may be the right or the wrong
of Maynard Keynes' particular economic views, that he
is one of the great economic thinkers of the western world
would hardly be gainsaid. And yet he has written a book,
as part of a struggle of escape from habitual modes of
thought and expression, to prove that the so-called classi-
cal theory of economic thought in which he was edu-
cated had merely special and not general applicability, and
that the characteristics of the special case assumed by the
classical theory happened not to be those of the economic
society in which we actually live.

When Parcel Post Was Un-American

BUT SEE HOW A DOGMATIC POSITION TO THE CONTRARY —

confronting the actual problems of society with inherited
tags and phrases — operates in a concrete case. Just about
the time that the Survey Associates was founded, a com-
mittee of the United States Senate had before it a bill to
raise the weight limit on fourth class mail from four to
eleven pounds, in a word to extend the services of the
United States post offices to include a system of parcel
post. The measure was opposed not by a showing of the
probabilities of its economic effects in the light of experi-
ence, but "on the broad general grounds that the govern-
ment should not further engage in competition with its
citizens; that our government has already approached the
halting line of socialistic and paternalistic legislation."
And this in the administration of President Taft! Not only
was the favorable European experience not deemed rele-
vant; it proved that the proposal was un-American. Let
me read from the record:

"I have just returned," a witness testified, "from Europe
and over there I found conditions exceedingly bad under
their system. Why, what they are having now are bread riots
in England."

The Chairman: "Due to parcel post?"

The Witness: "Largely due to their system, and parcel
post is a part of that system. . . ."

I have read this not for the purpose of gaiety but because
in the mental attitude that it reveals, widely and sincerely
as it is held, we have, I believe, the source of our greatest
difficulty, the difficulty of a rigid outlook upon a dynamic
world. The grounds of objection to the parcel post bill
which I have quoted are not mere historical curiosities.
Socialism, alien ideas, dictatorship, bureaucracy, centraliza-
tion and their like are the recurrent themes encountered
in the legislative history of the United States for a full
half century. Not for a moment do I mean to suggest
that the more active intervention of government in the
affairs of men does not raise serious questions for the
proper safeguarding of those individual rights that con-
stitute a fundamental difference between autocracy and
democracy. I do not, of course, imply that all the laws
that have found their way on the statute books during the
last fifty years were wisely framed or effectively admin-
istered. But I do insist that if every attempt to remove
abuses of our system or to promote its avowed ends has
encountered the obstruction of abstract notions about
government as the enemy of society rather than as its
appropriate instrument in appropriate cases, such abstract
notions are discredited by the record of history. For it
cannot be that half a century of American government —
one third of our whole national existence under the lead-
ership of both parties and the different wings of each
party — can consistently have sponsored legislation which
deserved to be denounced as alien and un-American.

The Old Time Reaction

WOULD THERE WERE TIME TO DOCUMENT THIS HISTORY OF

federal legislation — and the same story could be told in
the sphere of state legislation — beginning with the ad-
ministration of Grover Cleveland. A few instances —
taken at random — must suffice. This year marked the
fiftieth anniversary of the first major intervention of the
federal government, barring the tariff, into the area of
economic enterprise. Today we take the Interstate Com-
merce Commission as much for granted as we do the
post office. Yet some of the most powerful influences in
the land opposed the initial step, as though it foredoomed

SURVEY GRAPHIC

the American system. Its very idea was abhorrent. "If
this bill shall become law," said Senator Lelund Stanford,
himself a great railroad figure, "its consequences will be
most disastrous ... to the varied business interests of the
country." And, speaking for Massachusetts, Senator Hoar
.innounccil that "the passage of this bill will create a
panic." Senator Platt of Connecticut found things in the
bill that he called "anti-Christian," and expressive of "the
old pagan idea," "the old despotic idea." Similar sen-
timents were expressed by leading members of the House.
One of them protested against putting "the commercial
and industrial interests of the country into the grasp of
a single commission of men," and to another it was "a
gigantic stride toward paternal government." One mem-
ber of the House, however, ventured the prophecy that a
liter generation would be mystified by these unbridled
fears. "The time will come," the then obscure Robert M.
La Follette told the House, "when it would be a marvel
how such abuses ever arose and why they were so long
tolerated; when all parties alike will wonder how the
just and simple provisions of this initiatory measure ever
created such bitter and uncompromising opposition."

Let us take another instance. When in 1893 an income
tax calculated to yield $30 million a year was passed, both
in and out of Congress the measure was assailed as
though it could only have emanated from traitors to the
Republic. According to the New Yor^ Sun, "Never in
the history of this country has so effective a measure been
proposed for die creation and maintenance of tramps
as die income tax." And the New Yor^ Evening Post
foretold that the country would be ruined by the "ac-
celerating evils of such socialistic legislation." According
to Senator David B. Hill, the leader of the fight against
the tax, "It was a discriminating, a sectional, a commun-
istic tax." And Senator Sherman of Ohio summed it all
up as "socialism, communism, devilism."

And a final instance. It may come as a surprise to those
who did not live through the enactment of the federal
reserve act of 1913 that it too encountered the traditional
abstract objections. According to the then president of the
Chase National Bank, it was "socialistic" and sounded the
"death knell" of the national banks. The leading bank
president of Chicago characterized the act as "unjust and
un-American." And once again the shadow of dictator-
ship fell across the floors of Congress. "This bill ... is a
confession of dictation and absolutism, the like of which
has no parallel in American annals."

The Tyranny of Fixed Beliefs

ONLY IN THE FAIR PERSPECTIVE OF THIS CONTINUOUS INTER-
play between government and economic enterprise, for
fifty years at least, are the present controversies really
intelligible. And the lesson we draw from this history will
largely determine the shape of things to come. Surely the
social historian of the United States will, on the whole,
conclude that the course of events since 1887 has con-
tained great social waste and much needless social friction.
Not because, in a democracy, opposition to legislation is
not in itself a contributing factor, nor because specific en-
actments should not have been opposed in detail and
sometimes even delayed in passage. The social waste has
derived from the fact that obvious reforms, now recog-
nized of all men, were unduly delayed, and in the intran-
sigent opposition to legislation as such, the democratic
legislative process was deprived of indispensable construc-

JANUARY 1938

tivc criticism from those with special knowledge even
though sometimes also with special interests.

Such an attitude of intransigence, deeply r<x>ted in
loyalty to abstractions, is at bottom the offspring not of
self-interest but of self-deception and misconception. What
is wrong is not devotion to inherited ideas — they form,
as Professor Whitehead has told us, "the tradition of our
civilization." But such traditional ideas are never static,
"they are either fading into meaningless formulae, or are
gaining power by the new lights thrown by a more deli-
cate apprehension No generation can merely reproduce

its ancestors. You may preserve the life in a flux of form,
or preserve the form amid an ebb of life."

Now the era of physical expansion after the Civil War
was exceptionally favorable to the development ot an
aggressive and intransigent individualism which imper-
ceptibly but powerfully lent itself to building up an anti-
social psychology and certainly an anti-governmental men-
tality. In our kind of society there is bound to be a meas-
ure of conflict between self-interest and social control. We
believe in competition, in the excitement of conflict and
the testing of man against man in a fair fight. We not
only like these things for themselves, as the spontaneous
expression of personality in a free society; we also depend
on them to get things done. At least of our economic
system the dynamo is self-interest — a self-interest which
may range from mere petty greed to admirable types of
self-expression.

We must utilize this powerful drive of self-interest to
perform the complex tasks of modern society. But in the
circumstances of our time it cannot be trusted to do the
whole job by itself. And so, various forms of collaborative
enterprise, including the largest club to which we all
belong, namely, the government, must step in, first, to
rein up self-interest where it is doing harm, and, secondly,
to perform those tasks of mutual aid which must be done
communally. And in the resistance to these practical,
empiric, ad hoc interventions of organized society by doc-
trines which either have become obsolete or only partially
valid because qualified by counter-doctrines, we find the
clue not only to die history of the last fifty years but to
the tensions of the future. Once there is adequate recog-
nition of the intrinsic complexity of die problems that
confront us and the extremely limited range of issues
that can be settled out of hand by invoking general
formulas, however hallowed, the whole mental climate in
which these problems are thought out and worked out
will be changed. For then it will become manifest that
the science of government is really the most difficult of all
the arts, that it is, in the language of one of the great
justices of the Supreme Court uttered more dian a hun-
dred years ago, "the science of experiment."

Once our temper of mind towards the problems that
confront us has changed it ought to be more easy for us
than for any other people, by virtue of our good fortune,
to achieve with measurable success a gracious and civilized
society.

For were Milton to address us, the rulers of this land,
as he addressed the rulers of England three hundred years
ago, he could jusdy say:

Consider what nation it is whereof ye arc, and whereof ye
are the governors; a nation not slow and dull, but of a quick,
ingenious and piercing spirit, acute to invent, subtle and
sinewy to discourse, not beneath the reach of any point, the
highest that human capacity can soar to.

A FEW OF OUR BIRTHDAY GREETINGS

THE WHITE HOUSE

WASHINGTON

December 2, 1937

My dear Mrs. Belmont:

My congratulations to you and every member of Survey
Associates on the record of the twenty-five years you are
celebrating tonight; but the message I most wish to send has to
do with the projection of that service.

In the last few years v;e have made strides in this
country in health and housing, social and labor legislation, and
the whole range of what we call the general welfare. Those
gains have drawn stimulus from the investigations and publica-
tions of Survey Associates, for your special genius has been to
bring to public attention the discoveries, constructive crit-
icisms and proposals made by forerunners in these fields. As a
clearing house for social advance, yours has itself been an
American invention, an original scheme for education \vhich should
count for even more in the years ahead.

Very sincerely yours,

Mrs. August Belmont,

Chairman, Silver Anniversary Dinner,

Survey Associates,

112 East Nineteenth Street,

New York, N. I.

New York

• We may all rejoice in what has been
accomplished . . . and look forward with
confidence to the structure which in the
future will be created upon the firm
foundation that has been so broadly, so
liberally, and so wisely laid.

JULIAN W. MACK

Judge, £/.S. Circuit Court; Chairman of the
board, Survey Associates

Chicago

• Due to those who longest have borne
the heaviest burden of this adventure of
social faith are such tributes as only one
can pay them who fully knows what The
Midmonthly Survey and Survey Graphic

owe to them This 25th Anniversary

should assure the whole social cause the
perpetuity and progress of this great asset.

GRAHAM TAYLOR
Warden, Chicago Commons

Westport, Conn.

• Tonight the panorama of 25 years un-
folds and we see with reminiscent pleasure
and also reminiscent anxiety, but always
with evidence of tolerant faith and hope,
the good companions who have marched to-
gether for 25 years. ... I am greeting The
Survey, its long years of service to the
community, its leadership to many, and I
salute it ... with affection and gratitude.

LILLIAN D. WALD

Chairman of first membership meeting,
1913; board member, Survey Associates

Sioux City, Iowa

• ... It is a source of such gratification to
me to be connected with so fine an in-
terpretation of the spirit of social work as
you now give us in The Survey. May you
long continue. ALEXANDER JOHNSON

Secretary, National Conference of Charities
and Correction 1904-1913

By telegram from Albany, N. Y.

• It has been a source of great satisfac-
tion to have had even a small part in the
work of Survey Associates. My heartiest
congratulations on the completion of a
quarter century of splendid service to the
community. I hope The Survey will con-
tinue for many years to exert its fine influ-
ence on social and civic questions.

HERBERT H. LEHMAN
Governor of New Yor/^

By radio from Copenhagen

• Your prowess in keeping ahead all these
years is a great tribute to Survey Associates.
Good luck. FRANCIS HACKETT
Author of Henry VIII, Francis I

By cable from Glasgow, Scotland

• Best wishes for a long continued life of
service, balanced and stimulating as ever.

KATHARINE DEWAR
Neighborhood Worker

Philadelphia

• Heartiest congratulations to Survey Asso-
ciates for the work of the past with bright-
est hopes for its future.

SAMUEL S. and JENNIE M. PELS
Founding members, Survey Associates

Boston

• My admiration is a perfectly reliable arti-
cle. . . . You have made The Survey a suc-
cess all these years — often making bricks
without straw; and with infinite patience
and charity. RICHARD C. CABOT, M.D.
Founding member, Survey Associates

New York

• For 25 years you have been pioneering
in the unexplored field of social relations.
The Survey has held out both light and en-
couragement to those engaged in the strug-
gle for social justice. May you carry on in
the same manner in the years to come.

SIDNEY HILLMAN

President, Amalgamated Clothing Workers,
board member, Survey Associates

Denver

• Every good wish and sincerest greetings.

JOSEPHINE ROCHE
President, Rocfy Mountain Fuel Company

Washington, D.C.

• Congratulations and warmest expression
of appreciation on Anniversary Number.
KATHARINE F. LENROOT

Chief, US. Children's Bureau

Chapel Hill, N. C.

• Congratulations to Survey Associates on
fine service to America.

FRANK P. GRAHAM
President, University of North Carolina

SURVEY GRAPHIC

Well-Being for Everyone

by WALTER S. GIFFORD

Up from the ranks, like most of his associates, the president of the largest
employing corporation in the United States faces our future with confidence.
Enterprise and leadership, he tells us, must continue to take the risks and
the responsibilities; but consumers and workers will keep on gaining a larger
share of the plenty we develop.

ONE OF THE MOST IMPORTANT FUNCTIONS OF SlIRVEV AsSO-

ciatcs has been through their publications to investigate
American life and activities and to interpret the findings
of those investigations. These publications are a living
record of our endeavor — our effort and accomplishment —
in making this a better country for its citizens. Perhaps
you will forgive me, if on this twenty-fifth anniversary,
I follow the example and attempt some investigation and
interpretation of those twenty-five years in the light of
my own experience in living through them.

By the time the Survey Associates started in 1912 it
was generally realized that, as far as this country was
concerned, the fear of starvation that had haunted man
from the beginning of time had gone. In fact, great num-
bers of people had come here to escape it elsewhere and
even in this twenty-five year period there has been whole-
sale starvation in China and Russia.

Our high standard of living has been quite generally
attributed to the fact that this country is blessed with
rich natural resources. Of course, these natural resources
have always been here and were here when the first white
man landed on these shores, but they did not produce a
standard of living for the sparse population of Indians
that was even comparable to that of Europe. Russia has
always been blessed with vast natural resources and with
a large population to work them and yet the Russians have
not now and never have had a high standard of living.

Natural resources are but like the talents of the Bible.
Whether they produce much or little for human comfort
depends on the manner of man who uses them. There are
extraordinary variations in this. The production per
worker, and along with it the standard of living in the
United States, is the highest in the world, greater by an
impressive margin than that in many other countries. It
has increased tremendously in the past twenty-five years.
Yet the American worker does not work as long hours as
he did twenty-five years ago nor any longer than his
brothers overseas.

Translating human affairs into statistics is like translat-
ing a taste into words. It cannot be done adequately. Yet
the picture I have just outlined is true. Human observa-
tion confirms it and it is ratified by the vote of millions
who left Europe to come here and millions more who
would do so if it were permitted.

Studying Our Success As Well As Our Failure

IT HAS SEEMED TO ME THAT IT MIGHT LEAD TO GREATER

improvement in the future to study the causes of our high
standard of living rather than concentrate our attention
exclusively on our failure to escape a world-wide depres-

JANUARY 1938

sion. There were, of course, some purely American aspects
of the depression but in its larger aspects it affected all
countries, including democracies, dictatorships and Soviets.

It is my impression that recently we have been missing
the main road to progress. The soft satisfaction engendered
by the boom years when people let their critical faculties
atrophy, swung in the depression to the opposite extreme
of concentrating on evils until the fact that there was any
good was lost sight of. So strong has been this feeling that
great numbers have looked indiscriminately and longingly
overseas for methods to copy. And yet it would seem pos-
sible, even reasonable, to expect that if we followed their
example long enough we should land where they are—
with lower material well-being than we have now.

It would seem to me more profitable to study how we
got our standard higher than the others and how it can
be raised still further.

To my mind the nub of the matter is that American
political and social conditions encouraged men to take
risks and responsibilities. By so doing this country used
its brains and energy and enterprise. It has given men
the incentive and opportunity to rise to responsibilities
and it has given them comparative freedom to use their
initiative and abilities to the fullest. Our remarkable ma-
terial progress did not just happen. We have made better
use of our natural resources, of the talents which we have
had, because we have kept opportunity open to all. Worker
and management are largely the same people in America
— only at different stages of their careers. If the ability is
there, the way has been open for a man to rise from what-
ever point he starts. From my experience in these twenty-
five years with men and organizations, I feel that more
than anything else it is encouragement to enterprise and
it is leadership and management, produced more often
than not from the ranks, that is the basis of our excep-
tional progress in material well-being.

I know that this opportunity has been abused in excep-
tional cases, as it has been from the beginning of time.
In the depression atmosphere, however, the immediate
reaction was that it was abused by practically all. But to
this audience interested in social welfare with its head in
control of its heart and its critical faculties in order, 1
recommend thoughtful consideration of whether the
encouragements to enterprise and leadership, in spite of
the fact that there were abuses in exceptional instances, are
not the main causes of our high standard of living and
the most likely promise of still further improvement.

I am assuming now that we are more or less back to
a thoughtful and tolerant period. Perhaps I am assuming
too much. If so, I make an earnest plea for those qualities,

Power, mural panels in the Samuel Gompers Highschool, New York

for whether we are studying the political, industrial, finan-
cial or social aspects of the current of American life, the
studies will be worthless to the degree that they are actu-
ated by intolerance, prejudice or any form of uncharit-
ableness.

The depression was so severe that it called for emergency
controls and measures, just as similar controls were re-
quired by the emergency of the world war. Many of
these controls must, however, be for emergency purposes
only, if we would preserve the American political and
social conditions that encouraged men to take risks and
responsibilities.

The People Share the Gains

MAY I MENTION TWO OTHER OBSERVATIONS WHICH HAVE

thrust themselves on me in these twenty-five years? The
first is the curious fact that we call our effort to have a
more satisfactory living, the capitalistic system, as if
capital were the favorite child. Far from being the favorite
child, however, capital would seem to be the least bene-
ficiary of what goes on.

Since 1912 when the Survey Associates began, the aver-
age return on capital has not changed much. It has its
ups and downs but it certainly does not tend to rise over
a long term.

The average top pay of a skilled telephone workman —
I take this merely as an example of what I believe is true
of labor generally — is 150 percent more for 40 hours of
work than it was twenty-five years ago for 48 or even 54
hours. Measured by the index of the United States Bureau
of Labor Statistics, the cost of living in this period has
increased only 50 percent.

Consideration of such facts as these shows that, making
allowance for the changes in the value of the dollar, the
consumer gets constantly more for his money. Sometimes
it is better goods and services for the same money, some-
times the same or better for less money, but one way or
another the constant tide is in his favor.

If it is a system at all then it is a worker and consumer
system. Capital in the aggregate as such gets pretty much
the same rate of return.

It is true that some men get very rich but that, in
the first instance at least, is by and large the reward of
brains, energy, good luck, what you will — those qualities
which create business, large and small, that with skilled
management in turn creates the relative plenty of our
standard of living.

Capital in the form of money, by itself, is a pale help-
less creature. But capital in the form of an organization
of people with able management and with a purpose,
with the tools, equipment and materials to carry it out,

is the basis of the well-being of the past and the hope of
the future.

Most News Is Bad News

THE OTHER OBSERVATION — AND THIS IS THRUST UPON ME

continuously — is the danger which modern science and
man's ingenuity provide for tjie distortion of our judg-
ment. And in this the telephone business plays a part,
for we supply vast networks of wires both to the news
services and to the broadcasting chains.

We have the most highly organized and finest news
services in the world and certainly no one would want to
curtail the news. Normal happenings, however, ordi-
narily do not count as news and if they do they do not
rate headlines. The result is that morning, noon and
night we are confronted with battle, murder and sudden
death, desperate possibilities and impending crises. I sup-
pose that in most other periods in the long history of
mankind the vicissitudes arising from human nature were
as prevalent as they are now but never before have the
dangerous possibilities inherent in being alive been so
constantly brought to one's attention.

This constant high pitched comment on life, useful as it
is, tends to keep many people, even though they are in
comfortable circumstances and good health, in a state of
fear. And fear interferes with rational thinking. Tempo-
rarily one may secure relief by going to the woods, for
instance. But this is only temporary relief. A long view of
the problem comes the nearest to being a cure. If we can
get a calm perspective and a long view we may well
acquire a basis for optimism that will preserve us from
the fears of the moment and leave us free to study our
problems with both clarity and tolerance.

We need both. There is before us the spectacle of na-
tions ready to go to war, apparently on the theory that the
only way to improve the living conditions of their people
is by seizing what belongs to someone else. Within each
country there is also a similar school of thought that the
way to plenty is to rob Peter to pay Paul. There are many
who are desperately impatient because they feel that ap-
parently we can produce plenty for all and yet all do not
have plenty.

Others feel that it is a crime for some to be comfortable
while others are not, on the assumption that the comfort
can be transferred. Individually perhaps it can, but the
wholesale experiments made in the French Revolution and
in Russia more recently would indicate that where the
wholesale process of redistribution is tried, most of the
wealth disappears and nobody gets it. Perhaps wealth can
only be transferred, without loss to the community, when
it is transferred between men of equal capacity to use it.

SURVEY GRAPHIC

Made by Eric Mose under the WPA Federal Art Project

Perhaps the problem is the greater problem of increasing
the capacity of those at the bottom to create wealth rather
than to divide up wealth at any given moment. The slow
progress of human affairs might suggest that it is some
quite fundamental matter like this.

The Perspective of Progress

WE HAVE HAD A WAR TO END WARS AND STILL HAVE WARS

even if under another name. We have had the promise
that the recent depression would end depressions, but I
fear we shall still have depressions. 1 have little hope for
sudden cures for any of the manifestations of human na-
ture, but I have every faith and confidence in the im-
provement of mankind's condition in this country. In the
past twenty-five years, despite a major war and our greatest
depression, there has been an extraordinary increase in
the standard of living, participation in which has been
widely diffused.

To illustrate — twenty-five years ago, dirt roads, or per-
haps one should call them mud roads, were still practically
universal, with experiments in new road materials being
viewed askance. By that time the automobile was no
longer a novelty, but there was only one for about every
30 families. And what cars they were! They were open
cars, they were started with a crank, their parking and
tail lights burned kerosene. Today more than two thin1
of the automobiles in the world are in this country and
here two families out of three have an automobile. Just
as many if not more have a radio and of course radios
were not even dreamed of twenty-five years ago. We have
more than half the total number of telephones in the
world. It was not until 1915 that it was possible to tele-
phone across the continent and now one can telephone
around the world. Airplanes fly passengers something
like two hundred thousands of miles daily in this country
and there is even a regular service across the Pacific. About
one hundred million persons, more than 75 percent of the
population, now live in homes that are lighted by elec-
tricity. Twenty-five years ago not one seventh of that num-
ber enjoyed electric lights. Over three million school
children are now transported to school daily in motor
buses. About three hundred and fifty thousand young
men and women were in colleges and other institutions
of higher learning in 1912. There are about a million and
a quarter now. In spite of the fact that the proposed child
labor amendment to the Constitution has not been rati-
fied, the number of children under sixteen who are gain-
fully employed, excluding children on home farms, has
decreased from eight hundred and thirty-three thousand
to two hundred and sixty-five thousand in the twenty

JANUARY 1938

years from 1910 to 1930. While there were movies of a
sort in 1912, there were no talking movies. Today it is
estimated that twelve and a half million persons see and
listen to talking movies daily.

I REALIZE THAT MAN DOES NOT LIVE BY BREAD OR EVEN

material comforts alone but I also realize that most of the
attention of the world today is concentrated on that
aspect of human affairs. While these material comforts
do not necessarily create more beauty, nor do they con-
stitute all the worthwhile things in life, undoubtedly our
possibilities for enjoying beauty and enjoying life are
immeasurably greater because of them. I have only hinted
at the many improvements in material well-being that have
taken place in the comparatively short time of twenty-
five years. Along with these there have been the extra-
ordinary improvements in health. During these twenty-
five years, the infant deathrate has dropped about 40
percent, the deathrate from tuberculosis is half what it
was, and the deathrates from infectious diseases such as
whooping cough, measles and scarlet fever have shown
a decided decrease. Diphtheria mortality has been reduced
almost to the vanishing point in many communities. The
terrors of these diseases which are largely those of child-
hood, have almost disappeared. Typhoid fever has become
a rather negligible item. During this time, and in spite of
war, floods, drought and depression, approximately eight
years have been added to the average life span of the
general population, with most of the gains made among
the younger age groups. These are only illustrative of the
remarkable record of achievement in medical^ nursing and
public health sciences during the past twenty-five years.

A real improvement in living conditions outside the
home has been the increase of public parks, playgrounds
and recreational facilities.

All this is a thrilling record and there is no reason that
I can see, why, unless we are very foolish, that progress
should not continue. We shall still further improve living
conditions, particularly for those with the lower incomes.
We shall find ways to have less insecurity.

The idea that it is possible to have enough, even of the
necessities of life, to go around is very recent in the his-
tory of human affairs, and I venture to suggest that the
achievement of the goal of well-being for everyone will
necessarily continue to be a gradual process — that there
is no one plan or program which is bound to succeed over-
night. Let us therefore have faith, let us keep our country
the land of opportunity, and let us cooperate with patience
and tolerance in working out our many difficult problems
in the interest not of one group or another but of all.

International
Governor Frank Murphy and Mrs. August Belmont at the Survey Associates dinner on December 2

Mankind's Quest for Peace

by FRANK MURPHY

To the outsider, Michigan has been a commonwealth of conflict throughout
1937; but out of it all, its governor-mediator brings a message of amity.
Here are landmarks, he points out, where conference and mutual respect
have broken roads through discontent and division. Such is his faith, but,
"Faith without works," he adds, "is dead. So it is with democracy."

FOR A TURBULENT QUARTER CENTURY SURVEY ASSOCIATES HAS

studied and surveyed the shape of events as mankind has
sought the answer to the eternal riddle of peace and
justice. Now and then, as war, depression, and recovery
have spread themselves across the pages of history, this
unique institution has looked ahead at the shape of things
to come, helping to clarify public thought concerning
human values and social relations, helping to prepare the
ground and point the way for government agencies and
political organizations, seeking to define the conditions on
which peace and justice may be achieved and preserved.

To speak of mankind's quest for peace at a time like
the present may seem to the skeptic a pleasantry that is
easily upset by a host of warlike developments both at
home and abroad. But it is my sincere belief that the great
mass of people do very earnestly want peace, and that in
a vague uncertain way they are trying to find it. They
want it among nations, among races, and in industry.

Men everywhere have it in their hearts and minds. And I
have a faith which impels me to believe not merely that
peace is possible of attainment, but that we mortals, awk-
ward and fumbling as we are in such matters, can do
much to bring it about in our day and generation. Cer-
tainly, though the ultimate goal of peace between nations
and races may yet be in the distance, industrial peace with-
in the borders of our own land is within our reach.

Mere wishful thinking is not enough, however sublime
the wish that is father to the thought. The achievement
must be rooted unshakably in the good, rich earth of
faith — faith that peace can be the rule and not the excep- '
tion, faith that steadfastly refuses to admit the inevitability
of conflict and rejects with calm disdain the enervating
counsels of despair.

The pessimist will ask: How can I have faith in the
practicality of peace while there is so much evidence in
the world that endless conflict is man's natural destiny?

SURVEY GRAPHIC

The trouble with the pessimist is that he is too much like
the sensitive critic who is too conscious of the flaws in the
performance, or like the exacting traveler who feels only
the jogs and jolts in the journey. He is so busy looking
for evidence of man's natural belligerence, he neglects to
note that men who are of different race, or color, or creed,
men who live under different flags, and men who live on
opposite sides of the railroad tracks, can and actually do
in a multitude of relationships work and strive together
peaceably and effectively to their mutual betterment.

As a matter of fact, we all have many more things in
common than things that separate us. We have a tendency
to magnify our differences. This is true of religion and
especially of industry and labor. Both have a common need
of stability in trade, a normal flow of business and pro-
duction. Keeping the country out of war is a common aim
of all of us. These and other things that we all have in
common are so much more numerous and important than
those that tend to divide us that we should constantly be
on guard against the latter.

For Example, the Union of These States

ONE OF THE MOST PERSUASIVE EXHIBITS ON THIS SIDE OF THE

argument is right here around us — so big, so close to us,
that many overlook it because of its sheer immediacy.
About a hundred and fifty years ago, thirteen small and
independent states found it possible to subordinate their
individual jealousies and hatreds, forego some of their
freedom and independence, and form a union in the in-
terest of peace and mutual self-betterment. There were
those abroad, and no doubt many at home, who were
certain that the new nation hadn't a chance to survive.
But since that day, with expansion at home and new
accretions from abroad, despite civil war and lesser inter-
nal conflicts, an oddly assorted population, representing
every important nationality, color and creed on the face of
the globe, has contrived to fashion what some of us like
to believe is the greatest nation in the world, a great
federation of prosperous states, living at peace with them-
selves. It is inconceivable that the stock and the genius
that have built this great nation cannot with equal intel-
ligence achieve industrial peace.

Doubtless we have not achieved the perfect state or the
ideal society. As a people we are still troubled by many
differences, by forms of discrimination, by frequent denial
of liberties and by insecurity of income and livelihood
for many of our citizens. But we have attained a measure
of peace that is unknown to many a foreign land, and we
are steadily analyzing our situation and applying correc-
tives to the conditions that make for social injustice and
cause discontent and division.

If the pessimist cannot find evidence that would justify
faith in peace between nations, let him study closely that
geographical section of this planet known as the "Scandi-
navian countries," and let him observe with what peculiar
consistency these unobtrusive states — crammed so closely
together — have managed to keep at peace.

Milestones of Human Relations

IF THE PRESENT UNSETTLEMENT IN INDUSTRY IS AT TIMES Dis-
turbing to our faith, we should look beyond the tumult
and the headlines to those industries — notably the railways,
clothing, and printing — in which worker and employer
have learned how to get along in substantial and unpub-
licized amity. We should consider how satisfactorily in

JANUARY 1938

those industries trade agreements have regulated working
conditions and provided orderly methods of conducting
relations and adjusting disputes between several million
workers and their employers. Instead of resorting to lock-
outs and shutdowns, or violent and expensive strikes, men
turn first to the orderly process of mediation and arbitra-
tion. So it should be in every industry. Differences are
aired and threshed out in discussions around conference
tables rather than in battles along picket lines. Thus great
establishments have gone about their business of producing
goods and services without a major stoppage in nearly a
quarter of a century. It is to be hoped that in days to
come, similarly satisfactory relations growing out of
mutual respect for rights and privileges will be the rule
throughout the land.

Achievements like these I have mentioned, in the field
of politics and industry, help to sustain our hope of
peace and our faith in man's intelligence. But if we are
to extend these gains into other fields, we must do more
than point to successes already achieved. We must seek
to understand as far as possible the conditions that tend
to produce conflict and division, and apply to those con-
ditions remedies that are suitable and available.

Efficient Machines and Insecure Men

As A PEOPLE WE HAVE SUFFERED GREATLY SINCE 1929. WlTH-

out attempting here to catalogue the causes of the recent
depression or offer practical measures to offset the current
recession, we may agree on certain factors that played a
contributing role.

One of these factors was an almost uncontrolled in-
dividualism which made possible, if it did not produce,
a dangerous and unhealthy concentration of wealth, which
was apparent in a mad, unreasoning rush to produce goods
without thought of the market's capacity to absorb the
output, and resulted in gross misuse and incalculable
wastage of the soil, and of other natural resources upon
which our prosperity depends.

In the meantime, there was developing, almost within
the space of a single generation, an industrial order which
transformed the character of American life, bringing with
it the large manufacturing establishment in which thou-
sands of workers are subject to control by one directing
head, doing work which provides little or no opportunity
for expression of individual initiative. For the vast major-
ity of them creative craftsmanship has been supplanted
by machine precision, uniformity and monotony — a dreary
triumvirate of forces which combine to make of the aver-
age individual an insignificant part in a vast mechanism,
subject to easy and arbitrary replacement, of less conse-
quence than the process itself.

Over and above the great mechanism of production,
there are the great modern corporate arrangements in
which ownership is widely scattered and in large part
separated from management, often reducing the employ-
ment relation to a status less personal and intimate than
the relation between seller and buyer. For this intimate
relationship of the small shop owned and managed by a
single man, there has been substituted an industrial
mechanism operated largely for the benefit of stockholders
who have little knowledge of or interest in the product
of their company or the conditions under which it is
produced. In the interest of efficiency we have created
professional management but too often we have allowed
or required it to sacrifice the reasonable welfare of the

employe to the demand for greater efficiency and profit.

Back of these phenomena is the machine with its im-
measurable advantages and troublesome problems. If we
give the machine credit for our relatively high standard
of living, for increasing our capacity to produce goods in
accordance with needs, for reducing working hours, and
for lightening the burden of working men and women,
on the other side of the ledger we should note the devastat-
ing consequences of job insecurity and unemployment for
millions of individuals, to say nothing of the critical prob-
lem of housing and recreation which has resulted from
the massing of population in urban centers.

Obviously, the machine is here to stay, and in shaping
our future course we must bear that certainty always in
mind. But if we are to capitalize to the fullest possible
extent on the benefits of the machine, we must find means
to counteract its socially dangerous effects. Industry can
no longer afford to indulge in the rampant individualism
which characterized the "Golden Twenties." As a measure
of intelligent self-preservation, and to insure the fulfill-
ment of its obligation to society, it is to be hoped that
industry will develop a program of orderly and regulated
production. It may be that such a program will require
the aid and cooperation of government, but in order tc
succeed, it must be founded on sympathetic understanding
and a sincere desire to cooperate in industry itself.

Peace and Plenty

It IS EQUALLY CLEAR THAT BEFORE INDUSTRY CAN BE AT PEACE,

the employer must abandon the conception of the work-
man as a mere part of the machinery of production. We
can derive much encouragement from the fact that to an
ever-increasing degree employers, especially the larger em-
ployers, are coming to recognize their responsibility. I
have no doubt that in time industry as a whole will adjust
itself open-mindedly to the demands implicit in present
day employer-employe relationships. With this adjustment
will come, I am confident, a general awareness of the
truth that to be at peace, men and women must be per-
mitted to work under conditions that make for content-
ment rather than encourage the feeling that they are vic-
tims of injustice.

This presupposes a similar adjustment and a similar rec-
ognition of responsibility in labor itself. It necessitates, for
example, the understanding that the proper way to settle
grievances is not by taking possession of property but by
resorting to the orderly procedure of collective bargaining.
The nation at present is experiencing the effects of a vast
and unprecedented drive to bring workmen within union
organizations. In the course of it, mistakes have been
made, but it is my conviction that the significance of these
errors is realized by labor in general, and that it is mak-
ing sincere efforts to guard against their recurrence.

We all want business and industry stabilized and flour-
ishing. We also want men and women and children living
under conditions that are wholesome and just, that will
give them heart for the task of living, and provide a
strong, broad foundation for peace. We want the farmer
to have greater stability in his income and protection
against demoralizing fluctuations in the prices of his
products. We see in the spread of tenancy a menace to the
stability of die home. We recognize the need for intelli-
gent, farsighted conservation of the soil that means life
to every man.

We share the worker's yearning for security, his desire

to be secure in his job and to receive from it a reasonable
and j ust share of the national income, so that he may bene-
fit by the good which our vast economy has contrived
and produced. We want security for investors too, for
those who by thrift, enterprise and industry have acquired
a share in the nation's capital and provided the means
for enlarging the facilities of production and trade. We
want all these things and believe that without them there
can be no real lasting peace.

Democracy in a Crisis

MANY OF THESE PROBLEMS HAVE BEEN APPROACHED EXPERI-
mentally by government in the last few years. The experi-
ments have not been uniformly successful, but they have
all contributed as a part of the process of trial and error
by which democracy tries to surmount the difficulties that
confront it. It is by such experiments that government will
gradually evolve effective agencies and machinery for the
analysis of errors, the fashioning of corrective measures,
and the impartial airing and settlement of differences.
Only thus can government be the kindly friend and the
high-minded leader which ideally it should be.

When government is confronted with a crisis like the
one that we faced last winter, it is important diat we
remember our political traditions and our democratic
ideals. No matter what merit the methods of fascism and
communism and other political systems may possess for
the lands where they have been adopted, ours is a demo-
cratic tradition and we are bound to work out our prob-
lems in accordance with the ideals and principles of
democracy.

In coming through the crisis of last winter in Michigan
without loss of life or suppression of individual liberty,
I believe we kept faith with those principles. We may
hope that in the days to come, when industry and labor,
under the leadership of government, are meeting their
responsibilities in a rational and disciplined way, as they
should, there will be a zealous regard for the preservation
of liberty in every crisis, and human life will have its
proper security and dignity.

It is in a crisis that democracy meets its real test. It is
not in normal times, but in difficult times when the going
is rough, that men have to show whether they really be-
lieve in its principles and ideals. In a period of crisis or
under stress of feeling, men are tempted to take extremt
measures. Whenever we yield to such passions, we only
show that our faith in human beings is small, that our
ideals are only for fair weather. But if we persevere when
a crisis comes along and hold fast to our concepts of
democracy and liberty, we shall be able to emerge from
conditions like those we endured last winter without ran-
cor, without tragedy, and with firmer confidence in the
future of free institutions.

THE HEBREW PROPHETS TO WHOM WE OWE so MUCH FOR
our social concepts preached the love of God and the
brotherhood of man. The faith of the Christian enjoins
compassion for all men and concern for the welfare of
every human being. The unbeliever also cherishes the
ideal of universal justice and brotherhood. But life and
true religion do not consist in mere preachment. Men do
not really possess these religious ideals and acquire these
virtues unless they practice them from day to day, in times
of stress as well as in periods of calm. "Faith without
works is dead." So it is with democracy.

SURVEY GRAPHIC

Balancing the — Population

by FIORELLO H. LA GUARDIA

A city man considers the farmer. The mayor of New York
on the human budget that government must continue to face.

A GREAT DEAL IS BEING SAID THESE DAYS AS TO JUST WHAT

the government should do or cease to do to bring about
a permanent readjustment of prosperity. Personally, I be-
lieve that until we have an economic readjustment — an
adjustment to fit the American philosophy of life and
theory of democratic government — all attempts and plans
are mere palliatives.

The first thing the government must do is to balance

the population! As long as we have from ten to

twelve million persons on relief by reason of unemploy-
ment through no fault of their own, and as long as the
American farmer cannot get enough for his products to
pay expenses, there can be no stability, no prosperity, and
no enduring happiness in our country.

It may sound strange for the mayor of an industrial
city to talk about the farmer. In my early days in Con-
gress, a little over twenty years ago, it was considered
most unseemly for a city representative to take an inter-
est in farm legislation. The old line was drawn — city rep-
resentatives would fight farm legislation and members
from rural districts would generally oppose legislation to
improve the condition of workers in industry.

To revive industry it is necessary to increase the pur-
chasing power of the American people. If the farmer does
not earn enough to buy die things which he needs for
himself, for his family, and for his farm, the factories in
the cities lose that market; workers are unemployed and
cannot buy the products which the farmer raises. That
vicious circle has been going on for years.

The sooner the people of the city understand and
realize the economic situation of die farmer the sooner
we shall get out of our troubles. For two generations the
American farmer has been placed in a most disadvantage-
ous position. Up until the recent experiments to aid the
farmer, he has been compelled to buy in a protected
market and sell in a world market. American standards
of living for wage earners in industry were maintained by
a protective tariff. The difference in the costs of produc-
tion between the foreign markets and those in this coun-
try was written into protective tariffs, specific or ad
valorem. They created a protected market and naturally
increased the cost of manufactured goods. The farmer,
on the other hand, during all this time had to sell his
products at prices fixed by a world market. With the ex-
ception of war periods when prices naturally soar, the
farmer has never been on a parity with industry. In order,
dierefore, to meet this situation it is necessary that gov-
ernment step in. The farmer must be placed on a parity
with industry. Personally, I do not approve of any plan
which curtails or artificially increases production. Surely
not curtailment so long as there are a million hungry peo-
ple in the country, and countless others throughout the
world.

The disposal of surplus crops through government or

JANUARY 1938

private agencies under government supervision should not
be a difficult task and surely is not beyond the genius of
American business men.

ALONG WITH PROPER PROTECTION FOR THE AMERICAN
farmer, it is, of course, necessary to bring about uni-
formity of labor conditions throughout the United States.
It is of little avail if progressive and enlightened states
enact social welfare and labor legislation to meet present
conditions, if other states brazenly and selfishly refuse to
do so and advertise the fact to attract industry to their
own confines. It is manifestly unfair to the industries that
safeguard the interests of their employes to have to meet
competition of states where there is no control, where
labor is exploited — states which boast of the fact by ad-
vertising that labor of all ages is available at any price.
There must be uniformity of laws and conditions in order
to expedite the spread of employment and to place all
industries on the same basis.

Another important factor in our economic readjust-
ment is President Roosevelt's social security program. We
recognize that it will take ten years before its full force
and effect are really felt. The start, and a good start, has
been made to take care of superannuated workers. The
age for retirement is constantly being lowered by reason
of the new, fast-moving machinery. Old age assistance is
so necessary that the wonder grows why federal govern-
ment did not have the vision to start such a system years
ago. Here, too, there must be uniformity. The other end
of this problem has not yet been settled. It will not be
until enough states ratify a constitutional amendment to
give Congress the power to regulate child labor.

A uniform unemployment insurance plan, now in its
infancy in this country, will in time develop to the point
where its beneficial provisions will relieve the stress of
spasmodic slack periods in industry.

It is true that this complete program will cost money —
yes, a great deal of money — but in the long run it will be
far cheaper than the enormous cost of any unscientific,
unsatisfactory method of emergency relief.

Housing, preventive medicine, recreational facilities
and child welfare have been recognized as part of our
important readjustment program. Of these it can be said
that we have passed the study and survey stage and are
now well on our way. Many states now have these pro-
grams established as permanent institutions. Here, too,
sections of our country are lagging behind; and a larger
measure of uniformity is necessary.

IF WE WILL SIMPLY FACE CONDITIONS COURAGEOUSLY, AND

be honest and frank in the discussion of these problems —
and not timid in putting necessary remedies into effect —
then a future of economic and political security for all
our people is not far distant.

THE SILVER ANNIVERSARY OF SURVEY ASSOCIATES

Shapers of Things

by PAUL KELLOGG, Editor

NEW YEAR'S — AND WE SET OUT ON OUR
new quarter century in prophets' man-
tles styled by Murphy1, La Guardia2,
Gifford3 & Frankfurter4. At our birthday
dinner, under the magic touch of Mrs.
August Belmont5 as chairman, the four
of them flood-lighted "The Shape of
Things to Come" in as many colors of
the social spectrum. They made the front
page next morning, but this January
number of Survey Graphic affords us
the opportunity to share their addresses
with members and readers everywhere.

Each went out of his way to remark
on the people we had brought together
to hear them. The manager of another
leading hotel dubbed ours, a bit ruefully,
the most distinguished dinner of the
year. Dr. John H. Finley", who is cer-
tainly the doyen of public affairs, called
the audience he looked out upon from
the speakers' table altogether extraor-
dinary in his experience.

Knowing the growing pains of Survey
Associates over the years, the slow if
steady crystallization of interest and con-
viction, now with one, now with an-
other, what struck me was how this
gathering cut across gusty intellectual
alignments; across vocations, geography,
age, sex, politics, religion. It had elicited
yeast from each — men and women up to
the hilt in a hundred creative movements
and activities that broach our future as
a people.

Nearly every other person in that din-
ing room, hung with its silver balloons
and instinct with a spirit of fellowship,

S. A.— Survey Associates.

1 Frank Murphy, governor of Michigan, former
governor general, Philippines.

1 Fiorello H. La Guardia, mayor of New York;
president, National Conference of Mayors.

1 Walter S. Gifford, president, American Tele-
phone & Telegraph Company; president, Char-
ity Organization Society of New York, our
parent body.

• Felix Frankfurter, Bryne professor of adminis-

trative law at Harvard University; board mem-
ber, S.A.

• Member, Central Committee, American Red

Cross; chairman, Metropolitan Opera Guild;
board member, S.A.

• Editor of The New York Times; editor, in the

^Os, of The Charities Review (a forebear of
The Survey), a bound copy of which he brought
to our party.

was a member of our cooperative society.
It would have taken a room twice that
size to hold our national membership
under Mr. Eastman's7 presidency. Our
magazine subscribers the country over
would fill one like it on every floor of a
twenty-five story skyscraper. That is why
there are results to show in public en-
lightenment and action which come from
prosecuting those disinterested "educa-
tional functions" which are the basis for
so varied a support; which come from
carrying out the keen, swift journalistic
research that gives our work depth and
its special distinction.

THERE WERE THE MESSAGES FROM THE
President8 and the Governor9 of New York,
printed on page 8; from Prof. Taylor10,
Judge Mack11, Miss Wald12, Dr. Cabot13,

7 Lucius R. Eastman, president, Hills Brothers;
president, American Arbitration Association;
president, S.A.

" Franklin D. Roosevelt, President of the United
States; author, "Growing Up by Plan," Sur-
vey Graphic, February 1932.

' Herbert H. Lehman, governor of New York;
member S.A. ; author of "Parole in New York,"
to be published in Survey Graphic for February.

10 Graham Taylor, warden, Chicago Commons; re-
cently cited for his outstanding citizenship by
the Chicago Rotary Club; editor of the settle-
ment periodical The Commons, when 30 years
ago it was merged with Charities, later to be-
come The Survey: contributing editor, S.A.
throughout our quarter century.

11 Julian W. Mack, U.S. circuit judge; chairman
of the board, S.A. ; founding member, S.A.,
the one director named in our articles of incor-
poration to serve consecutively since.

12 Lillian D. Wald, founder of the Henry Street
Settlement; pioneer of public health nursing;
for 25 years a leading board member of S.A.

" Richard C. Cabot, M.D., pioneer of hospital so-
cial service, professor of social ethics. Harvard
University (retired); founding member, S.A. ;
member, national council, S.A.

Alexander Johnson14, and other long time
participants who could not be with us;
a growing sheaf from old friends and new
for which there is not space here.

There was a surprise for me in the gift
from our board, which Mrs. Leach15 pre-
sented, of an engraved watch and an illu-
minated scroll. Now I had planned to
make use of some of those present as stage
business in my part on the program, which
was to exhibit our scheme of work. So the
tables were turned, but I could accept for
all concerned; pointing out that this is not
a one-man show, nor was it a two-man
show throughout our thirty years together,
which Arthur Kellogg16 put into the ven-
ture so creatively, with his sheer executive
abilities and gifts for writing and editing,
his laughter and way with people.

When we started in as reporters and city
editors on our hometown newspapers just
before the turn of the century, we were
quick to catch that distinction between fact
gathering and editorials which later was to
play its part in laying the ground for all-
round participation in this cooperative pub-
lishing society. To distinguish, also, be-
tween display advertisements and the free-
reading-matter which newspapers, in those
days, were prone to throw in alongside.

There was no chance in the time allot-
ted me at our celebration, to run down the
roster of those who in all conscience should
be singled out for their part in the twenty-
five years of Survey Associates — board17,
staff, contributors, members, writers, artists.
I had to leave acknowledgment largely to
the free-reading-matter at everyone's plate18

14 Dean of social workers, pioneer secretary of
the then National Conference; former contribut-
ing editor, S.A. "Uncle Alec," as he is affec-
tionately known, is in his nineties.

15 Agnes Brown (Mrs. Henry Goddard) Leach,
vice-chairman Foreign Policy Association; board
member, S.A. Our post-war Reconstruction
numbers, from which sprang Survey Graphic,
were the gift of Mrs. Leach.

" Incorporate^ S.A. ; business manager, Charities:
Charities and The Commons; The Survey; man-
aging editor Survey Graphic and The Mid-
monthly Survey. For many years prior to his
death in 1934, all operations cleared over his
desk as managing editor and treasurer, S.A.

17 For listings of board and staff see contents
page. This is the place to cite two members
whose service spans our 25 years: Martha Hoh-
mann, cashier; Isabelle Graham, office manager.

18 Seating lists and a folder which carried the
names of over 200 founding members whose
participation spans our quarter century; and
also greetings from the executives of city and
national social agencies, since reprinted m The
Midmonthly Survey for December.

SURVEY GRAPHIC

and ihc copy of our Anniversary Number of
Surrey Graphic1" to be had for the taking
at the door. This still remains true with the
hundred footnotes to these pages which
only begin to introduce our cast of charac-
ters. I can only ask the many others, who
have participated in our work and growth,
to read our appreciation between the lines.
For my assignment, as you will see, was (o
stick to display advertising; which as
printed here with the personal give and
take of the occasion, includes considerable
sections which had to go unspoken. So
here goes, and for a text, the old patent
medicine testimonial, namely:

"We have tried this medicine our-
selves and can say it works."

WHAT is THIS MEDICINE OF OURS? — BIG
medicine, as we sec it, even if put up in
little pills. Let me illustrate:

Two YEARS AGO, DEWlTT WALLACE20 LOOKED

around for a publication of standing in the
field of health that would join in tackling
a ticklish subject— the venereal diseases. We
took it on. The new surgeon-general of
the United States Public Health Service
had refused to speak on a radio broadcast
which denied him the right even to men-
tion syphilis by name. We put that name
on our cover: "Syphilis — The Next Great
Plague To Go" — and under it, your name,
Dr. Thomas Parran21. For inside was your
presentment, based on your lifelong study
and fresh research into current demon-
strations. The popular demand for it was
such that 50,000 reprints of our full-length
article, 500,000 of The Reader's Digest con-
densed version, were sold in the next few
months. Newspapers throughout the coun-
try carried the nib of your challenge; we
broke the taboos of a women's magazine of
three million circulation; and the whole
movement you were initiating to grapple
with venereal diseases took on new drive.

Go »ACK TO THE EARLY *20s WHEN A GROUP

of medical pioneers came to us through
Dr. Haven Emerson22. Heart disease was
matching tuberculosis as a cause of death
and personal defeat. They wanted to put
it on the map of public concern, and, as
a first step, to enlist the interest of Survey
readers. Now I doubt if any lay publica-

" "What has taken shape in American Life in the
twenty-five years covered by Survey Associates:
What s ahead," a double number with articles
by Charles A. Beard, H. G. Wells and a dozen
others. See foreword, "Team Play," and "Pages
from The Survey Scrapbook."

" Editor and publisher, Tht Rndtr't Digtst, who
the year before had brought out a dramatic
challenge to traffic accidents: "And Sudden
Death,'7 by J. C. Furnas.

" Surgeon General, U.S. Public Health Service.
Early in 1938. under grant of the Rotenwald
Fund, we shall publish from him a sequel of
equal moment — covering the whole health front
in the South.

" Professor of public health administration, Co-
lumbia University: member, Committee on the
Cots of Medical Care; contributing editor. S. A.

lion anywhere were ever asked to get out
a special number on a disease. It's too for-
bidding. That was precisely what they
wanted and what we did — but we called it
a Hearts Number and employed all the
graphic arts to dramatize the story of what
could be done, and why and how. Within
a year the New York Tuberculosis Asso-
ciation had broadened its scope to include
heart disease; and 'there were kindred stir-
ring gains the country over.

OR GO BACK ANOTHER DECADE — TO OUR SWIFT

survey of Birmingham as the type industrial
city of the South. Three former Survey
editors who took part in it are here: you,
Shelby M. Harrison-8, Graham R. Taylor24
and John A. Fitch". Once in the field that
spring, we came upon an old friend, Morris
Knowles2", and asked him as a sanitary
engineer to sample conditions in three coal
mining towns — choosing the best, the worst
and a fair average. He did so — Maurice R.
Scharff, assisting — and in line with our
procedure, the first draft of the appraisal
went to the mine owners and the boards of
health. Things happened. The Alabama

Coal Operators Association commissioned
him to undertake a sanitary survey of every
mining community in the state; to present
each company with specific recommenda-
tions, and to prepare handbooks on tainted
water, privies, flies and the other menaces.
Before our special number came out in the
late. fall, we had to include a bcfore-and-
after section on improvements already un-
der way in the Birmingham district

Meanwhile a testy old gentleman threat-
ened to have us strung up to telegraph
poles if we ever came back. We had un-
earthed his habit of swiping city streets
for his factory sidings.

OR GO BACK STILL FURTHER TO THE FIRST

decade of the new century for the start
of a running fight that took twenty years to
break down the 12-hour day in the steel
industry. Imbedded in our anniversary to-
night is a bit of reunion of some of those
who took part in it. It began with our
Pittsburgh Survey in 19072', which was to
give us our name, our scope and many of
our techniques. I can make it briefer if I
tell it movie-wise in pictures:

BREAKING THE LONG DAY IN STEEL

As MV FIRST PICTURE, THE STEPS OF THE

old Kingsley House Settlement on the
"Hill" in Pittsburgh — with the flares of
Zug's mills leaping up through the smoke
along the river front. William H. Mat-
thews29, you were director of Kingsley
House then and were telling us how the
12-hour day and the 7-day week caught
men and homes and communities in
their grip. Prof. John R. Commons2*, ace
industrial investigator of his day, hadn't
believed you a month before, but he and
his young postgraduate assistants knew
it to be true now. John A. Fitch was one
of them; and another, William M. Leis-
erson30 who brought the national
railroad-labor negotiations to a head in
Chicago in October.

The result was that, thanks to a second
Sage grant, you, Mr. Fitch81, and you,
Margaret Byington82, spent a year on the
job, and we published the heart of your
two books which gave a factual basis that
was never dislodged.

It was you, Mr. Devine", who, in a
public address, first brought out our find-
ings as to the extent of the 12-hour day
and the 7-day week. That drew a blast
from the superintendent of the Homestead
plant of Carnegie Steel. He said they
were lies and the Pittsburgh newspapers of
the time headlined his charge. Unfortu-
nately for him, the president of the Car-
negie Company had given us the year be-
fore an analysis of their time sheets which
knocked the Homestead superintendent's

charges into a cocked hat; but unfortunately
for us not a Pittsburgh newspaper would
publish a line of John Fitch's reply. We
had to bring that out ourselves. It was then
I had a call to the U. S. Steel Corpora-
tion and went down expecting to be put on
the carpet.

" Director of the Russell Sage Foundation; staff
member. The Pittsburgh Survey; author, "The
Distribution of Taxation in Pittsburgh"; di-
rector, Birmingham and Springfield surveys;
former associate editor, S.A.

'-'* Chief, Division of Publications, Commonwealth
Fund; author, "Satellite Cities"; managing
editor, Tht Commons, and former associate
editor, S.A.

M Director, industrial courses, New York School
of Social Work; staff member The Pittsburgh
Survey; former industrial editor, S.A.

*° Builder of the municipal filtration plant which
ended endemic typhoid in Pittsburgh.

•' Our Pittsburgh Survey was backed from the
start by the Russell Sage Foundation under the
presidency of Mr. de Forest and the director-
ship of John M. Glenn, a pioneer board mem-
ber of S.A. The foundation also financed and
published its findings in six volumes.

" Director, Department of Family Welfare of
N. Y. Association for Improving the Condition
of the Poor; demonstrator of possibilities of
work relief; former director, Kingsley House
Settlement, Pittsburgh; sponsor and collabora-
tor, Pittsburgh Survey.

" Professor of economics, University of Wiscon-
sin; author of authoritative books and reports;
staff member, Pittsburgh Survey. The three
members of our advisory committee were Mrs.
Kelley, Professor Commons and Robert A.
Woods, headworker of South End House. Bos-
ton, ( who brought experience in his Boston
studies to bear on his native city, and while on
the ground conceived and helped initiate the
Pittsburgh Civic Commission.

10 Member, National Mediation Board; former im-
partial chairman, garment trades; chairman,
Ohio Commission Unemployment Insurance;
staff member, Pittsburgh Survey.

" Author, "The Steel Workers," findings Pitts-
burgh Survey, R.S.F. See also 25.

"Author, "Homestead: the Households of a Mill
Town." findings Pittsburgh Survey, R.S.F. ;
staff member, Pittsburgh Survey; faculty mem-
ber. New York School of Social Work.

JANUARY 1938

So MY NEXT PICTURE IS OF A SPACIOUS

office at 61 Broadway, with only one
man in the room, upstanding, in the
prime of life, who wheeled on me and
asked, "Are you Kellogg?" "Yes," I
answered. "Then I want to tell you fel-
lows to keep up your pounding from the
outside. There are some of us here, at
work with picks and crowbars on the
inside — and we'll have that old wall
down together. Yours is the first bit of
encouragement we've had," he added,
"that the public knows or cares about
the long day and the long week in steel."
That was you, William B. Dickson33.
You told me that, as a roll hand in the
Pittsburgh district in your youth, you
had sworn that if you ever reached a
place where you could do anything about
it, you would rid the steel industry of
the grueling 7-day week that scotched
life and homes and churchgoing and
citizenship. You were as good as your
word. And between us we kept up our
pounding inside and out.

The first break was at the point of ex-
cessive Sunday work. Instead of being a
day of rest, Sunday had become a repair
day in the mills, on top of the regular con-
tinuous operations. There had been a rule
on the Steel Corporation's books to keep
Sunday work down to a minimum; but
that had been a dead letter for seven years.

Ill

A THIRD PICTURE: HERE WAS ELBERT H.
Gary34 at his desk. Before him sat
Charles M. Cabot35, John Fitch and I.
The judge signed a telegram calling on
all subsidiaries to enforce that old rule
against excessive Sunday work without
exception. You were the official at his
side, Mr. Dickson, who carried off the
telegram to dispatch to every company
president and you didn't bat an eye.

Then came the first meeting of the
American Iron and Steel Institute when it
was created; and you were chosen as
speaker. You paid tribute to the scientific
advances of the industry, but you chal-
lenged the institute to do something about
its human backwardness. Because there
was economy in keeping metal hot without
stopping was no reason, you argued, why
the same men should be kept working
straight through. You recommended a
one-day-of-rest-in-seven schedule; a com-
mittee was appointed; this favored it, and
it was adopted by the chief companies.
Score for you.

" Former vice-president, U. S. Steel Corporation.
" Former chairman, U. S. Steel Corporation.

3S A Boston broker whose activity until his death,
and whose bequest were crucial in all that fol-
lowed.

LET ME GO BACK A BIT TO A PICTURE OF

Painter's Row on the south side of Pitts-
burgh— half a dozen rows of company
houses staggered up a hillside; without
water except what the women lugged up
flights of stairs from a yard hydrant,
without sanitary conveniences other than
a few inconvenient outside privies.
Painter's Mills had been rehabilitated
when they were taken over in the process
of consolidation; Painter's Row had been
left as it was.

That made a small paragraph in our
Pittsburgh housing report36 which Arthur
Gleason37 picked up as editorial writer for
Collier's and on its editorial pages asked if
steel stockholders liked to draw dividends
from the likes of Painter's Row. One
didn't; and so wrote to Judge Gary. This
was Charles M. Cabot, whose habit it was
to put his convictions to work. Mr. Gary
referred Mr. Cabot's letter to the presi-
dent of Carnegie Steel, who referred it to
the superintendent of Painter's Mills, who
denied anything wrong with Painter's Row.
In due course that denial reached Mr. Ca-
bot, who promptly demanded retraction by
the editors of Colliers, who sent up a shout
for help at their source.

Now back of our paragraph on Painter's
Row were half a dozen single spaced pages
by Elizabeth Crowell, R.N.38, who had
spent a week there observing it as a labora-
tory specimen of all that was foul in hous-
ing. Her field report went to Collier's,
to Stockholder Cabot, and then to Judge
Gary and down the corporation line, with
result39 that some of the rows were razed
forthwith and the remainder recondi-
tioned. Out of it, Mr. Cabot sensed that
a new kind of citizenship — or something
like it — could play a part in the human
policies of great corporations. As on that
subsequent day at Judge Gary's office.

OUR NEXT PICTURE: — CALLING HIMSELF
"only a damn fool small stockholder,"
we see the same Charles M. Cabot turn-
ing up at the next annual meeting of the
Steel Corporation; quoting from an arti-
cle on overwork and overstrain in the
steel industry. The same John Fitch had
written it for the American Magazine
and the editors had labelled it "Old Age

36 Reprinted and circulated by the housing com-
mittee of the Pittsburgh Chamber of Commerce
under the progressive administration of H.D.W.
English, a Pittsburgh Survey sponsor; found-
ing member, S.A.

37 Later, overseas correspondent, S.A., through
gift of Mrs. George D. Pratt (chief founder, of
Survey Graphic) ; poet and author of outstand-
ing books on British developments in wartime
and reconstruction.

3S Staff member, The Pittsburgh Survey.

38 With concurrent pressure from Dr. James F.
Edwards, Pittsburgh commissioner of health,
under the reform administration of Mayor
George W. Guthrie, sponsor, Pittsburgh Survey.

at 40." Mr. Cabot moved that a stock-
holders' committee be appointed to in-
vestigate the facts. With the press in
full attendance, Judge Gary associated
himself with the proposal; and appoint-
ed Stuyvesant Fish40, chairman. Charles
L. Taylor41 was the best informed man
on the committee, and secured the desig-
nation of a trusted friend as its secretary
and investigator. That friend was the
same William H. Matthews who orig-
inally set us going on the trail of the
long day. And on the crucial point of
the working schedule you, Bill, with Mr.
Taylor behind you — and I can imagine
some of the odds you faced — won out.
The Fish report said some handsome
things of the Steel Corporation's welfare
policies but challenged the 12-hour day
and the 7-day week as "humanly inde-
fensible, industrially inefficient."

We made much of that in The Survey;
but came the war; came Mr. Cabot's death;
came the post-war steel strike under Wil-
liam Z. Foster42 with the abolition of the
12-hour day as one of its slogans; came the
Interchurch Study of Steel which under-
scored the old evil; — and the churches were
to count throughout the long process of get-
ting action. Yet the 12-hour day hung on.

In due course, Charles M. Cabot's will
was probated. He had left $50,000 in trust
to a committee of three, his brother Philip
Cabot43, Mr. Devine and me. The counsel
of Dr. Richard C. Cabot13, another brother
and an active member of Survey Associates,
counted up to the hilt. We spent half the
total helping to break the back of the 12-
hour day. You, Mr. Fitch, and your field
assistants first brought to date the facts as
to its prevalence. Our managing editor at
the time was herself Pittsburgh born,
S. Adele Shaw44, who made a scouting
trip, visiting the independent mills that had
broken the two shift tradition and were
working three shifts of 8-hours each. We
brought out these findings in a special issue
of The Survey. At the same time the
Cabot Fund commissioned Morris L.
Cooke" to project a preliminary technical
study of the feasibility of making the
change. This led in turn to a wider study
under a |5000 grant from the Cabot Fund
to the National Engineering Council, of
which Herbert Hoover45 was president.

40 Railroad president and financier.

41 One of Carnegie's partners; board member,
Kingsley House.

*2 Leader of 1919 campaign under the National
Committee for Organizing Iron and Steel
Workers.

43 Today member faculty, Harvard School of Busi-
ness Administration.

44 Miss Shaw (later Mrs. Jonathan W. Freeman)
was the youngest member of The Pittsburgh
Survey staff; in the '20s, industrial and man-
aging editor, S.A. Our Anniversary Number
was made possible by a gift in her memory.

40 Then Secretary of Commerce; projector, as
President, of the comprehensive research on
Economic Trends (1929) and Social Changes
(1933) interpreted in two special numbers of
Survey Graphic.

SURVEY GRAPHIC

But again, nothing happened. Engineers
might be convinced but the public was
unaroused by this comprehensive report
Big Steel stood pat— except for Mr. Dickson,
who risked his post to take a public stand,
as he did in the pages of The Survey.

ANOTHER PICTURE, THE DINING ROOM OF
India House in lower New York.
Dwight Morrow" and Owen D.
Young47 at one end of a long table, were
hosts to key men in steel and to leaders
in other industries who found it hard to
believe that American employers any-
where still clung to such an anachronis-
tic schedule. At the other end of the
table was Mr. Hoover. The clue to this
occasion was Samuel McCune Lindsay4",
with his genius for bringing things to
pass. The Cabot Fund had commissioned
him to see what could be done in fol-
lowing through on the research. He had
enlisted Messrs. Morrow, Young and
Hoover in that luncheon, and with their
help next engaged the interest of the
President".

With result that a White House Confer-
ence was called in advance of the annual
meeting of the Iron and Steel Institute and
was attended by Judge Gary and other
leaders in the steel industry.

With result that the institute was
prompted to appoint a special committee to
reopen the advisability of change.

With the further result that a year later
the institute committee reported adversely;

and it looked as if again we were up
against that dead wall.

But as it turned out a way led through
the White House. Warren Gamaliel Hard-
ing put his foot in the door that had shut
on us; and pried it open again. The Presi-
dent sent word to the judge that he was
making a series of speeches on the way to
his trip to Alaska; that one of them would
be on the 12-hour day in steel. The im-
plication, I gather, was that this was a
curtain-raiser to a campaign issue on the
subject. He made the speech out in the
West. He went to Alaska.

VII

AND FOR MY FINAL PICTURE: THE FRONT

page of a morning newspaper, the head-
lines streaming of President Harding's
death after his return to the States. And
over on an inside page, a brief item:
that, the day before, the American Iron
and Steel Institute had reconsidered its
report; had called for the elimination of
the 12-hour day.

Today there is a 40-hour week in steel
against the 72-hour weeks and the 84-hour
weeks that had hung on into the twenties.
Last spring with Franklin Roosevelt, Myron
L. Taylor and John L. Lewis in the head-
lines, collective bargaining came in in Big
Steel. All this makes my story old history.
Slow history. It took all sorts of people all
sorts of time to break through the wall of
the long day in steel. I have mentioned only
a fraction of the forces at work. But facts
gathered and published and driven home
counted all down the line. That was our
Survey last and we stuck to it

WHAT GOES INTO OUR SURVEY FORMULA

WHAT THEN, TO REVERT TO MY ORIGINAL
question, are the ingredients in this
medicine of ours? Let me take up four
which, I beg you to believe, have been
shaken well. There are others, but that
is our trade secret, known only to mem
bers of Survey Associates themselves,
who add a tincture of silver before tak-
ing. (We should be happy to have the
rest of you get that habit!)

ONE INGREDIENT COMES FROM OUR

press table tonight. It enters into the
news and exchange that go into The Mid-
monthly Survey as a service journal for

" Then a member of the firm of J. P. Morgan &
Co.; later Ambassador to Mexico and Senator
from New Jersey; contributing member of
S.A. at the time of hii death.

" Chairman, General Electric Company ; member,
S.A.

" Professor of social legislation, Columbia Uni-
versity; for many yean secretary. National
Child Labor Committee; early board member,
S.A.

"Warren G. Harding
JANUARY 1938

social work; into the first-hand inquiry
and interpretation that enter into Survey
Graphic. What you, William Allen White50
set going at the turn of the century, you
and Lincoln Steffens51, Ida M. Tarbcll52,
Ray Stannard Baker5* and the rest, when
you revolutionized the traditional table of
contents of the literary monthlies. You
made reporting a great force. If the journal
of opinion runs back to the editorial page
of the newspaper, we stem from the city
room. This characteristic is personified in
John Palmer Gavit84, dean of our active
staff, who forty years ago founded and
edited The Commons and today is foreign

M Editor, Emporia Gazette ; outstanding interpre-
ter of American life; author, "How Far Have
We Come?" Anniversary Number, Survey
Graphic.

" "Steff," Miss Tarbell and Mr. Baker were of
the group of writers who under "SS" made
McClure t Magatine a force; and then with
John S. Phillips, Peter Finley Dunne and
others launched Tke American Magazine.

" Author of "The Inside History of the Standard
Oil"; founding member, S.A.

" Author of "Life & Letters of Woodrow Wil-
son"; founding member, S.A.

service editor of its offspring, The Survey;
in William L. Chencry", Leon Whipple"
and the half of our editorial staff over the
years who have been newspaper trained.

2 ANOTHER COMES FROM THE ARTS — OR
" if you prefer, from Edison's flash of
insight that the optic nerve is the shortest
route to the intelligence. Hence the
sketches, murals, sculpture, maps, charts,
photographs, movie stills which you, Flor-
ence Loeb Kellogg57, gathered for our An-
niversary Number of Survey Graphic. We
published some of the first match-drawings
of Hendrik Willcm Van Loon58. Lew
Hine" — we published the earliest "work
portraits" that came from your camera as
the pioneer among social photographers.
We were the first to bring out in this coun-
try those modern hieroglyphics, which have
spread like wildfire in recent years, and
which Otto Neurath60 invented in Vienna
as tools for understanding in a democracy.

2 A BASIC INGREDIENT WE HAVE DRAWN

" from social work of the dynamic type.
The sort you, Edward T. Devine*1, threw
into the hopper of New York when in the
middle nineties you became secretary of its
Charity Organization Society. For example,
a decade later I watched you set up a lay-
medical committee, study a thousand cases
of poverty in which tuberculosis was a con-
tributing factor, serve as organizing secre-
tary in starting the national association, and
blaze that trail of prevention which has
made it one of the great health movements
of all time. And from the outset Charities
which you founded in 1897, The Survey
which sprang from it in 1909 and of which
you were the first editor, have been
harbingers of the great hope it held out

We have drawn especially from neigh-
borhood work of that dynamic and intuitive
type of which Jane Addams62 and Julia C.
Lathrop63 were great exemplars; from such
explorers in the social sciences as Dr. Pat-

M In the interval. Associated Press executive, at
Chicago and Washington, and managing editor,
\ew York Evening Post; vice-president, and
foreign service editor, S.A.

" Editor of Collier1! Weekly; former industrial
editor, S.A.

"Professor of journalism. New York University;
associate editor, S.A. The week of our anni-
versary, the Richmond Times Dispatch carried
a leading editorial appreciative of his outspoken
wartime stand as a pacifist, which twenty years
ago cost him his faculty post at the University
of Virginia.

" Art editor, S.A.

" His latest book, "The Arts," a best seller is
an evolution from his original "Story of Man-
kind" (1931); see page 40.

" See Anniversary Number, Survey Graphic, for
appreciation. •" Ditto.

«' Incorporator of S.A. in 1912, and hitherto edi
tor-in-chief. Like his activities in a score of
fields. Dr. Devine's editorials in Charities,
Charities and The Commons and The Survey
measured up to the legend carried above them
—"Social Forces"; contributing editor, S.A.
throughout the quarter century.

" Founder of Hull-House — and so much besides;
board member S.A. from 1912 until her death;
associate editor, frequent contributor.

" First chief of U.S. Children's Bureau; with
whose name should be linked that of her asso-
ciate and successor, Grace Abbott, now of the
School of Social Service Administration, Uni-
versity of Chicago.

ten**; such innovators on the borderland
of public and private welfare as you, Homer
Folks65; such forerunners as Dr. Cabot13
in hospital social service, Miss Wald12 in
public health nursing, Mary E. Richmond6"
in case work, Joseph Lee67 in recreation,
as you, Dr. Meyer68 in the field of mental
hygiene; and scores of others."

A A FOURTH INGREDIENT COMES FROM AP-

plied science for we took over its
techniques of research. We go to original
sources. We submit first drafts of our find-
ings to the parties at interest. We weigh
their criticisms and corrections of fact; af-
ford them opportunity for rebuttal. And
in our periodicals we bring out the results
of this swift research while it is opportune.

Some years ago I sat in the office of the
president70 of the Roentgen Society of
America who told me of the advances in
the use of the X-ray. "You'll notice that
nearly everything on my shelves is just
paper," he said, "pamphlets, reports, pub-
lications. What's in the few cloth bindings
will be out of date long before they are
worn out. That is what science does to a
profession. You'll have to go to the lawyers
across the hall to find leather bindings."

Surely, you'll say, I am putting my foot
in it, with three members of the bar on
our program this evening, to say nothing of
half a dozen on our board of directors. But
that is just my point. Professor Frankfurter,
you'll agree with the expert71 of our An-
niversary Number that the law must forever
be refashioned by materials that come from
current realities. You and these other law-
yers of ours break through to those reali-
ties against the drag of a calf-bound
tradition. That's what we look for and get
from Murphy in Michigan, La Guardia in
New York; that's what Julian W. Mack,11
chairman of our board, stood out for as a
young judge when he saw living children
through the bars of old penal statutes;
when under his chancery powers in the
pioneer juvenile court of Chicago he

** Simon N. Patten, professor of economics, Uni-
versity of Pennsylvania; author "The New
Basis of Civilization"; coiner of the term "so-
cial work"; early board member, S.A.

" General secretary, New York State Charities
Aid Association; chief, wartime civil affairs
division, A.R.C., France; twice president Na-
tional Conference of Social Work.

•"Author, "Social Diagnosis"; former director,
Charity Organization Department, Russell Sage
Foundation. This department and, in turn, the
Family Welfare Association of America, had
their roots in the early volunteer work of Miss
Richmond and Francis H. McLean for the
field department of Charities Publication Com-
mittee (now S.A.).

" Founder and life-long president of the Play-
ground and Recreation Association of America;
member (d. 1937) national council, S.A.

0 Director, Phipps Psychiatric Clinic, Johns Hop-
kins University.

" Remark of hardboiled dinner guest: "He's
mentioned everybody who ever gave a dollar or
wrote a line for his paper." — An overstatement.
Message from a participant who was himself
mentioned: "But you left out so and so and
«o" — An understatement.

"Dr. A. W. Crane, Kalamazoo, Mich.

"Prof. Walton H. Hamilton, Yale Law School;
author, "The Living Law," December Survey
Graphic.

claimed them and dealt with them not as
criminals but as wards of the state.

That's what Robert W. de Forest72,
founder-in-chief of Survey Associates dem-
onstrated in turn as chairman of a C.O.S.
committee, of a state commission, and then
as first tenement house commissioner of
Greater New York. He, and his associates,
gathered the facts; fought it out in legisla-
ture and courts; revolutionized die stand-
ards of new construction; and in the name
of life, health and decency established the
legal principle of that public interest at-
tached to multiple dwellings which we have
yet to put comprehensively to work today.
Do you wonder that over the years ad-
vances in housing and in the treatment of
juvenile delinquency have been major
Survey assignments?

THESE THEN, ALONG WITH EDITORIAL
freedom and an open forum for discus-
sion, are ingredients of our Survey for-
mula— techniques drawn from journal-
ism, the arts, social work and science;
functions and principles which are the
basis for inviting men and women of
differing points of view to participate
in our work as an educational organiza-

tion. This dinner itself surely visualizes
your talents, Mrs. Brenner78.

Such techniques have buttressed us
in broaching abuses and neglect, and in
meeting criticisms that are part of the
day's work. Only this week we had a let-
ter cancelling a subscription on the
ground that we have a subterranean com-
munist bias; something that can be
filed with an old charge that I was the
"hired conscience of capitalism." These
techniques — and this is a harder job —
have reinforced us in putting forward
constructive leads that flow from discov
cry, proposal and challenge. For example:

Frank P. Walsh74, you were the vigorous
chairman of the United States Commission
on Industrial Relations. As you know, that
pre-war inquiry grew out of a Survey
symposium — when at a time more tense
than this, the public mind closed up like a
trap at the McNamara confessions. "Why
dynamiting?" we asked — and that question,
followed up and put to work by a special
committee, led to the creation of your
commission, which as never before, through
research and hearings, ventilated the issues
of industrial justice.

HAZARDS OF THE WORKING LIFE

To SHOW THE STREAM OF SUCH WORK,

let me turn to three of those hazards of
the working life which Louis D. Bran-
deis75 laid as charge on the social work-
ers of the nation at their Boston confer-
ence a quarter century ago. (Other fields
would yield kindred illustrations.)

TAKE INDUSTRIAL CASUALTIES.

You, Dr. Hamilton76, in the field of oc-
cupational diseases as Mrs. Kelley77 before
you in that of industrial accidents, have
blazed trails for protection to countless
lives; as did Dr. I. M. Rubinow78 and you,
Joseph P. Chamberlain79 in the whole
range of the social insurances; you, John A.

"Founder-in-chief of S.A.; president until his
death in 1931; president, Charity Organization
Society of the City of New York, the Russell
Sage Foundation, the Metropolitan Museum of
Art, etc. Lawrence Veiller was his expert asso-
ciate throughout in tenement house reform.
Later, Mr. de Forest was active in the Sage
Foundation's development (Forest Hills) and
Alexander M. Bing, early board member S.A.,
launched the City Housing Corporation demon-
strations (Sunnyside and Radburn).

" Secretary, S.A. ; participant, Pittsburgh Sur-
vey; for two decades the active factor in our
growth as an organization; associate editor,
S.A. and a gifted contributor of ideas.

74 Member, New York bar; later co-chairman,
U.S. War Labor Board. Other outstanding
negotiators and mediators attending the dinner
were Gcorg_e W. Alger and Jacob Billikopf, ex-
perienced impartial chairmen; Francis Biddle
of Philadelphia, former chairman, National
Labor Relations Board — the last two, board
members S.A. ; and Mrs. Elinore Herrick, re-
gional director for New York N.L.R.B.

" Justice, U. S. Supreme Court; then a practic-
ing attorney, Boston; founding member, S.A.

Ta Alice Hamilton, M.D., ranking expert in her
chosen field; close associate of Miss Addams at

Kingsbury91 in health insurance and
Abraham Epstein80 in old age pensions.

Today safety engineering and compensa-
tion legislation are accepted practice. But
ancient rules of master and servant still held
when in 1909, in Charities and The Com-
mons, we brought out the early, findings of
our Pittsburgh Survey; among them the
investigation by Crystal Eastman81 and her
staff — of 500 cases of death at work in one
year in one American county. This was the
first challenging large scale American study
of the subject and was widely drawn on.

TAKE UNEMPLOYMENT.

I like to recall, Mrs. Belmont6, that how-
ever deep you were in those early years
of the hard times in spirited voluntary pro-
Hull-House; member, faculty (and the first
woman member) Harvard Medical School, re-
tired; author of many scientific studies for U.S.
Department of Labor; former associate editor,
S.A.

" Until her death, secretary of the National Con-
sumers' League; pioneer in child labor reform,
minimum wage and other labor legislation;
staff member, The Pittsburgh Survey; con-
tributing editor over three decades, S.A.
"Author of a sheaf of ground-breaking books;
actuary, Ohio Commission Unemployment In-
surance; secretary at the time of his death of
B'nai B'rith; early contributing editor, S.A.
'• Professor of law, Columbia University ; direc-
tor, Legislative Reference Bureau; chairman.
Foreign Policy Association; founding member,
vice-president and board member. S.A. With
his name should be linked that of Henry R.
Seager, also of Columbia; also president of the
American Association for Labor Legislation,
who, as chairman of our board, pulled stroke
in launching Survey Graphic.
m Executive secretary, American Association for

Social Security.

" Author, "Work Accidents and the Law," find-
ings Pittsburgh Survey, Russell Sage Foun-
dation; subsequently secretary pioneer New
York State Employers Liability Commission.

SURVEY GRAPHIC

visions for the unemployed, you discarded
the current stereotypes as to the British
dole; and, at our 20th anniversary dinner,
took your stand for unemployment insur-
ance as a dependable system of protection.

Through you, Helen Hall"2, I should
like to acknowledge our indebtedness to
the settlements in drawing on their studies
of American unemployment you initiated
the year before the depression, and for your
own first-hand appraisal of the British system.

To you, Madame Secretary"*, our thanks
for those Surt-ey articles of yours which
forecast our own unemployment compen-
sation system, which you yourself were to
shape and sec through to enactment.

FOR OUR PART, YOU BRUNO LASKER84, STAKED

out the unemployment problem for us in
1922. Early in the winter of 1928 we dis-
closed the crevice of worklessness that
again was breaking through the surface of
post-war prosperity. The stock market crash
was still six months off when, in the spring
of 1929, we brought out a prophetic special
number, Unemployment and Ways Out,
which boxed the compass at the hands of
a score of experts. You, Beulah Amidon85,
in sequence to your earlier work, carried
out staff inquiries in midwest industrial
centers in 1930 when the press was still
giving the situation a wide berth. We have
followed through with interpretative and
critical treatment every move and develop-
ment since — with a social worker carrying
the most excruciating load in the history
of American public office8*; — to our present
stage when (even more, with the business
recession) our capacity to plan work and
livelihood becomes the test of democracy.
We have brought out articles on the
work of forerunners in the field of stabiliz-
ing employment; on your part, Mr. Gif-
ford*, in installing the dial system86"1 with-
out interruption of service or disruption of
employment. On yours, Mr. Eastman7, in
overcoming the broken year in date pack-
ing, hitherto one of the most seasonal in-
dustries. On yours, Harold Swift*7, in
stabilizing the working shifts of the stock-
yards. And only their illness prevents me
from also acknowledging in person that of
Samuel S. Pels"8 in soap manufacture, and
Sidney Hillman" in the needle trades.

"Director, Henry Street Settlement; chairman,
Consumers National Federation; president, Na-
tional Federation of Settlements; chairman and
author, "Case Studies of Unemployment," Uni.
versity of Pennsylvania Press.

"France* Perkins, Secretary of Labor; first worn
an of Cabinet rank and chairman. Cabinet Com-
mittee on Economic Security, 1935.

"Research staff. Council on Pacific Relations;
assistant secretary. Mayor's Unemployment
Commission, New York, 1915; associate and
managing editor for a decade, S.A.

"Associate editor, S.A.: author, "Toledo: a City
the Auto Ran Over,'1 "Ivorydale: A Payroll
That Floats," Survey Graphic, 1930.

" Harry L. Hopkins, former director New York
Tuberculosis and Health Association; adminis-
trator. FERA, CWA, WPA.

TAKE SICKNESS:

In 1927, we brought out by you, Michael
M. Davis90, the first series of articles ever
published in an American magazine on the
economics of medicine. That was a cur-
tain-raiser to the five-year study of the
Committee on the Costs of Medical Care;
whose work and findings were interpreted
in Survey Graphic as nowhere else — in
articles, semi-special and special numbers,
edited by you, Mary Ross". Then came
your staff articles on the going experiments
in group practice and group payment.

In our Anniversary Number of Survey
Graphic we have published the first of a
series of articles by Dr. Orr"2, bringing the
British system of health insurance down to
cases; — again giving currency to an ex-
ploration initiated by the National Fed-
eration of Settlements, again breaking
ground.

THE GOING WORK

THERE'S ALWAYS THE TEMPTATION IN
such a celebration as this to scamp the
day to day work, up and down the line,
that does the job; to forget those less
tangible services rendered by the organi-
zation concerned; to claim too much for
its medicine.

There are a lot of social workers and
public welfare executives here tonight who
would be eager to testify to the service
throughout some of the most difficult
stretches of the hard times which you,
Gertrude Springer**, have rendered to men
and women drawn into emergency opera-
tions— and now to the personnel of the
new welfare and social security services. I
could turn to those same witnesses, Mollie
Condon*4, as to your work and that of our
field staff, in enlisting such readers.

I am sure it was a way-mark in a peo-
ple's history when Alain Locke" edited
the Harlem Number of Survey Graphic and
disclosed the cultural gifts his race brought

" Vice-president, Swift A Co.; chairman, trustees.
University of Chicago; board member. S.A.

••President, Fels & Co., Philadelphia; author of
"This Changing World" (Houghton Mifflin),
which was published serially in Survey Graphic;
founding member, S.A.; national council, S.A.

" President of the Amalgamated Clothing Work-
ers, responsible for outstanding demonstrations
in stabilizing employment and in instituting un-
employment reserves. Chairman, Textile Work-
ers Organizing Committee of the CIO; board
member, S.A.

w Director, Committee on Research in Medical
Economics; member, Committee on the Costs of
Medical Care; former director, medical ser-
vices. Julius Rosenwald Fund.

"Research staff, Social Security Board; long
time associate editor, S.A. These and earlier
pieces of field work were made possible by
grants from the Thomas Thompson Trust, thr
Rosenwald Fund, the Twentieth Century Fund
(this field was one of Edward A. Filene's main
interests) and the Milbank Memorial Fund,
then under the directorship of John A. Kings-
bury, board member, S.A.

11 • •*/!» r r.i\ .1 , i »> rt , W I _\

••Telephones: Forecasting in Public Service"; " %'nfllI§FJV- °"' A1'1?.; B^Ttt,,Fe.!lo'^."W!:at

£f««»itf />&•»,,,•»<, N««i,r, S.rrrj. C«/.*,V. o9'000 J?oc'^' Co"" T'» "••" December

March 1932. by E. C. Lindeman. Editor Italian Suney Graphic. See page 37 for the second.

March 1932. by E. C. Lindeman. Editor Italian
Number, Survey Graphic, 1927; faculty, New
York School of Social Work; member. Elm-
hirit Committee.

JANUARY 19J8

*" Managing editor. The Midmonthly Survey; ere.
ator of "Miss Bailey Says," published serially
and reprinted in many editions.

m>rth with them, and that was before New
York had waked up to it. The ground
broken in The Survey by John Collier*"
for the American Indian; by you, Winthrop
D. Lane", in the treatment of the criminal;
by you, Joseph K. Hart*8, in adult edu-
cation, are Survey traditions. The regional
planners of the country have in mind our
pioneer articles** on land, water, power, —
your field, Victor Wcybright"10, today.

Sometimes, results are tangible. Years ago,
after much work and agitation, the face of
the Palisades was saved by a widespread
civic movement. Decades later, the building
of the George Washington Bridge threat-
ened to undo all the labor by opening the
way for speculative building along the brim
of the cliffs. A single staff article in Survey
Graphic by you, Loula Lasker101, galvan-
i/.ed public and private action to save them.

Other times results come slowly, stub-
bornly; like the twenty years it took to
eliminate that hoary working schedule
from the steel industry where it had hung
over from iron-making days. Sometimes
results come swiftly. Our Anniversary
Number of Survey Graphic told how in
1922 we handled a close-up article from
Robert S. Lynd102 who had spent a year
as a small town minister in Elk Basin,
Wyoming — long before he and Mrs. Lynd
made Middletown famous. He exposed the
prevalence of similar schedules — 12-hour
days and 7-day weeks — in the producing
oil fields. This elicited a companion arti-
cle10* from John D. Rockefeller, Jr. who
took a strong line against these old abuses
that had hung on from prospecting days.
Inside of twelve months the Standard of
New Jersey had taken the lead and elim-
inated them from its operations.

I HAVE DEALT WITH OUR PAST RECORD IN

my medicine advertising. It was for our
speakers to envisage the shape of things
to come. But we can pledge ourselves,
within the limits of such support as we
can muster, to use our tested procedure
and meet the claims of new and chang-
ing times.

M Joint circulation manager, S.A.

" Faculty. Howard University, Washington, D.C.

" Commissioner of Indian Affairs, U. S. Depart-
ment of the Interior.

** Director, Juvenile Delinquency Commission of
New Jersey; former associate editor, S.A.

•• Lecturer, Teachers College, Columbia Univer-
sity; who will add "Hfnd in Transition" to his
shelf of books this winter; former educational
editor, S.A.

M Notably J. Russell Smith, professor of economic
geography, Columbia University- Clifford Pin-
chot, former governor of Pennsylvania; Harold
L. Ickes, Secretary of Interior; Arthur E.
Morgan, chairman, TVA; Morris L. Cooke,
chairman. Giant Power Commission, Pa.; chair-
man, Mississippi Valley Committee; Robert W.
Bruere, editor. Giant Power Number, Survey
Graphic. March 1924; Benton Mackaye, fores-
ter and planner; Stuart Chase, author of
"Working With Nature," Anniversary Num-
ber, Survey Grafhic.

"* Managing editor, Survey Graphic; author.
"Spangled Banner."

"" Housing expert; member, national council and

associate editor, S.A.
'•* Professor of sociology. Columbia University.

"• "A Promise of Better Days," Survey Grafhic,
November 1922.

Who

Needs

Houses?

; 1 95,409!
i UNITS i

RENTAL GROUPS

$10 under $20

F$20 under $30 |$30 under $50 I $ 50 and c

1,405,779
UNITS

435.370

UNITS

NO SHORTAGE IN THESE
TWO RENTAL GROUPS

TOTAL U.S. SHORTAGE 2.039.556 UNITS - 100%

Total U. S. shortages of non-farm family dwelling units, by rental groups

ONE AND A HALF MILLION DWELLING UNITS

must be built in the United States an-
nually for the next two years to meet
the market for non-farm homes.

Eighty-nine percent of the need is for
new homes to rent at $30 or less
monthly, or sell for not more than
$3000.

Over 50 percent of new construction
should meet requirements of families
who can pay only from $10 to $20 rent.

Less than 3l/2 percent should be built
for those who can afford $50 or over for
rent or who can buy homes costing
$5000 and above.

A picture of what should be if supply
and effective demand are to be balanced,
if the construction industry is again to
contribute through wages to the steady
pool of purchasing power necessary for
the country's economic welfare, is here
attempted.

To build — even in great quantities,
regardless of specific group needs — will
not help. To build as was done from
1929-1937 when 51 percent of all resi-
dential construction was in the $5000 or
over dwelling-unit class and less than
17 percent in the $3000 or under class
will do little toward solving the prob-
lem. For today's shortage of more than
two million dwelling units is confined
almost entirely to families who can af-
ford but $30 or less monthly rent. Nearly
a million and a half are in the $10 to
$20 class.

These figures are based on a market

study of housing^ recently made by the
National Housing Committee, Washing-
ton, a volunteer group sponsored by
leading industrialists, labor leaders and
other outstanding citizens under the
chairmanship of Rt. Rev. Monsignor
John A. Ryan. The first market study
of its kind, a new technique had to be
established. Estimate of existing housing
shortages and current needs were based
on the most reliable statistics available
as to population, incomes, rents paid,
number of dwelling units built in the
past and other pertinent data. Among
the most important sources used were
reports of The Brookings Institution,
the Department of Commerce, the Bu-
reau of Labor Statistics, Bureau of
Census, Bureau of Foreign and Domes-
tic Commerce, and Wickens and Foster's
study of non-farm residential construc-
tion 1920-36.

ALLOWANCE WAS MADE FOR INCREASE IN
number of families, number of new
units built, number of units demolished
or destroyed by fire, for percentage of
vacancies existing and necessary, possi-
bility of transferring a surplus from one
grouo to the next below. The result of
these calculations is embodied in the
chart showing the actual housing short-
age today to be 2,036,558 dwelling units.
The variation by regions is interesting.
In the Mid-Atlantic, South Atlantic,
West South Atlantic, Mountain and
Pacific regions there is no shortage in

the under $10 group. The greatest short-
age lies in the $10 to $20 in the South
Atlantic region with over 200,000
dwelling units necessary. A shortage
in the $20 to $30 group occurs in four
regions — New England, Mid-Atlantic,
South Atlantic and Mountain. The only
region where no shortage appears is the
Pacific. It must be remembered, how-
ever, as indicated, that in a study by
regions it is assumed that a surplus can
be transferred to any other part of the
same region.

BUT OTHER FACTORS BESIDES SHORTAGE

must be considered if the market is to
be gauged. Hence computation was
made of increase in population for the
next two years (estimated at the same
rate of increase as between 1935 and
1937) and apportioned by rental groups
in accordance with the 1937 figures. The
net result, with allowance for future loss
by fire and demolition, gives the market
need for 1938-39. (See table) This
shows a need of 1,503,853 new dwelling
units annually for the two years to
come. Only 50,672 units will be needed
i i the $50 or more rent class.

WlLL FUTURE RESIDENTIAL CONSTRUCTION

bear a more realistic approach to facts
than in the past? At least an important
step has been made by the National
Housing Committee in offering this first
market survey based on actual facts, and
not mere estimates and guesses.

ANNUAL NEED FOR NEW NON-FARM DWELLINGS FOR 1938 AND 1939 (INCLUDING SHORTAGE) BY
REGIONS AND RENTAL GROUPS
In Number of Units

Region

Under $10

$10— $19.99

Rental
$20— $29.99

Groups
$30— $49.99

$50— Over

Total

New England

4,303

37,879
95,042
11,491
74,856
307,528
127,242
156,528
24,452
4,043

38,916
100,699
12,210
11,353
143,905
9,753
13,964
6,414
5,564

13,746
30,730
9,975
9,193
28,952
7,390
8,184
901
5,062

3,870
19,067
3,431
3,770
13,608
2,483
2,046
307
2,090

98,714
247,574
59,167
137,025
516,865
207,752
187,116
32,363
17,277

Mid-Atlantic

2,036

East North Central

22,060

West North Central

37,853

South Atlantic

22,872

East South Central

60,884

West South Central

6,394

Mountain

289

Pacific

518

Total

. . . 157,209

839,061

55.8

342,778
22.8

114,133
7.6

50,672
3.4

1,503,853
100.0

Percent

10.4

SURVEY GRAPHIC

Chatham Village in Pittsburgh has demonstrated for six yean that medium priced rental housing ii good business

Housing that Pays

by C. V. STARRETT

To promote housing construction, the President, in his special message
to Congress, recommended amendments to the National Housing Act,
including provisions to encourage the building of large scale private
rental projects. Amendments subsequently introduced in Congress are
aimed at making possible such developments as Chatham Village, here
described, as well as housing for even lower income families.

"WHILE I WAS BUYING MY HOUSE I USED TO LIE AWAKE
wondering whether I'd ever own it. Now that I own it, I
lose sleep wondering if I can ever sell it for anything like
what it cost. For in the twelve years since we proudly
moved into this neighborhood, things have changed here.
The people aren't so high grade; a lot of the houses look
seedy; and the lawns and gardens have slipped. It has
me badly worried."

This plaint is not an unusual one among home owners.
The tempo of urban "metabolism" is so rapid that often
whole districts spring up, flower to maturity, and fade-
almost before the mortgages that built them are retired.
With the coming of die first financial depression, repairs
slow down; here and there an owner is replaced by
tenants who do not keep up the yard, or who are other-
wise substandard; foreclosures bring bargain buyers who
rent to the wrong people. Before long the original owners
begin to sell — sometimes to newcomers who have little
except cash to recommend them. Blight has set in. If the
neighborhood has been badly planned and badly built,
the process is so much the swifter, and the results to the
home-and-mortgage owners so much the more disastrous.

That a great deal of the housing constructed in the
past decade or two in America was jerry-built is evident,
even after the "recovery period" has provided badly

needed paint and repairs. And that a great many home
owners were returned to the tenant class during the de-
pression years is common knowledge. That too many
houses were built purely on speculation and sold to
families who were not financially able to own homes-
even jerry-built homes — is now apparent. Now the mort-
gagees own them. Costly reconditioning goes on apace,
but the downward cycle seems about to begin again, with
the specter of neighborhood blight looming larger than

ever.

All this is not to say that it is impossible to plan and
build fine neighborhoods, nor that no one should own his
own home if he has ample funds to build it under con-
ditions favorable to the stability of property values. But
some other conclusions are inescapable.

Rental — Not Sale — For Security

PLANNED NEIGHBORHOODS, BUILT AT ONE TIME ON A LARGE
scale, can be better designed and better built than those
developed either individually or as a speculation. The
advantages of first class architectural services and of ex-
pert advice in site planning and landscaping, and the
savings to be made in purchasing land and materials for
many houses at once, are obvious. Standards can be set
that will attract buyers of a substantial and responsible

JANUARY 1938

type. Careful planning and group development will give
such a neighborhood all the security that is possible under
family-unit ownership.

There remains the problem of maintenance — neighbor-
hood and unit maintenance — through the years. So far no
system of individual home ownership has solved that
problem. The neighborhood is as secure, as strong as its
weakest family — and no stronger. Further, it is not a
unit in resisting commercial encroachment, business de-
pressions, or political tinkering. And any one of these
causes can bring blight and disaster to any district of
individually-owned homes with distressing rapidity.

There is one type of neighborhood, however, that does
offer security of investment, certainty of income, and a
guarantee against social and economic deterioration.
Limited dividend (it might well be called "assured divi-
dend") housing, if designed, planned, and built on a
sufficiently large scale, will create a fine neighborhood.
But of greater importance is the fact that, due to the
policy of long term investment management — on a fair
and moderate rental basis, with adequate maintenance
facilities — it will remain a fine neighborhood.

Control of the entire neighborhood as an operating unit
will resist commercial encroachment and will assure main-
tenance of both buildings and surroundings.

Chatham Village — A Demonstration

IT IS NOT NECESSARY TO THEORIZE. THE THING HAS BEEN

done in various communities, in various countries. It is
not necessary to buy a steamship ticket to see well
designed, well built, and wisely managed housing
projects, operated as a long term investment and yield-
ing safe, moderate returns with a regularity that suggests
an approach to a depression-proof use for large funds.
But the sponsors of these projects have not been "private
industry," but a handful of housing corporations, which
have been established either as limited dividend com-
panies or companies for die investment of trust funds.

One of the most outstanding is Chatham Village, built
by The Buhl Foundation in Pittsburgh in 1932 as a
demonstration of the value of the planned neighborhood
as a socially and economically profitable investment. Its
six-year record offers food for thought to would-be large
scale investors in housing throughout the country. It
was mentioned constantly at the recent Conference on
Residential Construction of the Chamber of Commerce
of the United States to illustrate the possibilities of
medium priced rental housing as a business proposition.

The first unit of 129 houses, completed early in 1932,
was fully occupied immediately, and a waiting list of
prospective tenants has been maintained ever since.
Throughout the depths of the depression, productive
occupancy averaged better than 99 percent. Since 1935 it
has been 100 percent.

In 1936, a second unit of 68 houses was added; not a
single house has been vacant from the outset. Chatham
Village homes represent an investment of $1,600,000. Cur-
rent rentals run from $50.76 to $86.01 per month.

Chatham Village is neither slum clearance housing, nor
philanthropic housing, nor subsidized housing, but a
solid business project. It is well planned, well built middle
class housing— designed for white collar people with good
taste and moderate but reasonably secure incomes. It of-
fers to such families better value for their rent dollar
than they can find elsewhere in Pittsburgh.

As to the property itself, the photograph tells the story
better than words. The houses are built on a hilltop only
six minutes by auto from the heart of Pittsburgh, yet out
of the traffic and smoke belt. Nearly surrounded by
twenty-five acres of fine woodland, the village is itself
almost a park. The houses turn their backs on the few
streets and face into spacious, landscaped courts and
gardens where children play safely. Electric wires, phone
lines and garbage cans are underground, so that the
street yards rival the gardens. Skilful use of hillside ter-
rain has given the row-housing principle new variety and
architectural charm. Tennis courts, playgrounds for chil-
dren and an athletic field provide facilities for outdoor
leisure for all residents. A village social club and com-
munity center, organized and operated by tenants them-
selves, is housed in a reconditioned mansion in the
woods. For its almost 200 families, Chatham Village pro-
vides desirable homes in a superior neighborhood.

For The Buhl Foundation, the Village is a sound long
term investment for a part of its principal fund, yielding
a safe and deliberately limited return.

For investors and builders at large It is a demonstration
of the following important social and economic facts:

(1) Large scale housing can be better planned and more
economically constructed than piecemeal or speculative
building.

(2) A planned neighborhood can be controlled and main-
tained as a unit over a long period of years at a high level
of attractiveness and productive efficiency.

(3) Such a neighborhood offers advantages to the sort of
tenant who can and does respond to the opportunity for a
new type of urban living, and who brings his friends to
become his neighbors, and to fill the waiting list.

(4) Group housing, if it is planned, built, and operated as
a long term investment, offers safety of principal and certainty
of return to a degree that is becoming increasingly attrac-
tive to those who are faced with the problem of administer-
ing trust funds and similar large blocks of capital through a
period of uncertainty.

An Approach Toward Low Rent Housing

IT IS NOT MAINTAINED THAT THIS TYPE OF HOUSING WILL

solve all phases of America's "terrifying" housing prob-
lem, but it does point at least to one road toward a bet-
ter housed nation. Approximately one half of the families
in this country live in rented houses. Yet to date most of
this vast market of consumers has been the prey of the
speculator and has been almost entirely neglected by the
business man and investor. There has been practically no
large scale construction of rental properties for investment.
True the relative need in $50 and over rental properties
is small compared to lower priced ones, but a large
enough market does exist to make it an important part
of the greater need. And as more and more such proper-
ties are built in this class a technique should be worked
out which with modification can be applied lower down
the scale.

Such housing is eagerly sought for by large mid-
dle class groups. It will release a vast amount of mod-
erately good housing for occupancy by the next lower in-
come groups, bringing about a general upward movement
that will empty many slum properties for the wreckers.
And it will pour millions annually into construction, ma-
terials and equipment industries — with direct and wide-
spread benefits to wages and purchasing power.

What is America waiting for?

Courteiy Grand Central Art Gallerlei. New York

THE DIGGER

Industrial Age Men

Sculpture of American Workers

by MAX KALISH

THE OILER

THE DRILLER

Vega

by THOMAS WOOD STEVENS

I MET A MAN WHO KNEW WlLD BlLL

And Two Gun Smith, he said,
And he had drunk with Masterson

The day they shot him dead:
O now, I thought, I'll get the truth

Straight from the fountain head.

O let me shake the hand that shook

The hand of Masterson,
And tell me just how Wild Bill looked

And how he fanned his gun
To shoot six cattle thieves at once

Before the skunks could run.

O tell me, man who lived in Dodge

With those great heroes then,
Were they as swift and cool and brave

In life as history's pen
Has made them out? Those marshals all

Were estimable men.

Hold on, he said, you got me wrong,

Get this before you shake,
For my best friend met up with them

And never got a break
And he was all the friend I had,

They shot him by mistake.

He wiped his eye and took a drink

As if he drank alone.
He was the only friend I had —

He come from San Antone . . .
And the man who knew Bat Masterson

Sat still as any stone.

I'm sorry now I met the man

Who knew the marshals well;
Research is so confusing to

A scribe who wants to sell
The glorious legends of the West

And finds 'em false as hell.

THE NIGHT THEY SLEPT AT DoDGE THE WIND VEERED SOUTH

And the high air was clouded, with no clouds

Of any rain beneficent, but dust

As if the top soil of the Panhandle

Had been caught up and sifted into it.

At first they drove on, wondering, not afraid

But only curious. They had read of this.

Their luck was with them — they would see it now.

The dust closed down. The passing cars burned lights

As if the night had fallen; and the sun

Above them turned a steel-blue disc that hung

In coffee-colored air, and then went out.

A few miles farther, and they found the road

Had vanished in a waste of swirling mud.

The concrete had washed out. The world was dust—

Thick choking dust — and here a flood. Some tracks

Swung northward — an unmarked detour. They followed.

The tracks at first were plain. Then, suddenly,

They too were lost upon a wind-swept ridge.

John set the Ford in a wide circle till

He found a track. It might have been his own.

If not, it must lead somewhere. Now and then

For the earlier adventures of John and April, two clerks from the Wash-
ington census office, see Survey Graphic for December.

The tires would chatter through a drift of sand

That wiped the tracks out. Once in such a drift

The Ford stalled dead. And April sat and counted

Three times to ninety. ... At the third, her face

Twitched at a sharper pain. . . . "My time has come,"

She said, and, "Don't be frightened. It's just natural.

But not . . . convenient. We had best turn back."

So John got out. She took the wheel. He pushed

Against the boiling radiator frame.

They cleared the drift. He spun the car about

And gave it gas. "There won't be time — " she said.

He set his teeth. The track was lost again,

And there beside them, looming in the dust,

A rancher's hut — the doorway blocked with sand.

John broke it open. The deserted house

Was almost empty, but there was a bunk

Where John threw in the blankets and laid April.

"It's not so far back to that town," she said.

"You'd better go for help. I'll be all right."

"No — I won't leave you." "Yes you will. This is

My party. Kiss me and go quick. It may

Be morning by the time it comes." John tried to

To shut the door. "No. Leave it open. Please.

You've three hours more of daylight. It's not far."

John turned the Ford and started. "Can't be far,"

He muttered, saying it again, over

And over to himself. The track was fresh.

He had three hours. ... It can't be far. . . . Five miles

He followed it. Then in a drift the Ford

Stuck fast. He twitched and backed. . . . The wheel

Spun in his hand and the thick air went black

As his head fell against the useless wheel.

He struggled up, and dug the compass out

From the camp litter in the back. He knew

The town lay to southeastward. As he ran

He lost the track. He paused, and circled, found

Another. Then he stopped. "Now steady on,"

He said aloud. He set the compass down

And leveled it upon a heap of sand.

And from the gloom a sudden glare of lights

Struck sidelong. He could barely leap aside

As a long car came through and ground the compass

Into its rut. John shouted, but the car

Went on. They had not seen, or heard. But John

In its flash past had caught a kind of glimpse

Of a red cross above the license plate,

And John ran shouting, sobbing, after it.

And April counted, counted, in the bunk.

The pains came faster. April's mind was clear.

She threw the blankets off, and laid herself

On the old corn-husk mattress of the bunk.

She found two corn cobs in the corner of it

And gripped them hard. At first she met the pains

With her lips set. But as they tore her through,

More imminent, she shouted at each pain

And thought of ... cheering at a football game.

"No use to be too lady-like," she said

Between two travail throes. "There's no one here

To know if I keep still." The daylight left

The open doorway. . . . One bone-wrenching pain.

A pause. A moment. Then the final burst

Of agony and all her strength went forth

In answer to it. And she knew 'twas done.

She waited. . . . No cry came. None ever came.

And in the great assuagement, April wept.

SURVEY GRAPHIC

Past midnight, and the Doctor's headlights flared

Through the half open door, and a faint voice

From April greeted them: "Hello. Come in."

John leaped out, but the Doctor barred his way.

"Get me the water can — left running board —

The water, mind you, not the oil or gas —

And see if there's a stove." John found the can

And brought it in. The Doctor had his flashlight

Hung in the bunk, and by the beam of it

Was working over April. "Where's the child?"

John choked out. April did not speak.

"It's not alive," the Doctor said at last.

John sank against the door. "Too late." The Doctor

Turned, said, "No. It would have made no difference.

Stan a fire," and went back to his work.

There was no stove, and John went out and gathered

Some branches from an old dead tamarisk

And got the water heating. When he came

Back in the house, a tiny bundle lay

Wrapped in a crackling, yellowed Denver Post

Beside the bunk. And April spoke. "John dear,

Go dig a grave. And dearest, please don't look."

John went, and with his hands and a sharp stick

Hollowed a place beneath the tamarisk

Where there was a reflected headlight glow.

John took the bundle tenderly, this clot

Of both their bloods, still-born and born too soon,

Into the dusty night, and buried it.

The Doctor said, "Now steady, Missus; we

Have got to get this done before we go,

And it will hurt." And April: "I don't mind."

When John returned, the Doctor said, "You might

Have used my spade, there on the running board.

Forgot to tell you." And he washed his hands

Again. There was no water left for John's.

They lifted April, set her in the car.

The Doctor gave John orders: "Hold her steady.

She mustn't bleed too much. And keep the blankets

Around her close. The wind's turned north. I'll drive,

And take it slow." And April in John's arms

Lay quiet, only murmuring now and then,

Trying to give him cheer. The night was cold

And the dust breaking. Some faint stars came out.

Before they reached the town, the night was gone.

BEYOND LAS ANIMAS — AND JOHN FOUND WORK.
There dry and tawny lands were being plowed,
And Mexicans were scarce, and melon seeds
Must be put in that very moon, or lose
The early market; all the country round
Would be one melon patch by June; a man
Who could sort seeds, and plant, and drive a tractor
Was worth his salt — with some salt for his wife.

Before the ranch house, April, in the sun

Took color into her pale cheeks, although

The dust still hung above them. April knew

By sunlight, in the healing of the wind,

That a great storm had passed, and was content.

But in the night a shadow tugged at her

And would not let her sleep. There was a row

Of tamarisks by the ranch house, and she sat

And counted them, serenely, afternoons,

But when dusk fell, she could not look at them.

At last she wakened John. "There's something wrong

With me," she said. "I don't know what it is.

A sort of complex — like Antigone.

Could we go back — just for a day — go back

To— to the place you buried him?" Till then

John never knew she knew it was a boy.

He had not looked. And now that clot of both

Their bloods was calling her. "We'd never find

The place," he answered, knowing in his heart

It was not good for her to yearn for it.

"The house," she answered, "must lie off to northward.

A withered tamarisk — the doctor knows

The way. We could ask him. And I must go.

Just for an hour. You know I never wanted

Before to turn back. Now — " Her whisper broke.

An inward moan went through John's weary frame,

A wave of something like remorse, a beating

Of tortured love. To him the tamarisks

Had spoken too, but he had set himself

To look at them and look away again

With no compulsive tears behind his eyes.

"Well, if you like, we'll go. But dearest, dearest — "

"When?" "Tomorrow." April's head sank back

And in a moment she was fast asleep.

When morning came, the dust-red upper air
Was blue and crystal. April came refreshed
Out in the sun, looked at the tamarisks
As one who faced a world not too malign
To be endured. They would go back. . . . And then
She looked to westward. There the Spanish Peaks,
Two gleaming drifts of snow against the sky,
Hung beckoning. Two mountains. Far away.
First they had seen. John came to her, and "Wait,"
She said, and "Look. Leave me alone." John went
Without a word back to the house. She sat
And traced the snow-clad masses with her eyes.
An hour went by. And something she had had
Deep in her being long and long before
Came near and nearer: she went back in time
And space and sense of some strange imminence.
The hut by the dead tamarisk, till then
A half-seen thing that drew and tortured her,
Let go its hold. She lost it, and no will
Was left in her to go and seek it out.

When John came back, he found her facing west
Again, her gaze upon the Spanish Peaks,
Untroubled. "I have changed my mind," she said.
"We're free. There's no good now in turning back."
The wind was waving the slim tamarisks
And April stood and waved her arms with theirs.

When Duse said to Isadora

Soulfully, "Gardez la grandt douleur,"

She spoke as one whose world is more a
Theater for the likes of her

Than an open field where sunlight falls

Or a fireside room within four walls.

And what she said was right — for Duse:
She could distil a grief to a rapture

To fill a timeless urn, and use a
Bitter despair again to capture

A glory to flame in a high control,

A pity to purge and sweeten the soul.

For Duncan and Duse these things were sure:
Grief was a stuff to transmute and relume;

Elect and triumphant, they could endure
A death and wring music out of the tomb;

They could refuse Time's balm, and be

Like silver trumpets in their agony.

But child of mine, I would not wish for you
Such gifts to bear as they, such work to do.
No, daughter, though you long to hug your grief,
Best let Time steal it — he's a gentle thief.

JANUARY 1938

THE ROAD FROM ROCKY FORD TO TRINIDAD

Is always washing out, and then you take

A blind detour along the slopes to skirt

The wet arroyo that has lost its bridge.

On one of these, they came upon a car

Slewed in the ditch, and at the wheel a woman

Appealing to the passing world for help.

John stopped. The car, for all its coat of mud,

Was a long, custom-built, brown limousine,

And its rear wheels had spun until the axle

Was almost resting on the red ditch clay.

"Come on," the woman said, "and haul me out."

"Have you a tow line?" "No, but haven't you?"

John shook his head. Just then a Mexican

Driving a wagon with a motley team,

Stopped too, and sat like a carved walnut image;

The lad beside him grinned exultantly.

John went to him. His wagon box was empty

But an old rope was tied across the tail-gate.

John borrowed it, explaining, though he got

No answer, taking silence for consent.

And as he finished tying it across

Between his axle and the shining bumper,

A bundle in the back seat came to life

And a moon face with silver hair reared up

And questioned gruffly, "What the hell you mean,

Waking me up? I told you just to wait."

The moon-faced man, once he disclosed himself,

Seemed with prodigious bulk to fill the car.

The woman said, "We can't sit here all day.

Get out. We never can move you." The man

Came slowly forth, a mountain of a man,

And stood and grumbled. John said, "Give her gas,"

And took a strain upon the rope. The Ford

Was on firm ground, and pulled courageously.

The boy got off the wagon, eyed the rope

And waited. But the woman missed her cue

For cigarette smoke in her eyes, and both

Her hands upon the wheel. The old rope snapped.

The Mexican said something to the boy

Who grinned, and jumped, and both the Ford's rear tires

Hissed out and flattened as the Mexican

Drove on, the boy, avenging knife in hand,

Climbing the tail board. "Now I guess you'll wait,"

The fat man chuckled grimly. "Look-a here,

I can't go back to sleep. You can't go on.

Let's have a game. You seem a gentleman."

He crawled back in the limousine, and swung

A shelf out from the seat-back for a table,

And opened a compartment, taking chips

And cards from it, and started dealing poker.

" 'Fraid I can't join you," John said cautiously.

"I'll stake you," and the man detached a five

From a great roll, and counted out the chips.

"I've got to wait. But damned if I'll be bored."

The woman shrugged and lit a cigarette.

They played an hour. John's stack of chips was growing.

"Guess that'll do," the man said suddenly.

"Cash in. You've got enough to buy a pair

Of tires." He cashed, and folded up the table.

Then he got out, looked at the drying ruts

In front of the half buried wheels. "Now when,"

He said, "I holler, give her gas. No use

For any tow rope. Just stand clear." He set

His mighty shoulder to the limousine,

And shouted, and his dame let in the clutch,

And the mud flew, the car's bulk heaved itself.

Like a great whale caught in an ebb lagoon,

Out of the ditch and landed on the road.

"So long, young fellow." The fat man climbed in.

"I'll send a man with tires from Trinidad.

But watch yourself. Out here your poker game

Is just another of the charities

You can't afford. You'll thank me, son,

If you live long enough, for that advice."

So John and April waited for the tires

To come, by a garage mechanic with

A sly and mocking smile, from Trinidad.

It's up the trail from Trinidad

I'd like to rise and go,

The trail the lean red oxen made

Long and long ago.

(And they made it very slow

'Mid the pine trees in the snow)

And it's up and up from Trinidad

(And the water laughs below)

That you twist and turn from grade to grade,

And the sun beats down and the red rock's shade

Will put you in mind of the ambuscade

Of the prowling Navajo

What time the lean red oxen made

The pass in the long ago.

But it's up and up from Trinidad

That you'll climb and climb till you win a glad

Delight in a sight you'd sin a mad

Sin to be seeing away below —

For the trail that's up from Trinidad

Is the finest trail I know.

For it's there you look down across Ratoon

On a world of purple and gold,

And it spreads like the shimmer across the moon

And nothing to stop you, nothing to hold

From Wagon Mound to the Cimarroon

(The dust whirls dancing a rigadoon)

And the West lies wide to the Cimarroon

From the top of the mesa above Ratoon;

And it's diere I'd rather be

Than in any town, New World or Old,

Or any port upon any sea,

And it's her I love I'd take with me,

On the best of days love ever had,

To the top of the trail from Trinidad

And look on the world of purple and gold

That you see from the mesa above Ratoon —

Mile on mile in the light unrolled —

And it's there we'd wait for the desert moon

To rise on the lands of the Cimarroon

(Look west — look west to the Cimarroon)

Till the ghostly oxen's ghostly gad

Drives them again from Trinidad

To the purple pastures below Ratoon;

And it's there my love and I would be

And listen and wait and kiss and see

Through the silent pines above Ratoon

The world lie still, and still lie we

Till the silver face of the desert moon

Would redden and sink over Cimarroon.

For the trail that's up from Trinidad

I'd choose to climb if I only had

One day more in the afternoon,

One night more beneath the moon.

THERE WAS A JOB, JOHN HEARD AROUND THE PLAZA
In Santa Fe, (and money running low)
Out past Canada, up toward Rabbit Mountain;
You took the road along Bajada hill
Across to Cochiti, then bear northwest —
Well John and April knew the formula —
"You just can't miss it — " the great western lie.

SURVEY GRAPHIC

They took the old road over La Bajada,

And saw the mesas floating, step on step

Upward in purple to the Jemez peaks.

The Ford crept downward on the rock-strewn curves

To the long flat below; and then they passed

The river, and a sound of drums and chanting

Blew on the wind from Cochiti. They listened

And turned along the river road. The square

At Cochiti was swept for festival.

Beside the drummer, chanting, moved the chorus,

Old men and young, in shirts of many colors,

And down the center, skirting the brown pool

That gave back quick reflections of their bodies,

The dancers, masked as deer and buffalo,

With slender fore-leg sticks that tapped and tapped

As they with stamping feet beat out the pattern;

And through the maze a maiden, shuffling slow

Like a still shadow imperturbable,

Threaded the figures. Epifanio

Was at the drum, and he could make it summon

The forest powers, the earth, the sky, the clouds

To give good hunting. Solemnly they trod

The ritual out, and when the drum beat ceased

The world stood still a moment. They knew then

That all the life behind them, all the roads

They'd ever travelled, all encounters past

Were swept as by a wind that blew afresh

Into their faces from this pulsing hour

Where a long past was beating up the future.

They sat a while in silence. Then John shook

Himself as if to break a spell too strong,

And turned away. He must inquire the road.

"The road? Out by Canada. Bear northwest —

But it winds in and out among the hills. . . ."

Through the first red and pinon-peppered hills

The track was clear enough. They came to pines,

And then, beneath an overhanging cliff,

What seemed a town. They turned to it. Strange town

Was this Canada. It had been a place

With a long plaza, and a belfried church

Stood midway down the square between the houses,

But now its roof was fallen, and the graves

In the walled churchyard overgrown with cactus.

One pale blue drift of pinon smoke came up,

Sweet-smelling, from a house that had not fallen,

And an old woman, shooing some white hens,

Like a brown wrinkled witch, stood by the door.

April went up to ask about the road:

Where, if you please, Sciiora, was Canada?

The old crone grinned and showed her snag-toothed gums,

And answered in a flat midwestern voice,

This was Canada — what was left of it.

And did they want to buy some eggs. She had

A dozen that were mighty fresh. And if

They'd buy 'em, she could get some meal — that is,

She could if they paid cash, and would be kind

To carry her up to the mill for it.

She lived alone there. Used to live before

In Albuquerque, but she found it lonesome.

This was Canada — what about the eggs?

She talked, and John and April looked

Along the desolate sun-washed square, and up

To the high mesa overhanging it,

And never guessed the night of blood and storm

That swept it over, or the battle rage

That ruined it, three hundred years ago,

The night Quintana brought his people through

The arrows to the walls of Santa Fe;

Nor could they see, upon the mesa top

The ruins of that older city where

The snows a thousand winters deep had thawed

Since last the drums they heard at Cochiti

Had beaten for the hunting festivals. . . .

Yes, they would take the eggs. The woman brought them

In a tin can. John paid her. She got in

And started for the mill. She warn't alone,

She said, there in Canada. "There's a no-account

Old cowhand up from Texas — he camps there.

But I've no truck with such as him. His language

Is something awful when he's had a drink;

Or when he hasn't — I can't figger which.

Vender's the mill. I'm very much obliged."

They passed two homesteaols. Then they came to gates

In a stone wall, as some great hacienda

Might well be guarded, and a silent lad,

Alert, with hostile, somehow frightened eyes,

Admitted John. The master of the house

Sat in a huge old pigskin chair. Beside

Him, on a beaten silver tray, were glasses

And a half-empty bottle of old brandy.

A man not easily approachable,

Dressed in the height of what the eastern mind

Might well design for such a place and state.

The man was young, with brooding sullen brows.

"You came to see about a job? Hell, no,

I don't want anybody. Never will, I guess.

Last week I may have mentioned it. The plant

For our electric lights was on the blink

And I sent down for someone who could keep

The thing in order. These damned Mexicans —

But now I don't need anything." He paused,

And took another drink. "My wife has left.

Pulled out. She said she couldn't stand it here

Another day. But I'll be double damned

If I go back." He drank again. "Move on.

I can't be bothered." . . . And John took his leave.

Coronado came on horseback,
Long and loud his trumpets blew,
(But he couldn't hear the flute notes)
And his iron armor clattered
And the wary red folk scattered
Where his haughty banners flew.
(But he couldn't hear the mute notes
That had died before the flute notes —
Couldn't hear and never knew.)

General Kearney came with snare drums
And with bugles blowing strong,
(And he couldn't hear the vespers)
And he made prophetic speeches
All of peace, as history teaches,
For his flag could do no wrong;
(But he couldn't hear the vespers,
Couldn't hear the quiet vespers'
Never ending evensong.)

Now you come with eights and sixes,
Brakes that squeal and horns that blow,
(But you'll never hear the silence)
And the lizards know you're coming
When they hear your motors humming
And your gears go into low.
(But you'll never hear the silence —
Far too wide the desert silence,
Far too still the mountain silence,
Ever such as you to know.)

Better sound your horn and go.

Westward Under Vega will be concluded in the February issue.

JANUARY 1938

SlNCE EARLY FALL THE INDICES OF BUSINESS ACTIVITY HAVE

been dropping. What lies back of the charts and graphs?
This brief article will not attempt to define the factors
which control the business curves, but to explore what
is happening to American families and communities as a
result of the falling business barometer.

There were 400,000 fewer men and women at work in
factories on December 1 than on November 1, according
to preliminary figures- of the U. S. Bureau of Labor Sta-
tistics. This represents a "contra-seasonal" drop of 6 per-
cent. In the same month payrolls declined 11 percent, a $45
million cut in weekly purchasing power.

October placements in private industry made by the
U.S. Employment Service "were 12.5 percent fewer than
the iKyribcn of such placements in September," accord-
ing to a statement by Secretary of Labor Frances Perkins.
Shepdded, 'Un each of the preceding three years increases
reporter! from September to October." Preliminary
figures for November show a further drop of 25.1 percent.

Seeking totfill in some of the details of this picture,
Survey Graphic in early December sent out an inquiry
to people at snecial vantage points across the country —
welfare administrators, newspaper men, public officials,
civic leaders, anfa cttnaAs. Their replies offer not only fig-
ures, but revealing ftcta and comments.

With one striking exception, replies indicate that un-
employment is serious and is increasing. Clarence Ran-
dall, vice-president of Inland Steel stated that Inland had
had eight open hearthsl going November 15, 11 on
December 4, and expecteti to have 18 by December 7.
He considered that "the Vsituation is definitely better."
This bears out the conclusion of the magazine, Steel,
that steel production "has reached practically the bottom
of the current movement."

But the Illinois State Employment Service states that,
"Our private placements in Chicago for September were
8233; for October, 7732; for No^embepAthere will be be-
tween 5000 and 6000 (our figures\a/e nV completely in

yet) Normally there is an increase inVhe number of

placements during these three months." Tnh Department
of Public Welfare, Harrisburg, in a December 6 release,
stated, "Reports received from local relief executives and
industrial contact agents within the past two Weeks indi-
cate that industrial lay-offs affecting not less uian 65,000
men have taken place in the steel and bituminous coal
industries of twelve Pennsylvania counties."

Tentative figures from the New York State I^tbor De-
partment indicate a drop in employment of 53 percent
from October 15 to November 15 and a 9.1 percent decline
in payrolls — the most serious shrinkage in jobs and JDay-
rolls for the period since 1920. Private industry place-
ments during November fell 36.7 percent below those vn
October, 31.2 percent below November 1936. "The present
drop, as indicated by these preliminary figures, is sharpe
than the October to November drop for any year sine
1929." In St. Louis, while "retail trade is brisk and some-
what above last year's level," manufacturing has under-
gone sharp contraction in employment and in payrolls.
"The shoe, metals and machinery groups are hardest hit.
Together they account for a lay-off of some 10,000
workers." The board of directors of the National Federa-
tion of Settlements, meeting in New York in early Decem-

Behind the B

Graphs New York Times Business Index •

Left, Monthly Averages 1 929-1935

Right, Weekly Averages 1936-Dec. 12, 1937

ber, heard reports from twelve lending cities indicating
"a mounting load of new unemployment." The testimony
was general that young people who had found their first
jobs last year were losing them and that seasonal em-
ployment in the stores failed to materialize to any extent.

Figures compiled by the Cleveland Chamber of Com-
merce show a 10.4 percent drop in employment in 100
local industries from October to November.

In Wisconsin, the Unemployment Compensation Divi-
sion of the State Industrial Commission had received in
the week ending November 27, 5207 initial claims for
unemployment benefits, as compared with 3923 for the
corresponding October week; and 19,897 "weekly re-
newals" (evidence of continued unemployment) as com-
pared with 10,701 for the same October week.

There is abundant evidence that industry in general is
meeting the "recession" not only by lay-offs, but also
by the grueling expedient of "spread work." Thus, office
employes of the Bethlehem Steel Corporation were put
on. a "share the work" program beginning December 1.
The schedule provides for the elimination of all Saturday
work, and a corresponding payroll reduction of approxi-
mately 9 percent.

From Michigan a civic leader wrote on December 7:

From almost an all-time high in August of this year, local
factories have gone into a sharp employment decline, pay-
ticularly in the lust three weeks. An auto-gauge compar
which employed/ 1000, now works about two days a we
some departmentslone day. A steel ball company had ife4
in August full / time, now it has 331 workjng twentyTive
hours a week, and! is soon to/go\on a one-pay -a-week -basis;
its branch factoj-y it closed dowm An autd spring cohipany
is now working twknty-five/ hours a week) A unachine spe-
cialty company] widh 81 employes in Aueust, yiovv/has 49
working 25 hoirs alweek./A baler company laiJl off 16 out
of its 80 worklrs, and tha balancd work 25 houV- A radio
company whicn emplpyetr 725 in August, (now employs 301,
irregularly. At I Ypsilaiti, a Ford emit now works four or
five days, with! some Mafy-orTs, though fijdures are not avail-
able. A machine shop iW the same citjL employing 600 a little
while ago, noJ/ employs 300.

With Chicato steel operations estimated at 26.6 percent
of ingot capacity for the first week in December, Car-
negie-Illinois,/You ngstown Sheet and Tube and Republic
Steel reported that only a few lay-offs of temporary em-
een made, and that work was being stag-
gerjed. Garntgie-Illinois had spread work "to an average

man\of /about 24 hours a week."
.Aicy R. Mason, special representative for the Textile
*orkers Organizing- Committee writes from Virginia:

In the teptile mills and cotton garment factories there has
been a steady decline in operations for weeks. Work dropped
from five days to four, and now to three days a week,
sometimes with only a day or two for a number of people.
Some garment factories are running only alternate weeks.

I 1929

1930 I 1931

1932 I 1933

1934 j 1935

siness Indices

by BEULAH AMIDON

This mounting unemployment is reflected in many
communities' in increasing demands which arc taxing the
resources of relief agencies. In St. Louis:

Almost two applications arc turned down to every one
accepted. Most of those rejected are ruled out on the fixed
policy of eligibility. These rules deny relief to anyone able*
to work, even though unemployed and in need, unless chil-
dren arc involved. Strict application of these rules has been
forced upon the relief administration by the shortage of
relief funds. . . . Allotments to those, on relief have been
reduced to minimum amounts. . . . Rent payments have
been eliminated.

In Seattle, "Applications for unemployment relief hapc
been pouring in during recent weeks." In Boston, "fl
number of applications for public aid increases at an ab-
normal rate. Sixty percent of all applicants are vic/ims of
renewed industrial unem

Department of Public AssistliWe/repotyecl, uWhiber 6,
that in that state, "Industrial reeession and seasonal fac-
tors . . . held the volume ofJrelief applicants above the
10,000 level for a second fWjfck." In the South:

There is real sufTerim>Jinong textile and garment workers.
\p one Georgia cit/s^c WPA director told me she was in

tspair over the .Wig lists of names sent her by employers,
asking for relief for textile workers who were being laid
orT\Thc same sprt of thing is happening in other cities.

Relle^/ppucutions in North Dakota are steadily mount-
ing: "In Casy County, the most populous county in the
state, relief costs on December 1, 1937, were 19 percent
higher than they were on December 1, 1936."

Chicago's situation is complicated by "the new break-
down of our relief agencies": "In both September and
October, the funds available fell short of the needed
amount by more than $1 million each month. Officials say
the outlook for additional funds is not encouraging."

An analysis of reports from eight of Chicago's district
relief offices show "the number of applications has
doubled and trebled since November 1."

Meanwhile, there is evidence of a mounting resentment
on the part of workers who find themselves laid off or
put on part time, "as the result of the recession." Thus
in Buttc, Mont., a weekly newspaper owned by the
city's mayor greeted the dismissal of 1500 copper miners
one November day with the headline: "Shutdown Is
Result of Greed." A front page story reported: "The
company [Anaconda Copper] made profits of $19,127,994
the first six months of this year; do you realize that if
the 1500 men had been retained on payrolls for a whole
year their wages would amount to only $2,700,000?"

The lay-offs in Butte were followed within a few days
by curtailment of employment in Great Falls, where the
copper mined in Buttc is refined. An informed Great
Falls resident writes:

Indignant mass meetings in Buttc and creation of an

I 1936

emergency relief council in Great Falls enlisting labor, re-
ligious and civic organizations resulted in pressure on Wash-
ington for additional relief. ... A Buttc miners' local union
sponsored the call for a state-wide unemployment conference
to be held in December.

This "militant spirit" is also making itself felt in relief
offices. Thus one Chicago district superintendent writes,
"The tension in our waiting room is increasing," and
another reports:

Most of our applications arc from comparatively young
men, and they are an assertive group. They feel bitter about
being put out of work at this time and reason if society is
not giving them a job, here is the relief and they should
have it.

Teh years ago, early in 1928, Survey Graf/tic carried an
article asking, "Is Unemployment Here?" That article
pointed out that none of the frcommendations of the
President's Unemployment Konfirettte which met in 1921
under Herbert Hwve^s cljuir^nshf), had been put into
effect./

Touay's~f>i£ture differs from that if 1928. On the one
wage earners' resources have not recovered from
rain of the depression, they must tuVn more quickly
t<\ relief. But on the other hand, new viewpoints and new
ag&jlfcies are at work. Through the U.S\ Employment
Service we are more fully informed thanVve were in
1928 as to the amount and location of unemployment and
as to Job possibilities. On January 1, 22 states and the
District of Columbia will begin benefit payments under
their new unemployment insurance laws, though some
experts fear that "unemployment insurance funus in these
states will be seriously endangered if lay-offs \ncrease."
The social security act, and the state legislation geared
into it, provide aid for the needy aged, for dependent chil-
dren and for the blind. Reserves are accumulating under
a federal old age pension plan.

The depression experience has swung us oveV to a
sense of public responsibility for unemployment\ relief.
We have national mechanisms for work relief! local
set-ups for both direct and work relief, and all this ma-
chinery has been put to practical test. If we do not have
the large, integrated scheme of public works advocated
by the 1921 conference, we do have the beginnings of. u
public housing program and a far greater volume of fed-
eral, state and local projects than we had at the end of
the boom years.

When on December 10 Harry Hopkins, WPA admin-
istrator, announced that 350,000 additional workers would
be put on WPA work projects as rapidly as possible, he
said:

This number ... is based on a realistic view of the ex-
isting situation, and the fact that we can give employment
to that number of additional workers without exceeding the
limits of the $1,500,000,000 relief appropriation [for the
fiscal year beginning July 1, 1937]. This is what we can
do within the existing budget.

How far "the existing budget" will go toward meeting
the needs of the "new unemployment" depends largely
on how swiftly and intelligently public effort can counter-
balance industry's inability to control its own fluctuations
and the effects on employment and payrolls.

1937

All Black

A UNIQUE NEGRO COMMUNITY by WEBB WALDRON

A SKINNY NEGRO BOY, BAREFOOT, IN RAGGED OVERALLS, STOOD
before the magistrate's desk. The judge, Ben Green, a
Negro too — a trim figure of a man in his forties with
flashing black eyes — studied the boy thoughtfully.

"Joe," he said, "they tell me you stole a dollar from the
grocery man. Is that true?"

Joe faced the judge belligerently for a moment, then
hung his head. "Yes, sir," he faltered.

"Why did you do it, Joe?"

"Wanted to buy a football."

"But haven't you been picking cotton, Joe?"

"Yes, sir."

"How much do you pick a day?"

"Maybe two hundred."

"Where does your money go?"

The boy stood silent, with an uneasy glance toward the
open door of the office. "Pappy takes it," he said finally.

Ben Green, Harvard graduate, magistrate and mayor
of the all-black town of Mound Bayou, Miss., turned his
head slightly and called: " 'Lige Mitchell!"

A man who had been loitering on the porch outside
Green's law office came slowly into the room, pulling off
his tattered straw hat.

" 'Lige," said Green, "how much does Joe make a week
picking cotton?"

"Maybe eight dollar a week, judge."

"How many of your boys are picking cotton?"

"Three of 'em, judge."

"You take all their wages?"

"I gotto, judge. That there automobile ain't half paid
for yit."

" 'Lige, do you want your boys to grow up to be good
men?"

"Yass, sir. We teached 'em and we teached 'em, mammy
and me, and now this here debbil is gone stealin'!"

"And you're to blame for it!" Ben Green pointed his
finger at 'Lige and his eyes blazed angrily. " 'Lige, how
much of your boys' cotton-picking money have you put
aside for their shoes and clothes and schoolbooks this
fall?" 'Lige stood silent.

"Not a cent!" said Green. "How much spending money
do you give them out of their wages? Not a cent! Did
you need to buy that automobile?"

"Everybody got automobile."

"No, they haven't! Plenty of folks use mules!"

"You mean me to give all that cotton-pickin' money to
them kids?"

"No, I didn't say that. Here's what I want you to do.
Come here to my office every Saturday and give me half
of Joe's wages for the week. The other half can go to the
family, except that you must give Joe 50 cents a week
spending money. I'll save up what you give me for his
clothes and schoolbooks this fall. Understand?"

"Yass, sir," said 'Lige. "But what about that there auto-
mobile?"

"If you can't pay for it, turn it back!"

Green rose from his chair, came around the desk and
gave Joe a kindly pat. "All right, Joe. No more stealing."

Such was my introduction to Mound Bayou. I had
journeyed here to the rich delta lands of Mississippi be-
cause the bare fact of a self-governing all-Negro town ex-
cited my curiosity. The scene I had just witnessed was
surprising, but what I learned next surprised me more.

"Here in Mound Bayou," said Mayor Green, when
'Lige and Joe had gone, "we try to find out what is be-
hind any piece of wrong-doing. We have discovered that
certain families exploit their children in the cotton-picking
season. If a father takes all his boy's earnings away from
him, one of two things is likely to happen. Either that
boy will begin to steal to get spending money. Or he will
run away from home. We're stopping that."

Then Green told me of his handling of grown-ups who
had gotten into trouble. How with a kindly talk he had
straightened out the quarrel between Sammy and Hoke
over a boundary line. How Jack had been cured of speed-
ing and the marital troubles of Roxie and Luke fixed up.

"We have about one thousand people in the village,
eight thousand in the community as a whole, and only
two part time peace officers," said Green. "John Thomas,
the hot-dog man, is town marshal, and John Young,
grocer, is deputy sheriff. They hardly ever have anything
to do. We haven't any jail. We haven't had a major crime
in thirteen years.

No jail and no major crime in thirteen years in a
community of eight thousand people is news anywhere.
But when this fact concerns an all-Negro town, you
prick up your ears. I remembered the charges commonly
made against the Negro — his childishness, his emotional-
ism, his propensity for settling disputes with the razor,
his difficulty in distinguishing his property and yours.

I said: "Is the law observance of Mound Bayou due to
the happy accident of an unusual magistrate?"

"No," said Green. "For one thing, I am not unusual.
I'm merely using common sense. But a more important
fact is that there is something else operating here. The
Negro is living in complete self-respect. In other words, he
lives a normal life. Normal impulses have play."

To understand the true significance of these words of
Ben Green, let us glance at the background of the town.

Mound Bayou was founded fifty years ago by a remark-
able Negro, Isaiah T. Montgomery, who had been a body
servant to Jefferson Davis, president of the Confederacy.
Jefferson Davis had an acute understanding of the Negro.
Believing that the wisest future for the freedman was on
the land, he and his brother after the Civil War sold the
Davis plantation on the lower Mississippi to their former
slaves. For many years these Negroes, led by Montgomery,
managed the estate so successfully that it became the
third largest cotton producer in the South. Then the fall-
ing price of cotton and legal troubles with the Davis
heirs, who claimed title to the land, forced the Negroes
out. Montgomery went into business in Vicksburg.

In the late '80's, the Yazoo and Mississippi Railroads,
building a line from Memphis to Vicksburg, obtained
large grants of land from the state of Mississippi. Much
of this land was lush alluvial swamp, heavily forested,

SURVEY GRAPHIC

uninhabited. Naturally the railroad wanted to get peo-
ple on the land. Hearing of Isaiah Montgomery's success
.it the Davis plantation, the railroad proposed to the ex-
slave that he start a Negro colony. Montgomery looked
the l.md over and picked out 840 acres in Bolivar County,
h.ilt -way between Memphis and Vicksburg.

hnlisting the help of his young cousin, Ben Green-
father of the present mayor and magistrate — Montgomery
gathered together a band of his people, sold them tracts at
$8 an acre, $1 down and $1 a year. Out of the dense forest
these black folk hewed their homes.

More and more Negroes came, seeking to better them-
I selves. More and more land was bought. Today the com-
munity covers 30,000 acres, farmed to cotton and corn.
A larger proportion of these people own their own land
and there are fewer mortgages than in the average com-
munity of mixed whites and Negroes in the South.

The village looks like many a small southern town, a
street of stores, several of them very modern and good
looking, a couple of garages and auto agencies, a saw-
mill, a gristmill, two cotton gins, one owned by outsiders,
one a co-op owned by the Negro planters. In the center
of the town stands a $115,000 consolidated school with
800 pupils and 15 teachers and a Tuskegee principal.

These are the outward facts. Behind them is the truth,
the spirit, which Ben Green stated to me, the truth whose
validity I discovered as I talked with the people of Mound
Bayou. Here the Negro lives in self-respect. This is what
makes Mound Bayou significant beyond itself. Ben Green,
the understanding magistrate and mayor, is a result
rather than a cause. Here the Negro is living a normal,
human life. The most fundamental of human impulses —
helpfulness, cooperation, good will, desire to live at peace
with one's neighbors — here find normal expression.

A Negro planter, a fine upstanding man in his thirties,
with a good house, a brood of eager-faced children, and a
'fine cotton crop, gave me a vivid picture of the meaning
•.of self-respect in Mound Bayou.

"For ten years," he said, "I lived in a place where white
i people and Negroes were mixed. I started with twenty
! acres. I did pretty well, yes sir, and I bought more land
till I had eighty acres in corn and cotton. I got along fine

with my Negro neighbors, but white folks were always
pesterin' me. They'd borrow my tools and not bring 'em
back, and when I went after 'em, they'd cuss me off the
place. They'd complain that my cow and my chickens got
on their land. I had good fences and I don't think my
stock got on their land at all. They shot some of my
chickens, then they shot a calf of mine. But a Negro man
don't like to get into a quarrel with a white man. He's
always in the wrong. He doesn't dare to go to law."

"He doesn't get a fair deal?" I asked.

"No sir, he don't. Not in the lower courts, no sir. The
judge will take one white man witness against ten Negro
witnesses. No sir, a Negro man will put up with almost
anything sooner than go to law.

"Then I had an extra good crop and got a good price,
and I bought an automobile. My white neighbors didn't
seem to think I had any right to an automobile, because
they didn't have none. They put crooked nails in the road
to puncture my tires, and one night somebody sneaked
into my yard and smashed all the windows to my car.

"Then I heard that Mound Bayou was a place where a
Negro could be just as good as my neighbors, and I sold
out and come. One of the big things here in Mound
Bayou is I have a fine school for my children. In the
mixed community, the Negro school ain't never as good
as the white folks' school."

I heard many stories like this. Other Mound Bayou
people gave me darker pictures, tales of night-riders and
papers tacked on Negroes' doors warning them to get
out of the country. Some people had actually fled in
terror from localities in Mississippi, Louisiana or Alabama,
leaving all their possessions behind them.

I can scarcely convey the sense of the deep human
satisfaction I got when simple honest-faced men and
women in the village and on the land said to me earn-
estly, "Here we can hold our faces up!"

In justice to the white people of the South, I must say
at once that it is only a certain class of southern white
who is jealous and resentful of the Negro who attains
any degree of prosperity. The better class of white peo-
ple in the South welcomes prosperity for the black man,
especially if he wins it on the land.

Left: Dudley Harvey, eighty-year-old cotton planter of the Mound
Bayou community. Below: Mrs. Mary Booze, member of the Re-
publican National Committee. Right: Ben Green, mayor of the
town of Mound Bayou

Photographs by the author

JANUARY 1938

A Footnote on Isolation

The all-Negro community is an interesting cultural enclave in
the American society but, in my judgment, it has very limited
possibilities for bringing about permanent racial adjustment.
In luch Negro communities as Mound Bayou, Miss.; Boley,
Ok la.; and St. Helena Island it has been observed that
the homogenity of the original group, the intimacy of personal
relations, and the consciousness of a common enterprise may
help to reduce the amount of crime. These factors may, in-
deed, preserve members of the group from the disturbing
shocks of race prejudice, and permit them to participate fully
in the life of the segregated community. But, like other types
of culturally isolated communities, the group disadvantages
often outweigh the shadowy advantages of individual escape.

A Negro community is no more exempt from institution-
alized race prejudice than is an individual Negro. It is
exceptionally difficult, if not impossible, for any American
community to survive except through successful integration in
the American economic system, and within the cultural frame-
work of the larger society. A Negro community can have no
different cultural base, as is very frequently assumed, and
isolation for them simply means being cut off from the main
current of cultural development in America. A ghetto offers
the same personal advantages for members of the group, and
has the same profound limitations of development. It is
neither race nor degeneracy, for example, that accounts for
the persistent backwardness of many white groups in the
American society, notably in the South, but more demon-
strably their cultural isolation and their poverty.

Fifty years ago there were a hundred or more all-Negro
communities. Only a few have survived. Few Utopias have
survived even when they had no racial factors to combat.

Of the two evils it seems better for Negroes in America
to direct their energies toward normal participation in the
life of American communities, even though this involves more
frequent personal disappointment and much disorganization
during the gradual process of acculturation. The longer
time adjustment that seems wisest to me is that of making
race difference in physical traits count for less, as the culture
of the whole Negro population is expanded and enriched,
in terms of the only patterns they know. — CHARLES S.
JOHNSON, Fisk University.

One. morning I sat as a visitor in the monthly meeting
of the board of directors of the Mound Bayou Founda-
tion. At one side of the long table sat cultured middle-
aged Mary Booze, daughter of Isaiah Montgomery, and
one of the best known Negro women today in the United
States. Officially she is Republican national committee-
woman from Mississippi. Another at the table was that
handsome mulatto, Eugene Booze, her husband, business
man and planter. Another was tall powerful L. E. Ed-
wards, proprietor of the Mound Bayou Five and Ten and
traveling representative of the Afro-American Sons and
Daughters, a fraternal order which sells medical protec-
tion and death benefits at rates running from $1 to $2 a
month and counts 20,000 members in Mississippi. Others
were small wizened Dudley Harvey, aged eighty, success-
ful cotton raiser; C. D. Thurmond, postmaster; and be-
spectacled Mrs. Priscilla McCarty, aged seventy, who owns
and operates 540 acres of productive land. A man in over-
alls came in, hat in hand, tall, thin, sad-eyed.

"Mr. Richards," said Booze, "we hear you're in trouble."

"Yass sir," said Richards. "Mortgage come due nex'
Monday. Cain't meet hit."

"Who holds it and how much is it?"

"White man. Finch. Eight hundred dollars."

Booze glanced around the table. "Anybody know any-
thing about Mr. Richards?"

"Jim's a good man," said old Dudley Harvey. "He's
sure had plenty of bad luck, but he works hard. He's
got a good cotton crop this year."

I saw several nods of approval. "I think we can do
something for you, Mr. Richards," said Booze. "I'll go to
see Mr. Finch this afternoon."

Richards mumbled thanks and went out.

The Mound Bayou Foundation, I learned, was started
four years ago by some of the leading citizens of the
community with die purpose of keeping alive the pioneer
spirit of the founders. This purpose can best be attained,
Mr. Booze and his friends believe, by promoting the civic
interests of Mound Bayou. The foundation has 500 mem-
bers, some of whom have paid $25 for a life membership.
It has received generous donations from both whites and
Negroes. In these difficult years it has helped dozens of
Mound Bayou farmers and merchants to save their plan-
tations and business places. Sometimes it makes outright
gifts of money to people in trouble, sometimes it loans
money, sometimes assists in refinancing. Booze told me
that it had helped refinance at least $100,000 worth of
property for Mound Bayou citizens. It has assisted several
deserving boys and girls through college.

The fame of the Booze family as leaders in this organ-
ization has spread far, both among Negroes and whites.
One day an old one-armed Confederate veteran, tramping
the roads, stopped at the door of the Booze residence, a
modern two-story brick house on the main street.

"I heard you-all's father was slave to my old com-
mander-in-chief," he said to Mrs. Booze. "So I thought
maybe you'd help a traveler on his way." He got help.

Would such an organization as the Mound Bayou
Foundation be possible where the Negro was ridden by
fear, oppressed by economic and social discrimination?

Here is another evidence that the black man in Mound
Bayou is free to act on normal human impulses.

What does all this mean? Does it mean that the all-
Negro community is the solution of the Negro-and-white
problem in America? Am I, a stranger from the North,
carried away by my enthusiasm for what I have seen?

I have asked many students of the Negro, men who
know far more of him than I do, whether the all-black
community is the solution, and I have received a variety
of answers. For instance, Frederick D. Patterson, presi-
dent of Tuskegee, while praising Mound Bayou, while
stating truly that the most desirable community for the
Negro is that which offers "normal participation in all
civic relationships," yet expresses doubts whether all-black
communities on a large scale are feasible or desirable. Dr.
Thomas E. Jones, president of Fisk University, tells me
that in his opinion the mixed community which left
racial discrimination out would be more desirable than
the all-Negro town. True enough, but where today will
you find it? Where today save in the all-black community
can the Negro have normal participation in all civic rela-
tionships? Not in Harlem or on Beale Street, Memphis!

Mound Bayou is not Utopia. It may not be the solution
of our most plaguing race problem. But it stands as an
inspiration. It shows what man can do when freed of fear.

SURVEY GRAPHIC

The Workers Say, "Yes - and More"

by DOUGLASS W. ORR, M.D. and JEAN WALKER ORR

In Mqucncc to

'What 19,000 Doctor* Could Tell U«"
Survey Graphic for December

Are you for our schools? How about the post office, then?
Your answers would click most likely with what British wage
earners said when two inquiring Americans sounded them out on
their sickness insurance. They want more of it in the same way
that we wanted highschools and kindergartens and got them;
that some of us want workers' education today; in the same way
that we got parcel post and postal savings — and may want to
call for an insurance policy at the post office window tomorrow.

HEALTH INSURANCE HAS BECOME so MUCH A PART OF EVERY-
day life in England that it is taken for granted. The Brit-
ish worker is surprised when you ask about it; but if you
keep on and get the story of the sickness experience of his
own family, you will learn not only that by and large he
is very much in favor of National Health Insurance but
that he qualifies his approval with some such phrase as
"as far as it goes." What he means by this will be devel-
oped in this instalment of our series.

When the system was instituted twenty-five years ago,
large numbers, if not the majority, of insured persons were
given for the first time a regular medical attendant to
whom they could turn at once in time of illness. British
doctors and patients alike speak of the comfort that comes
from a doctor-patient relationship in which there is no
anxiety on either side as to what the cost will be or
whether the patient can afford another visit or special
medicines. We stopped to talk with the charwoman who
cleans the stairway and halls of a flat-building. She is
employed evenings only, but is insured as a domestic. She
has five children, three of whom are old enough to be
at work and insured. Two weeks before, she had become
ill and went to her panel doctor with a pain "between me
shoulders." He took care of her and cautioned her to
come back if she was not relieved or if any swelling ap-
peared. She told us she couldn't have gone to the doctor at
all if she hadn't been entitled to do so without charge
under N.H.I. "Where would I get two bob to pay me
doctor?" she asked.

The insurance medical service is of even greater sig-
nificance when chronic illness occurs in a family of small
or moderate means. "My father was an invalid for about
fifteen years," said one chap, "and received constant at-
tention during the whole time. Could have had no better
attention had he paid ordinarily," i.e., paid fees instead
of being a panel patient as the insured wage earners are
called. Another worker wrote on one of our question-
naires : "My wife has had a stroke and has had continuous
attention for two and a half years. Doctor attends monthly
now. Service very good." These are typical answers.

WF HEARD THE ASSERTION- RATHER OFTEN THAT DOCTORS

treat their panel patients with less consideration than they
treat private patients. Grievances of this sort range from
a feeling that the doctor is a little more brusque with the
former to the flat assertion that the medicines he pre-

JANUARY 1938

scribes for them are worthless and fit only to be thrown
down the drain. Many of the insured persons we talked
with, when asked specifically whether this were true, said
definitely that it is not. Three fourths of the wage earners
who filled out our questionnaire expressed themselves as
generally satisfied with their insurance practitioner; half
of them thoroughly so.

Not only have insured wage earners freedom of choice
in selecting the general practitioner whose panel they
ask to join, but most of them are well aware of their
right to change if they are not satisfied. In this way there
is a desirable degree of competition among physicians at
least in the large centers, and every incentive for them to
give their panel patients a good general medical service.
Less than one out of fifteen of our questionnaire group
had ever changed doctors. If the disgruntled patient does
not wish to face his doctor and get a release, all he has to
do is to notify the local Insurance Committee of his dis-
trict, and it is arranged at the next quarter. Such changes
are not investigated but complaints become the concern
of its medical sub-committee. Their volume, however, is
small. The clerk of the London Insurance Committee told
us that the year before there were just thirty-four com-
plaints arising out of the relationships of two thousand
doctors and two million insured persons in the metropolis.
In Liverpool, where there are 365 doctors and 350,000 in-
sured persons, there were just two complaints.

A More Complete Service Wanted

MORE IMPORTANT THAN THESE FAIRLY NEGLIGIBLE GRIEVANCES

with the system are its restrictions which are a carry-over
from the original act of 1911. Readers of our first article
will remember that medical benefit is limited to a gen-
eral practitioner service. When the Royal Commission on
National Health Insurance made its report in 1926, it was
clearly recognized that advances in scientific medicine
during the war and since had completely revolutionized
diagnosis and treatment. The commission recommended
that the services of consultants and other specialist facili-
ties be made available to panel doctors and their insured
patients, but ten years have passed and this has not been
done. Panel doctors continue to rely upon consultation
facilities of municipal and voluntary hospitals and upon
laboratory services offered by hospitals and public health
authorities. Or as one of our questionnaire patients
summed up the health insurance system: "Very good,

British Health Insurance Benefits

(a) Medical benefit consists of medical care without pay-
ment of fees and of "proper and sufficient medicines" as
well as various other medical and surgical supplies. It is
limited to services within the competence of an average
general practitioner — the doctor to be chosen by the in-
sured person himself — but does not include midwifery or
the care of conditions directly related to childbirth.

(b) Sickness benefit consists of a cash payment during in-
capacity for work "caused by some specific disease or bodily
or mental disablement." This cash payment begins on the
4th day of illness and may continue for 26 weeks. It is
paid in weekly checks from an Approved Society, but only
upon the receipt of weekly certificates signed by the insured
person's doctor and verifying the worker's incapacity. The
statutory benefit is 15s. a week for men, 12s. a week for
unmarried women, and 10s. a week for married women
(about $3.75, $i and $2.50 respectively in terms of dollar
exchange but not of relative purchasing power). Well
favored Approved Societies pay more than the statutory
minimum.

(c) Disablement benefit is also a cash payment, just one
half the amount of sickness benefit, paid weekly to insured
persons who are incapacitated for work beyond 26 weeks
and up to an indefinite period.

(d) Maternity benefit is another cash payment of £2 to an
insured person whose wife has a baby. If the wife is her-
self an insured person, married to an insured person, this
benefit is paid in respect of both husband and wife. An
insured woman is eligible for sickness benefit in respect of
incapacity for work due to pregnancy if there is some dis-
abling associated condition or if her employment is such
as to make it inadvisable for her to continue at work. She
is not eligible for sickness benefit for the period of four
weeks following confinement.

(e) Additional benefits are paid by Approved Societies hav-
ing surpluses. A surplus may arise from a low incidence of
sickness among the members or from exceptionally good
management or from both. More than a dozen additional
benefits have been approved by the Ministry of Health, in-
cluding dental benefit, optical benefit, convalescent care,
hospital care, services of consultants, home nursing care
and the like. The 17th Annual Report of the Ministry of
Health (1935-36) points out that over 70 percent of all
insured persons are entitled to additional cash benefits and
that over 90 percent are entitled to one or more additional
treatment benefits such as those listed above.

but at the moment badly run, because doctors have not
sufficient scope to carry through what they want. People
may need specialists, but cannot get them." Half a dozen
others made the same point that the service should be
extended to include specialist care; others favored out-
and-out state medicine or nationalization of the hospitals.
The recent Report on the Scottish Health Services offers

proof that the period of incapacity for work is consider-
ably longer than it need be because many panel doctors
do not have easy access to consultation facilities and special
diagnostic apparatus. The British Medical Association
goes further and proposes that insurance practitioners
have hospital beds at their disposal to which they may
send their panel patients and continue to treat them in
hospital. The same sentiment was echoed by a wage
earner who wrote, "National Health should cover all
hospital fees and should also extend to everybody in the
family."

The Forgotten Families of England

Op MUCH GREATER CONCERN TO LARGE NUMBERS OF MARRIED

wage earners is the question of how to provide medical
care for their uninsured dependents. English workers
tend to call on a family doctor in case of illness; the gen-
eral rule is to turn to their panel doctors; but many
families cannot afford the fees of a private doctor, and
turn instead to charitable institutions or to Public As-
sistance for medical care. The following situation is
common :

In Bermondsey we visited a home in which four children
and their parents were living in two rooms. The father is 35,
his wife about the same age, and the oldest of the children
only 11. The father has been insured since he was 16 and
always worked at the docks until a few years ago when he
quit to enter business with his father. The venture failed and
he has had only occasional temporary jobs since. He is still
protected against sickness under N.H.I., although, because of
irregular contributions, his cash benefits if he becomes ill
would be reduced.

But what of his wife and four youngsters? When they are
sick, he told us, they can go either to the parish doctor (Pub-
lic Assistance) or to the out-patient department of one of the
voluntary hospitals. One of the little boys had been ill recently
and was taken to the parish doctor who advised bed rest. The
child didn't get better, and was taken to Guy's Hospital
where a diagnosis of acute rheumatic fever was made. If they
could afford it, said the mother, they would prefer to have the
husband's panel doctor as their family doctor as they have
confidence in him, but even his half-crown (65 cents) fees
are too much for them to manage.

In our visits to the homes of English workers we lis-
tened to many such recitals. True enough there is almost
always some agency to which they can turn, but it usually
means a trip out of the neighborhood and a long wait in
a hospital out-patient department. Public Assistance medi-
cal officers are usually closer at hand, but access to them
is through the relieving officer and the hated means test.
Besides, the English, as much as anyone else, dislike being
classed as objects of charity, and none of these agencies is
an adequate substitute for a good family doctor.

The plight of many marginal families is illustrated by
the following:

The Thomas family lives in the Wolesley Buildings. We
picked our way through narrow, dirty halls and up six flights
of stairs, passing a dozen or so grimy but apparently well-
nourished youngsters, on their way to their two rooms. The
living room contained a cook-stove, table, three chairs, and
sideboard. It was time for supper-tea — the evening meal —
and the table was laid with chunks of white bread spread
thick with butter, some fried sausages, and the inevitable tea.
Mr. Thomas made us welcome and we met two of the
children.

Mrs. Thomas, he explained, was "in hospital with sugar
diabetes." When she took sick several months ago she had

SURVEY GRAPHIC

gone to the "parish doctor" (Public Assistance). He treated
her for a while, evidently without making a diagnosis, and the
family were dissatisfied. They then took a half-crown (65
cents) of the eldest son's wages and sent her to see Mr.
Thomas's panel doctor. He suspected that she had diabetes
and sent her to Guy's Hospital where the diagnosis was
established. She has been there for six weeks, but is coming
home soon. She is on a special diet and is getting injections
twice a day. Mr. Thomas isn't sure how they will provide a
special diet or continue the injections after his wife comes
home. He himself is recovering from tuberculosis, and the
family income consists in his disablement benefit under
N'.l 1.1. and the wages of the two sons who are employed.

Four fifths of our questionnaire groups replied that
they would favor an extension of medical benefit to in-
clude wives and children and would be willing to pay the
small additional weekly contribution necessary to finance
it. If it came to a choice between this and hospital and
specialist services for themselves, the vote was five to
three in favor of the former. The attitude of many better
paid workers is typified by this comment in favor of
increased cash benefits: "...because it would be more
important to have extra cash in case of any illness. While
I am fit, I could pay for my family." But it was apparent
that many low income workers cannot pay for adequate
medical care of their families, and that an extended panel
service including their dependents would prove a godsend.

Actions That Speak Louder Than Words

THAT THE ENGLISH WORKER CLEARLY RECOGNIZES THE LIMI-
tations of National Health Insurance may be judged not
only by what he says, but also by what he does. And it is
significant that what he does is done specifically to fill the
gaps left by National Health Insurance. It is still more
significant, perhaps, that he takes steps to fill them volun-
tarily. This optimistic picture of rugged individualism
must, however, be toned down by touches of sordid
reality. The facts are that many workers are too poor and
others are too improvident to get for themselves more
than what the state provides through its social ser-
vices. The leading voluntary organizations are:

THE PUBLIC MEDICAL SERVICE: Through this, insured persons
may provide a general practitioner service for their uninsured
dependents. It is not a "public service" at all, but rather
a scheme organized by the doctors of given communities in
towns and cities all over England and even promoted by
the British Medical Association. For a few pence paid in
weekly contributions, the service offers free choice of a
physician, a general practitioner service, necessary medicines,
and related medical benefits. Since in most instances a
worker's panel doctor participates in the local P.M.S. he be-
comes the family doctor. There are many communities out-
side of London in which 80 to 90 percent of the eligible
families participate in such schemes. Sickness, if it strikes
these families, is thus paid for in advance: the worker is
covered by N.H.I, and his dependents by the P.M.S.

HOSPITAL CONTRIBUTORY SCHEMES: These are found in over
two hundred communities and joined by millions of wage
earners. This was true of half of our questionnaire group
and of those whom we interviewed personally. Whether in
public or in voluntary hospitals, working men and their
families who can pay something find themselves charged for
hospital care, in the wards or in the out-patient department,
but strictly in accordance with their means. Membership in
a hospital contributory scheme enables the worker and his
family to escape this assessment.

To ALL WHOM THIS MAY CONCERN

// has been a great advantage, and of interest also, for
us to be able to give a Jew answers on the English plan
of health insurance, to enable the American people to gain
the benefit of it.

(1) There are two in my family who are insured under
the National Health Insurance. My brother and myself.
Our Approved Society is the X. — .

(2) There is no certain number of times to visit the panel
doctor a year, as you can go whenever you are ill, or if any
accident occurs he is the one to put things right unless the
hospital is needed. My opinion on my panel doctor is that
he is very polite and cheerful, and he is always ready to
do his best towards us.

(3) No! I have never changed my panel doctor; I am
quite satisfied with my present one.

(4) If any member of my family were not insured and not
entitled to Medical Benefit, and they should be ta\en sic\,
I would consult my panel doctor because from my experi-
ence I thinly him a clever and polite doctor. . . .

(5) What I thinly about National Health Insurance is that
it is very useful and sensible as it comes as a good consola-
tion to poor people when they are ill. If there were no
National Health, poor people would find it very difficult
to find money for doctors' bills, and the panel money
which is given is able to allow extra nourishment when a
person is ill. When spectacles or false teeth are needed they
also help to pay for them. Altogether it is very useful, as
you do not miss the small weekly subscriptions, whereas
you would on heavy doctors' bills.

I will conclude, hoping everything will succeed.

[Signed] J. BULL*

* This name, like all those used in case stories in the text,
takes the place of the real one.

The hospital contributory schemes were devised some
years ago to help bolster up the income of the voluntary
hospitals which have always offered free care to the sick
poor. Wealthy persons, hit by taxes and the depression, were
giving less freely than before and, at the same time, the work
of the hospitals was increasing. Not only the destitute, as
before, but also the entire working class and large sections of
the middle class population were depending more and more
upon voluntary hospital services. It was therefore considered
fair that those who could should be required to contribute
systematically to the support of the hospitals. As result 35
percent of hospital income is now supplied, through the
contributory schemes, by the wage earning population
which a few years ago gave relatively little.

Most contributory schemes are open only to wage earners
of about the "insurance income group" and their families.
Those who participate contribute a few pence a week and, in
return, are given the assurance of all necessary hospital care
without the embarrassment or inconvenience of the means
test or inquiry into their circumstances by the hospital
almoners.

The largest is the Hospital Saving Association of London
with a working class membership of 1,528,766 in 1935. This
represents about 75 percent of the entire insured population
of London and includes also the dependents of this million
and a half workers. As about 125 of the general and special
voluntary hospitals and all of the London County Council
hospitals are parties to the arrangement, a choice of hospital
is virtually unlimited to holders (Continued on page 52)

JANUARY 1938

fS IS 13 ff n gj

» n n n if

a a §

We are living in 1937 and our universities, I would suggest, are not halfway out of the fifteenth century

A World Brain Organization

by H. G. WELLS

In the third of his notable series of articles Mr. Wells outlines The
Shape of Learning to Come — when the remote common man in a
world community of two billion people will be better educated than
today's gentlefolk in cap and gown.

THE OTHER DAY MY UNIVERSITY, THE UNIVERSITY OF LoN-

don, celebrated its centenary. For some minor reason I was
asked to assist at these celebrations. And to do so I had to
assume some very remarkable garments — most remarkable
if you consider that London University was founded in
the year 1836 when gentlemen wore tight trousers with
straps, elegantly waisted coats and bell-shaped top hats.
Did I dress up like that? No. I found myself retreating
from the age of the airplane to the age of the horse and
mule outfit of the Canterbury Pilgrims. I found myself
wearing a hood and gown and carrying a beret rather like
those worn by prosperous citizens of the days of Edward
IV, when the University of London was as little antici-
pated as the continent of America. My modern head
peeped out at the top of this get-up and my modern trous-
ers at the bottom. Properly I ought to have been wearing
a square beard or have been clean-shaven but I was forgiv-
en that much. And from all parts of the world representa-
tives of innumerable universities had come with beauti-
fully illuminated addresses to congratulate our chancellor
and ourselves on our hundred years of sham medievalism.
They came from the ends of the earth, they came up the
aisle in an endless process; one ancient name followed
another, now it was Tokyo, now Athens, now Upsala,
now Cape Town, now the Sorbonne, now Glasgow, now
Johns Hopkins, on they came and on and bowed and
handed their addresses and passed aside. It was a marvel-
ous, a dazzling array of beautifully colored robes. It was
also a marvelous collection of men and women. I watched
the grave and dignified faces of some of the finest minds
in the world. Together they presented, they embodied or
they were there to represent, the whole body of human
knowledge. There it was in effect parading before me.
And nine out of ten of them were dressed up in some col-
orful imitation of a costume worn centuries before their
foundations came into existence. It was picturesque, it was
imposing — but it was just a little odd.

My thoughts drifted away to certain political gatherings
I had seen and heard; faces of an altogether inferior type,
leather-lunged adventurers bawling and gesticulating, rau-
cous little men screaming plausible nonsense to ignorant
crowds, supporters herded like sheep and saluting like
trained monkeys, and the incongruity of contrast came to
me — you know how things come to you suddenly at
times — so that I almost laughed aloud. Because, when it
comes to the direction of human affairs, all these universi-
ties, all these nice refined people in their lovely gowns, all
this visible body of human knowledge and wisdom, has
far less influence upon the conduct of human affairs than
— let us say — an intractable newspaper proprietor, an un-
scrupulous group of financiers or the leader of a recalci-
trant minority.

Some weeks previously I had taken part in a little pri-
vate conference of scientific men in London. They were
very distinguished men indeed, and they were distressed
beyond measure at the way in which one scientific inven-
tion after another was turned to the injury of human life.
What was to be done? What could be done? Our discus-
sion was inconclusive but it had quickened my sense of the
reality of the situation. I put these three separate impres-
sions together before you. First, these anxious scientific
specialists, then the unchallenged power and mischief of
these bawling war-making politicians and their crowds at
the present time, and finally, capping the whole, these
hundreds of all-too-decorated learned gentlemen, fine and
delicate, bowing, presenting addresses (for the most part
in Latin) and conferring further gowns and diplomas on
one another. This last lot, I said, this third lot is after all —
in spite of its elegant weakness, the organized brain of
mankind so far as there is an organized brain of mankind
— and it is not doing its proper work. Why? Why are our
universities floating above the general disorder of mankind
like a beautiful sunset over a battlefield? Is it not high
time that something was done about it?

Mental Gilt-Coaches

CERTAIN IDEAS HAD BEEN STIRRING IN MY MIND FOR SOME
time already but this scene of archaic ceremony just lit up
the situation for me. I realized that these medieval robes
were in the highest degree symptomatic. They clothed an
organization essentially medieval, inadequate and out-of-
date. We are living in 1937 and our universities, I suggest,
are not half way out of the fifteenth century. We have
made hardly any changes in our conception of university
organization, education, graduation, for a century — for
several centuries. The three or four years course of lec-
tures, the bachelor who knows some, the master who
knows most, the doctor who knows all, are ideas that have
come down unimpaired from the Middle Ages. Nowadays
no one should end his learning while he lives and these
university degrees are preposterous. It is true that we have
multiplied universities greatly in the past hundred years
but we seem to have multiplied them altogether too
much upon the old pattern. A new battleship, a new air-
plane, a new radio receiver is always an improvement upon
its predecessor. But a new university is just another imita-
tion of all the old universities that have ever been. Educa-
tionally we are still for all practical purposes in the coach
and horse and galley state. The new university is just one
more mental gilt-coach in which minds take a short ride
and get out again. We have done nothing to coordinate
the work of our universities in the world — or at least we
have done very little. What are called the learned societies
with correspondents all over the world have been the chief

addition to the human knowledge organization since the
Renaissance and most of these societies took their shape
and scale in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. All
the new means of communicating ideas and demonstrat-
ing realities that modern invention has given us, have been
seized upon by other hands and used for other purposes;
these universities which should guide the thought of the
world, making no protest. The showmen got the cinema
and the government or the adventurers got the radio. The
university teacher and the schoolmaster went on teaching
in the classroom and checking his results by a written ex-
amination. It is as if one attempted to satisfy the traffic
needs of Greater New York or London or Western Europe
by a monstrous increase in horses and carts and nothing
else.

The universities go out to meet the tremendous chal-
lenges of our social and political life, like men who go out
in armor with bows and arrows to meet a bombing air-
plane. They are pushed aside by men like Hitler, Musso-
lini creates academies in their despite, Stalin sends party
commissars to regulate their researches. It is beyond dis-
pute that there has been a great increase in the research
work of universities; that pedantry and mere scholarship
in spite of an obstinate defense have declined relatively to
keen inquiry, but the specialist is by his nature a preoccu-
pied man. He can increase knowledge but without a mod-
ern organization backing him he cannot put it over. He
can increase knowledge which ultimately is power, but he
cannot at the same time control and spread this power
that he creates. It has to be made generally available if it
is not to be monopolized in the wrong hands.

There, I take it, is the gist of the problem of World
Knowledge that has to be solved. A great new world is
struggling into existence. But its struggle remains catas-
trophic until it can produce an adequate knowledge organ-
ization. It is a giant birth and it is mentally defective and
blind. An immense and ever-increasing wealth of knowl-
edge is scattered about the world today, a wealth of
knowledge and suggestion that — systematically ordered
and generally disseminated — would probably give this
giant vision and direction and suffice to solve all the
mighty difficulties of our age, but that knowledge is still
dispersed, unorganized, impotent in the
face of adventurous violence and mass
excitement. In some way we want to
modernize our World Knowledge Ap-
paratus so that it may really bring what
is thought and known within reach of
all active and intelligent men. So that
we shall know — with some certainty.
So that we shall not be all at sixes and
sevens about matters that have already
been thoroughly explored and worked
out.

How is that likely to be done?

Not of course in a hurry. . . .

It would be very easy to do a number
of stupid things about it — futile or even
disastrous things. I can imagine quite a
number of obvious preposterous mis-
chievous experiments, a terrible sort of
world university consolidation, an im-
provised knowledge dictatorship. Heav-
en save us from that! We want nothing
that will in any sense override the

autonomy of institutions or the independence of individ-
ual intellectual workers. We want nothing that will invade
the precious time and attempt to control the resources of
the gifted individual specialist. He is too much distracted
by elementary teaching and college administration already.
We do not want to magnify and stereotype universities.
Most of them with their gowns and degrees, their slavish
imitation of the past, are too stereotyped already.

A Clearing House for Ideas

BUT HERE IT IS THAT THE IDEA I WANT TO PUT BEFORE YOU

comes in, this idea of a new and greater encyclopedia —
with a permanent organism and a definite form and aim.
J put forward the development of this new encyclopedism
as a possible method, the only possible method I can imag-
ine, of bringing the universities and research institutions
of the world into effective cooperation and creating an
intellectual authority sufficient to control and direct our
collective life. I imagine it as a permanent institution —
untrammelled by precedent, a new institution — something
added to the world network of universities, linking and
coordinating them with one another and with the general
intelligence of the world. Manifestly as my title for it
shows, it arises out of the experience of the French Ency-
clopedia, but the form it is taking in the minds of those
who have become interested in the idea is of something
vastly more elaborate, more institutional and far-reaching
than Diderot's row of volumes. The immense effect of
Diderot's effort in establishing the frame of the progres-
sive world of the XIX century is certainly the inspiration
of this new idea. The great role played in stabilizing and
equipping the general intelligence of the nineteenth cen-
tury world by the French, the British and the German
and other encyclopedias that followed it, is what gives
confidence and substance to this new conception. But
what we want today to hold the modern mind together in
common sanity is something far greater and infinitely
more substantial than those earlier encyclopedias. They
served their purpose at the time but they are not equal to
our current needs. A World Encyclopedia no longer pre-
sents itself to a modern imagination as a row of volumes
printed and published once for all, but as a sort of mental

It was very picturesque but just a little odd

SURVEY GRAPHIC

clearing house for the
mind, a depot where
knowledge and ideas
arc received, sorted,
summarized, digest-
ed, clarified and com-
pared. It would be in
continual correspon-
dence with every uni-
versity, every research
institution, every
competent discussion,
every survey, every
statistical bureau in
the world. It would
develop a directorate
and a staff of men of
its own type, special-
ized editors and sum-
marists. They would
be very important
and distinguished
men in the new
world. This Encyclo-
pedia organization need not be concentrated now in one
place; it might have the form of a network. It would cen-
tralize mentally but perhaps not physically. Quite possibly
it might to a large extent be duplicated. It is its files and
its conference rooms which would be the core of its being,
the essential Encyclopedia. It would constitute the mate-
rial beginning of a real World Brain.

A World Book of Knowledge

THEN FROM THIS CENTER OF RECEPTION AND ASSEMBLY
would proceed what we may call the Standard Encyclope-
dia, the primary distributing element, the row of volumes.
This would become the common backbone as it were of
general human knowledge. It might take the form of
twenty or thirty or forty volumes and it would go to
libraries, colleges, schools, institutions, newspaper offices,
ministries and so on all over the world. It would be under-
going continual revision. Its various volumes would be in
process of replacement, more or less frequently according
to the permanence or impermanence of their contents.
And from this Standard Encyclopedia would be drawn a
series of textbooks and shorter reference encyclopedias
and encyclopedic dictionaries for individual and casual
use.

That crudely is the gist of what I am submitting to you.
A double-faced organization, a perpetual digest and con-
ference on the one hand and a system of publication and
distribution on the other. It would be a clearing house for
universities and research institutions; it would play the
role of a cerebral cortex to these essential ganglia. On the
one hand this organization should be in direct touch with
all the original thought and research in the world; on the
other it should extend its informing tentacles to every in-
telligent individual in the community — the new world
community.

In that little world of the eighteenth century, what we
may call the mind of the community scarcely extended
below the gentlefolk, the clergy and the professions. There
was no primary education for the common man at all. He
did not even read. He was a mere toiler. It hardly mat-
tered how little he knew — and the less he thought the bet-

JANUARV 1938

ter for social order.
But machinery abol-
ishes mere toil alto-
gether. The new
world has to consist
of a world commun-
ity— say of 2000 mil-
lion educated indi-
viduals— and the in-
fluence of the central
encyclopedic organi-
zation, informing,
suggesting, directing,
unifying, has to ex-
tend to every rank of
society and to every
corner of the world.
The new encyclope-
dism is merely the
central problem of
world education.

A project of organizing the world's thought

A New Intellectual
Apparatus

PERHAPS I SHOULD EXPLAIN THAT WHEN I SPEAK IN THIS con-
nection of universities, what I have in mind is primarily
assemblies of learned men or men rehearsing their ripe
scholarship or conducting original research with such
advanced students and student helpers, as have been at-
tracted by them and are sharing their fresh and inspiring
thoughts and methods. This is a return to the original
university idea. The original universities were gatherings
of eager people who wanted to know — and who clustered
round the teachers who did seem to know. They gathered
about these teachers because that was the only way in
which they could get their learning. I am talking of that
sort of university. That is the primary form of a univer-
sity.

I am not talking here of the collegiate side of a contem-
porary university, the superficial finishing school exercises
of sportive young people mostly of the wealthier classes
who don't want to know — young people who mean very
little and who have been sent to the university to make
useful friendships and get pass-degrees that mean hardly
anything at all. These mere finishing-school students are a
modern addition, a transitory encumbrance of the halls of
learning. I suppose that before long much of this under-
graduate life will merge with the general upward exten-
sion of educational facilities to all classes of the commun-
ity. I assume that the tentacles of this Encyclopedia we are
anticipating, with its comprehensive and orderly supply of
knowledge, would intervene beneficially between the spe-
cialized research and learning which is the living reality
in the university and this really quite modern finishing-
school side.

The time is rapidly returning when men of outstanding
mental quality will consent to teach only such students as
show themselves capable of and willing to follow up their
distinctive work. The mere graduating crowd with their
games and their yells and so forth, will go back to the
mere teaching institutions where they properly belong.
But university organization is not now my subject. I am
dealing with an essentially new organization — an addition
to the intellectual apparatus of the world. The more im-
portant thing now is to emphasize this need — a need the

world is likely to realize more and more acutely in the
coming years — for such a concentration, which will as-
semble, coordinate and distribute accumulated knowledge.
It will link, supplement and no doubt modify profoundly,
the universities, schools and other educational organi-
zations we possess already but it will not in itself be a
part of them.

Let me make it perfectly clear that for the present it is
desirable to leave this project of a World Encyclopedic
organization vague — in all but its essential form and func-
tion. It might prove disastrous to have it crystallize out
prematurely. Such premature crystallization of a thing
needed by the world can produce, we now realize, a rigid
obstructive reality, just life enough to our actual require-
ments to cripple every effort to replace it later by a more
efficient organization. Explicit constitutions for social and
political institutions are always dangerous things if these
institutions are to live for any length of time. If a thing
is really to live it should grow rather than be made. It
should never be something cut and dried. It should be the
survivor of a series of trials and fresh beginnings — and it
should always be amenable to further amendment.

So that while I believe that ultimately the knowledge
systems of the world must be concentrated in this world
brain, this permanent central encyclopedic organization
with a local habitat and a world-wide range — just as I be-
lieve that ultimately the advance of aviation must lead,
however painfully and tortuously by way of World Air
Control, to the political, economic and financial federation
of the world — yet nevertheless I suggest that to begin
with, the evocation of this World Encyclopedia may begin
a! divergent points and will be all the better for beginning
at divergent points.

Brains of the World, Unite!

Op THE DEMAND FOR IT, AND OF THE READINESS FOR IT IN OUR

world today, I have no sort of doubt. Ask the bookselling
trade. Any books that give or even seem to give, any sort
of conspectus of philosophy, of science, of general knowl-
edge, have a sure abundant sale. We have the fullest en-
couragement for bolder and more strenuous efforts in the
same direction. People want this assembling of knowledge
and ideas. Our modern community is mind-starved and
mind-hungry. It is justifiably uneasy and suspicious of the
quality of what it gets. The hungry sheep look up and
are not fed — at least they are not fed properly. They want
to know. One of the next steps to take, it seems to me, is
to concentrate this diffused demand, to set about the defi-
nite organization of a sustained movement, of perhaps a
special association or so, to bring a World Encyclopedia
into being. And while on the one hand we have this
world-wide receptivity to work upon, on the other hand
we have among the men of science in particular a very
full realization of the need for a more effective correlation
of their work. It is not only that they cannot communicate
their results to the world; they find great difficulty in
communicating their results to one another. Among other
collateral growths of the League of Nations is a certain
Committee of Intellectual Cooperation which has now an
official seat in Paris. Its existence shows that even as early
as 1919, someone had realized the need for some such
synthesis of mental activities as we are now discussing.
But in timid, politic and scholarly hands the Committee
of Intellectual Cooperation has so far achieved little more
than a building, a secretary and a few salaries. The bare

idea of a World Encyclopedia in its present delicate state
would give it heart failure. Still there it is, a sort of seed
that has still to germinate, waiting for some vitalizing in-
fluence to stir it to action and growth. And going on at
present, among scientific workers, library workers, bibliog-
raphers and so forth, there is a very considerable activity
for an assembling and indexing of knowledge.

An important World Congress of Documentation took
place last August in Paris. I was there as an English dele-
gate and I met representatives of forty countries — and my
eyes were opened to the very considerable amount of such
harvesting and storage that has already been done. From
assembling to digesting is only a step — a considerable and
difficult step but, nonetheless, an obvious step.

In addition to these indexing activities there has recent-
ly been a great deal of experimentation with the micro-
film. It seems possible that in the near future, we shall
have microscopic libraries of record, in which a photo-
graph of every important book and document in the
world will be stored away and made easily available for
the inspection of the student. The British Museum Lib-
rary is making microfilms of the 4000 books it possesses
that were published before 1550 and parallel work is being
done here in America. Cheap standardized projectors of-
fer no difficulties. The bearing of this upon the material
form of a World Encyclopedia is obvious. The general
public has still to realize how much has been done in
this field and how many competent and disinterested men
and women are giving themselves to this task. The time
is close at hand when any student, in any part of the
world, will be able to sit with his projector in his own
study at his or her convenience to examine any book, any
document, in an exact replica.

Concurrently with this movement towards documenta-
tion, we may very possibly have a phase when publishers
will be experimenting in the production of larger and bet-
ter encyclopedias, all consciously or unconsciously at-
tempting to realize the final world form. And satisfy a
profitable demand. The book salesman from the days
of Diderot onward has shown an extraordinary knack
for lowering the quality of this sort of enterprise, but I
do not see why groups of publishers throughout the world
should not presently help very considerably in the begin-
ning of a permanent encyclopedic foundation. But such
questions of ways and means of distribution belong to a
later stage of this great intellectual development which
lies ahead of us. I merely glance at them here.

There are certain responses that I have observed crop
up almost automatically in people's minds when they are
confronted with this project of a world-wide organization
of all that is thought and known. They will say that an
encyclopedia must always be tendentious and within cer-
tain limits — but they are very wide limits — that must be
true. A World Encyclopedia will have by its very nature
to be what is called liberal. An Encyclopedia appealing to
all mankind can admit no narrowing dogmas without at
the same time admitting corrective criticism. It will have
to be guarded editorially and with the utmost jealousy
against the incessant invasion of narrowing propaganda.
It will have a general flavor of what many people will
call skepticism. Myth, however venerated, it must treat as
myth and not as a symbolical rendering of some higher
truth or any such evasion. Visions and projects and
theories it must distinguish from bed rock fact. It will
necessarily press strongly against (Continued on page 64)

SURVEY GRAPHIC

THROUGH NEIGHBORS' DOORWAYS

The Moujik Votes

by JOHN PALMER GAVIT

SUPPOSE THAT SOMEWHERE AROUND 1907 — ONLY THIRTY

years ago — someone of hypcrtrophied imagination had
asked you to fancy the unthinkable series of events which
since then has become history... a world war involving
directly or indirectly virtually every people, yes, every per-
son, on earth. Slaughter of millions and maiming of mil-
lions more; destruction of incalculable wealth, disorganiza-
tion of fundamental economic structures, demoralization
of industry and commerce, dislodging of myriads of hon-
est, industrious, well-meaning folk forever from footing?
of security. Incidentally overturning mighty thrones and
seemingly well-established political systems; creating new
fantastic despotisms. Leaving generally a train of conse-
quences beyond human foresight to plague the future. In
particular scattering to the four winds the vestiges of
the political-ecclesiastical Russian Autocracy which for
centuries had ruled with a fist of iron over one sixth of
the earth's land-surface; substituting for it a Socialist
Republic of the Proletariat, the industrial workers and
peasants, with massacre and expropriation of the thitherto
ruling classes in a fashion and to an extent compared
with which the French Revolution or any other previous
uprising of the underdogs was a relatively tame affair. I
don't know what you would have said to this preposter-
ous proposition; but I can hear myself snorting:

"You're crazy. Set your imagination to work on some-
thing within the realities. There couldn't be any world
war. Even one between any two of the major nations —
under modern conditions it couldn't last sixty days. And
as for Russia, with its hundreds of millions of ignorant,
utterly repressed Moujiks scarcely two steps out of slavery
. . . why, it's only two years since they mowed down
Father Gapon's harmless petitioners by hundreds in the
square before the Winter Palace in St. Petersburg, after
the debacle of the war with Japan and the assassination
of von Plehve. Think up something sensible."

"Never mind. Even a chicken can suppose. Suppose
you, now, just for fancy's sake, that all these things hap-
pened, that there actually were successful revolution in
Russia and the setting up of just such a Socialist Republic

as I have imagined How long would it be before that

awakened nation could become something fit to live
with in the world? Before it could make a real entity
of itself, with the ground more or less solid under its
feet?"

"Well, if you must have it," I imagine myself saying,
"at the least of it, a century or two. It would take that
long, and a genius for education combined with gigantic
determination and impossible expense of organization,
merely to teach those hundreds of millions of completely
illiterate people simply to read and write — without which
they could not in any real sense understand what it was
all about; much less carry on the functions of intelligent
citizenship in a republic. The mere extent of territory —
from the Baltic to the Pacific; from the Black Sea to the
Arctic; with hundreds of miles between communities, few

railroads and wretched means of communication of any
other kind — creates obstacles practically insurmountable."
Etc., etc., as long as he would have let me go on. The
thing was obvious — you couldn't look far enough ahead
to see a finish for Absolutism in Russia. All the condi-
tions foretold the continuance of that status quo — in-
definitely.

Breaking the Silence of the Centuries

WELL, NEVERTHELESS ALL THOSE IMPOSSIBLE THINGS DID
happen. We know now that they were already not merely
incubating but very near the hatching-out. In fact that
massacre of the petitioners in the square before the Winter
Palace sealed the doom of Nicholas II, the Romanoff
dynasty, Tsarism and all its works and premises. This in-
cident, coupled with revolt in the naval fleet, scared his
government into permitting the election of the Duma
and the erection of a nominal Constitution; but neither
had any substantial reality. Virtual suppression of the
fourth Duma under the military domination at the begin-
ning of the World War, and the shrieking ineptitude and
corruption of the management of Russia's part in that
war turned all decent Russians into radicals, and the
frightful human sacrifice consequent upon both finished
the business. The masses had had a taste — if only a sip —
of self-government, had begun to realize their sleeping
power.

The rest is familiar; I have neither purpose nor
space even to summarize what followed. Suddenly that
mighty entity, the Russian people, arose and shook itself,
and the earth still trembles with that shaking. The sup-
posedly stupid, illiterate Moujik is dramatizing the an-
swer to Edwin Markham's question in The Man With
the Hoe:

O masters, lords and rulers of all lands, . . .
How will it be with kingdoms and with kings —
With those who shaped him to the thing he is —
When this dumb Terror shall reply to God,
After the silence of the centuries?

IN THE PATTERN OF THE LONG FUTURE, IN THE PART OF IT

woven during these past thirty years and still weaving
this particular brief time sector, I am disposed myself to
believe that history will reckon the most momentous con-
tribution of our day to have been just that unbelievable,
incredibly sudden awakening of the Russian people. And
as symbol of it, the most significant single event the first
general election by universal popular vote, which is under
way as I write these words. It is difficult to envision the
amazing fact that within that brief space of twenty years
since the Bolshevik revolution of 1917, those millions of
densely illiterate people have learned to read, literacy
having increased during that period from 25 to 90 per-
cent. Several of the United States of America cannot
match that percentage of literates; nothing like that
record of elementary education ever was made in the
world before. The thing that it mainly proves is that peo-
ple anywhere will respond to the opportunity for educa-
tion if and when their rulers offer it in any genuine way
or degree.
On previous occasions in this department I have sum-

JANUAHY 19M

marized the new Constitution of Soviet Russia, under
which this election is the first. Suffice it to say that the
most extraordinary thing about it is its provision for
universal suffrage, participation by every man and woman
over eighteen years old (excepting convicts and lunatics
medically certified as such), regardless not only of race,
religion, social or economic class, place or length of resi-
dence; but of political opinions or membership in the
exclusively dominating Communist Party. Even the
hitherto despised, persecuted and dispossessed Kulaks
may vote.

But there are, to be sure, "catches" and "strings";
plenty of what Theodore Roosevelt called "weasel words."
There can be no such thing as an opposition party, in-
dispensable to democratic government. Only one party, the
Communist, is tolerated. There is strict provision for sec-
recy of the ballot; but at the last moment it was officially
announced that the voter might legally sign his ballot!
Still, there is a beginning; while in no way has the grip
of the Communist Party been relaxed, there is nothing
outwardly to prevent a known dissenter from being
elected to the local or even the general legislative bodies
. . . nothing, that is, except the unhealthiness of dissent in
Russia.

For months the whole nation has been agog with
preparations and debate; first over the Constitution itself;
latterly over nominations. Now they have voted — not
merely in the cities and large towns but far out in the
wastes and on the edges; even in the deep sub-arctic
winter. Ballots and instructions were distributed in the
remotest regions by airplane. One wonders how they
managed, in a country desperately short of both paper
and pencils. And whether the still only nominally literate
masses of the people have been as flabbergasted as New
York City was by its first experiment with the simple
processes of proportional representation in the election
of the new city council. If it took a month to count that
vote — how with the one hundred million unfamiliar with
any voting at all?

The Persistence of Tsardom

ONE MUST BE ATROPHIED OF BOTH IMAGINATION AND HUMAN

sympathy to reflect without a thrill upon this spectacle
of a vast people, still under the shadow of centuries of
oppression and unspeakably corrupt misrule, in its first
experiment with the universal franchise. All offsets and
allowances made, all cynical skepticism exercised, all
hatred of the underlying ideology of the class dictatorship
and detestation for its brutal excesses undiminished —
here is a thing the like of which never before took place
under the sun. Of course, it is possible — likely if you will —
that under this despotism the privilege may be nullified
or even subsequently withdrawn altogether. Going
through the forms of free choice of representatives does
not guarantee democracy, or even honest government.
In New York City, Philadelphia, Chicago, Minneapolis,
Denver, San Francisco (to name only a few notorious
instances) we know what it is to have all the forms but
be cheated of the spirit: as to nominations, controlled by
party machines, to be confined to choice between a skunk
and a polecat; as to election, to be ruled as before by a
coalition of corrupt politics and crime.

The privilege of voting, even on so stupendously uni-
versal a scale, neither provides nor guarantees that per-
sonal and community liberty without which forms of any

sort are futile. As John Stuart Mill said, "Whatever
crushes individuality is despotism, by whatever name it
may be called, and whether it professes to be enforcing
the will of God or the injunctions of men." The spirit of
self-government, of real liberty, cannot function, or even
exist, in any country, whatever its lip-service to freedom,
whatever its splendor and exuberance of material sur-
roundings and entertainment of the crowd; its dumb-
show of elections and whatnot; in which, as in Germany,
Italy and Russia — Russia as bad as any — the people live
in fear and suspicion, looking furtively to right and left
and behind for the crawling vermin, of spies, stool-
pigeons, agents provocateurs; every individual knowing
himself subject to administrative arrest, imprisonment,
exile, execution, unexplained disappearance, without real
process of law.

Those conditions characterized Tsardom at its worst;
in Soviet Russia they still prevail, and the fact must tem-
per enthusiasm as one beholds the Russian people with
their ballots.

Solidarity by Choice, or Force?

IT IS INSINUATED THAT THE STALIN DICTATORSHIP, WITH OR

without its tongue in its cheek, has deliberately relaxed
its rigors and permitted to some extent the political re-
habilitation of the hitherto politically voiceless, in behalf of
national unity behind national defense. Very likely: there
were no better way in that behalf. National solidarity of
spirit is more than half an army. The Chinese have given,
no matter what the outcome of the present Japanese in-
vasion, an exhibit par excellence of what a people vir-
tually unarmed will do in defense of a country which they
love as their own. The Abyssinians afforded the like, in
an object lesson to the Italians. Both Japan and Italy
have "bought lawsuits" the settlement of which lies in the
far future; by the time of which (I venture to opine)
Japan will have become a minor province of China, and
Italy glad to have written Abyssinia off long since as a
total loss with no insurance, "one of crazy Mussolini's
profitless gambles." As the old Scotch proverb pute it,
"He maun hae a lang spoon wha would sup wi' the
Muckle De'il."

Just now the German and Italian dictatorships have
taken a long, long, perilous chance in abolishing freedom
and at the same time arming the very people whose lib-
erty they have suppressed. Messrs. Hitler and Mussolini,
and their satellites and would-be apes everywhere might
have longer life, were they to take a leaf from the Stalin
Book of Rules and Technique, and do something to make
their people at least imagine themselves to have a share
in their own life and education. The spirit of real patriot-
ism cannot be maintained in the long run under repres-
sion, or inspired by hot air from pompously strutting
windbags, or through the throats of stuffed shirts of black,
brown, or any other color. There was once a strutter called
Napoleon Bonaparte ... he appointed kings, in Spain and
Italy . . . hordes of people followed him, cheering. Where
is he now?

ANOTHER THING — WHILE WE COGITATE ABOUT THESE MAT-
ters. In respect of human liberty, Germany and Italy and
Russia stand at about the same point in the road. It will
need more than one machine-conducted "unanimous"
election and a long time to tell whether on the whole they
have begun at last to face in opposite directions.

SURVEY GRAPHIC

LIFE AND LETTERS

Forecasts of Change

by LEON WHIPPLE

THE GOOD SOCIETY, by Walter Lippmann. Little. Brown. 402 pp.
Price »3.

DIVIDED WE STAND, by Walter Prescott Webb. Farrar & Rmehart.
239 pp. Price $2.50.

THE FOLKLORE OF CAPITALISM, by Thurman W. Arnold. Yale Uni-
versity Press. 400 pp. Price $3.

Prices postpaid of Survey Graphic

If I WERE A CORPORATION I WOULD NOT THESE DAYS CLAIM

that I was a person; and as a person I shall not pretend that
I am a corporation, even for the praiseworthy purpose of
reducing my income tax. I would fear not only the total
extinction of my identity amid the vapors of the corporation-
person metaphysics, but also that any corporation is pretty
soon going to find itself saddled with a lot of social duties
in return for its social privileges. This conclusion results
from an endeavor to discover the points of agreement in
these admirable and exciting books on economic change.
People find a quarrel so pleasurable that they delight when
the doctors disagree; but surely their agreements offer more
light and leading than their disputes. These critics agree on
two principal points: that the corporation with the privileges
of a person may be a kind of Devil; and that we are in a
confused period of cultural lag wherein the creation of new
social ideas (or a mythology, as Mr. Arnold says) has not
kept pace with the progress of organic living.

Walter Lippmann, who is indisposed to grant the coer-
cive power of the machine on social forms because this is a
major premise of the collectivism that he attacks, declares
that the modern concentration of control arose not from the
mechanization of industry, but from the grant by the state
of a very special privilege — to incorporate with limited lia-
bility and perpetual succession. So important was this device
to industry that he suggests we should speak not of the
capitalist system but of the corporate system. Its evils he
admits, but he denies that the remedy is a further concen-
tration of power in a superstate. The very technological
advance that collectivists seek is likely to be hindered by the
inflexible and self-preserving nature of big units. The giant
unit of an authoritarian state will not foster technological
invention.

This is only one of the brilliant and manifold themes of
his thinking, a thinking rich in intellectual energy and in-
spired by an ideal that begins in an humble seeking and
ends with a noble affirmation that respect for the inviolable
personality of men is the true foundation of any Good
Society. Liberty under a common law that free citizens frame
and accept is the end to be sought, and that is denied by any
collectivist plan that would demean men into cogs and cells.
He is full of compassion for the present sufferings of men, but
as a philosopher of values he believes we must endure the
necessary sacrifices to preserve the spiritual essence in man.
This is a noble view, but one that will be disregarded, I
suspect, by dissenters eager to meet urgent needs with at
least experimental modes of control.

The principal thesis (which is all we can cover here)
runs thus: Men cannot plan social progress because its organ-
ization is too elaborate for human direction. They lack the
wisdom even when they can seize the power. The planned
economy cannot solve the basic problem of the division of
labor — to decide at what jobs men shall labor, and what
goods they shall be able to consume. The division of labor

JANUARY 1938

by specialization was, Lippmann believes, the most revolu-
tionary experience in recorded history. That revolution be-
gan generations back, and is not finished; men will not give
up this incomparably efficient mode of providing for their
needs. But we have not adjusted ourselves to the conse-
quences of specialization and economic interdependence with
the whole series of disconcerting paradoxes that are the roots
of our present confusion, frustration, insecurity. Here is the
cultural lag.

The sole effective regulator of labor is the free market and
prices; they coordinate the varieties of human ability and
human preferences. But since present markets are often ruth-
less the collectivist wants to substitute a planned division of
labor while the liberal seeks to perfect and civilize the market.
For this he would return to the democratic method of a com-
mon law which defines reciprocal rights and duties in courts.
And there, if you please, seems to be precisely where we in
the United States are today, seeking to define reciprocal
rights and duties of all kinds of associations by law.

PROFESSOR WALTER WEBB OF THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS DE-
clares with both emphasis and evidence that northern cor-
porations with feudal powers exploit the South (and West)
by exerting all their rights without assuming any reciprocal
duties. He traces the assertion by corporations of their im-
munities as "persons" through the interpretation of the
Fourteenth Amendment. The North has the money and
power, and has been aided by pensions, tariffs and patents.
The South has no tariff protection, and no frontier such as
once offered escape; its duty is to pay tribute. The revival of
this North-South alignment, the old agrarian issue, is, I
suspect, a device of dramatization, for Professor Webb is too
well informed not to know that northern dividends reach
some southern stockholders, and that if corporations exact
tribute in the South, they do so elsewhere.

The book is full of bite and picturesque detail, particu-
larly in the story of how chains and corporations function
in actual neighborhoods, in the analogy drawn between
feudalism and corporations, and in the ironic proposal to
recognize the real forces by drawing a constitution for a
government by corporations, giving them tax powers and
the control of diplomatic relations. The way out is not col-
lectivism, says Professor Webb, but a party of the South and
West to represent the farmers and cooperate with labor in
the North. Corporations should be controlled under federal
charters, and the part of the Fourteenth Amendment that
has led to the definition of corporations as persons, amended.
Control of both money and machines should be decentralized.
The good neighbor rule should be applied at home. This
book is a fiery report from the southern sector of what seems
to be a general line of battle against one of Mr. Lippmann's
"disconcerting paradoxes."

MR. ARNOLD, IN HIS ACUTE STUDY OF OUR ECONOMIC FOLKLORE,
naturally dwells upon the personification of corporations. It
was a myth that arose because we transferred the concept of
an individual making money out of private property to
organizations that also made money, and so needed the same
rights. They were a queer new kind of "rugged individuals"
and they created a set of rituals and ceremonies, with the
help of a priesthood of lawyers and economists, that made
us think we were dealing with men and not organizations.
One of these rituals was the attack on bigness through anti-
trust laws that never actually broke up trusts because bigness
was essential to our technological system of mass production.
This conflict of purpose and practice is one main theme of

Arnold's book. He believes that when an insistent social
demand conflicts with a deeply felt ideal we preserve the
ideal in ceremony and literature while we let some sub rosa
and non-respectable organization fulfill the practical need.
Our handling of prohibition by bootlegging is an example.

One ritual discussed is that of raising a corporation from
the dead by the complicated mystery of "reorganization"
which is "buttered with learning and frosted with dis-
tinguished names." It consists of a metaphysical discussion of
debtor-creditor concepts under which a practical solution is
reached by horse-trading. The discussion of how the pruning
of debts to investors (as in the case of foreign bonds) con-
stitutes a kind of benevolent private taxation that we seem
to approve while regarding public taxes as malevolent, will
delight Professor Webb.

The corporation is but one of Mr. Arnold's texts for a
wide-ranging critique of the cultural lag in our modes of
thought on law and government. He agrees that corpora-
tions have been inevitable and useful. But he insists that here
as elsewhere we are using an ancient language that is not
realistic for modern organizations; and have created an im-
posing structure of learning that pretends to be the science
of law and economics when what we need is a science
about the going organizations in actual situations. He sets
up, therefore, certain bases for an observer of government,
and concludes with a set of twenty-four "principles of politi-
cal dynamics" by which we may hope to resolve the con-
tradictions between the principles and the practices of or-
ganizations.

This is a profoundly useful book, and revolutionary in the
sense that it seeks to break up obsolescent patterns of thought
that obstruct change. It is a report on the mental climate of
a season of transition, but not a weather forecast — except that
Mr. Arnold expects "strong and shifting winds" that will
blow away a lot of fog. It is rich in sub-acid humor and
ironic challenge because any study of human paradoxes must
be funny. But if you come to laugh, you will remain to think
— to think about your own thinking.

The lesson of these books, on corporations at least, is that
they must not be dismantled but used. How they are to be
used is precisely one of those problems for which Mr. Lipp-
mann recommends "the adjudication of reciprocal rights and
duties under a common law." They will probably have fewer
rights as persons, and more duties to persons. The common
law that will define their status will arise from changed
concepts for which Mr. Arnold is breaking the ground. We
need not fear a change of heart or a change of mind, nor
can we escape them, for the forces that will create new
patterns are already at work. There is a reasonable hope
that experiment within a democracy can resolve confusion
and end conflict.

Eugene Lyons' Retreat from Moscow

ASSIGNMENT IN UTOPIA, by Eugene Lyons. Harcourt Brace. 658 pp.
Price $3.50 postpaid of Survey Graphic.

INDICTMENTS OF POLITICAL IDEOLOGIES AND SYSTEMS HAVE TO BE
weighed according to their authors. It matters little if a known
Communist criticizes American democracy; or if a known
Fascist passes his opinion on Soviet Russia. But here is one
who went out as a young, radical Marxian, and who comes
back, after six years in the promised land of Marxism, with
six hundred and forty-eight accusing pages. Eugene Lyons,
born and brought up on New York's East Side, had absorbed
the radical views of his environment at an early age. Hatred
of social injustice and an unusual intelligence made him
one of the outstanding writers of Leftist opinion. And when
United Press in 1928 sent him as chief UP-correspondent to
Moscow, he went there with a preconceived admiration.

In this book Mr. Lyons tells how it occurred to him
that he had been assigned to a reporter's job in Utopia. In
a brilliant narrative, full of life and everyday adventure, he

tells the story of his six years — years which brought him
close to the dead and living leaders of Soviet Russia, to the
masses in the city and in the country. He does not deal with
the communist ideology; for an ideology whose highly ethi-
cal standards are not even denied by its more intelligent
enemies does not reveal itself in its abstract, biblical form.
A detached and academic discussion would be possible if a
merely spiritual force were the subject. Since that spiritual
force has manifested itself in the flesh, earthly values have
to be taken into consideration. This is why Mr. Lyons states
that the Russian experience has been for him less a disil-
lusionment than a rededication. "In the knowledge of the
Russian experiment I am able once more to affirm without
shame the value of such things as justice, humaneness, truth,
liberty, intellectual integrity and human dignity."

One of the finest passages of the book is the analysis of
the Russian peasant whose "rebelliousness" is denied by
Mr. Lyons. "Rebellion can be dealt with by a powerful gov-
ernment. How deal with an animal-like indifference, a weari-
ness of the spirit and body so profound that even the pros-
pect of death by starvation could not stir them into activity?"
Thus it comes down to the "unanswerable Asiatic arguments:
silence and inactivity and prostrate hopelessness," which have
to be grasped before the phenomenon, Russia, can be under-
stood and interpreted. In the midst of indescribable human
suffering and "collective sadism," Mr. Lyons remembers a
quotation from Dostoievsky — Ivan Karamazov asking his
brother Alyosha: "Imagine that you are creating a fabric of
human destiny with the object of making men happy in the
end, but it was essential and inevitable to torture to death
only one tiny creature and to found that edifice on its un-
avenged tears, would you consent to be the architect ?"-
"No, I wouldn't consent," said Alyosha softly.

This book tells a dramatic story. But not so much the
story itself as the sincerity and the personality of the author
make it one of the most important documents of our time.
New York ERNEST O. HAUSER

Eleanor Roosevelt's Story

THIS IS MY STORY, by Eleanor Roosevelt. Harpers. J65 pp. Price $3
postpaid of Survey Graphic.

ELEANOR ROOSEVELT'S THIS Is MY STORY MIGHT VERY WELL
be called, "An Escape from Regimentation." It is an honest,
straightforward and a bit pathetic chronicle of the pain and
bewilderment that honest-minded youth must suffer under
autocratic leadership.

Here was a sober little girl born with a large, very large,
sense of duty and a deep craving for affection. Her natural
sources of affection were cut off early by the death of father
and mother. She fell into the hands of a devoted grand-
mother determined to make her correct according to the
rules set by her class.

Whatever seeds of revolt were in the child lay dormant
through youth, girlhood, wifehood and young motherhood.
Always she did to the full what the leaders of her class and
her family demanded. The nearest to revolt she comes under
this prescribed system is when she says of herself she shut
up like a clam. She speaks reproachfully of this habit, but
one is thankful for even this silent protest against always
doing what "they" expected of her.

If her life was prescribed it was full. Her associates were
everywhere of the elite. Her husband's career provided ex-
citing situations and relations which she took with full seri-
ousness. She became a fine example of what her class may
produce in the way of a useful woman. And then life took
her in hand, broke down class rule, forced her on her own,
set her to working out an independent system where she
must do her own deciding, act on her own judgments.

Generally speaking life is a pretty hard schoolmaster, but
accepted as Eleanor Roosevelt accepted it with a highly devel-
oped sense of duty, a large experience in doing what was

SURVEY GRAPHIC

demanded whether you liked it or not, you get results. When
a pupil docs not respond it is because the soul and mind have
become too hide-bound under regimentation. Eleanor Roose-
velt's had not.

This book then is a story of a woman's escape from the
rule of others, the achievement of freedom. It is a brave,
frank story, but a sequel should follow — the story of what
she has done with the freedom which life thrust upon her.
New Yor^ IDA M. TARBELL

Another Merry-Go-Round?

ROOSEVEI.T— AND THEN"? By Stanley High. H»rper». 326 pp. Price
$3 postpaid of Survey Graphic.

MOST OP THE FORMER ADVISERS OF PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT HAVE

turned critics. Stanley High chooses to remain the objective
analyst, and in a book compounded of opinion, chronicle
and gossip is as impartial as he is informative. He writes
largely for the uninitiated in politics, drawing conclusions
from recent history and from facts about the New Deal that,
with some exceptions, are common knowledge. Some of his
opinions do not convince because the book was written be-
fore the most recent shift in the President's tactics, and when
no business emergency was obvious.

The author's aims were to enumerate and explain the
several national political forces which, set in motion by the
New Deal, are to affect profoundly the future of this country;
second, to reveal certain personalities who have influenced
tactics and policies of the administration, and finally, to guess
what the political future holds for Congress and the Presi-
dency. To do all this impartially and in engaging prose is a
feat in which the author succeeds by reason of cautious phras-
ing and discreet use of his observations at the capital. Neces-
sarily, he deals in numerous ifs and buts and his opinions
rarely astonish. An exception is an astute discussion of the
"neo-New Dealers" led by Maury Maverick. Conservatives
will be disturbed more by what the book implies than by
what Stanley High believes.

Knowing the President as unrcflective, working best on
concrete problems, the author believes that Mr. Roosevelt is
aware that his next major political job is not legislative, but
punitive; that he hopes to free the Democratic party from
dependence on the South; that he "abhors the idea of re-
tirement"; that his policy of delay in many matters is a
gamble; that he proposes to continue to be his own legisla-
ture; that the New Deal is self-perpetuating, though old-line
Democrats think they can safely dismantle it; that Labor's
Non-Partisan League, if it withholds its own ticket in 1940,
will yet be able to embarrass both major parties, and that "the
dispossessed, the workers, farmers, white collar liberals, have
only begun to fight."
New Yon^ CLAYTON HOAGLAND

On Two Battlefronts

PLOT AND COUNTERPLOT IN CENTRAL EUROPE, by M. W.

Fodor. Houghton Mifflin. 317 pp. Price $3.50.
THE IMPORTANCE OF LIVING, by Lin Yutang. Reynal & Hitchcock,

459 pp. Price $3.

Prices postpaid of Survey Graphic

THE ANTI-COMMUNIST PACT BETWEEN GERMANY, ITALY AND
Japan has created a world-wide triangle encircling not only
the Soviet Union, but the whole of Central Europe and China,
and is preparing this immense territory for the expansionist
tendencies of the three "anti-communist" powers. (It is a
pity that pact did not exist in 1935, otherwise Italy would have
certainly discovered "communist influences" in Ethiopia.) At
present the battle rages in China where Japan is as eager
to stamp out the "communist menace" as to convert China
into a second Korea, and in Central Europe Hitler's govern-
ment -is preparing with greater or lesser skill the stage for
a crusade against "communism," to establish German con-
trol from the North Sea to the Black Sea and the Aegean
Sea. Central Europe and the Far East are today the leading

danger spots on the map of the earth. The main issues in-
volved are clear and simple, but the conditions under which
the struggle is going on are complex and in their details un-
known and frequently unintelligible to the average Ameri-
can. Two recent books will be found most helpful in arriving
at a better understanding of the problems of Central Europe
and of China.

Mr. Fodor is an experienced journalist, born in the Habs-
burg Empire, with an intimate knowledge of its peoples
and their aspirations, and who, having lived for many years
in England, is entirely familiar with the Western world and
therefore an excellent interpreter of Central Europe to the
English speaking nations. His book offers a well informed
narrative and, at least in most parts, a sound interpretation.
He is mostly concerned with the political conditions, but at
the same time draws a number of highly illuminating per-
sonal character sketches of the statesmen involved in the
struggles of and for Central Europe.

Dr. Lin's book is entirely different in its approach. His
former book on his country and his people has become a
classic, and the present' book supplements it in setting forth
what may be called the traditional Chinese philosophy of
life. It is a delightful book, and in a more profound sense
even a political book, because it goes far to explain the
intellectual and social background of Chinese life and Chi-
nese history, and of the forces in conflict at present in China.
Probably Dr. Lin's view, although undoubtedly deeply Chi-
nese, will strike some readers as only half the truth about
China. It may be that in the great conflict today a new China
will be born, and perhaps must be born, if China wishes to
survive as a nation. But all of us will agree with some of Dr.
Lin's concluding words which are as applicable to Central
Europe as to the Far East: "Only an insane type of mind
can erect the state into a god and make of it a fetish to
swallow up the individual's right of thinking, feeling and
the pursuit of happiness." Let us share, in Central Europe as
well as in China, his assurance "that eventually we shall be
able to live peaceably because we shall have learned to think
reasonably."
Smith College HANS KOHN

What Science Is Doing to Us

THE ADVANCING FRONT OF SCIENCE, by George W. Gray. Whit-

tlesey. 1937. 364 pp. Price $3.

ASPECTS OF SCIENCE, by Tobias Dantzig. Macmillan. 285 pp. Price $3.

EVERYDAY SCIENCE, by A. W. Haslett. Knopf. 305 pp. Price $2.75.

Prices postpaid of Survey Graphic.

MR. HASLETT, A BRITISH JOURNALIST, TELLS THE LAYMAN VERY
interestingly what the application of scientific discoveries and
ideas have been doing to our daily life. Science here acquires
a hard and bright reality in terms of man's age-long struggle
with Nature. This dramatizes the gains in power for which
we have learned to praise science. Mr. Haslett, following
reverently the spirit of science, finds himself asking a multi-
tude of new questions for every old one answered. Unlike
the scientists, however, he raises irrelevant questions. For
example, what will happen after scientific discoveries develop
new industries and give new employment, and go on to the
saving of production costs — and so to "the ejection of workers
onto the unemployment register." Or, what use is it to
develop inventions only to have them stifled? Or, arc the
efforts of research directed into the most useful, or merely
the most profitable, channels? It is of course unfair to ask
such questions of the scientist, who loves his freedom, and
properly refuses to mix in politics or in economics. But the
scientist is unaware that the freedom which he enjoys is
illusory and vicarious — that it is in fact his employer's free-
dom from "interference by government." Mr. Haslett is at
any rate uncomfortable, for he sees that tremendous power
for the sake of which we arc urged to support research con-
trolled by men whose sole criteria of value are those of the

JANUARY 1938

balance sheet — something shocking to the scientists, perhaps,
but calamitous to others.

Mr. Gray, an American journalist, says nothing about
Diesel engines or new ways of manufacturing houses: he
deals with atoms, the origin of life, cosmic rays, and the
ways of the laboratory. This he does with charm and with
genuine sympathy for both the layman who wonders and the
scientist who — also wonders. It is a fascinating story of what
has happened during the past ten years to alter our vision
of the universe, and, of course, to add further to our power.
Mr. Gray feels it imperative to interpret the "purposes,
methods and results of science in such wise that this great-
est adventure of the human spirit" may be understood of all
people. He sets himself to this task effectively and makes the
reader feel that it is feasible as well as necessary for him to
understand the scientist. On the other hand, he is more out-
spoken as to the social bearings and obligations of science. He
does not blame the scientist for the fact that science is
"mightily prostituted to dark purposes"; but he does insist
that it is quite as urgent for the scientist to understand the
social and economic and moral world'in which he lives, and
for the manipulation of which he supplies the power, as it is
for the layman to value what the scientist is doing.

Dr. Dantzig, professor of mathematics at the University
of Maryland, deals also with a very common problem, that
of everybody's need to "reconcile his fortuitous, ephemeral
life with the will to permanence and certainty." This is
"popular" science only in being a direct and non-technical
speculation on the nature of the world and of our mental
grasp of it; and in considering in terms that are generally
comprehensible the fundamental conceptions of science —
cause and effect, the order in the universe, space and time,
matter and motion. These concepts are not the mysterious
prerogatives of specialists and scholars, but the inescapable
ideas that all mankind shares. There is of course a religious
phase to these speculations as well as a social or ethical one;
but the author, having abandoned the absolute, is so tolerant
and genial that it is good fun to accompany him on his
explorations.

Such excellent books in science addressed to the layman
must increasingly help to stem the flood of demoralizing
propaganda and advertising.
New York BENJAMIN C. GRUENBERG

Why Unions?

WHEN LABOR ORGANIZES, by Robert R. R. Brooks. Yale University
Press. 361 pp. Price $3 postpaid of Survey Graphic.

THERE is MUCH WRITTEN THESE DAYS ABOUT LABOR AND LABOR
organizations. Much of it is by friends who do not always
know what it's all about. Much more is written by well
paid publicists and propagandists whose object is to misin-
form and mislead public opinion. This welter of misunder-
standing and misinformation causes me to approach every
new book on labor with some distrust.

I took up Robert R. R. Brooks' When Labor Organizes
with a skepticism that must give way to praise. This is a
down to the minute treatment of a public problem that rates
number one in complexity and importance. The book is as
fresh, accurate and readable as good journalism, and that is
as much praise as any top job can command. Dr. Brooks
not only knows the historical facts and circumstances that
gave birth to labor organizations, but he understands them.
He has made a comprehensive study of the development,
philosophy and leadership of the great trade union and in-
dustrial union organizations that are now struggling with
industrial management for recognition, and struggling with
each other for supremacy in the process of establishing in
American industry a collective bargaining basis for indus-
trial relations. He sees that organized labor's chief problem
has been and is to keep its forms, techniques, practices and
policies adjusted to rapidly changing processes of industrial

production and distribution. The struggle between the CIO
and the AF of L originates in this problem of adjustment.

The hostility of large sections of industrial management
to any form of independent union is a mixture of tradition,
prejudice, emotion and the arrogance of ownership. "No one
can tell me how to run my business" is the philosophy, if
there is one. It is as old as private ownership and the tradi-
tional authority of the master over his slave and the employer
over his hired labor. That this idea is inconsistent with an
economic responsibility to the public, and also with the legal
concept that one cannot so .use his property as to injure the
public, has not yet changed the attitude of present day man-
agement.

Probably the most important thing Dr. Brooks finds in
these collisions of economic and social forces is that the self-
interest of labor leads to peace, order and the maximum pos-
sible production and distribution of goods. In this labor will
find the fullest opportunity for employment under con-
stantly improving living standards. Shortening hours of work,
for example, tends to eliminate high cost production and to
concentrate production in the most efficient plants. Manage-
ment too frequently misconceives its interest to be in limiting
production. This it frequently does by failure to keep prices
down to a sound economic relation to production costs as
production costs are decreased. Present day management,
with very few exceptions, adheres to a policy of high prices
and the maximum of profit within the shortest possible
period of time. Very surely this is cutting the tap roots of
private ownership and discrediting its responsibility.

Mr. Brooks knows the potentialities and limitations of
labor organization, and of industrial management. Labor and
non-labor groups, including stockholders, should read his
book.
New York MERLE D. VINCENT

The Wandering Jews

A SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS HISTORY OF THE JEWS. In 3 vol-
umes. By Salo Wittmayer Baron. Columbia University Press. Volumes
1 & 2, $3.75 each. Volume 3, $4. Volumes sold separately postpaid of
Survey Graphic.

THE THEME OF THIS TWO-VOLUME, 839-PAGE TREATISE, AMPLI-

fied by a volume given to notes, bibliography and index, is
"Judaism's self-rejuvenating historical dynamism." This
theme, clearly enunciated in the opening pages and traced
through the historical vicissitudes of what has become per-
haps the most dispersed group of mankind, leads to the au-
thor's conclusion, in the form of an epilogue and an apologia
for the point of view he brings to the contemporary situation
and problems of Jewry. Throughout the work the emphasis
is upon Judaism as an "historical religion, in permanent con-
trast to all natural religions," implying "not mastery over
nature, but independence of it," and relying for the achieve-
ment of its historic goal upon variants of the messianic
ideal.

The corollaries of such a religion, as Professor Baron
points out, are its monotheism, its insistence upon humani-
tarianism and upon ethic rather than esthetic, and upon the
cultural and "ethnic" nature of its tradition, in default of
the local, the visually symbolic and the territorial. At the
same time, by contrast with Christianity, Judaism has been
characterized as "this-worldly" rather than other-worldly.

With a scholarship manifest in the references to the litera-
ture in many languages on related subjects, Professor Baron
traces the development of Judaism from the origins of Israel
through the destructions of the Temple, the conflicts with
Hellenism, early Christianity and other groupings, the dis-
persions through Europe in the Middle Ages, the develop-
ment of the insulated ghetto culture and the entrance upon
the problems of the contemporary world through "Enlight-
enment" and "Emancipation." The treatment, while com-
prehensive, presupposes on the part of the reader a familiarity
with the detailed chronology and biographies which Professor

Baron, in the limitation of space, cannot give. Moreover, the
technical nature of some of his discussion, the arrangement
of it by subject, resulting in references backward and for-
ward in the dimension of history, also make it suitable to the
adept rather than to the novice.

Particularly interesting is Professor Baron's treatment of
the status of Jews during the Middle Ages. Repudiating the
"Lachrymose Conception of Jewish History," he discusses the
privileged and special status of many Jewish communities.

In the comparatively extended sections of his work de-
voted to emancipation and nationalism, Professor Baron
provocatively and searchingly discusses those contemporary
tendencies which have complicated Jewish problems both
with reference to their environment and reciprocally in their
own political and doctrinal groupings. He is none too sym-
pathetic, it is clear, with the Reform movement which tended
to merge Judaism in a general liberalism with the liberal
wings of Christianity. "Can a really and deeply religious per-
son," he asks, "believe in the relativity of truth and the per-
fect equality of all creeds not only before the law — which
kind of equality is absolutely indispensable for peace among
men — but also before God?"

Whatever one may feel about the place Professor Baron
assigns to Jewish nationalism, the continuance of Jewish
"historic monotheism," the restoration or revivifying of cere-
monial, he has written a challenging and scholarly work
whose volume of references alone will be of inestimable
value to the student, and whose discussions should furnish
the point of departure for many fruitful and informative
studies to the need for which he repeatedly calls attention.
New Yor^ HERBERT J. SELIGMANN

Meals and the Man

MAN. BREAD AND DESTINY, by C. C. and S. M. Furnas. Reynal &
Hitchcock. J64 pp. Price $3 postpaid of Survey Graphic.

THE TITLE OF THIS BOOK, THE BACKGROUNDS OF ITS AUTHORS,

and the dedication to their "respective fathers who might still
be alive if nutritional knowledge had been complete during
their lifetimes," raise an expectation of scientific attitude and
serious spirit of service which the pages do not sustain. For
instead of devoting their abilities to a careful account of the
influence of food supply upon history and the present-day
social significance of the newer knowledge of nutrition, the
authors seem in some way to have been betrayed or per-
suaded into an undue straining for liveliness with resultant
sacrifice of scientific accuracy. A great part of the book is
given to what its jacket-flap calls "anecdotes and hair-raising
dietary 'believe-it-or-nots'." The kernel of thought which one
may with some difficulty winnow out of the chaff is that our
ancestors have evolved through the adoption of a "true
omnivorousness," that of late there has been too much
"refinement" of our food supplies and eating habits, and that
we would do better to take each article of food in more
nearly its natural state and "eat all of it, or nearly all." One
would rather see this thought presented and discussed in a
more responsible spirit.
Columbia University H. C. SHERMAN

EAST AND WEST, edited by Basil Mathewf. Association Press. 206 pp.
Price $1.75 postpaid of Survey Graphic.

TEN AUTHORS, EACH AN AUTHORITY IN HIS FIELD, CONTRIBUTE

to this symposium, prepared for the meeting of the World's
Alliance of YMCA's in India this winter. The sub-title, Con-
flict or Cooperation is answered here with emphasis on fun-
damental communities of interest. These pages give evidence
of a serious quest for mutual understanding. Realization that
the peoples of the modern world confront each other without
intervening natural barriers still comes as a shock even to
earnest liberals who are unable to dissociate the values which
they cherish most from the national and racial setting in
which they have inherited them. B. L.

Just Published —

PERSONNEL POLICIES IN
PUBLIC HEALTH NURSING

A Report of Current Practice in a Sample of
Official Health Agencies in the United States

Prepared for the

COMMITTEE ON PERSONNEL PRACTICES
IN OFFICIAL AGENCIES

OF THE

NATIONAL ORGANIZATION FOR PUBLIC
HEALTH NURSING

By
Marian G. Randall

A study of data obtained by questionnaire and
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PROTECTING THE CONSUMER

As consumers, where are we now? What can the govern-
ment do, under existing laws, to stop obvious raids on us?
How can business most effectively help itself— and con-
sumers? Don't miss this timely article by Robert H.
Jackson, Assistant Attorney General of the United States.

WORK RELIEF IN ILLINOIS

A closeup of WPA workers in Illinois. Not art evalua-
tion of projects, but of people — their attitudes toward
their jobs, their health, training, aptitudes, and the net
human result of their WPA experience.

THE DOCTORS SAY
' YES -AND MORE"

In the final article of his series, Dr. Douglass Orr tells
how physicians fare under the health insurance system
that England inaugurated twenty-five years ago.

CORRESPONDENCE SCHOOLS, 1938

What are the correspondence schools doing? R. W.
Root discusses new trends in mail order education,
particularly the experiment in supplementing the work
of the secondary schools in Benton Harbor, Michigan.

THE WAY OUT

Where are the communities that have never recovered
from business depression? What is their problem?
How can it be solved? Pierce Williams reports on a
realistic inquiry and reaches several challenging con-
clusions.

SURVEY GRAPHIC, 112 East 19 Street, New York City.

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THE WORKERS SAY "YES— AND MORE"

(Continued from page 39)

of its green vouchers. H.S.A. contributors are organized by
groups in London shops and factories. An active H.S.A.
sports league promotes bowls tournaments, darts contests,
swimming, football, cycling, and Sunday rambles over the
countryside.

Another important scheme is the deservedly famous Penny
in the Pound Fund of Liverpool. Over 300,000 workers in
a community of about one million contribute one penny per
week for each pound of their wages, and are entitled to —

(a) free maintenance as hospital in-patients;

(b) free hospital out-patient services;

(d) free nursing in the home by district nurses upon recom-
mendation of the family doctor; and other services.

The contributory schemes are, in effect, a supplementary
health insurance medical service, on a voluntary basis, by
means of which consultants, special laboratory and other diag-
nostic aids, and if necessary, full hospital care are secured.
The following case history shows how the compulsory and
voluntary services dovetail:

Jones is a young chap whose Approved Society is the An-
cient Order of Foresters which he says is one of the best.
His father and two sisters are also insured persons, but two
younger children in the family are not insured under N.H.I.
All members of the family have the same doctor who is,
therefore, the panel doctor for the insured members and the
private or family doctor for the others. The entire family is
protected also by membership in the Hospital Saving Asso-
ciation.

Like other insured persons, Jones goes to his panel doctor
whenever he is ill and is entitled to the usual benefits under
N.H.I. Once when he broke his arm, however, his panel
doctor sent him to Guy's Hospital to be under the care of a
bone specialist. The H.S.A. paid all of his hospital expenses
including the special splint which was required. At the same
time, he drew the usual sickness benefit under N.H.I. Jones
told us that where he works "all of the fellows belong to
the H.S.A."

How simple it seems! And how simple it really is for the
British worker who is able to supplement his compulsory
health insurance with such voluntary arrangements for hos-
pital and specialist services at a total cost to himself of about
16 cents a week. But there are those who cannot afford even
so small an extra contribution from their wages and there
are others who have not the foresight to do so. For these and
other reasons, there are many who believe that all of these
special services should be incorporated into the scheme of
health insurance benefits, putting them all on a universal,
compulsory, contributory basis. In any event, the fact that
so many wage earners do participate in these voluntary
schemes shows their recognition of the limitations of the
present insurance medical service and their sense of a need
for the protection of a fuller range of medical benefits.

The Cash Benefits of N.H.L

BUT THE MEDICAL SERVICES RENDERED MAKE UP ONLY HALF

the picture of National Health Insurance as it confronts
British wage earners. As brought out in our first article, Ap-
proved Societies enter in as the "insurance carriers" in ad-
ministering the cash benefits for sickness, disablement, ma-
ternity and the additional benefits which prosperous societies
afford. Here things are not so simple nor so convincing.

Why they are there was put to me by one of our first in-
formants— who had just been made a governor of the British
Broadcasting Corporation. The Spectator had hailed him as
"in touch with all phases of social work and industrial con-

(ln answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC)

ill i inns as warden of Toynbee Hall," and "as J. J. Mallon in
touch with leading personalities in every walk of life from
archbishops to their antithesis (whatever that may be)!"
Said Mr. Mallon:

"When Lloyd George formulated his bill he was confronted
with certain vested interests. The old trade union Friendly
Societies were powerful and had large insurance reserves.
It xvas the part of wisdom to draw upon their experience in
administering voluntary health insurance. But the large profit-
making industrial insurance companies had their interests as
well, and could not be discriminated against. They 'virtually
blackmailed' Lloyd George, in threatening to have their can-
vassers, who were in constant touch with the working peo-
ple, agitate against the bill. Lloyd George was thus forced
to compromise and to admit the industrial insurance com-
panies into the scheme. Then and since," he said, "this has
proved very regrettable."

At the present time there are several hundred Approved
Societies, some of them with many branches. Each society is
a "self-contained financial unit," says a Ministry of Health
leaflet, "and the members stand to gain or lose by the sick-
ness experience and standard of administration of their own
society." Their funds arc well protected both by individual
and central contingency funds. Actuarial valuations are
made every five years under direction of the Ministry of
Health. Societies pay the same scale of statutory benefits under
National Health Insurance. The additional benefits anyone
can pay varies from society to society. It is the size of the
surplus as determined at each quinquennial , valuation that
determines what additional benefits a given society can offer
its members.

The statutory cash benefits include sickness benefit paid
during an acute illness or for a maximum of 26 weeks, dis-
ablement benefit paid during an illness lasting beyond 26
weeks, and maternity benefit paid when the wife of an in-
sured person has a baby and to the woman herself if she is
insured.

English wage earners thus have a double economic
advantage under health insurance: they are not only freed
from the costs of medical care in an unexpected illness, but
they also have a modest money income which partly, at least,
makes up for wages lost because of sickness. Said one, "It
provides the home with some little means for to keep the
household during illness." Said another, "The small weekly
contribution isn't missed, and it takes away the fear of having
a long illness and out of work and no money coming in."
And a third:

"It lives up to its name by being called National Health.
The whole country benefits by it. Our family has been very
fortunate in being a rather healthy one, but many other peo-
ple who have some complaint that is either incurable or
prolonged, they would be nowhere without it. They could
never afford to pay a bill every time they had to see a doctor.
So I willingly pay my share towards the country's National
Health."

Security, if it means anything, implies freedom from worry,
anxiety, or care, and the stories told us by English wage
earners left no doubt in our minds that health insurance has
made a contribution to their security and that of their
families.

Additional benefits paid for by surplus funds and avail-
able to members of most Approved Societies are both popu-
lar and helpful. The need for dental and ophthalmic treat-
ment is so widespread in England that these are in greatest
demand. Such benefits as surgical appliances, home nursing
and convalescent care are of inestimable value.

While many workers feel secure in the knowledge that
"there'd be a little something coming in" from their health
insurance during an illness, many others — perhaps a ma-
(Conttnufd on page 54)

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THE WORKERS SAY "YES— AND MORE"

(Continued from page 53)

jority of married workers — tell you that the cash allowances
are insufficient. In the case of a man with a wife and two
or three dependent children, the 15s. ($3.75) a week sickness
benefit will not go very far, and any family savings will soon
be exhausted. To be sure, Americans cannot judge this by a
simple conversion of shillings and pence into dollars and
cents regardless of costs and standards of living. There are
nearly 16 million British incomes of less than £3 a week
(£150 or, by straight conversion, $750 a year), and this is
some 67.8 percent of the individual incomes in Great Britain.

Whatever the statisticians may say, however, English
workers and their wives find the "panel money" too little.
Mrs. Charles, for example, whose husband is regularly em-
ployed by the L. M. & S. Railway and who lives in Bethnal
Green where she is a leader in community affairs, began
her conversation with the comment that "the panel money
is not enough to keep working families going." At the Bir-
mingham Settlement a group of girls all agreed that "the sick-
ness benefit helps, but you can't get along on it for any length
of time." One of them volunteered the opinion that "sick
benefit" ought to be as much as the Dole — cash benefit
under Unemployment Insurance — as "a sick person without
her wages needs money even more than a healthy unemployed
person." Repeatedly we were told how large families dis-
liked turning "to the relieving officer" (Public Assistance)
when the breadwinner's work stopped. As one man put it,
"Times of sickness shouldn't also mean times of poverty."
Another worker wrote: "Sickness benefit should be increased
to a reasonable weekly allowance, to allow for extra ex-
pense during a period of sickness."

As a result, they join "Sick Clubs" just as they contribute
voluntarily to various schemes to secure a more rounded
medical service. We are again able to judge the needs of
these working class families not merely by what they tell us,
but also by what they do for themselves. Thus members of
Friendly Societies with which Approved Societies are affili-
ated may make small weekly payments toward sickness, old
age, or death benefits. Some workers carry this sort of volun-
tary insurance and also belong to a hospital contributory
scheme; some have to take one or the other; and some can
afford neither. So it is clear that English wage earners have
not only accepted the principle of health insurance, but that
they go beyond it to find greater security of a kindred sort.

The Worker and His Approved Society

APPROVED SOCIETIES TODAY VARY IN MANY IMPORTANT RE-
spects: size, personal contacts with members, financial policy,
surpluses, type and variety of additional benefits offered, and
so on. The tendency is for Trade Union and Friendly Society
groups to retain many of the old traditions, but for the
Approved Societies organized under the auspices of the
industrial insurance companies to become large, remote and
impersonal. The additional benefits offered by the smaller,
closely knit societies tend to be more generous and more
varied than those available to members of the large commer-
cial societies, although this is not universally true. As the
recent Report of the Committee on Scottish Health Services
(1936) pointed out:

"... A considerable proportion (about a third of insured
persons) are not entitled to any additional benefits, whereas
members of prosperous societies may be entitled to substan-
tial additional cash benefits (e.g., an addition of 5s. a week to
the statutory sickness benefit) as well as to generous grants
towards dental treatment, ophthalmic treatment, medical and
surgical appliances, convalescent home treatment, etc."

Since virtually all workers pay the same contributions, they
quite naturally feel some injustice when they discover that
their own society may be "on the short end" of these addi-
tional benefits.
Their feeling was expressed by:

Miss James, a beauty parlor operator at Marshall and Snel-
grove's department store in London. She has been insured
for twenty years. She told us that she was formerly a member
of the X Approved Society, but that she changed because
there was "too much red tape" and she felt that they tried
to do her out of her money. When she was ill they delayed
sending her the benefit to which she was entitled until she
threatened to go to the Ministry of Health, whereupon they
paid promptly. When she changed societies she lost title to
additional benefits such as dental care, but will be able to
claim them again after she has been in her new society for
three years.

A woman who works as assistant housekeeper pointed out
that "you don't always know what you're entitled to when
you sign up." Some of the members of the Princess Club told
of being "high pressured" into buying fire, theft, or annuity
insurance by the agents who handled their health insurance
cards. "Gor, an I've been twisted proper!" said one of them.
One out of ten of the workers who signed our questionnaire
was entitled to no additional benefits whatever. "At one
time my society gave the above benefits," wrote one of them,
"but now their fund for these benefits is exhausted." A second
added: "Dental and optical benefits are at present suspended.
Supposedly temporarily."

When the Royal Commission on National Health Insurance
met in 1924-26, the Approved Societies had already become
something of an issue. The situation at that time led the
minority group to recommend abolishing them. The ma-
jority report recommended retention of the system, how-
ever, but proposed a pooling of certain Approved Society sur-
pluses in order to iron out the more striking inequalities in
benefits. Parliament has since made gestures in this direction,
but no effective pooling of surpluses has occurred. The value
of Approved Societies as carriers of National Health Insur-
ance is still widely questioned, especially in Labour Party
circles, and the inequality of additional benefits which the
British Medical Association, among others, has long deplored,
remains.

Rhys Davies, M.P., is secretary of an Approved Society
which comprises 50,000 distributive and allied workers. He
is an authority on health insurance matters in the House
of Commons. He told us that the big industrial insurance
societies are the only ones with thousands of paid agents, and
held that they are concerned chiefly with "collecting the
cards and paying the benefits" — not to mention selling other
types of insurance — while the Trade Union and Friendly
Societies are more truly "benefit societies" which take a per-
sonal interest in their members.

We talked several times also with Fred Kershaw, president
of the National Association of Trade Union Approved So-
cieties. Before the Royal Commission in 1926, he was spokes-
man for the general council of the Trade Union Congress
and the executive committee of the National Labour Party.
To quote from notes taken at the time of the interview which
have weight in considering any American system:

We asked Mr. Kershaw whether he thought that the con-
clusions of the minority report of the Royal Commission on
National Health Insurance still held. Glancing down the
list he said that he thought most of them did, but that he
had somewhat changed his mind about the sixth, seventh,

and eighth which recommend the abolition of Approved
Societies and insisted that local authorities should administer
sickness and disablement benefits. He would wish to make
certain, he said, that there should be some sort of a "buffer"
between the state and the insured population, that the ad-
ministrative machinery remain decentralized, and that such
a buffer organization as he contemplated would keep ques-
tions of administrative detail off the floor of the House of
Commons.

But that doesn't mean, he added, that the Approved So-
cieties need retain their present form. If one were beginning
the system anew, it would be better to have the societies
formed on a regional basis and adapted to communities ol
about one million or so.

If Manchester, Liverpool and Birmingham, for example,
each had its own Approved Society, any marked differences
in the sickness rate or incidence of disease would be a real
incentive for that community to take steps (in the way of
slum clearance, rehousing, sanitation, maternity and child
welfare, etc.) to lower that rate and thus, in a spirit of
friendly rivalry, improve conditions generally. Additional
benefits under such a set-up might go not only to individual
insured persons, but also for community health projects. The
present insurance acts contemplate some such use of sur-
plus funds, but the powers are, in fact, never used. Failure to
use them lies in the fact that some societies are so very large
and draw their members from all parts of the kingdom
while other societies number only a few hundreds. The
societies have little interest in fundamental public health
problems.

Integrate It With Public Health

AT THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, WE MET A PARLIAMENTARY
leader of the Labour Party, Arthur Greenwood, former Min-
ister of Health in the Labour Government. He crystallized his
experience as follows:

"The insurance principle is probably a good one for such
a service as National Health Insurance, but there is no need
of special agencies to dispense the cash benefits. The situation
arising from inequalities of benefit due to differences in
Approved Society membership and administration is defi-
nitely bad. The original health insurance bill was 'a mess,'
transformed into a workable scheme by an enlightened and
efficient Civil Service.

The future will see a further separation of the medical
services from the administration of cash benefits.

On the one hand, the latter might well be handled by the
same government agency that administers Unemployment
Insurance.

On the other hand, the medical service should be aug-
mented by the provision of hospital and specialist services and
should be integrated with public health work."

BRITISH WORKERS THEN, AND THEIR LEADERS, ARE WELL AWARE
of certain limitations to the present scheme of health insur-
ance. They want more of it in specific ways. Accurate report-
ing demands, however, that we emphasize this fact: that the
prevailing attitude of wage earners towards National Health
Insurance is one of general satisfaction.

As American visitors we tended to think of health insur-
ance as a social, perhaps an impending political, issue. We
were therefore surprised in England at the calm acceptance
in every quarter of the simple fact that it is a going thing.
Over ten years ago the Royal Commission concluded that
a compulsory, contributory scheme of health insurance had
become a permanent feature of the British social structure,
National Health Insurance is now just ten years more per-
manently integrated into the English scheme of things. Most
of the workers with whom we talked were surprised to learn
that no such institution exists in the United States. Some of
them seemed to feel sorry for us.

(In answering advertisements

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SOUTH AFRICA is BECOMING MORE AND MORE A WINTER MECCA
for tourists, according to Captain George F. Shearwood,
leader of a 12,000-mile Cairo to the Cape tour and an out-
standing authority on African travel.

One of the chief attractions of South Africa consists of the
primitive culture of native peoples — most notably, perhaps,
the Bushmen of the Kalahari Desert, a dwindling race of
tiny people who are, actually, the sole pure twentieth-century
survivors of a Stone Age race.

Numbering only a few hundred, they are without country,
creed or protective government, and as such have been a
special concern of the hunter and explorer, Donald Bain,
who is endeavoring to secure for them a reserve in the
Kalahari Desert where they may live unharassed by sur-
rounding Bantu tribes.

The known history of South African natives is compara-
tively recent, going back only a few hundred years, and needs
to be substantiated in many essentials. Such as it is, how-
ever, it indicates that of the main types — Bushmen, Hot-
tentots and Bantus — the Bushmen and Hottentots first
occupied the country, the Bantus coming from the north
probably not more than three hundred years apo. They came
from Central and East Africa to Natal and the Cape
Province; and in doing so, being a strong and warlike race,
they swept the now almost extinct Bushmen into the moun-
tains and deserts, and the Hottentots, some to the western
coastal belt, some into their own more virile life, where the
Hottentots' identity was soon lost; so that today, nearly all
South African natives are of Bantu blood. Of these, the
Zulus, Basutos and Swazis are the tribes most commonly
known, less familiar tribes being the Fingus, Matabeles and
Bechuanas, among others.

One can easily see why the Bushmen could be vanquished
in such a wholesale manner. Nowhere are they assembled
as a tribe, but, as of old, scattered in little groups so as to
make it possible for them to live off the land. When game
is scarce, they trek on.

Their domestic arrangements are simple in the extreme.
Monogamy is the general rule, although polygamy is not
forbidden. When they camp in good hunting territory, they
make rough shelters for themselves of branches strewn over
with loose grass, but this is the nearest they ever come to
any sort of hearthstone. Water in the Kalahari is so scarce
that they preserve it for drinking purposes in ostrich eggs.

Two of the most interesting and unusual sights for visitors
to South Africa are Bushman dances and — somewhat more
unexpected — Bushman art. Excellent examples of their pic-
torial ability in the past can be seen on the walls of a cave
near Victoria Falls, and in the well known rock painting in
the Herschel district of Cape Colony, where a Bushman is
seen wearing an ostrich skin as a decoy while stalking a
flock of these birds; also in the museum in Cape Town. This
ancient culture, exemplified by paintings and engravings on
the walls of caves and rock shelters, appears to have been
practiced by southern Bushmen only, and, although some
of it is comparatively recent, today seems to have died out
completely. The paintings are naturalistic, often polychrome
studies of some artistic merit, including such subjects as
cattle raids, dances and magico-religious scenes in which
animal-headed human figures were represented; but for the
most part, the artists recorded the animals they themselves
hunted, and upon which they subsisted.
please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC)
56

Talking It Over

THE OLD TOWN MEETING REINCARNATED

by MARY L. ELY

FORUMS ARE MEETING IN CHURCHES AND SYNAGOGUES; IN

schoolrooms, libraries, museums, and public auditoriums; in
settlement houses, club houses, and apartment houses; in the
assembly rooms of labor unions and professional associations;
in shelters for transient dwellers and in parks for passers-by.
They meet in the morning, the afternoon, the evening; at
luncheon, at tea, at dinner.

In this study I shall include only those public meetings
most commonly designated as forums which arc held more or
less regularly over a period of time, and in which an initial
speech, or speeches, by a competent leader, or leaders, and
active participation by the audience through questioning or
discussion are essential elements of the program. There are
the additional qualifications that attendance at the forums is
voluntary and that the subjects discussed are customarily
cither suggested by the audiences or chosen with their interests
and needs very clearly in mind.

THERE WAS A MURMUR OF DISMAY WHEN THE LIGHTS [IN
Cooper Union, New York City,] began to go out, warning
the audience that the closing hour of ten had come and that
accordingly they must leave. No one was really ready to go.
The sizzle of half-whispered argument and comment as the
hall was being emptied showed that the interest was still at
a white-hot point.

DICTATORSHIP IN RUSSIA MUST PREVAIL UNTIL ECONOMIC INDE-
pendence has been achieved [according to a speaker at the
Old South Forum, Boston]. Russians, perhaps more than any
other people, are prone to engage in futile talk and, if com-
plete freedom of speech were granted now, the whole forward-
looking plan for the Soviets would be wrecked by endless
argument and debate. . . .

"Will Russians talk less when they have economic equality?"
a member of the audience asked. There was no reply. Neither
was there a satisfactory answer to the next question: "What
will happen to the people while the things are being put in
order?" The questioners were not easily discouraged. They
kept putting the same question in different forms: "Can
dictatorship prepare for democracy?" "How will people learn
to be self-governing under a system that forbids the practice
of self-government?" Once the speaker lost his temper, but
the audience remained good-natured, though unyieldingly
persistent. And I am sure that all the thinking persons at the
forum went away with that unanswered question engraved
upon their minds, knowing that however skilfully it might
be sidestepped in a lecture hall, in the world of affairs it must
be squarely faced and answered. Not alone for Russia, but
for the whole of the modern world.

To SAY THAT WE IN THE AUDIENCE FORGOT THAT WE WERE COLD,

as we listened to the lecture, would be to claim too much for

the power of the spoken word, but not one person left the

(Continued on page 58)

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TALKING IT OVER

(Continued jrom page 57)

(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)

hall until the speech was concluded, and not for a moment
was attention relaxed because of the discomfort. I think that
what happened at the Dallas Forum [founded twenty years
ago], could not have happened with an audience gathered
casually, however well-bred the individuals who made it up
might have been. It was more than politeness that kept the
Dallas audience attentive; they were trained listeners who
knew how to concentrate upon something that had meaning
for them.

DURING THE CLOSING PERIOD OF THE TOWN MEETING OF THE
Air when the questions were shot back and forth between
Washington and New York, as if the two groups had been
gathered under a single roof, we were all more strongly im-
pressed with the ingenuity that was being displayed than with
the results it enabled us to achieve. What was said was so
manifestly less important than the fact that a new method
had been devised to make it heard. When the leader of the
Washington group spoke of the "genuinely free exchange of
ideas," I felt a wave of amused sympathy with the irrepressi-
ble critic beside me, who whispered, "Emphasis on the
exchange and not on the ideas."

THE QUESTIONS [AT THE SPRINGFIELD PUBLIC FORUM] WENT
on and on for nearly three quarters of an hour. The speaker's
answers to the first ones I could hear in part. Later he was
not audible at all. Elsie and her friends, who were evidently
having the same difficulty that I was, were partly responsible
for my not hearing. At first they had contented themselves
with commenting upon every question and answer, but as it
became increasingly difficult for them to hear the speaker,
they began a game of answering the questions among them-
selves. This proved amusing not only to their own party but
also to other people sitting near them. The sleepers awoke.
There were bursts of laughter and frequent remarks register-
ing agreement or disagreement. Elsie was proving herself to
be a stimulating discussion leader and, though I wanted very
much tt> hear what the speaker was saying, I found this
forum within a forum increasingly entertaining.

IT is TYPICAL OF FRENCHMEN [THE COOPER UNION FORUM
leader explained] that they love to go fishing in their leisure
time, not cooperatively with nets and seines but individually
with poles. They fish happily in the streams that are near
their homes although, since the small rivers of France seldom
abound in fish, the fisherman not infrequently turns home-
ward empty-handed. Nevertheless, his leisure-time occupation
brings him a rich reward in those values that the Frenchman
prizes — solitude, independence, peace, contentment, the gentle
sipping of life that yields its finest flavor. ... I found myself
wishing that this portrait of the happy fisherman could replace
the image of the typical Frenchman as a greedy, grasping,
over-erotic little man, which has been built up in too many
American minds.

THIS TIME THE UBIQUITOUS VOICE TOLD US THAT THE SPEAKER

of the evening was an old friend of Anshe Emet Forum
[Chicago] and that he was going to tell us about "a land
flowing with blood and hope." I was relieved when the man
who was thus introduced stepped to the reading desk and
signaled that he wished to have the loud speaker attachment

disconnected. I was further relieved when he quickly made it
clear that the title of his talk was not to determine its general
tone.

"The time is past for rhetorical speeches on Palestine," was
his opening statement. "What we need now is not an emo-
tional account of what is happening there but facts."

And facts he gave us, facts and a brilliantly penetrating
interpretation of them. He spoke for one hour and twenty-
five minutes, more fluently than any other forum speaker I
have ever heard.

Kt.MDE ME [AT A FORUM IN HoBOHEMIA, A CASUAL-LABOR

neighborhood in Chicago], sat a shaggy, gray-haired man,
who, as I gathered after listening to him for a few minutes,
was giving an impromptu lecture on elementary economics
to a much younger man, his neighbor on the other side. Pres-
ently the older man turned to me and nodded a welcome. . . .
"We don't have many ladies here," he said, "but we always
get a good crowd of men. Never a rough lot, none of the rab-
ble, the kind of bums that start a fight if they don't happen to
agree with what the speaker says. We know how to disagree
like gentlemen here." Then he continued his exposition of the
theory of money.

ONE MAN [AT A DES MOINES FORUM] TOLD ME THAT HE HAD
been compelled to leave school when he was very young and
that he had tried to educate himself in night schools and
through correspondence courses. "The forums have been best
of all for me," he said. "It is much easier for me to write than
to talk; that's why I tried the correspondence courses. But
now I am learning to talk, too. I can tell people what I think,
and they can tell me, and that means a lot to me."

THE QUESTION PERIOD [PORTLAND, OREGON] WAS UNUSUALLY

animated. "Are longshoremen trained; do they serve an ap-
prenticeship?" asked someone, attempting to make the point
that the longshoreman's labor is entirely unskilled. Our long-
shoreman answered. He explained that longshoremen do not
work as individuals but as a group. "When a new man comes
on the job," he said, "the rest of us all help him out until he
gets on to the ropes. We do this because he is one of us, and
we like him. And it doesn't affect our efficiency either, be-
cause the group as a whole gets the work done." "Does the
group work to its full capacity?" asked a portly, expensively
gowned matron, "what is a group's capacity?" "What is a
man's capacity?" replied the longshoreman with disarming
directness. "The truth is that longshoremen don't work as
hard as they once did. It seems better that they shouldn't.
They never lived long in those old days, and we believe that
even an unskilled laborer has a right to life." "Why, I never
thought of it in that way," said the lady.

"I HAVE MY DOUBTS ABOUT THE PUBLIC FORUMS," THIS WITNESS

told me. "They are supposed to promote tolerance, but I think
sometimes they have just the opposite effect. Why, one single
gadfly of a forum leader created more dissension and discus-
sion here than we've had in this town in many a long day.
Everywhere I go I hear people talking about what he said.
Personally, I'm not sure that it's a good thing to get people
all stirred up this way."

ONE THING I HAVE NOTICED IN THE COURSE OF MY OBSERVATION

of forum meetings is that bronchial and catarrhal disorders
rapidly develop as interest declines.

(Continued on page 61)

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(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GKAPHIC)

CONSUMERS UNION

Announces

Have there been any improvements in can
this year of importance to consumers?

What changes in gearshifting mechanisms
have been made and of what importance are
they?

Are the 193S cars more economical to operate
than the 1937 carst

What changes in tuning have been made on
the 1938 radios and how desirable are they?
What other changes have been made and how
important are they?

These and many similar questions art answered in
the reports described below.

reports on 1938 AUTOS and 1938 RADIOS

Also in the current issue:
Electric Shavers

Will electric shavers give as close or as satis-
factory a shave as ordinary safety razors? Do
they irritate more or less? Are they worth the
high price? Nine brands ranging in price from
$7.50 to $17.50 were subjected to use tests and
engineering examination and rated as ' ' Best
Buys," "Also Acceptable," and "Not Accept-
able." Those who look forward to a shaver's
paradise with an electric shaver should read this
report before buying.

Cigars

No amount of cellophane, Xmas seals and red
ribbons can disguise a bad cigar. This report,
which rates 20 brands (including White Owl,
Robert Burns, Cremo and Phillies) should be
particularly welcomed by cigar-giving CU mem-
bers.

Toys

No gift can cause the giver more anxiety than
toys. At what age should electric trains be given?
What kinds of toys do children get the most
enjoyment and the most value out of and at
what ages? Which types of toys should be
avoided? Three reports in this issue answer these
questions. The first, based on the recommenda-
tions of a director of a widely-known nursery
school, tells which toys should be given to
children between the ages of two to six; the second
rates toy chemistry sets, and the third discusses
dolls.

Lipsticks

More than 40 brands are rated in this report.
Stains caused by some of these brands would not
wash out in tests. Many brands were grossly over-
priced— one brand showing a mark-up of 5000%
over the cost of the ingredients. Another caused
marked irritation. Several ten cent brands were
rated "Best Buys."

Life Insurance

The second of a series of reports on life insur-
ance^—the first of which described briefly how
the life insurance business operates. This report
analyzes life insurance premiums. Next month's
installment will give specific recommendations
on types of contracts.

Baked Beans, etc.

Other reports in this issue give valuable buying
advice on baked beans, canned salmon and
electric toothbrushes.

Coming in January!

Reports on razor blades, storage batteries, build-
ing materials, men's shirts and shorts, cod-liver
oil, and other products.

To make sure of receiving the reports
described above fill in and mail the
coupon at the right.

AUTOS P«ces are up approximately 10% making technical guidance in buying more
necessary than ever. A preliminary technical appraisal of the 1938 models
by Consumers Union's automotive consultants appearing in the current (December)
issue of Consumers Union Reports gives a summary of the important changes on each of
more than 25 models (including the Ford, Chevrolet, Buick and Packard). The signifi-
cance of each change is indicated. Trailers are also discussed. Read this report before
buying any car! It will give you a basis for making a wise selection. A later issue will
carry ratings of the 1938 cars by name as "Best Buys," "Also Acceptable," and "Not
Acceptable."

RADIOS P"ces are up in this field, too. In nearly every brand the buyer must pay
more this year than he did last year for a radio capable of any given level
of performance. A report, based on performance tests for such factors as tone quality,
ability to get stations without interference, ability to pick up weak stations with satis-
factory volume, general mechanical excellence, etc., rates the leading 1938 models as
"Best Buys," "Also Acceptable," and "Not Acceptable." Five communications-type
receivers for advanced amateurs are also compared.

OTHER REPORTS in the December issue give test results on leading brands of cigars,
lipsticks, electric shavers, canned foods, and other products. The report on life insurance
is also continued. For a fuller description of these reports see the column at the left.
To receive a copy of this issue fill in and mail the coupon below. The membership fee
of $3 will bring you 12 issues of the Reports and, without extra charge, the 1938 Con-
sumers Union Annual Buying Guide which will give brand recommendations on over
1500 products. You can start your membership with the current issue or with any of
the previous issues listed below.

WHAT CONSUMERS UNION IS — Consumers Union of United States is a non-profit, membership
organization established to conduct research and tests on consumer goods and to provide consumers with
information which will permit them to buy their food, clothing, household supplies and other products
most intelligently. Tests are conducted by expert staff technicians with the help of over 200 consultants
in university, government and private laboratories. In most cases, comparisons of the quality of products
are given in terms of brand names with ratings as "Best Buys." "Also Acceptable," and "Not Acceptable."
Information is also given on the labor conditions under which products are made. The sound, constructive
advice on buying contained in Consumers Union Reports can help keep expenses down at the present time
when living costs are going up.

Some of the Subjects Covered in Pott Issues of the Report!

MAY— Trailers, Washing Ma-
chine*, Moth Preven-
tlves, Constipation.

JUNE — Non-miniature Cam-
eras, Radio Tubes,
Sanitary Napkins.

JULY — Miniature Cameras,
Gasolines, Golf Balls,
Motor Oils.

AUG.-SEPT. — Refrigerators,
Films, Ice Cream, In-
ner Tubes.

OCT. — OH Burners and Coal
Stokers, Breakfast Cer-
eals, Auto Radios.

NOV. — Life Insurance, Port-
able Typewriters.
Men's Hats, Antl-
Freezes.

CONSUMERS UNION

OF UNITED STATES, INC.

55 Vandam Street, New York City

Colston E. Warne, President
Arthur Kallet, Director

D. H. Palmer. Technical Supervisor

Send me CONSUMERS UNION REPORTS for one

year (12 Issues) starting with the

Issue. I enclose 93 for membership, $2.50 of which Is
for subscription. I agree to keep confidential all ma-
terial sent to me which Is so designated.

flame

Street

City

.State (SG-O

(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC)

TALKING IT OVER

(Continued from page 59)

TtlE IDEAL FORUM LEADER . . . MUST BE A SCHOLAR; HE MUST

be a teacher. He must love the solitude of the study and he
must enjoy the publicity of the platform. He must be a man
of convictions who never seeks to convince. He must think
with the exactitude of the logician and the scientist; he must
speak in the language of the people. He must be absorbed in
the subject on which he speaks; he must be keenly aware and
instantly responsive to every mood of his listening audience.
As a discussion leader, he must both encourage freedom of
expression and restrain it; he must lead without pulling and
make progress without pushing. And finally, he must induce
his listeners, who have been looking to him for answers and
conclusions, to turn their gaze inward and discover, each for
himself, the solutions to the problems under discussion.

I DID NOT HEAR THESE QUESTIONS [AT A SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA

forum] because by this time I was engaged in conversation
with the woman-who-sat-bcside-me. This particular represen-
tative of that communicative sisterhood was telling me that
she was a teacher and that she had come to the forum meet-
ing that night because the leader was the husband of a former
college classmate. "I used to come to the meetings regularly
at first," she said. "All our teachers came to them, because
we understood that we were to get institute credit for sitting
in on these forums. But after three weeks we found that that
wasn't true; so we said, 'No credit, no forum attendance.'
You see, we work hard all day and we're tired at night. And
why should we come to these old forums if they bore us?
We teachers get enough of education as it is."

TWO OR THREE YEARS AGO, A SUCCESSFUL FORUM THAT HAD

been meeting in the public school auditorium of Leonia, N. J.,
was forced to close temporarily when complaints against the
program were lodged with the local school board ... by
members of the American Legion who objected strongly to
public lectures that were anti-militaristic in tone. Similarly,
the Board of Education of Perth Amboy, N. J., forbade the
use of their highschool auditorium for a forum arranged by
the American League Against War and Fascism. These con-
tingencies arise more frequently than some of us realize.

THE LITTLE OLD LADY WHO HAD CALLED FOR THE DISCUSSION

[in a Minneapolis forum] spoke of the march of Coxey's
army, which she had witnessed. "The reason we're all think-
ing about labor and labor troubles in this country now," she
concluded, "is that the rich are getting richer and the poor
poorer." "You are repeating just what Karl Marx said," inter-
polated the leader. "But I don't even know the man," the old
lady protested.

I BELIEVE THAT EVERY EFFORT TO INCREASE THE USEFUL KNOWL-

edge of individuals and to cultivate their ability to think
clearly and dispassionately must, in the long run, have a bene-
ficial effect upon the society of which they are a part. I believe
that this is especially true when that society is a democracy.

AFTER THREE MONTHS SPENT IN VISITING FORUMS, I STILL
think well of them. I believe that they have a place, and by
no means an unimportant one, in our American program of
adult education.

How families of limited

incomes learn to
stretch their dollars

Ao families faced with serious
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often proves as essential as small
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Household Finance in its work as
"Doctor of Family Finances."

In addition to loans to meet their
urgent needs, borrowers at House-
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their expenditures to get more out
of their incomes. Families are urged
and taught how to set up practical,
u'orkablt budgets which they can
really put into practice.

Guidance in spending

To supplement this personal counsel
and to encourage money manage-
ment and informed buying by those
who do not borrow at Household a
compact library of consumer educa-
tion has been prepared by recog-
nized authorities. Thousands of

families find in these helpful publi-
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From these families come in-
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distributes in its effort to help fam-
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betterment. You arc invited to send
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HOUSEHOLD FINANCE

CORPORATION and Subsidiaries

Heodquorters: 919 N. Michigan Avenue, Chicago

"Doctor oj Family Finances"

... an* of AiMrlca'i barfing family finance orgonilatkmi, with 228 branch., in 148 citi.,

ORDER BLANK — EDUCATIONAL LITERATURE

Published by

BURR BLACKBURN HOUSEHOLD FINANCE BEKNICB DODGI

Research Director CORPORATION Home Economist

"DOCTOR OF FAMILY FINANCES"
Research Dept., SG-A, 919 North Michigan Avenue. Chicago. Illinois

MONEY MANAGEMENT BULLETINS

Check the booklets you want. They will be sent promptly, postpaid.
Money Management for House- I I Marrying on a Small Income, nnan-
hnldi, the budget book. I — I cial plans for the great adventure.

n"Lft the Women O& the Work."
an amusing but convincing argu-
ment for making the wife business
manager of the home.

j — I Stretching the Food Dollar, full
I — I of ideas on how to save money on

food bills; presents a pattern for safe

food economy.

Credit far Consumers — Installment credit and small loan agencies
and how to use them: published by Tht Public Affairs Ctmmitttt.

-BETTER BUYMANSHIP-

Tbe titles of the series to date are listed below. Send 2Hc per booklet to cover

mailing costs.

A sample copy of the latest number in this series may be secured fm by calling at

any Household Finance office.

D Poultry. Eggs and Fish D Kitchen Utensils

D Sheets. Blankets. Table G Furs

Linen and Towels 3 Wool Clothing
D Fruits and Vegetables. Q Floor Coverings

Fresh and Canned D Dairy Products
D Shoes and Stockings G Cosmetics
D Silks and Rayons O Gasoline and Oil

3 Meat D Electric VacuumCleaneis -IGloves

J Food Fan and Oils

Enclosed find I — in sumps: please send booklets checked to:

G Children's Playthings and

Books
G Soap and other Cleansing

Agents

O Automobile Tires
G Dinnerwarc
] Household Refrigerators
G Home Heating

NAME

ADDRESS

CITY

STATE

(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC)

EDUCATIONAL DIRECTORY

SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES

THE NEW YORK SCHOOL
OF SOCIAL WORK

FORTIETH SUMMER SESSION
1898 — 1938

A SUMMER Quarter, divided into two six
* •*- week Terms, offers an opportunity for gradu-
ate study and a review of developments in the
technique and viewpoint of modern social work.

QEMINARS, in the areas of case work, group
^ work, public welfare and labor, will be
offered during the first two weeks of August
and will be open to a selected group of experienced
social workers.

T^ULL details of the Summer Quarter curriculum
•*• will be available at an early date, and may be
obtained from the Registrar.

122 East 22nd Street
New York, New York

SIMMONS COLLEGE
SCHOOL OF SOCIAL WORK

Professional Education in

Medical Social Work

Psychiatric Social Work
Family Welfare

Child Welfare

Community Work

Social Research

Leading to the degrees of B.S. and M.S.

A catalog will be sent on request.
18 Somerset Street Boston, Massachusetts

YALE UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF NURSING

A Profession for the College Woman

Thirty-two months' course provides intensive and basic experi-
ence in the various branches of nursing. Leads to degree of
Master of Nursing. A Bachelor's degree in arts, science or
philosophy from a college of approved standing is required for
admission. For catalogue address

The Dean, Yale School of Nursing, New Haven, Conn.

UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

Horace H. Rackham
SCHOOL OF GRADUATE STUDIES

Curriculum in Social Work

Two year course leading to the degree of Master
of Social Work. Open only to college graduates
with background in the Social Sciences. Registra-
tion, second semester, February 10-12, 1938.

For further information, address

Graduate School of Social Work

40 East Ferry Street Detroit, Mich.

THE UNIVERSITY OF NEBRASKA

Graduate School of Social Work
Lincoln, Nebraska

The University of Nebraska announces the estab-
lishment of a Graduate School of Social Work

offering one to three years graduate training in
the basic courses.

Full particulars may be had by writing the
Director oj the School.

Spend three restful days enroute
with your friends who are joining
the special train being organized
for the convenience of social
workers going to the National
Conference.

See Page 57 of this issue.

(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC)

THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
FOR JEWISH SOCIAL WORK

offers graduate professional curricula for
the acquisition of the necessary knowledge
and skills for social work, leading to the
Master's and Doctor's degrees.

PUBLIC AND PRIVATE SOCIAL
WORK AGENCIES

increasingly require such knowledge and
skill from candidates for positions.

For information about require-
ments for admission, scholar-
ships and fellowships, write to

OR. M. J. KARPF. Director

The

Graduate
School

For

Jewish
Social Work

71 West 47th Street, New York City

PENNSYLVANIA SCHOOL
OF SOCIAL WORK

AFFILIATED WITH
THE UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA

Thirtieth Year, 1938-1939

The School offers a two year course leading to
the degree, Master of Social Work.

Applications for admission are now being re-
ceived. The last date for filing applications is
May IS. 1 938.

Catalog and application blanks will be
sent on request.

3II SOUTH JUNIPER STREET. PHILADELPHIA

SMITH COLLEGE SCHOOL
FOR SOCIAL WORK

offers a series of correlated courses for
supervisors July 6 to August 31, 1938

Supervision — Miss Bertha C. Reynolds
Case Work — Miss Beatrice H. Wajdyk
Psychiatry — Dr. LeRoy M. A. Maeder
Group Relationships — Miss Bertha C. Reynolds

Open to graduates of schools of social work who have
had three years' experience as case workers in approved
agencies.

Tuition, room and board $200

For farther information write to

THE DIRECTOR COLLEGE HALL 8

Northampton, Massachusetts

SMITH COLLEGE SCHOOL
FOR SOCIAL WORK

EVERETT KIMBALL, Director
ANNETTE GARRETT, Associate Director

Courses of Instruction

Plan A The course leading to the Master's degree consists
of three summer sessions at Smith College and two
winter sessions of supervised rase work at selected
social agencies in various cities. This course Is
designed for those who have had little or no previous
experience in social work. Limited to forty-five.

Han R

Plan (

Applicants who have at least one year's experience
in an approved social agency , or the equivalent,
may receive credit for the first summer session and
the first winter session, and receive the Master's
degree upon the completion of the requirements of
two summer sessions and one winter session of
Hupervised case work. Limited to thirty -five.

A summer session of eight weeks is open to experi-
enced social workers. A special course in case work
is offered by Mi*n Beatrice H. Wajdyk. Limited to
thirty-five.

SMITH COLLEGE STUDIES IN SOCIAL WORK

Published Quarterly

$.75 a copy; #2.00 a year

For fmrtkrr information writ* to

THE DIRECTOR COLLEGE HALL 8

Northampton, Massachusetts

(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC)

CLASSIFIED ADVERTISEMENTS

RATES: Display: 30 cents a line, 14 agate lines to the inch.

WORKER WANTED

Experienced case worker for Child Guidance
Agency in Chicago. State age, training and
experience and give references. 7481 Survey.

SITUATIONS WANTED

Young woman of ability desires part time
evening work where expert stenographic skill
can lighten the burdens of a busy executive.
7480 Survey.

Woman, twenty years' experience in social work,
desires institutional position. Member Amer-
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references. 7473 Survey.

Woman Executive, wide institutional experi-
ences in general purchasing, building main-
tenance, household administration, dietetics,
wants position. 7482 Survey.

TEACHER-LIBRARIAN. Graduate of one year
library school. Master's degree in sociology.
Experienced in high school work. Desires ad-
vancement. 7475 Survey.

INSTRUCTOR IN PRINTING

20 years of practical experience including
The Children's Village, 8 years foreman-
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Employing Printers Assn. ; desires con-
nection private institution. New York
or vicinity preferred.

7472 SURVEY

MILLINERY

Smart, handmade Velvet Berets, with or with-
out head band — lined with silk and trimmed
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woman handicapped but artistically gifted,
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OPPORTUNITY

RESPONSIBLE WOMAN, references, wishes
room and board in private family exchange
staying in evenings with children. 7469 Sur-
vey.

Your Own Ageicy

This is the counseling and placement agvncy
sponsored jointly by the American Associa-
tion of Social Workers and the National
Organization for Public Health Nuraing,
National. Non-Proflt making.

(A««ncy)
122 Eut 22nd Street, 7th loor. New York

MULTIGRAPHING

MIMEOGRAPHING

ADDRESSING

FILLING-IN

FOLDING

COMPLETE MAILINGS

QUICK SERVICE LETTER COMPANY

INCORPORATED

5 SPARK PLACE- NEW VORK

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to EMPLOYERS

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We Supply:

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Occupational Therapists

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HOLMES EXECUTIVE PERSONNEL

One East 42nd Street

Ajcncy Tel.: MU 2-7575 Gcrtrud. D. H.lme., Director

New York City

THE BOOK SHELF

HALT! CRY THE DEAD
By Frederick A. Barber

"Overwhelming arguments . . . such quantities
of ammunition for ... all those who have
dedicated themselves to the cause of world-wide
peace." — New York Times.

175 pages. Cloth $1.50. Paper $1.00

ASSOCIATION
347 Madison Avenue

PRESS

New York

"Why do people waste their time with futile
struggles to help the poor when this plan goes to
the root oj the trouble?"

PROHIBITING POVERTY

Prestonia Mann Martin
Farrar & Kim-hart, N. Y.
Cloth $1.00; paper 50 cents.

The American Journal of Nursing shows the part
which professional nurses take in the better-
ment of the world. Put it in your library. $3.00
a year. 60 West 60 Street, New York, N. Y.

LITERARY SERVICE

Special articles, theses, speeches, papers. Re-
search, revision, bibliographies, etc. Over
twenty years' experience serving busy pro-
fessional persons. Prompt service extended.
AUTHORS RESEARCH BUREAU. 616
Fifth Avenue, New York, N. Y.

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A WORLD BRAIN ORGANIZATION

(Continued from page 44)

national delusions of grandeur, and against all sectarian as-
sumptions. It will necessarily be for and not indifferent to
that world community of which it must become at least an
essential part. If that is what you call bias, bias the World
Encylopedia will certainly have. It will have and it cannot
help but have a bias for organization, comparison, construc-
tion and creation. It is an essentially creative project. It has to
be the dominant factor in directing the growth of a new
world.

WELL, THERE YOU HAVE MY ANTICIPATION OF THE PRIMARY
institution which has to appear if that world-wide commun-
ity towards which mankind, willy-nilly, is being impelled, is
ever to be effectively attained. The only alternative I can see

(In answering advertisements

is social dissolution and either the evolution of a new, more
powerful type of man, or the extinction of our species.

This is no Utopian dream but a forecast, however inac-
curate and insufficient, of an absolutely essential part of that
world community to which I believe we are driving now. I
do not believe there is any emergence for mankind from this
age of disorder, distress and fear in which we are living,
except by way of such a deliberate vast reorganization of our
intellectual life and our educational methods as I_ have
outlined.

In a few score years there will be thousands of workers at
this business of ordering and digesting knowledge where now
you have one. There will be a teacher for every dozen chil-
dren and schools as unlike the schools of today as a liner is
unlike the Mayflower. There will not be an illiterate left in
the world. There will hardly be an uninformed or misin-
formed person. And the brain of the whole mental network
will be the Permanent World Encyclopedia.
please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC.)

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FEATURE ARTICLES FOR FEBRUARY

Problems in Living

A New Monthly Feature
WILLIAM MOULTOX MARSTON

Henry Ford's Commander-in-Chief

Harry Bennett and His Private Army

A Fair Prfee for Milk

Revolt of the Farmers against Monopoly

Insanity and Insulin

The Story of "Shock" Treatment for Schizophrenia

Milwaukee Pays in Cash

An Eye Opener for Municipal Government*

What the WPA Did to Me

The (Government Supports a "Pure" Artist

•Birth Control and Prosperity

Our Falling Birth Rate as a Challenge to Businessmen

JOHN II. O'BRIEN

ELLIOTT JANEWAY

C. CHARLES BURLINGAME

EDWIN -I. STANLEY

ANONYMOUS

ELBERT H. CLARKE

and in the MARCH Issue

Those Who Mast Be Young

HENRY -I- SCHIRESON

Dr. Schireson, a noted facial surgeon writes of the procession of un-
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MY TELEPHONE CONNECTS WITH
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so deeo

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BELL TELEPHONE SYSTEM

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35,000,000 when you add the overseas telephone connections of the Bell System. |,

The Gist of It

PAROLE— CONDITIONAL RELEASE UNDFR M
pcrvision — of prisoners is widely misunder-
stood. Governor Herbert H. Lehman tells
why this is so (page 69). Unfortunately,
sincere as well as prejudiced critics often
confuse parole in progressive states like New
York with that in states where standards
are lax and procedure abused. Governor
Lehman writes not only out of his experi-
ence as chief executive, but out of first hand
acquaintance with problems nf crime con-
trol as lieutenant-governor and as a public
spirited citizen of the Empire State.

BY GOOD CHANCE, MARGARET F. BYINGTON,

who was identified with the social study of
Pittsburgh under the direction of Philip
Klein, the findings of which have just been
published by the Columbia University Press,
was a member of the staff that conducted
the Pittsburgh Survey three decades ago.
Her continuing interest in the place, the peo-
ple, the work, and the civic and welfare agen-
cies of the community, add special authority
to her discussion of the anatomy of the steel
city. (Page 75)

As CHICAGO GETS ACQUAINTED WITH CHAR-
lotte Carr, who became head resident of
Hull-House last October, one of her erst-
while neighbors in New York does a word
portrait from vivid and recent memory.
(Page 80) George Britt, on the staff of the
York World-Telegram and author of
a biography of Frank Munsey, is a some-
time collaborator with Heywood Broun.

KEYSTONE OF GREAT BRITAIN'S HEALTH
insurance system for wage earners is the
general practitioner — the panel doctor. So,
in the third of their series of articles, Dr.
and Mrs. Orr present the evidence which
they gathered directly from British physi-
cians. (Page 83) The first close-up study of
its kind, the Orrs' research was sponsored by
the National Federation of Settlements. A
final article will apply British experience to
possible developments in the United States.

ON PAGES 86 AND 87, TWO ARTICLES Ex-
plore the chance of getting a job — first, if
you are just out of school ; second, if you are
past the age of forty at which some publicists
optimistically insist life really begins. A coast
to coast journey — last summer when things
were a little rosier than they are now — con-
vinced Maxine Davis that, despite the reces-
sion, the trend toward new opportunities for
youth is getting under way. That this trend
is somewhat at the expense of the older
worker is demonstrated by Farnsworth
Crowdcr, who reports on his recent inquiries
into employment of workers over forty. Miss
Davis is the author of The Lost Generation
(Macmillan 1936, $2.50), and They Shall
Want (Macmillan 1937, $2.50). Mr.
Crowder is a well known journalist.

LAST YEAR, JUST AROUND THE CORNER

from the Survey Graphic office, the coopera-
tive cafeteria operated as one of the CCS
chain was picketed by Local 302. Here, un-
der our very noses, was a clash with more
(Continued on page 128)

FEBRUARY 1938

CONTENTS

VOL. xxvn No. 2

Frontispiece

Parole in a Progressive State
Steel — Drawings
Pittsburgh Studies Itself
Charlotte Carr at Hull-House

PHOTOGRAPH BY PAUL PARKER 68

HERBERT H. LEHMAN 69

ELIZABETH OLDS 73

MARGARET F. BYINGTON 75

GEORGE BRITT 80

Now They Are Ahead of the Public

DOUGLASS W. ORR, M.D. AND JEAN WALKER ORR 83

The Chance of a Job
Before 25. 3

After 40?

A Co-op and a Union
Ten Delusions in Need of Relief
Spanish-Americans in New Mexico
Westward Under Vega (Conclusion)
Regulating Labor Unions

Through Neighbors' Doorways
Very Well, Let's Be Logical

Life and Letters

We Seek a Bench Mark

Servants ol the People

VI — At the Bureau of Home Economics

Avocational College Education

MAXINE DAVIS 86
FARNSWORTH CROWDER 87
ELIOT D. PRATT 90
HERMAN M. SOMERS 93
PHOTOGRAPHS BY IRVING RUSINOW 95
THOMAS WOOD STEVENS 100
LISBETH PARROTT 104

JOHN PALMER GAVIT 107
LEON WHIPPLE 110

HlLLIER K.RIECHBAUM 116
LUCY BURNS 117

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FEBRUARY 1938

VOL. XXVH NO. 2

SURVEY GRAPHIC

Parole in a Progressive State

by HERBERT H. LEHMAN

The governor of New York tells what happens when a prisoner
is released on parole under the present law of his state; and
hurls a mighty challenge at the critics of the parole system.

PAROLE is UNDER HKE. SOME OF THE CRITICISM is UNDOUBT-
edly justified, but I am convinced that much of it is due
to misunderstanding and prejudice largely because in
many parts of the country there is a parole philosophy
and administration so inadequate that there have been
many abuses — and careless and corrupt administration. A
prisoner improperly paroled anywhere in the country
weakens the entire system of parole since the public sel-
dom differentiates between a parole in one state and in
another. All the public knows is that a man has com-
mitted a crime while on parole, regardless of the circum-
stances under which that parole has been granted.

Now parole can never be an exact science. It is no cure-
all for crime or criminals. But under efficient and honest
administration it can be, and in New York is, a strong
the state's law enforcement and crime control

arm in

program.

Not long ago I was requested to execute a blanket com-
pact with twenty-five other states covering the interstate
supervision of persons on parole or probation. I felt that
it was unwise to do so. New York will gladly enter into
compacts with states having satisfactory parole and pro-
bation standards. Before entering into any compacts, how-
ever, it must satisfy itself that both contracting parties
have adequate standards. That is the only way in which
the level of parole in this country can be permanently
raised.

Even though under parole there may be one hundred
cases of successful readjustment and only five failures,
those five arc frequently enough to damn the system of
parole in the eyes of the public, particularly if they are
of a character which lend themselves to sensational ex-

ploitation. But five or fifty or even one hundred failures,
regrettable as they may be, are few in comparison with
the many thousands of cases handled, and should not of
themselves condemn the general principle of soundly
administered parole.

Delusions About Parole

A GREAT MANY PEOPLE BELIEVE THAT THE PAROLE BoARD CAN

pardon convicts at any time and under any circumstances
that may seem advisable to them. This, of course, is com-
pletely contrary to the facts. The Parole Board in New
York has no power to release from prison any inmate
who has not served the minimum of an indeterminate
sentence imposed upon him by the court, less only the
regular time deducted for good behavior.

There is also a popular delusion that when a convict
is released from prison he is turned loose without super-
vision. This, too, is incorrect. When a prisoner is condi-
tionally released by the Parole Board after he has served
his minimum sentence, less allowance for good behavior,
he remains under the direct and constant supervision of
the Parole Board until the expiration of his maximum
sentence.

Let us consider, for example, a prisoner who has been
sentenced to an indeterminate term of from ten to twenty
years. Under the law the Parole Board within its discre-
tion may parole the prisoner at the end of his minimum
sentence of ten years, less time off for good behavior. He
remains, however, under the supervision of the Parole
Board until the expiration of his maximum sentence of
twenty years. If conditions require it, he can be and fre-
quently is returned to prison as a parole violator, even

Photograph, oppoiilt. by Paul Parker.

though he has not been convicted of any new crime.
What constitutes a parole violation rests entirely within
the discretion and judgment of the Parole Board and is
not reviewable.

There is a widespread belief that parole shortens the
sentence of prisoners. This is entirely untrue. The limits
of all indeterminate sentences have been fixed by the
legislature for different crimes. The compensation to the
prisoner for good behavior is fixed by the legislature.
Within the limits fixed by the legislature the judge, after
conviction, imposes in his discretion indeterminate sen-
tences and thereby fixes the minimum and maximum
period of sentence. The Parole Board cannot reduce the
minimum sentence imposed by the court. It cannot in-
crease the allowances for good behavior, which are
granted only by the prison administrators. It cannot act
in any instance until all the conditions of the law have
been met. On the other hand, the Parole Board can and
frequently does refuse to release a prisoner short of his
maximum sentence even though the court has imposed
a minimum and maximum; and it also frequently refuses
to recognize allowances for good behavior even though
these are recommended by the prison authorities. Parole,
therefore, instead of shortening sentences fixed by law
frequently extends them.

Conditional Release Under Supervision

SOME DISBELIEVERS IN PAROLE ARGUE THAT IF FIXED SEN-

tences were given as punishment instead of indeterminate
sentences there would be an improvement. This reason-
ing, I believe, is fallacious. A fixed sentence would not be
substantially longer than a minimum sentence now im-
posed under our system of indeterminate sentences. In
other words, a prisoner who now receives an indetermin-
ate sentence of from ten to twenty years would probably,
under determinate sentence, receive a flat sentence of ten
years. In the case of the indeterminate sentence the man
remains under parole supervision until the expiration of
his maximum sentence even though the maximum sen-
tence may extend ten or twenty years beyond the time of
his parole. In the case of a man serving under a fixed sen-
tence of ten years there would be no supervision whatso-
ever by the Parole Board after his release, save for the
period covered by the allowance which he had received
for good behavior which usually amounts to about one
third of the fixed sentence.

We have today many examples of how illogical and
unwise this system is. Under the old law habitual crim-
inals were always sentenced to fixed terms. Their release
from prison not being under the authority of the Parole
Board, they therefore come out of prison without any
authority or jurisdiction of the Parole Board. The board
has neither the power to release them nor the power to
hold them in prison. Nevertheless, once the law has
placed them outside the prison gates, they come under
the supervision of the State Parole Board for the period
which had been allowed for good behavior in prison.
They are charged up to the Parole Board. At the end of
their flat sentences, however, they are completely released
from all supervision. This ridiculously inequitable place-
ment of responsibility has recently been corrected by law.
As one of the results of the Crime Conference called by
me in Albany in 1935 a law was passed by the legislature
of the following session which does away entirely with
the so-called definite or flat sentences. A second or third

offender — the habitual criminal — convicted since March
1936 now receives an indeterminate sentence exactly as
though he were a first felony offender. He now receives
as a minimum sentence the previous mandatory sentence,
while the maximum of the term imposed upon him must
be double the fixed minimum. The provisions of this new
law of course could not be made retroactive. Conse-
quently, for a number of years, the habitual criminals
sentenced to prison before the new law was enacted will
be released under the old system. The Parole Board, un-
fortunately, will continue to be held responsible for them
even though it has no voice in their release.

New York's Experience With Felonies

IN NEW YORK THE GOVERNOR APPOINTS THE THREE MF.M-
bers of the Parole Board. Every other employe is under
the Civil Service, selected from lists established through
competitive examination. Not one occupies an exempt
position. The majority of parole officers are college gradu-
ates. Since the law specifically directs the use of social
case work methods, virtually all of our parole officers are
trained social workers.

Recently I checked in detail the results of the work of
the State Board of Parole. There had been a very proper
public demand for facts, and I wanted to know the exact
situation existing in the relation of parole release of state
prison inmates who had previously been convicted of
sex felonies. That record is instructive.

The New York State Board of Parole was organized
and became operative under the present law on July 1,
1930. It therefore completed a full seven years of opera-
tion on last June. In that period there came out of state
prisons and from the Elmira Reformatory, either through
action of the Parole Board or by statutory release, 925
individuals who had served sentences for repulsive sex
crimes. In those seven years in the whole state only 8 of
these 925 released prisoners were convicted of new sex
felonies. This, however, portrays only part of the parole
operation. In these seven years, 33 individuals in this class
who were on parole were arrested and charged with the
commission of new sex felonies. Of the 8 convicted and
resentenced the Parole Board was left to deal with 25
who were not convicted. In every instance, even though
no new conviction was secured, parole was terminated
by action of the Parole Board and the parolees returned
to state prison as a parole violator.

Carrying my inquiry along this line somewhat further,
I found that in addition to the 33 parolees arrested for
new sex offenses the State Board of Parole, on its own
initiative, declared delinquent for suspected sex miscon-
duct, another 24 parolees. This means a grand total of 57.
Eight of the 57 went back to prison under new convic-
tions. Forty-six went back to prison on the initiative of
the Parole Board. Had we not had parole this would
have been impossible save on fresh conviction. In the 3
remaining cases, the delinquency declared for technical
violations was cancelled and the parolees were returned
to active parole supervision.

Not a single one of the major sex felonies — the atro-
cious murders committed in this state in recent years —
was committed by an individual on parole to the New
York State Board of Parole or out of prison by the
authority of that board at the time the murder was
committed.

Of course sex crimes constitute only a small part of the

SURVEY GRAPHIC

whole crime problem faced by society. I also studied the
result of parole of the hold-up man, the burglar, the
forger, the robber, the arsonist — in other words, the ordi-
nary criminal rather than the so-called specialist in crime.
1 wanted to know how many new crimes were committed
by the men on state parole and whether this showed .111
increase or a decrease. I wanted to know whether the
parole function was being abused. And I specifically de-
manded to know whether parole violators were being
lifted out of the community and returned to prison before
instead of after they had committed new crimes.

I have that report. It shows that as parole supervision
was strengthened, as the case work handling of the
parolee's problems sifted the adjustable from the unad-
justable, and the latter were removed from parole on the
initiative of the Parole Board, the number of parolees
convicted of new crimes decreased. For the first nine
months of 1935 the Parole Board returned either to state
prisons or reformatories a total of 456 individuals judged
to be in violation of parole for reasons other than the
commission of a new crime. For the same period of 1936
the figure was 431. For the first nine months of 1937, the
figure was 673. These returned parolees did not commit
new felonies. Except where they had been judged guilty
of misdemeanors, they indicate the vigilance of the parole
case worker, diagnosing the problem evenly and justly as
between the protection of society, the rehabilitation of the
parolee and the best interest of the individual under super-
vision and treatment.

My inquiry further revealed that over the period of the
last three years there has been a consistently maintained
reduction in the number of new felonies committed by
individuals under supervision of the State Board of Parole.
In the first nine months of 1935 the number of parolees
convicted in the whole state and resentenced to prison
for new felonies was 188. In the comparable period of
1936 the number was 167. In the first nine months of
1937, the number was down to 100. Because of the greater
population and because of the vast number of parolees
resident in the New York Parole District, I have had the
figures broken down to show the result in that district.

In this populous district, individuals on state parole in
the first nine months of 1935 were convicted and returned
to prison in 111 cases for felony. In the comparable
months of 1936, 101 men were so convicted and returned
to prison. Up to the first of last October, the figure was
down to 69. These figures I believe to be particularly im-
portant because they show that crime has not increased but
has actually decreased consistently over a three-year period
in a class of approximately 8000 individuals who pre-
viously had demonstrated criminal tendencies.

There is still another function of parole which en-
listed my attention. I sought specific facts as to the free-
dom with which parole release has been granted by the
board. I found that the privilege of parole release is the
most tightly and firmly held of any function placed
within the power or authority of the board. In the state
prisons, excluding Elmira, where the release system is on
an entirely different basis, I found that in the first nine
months of last year 974 indeterminate sentence prisoners
were placed by law before the Parole Board for first or
initial consideration. Parole was granted to only 277 of
these individuals, they having met all the requirements
of the board. In other words, parole was denied in the
first instance to 71.6 percent.

I would not have you believe that all of those denied
parole were held in prisons for the major part of their
maximum sentences. In some cases parole was denied in
the first instance merely to await the completion of in-
vestigations, or because the inmate's prospective home or
job was not acceptable and he was ordered to procure
another. Many such factors entered into the decisions. So
that on the second appearance of those denied parole on
their initial appearance, it was granted to 268 out of 564,
which means that again parole was denied to 52.5 percent
of all making a second appearance before the board. On
third appearance 48.5 percent of all appearing were denied
parole, and on fourth appearance it was denied to 58.6
percent.

The number of parole violators who appeared before
the board seeking reparole in these first nine months of
last year was 806. Parole was denied to 82.2 percent of
these individuals.

Answering the Critics of Parole

I BELIEVE IN THE PRINCIPLE OF PAROLE. I LIKEWISE BE-

lieve that in New York we have a wise and workable
parole law. As experience broadens that law will, of
course, have to be improved and amended to meet new
conditions. It is not a perfect law, but both socially and
governmentally I believe it to be sound.

I am familiar with the conditions in New York that
brought the present law into being. I had a part in its
creation. Its operation has been watched closely by me
during my nine years of service, both as governor and
as lieutenant-governor.

Before I advocated enactment of the present law, I
studied conditions in the prisons, the social attitudes of
the individuals continued there, the results of earlier parole
experiments and experience in this and other states and
in other countries. I familiarized myself with conditions
existing in places where there was either no parole, or
chaotic parole, or loose parole, or parole reputedly cor-
ruptly controlled or administered.

Toleration of corrupt conditions is more criminal than
the criminal himself. As governor of New York, I am
prepared to prosecute to the limit any authenticated indi-
cation of corrupt influence, attempted or accomplished, in
behalf of the improper parole of any inmate of any state
institution. No such indication, evidence or charge ever
has been placed before me, and 1 believe that it is the
common understanding among those familiar with parole
administration in New York that its parole system here,
to revert to the vernacular, "cannot be reached." For that
happy condition no one deserves any particular credit.
It is a condition that we have a right to expect in an
enlightened state.

In considering the question of parole we must have a
common understanding of what parole is, what it con-
templates, what it does, and why it does it; but above all
we must have a clear and definite understanding of what
is the alternative and what will be the result if, as some
of its most sincere critics advocate, parole should be
abandoned.

Parole is neither a cure nor a pardon for crime. It does
not remit punishment. Rather it extends and intensifies
and prolongs such punishment when and where parole is
properly administered. Properly administered, parole is
a system of post-custodial care over the released convict
to whom the state has granted the privilege of conditional

FEBRUARY 1938

release. The purpose of such conditional release is to give
the convicted felon the opportunity of making good his
word of honor that he will not again commit crime, that
he will follow a decent life, that he will perform his
duties as a well-behaved member of society, make his own
economic way in the community and properly discharge
his duties toward his dependents.

Any properly constituted parole system does not, how-
ever, take the simple word of the released individual for
this. It makes certain that he does what he has promised,
or the parole is instantly revoked and he is returned to
prison to serve inside the walls the unexpired remainder
of his sentence.

Let us not forget that, parole or no parole, at least 95
percent of all men who enter prison leave prison at some
time or other. With the exception of those who receive
the death sentence or who die while still serving their
sentence, all the rest return to society sometime. The
problem faced by society is how these individuals, many
of them vicious, may be made to constitute less of a
menace. It is to meet this problem that we have the inde-
terminate sentence, plus parole release from prison.

Under the old system, still advocated by some critics of
parole, convicts were sent to prison, served their full terms
and then were turned loose on an unsuspecting com-
munity, unguarded, their movements unwatched, their
residences and gathering places unrevealed, free to ravish
and to rob without let or hindrance. Caught in a new
crime, they again were convicted, returned to prison,
served another "full time" sentence and again were re-
leased into the community.

The device known to penology as parole contemplates
no such condition. Under a sound parole system, before
a paroled individual is released a trained social case
worker gathers every scrap of known information about
the prospective parolee and about the prospective parolee's
antecedents; about the health, the marital condition, the
home, the economic situation, the neighborhood, the
whole environment of the parolee. Imposed upon these
are the reports of the prison authorities: the discipline
record in the prison; treatment for social diseases which
must be certified as in a non-communicable state before
release; the report of the prison psychologist, the prison
psychiatrist, the chaplain, the prison teacher, the shop fore-
man. All this information is collated and is contained in
a pre-parole report, which also contains the recommenda-
tion of each of these observers as to the likelihood of the
prospective parolee to succeed outside the prison. These
reports and the prospective parolee in person, come before
the board before decision as to parole is reached. From
beginning to end the procedure is one of intense case
work.

Paroled, the convict leaves prison by privilege, not by
right. He is subject to arrest and imprisonment, without
trial, for infraction of the parole regulations, because he
never legally has been removed from the custody of the
warden of the institution to which the court committed
him. He must agree in writing to these supervisory regu-
lations before he leaves the prison. If he does not, parole
cannot be granted.

If, on the other hand, the convict is released upon com-
plete termination of his sentence, supervision is legally
impossible. The "paid-in-full" ex-convict proves nothing;
no one knows anything further about him.

The parolee may be returned to prison for associating

xvith other ex-convicts, for failure to remain (through his
own fault) gainfully employed; for operating an auto-
mobile without the permission of the parole authority;
for using a false name or alias; for wasteful or uneco-
nomic expenditure of his resources; for failure properly
to provide for his legal dependents; for drunkenness; and
for many other shortcomings. The "paid-in-full" convict
can be returned to prison only when he has been con-
victed formally and sentenced for the commission of an-
other felony.

The transition from prison life to the freedom of society,
after years of confinement, is not easy even for one of
good mentality. A vast number of those released from
the prisons are of extremely low, frequently of borderline,
intelligence. The paroled individual, under supervision in
the community, has an incentive for "going straight."

PAROLE is ECONOMICALLY SOUND. IT COSTS THE TAXPAYERS
approximately |60 a year per parolee to perform every
function of parole in New York. It costs approximately
|550 a year, not including the capital cost of the prison
itself, to maintain an individual in a state prison. In
prison the convict is exclusively a tax consumer, and fre-
quently his family, bereft of his earnings for the period
of his incarceration, is a charge on the community. Out-
side the prison and on parole the ex-convict is a tax pro-
ducer because, in New York at least, the records of the
Parole Division show that, as of last October, the ap-
proximately 8000 individuals on parole from state prisons
and Elmira Reformatory were between 85 and 90 percent
gainfully employed. Take them off parole and what
would be the result ? If we had no parole releases the state
would have to erect additional prison facilities at a cost
of approximately $36 million while the burden, for main-
tenance would amount to nearly $5 million per annum.

What Alternative to Parole?

IF WE ARE NOT TO HAVE PAROLE, IT IS PERTINENT TO ASK

what is the alternative? There can be only one alterna-
tive to parole, i.e., to keep the convicts in prison until the
expiration of a fixed mandatory sentence and then turn
them loose unguarded, unsupervised and uncontrolled.

To be sure, there is vast room for improvement in the
parole system. It must be strengthened and re-strength-
ened against assault by the criminal and by his allies in
crime. And even though I realize the shortcomings
and difficulties of parole, when I compare what we are
doing now with the only alternative that is possible, I am
led to the inevitable conclusion that parole is the soundest
and wisest system so far devised. Our task for the present
is the improvement of its administration.

Men on parole in the past have committed crimes of
the most heinous and vicious type. They will continue to
commit crimes on parole, or not on parole, because there
is yet no known system or means of predicting human
behavior so that only those cured of crime may be re-
leased, whether by parole or otherwise. No system of
imprisonment or of supervised release will ever rid the
world of crime.

We must continue to try as we have, with every power
and device at our command, to control and diminish it; to
make its commission more and more difficult; its punish-
ment more certain and, by preventive methods, to re-
move as promptly and as effectively as we can discover
them, the conditions that lead to or breed crime.

Courtesy of A.C.A. Gallery, New York

Steel's Kitchen Garden

Steel

Drawings by Elizabeth Olds

"There it a glamor about the making of steel."
So began John Fitch's study of steel workers
for the Pittsburgh Survey of 1907-8. Yet it was
a glamor that until recent years American art-
ists were slow to acknowledge. These studies
of the Pittsburgh mills were made a few months
ago by Elizabeth Olds, a former Guggenheim
fellow now working in the graphic arts division
of the Federal Art Project in the New York
region. Wash drawings on flame-colored paper,
they achieve the effect of the murky yellow
ikies of the mill neighborhood and the fierce
light and deep shadows inside the mills. Miss
Old»' work is vigorous, sure, full of action.

Stoker at Blait Furnace

Jones and Laughlin Blast Furnaces

Charging the Open Hearth with Molten Iron

Evring Galloway

Pittsburgh Studies Itself

by MARGARET F. BYINGTON

Pittsburgh has become a symbol of social no less than industrial history
in America. "Its scope and its outlook are national; its financial interests
are at least country-wide; and the forces that control its destinies, which
are basically economic, are forces that move with the large strides of
national progress and regression."

THE MODERN PlTTSBURGHER HAS ONLY TO LOOK ABOUT

him to sec how the steel district roots in its geologic
past; or to sense how topography and basic industries
alike have influenced its human history. Veins of bi-
tuminous coal and small reservoirs of natural gas and
oil are folded into the foothills of the western Allegheny
Highlands. These are cut by the Allegheny and Monon-
gahela rivers which unite here to form the Ohio. Heat
is of the essence of steel production; water at once its
cooling agent and the cheap transport for its fuel. And
as Philip Klein puts it:

The industrial population followed the rivers as if Pitts-
burgh had poured out industry like its molten steel into the
huge mold of Allegheny County, and communities received
their limits and shape from the contours of the mold. Rail-
roads, "glass houses," salt works, and finally aluminum were
responsible for the growth of other towns.

With this matrix for its materials comes the new social
study of Pittsburgh which Mr. Klein directed. And at his
hands we have — for the first time— a comprehensive ap-
praisal of the social work of a great American city
against its basic economic setting. First he draws an
extraordinary picture of the constellation of small com-
munities that fall within the urban industrial district.

Then we have a drastic assessment of the insecure foun-
dation in work and wages on which households must
depend in one of the seemingly most prosperous indus-
trial cities in the New World. We are told of the long,
slow, and as yet unsuccessful efforts to bring homes as
equipment for living abreast of factory and mill construc-
tion. Told next the work-a-day epic of racial assimilation.
One after another is put before us the issues and needs
with which only local citizenship as a whole and states-
manship in the nation can grapple in the large. And
then two thirds of the space is given over to evaluating
the fields in which social work in Pittsburgh can count
directly, and to projecting lines of development. The
result is a report challenging to the citizens in any com-
munity who wish to see beneath the surface of prob-
lems and plan soundly for the future.

The original Pittsburgh Survey was carried out thirty
years ago, under the auspices of what is now Survey As-
sociates. That was a close range study of life and labor
in this same American steel district. The Russell Sage
Foundation largely financed it and published the find-
ings in six volumes — over the individual signatures of
the responsible investigators. Like it, the new study has
drawn on the work of collaborating specialists from other

cities. Their reports are here brilliantly interpreted by
the director in a unified volume of a thousand pages.*
More especially the new study differs in aegis and em-
phasis. It was initiated and financed locally by a group
of Pittsburgh citizens, who are concerned with a "co-
ordinated, effective and adequate program" of social
welfare. "The social worker, himself," we are told:

. . . has lifted his eyes to the larger scene and improved his
perspective, recognizing social work as part of the vital forces
of community life, embraced by them, modified, enlarged,
and diminished by them, the property of all men, not the
domain of specialists alone. The lay mind, on the other hand,
has also recognized that for these same reasons social work
has come to be a major instrument of social adjustment and
development along with education, civic reform, and evolu-
tion of government.

Within the Web of the County

THE STAGE OF THIS STUDY IS ALLEGHENY COUNTY AS A

whole, with its million and a half men, women and chil-
dren. Half of them live outside the city of Pittsburgh.
Within the industrial and political web of the county are
units of population varying from rural centers to cities
with a complex life of their own. From my study of
Homestead, thirty years ago, I found the chapter which
analyzes the life history of some of these centers unique
and illuminating. There are twenty separate manufac-
turing centers with populations from 6000 to 55,000.
Mill towns built on the narrow levels along the river
banks have brought together people from all parts of the
world to man the great plants. McKees Rocks has in its
population representatives of every country included in
the analysis of the U. S. Census. To these towns the
depression brought deteriorating housing; delinquency
among young people for whom the community afforded
neither work nor wholesome play; the oppression of the
silent mill.

Further out in the county are company mining towns
built with the expectation that they would be needed
only for the thirty or fifty years that a mine is worked.

When the mine closes, the community disintegrates, break-
ing up rapidly at first when many miners move to the vi-
cinity of other mines; then it suffers a gradual shrinkage and
metamorphosis.

In contrast there is a group of some twenty-five com-
muters' or residence towns,

. . . which were built and are administered for homes and
families as zealously as the manufacturing and mining com-
munities function to make money. . . . Due to the homo-
geneity of the people and to their comparatively high intel-
lectual caliber, an interesting degree of democracy seems to
exist in these residential communities. . . .

The emphasis in Pennsylvania law is on local auton-
omy and, taken as a whole, these varied centers have
been dependent in large part on local initiative for public
and private service. Social activities, it is true, have been
instituted — hospitals, libraries, self-help organizations, but
these have varied widely in terms of resources and lead-
ership. The formulation of plans for a county-wide devel-
opment became a major recommendation of the study.

* A Social Study of Pittsburgh, by Philip Klein and collaborators.
Columbia University Press. Price $4.75. Miss Byington, who writes
out of her experience as a participant in this recent study of Pitts-
burgh, was also identified with the Pittsburgh Survey of 1907, con-
ducted by the parent body of Survey Associates [See Survey Graphic,
December 1937. pp. 676a-d; January 1938. pp. 17-19.]

The Chances for a Living

IN CONSIDERING THE SOCIAL WORK PROGRAM WE MAY WELL

ask of the industries responsible for the growth of many
of these communities, what opportunities they offer the in-
dividual to provide a living for himself and those de-
pendent on him.

For a decade or two the employment trend has not
kept pace with the growth of population. The extent to
which production slowed up long before the end of the
era of prosperity is shown in the chart opposite.

Data on the activities of the State Employment Office and
thirteen private employment agencies show convincingly that
in Pittsburgh the ratio of the number of jobs to the number
of applications was falling drastically long before 1929. It
was the opportunity to work, not the willingness to work,
that dried up.

Figures are given which indicate that in the ten-year
period 1920-29, employment averaged about 75 percent
of full time, all gainful workers being considered; there
was, consequently, at normal levels of business, an aver-
age unemployment equal to 25 percent of full time.

SINCE 1934, THE YEAR DEALT WITH IN THE STUDY, THE EM-
ployment curve rose with revival — the mills were espe-
cially active in the early part of 1937 — only to drop off
again sharply with the business recession last fall. (A
partial pickup is reported this month.) In this same
period came higher wage rates and shorter hours and
collective bargaining in Big Steel.

Many skilled workers in the major industries of the
Pittsburgh district have high earnings — but taking wages
on the average, they are still below what provides the
basic necessities even in normal times.

In terms of the standard set by The Brookings Institution,
it seems necessary to conclude that a very large portion —
possibly half or more — of the families were below the stand-
ard of "basic necessities."

In the early part of the depression wages fell far below
even this point. There had been some gains by 1934, but
these were not yet within a third of the 1929 levels, leav-
ing far more than half the manufacturing wage earners
not merely in a pinched position but verging on distress.
Mr. Klein concludes:

It must be clear to the most reluctant observer of these
figures that poverty is rampant in the industrial environs of
Pittsburgh even in what we have called normal times: that
poverty by whatever name we choose to designate the fre-
quent occurrences of economic distress in the working popu-
lation is the chief social problem of life.

On certain counts, Mr. Klein notes gains in the thirty
years since the Pittsburgh Survey. Workmen's compen-
sation is in force and the worker is no longer unprotected
against the hazard of work accidents; though Pennsylva-
nia laws do not measure up to those of some other
states. Child labor is a less acute problem than in 1907-08.
Developments in trade union organization in the steel
mills give hope that as time passes labor may develop
greater organized capacity to make gains through col-
lective bargaining and through participation in social
legislation.

Physical Conditions of Life

IN VIEW OF THIS INADEQUACY IN THE WAGE SCALE, TO WHAT

extent has the community assumed responsibility for the

SURVEY GRAPHIC

provision of conveniences and decent surroundings thai
the purchasing power of the worker alone cannot acquire
in a competitive and unregulated field?

Here also the study shows some gains. While a hous-
ing code was enacted in 1910 only slight amendments
have been made since that date. Not till 1928 did the
Pittsburgh Housing Association come into being com-
mitted to a continuous program of public education and
action. The slowness with which changes are wrought is
indicated by studies which this association made in 1931
and 1934 of Skunk Hollow, one of the areas dealt with
by the Pittsburgh Survey in 1907-08, and one which still
reveals its menace to health.

What is more discouraging about these reports? Is it the
actual conditions found, or is it the indifference of the com-
munity to civic neglect even in conspicuous instances, where
publicity and persistent attention by a local housing asso-
ciation concentrate and continue to expose such conditions?

[Here arc] remnants of what we like to think of as a by-
gone age; the hydrant in the yard, toilets shared by groups
of families, privy vaults and open sewage in the midst of
crowded city dwellings. . . . Tremendous progress has been
made in the assurance of public health and sanitation for
the inhabitants of Pittsburgh during the past decade. Some
progress may be seen also in the rest of Allegheny County
[where] . . . the conditions that must still of necessity be
accepted by the resident ... are still often primitive, inde-
cent and even dangerous.

The task which the community faces is summed up as
follows:

There must be law enforcement and demolitions; old
houses must be repaired; reconditioning can supply a large
body of low rental housing that is needed; slums must be
cleared . . .; new construction of low rental housing . . .
certainly requires at the beginning, at least, public subsidies.
These may be federal, local, or both; should be under local
housing authorities; and should contemplate permanent
management rather than individual home ownership.

Racial Groupings

TOGETHER, FOREIGN BORN AND NEGROES CONSTITUTE 22.7
percent of the population of the county and, with the
second generation added, constitute a majority — a pro-
portion larger than that for Pennsylvania as a whole or
for the United States. This situation is due to:

. . . deliberate and repeated attempts at various times by the
industrial and mining enterprises in the Pittsburgh district
to import cheap and amenable labor for the mass-production
program of its heavy industries. At times this was occasioned
by the needs of a miraculously expanding industry; at times,
by labor conflicts and strikes.

Today, even the newer immigrants have been living
here for several decades and are "conscious of deepening
roots." To a considerable degree, however, they live
in communities of their own devising within the setting
of the American industrial community as a whole. The
danger which arises is that their organizations serve not
as a ...

healthy, transition device, but as a compensatory device for
escape from American life or as a means for exercising group
pressure on it. ... There is, nevertheless, evidence of the
hunger for greater participation in American community life
— for opportunities and for self-expression which will bring
recognition not only of the individual but also of his group
and of the value of his cultural inheritance.

" ROLLED IRON 1 .----s*:"
STEEL _ —r^2— * ^^

CRODUCTION

W •§ • • IMO IMS lf» IMS
Trend point for 1880 - 100

IMS UK IMS noo an im no MO IMJ KM iut

Trend point for 1900 - 100

From A Social Study of Pittsburgh

Production trends in the Pittsburgh district

Interviews with their leaders give a vital picture of this
slow process of amalgamation. The studies of the newer
psychiatric and social forces shaping themselves among
nationality groups "suggest the desirability of new di-
rectives in social planning."

Numerically the Negro population is small in comparison
with this immigrant group; and the seriousness of unwhole-
some conditions of life and economic discrimination affect-
ing them lies in the "relative intensity and permanence of
the conditions." Their housing, for example, is "more con-
centrated at the lowest standards recorded."

Unemployment is also greater among them. In Feb-
ruary 1934, nearly half of the employable Negroes were
entirely without work against less than a third of the
potential white workers. The general deathrate from all
causes and from specific diseases is consistently higher
for Negroes, the appropriate facilities for medical care
fewer. In the field of recreation, participation by Negroes
is also restricted.

The study recognizes the efforts of special organiza-
tions, such as the Urban League and the International
Institute, to serve the specially disadvantaged groups.
Emphasis is placed, however, on the need for conscious
understanding of attitudes and problems on the part of
citizens and workers in all social agencies.

FEBRUARY 19M

In Perspective
— Picturesque

Sketches by
Mabel K. Day

Skunk Hollow

Hillside Houses

Wood's Run

Social Attitudes, Public Opinion and Pressure Groups

WHAT ARE THE SOCIAL FORCES IN THE COMMI-NITY WHICH
might be brought into play all down the line? Mr. Klein
believes that the dominant opinion in Pittsburgh which
supports social work is politically and philosophically con-
servative. This makes more difficult changes which break
step with prevalent attitudes, such as those toward labor
organization as expressed through industrial relations,
.mil through the press; toward freedom of speech and
.iciion as they affect social work in dealing with the prob-
lems it confronts; and toward the development of pres-
sure groups as affirmative forces. These are as widely
variant as the League of Women Voters, the Chamber
of Commerce, trade unions, and the League for Social
Justice; among them client groups and the various organ-
izations of social workers themselves.

Because of the intimate relation that objectives and origins
of social work bear to economic conditions, and standards of
living, the creation and activities of pressure groups within
these fields are directly in the area of social work interest
as well.

Organizations of social workers attempted to modify pulv
lie opinion, therefore, as representatives both of the estab-
lished profession and of the new "rank and file," with dif-
ferent degrees of emphasis on their status as employes, with
different degrees of identification with client and wage earn-
ing masses, with somewhat different initial philosophies, but
with increasing convergence on the need for pressure, on
objectives for worker and client, on the analysis of social
and economic factors responsible for the persistent destitu-
tion— and with different degrees of sympathy for a new
social order and for affiliation with the labor movement as
a whole.

This is an area in which social workers throughout the
country are seeking to clarify their thinking. The Pitts-
burgh study should help in the process, and in discover-
ing how. if social workers need the support of both
"dominant" and "minority" groups in the development
of their program, this can be achieved.

Social Work in Pittsburgh

WE TURN THEN FROM A DISCUSSION OF THE FACTORS — ECO-

nomic, physical, psychological — which go to make up the
community as a whole to a consideration of the devices
by which social work attempts to meet the human needs
it finds. Here Mr. Klein finds all the major categories
of interest he has analyzed coming into play.

( 1 ) Concern for those in distress, more or less extreme and
principally economic;

(2) Assistance in social adjustment for those making in-
adequate adaptation to their surroundings, whether
economically dependent, emotionally upset, violating
the penal laws, or otherwise in difficulties;

(3) Assistance in securing amenities of life, such as recre-
ation and cultural activities that people seek when the
basic necessities of life have been provided;

(4) Interest in raising the standard of life, material and
cultural;

(5) The aspirations to realize a better social order whether
seen in close-up or in larger perspective.

As in other communities, the lion's share of work, interest
and expenditure is found in the first category, from which
it tapers down to less definable or extensive activities for
social reform and reorganization.

The 600 pages which analyze these services and suggest
changes in programs are obviously of first importance in
Pittsburgh — to the boards of directors, to the lay and pro-
fessional workers who participate, to the clients in whose
behalf they are organized, to the citizens who pay for
them. For non-residents everywhere the analysis not
only presents information of great interest but raises
questions as to the relation of social work to the com-
munity which so far as I know have never been stated
so clearly and courageously.

Some concept of the size of the problem is revealed in
its mounting cost, from $17 million in 1927 to $45 mil-
lion in 1934. The expenditure for relief was eight times
as great in 1934 as in 1927. As might be expected the in-
crease was largely in public funds (local, state and fed-
eral) which rose from under $7 million in 1927 to over
$36 million in 1934. During the same period the cost of
voluntary social work decreased from $10,331,000 to $8,-
658,000. During this period, also, came the development
of the Community Fund which raised and distributed
among its member agencies $789,494 in 1929 and $1,035,-
833 in 1935.

What kind of services are provided by these funds;
how nearly do they meet the needs revealed?

In attempting to formulate "a general plan for the or-
ganization of social work in Pittsburgh and Allegheny
County." individual agencies and institutions were examined
not as separate units but "in terms of the part which they
might play in an integrated program for the future." There
are chapters among others on Problems and Practices of Re-
lief; Social Case Work or Personal Adjustment, Social Work
for Children, Organized Care of the Sick, Public Health
Administration, Leisure Time Activities. The material was
based on intensive study by experts of agency practices and
achievements and was discussed with leaders in social work,
both local and national.

For each field, the general purposes and accepted program
are outlined; the nature of the services rendered in Pitts-
burgh and Allegheny County; recommendations on future
development. These latter, as summarized in an appendix,
present an exciting picture of the way in which a more or-
derly and effective development might be brought about.

With the particular recommendations one may disagree
but not with the questioning approach which led up to
them. Emphasis throughout is on the importance of un-
derstanding human beings as needing social work serv-
ices rather than on units of organization or on specialized
techniques. For example:

Possibly the most important fundamental principle in
child care is that each child be (Continued on page 120)

Charlotte Carr at Hull-House

A WORD PORTRAIT

HULL-HOUSE REMAINS THE IMPLEMENT AND SYMBOL OF

Jane Addams' life. An almost sacred landmark, its hos-
pitable red brick buildings in Halsted Street on Chicago's
West Side have been an inspiration to generations of
immigrants and underprivileged.

But today immigrants are not Chicago's immediate
problem as they used to be, with their need to be taught
English, to be provided with day nurseries and young
people's clubs, to be assimilated. There is still urgent work
to be done in this field, but times have changed. After
Miss Addams' death nearly three years ago some
people feared that Hull-House would decline into a
shrine to the memory of its founder. Instead, Hull-House
has kept marching with the times, and, as evidence of it,
has installed Charlotte E. Carr as head resident. When
the board of trustees and residents, represented by Mrs.
Joseph T. Bowen, president of Hull-House, looked
around for a practical idealist to direct Hull-House's
usefulness in a changing neighborhood and in a changing
society, they found Miss Carr running the Emergency
Relief Bureau in New York City. Feeding an average of
more people than all Milwaukee's population, spending
$9 million a month, fending off Tammany attacks, di-
recting the biggest relief set-up and holding down one of
the meanest jobs in the country, Miss Carr had demon-
strated that she was an extraordinary executive as well
as an understanding friend.

She is large and gusty, with a hearty laugh. A venture-
some modern, a fighter, she is also skilled at getting what
she wants at a conference table. It is too early to predict
what will happen at Hull-House, but the settlement is
bound to be in for new experiences, within the spirit of
Miss Addams' ideal but cut to a new pattern.

Charlotte Carr served notice the day of her arrival last
fall that she "would not presume to follow in the foot-
steps of Miss Addams." With all respect, she will be her-
self, vigorously and independently. The news photog-
raphers that first day wanted her to pose with a group
of neighborhood children called in for the occasion.

"No." She smiled, stubbornly. "I'll pose any way you
want, except that. Those children never laid eyes on me
before. Why should they look up at me and smile? I'm
not going to start off that way."

In the spring of 1935 while she still was new in the
New York relief organization, and before she became
director, an outsider was talking with one of Miss Carr's
superiors and they decided on a change in something
she was doing. "Why don't you just speak to Miss Carr
about it?" said the adviser. "Who, me?" asked Miss
Carr's superior. "Me tell her? No, you tell her if you
want to! Not me!"

She never threw fiery Mayor La Guardia of New York
into such a panic, but then, neither did he frighten her.
There's a story, which did not come from her, of her
being called into the mayor's office last year for some
criticism just after some remarks Mr. La Guardia had
made about Herr Hitler had brought official protest
from Germany. She led off with a joking reference to
that touchy subject. The mayor is said to have scowled.

by GEORGE BRITT

"You attend to your job locally," he said, "and leave
foreign affairs to me." Undaunted, she shot back, "Is that
what Secretary of State Hull said to you?" The mayor
grinned. "Just about," he said, and they settled down
peaceably to city business.

Another day the mayor announced that one of her
people was fired. "Now look," she said. "There's only
one person in the ERB that you can fire. That's me.
You can fire me right now or any other time, but you
can't touch my staff."

But she was devoted to the mayor. She has no diffi-
culties with dominant, concrete men who smash ahead
and get somewhere. She even goes along beautifully with
men who have a screw loose. But when she is with dog-
matic and stodgy men a mutual irritation sets up. One
of these men hung onto her a nickname which she
prizes, "Scarlet" Carr.

SHE HAS UNDOUBTEDLY NOT BEEN CALLED A RED FOR THE

last time. She is bluntly in favor of underdogs and against
those who would kick them. Of all modern problems,
those of industrial relations attract her most. Back in
Pennsylvania with Governor Gifford Pinchot, when she
was the state's first woman secretary of labor, she did a
great deal of mediation in strikes. She likes to talk mu-
tual understanding, but in practice she's no fence-sitter.

"Of course I am biased," she admits. "So long as people
get up Monday morning without a job and go to bed
Saturday night without a pay check, I don't see any other
way to be except biased."

However she has friends in both camps. Along with
the Hull-House invitation, she considered two other
large scale jobs which were offered her. One offer came
from a big international labor union whose stern effec-
tiveness appealed very much to her temperament. The
other came from an association of business men who
wanted her as a mediator.

Two points of vanity are lacking in Charlotte Carr.
She jokes about her weight and brazenly admits that
her age is forty-seven. She is a feminine person of charm.
from North of Ireland stock, and is as interested in
clothes as any smart housewife. She has handsome brown
eyes and fluffy black bobbed hair streaked with gray.
She is as practical as a factory foreman. "Never in my
life," she says, "have I been able to get my theories from
teachers or books or from anything except just what is
before me." The quality which sticks as one's chief im-
pression of her, though, is the ease with which she clears
the snags out of her path.

Her relaxation is the movies, lots of them. For a long
vacation last summer she went to the Connecticut shore
where she could swim, wear slacks, cook on the open
fire, catch up on her reading and listen to the radio.
When a neighbor's child, playing charades, came in with
arms loaded with newspapers and proceeded to go
through them thoroughly and noisily, everyone immedi-
ately guessed who she was imitating: "Charlotte Carr!"

Miss Carr is a Vassar graduate. After Vassar, while at
Columbia, she was a full-fledged New York City police-

SURVEY GRAPHIC

\snm.in with a beat near the Navy Yard. She spent six
years as personnel manager in factories, and once when
there was a strike of the employes whom she herself had
hired, she went out with them. She wouldn't stay behind.
From long hard days in Albany, Harrisburg and New
York she knows her politics. Once in Pennsylvania she
was trying to lobby a progres-
sive bill through the state senate
and one of the case-hardened
opposition let her talk herself
breathless, then turned away
with, "And she thinks she's
playing politics!" She tells that
one on herself, always adding,
"Well, if I didn't teach him any-
thing that time, he taught me a
lot." She has gone down in coal
mines and climbed hundreds of
slum stairs. She talks the ver-
nacular. She can slam hard
words back into the faces of
sniping party bosses, and laugh
about it with them afterwards
as if one of themselves.

Charlotte Carr was born in
Dayton, Ohio, the daughter of
a prosperous business man. The
leading citizen of Dayton was
John H. Patterson, the cash
register magnate, whose fac-
tory represented the full flower-
ing of paternalism in industry.
As a young girl Charlotte Carr
went with her class through the
plant and still remembers an
essay she wrote afterward. It
began: "Through the kindness
of Mr. Patterson. . . ."

That probably was the last enthusiasm she ever ex-
pressed over paternalism or a company union. Today she
is utterly convinced of the necessity for employes to or-
ganize, to be independent and outspoken.

"I could never have worked with my huge relief or-
ganization," she says, "if I had tried to run it from the
top down — no matter how good my intentions. The wise
employer will accept the help that is passed along upward
tn inform and stimulate and caution him. You can't know
the problems down in the ranks half so well as the people
there know their own."

Miss Carr worked in the New York State Labor De-
partment when Frances Perkins was secretary there, then
went to Pennsylvania and was swept out in the political
upturn after Governor Pinchot's first term. When the
governor went into his next campaign, one of his pledges
was to bring Charlotte Carr back to Pennsylvania. So
he did, and in July 1933 he promoted her to be secre-
tary of labor. At the time there was a great protest. She
was a warm friend of the governor's wife, and the two of
them were denounced together as strike fomenters and
troublemakers. All the employers of child labor and of
company-paid deputy sheriffs were against her at the
start, for she already had antagonized them. But the
governor supported her and she held on and fought back
like a trooper.

Months before she had shown up the disgraceful

sweatshop conditions creeping back into existence under
cover of the depression. She proceeded to point out one
employer who was working children for 5 cents a day,
another who was paying girls J1.65 for two weeks' work.
She heard of a man who with a flourish had donated
$1000 to the Red Cross for depression relief and then
docked his payroll to get the
money. That made her furious.
She hurried to Washington and
got the Red Cross to return the
man's check. There were hun-
dreds of such incidents, indicat-
ing how an ardent, capable
woman under depression pres-
sure conducted the Labor De-
partment of the nation's second
largest industrial state.

But the climax of all her other
jobs was directing New York's
Emergency Relief Bureau, the
biggest thing of the kind under
the sun. At times her bureau
was caring for nearly a million
persons. When she joined the
ERB, it had just been badgered
through an investigation by the
politically hostile board of alder-
men, and a few months later,
in July 1935, she was given the
remnant and told to run the
show.

About the same time, General
Hugh S. Johnson was sent in to
inaugurate the Works Progress
Administration program. There
was an immediate collision of
temperaments before the two

settled down to be friends. She made the one-time
cavalryman yell, "Enough." He did it publicly in Stuy-
vesant Square, and there was no doubt that he meant
it. The idea of WPA was to put all employable persons
to work and leave only the unfit to direct relief on
the Emergency Relief Bureau. General Johnson set a
quota of 75,000 to be taken off of relief the first month.
But in spite of his broadcast offers to place all who ap-
plied, the jobs went begging. He got only a few thou-
sand applicants. The sideline chorus grew louder —
"These unemployed don't want work, they just want to
be supported in idleness."

Then it was decided that the relief bureau should set
up its own placement machinery and deliver its employ-
ables directly to the WPA, making a brand-new start on
Monday, beginning the fourth week. This was on Satur-
day.

On Sunday Miss Carr sent out notice for her unem-
ployed to show up for jobs on the WPA, at the former
Lying-in Hospital in Stuyvesant Square. On her staff
were about 4000 investigators, working from the forty-
eight district offices. Each of these got orders to bring
in three relief employables, not relying on them to come
anyway.

By five o'clock Monday morning the applicants al-
ready were in line at the hospital doors. Before noon
more than 10,000 were milling around and the WPA
was snowed under. Another 12,000 were brought in

Photograph by G. Maillard Kcsslcrt

FEBRUARY 1938

Tuesday, more than twice as many as WPA could handle
in one day.

General Johnson was as swamped as his staff. He
stormed and issued a public statement, passing the buck.
It bounced back. Finally the general admitted that some-
one had offered too many jobs. By WPA request the
recruiting was slowed down.

Miss Carr, serene through the fireworks, made only the
comment that she was proud of her organization for
completing its notifications so quickly.

IT WAS NOT A PERSONAL TRIUMPH. IT WAS, IN FACT, EX-

tremely tough on the unemployed who waited in line.
But it was something for the whole country to sit up and
look at. It was an answer to all the slurs at the unem-
ployed.

"If General Johnson ever had the impression that the
unemployed wouldn't take jobs," Miss Carr says, with
deep satisfaction, "he was disabused quickly."

During the next three months 150,000 were moved
off relief and onto WPA. Miss Carr likes to talk about
these people going to work. She won't have anyone
picking on them.

"If you don't believe in them," she flares up, "all you've
got to do is to sit beside one of the relief bureau clerks
and listen to the stories. Many people have been out of
work five years or longer. Work is the thing they have
idealized and dreamed about. Many of them have lost
their skills and must develop fresh work habits. That is
what WPA has been — a bridge between unemployment
and private industry.

"People say to me, 'I believe in taking these loafers
and putting them to work.' They say that seriously. Of
course. That is the jobless man's own solution for it.
That is exactly what he wants, too."

Another problem came out to meet Miss Carr when
she took over the ERB — the problem of an excessive, un-
wieldy and jittery staff of 18,000 paid employes. They
filled nine solid floors of a big office building on Broad-
way, with additional district offices all over the city. A
labor organization was being formed to voice their griev-
ances and Communist missionaries were busy making
political capital of the disorder. The unemployed com-
plained without ceasing and the staff was primed at any
moment to picket the office or do a sit-down.

But in spite of all protests it was necessary, as the relief
rolls were reduced by transfers to WPA, to cut the staff.
That was the irony of it. Charlotte Carr with her heart
that bled for the employe now had become one of the
biggest bosses in town, with 18,000 workers under her
and forced to fire many of them who were no longer
necessary to the functioning of her own job. When they
expressed their dissatisfaction her first decision was that
relief workers had as much right as anyone else to col-
lective bargaining. She let them organize and kept a
ready ear for grievances, but disregarded their politics.
Looking back now at her experience of strikes, parades
and picketings, she says, "I'm not sure that such things
ever will be eliminated or that they should be. They were

over-dramatized, of course. But they conveyed infor-
mation and a challenge. I never tried to stop them."

In the second place she set up an independent appeals
board before which any employe might demand a hearing.
As she cut down her staff from 18,000 to 12,000, appeals
were taken by about 300 of the dismissed. Eight convinced
the board that possibly they hadn't had a square deal and
they were reinstated. There was no scandal, no case was
hushed up and there was a complete avoidance of the
suspicion of discrimination. It was an almost impossible
task well done.

FROM THIS BACKGROUND YOU MIGHT JUDGE THAT MlSS CARR

really belongs more in the industrial battle of Chicago
outside Hull-House than within its quiet walls. Being
head resident certainly offers her the most sheltered life
she has had since her first job when she got out of college
and .became matron of an orphanage. What she did then
in her brash youth was to submit a report in a few short
months on the basis of which the whole institution was
reorganized.

Life will not be cloistered for her in Hull-House or
any other place. Her wit and practical sense can be relied
upon to avoid any possible institutional mildew and to
keep Hull-House a place that belongs to living people.
In Miss Addams' Twenty Years at Hull-House precedent
may be found for almost any activity the successor may
want to try. Miss Addams took sides on industrial issues,
too, and in her day was attacked as a radical. There is
one particular remark by Miss Addams which is as ex-
pressive of Miss Carr's views as if she had made it herself:
"Hull-House was soberly opened on the theory that the
dependence of all classes on each other is reciprocal."

Miss Carr sees the reciprocal point in this way: "In
my observation it has been inexperience on both sides
that has been the great cause of industrial disturbances.
The belligerent labor leader and the boss who says, 'If
you don't like it, get out'- — both of these make fire every
time.

"The main thing for social workers today, I believe, is
to see if they can't be a medium through which the factors
in industry can work out their own problems. That is
what I am most interested in. I don't want to work out
anyone's problems for him. The need is to stay as impar-
tial as anyone can and still be informed. Usually, the two
sides oppose each other for lack of a technique for getting
together, and that is the point at which a contribution
ought to be made."

Such a contribution is the thing she has in mind for
Hull-House today. She will not rest on Jane Addams'
laurels but she will attempt to utilize the possibilities of
the famous old settlement against the fresh challenges
that today presents. She is determined to build the new
activities of the settlement around the neighborhood itself
rather than around the personality of one person. And she
is now getting acquainted with the neighborhood — and
with the Hull-House residents — before she helps formu-
late the new plans and hopes that Hull-House will carry
into its fiftieth anniversary next year.

Next month Survey Graphic's personality sketch will deviate from the usual, and
present the extraordinary spokesman of a people that have undergone a thousand
years of unemployment — Portrait of a Gypsy King, by Victor Weybright.

SURVEY GRAPHIC

Now They Are Ahead of the Public

by DOUGLASS W. ORR, M.D. and JEAN WALKER ORR

ill

The Changed Front of the
British Medical Profession
Toward Health Insurance

"State Medicine and Slavery: Britain's Modern Burden" were
headlines the Chicago Tribune put over an article by a London
correspondent. Such articles are not infrequent in the American
medical and lay press. This one provoked a reply from Dr.
George Anderson, medical secretary of the British Medical
Association. Who the author was, Dr. Anderson did not know
but "that his description of National Health Insurance in this
country is inaccurate and misleading, I do know ... he has not
taken the trouble to learn from anyone what it is and how it
works." The Orrs took that trouble in gathering evidence.

NlNK OUT OF TEN BRITISH DOCTORS WOULD GIVE UP HEALTH

insurance only over their dead bodies. Accept that state-
ment on faith, and you may skip much of what follows.
If. you are skeptical — especially if you are an American
physician — read what British general practitioners say
for themselves. And remember that by far the majority
of them even in prosperous neighborhoods are also insur-
ance practitioners — "panel doctors" as they are called.
And most panel doctors combine private practice with
their insurance practice.

In Liverpool, for example, we met Dr. G. who lives in the
"better part of town." His house has two acres of grounds,
and his "surgery," in a special wing, comprises a laboratory,
waiting, consulting and examining rooms. Dr. G. has about
1300 panel patients. In terms of income (not number) these
represent one fourth of his practice. (And that income, in
total, translates into $12,000 a year without allowing for
differential living costs.) His panel patients are generally
the sons and daughters of his private patients so that, by and
large, his is a family practice. As most of them are young,
they are seldom seriously ill, except for an occasional pneu-
monia. They respond nicely to treatment, and for the most
part are able to see him at his surgery, for they are quick
to consult him about colds, boils and so on.

He must say that he enjoys working with these young
panel patients. They are relief to the old and exacting
chronics of his private practice. He gets a bit fed up toady-
ing to endless fads and whims, but as the latter are good
for a guinea ($5.25) a visit, they must be pampered. It gives
him satisfaction to deal with panel patients for another rea-
son, too: if they are poor he can say, "I'll look in to see you
tomorrow" without having to worry about asking himself,
"Will they be able to afford another visit?" or "Will having
to pay another fee upset them?"

We gathered from his remarks that Dr. G. conducts morn-
ing and evening surgery somewhat more rapidly than the
afternoon surgery "for private patients only." As he sees it,
there has to be more "josh" with them just as there has to
be more kow-towing at home visits. He says, however, that
private and panel patients get the same quality of treat-
ment; and that, under N.H.I., he feels free to prescribe any-
thing he wishes.

One of our most authoritative interviews was with Dr.
H. Guy Dain in Birmingham. A general practitioner of

FEBRUARY 1938

many years' standing, Dr. Dain has been high in the coun-
cils of the British Medical Association for many years and
for more than twenty years (twelve as chairman) has
been a member of its Insurance Acts Committee.

To Dr. Dain's mind, there is no difficulty whatever in com-
bining private and panel practice. In some industrial areas
family practice may tend to be broken up because depend-
ents of insured persons cannot afford private care, but that
is not the case in his or, he could say, in the average practice.

He is still essentially a family doctor: his panel patients
are members of his families who work, and his private pa-
tients those who do not work. One does not see more than
about 55 percent of one's panel patients in the course of a
year. He has always had about 2000 panel patients, repre-
senting about one third of his income.

The failure of National Health Insurance to include de-
pendents of insured persons is admittedly a shortcoming.
Any country beginning it afresh should certainly plan to
take in wage earners and their families so far as medical
benefits are concerned. Their inclusion would preserve family
practice among the poorer sections of the community. De-
pendents wouldn't have to be certified when ill (since they
would draw only medical benefits and not cash benefits to
take the place of lost wages). As this would require less
paper work on the part of doctors, the capitation fee could
be somewhat lower. This could be financed by adding per-
haps a thruppence to each contribution stamp.* Medical
benefit should certainly be broadened to include specialist
services as well as extended to take in all of the workers'
dependents.

In 1935 when he crossed the United States on his way to
Australia, Dr. Dain learned something of the American con-
ception of the English form of health insurance. He read
many criticisms of N.H.I, and the panel system, and could
say of most of them that they were farcical nonsense. There
is no real interference by the state between doctor and pa-
tient, he said: there is free choice of doctor by patient and
the doctor may refuse individual panel patients or insurance
work altogether. The regulations, such as they are, are for the
good of everyone and have raised professional standards.
In general they simply insist upon what a good doctor would
do anyway.

'The recent report on The British Health Services by P.E.P. (Political
and Economic Planning) estimates that, "with a proportionally increased
contribution by the Exchequer, \y,A or at most 2d would suffice." (Spec-
tator December 10, 1937)

Some Criticisms

DR. DAIN WAS NOT UNMINDFUL THAT THERE HAVE BEEN
abuses of National Health Insurance. Speculative buying
and selling of panel practices has occurred. The usual
technique has been for the exploiting agent to buy up
several large panel practices and to place young men, re-
cent graduates, on salaries to run them. The young doctor
is forced to sign a contract by which he gradually buys
the practice, but on terms that make of him a virtual
sharecropper. To offset this abuse the British Medical
Association has recently sanctioned a loan company from
which young doctors may borrow at reasonable rates
the money needed to purchase a practice.

Nor did we fail to hear of two-way complaints of an-
other sort: that some patients tend to make excessive
demands or expect endless service for trivial ailments, and
that some doctors give little more than "a bottle and a
smile." Here is one doctor's comment:

Dr. W. has a mixed practice, including 1200 panel pa-
tients, in suburban and rural Oxfordshire. His panel patients
include college domestics, workers from a margarine factory
and household servants. The panel patients are, he says,
"really very little bother." It is true that they become too
demanding, but one has to educate one's patients. He lets
them understand that they will receive the best he can give
when they are really ill, but that they needn't expect him
to come running at night for a toe-ache. However, he says,
he examines his patients when they come to him; he isn't
one of those who reach for the Rx blank while listening to
the symptoms.

On the other hand, Dr. W. said that he had been checked
up once or twice by regional medical officers for over-
prescribing. But it is perfectly right, he said, for the R.M.O.'s
to be alert; there is no excuse for doctors to prescribe, say,
luminal for phenobarbital or aspirin for acetosalicylic acid,
when the proprietary drugs cost more. If the doctors help
protect the system, there will be more benefits for all con-
cerned in the long run.

Panel Practice in London

So MUCH FOR GLIMPSES OF INSURANCE PRACTICE IN THE

provinces. What is it like in London? Not really different;
we failed to find anything suggesting "Ford factory meth-
ods" even in the slum districts. Here, for example, is our
record of a visit in the East End at a stone's throw from
the Thames and hard by the docks, a district comparable
to that along First Street in Philadelphia or the Lower
East Side in New York.

Dr. H. spent three years in hospitals after qualifying, and
then she entered general practice. She is about thirty-five and
is quiet, frank, unassuming. She has been about eight years
in her present location and her small surgery consists of two
rooms, a waiting room seating 15-18 persons and a small
consulting room which contains her desk, examining table,
sterilizer, and so on. Her modest flat is overhead.

"The difference between panel practice and private," she
says, "is that you give private patients a complete overhauling
and medicine for a half-crown, whereas you give panel pa-
tients a complete overhauling and a prescription for nothing.
The patient gets the prescription filled free at his chemist's,
and you get your quarterly check from the Insurance Com-
mittee." Dr. H. attends a public health clinic once a week, is
medical officer to a day nursery, and is on call for examina-
tions in police cases. She is well aware that the panel system
is occasionally abused by doctors and by insured persons, but
such practices do not concern her as they are in the minority.

Dr. H. showed us the Insurance Committee report on her

prescribing. She had written fewer prescriptions than the
average doctor in her area, but her average prescription cost
was higher. She always prescribes whatever she feels is indi-
cated, and she mentioned insulin, theelin, toxoid, anti-pneu-
mococcus serum, and various vaccines including those for
acne and influenza. One of the regional medical officers came
to see her about prescribing costs, but she got out her records
and he went away satisfied.

Dr. H. admitted that panel patients sometimes come to her
with very minor complaints; but she rather encourages them
to do so. "After all, it's my job to decide what's serious and
what's not," she says. If there were a question of payment,
even at sixpence a visit, she would have to think twice before
saying, "Just let me have a look at you tomorrow."

When health insurance was inaugurated in England
there was hot resentment on the part of old time doctors
at the paper work involved. This is still made much of in
American criticisms of it. Here is the modern view of
another London general practitioner who is conscious of
the significance of statistics:

An important advantage of the scheme is that the doctor
has no bookkeeping to do for his panel patients; no accounts
to keep, no bills to send. This, he says, more than compen-
sates for the paper work required in signing certificates,
signing medical cards, and "putting down the ticks" of visits
and surgery attendances. As for the clinical notes, they are
the same as one keeps for private patients.

Perhaps it has occurred to the reader to ask: But just
how did you meet these doctors? Are they representa-
tive English general practitioners? Well, we used both
direct and indirect approaches. Four or five of them
were suggested to us by Dr. Charles Hill, deputy medical
secretary of the British Medical Association, who assured
us that they were just that — representative English
"G.P.'s," as they are called. But we didn't limit ourselves
to that official list. We introduced ourselves to others be-
cause we had heard patients speak of them favorably or
the reverse. Various settlements were our intermediaries
also; and our field report will include much further testi-
mony. But no matter how we met them, the tenor of their
comments was essentially the same. Differences were
those of locale or the personal equation rather than of
national or medical politics.

The Public Medical Service

IN LAST MONTH'S ARTICLE WE SAW HOW INSURED PERSONS
themselves recognize certain limitations to the health in-
surance medical service and join voluntary schemes to fill
the gaps. In the Public Medical Service, the doctors are
doing the same thing, offering the dependents of insured
workers a family medical service on a voluntary con-
tributory insurance basis. The doctors of a given city,
town, or rural area set up their own organization and
supervise its administration. As in the case of the panel
system, there is free choice of a doctor, the right to change
doctors, a defined range of medical benefits including, in
the P.M.S., necessary medicines. The P.M.S. is being
pushed by the British Medical Association as a practical
solution of a serious problem in medical economics, viz.,
how to preserve family practice among persons of low
income. The doctors themselves are thus in turn striving
to overcome the most important limitation of the present
compulsory health insurance set-up, and the P.M.S. is
proving profitable to patients and doctors alike.
Dr. Alfred Cox, for many years medical secretary of

SURVEY GRAPHIC

the British Medical Association, is now secretary of the
Public Medical Service in London. Let us quote his
comment on the affirmative drive of the insurance prin-
ciple, whether vested in public schemes like N.H.I, or
private ones like P.M.S.; namely that —

... It shifts the doctor's interest from sick patients to well
patients. Under traditional conditions of practice, the doctor's
ultimate interest is in sickness; his income depends upon sick-
ness even though his object is to cure his patients. When his
income comes from well patients, as under N.H.I, and the
P. M.S., however, the doctor becomes concerned with health
and it is to his ultimate interest to keep people well. Doctors
are just beginning to appreciate this and to develop a real
public health and personal health point of view. From a
purely economic point of view, the better a doctor is at keep-
ing people well, the larger the panel of patients that he can
handle; and the larger the panel, the bigger the quarterly
check.

Most doctors believe that N.H.I, will ultimately be ex-
tended to the dependents of the present insured popula-
tion. Others would like a scheme like the P.M.S. made
compulsory. The important fact is that English doctors
adhere to the principle of contributory insurance against
sickness and would like to see it extended both to provide
more comprehensive medical service and to include the
whole wage earning section of the population; or four
out of five of the people of England.

The Changing Front of Organized Medicine

THIS WAS BY NO MEANS THE ATTITUDE OF THE PROFESSION

at the start. The doctors locked horns with Lloyd George
when he brought forward his original bill a little over a
quarter of a century ago. Yet at the time conditions of
medical service for this vast majority were thoroughly
unsatisfactory for all concerned. The well-to-do always
could provide for themselves. For the destitute there was
provision for medical care at public cost under the Poor
Law. But the great majority in between, wage earners
who neither wished nor required charity, could not, in
time of illness, both maintain their households and pay
doctors' ordinary fees.

Medical practice among the lower income groups took
the form (a) of voluntary charitable relief, (b) of Poor
Law medical relief (for the destitute), (c) of provident or
Friendly Society plans, (d) of doctors' clubs, or (e) of
private care "at preposterously small fees." The whole
system, wrote Dr. David Walsh in the Spectator for Sep-
tember 9, 1911, "is more or less of a gigantic failure."
Under nearly all of these types of practice the doctors
were worried, harassed, and overworked, frequently see-
ing from sixty to one hundred patients at a sitting. And
in private practice qualified medical men were required
to "supply advice and a bottle of medicine for a shilling,
sixpence, or even threepence." Dr. Walsh added:

In the Poor Law the motive for that state of affairs is par-
simony, in the voluntary medical charities the desire to at-
tract subscriptions by a parade of mere numbers, in the clubs
the overpowering wish to drive a hard bargain with the
"doctors," and in poor-class medical practice the despairing
bid of the lower ranks of a badly protected profession for a
bare living.

In contrast it was the success of Friendly Societies as in-
surance carriers, as may be recalled from our previous arti-
cles, that inspired the present Approved Society system for
National Health Insurance.

Summary of the British Medical Associa-
tion's Proposals for a General Medical
Service for the Nation

1. That a satisfactory system of medical service must be
directed to the prevention of disease no less than to the
relief of individual sufferers.

2. That the medical service of the community must be
based on the provision for every individual of a general
practitioner or family doctor.

3. That a consultant service and all necessary specialist
and auxiliary forms of diagnosis and treatment should be
available for the individual patients, normally through the
agency of the family doctor.

4. That the interposition of any third party between the
doctor and the patient, so far as actual medical attendance
is concerned, shall be as limited as possible.

5. That as regards the control of the purely professional
side of the service, the guaranteeing of the quality of the
service, and the discipline of the doctors taking part in it,
as much responsibility as possible should be placed in the
organized medical profession.

6. That in any arrangements made for communal or
subsidized or insurance medical service the organized
medical profession should be freely consulted from the
onset on all professional matters by those responsible for
the financial and administrative control of that service.

7. That medical benefits of the present National Health
Insurance Acts should be extended so as to include the
dependents of all persons thereunder and entitled to medical
benefit.

8. That every effort should be made to provide medical
and nursing service facilities in institutions (Home Hos-
pitals) where the family doctor may treat those of his own
patients who need such provision and who can thus remain
under his care.

The Battle of 1911

THE BILL LLOYD GEORGE PRESENTED TO THE HOUSE OF
Commons on May 4, 1911, was in two parts. One pro-
vided for a compulsory and contributory scheme of health
insurance; the other introduced unemployment insurance.
The immediate public reaction to the former was favor-
able but it was fated to change. On the one hand, flaws
appeared one after another; on the other, Lloyd George
was forced to make compromise after compromise with
various interested groups — such as the drive of the indus-
trial insurance companies, which led to their great scoop.
Criticism of the bill turned to attacks; opposition became
increasingly bitter, and the doctors threatened to boycott
the whole scheme.

After some stormy weeks, Lloyd George spoke at a rep-
resentative gathering of physicians. He was able to clear
up some misunderstandings and to pave the way for
conciliation. The British Medical Association, meanwhile,
drew up a statement of policy setting forth six cardinal
points as conditions of their support for the bill.

Dr. Cox recalls that Lloyd George offered the doctors a
capitation fee of 6s. per year. The doctors demanded 9s., but
Lloyd George insisted that 6s. was more than they were aver-
aging in private practice. The (Continued on page 118)

FEBRUARY 1938

Before 25?

by MAXINE DAVIS

THE CHAN<

The experience of 1937' 's highschool and college graduates
shows that employers favor youth. Miss Davis made her
coast-to-coast exploration of normal industrial opportunities
in the late summer, before the recession had slowed down
the trend which she reports.

THE YOUNG FELLOW WHO BROUGHT MY RADIO BACK FROM

the repair shop needed a shave. You could tell he was
pretty proud of that. Every so often he'd rub a grease-
soiled hand appreciatively over his fuzz. The man who
usually came to install my radio's insides was also sparse
of hair — but on the top of his head. "How did an infant
like you get this job?" I inquired brutally.

"The company sent out to the highschool before we
graduated and offered some of us guys jobs," was his
amiable explanation. "Gosh, it was a break! My brother
finished up school two years ago and just got steady work
last month."

This was exciting news. Ever since the 1929 crash the
world of work has had no room for lads like this. For
six and even seven years young people leaving the class-
room found office and factory doors locked against them.
Then figures from employment offices and placement
bureaus, and the experiences of friends and acquaintances

From 38th Annual Report, superintendent of schools, New York City
Adaptability, ambition — young worker at night trade school

began to tell a different story. The classes of 1936 and
1937 were called into factories, stores and offices with
heartening speed. Today the business recession is slowing
this trend. There is evidence, however, that even the
"slump" has not wholly checked it, and that with an
"upturn," it will not only be resumed but accelerated.

Meanwhile, what will the 1938 graduates face? Hun-
dreds of thousands of Americans are anxiously asking
this question. How to know?

There is always a lag in statistics and reports. But there
is another way to seek an answer — go out and ask em-
ployers. Last August I did just that. I bought several
yards of .railroad tickets, crossed the continent by easy
stages, and visited all sorts of businesses in representative
communities. I was trying to find out in detail what has
happened to the boys and girls who left the classroom
last June, and see whether at the same time I could gain
some idea of what will happen to this year's seniors. From
the pages of my notebooks, supplemented by later data,
perhaps we can piece together a picture of the recent em-
ployment situation as it has affected young people, and
estimate future possibilities. It will not be scientific, but
it will be dynamic.

My first stops were at employment offices because they
feel the earliest impact of change in the labor market.

Northwestern University's placement bureau in Chi-
cago has a reception room which I found empty of
applicants for jobs. The manager was busy on the tele-
phone. "I'm sorry, Mr. X., I don't know of one single
architect available." "I'll do my best, Mr. Y., but I can't
promise you anyone right now," I heard him repeat over
and over. He confided, "If I want to get a good man, I
have to pull him off another job."

In the public placement office for young folk in the
Metropolitan Highschool in Los Angeles they were so
busy hunting up boys and girls to fill the vacancies re-
ported by employers that I had to wait nearly half an
hour before anyone had time to stop and talk.

The 1937 Demand for Youth

THESE AGENCIES WERE TYPICAL OF THE MANY I VISITED.
There were literally no exceptions. They all told the same
story — a story to lift the hearts of all young folk: The
business world wants youth; it is begging for youth. The
current slump has not muted the call for young men and
women, because during the depression years business and
industry had no new life in their bloodstreams. Organiza-
tions were static, while skilled and experienced workers
grew older. Today industries are out combing the cam-
puses for the sort of young (Continued on page 123)

SURVEY GRAPHIC

)F A JOB

The older worker has a legitimate complaint against the very
real forces and prejudices that tend to crowd him, after 40,
toward the edge of the labor market. Mr. Crowder rounds
up some challenging facts, offers elements of a formula to
keep employes from being penalized for having birthdays.

After 40?

by FARNSWORTH CROWDER

"Mal(e a canvass of drugstores in this vicinity and you
will find that these druggists will tell you that they are do-
ing a very good business in hair dyes and that when people
buy them they will say that they t(eep their hair darl^ and
young in order to hold their jobs."*

IT IS LAMENTABLE, CERTAINLY, THAT BlLLY SMITH, 23, OUT

of senior high five years, has never known what it is to
have a real job with some glimmer of opportunity in it.
11 ut what about Timothy Smith, his father, 46, who was
laid oft at 41 after twenty years of usefulness; who had
accumulated a little surplus fat in the way of a home,
insurance policy and some modest investments, only to
have it melt away; who had his morale crippled in the
slow wrenching descent to the social humiliation of part
time jobs, made work and relief; who, when employmeni
comes back, may find himself rejected at the gates of
recovery for being too old?

Who is weeping for Timothy? Is he a great national
problem in microcosm? Is that senility which is
synonymous with obsolescence beginning at an ever
earlier age? Is there discrimination in business against
older workers? Has rccmployment been favoring the
young and leaving the middle-aged on the scrap heap of
relief? Can Timothy be blamed if, in desperation, he
goes to the druggist for a bottle of hair dye to touch up
his greying temples and starts lying to employment man-
agers about his age?

To answer such questions requires that one be clear
on three points: the time, the place and the man. For
there are few generalizations of validity which can be
made about all the Timothys, in all places, at all times.
What was true about discrimination against older work-
ers in 1934 was not true in 1937, as we shall sec. What
is true in the hard coal regions is not true in the south-
western oil fields. What is true for Timothy Smith, bakery
worker, is not true for his friend Jones, cabinet maker.
The employment policies of chain stores are not the
policies of big department stores.

To begin with the man: what is it that Timothy Smith
is up against?

He is up against an increased population: hosts of
youths, probably better schooled (academically), have
come of working age since he lost his job; motility, re-
silience, ambition, adaptability are on their side.

He is up against the possibility that industry, improv-
ing its machinery and production technique, no longer
has need of his particular skill.

'From testimony concerning conditions in Lawrence. Mass., given be-
fore the Massachusetts General Court during investigations into alleged
(li*t rimination against workers on account of age.

FEBRUARY 1938

He is up against the probability that he has slowed
down — much as athletes nearing forty slow down. Re-
cently, the Industrial Health Research Board of Great
Britain examined 10,500 jobholders. It found that men
reach their maximum height at 20 or 21, maintain it to
25, after which a decline sets in, due at first to the de-
velopment of a tired stoop. It was found that muscular
strength increases up to 20, holds fairly constant to about
40 and then starts to fail. Nimbleness and nervous re-
flexes begin the down grade even earlier. Not infrequent
has been the complaint that factories deliberately employ
the speed-up to set a pace which older workers simply
cannot maintain.

Timothy Smith is up against the possibility that he has
developed some disqualifying ailment. It is often charged
that the medical examination for a job is perverted into
a device for rejecting older applicants on the ground of
some trifling illness.

He is up against a prevalent conviction — partly sound,
partly prejudice — that life, far from beginning at 40, starts

Skill and steadiness — (he older worker in modern industry

to peter out; that middle-aged workers are conservative,
stubborn, contrary in the face of change, slower than
young people to learn new techniques and more vul-
nerable to the strains imposed by the speed of modern
machinery. Also, there is prevalent an opinion that older
workers are more liable than their younger associates
to accidents and sickness, that they are slower to make
recoveries and are, therefore, more costly in the red ink
of compensation, sickness benefit and pension outlays.

Timothy Smith is up against the fact that younger
workers, eager, just starting out, without dependents and
debts, often can be hired for less money and have,
stretching ahead of them, a longer period of usefulness
to an employer who is, after all, motivated, not by cruelty
and indifference, but by the understandable desire to
possess a labor force that promotes profits.

The Older Worker in the Boom Years

THE COMPLAINT OF UNFAIR DISCRIMINATION AGAINST WORK-

ers upwards of 40 and 45 was to be heard before 1929.
During depression it rose toward a howl and, in at least
one industrial state, Massachusetts, it became so insistent
and bitter as to bring action from the legislature. Penn-
sylvania's Department of Labor and Industry has set up
the machinery to make an exhaustive survey of the
problem. A similar study is to be launched in New
York. A campaign to combat the growing prejudice
against workers over 40 is being planned by the Founda-
tion for Americans of Mature Age. The American Legion
is attempting to bring to the attention of "every employer
in the nation" the case of the jobless veteran over 40.

There is good reason for all this stirring. The National
Association of Manufacturers learned that of 700 firms
investigated, over a fourth had age-hiring limits. New
York State's Commission on Old Age Security found
that 20 in over 100 establishments in the state had adopted
age-hiring rules, the most common limit being 45 years
for men. A U. S. Department of Labor study of personnel
policies in tobacco factories, published in February 1937,
showed that half the workers are under 30, 80 percent
under 40, "very few over 50."

When the Massachusetts General Court was prodded
into action by the complaints of thousands of Timothy
Smiths, it ordered (1934) a series of public hearings and
a survey by its Department of Labor and Industries. At
the hearings, grievances were voiced by workers, the un-
employed and labor union officials. Reports were heard
of wholesale discrimination in particular industries and
industrial centers. A representative of textile workers
told of men with 25 years' experience being laid off in
slack times and then not rehired, their places being taken
by men under 40 imported from other cities. The case of
a sheepskin plant was cited: of the men it was forced to
lay off, a hundred were over 50. "When the firm started
up again, not five . . . were taken back." Charges were
heard that discrimination was provoked by demands
made by insurance companies writing workmen's com-
pensation. Especially bitter were complaints coming from
men whose work is seasonal or temporary — as it is, for
example, in the building trades. Painters and decorators
maintained that older men are unfairly rejected by in-
surance doctors who claim lead poisoning as the reason.
Employers, it was said, insist that painters be spry young
men and will dismiss any older ones who are sent after
a day or two on the job.

Significant was this fact, brought out at the hearings,
that men in strong old unions complained least of dis-
crimination. Printers, for instance, had no kick to register.
A Typographical Union official observed that, "Even
though a man begins to slow down ... his knowledge
of job printing is valuable until he drops." A local pres-
ident of the Brotherhood of Railroad Trainmen explained,
"Our organization is built on the theory of protecting the
older men. There are certain rules for restricting hiring
after men are 35, but that does not interfere with those
who have been employed. . . . We have men working
who are 75 and still going strong."

Many an employer's inclination to discharge aging
workers is modified by union vigilance. Labor contracts,
at the insistence of the union, often include tight seniority
regulations which tend to give older workers security in
their jobs: the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers
has regulations by which engineers are retired from the
main lines at 70, but even after that they may do yard
duty. Unions that have won the right to supply men from
their own hiring halls have thereby gained a measure
of control over the age limits of their members. The long
established craft unions probably have been most suc-
cessful in helping their men hang on to their working
lives. But even the more amorphous mass organizations,
such as the United Mine Workers, are awake to the
problem of the unwanted middle-aged on their rolls.

Results of the Massachusetts survey were not available
until some months after the hearings had been com-
pleted. Elaborate questionnaires were returned from 3781
establishments in the state. Showing what? Showing,
despite wide variations between businesses and towns,
that at the time (October 1935), the Timothy Smiths
were justified in setting up their cry against discrimina-
tion.

In the field of manufacturing, it was found that about
one half of the state's industries had sub-standard pro-
portions of older male workers; proportions, that is, be-
low the proportion of men 46 to 64 in the general popula-
tion. These proportions of older workers varied from 54
percent in silver and plated ware to only 7 percent in
radio apparatus. There were 230 factories without a single
employe over 45. Sub-standard industries included motor
vehicles and parts, men's furnishings, petroleum refining,
confections, soaps, chemicals, rubber goods, electrical ap-
paratus, druggists' supplies, etc.

In many service, trade and white collar lines of busi-
ness, the returns revealed inconsistent treatment of older
workers — in chain stores, hotels, restaurants and insur-
ance companies.

The distinction between the problem as it arises in the
skilled trades and in mass production was pointed up by
the survey returns. Thus, plants requiring a considerable
degree of craft skill and experience — silverware, tools,
forgings, jewelry and watches, printing and bookbinding
— employed more than their share of the middle-aged.
On the other hand, industries, such as automobile, elec-
trical supplies and radio — using assembly line methods,
where tending a machine or repeating some single spe-
cialized job can readily be mastered, showed a sub-stand-
ard proportion of older workers.

Data were gathered in the Massachusetts survey on
hiring and rehiring for a period of twenty-two weeks
of recovery. Who, in that period, were getting the jobs?
It was found that the Billy Smiths were having much

SURVEY GRAPHIC

the better of it: over half the hirings reported were of
applicants under 30, in the case of men, and under 25,
in the case of women. And in the matter of rehiring,
the Timothy Smiths certainly were not sharing fully in
business recovery. One in every three factories had re-
hired no men or women over 45. It was even tougher for
older men in establishments other than factories: over 40
percent reported no rehiring of men, 68 percent no re-
hiring of women, over 45. The chances that Timothy
Smith would go back to work in Massachusetts, in 1935,
were less than one in four, and, for his sisters, less than
one in ten. And this was at a time when one fourth of
the employable men and one fifth of the employable
women, 45 to 64, were without work.

Up to 1937

I'-l T NOW, SUPPOSE WE CHANGE OUR POINT IN TIME; SUP-

pose we jump from the fall of 1935 to the fall of 1937.
What has become of Timothy Smith? In Massachusetts,
in Michigan, in California? He is two years deeper in
middle-age. Is he two years deeper in debt and despair?
Or is he back on the payroll?

The answer to these questions depends today much
less upon his age than it did in 1935, far more upon
what he can do; in a word, upon his skill, knowledge
and experience. He is no longer on the sunny side of
45, but this is not die misfortune that it was. What em-
ployers have been hungry for is styll, and Timothy has it.
True, thousands of young men have come into the labor
market, but few have had die opportunity to serve an
apprenticeship; there is an acute shortage of new skilled
labor. This, temporarily at least, is very much to Tim-
othy's advantage. It is very probable that in 1937 he was
back at work.

Why be so cocksure as to say "very probable?" We
arc assuming Timothy Smith is skilled in some line, is
in sound health for his age and has a good performance
record behind him. He is the man employers have been
looking for and not always finding. This is the testimony
that was coming last summer, from industry, employ-
ment agencies, labor unions, WPA and the United States
Employment Service. There are localities in which busi-
ness had so completely skimmed the cream of skilled
and semi-skilled workers that WPA projects were forced
to sublet some of dieir more exacting work to private
contractors. Fortune, in its recent survey of unemploy-
ment, found that industry had absorbed 45 percent of
reliefers (including practically all of the skilled), that
those left on the rolls were predominantly "marginal
men," unfit on account of old age, disability, incom-
petence or lack of skill and experience for further em-
ployment. This does not mean that many of these cannot
work when and if the labor market has absorbed avail-
able younger and more able men and demands more
help; but they will be called last and over half of them
(being over 45) can hardly look forward to anything
better than continuing on relief until it ceases or diey do.

The proposition at which we arrive then, is that pros-
perity modifies the real and imagined disabilities of work-
ers over 40, and tends to push upward, toward 50 and
even beyond, the employable age. This has been beauti-
fully illustrated in the reports of the United States Em-
ployment Service. Statistics in the past have given very
slim information as to what age ranges were supplying
business with workers. The service today maintains near-

ly 2000 offices the country over and, in the year ending
June 1, 1936, placed 4,500,000 men and 1,800,000 women
in jobs. The experience of the service, therefore,, gives the
best indication we have ever had as to who is being
hired.

In the year ending with June 1935, recovery was getting
well under way. Business was looking for help and, as
we might expect, wanted young men. But not too young.
And not too raw. They must be old enough, preferably,
to have had experience and acquired some special com-
petence. Hence we find die survey reporting that men
in the age group 30 to 39 had the rosiest prospects of
landing work between July 1934 and June 1935. Of every
100 male applicants in this age range, the service was able
to place 95.4 in jobs. Second best chance fell to the age
group 40 to 49, where die placement ratio was 88.5 jobs
for every 100 applicants. Third rank fell to the group
21 to 29. Men 50 to 59 had the fourth best chance,
while youngsters under 21 and men over 65 had die
poorest chances of all.

If now we move up twelve months to the year ending
June 1, 1936, the picture changes encouragingly for all
the Timothy Smiths. Business in its recovery march had
enlisted younger experienced men (30 to 39); but, still
needing recruits, it had been forced to call more heavily
on other age groups. In fact, it was no longer men in
the thirties who were having the best of it, but men in
their early forties. Of every 100 applicants, aged 40 to 44,
90.8 were placed. This was die highest rating for any
group. And the Timothy Smidis, 45 to 49, were doing
almost as well as workers 35 to 39, and were doing
better with each succeeding month in 1936-37. It was die
demand for skill and experience, reports the service, that
was raising die rate of placements in these middle-age
groups.

The placement rates for women were, comparatively,
very low. A conclusion reached in the Massachusetts
survey was that, "When the age of 45 is reached, men
may still hope to leave their employment with hopes of
finding new positions, but women . . . must cling to
whatever foothold they have obtained, because they have
little chance of reemployment." It was found that "em-
ployers prefer (1935) to hire males under 30 and females
under 25." With respect to women, diey continue to
have the same preference and to have it die country over.
In 1936, the highest placement rate for women with die
Employment Service was in die golden-aged group, 20 to
24. But even here only 25.2 out of every 100 applicants
landed jobs, which was less than one half the rate for
their brothers in die same age group. In the higher rate
brackets, the placement rates for women were so low as
to approach nil. In spite of all woman's spectacular gains
in business, it would seem that it is better, on die aver-
age, by from 30 to 100 percent to be a man if you arc
looking for a job, even though you be over 50 years of
age.

Timothy Smith, for instance, though he lost his job in
depression, was probably back on the payroll by 1937,
whereas his sister, the same age, if she lost her job, was
probably at home and probably will have to stay there.

But can we assume that Timothy Smith is sitting
pretty, that the age deadline for him has been pushed out
of sight? Remember the hordes of younger workers
pressing up from below, learning, gaining experience?
How long can he hang on (Continued on page 121)

FEBRUARY 1938

A Co-op and a Union

by ELIOT D. PRATT

Tempest in a tearoom — the clash between CCS and Local 302
demonstrates the immediate conflicts and possible compromises
between organized consumers and organized workers.

IN THE FALL OF 1936 THE TRANQUIL PROGRESS OF ONE OF

New York's largest and most prosperous cooperatives was
rudely shaken by the prospect of labor trouble. The story
of the subsequent conflict furnishes an instructive example
of a head-on collision between organized consumers, who
want to keep costs down, and organized workers, who
want to raise wages and cut hours (i.e., increase costs).
Both the co-op and the union were, and are, far from
typical organizations of their kind. Yet the situation that
arose, and the way in which it was settled, represented a
typical clash between two important modern movements
that have grown up side by side. One example may show
this in cloudy microcosm to be sure, but it is nevertheless
significant. Consumer cooperatives have taken root and
blossomed less dramatically than labor unions in the Uni-
ted States, but there are signs that their future increase is
an American trend, as definite as the organization of labor
unions. Some cooperatives have grown out of labor unions.
But most cooperatives have been organized among farm-
ers and middle class city groups.

Such a cooperative is Consumers' Cooperative Services,
Inc. One of New York's oldest and best established co-
operatives, one of the few which survived boom and
depression, it opened its first cafeteria on East 25 Street
in 1920. It succeeded in providing better food for the
money than comparable commercial establishments and
in general kept to the slogan "production for use and not
for profit." With the interested support of intellectuals
and white collar workers, CCS, as it was called, pros-
pered from the start. From a first year membership of 379,
doing $95,000 worth of business, its income increased to a
peak of $612,000 in 1929-30. In the depression years it fell
to nearly half that amount, yet the membership has shown
almost a constant increase from the original 379 to almost
5000 at the close of the fiscal year 1937. And under the
strong central management of Mary Ellicott Arnold, the
net income of the organization maintained an average of
over $20,000 per year, of which about one quarter was
divided among the membership as rebates, the rest being
used for expansion of the organization, reserves and gen-
eral promotion of the cooperative idea. Evidences of this
success now can be seen in its eleven attractively decor-
ated cafeterias scattered over New York, the large co-
operative apartment house on West 21 Street, containing
the central offices of the organization together with those
of the small credit union organized in 1926.

In the depression years CCS found times as hard as any
business. But unlike many cooperatives it could rely on
the fruits of sound financial management during its
earlier years and fall back on its reserves of interest from
investments.

Despite economies, CCS, like all true cooperatives,
aimed to be a model employer. In the trough of the de-

pression, Miss Arnold, as manager, earned the outspoken
disapproval of commercial cafeteria owners. They objected
to the example, as they put it, of a business being run for
the employes. The co-op's employment policy however
proved its worth by the quality of the service, and by the
very low turnover of the workers.

Having survived the depression, CCS and its manage-
ment were breathing somewhat more easily with hopes
of better times ahead, when, in September 1936, vague
rumblings of unrest within the organization began to
disturb these pleasant hopes. As the months passed these
rumblings became more insistent and definite. By Novem-
ber a strike was in progress, with a handful of erstwhile
loyal employes picketing CCS cafeterias under the banner
of Local 302 of the International Hotel and Restaurant
Workers Alliance.

IN SPITE OF THE OFT-STATED WILLINGNESS OF THE MANAGE-

ment and board of directors to recognize any union joined
by a majority of the workers, employes of the CCS had never
been organized. And, in this case, the opening gun did
not come as a demand from the employes themselves but
in the form of ten charges against the labor policy of the
management circulated anonymously by a self-appointed
membership labor committee of the cooperative itself.
Distinctly pro-labor and anti-management in tone, this
communication charged that the workers had no feeling
of job security, that race prejudice existed, that the man-
agement was "opposed to a bona fide labor union for
Consumers' Cooperative Services" and cited conditions in
various cafeterias to show that the management was in
fact far from the good and just employer it had been and
was still generally considered to be. Unlike a private busi-
ness, in a cooperative such charges are everybody's
business.

The insurgent critics within the CCS accused the co-op
of being paternalistic— or, referring especially to Miss
Arnold, the manager, "maternalistic"; the CCS supporters
of the management were thoroughly skeptical in their
appraisal of the union. In 1936, Local 302 of the Interna-
tional Hotel and Restaurant Workers Alliance, an AF of
L union, had an unsavory reputation because of divergent
elements in its own leadership. Several of its officers had
been identified with the restaurant "protection" racket led
by the Dutch Schultz gang. At the very time of the dis-
pute with CCS, Prosecutor Thomas E. Dewey had se-
cured indictments against several of them, and eventually
convictions of those indicted, with the exception of Max
Pincus, president of the union, who committed suicide.
Meanwhile, the rank and file purge of the union, acceler-
ated by the Dewey investigation, had given a group of its
communist members a strong voice in the union's affairs.
The management of CCS suspected that the activity of

SURVEY GRAPHIC

Photograph by the author Wide World

Organized consumers in the CCS — encountered organized workers in Local 302 (here picketing a commercial chain)

some of its own insurgent members was strongly influ-
enced by this group.

Despite these unusual circumstances that complicated
the dispute and added to the acrimony and suspicion
on both sides, the ultimate pattern of the quarrel between
CCS and Local 302 shaped itself into a definite labor vs.
management situation. Perhaps communists had con-
spired; perhaps the co-op was selected as a vulnerable
labor target. In any event, a- presumably sympathetic em-
ployer was put on the spot by a labor organization that
was a master of insurgent tactics and that refused to judge
CCS by comparison with commercial cafeterias.

THE TWO ORGANIZATIONS, EACH CLAIMING TO BE FIGHTING

for the common good, found themselves calling each
other names which they normally reserved for only their
dearest enemies among the capitalists. Many of the charges
on both sides wer,e exaggerated, if not false, and the dis-
pute was marked from the start by a more than usual
amount of misunderstanding and emotion.

In the cooperative the board and management rose to
its own defense, called membership meetings, issued state-
ments regarding its policy and attempted to come to some
understanding with the union. In November 1936, the
strike began in the 25th Street cafeteria, and enough
workers participated to make it impossible to continue
operations without the use of strikebreakers. This branch
was accordingly closed and remained so until late in
January. Although unable at that time to claim more than
a few members in the cafeterias, the union in its meetings
with the representatives of the CCS made peremptory
demands with which the management was unable to com-
ply because, among other things, of its unwillingness to
deal with a group evidently in the minority. Supporting
this stand were the results of a poll under the auspices of a
Workers' Committee which showed that only 21 out of
the 90 workers were in favor of joining the union.

Complicating the whole procedure was the fact that

during the Dewey trials and the reorganization of the
union the attorney for Local 302 was occupied with many
other matters, so that a concentration on particular prob-
lems was delayed. Misunderstandings which otherwise
might have been avoided began to multiply. To state only
one example: a number of workers were transferred by
Miss Arnold, the manager, from one cafeteria to another.
Believing that Miss Arnold wished the union no good
and was employing every means to destroy their fight
for unionization of all the workers, the union members
put in a strong protest to the lawyer for CCS, stating that
they saw through this "trick," claiming it was an attempt
to segregate all union members in one cafeteria which
could easily be closed, liquidating at one stroke the
union's membership among CCS employes. They would
stand for no such underhand maneuvers, they declared,
while peaceful negotiations were supposed to be in prog-
ress. In a moment the CCS lawyer had Miss Arnold on
the 'phone. She explained that of the six workers trans-
ferred all were not union members and that several of
them had asked to be transferred. An investigation finally
revealed that of the six workers four wished to move to
the branch in question and two preferred not to, although
Miss Arnold gave logical causes for her wish to transfer
them. Similar disputes occurred throughout the winter.
By February most of the employes had become mem-
bers of the union. At first resentful of the union's meth-
ods of recruiting, CCS finally welcomed the drive, feeling
that unity among the workers was at least one step toward
a final solution. But when the strike was called off and
discussions got under way on the questions of wages,
hours and a closed shop, an agreement seemed impossible
because of the great difference in wages between those
demanded by the union and those offered by the CCS.
According to the co-op the union's demands for a wage
scale which it believes far above those in comparable pri-
vate enterprises would mean failure. Grounds for this
assertion were the results of a survey made by a commit-

FEBRUARY 1938

tee of three to compare wages in other similar cafeterias.
On the union side demands were made on the basis that
CCS was not comparable to other organizations and that
as the cost of living was rising a living wage must be paid
aside from whether the organization prospered or failed.

AT THIS, SOME OF THE COOPERATORS CLAIMED THAT THE COM-

munists in the union and even in the CCS membership
were attempting to overthrow and destroy the cooperative.
In response the union leaders swore at the cooperative
for red-baiting policies and tactics more vicious than those
of a private employer.

The Cooperative Crier, occasional organ of the CCS,
became a monthly, reporting from its side the meetings,
negotiations and disputes. It candidly and sadly noted the
falling off of membership, the bad service in the cafeterias,
evidences of intentional carelessness and the general un-
rest within the organization, causing a prospective loss
of unprecedented proportions for the fiscal year. As the
end of March and of the fiscal year drew near and busi-
ness continued unimproved, the expected deficit from
cafeteria operations for the year became more definite,
and agreement with the union's demands for wage in-
creases became more and more difficult. Negotiations
were still in progress at the beginning of May 1937 when
full figures for the fiscal year were made public showing
a loss of over $2000 from cafeteria operations, a figure
which was only wiped out by over $6000 income from
securities and other operations. The net profit of about
$4000 was the lowest in the seventeen years of CCS his-
tory. An offer of a wage raise totaling $4000 was made to
the union, but Local 302 countered with a demand for a
return to the 1933 wage scale, or a $3 raise for all the
workers — an increase of $18,500 — a closed shop, firing
only for cause, and hiring through Union Hall. A ma-
jority of the workers having become union members the
question of the closed shop was no longer in doubt, and
the other demands capable of being agreed upon. Only
the wage increase remained as the stumbling block. CCS
seriously considered closing up rather than running at a
loss if the union persisted in its demands. To solve this
difficulty it was agreed to appoint an arbitration commit-
tee of three whose judgment should be final. This com-
mittee, after hearing representatives of both sides, award-
ed various wage increases both for the future and to be
retroactive to May 1, totaling $12,000 for the coming year.
A contract signed in July also provided for hiring through
Union Hall with an agreement on firing for cause.

Since the resignation of Miss Arnold as manager —
against whom Local 302 and the insurgent CCS members
fanned up a flaming bitterness that for many overshad-
owed the union issue — the opposition party in the CCS
has subsided, and indeed has offered considerable assist-
ance to the new administration.

It is far too soon to predict the future of CCS under
the burden of its new wage scale. Yet its survival may
indicate the future trend of middle class co-op relations
with labor unions — now a pertinent question in many
places, notably at Madison, Wis., where a dairy co-op
organized by members of the university faculty is threat-
ened with failure as a result of wage increases granted to
an insistent union.

Can the CCS remain solvent, and at the same time pro-
vide better than ordinary commercial food and pay mini-
mum wages higher than those paid by the commercial

institution most comparable, the Childs' chain? CCS, by
the terms of the arbitration award, pays a minimum of
$17.20 for 40 hours; $20.64 for 48 hours— against Local
302's contract with Childs' for a minimum of only $15
for a 48-hour week.

It can overcome its deficits, in the opinion of most
members, only if there is henceforth a maximum of har-
mony and real team play.

DESPITE THEIR PECULIARITIES, CCS AND LOCAL 302 EMERGE
as almost typical of co-ops and unions in their relations
with each other. Both parties are in theory working to-
ward the same goal, which is a more just distribution of
wages and wealth for the average man. But however
friendly cooperatives and labor may be in theory there is
a basic divergence of interest in individual instances. A
co-op cannot be run for its employes as a favored group,
even when, as in CCS, most of them are members of the
co-op. Both co-ops and unions must realize that however
their interests at the moment collide, the best policy for
each is a compromise in which both interests are served.

The American Federation of Labor has for many years
sent its delegate to the congress of the Cooperative
League of America and even the Communist party, most
militant and competitive in spirit, recently officially spon-
sored the Farmer-Laborites in their platform supporting
cooperatives. With the growth of understanding of co-
operation in this country it is in fact becoming more gen-
erally realized that a raise in wages is only a part of what
is needed to better economic conditions of the workers.
The other and equally important part is the problem of
providing adequate real wages in the form of a reduced
cost of living. This latter is the claim of cooperation and
is demonstrated in many countries of the world. In earlier
times this fact and the importance of labor working with
and through cooperatives was probably better understood
than at present. Both movements grew up together and
in this country cooperative activity has often been ini-
tiated by labor organizations. Recently however both the
AF of L and the CIO have been too busy with their own
organizational problems to give any substantial support to
the co-operative movement, however much they may be-
lieve in the need for working along with it.

There are many examples of cooperatives acting as the
commissary for labor in times of strikes whether in the
impressive story of a relief ship sent to the striking Irish
dock workers by the British Cooperative Wholesale in
1913, or in the case of the striking seamen in 1936 being
provisioned by a small New York cooperative.

There have been many cases also of strikes against co-
operatives similar to that of Local 302, particularly in
England. There as in most of the other European coun-
tries cooperative employes are assumed to be union mem-
bers and one large union consists almost wholly of this
group. Although there is no regular organization for the
settling of grievances in all cooperative organizations,
there are many arbitration committees composed of both
employes and management. In America one finds cases
here and there of cooperatives with definite agreements
or even contracts with their unionized workers, but if we
are to avoid other harmful disturbances, such as occurred
in the strike against CCS, both labor and the cooperatives
will do well to learn from our European neighbors. We
may do well to forget our pride and profit by some of the
older European experience, including the Scandinavian.

SURVEY GRAPHIC

Ten Delusions in Need of Relief

HlKi- ARt LISTED TEN OF THE MOST COM-

mon delusions, followed by corrective
rebuttals, based in part upon an inter-
_: study of the entire case load of a
selected county in Wisconsin. The re-
sults of the study were checked and
verified with sample studies of cases
receiving public assistance in other
counties.

IThe continued need for a general
• relief program is entirely a matter
of unemployment (in some states the
program is called unemployment relief).
If there were sufficient job opportuni-
ties to go round we could close all relief
offices.

With the WPA providing employ-
ment for the bulk of employable relief
cases, the continuation of state and local
general relief programs can no longer
be explained completely or primarily
by unemployment. In this study general
relief cases were carefully analyzed to
determine the primary and most imme-
diate cause of dependency as well as the
contributory causes. In 59 percent of all
families the primary cause of depen-
dency was not current unemployment,
nor under-employment, nor any purely
economic factor. The causes in these
families were physical and mental dis-
ability and social maladjustment. Cases
of tuberculosis, paralysis, hernia, feeble-
mindedness, neglected children, unmar-
ried mothers, etc., were prevalent in this
group. The most immediate problem
was not the finding of a job.

In at least 61 percent of all families
there existed some serious case of phy-
sical or mental infirmity.

The normal breadwinners of 52 per-
cent of the families were deemed unem-
ployable, that is, incapable of perform-
ing a normal day's work. In 42 percent
of the families no member was fit for
employment.

The evidence is vast that even if in-
dices of business, production and em-
ployment should soar to previously un-
known heights, a significant proportion
of present relief cases would still need
public assistance.

'y III persons receiving relief are
**• unemployed and enjoy extended
leisure.

Unemployment is such a popular sub-
ject for oratory that it is surprising its
first cousins, under-employment and in-
sufficient earnings from full employ-
ment, are so badly neglected. But these
are at least as serious as total unemploy-
ment in their effect on the relief prob-

lem. Fully 70 percent of the employable
relief families studied had some sort of
income-producing work. Many families
had more than one member engaged in
gainful employment. Some are earning
the maximum possible in their cus-
tomary occupations.

There is the unskilled laborer in a
small community whose best earnings
under normal conditions are between
$60 and $70 a month; he has a wife
and eight children whose support costs
about $95 a month at a minimum de-
cency level.

There is the farmer cultivating poor
soil from dawn to nightfall, whose
problem has been complicated by the
droughts of 1934 and 1936. He is heav-
ily in debt. He can't make his poor land
yield sufficient to pay the interest on the
debt and keep his family.

There is the wage earner who is earn-
ing just enough to keep his family. Any
expensive emergency — illness in the fam-
ily, an operation — forces him to apply
for assistance. Very common is the man
who works intermittently, two or three
days a week, or two weeks and then a
temporary lay-off.

3 Persons receiving relief are charity
• wards depending entirely on the
public for support.

Investigation revealed that during the
month observed 27 percent of relief fam-
ilies received all their income from pub-
lic assistance; 73 percent received such
aid only in supplementation of income
derived from their own efforts. Exactly
half of the latter group were gainfully
employed on farms or in industry, the
other half obtaining income from main-
tenance of garden patches, help of rela-
tives or friends, woodcutting for fuel,
and so on.

Public assistance accounted for 64 per-
cent of the total income of general re-
lief* families; the rest was privately
obtained.

It is not uncommon for families on re-
lief rolls to be securing only medical
attention through the relief office. In
some cases the relief office supplies noth-
ing more than fuel or clothing.

In this connection it is interesting to
note that one fourth of all relief families
owned their own homes (as shabby and
unmarketable as some of them might
be) and about 47 percent owned some

'The general relief program accounted for 43
percent of the total income, the difference being
attributable to the fact that many other type* of
public assistance, such as old age assistance, aid
to dependent children, federal works program,
etc., enter the same households.

by HERMAN M. SOMERS

form of property. Their average in-
debtedness equaled about 66 percent of
the average value of their resources.

4 The same families remain continu-
• ally on relief.

This delusion persists despite the bar-
rels of ink which have been poured in
the last few years to demonstrate the
high rate of turnover in the relief popu-
lation. The study showed that 17 per-
cent of the cases receiving relief during '
September 1936 had never received relief
prior to that year. Another study of an
urban, normally prosperous, county in
Wisconsin indicates that almost half of
the entire population had received as-
sistance at some time between 1931 and
1936 inclusive. Many families in a tem-
porary emergency call upon a relief
agency and never reapply. Highly sea-
sonal industries throw many persons on
relief temporarily during lay-offs. Ex-
tended strikes may force a worker who
has never asked for help before, and
may never again, to apply for temporary
assistance.

5 The public assistance phases of the
• social security act — old age assis-
tance, aid to dependent children, aid to
the blind — have removed all unemploy-
ables from relief rolls.

Under delusion number 1 it was
pointed out that the economic heads of
52 percent of the families receiving re-
lief were unemployable. The definition
of employability used to reach that con-
clusion was generous. It included all
persons between the age of eighteen and
sixty-five who appeared available for
and able to work. Any tabulation un-
dertaken to indicate the reasonable like-
lihood of persons ever again procuring
gainful employment would show a
much lower proportion of employables.
For instance, 13 percent of the economic
heads of families recorded as employ-
able were between fifty-five and sixty-
five years of age, and many were un-
skilled laborers. About 34 percent of the
employable heads of families were over
forty-five years of age, and 16 per-
cent of this group were females. Con-
sidering modern business practice and
the surplus of labor, the effective oppor-
tunities for decent employment for this
group are small. An unskilled laborer
of fifty-five who has had only intermit-
tent employment during seven years of
depression has little chance in competi-
tion with the abundance of young men
clamoring at the doors of industry.

FEBRUARY 1938

There are, of course, many needy per-
sons over sixty-five years of age who
cannot be granted old age assistance be-
cause they fail to meet statutory require-
ments in such matters as citizenship or
residence.

6 The full operation of the state
• unemployment compensation pro-
grams recently enacted will substantially
terminate the need for relief.

Of the approximately 49 million gain-
ful workers in the nation it is estimated
that about 21 million are covered by the
present unemployment compensation
programs. Unemployment compensation
at present does not cover agricultural la-
bor, domestic servants, government em-
ployes, maritime workers, employes of
non-profit religious, charitable, scientific
or educational institutions. Of course,
the vast army of self-employed and the
unemployables cannot be covered. Obvi-
ously the man unemployed at present
and continuing unemployed is not aided
by the program.

The number of weeks of benefits an
unemployed worker may obtain is pro-
portionate to the weeks he previously
has been employed (usually within a
given period of time) and is limited in
most states to a maximum of sixteen
weeks. The amount of weekly compen-
sation the unemployed worker may ob-
tain is proportionate to his usual earn-
ings and limited generally to $15. Ob-
viously most workers will receive less
than the maximum of sixteen weeks or
$15 weekly. These limitations, among
others, assure the continued need for re-
lief despite unemployment compensa-
tion. The experience of England would
indicate that relief must complement
unemployment compensation.

7 Transfers from the relief rolls ac-
• count for the great increase in the
number of recipients of categorical aids
— old age assistance, aid to dependent
children, aid to the blind.

It was found that 59 percent of fami-
lies containing recipients of old age as-
sistance had never received any form of
public assistance prior to being granted
that type of aid. A similar survey in
another community containing several
private welfare agencies revealed that 53
percent of the recipients had never been
known previously to any private or pub-
lic welfare agency.

One aged man explained, "I needed
help for a long time, but I was too
ashamed to apply for relief because of
my neighbors and family, and I didn't
want a social worker prying into my
personal life every two weeks. But when
the pensions came along nobody seemed
to think there was anything wrong in
getting that; it was just a pension. I
also learned the social workers don't

bother you as often and I could get cash
instead of grocery orders. So I applied."
The data show that old age assistance
is expanding the public assistance base
by reaching into a level of the under-
privileged to which public assistance
was not available before. They also show
that standards of grants are more liberal
than for general relief. This is no con-
demnation of old age assistance, but
coming at a time when many needy
families are being denied relief because
of stringency of funds it does raise a
question regarding preferential treat-
ment to a special class because of the
availability of grants-in-aid.

8 The aged should represent an in-
• dependent unit for aid, isolated
from the rest of the family.

In most states old age assistance is
granted to individuals; other members
of the family, not specifically eligible
for this type of aid, may not be taken
into account. Yet when a member of a
needy family is granted old age as-
sistance the family problem must also
be met or his grant will only be spread
over the entire household. Many persons
eligible for old age assistance have de-
pendents under sixty-five years of age.
The dependents are supposed to be pro-
vided for by the relief department which
must be careful not to include the aged
person in its budget; Wisconsin law
prohibits any recipient of old age as-
sistance from receiving any other type
of public assistance except medical care.

The pension department must be
careful not to consider anyone in the
family other than its client. The relief
department must be careful not to in-
clude in its family budget anyone
granted old age assistance. Yet every-
where we are told that the family is
our basic social institution and that it
should be the unit for administering
assistance.

9 The volume of the case load is a
• reliable index of the need for relief
and of general economic conditions.

Every month public officials and pub-
licists inquire about the size of the case
load and amounts of relief grants. If
the case load has gone down, news-
papers hail the signs of increasing pros-
perity and reduction of need. If the load
goes up there is expression of bewilder-
ment regarding the paradox of a rising
load in the face of improved business
conditions. That the size of the load
and the amount spent are largely a re-
flection of administrative policy or the
amount of available funds is rarely made
clear.

During July a remarkable "improve-
ment" took place in about a dozen Wis-
consin counties which had precipitately
cut from relief rolls, because of scarcity

of funds, all families containing an em-
ployable member. During the next
month another four counties "improved"
because they abandoned the county sys-
tem of relief to return to town admin-
istration, almost always more parsimo-
nious. These counties were in rural
areas. During this same period Milwau-
kee County's load showed little change
because Milwaukee had consistently ob-
served decent standards.

"1 f\ The only requisites for social
L\J» worl^ are "common sense" (mean-
ing business acumen)>and a" good heart."

During the FERA days the demand
for trained case workers greatly ex-
ceeded the supply. Large numbers of
untrained and uneducated persons had
to be employed during the emergency.
It is generally correct to say that at that
time the persons being euphemistically
dubbed "social workers" were frequently
little more than grocery clerks writing
orders according to their gauge of the
need. The public, at that time in much
closer touch with the problem, observed
that the nature and quality of the per-
formance of such "social workers" varied
with their native intelligence and social
sympathies. Now the problem and con-
ditions have changed, but it is difficult
to make the public forget the past and
realize that social work involves more
than mere handouts to alleviate distress.
The study revealed that two thirds of
the families receiving relief contained
serious health or social problems requir-
ing case work; yet the therapeutic side
of the job, which involves skill and ex-
perience, is almost a complete blind spot
in the public mind. If a man is tempo-
rarily unemployed and the problem is
merely to help him financially to bridge
the gap until he obtains another job, a
grocery order or cash may be sufficient.
But if a man has incipient tuberculosis
which proper treatment will remedy; or
if personality difficulties have been caus-
ing the periodic desertion of a husband;
or if a wife is mentally unsuited to con-
ducting a household, the availability of
a grocery order is no solution. The
handling of such problems requires skill
and understanding of family relation-
ships, of the community, of human psy-
chology.

IN MOST PLACES THE RELIEF PROBLEM IS

reaching a stage of normality. It is a
mistake to appeal to the public or to
legislatures on an "emergency" or sim-
ple "unemployment" basis; it is not ac-
curate, and will, in the long run, prove
damaging.

Above all, the long range approach to
the problem must be taken. Public at-
tention must be focused upon the prob-
lems of prevention and rehabilitation.

Spanish -Americans in New Mexico

A Photographic Record of the Santa Cruz Valley
by IRVING RUSINOW

WHOLLY ENVIABLE THOI/GH IT MAY SEEM TO ARTIST, WRITER
and traveler, village life in the Rio Grande Valley has its
grimly realistic side. Old settlements of Spanish-American
people, left undisturbed by changing political fortunes,
retain their culture; their simple economy, also little al-
tered, h.is proved increasingly inadequate. Because so
many of these Spanish-speaking people living on the land
have become a fixture on the relief rolls, an interdepart-
mental committee was created last year by the Secretary of
the Interior and the Secretary of Agriculture to discover
ways that would offer permanent relief to these com-
munities.

The photographic record of the Santa Cruz Valley, made
by Irving Rusinow of Newark, N. J., and reproduced in
part on these pages, is an appealing section of the com-
mittee's report to the federal departments. Though the re-
port has not yet been released, an economic interpretation
which looks beneath these idyllic scenes can be gleaned
from papers by Eshref Shevky of the Soil Conservation
Service in the southwest region.

The Santa Cruz is a characteristic segment, twenty
miles in length, of the upper Rio Grande area north of
Santa Fe. There are about 800 families (3900 people),
most of whom own land varying from half an acre to

eight acres. About 100 of the families are landless. For
farm work and food the people need the 1400 cattle and
horses, 3000 sheep and goats owned in the region, yet if
the range resources hitherto available to them were used
conservatively, only a third of that number could be taken
care of. It is estimated that such overuse of the land for
grazing has caused the destruction of half the cultivated
land.

Though an adobe home can be built without money
there is a persistent need for cash — about $250 a year for
a family of five. Since 1880 these people have sought to
supplement their living on the land with wage work, of
late years increasingly hard to find. Chili is the basis for
credit at the village store for most families, though mer-
chandise thus obtained is subject to a 10 percent mark-up,
and little cash changes hands when accounts are settled
at harvest time. The handicraft of the region, the famous
Chimayo blanket, is controlled by a few large dealers who
supply the raw materials, limit production and set prices.
It offers work to about 125 weavers. According to Mr.
Shevky if a program of rehabilitation is to be undertaken,
it must be conceived in terms of the total economy of the
area; new resources must be developed, the techniques of
land use improved. — F. L. K.

Shelters for the farm animals are usually of lumber

while houses are of adobe, which is both cooler and warmer than wood

Alfalfa for the live stock, used as a rotation crop with chili —

and wheat, grown for home consumption and largely hand-processed

Children do their share of the farm work —
and the old sit contentedly in the sun

The Church is an important part of village life

Adobe mud mixed with straw makes a good plaster

Under Vega by THOMAS WOOD STEVENS

ALONG THE ROAD THAT PASSED THE MILL THEY FOUND

The crone just starting homeward with her flour.

They picked her up. "It's getting late," she said.

"You may as well stay here. You'll never find

Your way back in the dark." And so they stayed,

Sleeping beneath their blankets in a house

With the roof gone, the swarming sky above.

When morning came, John foraged for some wood

To cook a breakfast, down among the ruins,

And in the rubbish he picked up a slab

Of ancient oak; he was about to split

The panel — tapped it to knock off the dust —

And saw that it was painted. Absently

He brushed it off. The weathered painting still

Showed clear: a giant wading through a stream

With Christ a child upon his mighty shoulders.

John took it in the house and set it up.

The old crone came in cackling, just to see

If they'd had what they'd need for breakfast. "So,"

She crowed, "you've found one. What they call a santos.

I used to burn no end of them for firewood,

But now T save 'em. There's a man from town

Will give a quarter for "em." April came

And reverently cleaned the face of it.

"Saint Christopher — the saint of travelers,"

She said, "He's not for sale. We might be wise

To pray his intercession." "Cath'lic trash,"

The old crone answered. "But I never seen

One just like this. It might be worth a dollar.

You'd better sell." "Not while we're travelers,"

And April stowed the panel in the car.

They started when the sun was high, but lost

The road and wandered miles, it seemed,

Beneath the pines, until they came again

To what had been, in other years, a town;

Not like the others; first a square of stonework,

Eyeless and roofless, and above the door,

Cut in the lintel, the word "Bank." And on,

Upward the gulch, were false-front wooden stores

Deserted. Then a crushing mill, its slant

Of iron roof one slant of rust; inside,

A rusted huddle of great iron wheels,

And tanks for cyanide all rusted out;

Above, the open shaft mouth and an ore dump;

Here was a mine — a gold mine — all abandoned.

John stopped the car. This thing must be explored.

He clambered up the ore dump to the mouth

Of the dark shaft. Then from the trail below

A passer-by in greasy overalls

Hailed him. "You'd better not go in. She's cavin';

Old timberin' is rotted down. 'Taint safe."

The man went on. John could not leave the place.

They camped that night beside the ghost-town bank,

And April set Saint Christopher beside

The tent flap; they had never thought till then

That they were travelers and might need a saint

To be their guardian. Before they went

To sleep, from a long stillness April spoke.

"She must be crazy." "Who?" "That rancher's wife

Who said she couldn't stand it here." They lay

On the hard ground and let their minds run back

Richer in experience if nothing else John and April, two young census
bureau clerks from Washington, end their trek across country in this
third and concluding section of Mr. Stevens' poem which began in the
December Survey Graphic.

Along the year. Somehow the film broke off
At Ratoon pass. The films from farther east
Would never flicker on these older walls,
These simpler, warmer, mud-built walls and stone.
Yes, they were travelers. Saint Christopher
Looked down on them with gentle painted eyes,
And blessed them, more than likely, as they slept.

CYBELE, THE EARTH, LIES ARMORED AND MAILED

Afar in the east, in the cities,
And her children are hard and their spirits are scaled

With sequins to smother their pities,
And our Mother, the Earth, is ashamed of a race
That never takes joy to be seeing her face.

Cybele, the Earth, in the Middlewest
Is fat and she goes in a garment of green,

And her hills are as smooth as a rounded breast,
And in autumn she walks like a gilded queen,

And even in winter she wears the snows

Softer than ermine wherever she goes.

But here she is naked and lean and the sun
Will be burning, the winds will be blowing her hair,

And the granite grace of her skeleton
Will be showing through where her shoulder's bare,

And her brows are forbidding, her dreaming eyes

Are gazing above where the eagle flies.

Our Mother, the Earth, in the Sangre de Cristo
Is a passionate sorceress luring the stars,

And the stars have come down in the Sangre de Cristo
And their kisses have marked her with mystical scars.

And either you love her, body and bone,

Or you hate her and leave her . . . dreaming alone.

"THE TROUBLE is," JOHN SAID, "THIS PROSPECTING

Has a technique, a trick, and we don't know it.

We'd better get a book." In Albuquerque

They found a store, "BOOKS, New and Second Hand,"

But money was by that time almost gone,

And they proposed a trade. You never get

Your value for a book in trade, and theirs

Were books of verse — the hardest books to sell —

The hardest too to part with. Keats and Shelley

Went for a volume titled "Placer Mining,

A Guide for Prospectors." No easy trade,

But when the devil drives, needs must. They might

Have made a better deal if they would sell

Saint Christopher, but April flat refused;

He might bring luck, and luck is what you need

In prospecting. She spent a half a day

There in the Public Library, reading up,

While John put in his time along the streets,

Hearing a parcel of tall western tales

Of long lost mines and strikes in far off gulches,

And knowing all the while the tales were lies,

For in that year there was no end of talk

Of gold and silver, turquoise, lead and mica,

And how the teller always knew a man

Who knew another man who found his fortune,

Although he never knew just how, or where.

But in the stories came and came again

The ranges to the south — San Andres Mountains.

100

SURVEY GRAPHIC

TIIIV \VINT WITH GETCH BECAUSE GETCH WAS A MINER;

(icti'h went with them because they had a Ford,

Ami he had traded his old horse for gruli,

NYu l>oots and shotgun shells and blankets,

And had no other way to pack his stuff

From Hot Springs over to San Andres Mountains.

h did not talk much on the way across;
.<; the curve where the road spanned the dam,

•i only said, "There's water here. The trouble
In the San Andres is there ain't none there.
These mountains, they don't seem to hold no snow."
(ictch was no optimist, to hear him tell it,
And yet the trade he followed was sheer hope.

orse, now, you can turn him loose. He'll find
The waii-r. This here car — you have to find it.
It's hell — but this is what we've got. At that,
I have a mind to look them gulches over."

>>ss a flat of clean white sand that turned
To blue where the long shadows fell, they saw,
Ck)Kl red and laced with opaque purple gorges,
The range of the San Andres. And the trail
Grew rougher; the last tracks ran out;
They camped beside an oozing spring, put up
The tent, and then Getch took command. "From here,"
He said, "we'll pack our pans. You'll be all right
1 lere in the camp, and, Missus, we'll go up
Ami squint these gulches till we find some color."

;>ril waited, and they went. To John
At first the pack seemed light enough.. He followed,
And tried to bring to mind the smattering
Of such geology as he had learned
In school, and the pat phrases of the "Guide
For Prospectors" — but all the time he felt
Old Getch, the desert rat, would smell out gold
Before he could apply the recipe,
(Forgetting that old Getch had sold his horse
For grub enough to make just one more try).
But Getch was blind to seams and faults and gravel,
And only bent on finding in some gully
Water enough to fill his pan. And when
They found a pool, Getch came alive and spun
The gravel, sending John to climb the slopes
And bring in samples. So three days went by,
Three lonesome nights, and cold, for all the fires
They heaped before they went to sleep. And John

night looked up and found the Lyre, and thought
Of April back there in the tent alone.

On the fourth day, Getch found one yellow grain,

And cursed a while, and then sat down and looked

Across the pan at John. His pale blue eyes

Were blank and quite expressionless.

He sat and thought, and looked down on the valley,

Ami thought some more, his rough hands very still.

"This gulch," he said at last, "has water in it,

And it might yield six bits a day. We'll stop

And pan a little here before we go

On up the mountains. You go back to camp

And tell your Missus. Yes, and take her this."

He wrapped the grain of gold in some tinfoil

He tore from a tobacco packet. "Lookec,

Ye needn't hurry. I'll be here all right.

But fetch up all the grub ye can." John took

The precious grain and set off down the gulch.

It was next day at noon when he found April,
And sat with her, and passed the yellow grain
From hand to hand. Six bits a day, old Getch
Had said; but then, Getch was no optimist.
And if there were six bits, why not a million?

FEBRUARY 1938

The book said — but why trust the book when they

Had Getch himself, a seasoned prospector,

For partner? "Curious," April mused, "we take

His word, we trust — " "But he found gold," John urged,

And had a twinge of conscience — he had left

Her there alone — no wonder she was not

So fired with hope and confidence as he.

He started back, and it was nearly night

When he approached their gulch, and saw the smoke

Of Getch's campfire. Just below the tall

Red rock that marked the opening of the gulch,

He found three horses tethered, their backs marked

With sweat from heavy packs. John came around

The rock. Old Getch sat still, his shotgun laid

Across his knees. Another man, a short,

Squat man, was at the pool. "Don't come no further,"

Getch challenged sternly. "This here claim is staked —

Due form of law. And stranger, you stop there,

Right where ye be." The short, squat man stood up

And moved to stand by Getch. John laughed and dropped

His pack. "All right, but you will have to come

And get the victuals, partner." "We'll do that,"

The short man answered, "jest you leave 'em there."

Old Getch leaned over and spat out his quid,

And said, "You better go. I never said

That me and you was pardners. My old pardner.

He's here with me to hold this claim." He stood

And John could see his new boots were in shreds

About his feet. And then John saw a light.

He made no threats. He just said, "Damn your soul,"

For form's sake, and went down the trail,

And in the dawn he sighted April's tent.

She only said, "I had my doubts of him,"

And took John in her arms. The Ford had gas

Enough to take them to the dam again.

They bought two gallons at the fishing tavern

And landed at Hot Springs with ninety cents,

And with some first hand information on

The subject, general and particular,

Of placer mining, not in any book.

THERE'S GOLD IN THE HILLS: ANY FOOL CAN FIND IT,

But what does it pay for his labor and pain?
Some corporation will come and grind it,
Some soulless cartel with cyanide
Will muscle in and the fool can ride
Off to the glimmering hills again.

So if you were born with more hope than sense,
And can live on a gleam and a side of bacon,
Load up your mule (at your own expense)

And tighten your belt, and when you're athirst
You can suck at a cactus, and know that the worst
Is still to come and the best forsaken.

But your job is as lucky as mine, my lad,

It has the seal of Apollo upon it;
You'll be combing the golden gulches like mad,

And I will be hammering bolts to be hurled
In a crazy design to be lashing the world
With the futile sting in the tail of a sonnet.

THE HUSKY DANE WHO PACKED THE PATIENTS IN

The mud at the Excelsior Baths was down

With rheumatism, and John got his job,

And the first patient that he had to pack

Was Jesus M. Delgado with arthritis.

John could not know, with Jesus groaning there

In the warm mud, and trying as he might

To keep his gray moustache from being daubed,

101

That he was lord ot ranges wider than

The state of Delaware, and that his word

Was law to men who watched ten thousand sheep;

John only knew he tipped him fifty cents,

And so he rated lower in John's scale

Than the El Paso bird who tipped a dollar.

When in three weeks the husky Dane came back,

They had a grubstake, and a line, red hot,

Upon the gold in the Mogollon Mountains.

To north and westward, on a two-rut road,

They worked away from the slow Rio Grande,

And upward on the mesas where the flowers

Upon the spidery ocatillos flamed

With rose-red petals against rust-red earth,

And higher, where the tortured lava flow,

All black and brittle, broke along the hills,

And upward still to where they saw the snows

Of the Mogollons. There each gully seemed,

Until they panned their samples, the trail's end.

At last they found some color in the pan,

And stopped, and set the tent and made a camp.

The wash that day (there was a spring not far

Where they could get fresh water), yielded up

Three grains of gold, the largest not so big

As half a wheat grain, but they welcomed it

With shouts as though it were Dame Fortune's nugget.

And when dark fell, they lay and watched the stars.

They found bright Vega, but she seemed to them

Like a queen bee surrounded by her swarm,

And all the constellations in this air,

So clear and dustless, seemed to have come down

Nearer and million-fold more intimate.

This night a year ago, they lay beneath

The trees and looked up at the sky:

They were the same, and love was still the same,

And yet within them was a change like that

In the cold fires above them. For their life

Was fuller as this sky was fuller now

Than it had been. They had come far. They had

Three grains of gold. And as their minds ran back

Along the year, they knew these grains of gold

For what they really were.

Next morning, John set up his stakes

And wrote his notices and tacked them up,

And they broke camp and headed down the gulch

To register their claim. The way was rough

And they were not so watchful now. They'd come

To the trail's end. They waited for a flock,

An endless flock it seemed, of pouring sheep

Slow driven to the upper mountain pastures;

And they looked back to see the shepherds close,

Wary and patient, lest the flock should break

At the loud rattle of the Ford — looked back

A moment — -and the car's wheels bumped and veered

And in a slithering crash went down a draw,

And staggered, and turned over, and lay still.

When John came to, he found a million sheep
A-march and menacing before his eyes
That could not be quite sure if they were sheep
Or stabbing shapes of pain. He was enmeshed,
Pinioned beneath the broken car. His sight
Grew clearer, and he dragged himself, with one
Slow surge of all his strength, from out the wreck.
April lay still, her left arm twisted strangely
Beneath her head, and blood along the arm.
John shook with a dull sobbing, called to her,
And tried to rise and reach her; heard a shout,
Looked up, and saw on horseback on the ridge

102

A man, who touched his horse's side with spurs,

And came. A man who seemed, there on the horse,

Just what he was, the lord of a great range,

And after him, four shepherds ran along

To take his bidding. As the man dismounted

John knew he was no stranger, this great man,

With gray moustache, and rich and kindly voice.

The shepherds lifted John and let him feel

His weight upon his legs. Yes, he could stand.

The master of the cordon went to April,

And gently straightened out the broken arm,

And laid her head back, and with his sombrero

Fanned her white face until her eyelids fluttered.

He turned with sharp authority to one,

The oldest of the shepherds, and gave orders

Swiftly and low, in Spanish. Then to John

He spoke in English. "She's not hurt, I think,

Except the broken arm. My man can make

A splint to hold it till I get a doctor."

And to the shepherd, one more word of haste.

The shepherd bowed and said, "Si, Don Jesus."

Swiftly the shepherd cut and split and whittled

A piece of soft white yucca wood, and gently

Pulled the arm straight and bound it. April lay

And followed with her glance his surgery,

And set her lips, and when the man stood up

She smiled and whispered, "Gracias, Senor,"

And with the words she made a friend for life,

Though speaking them had taken all her Spanish,

Of Tranquillino, the head Caporal.

A wagon came. Don Jesus gave directions.

They lifted April and spread all the blankets

And put the half rolled tent beneath her head,

And Tranquillino made a sort of sling

To keep the arm from jolting. Don Jesus

Then turned to John. "I send you to the ranch.

A doctor will come soon. Care will be taken

Of her. And you. My Caporal will see

That you want nothing." Then he paused and smiled.

"Nothing, I mean, that my poor house can furnish.

I saw you once before — remember you.

You were not doing what you might have wished,

But better luck hereafter." At his elbow

A man brought up his horse. Don Jesus mounted.

"I must go on. My flocks are moving up,

And it's an anxious time with us." He wheeled

And lifted his sombrero in salute

To April where she lay, said "Adios,"

And rode away, his shepherds at his heels.

WHAT DO you SEE, SHEPHERD PABLO,

Nights, when the sheep move slow?
See stars and maybe a wolf's green eye

Catch fire from my fire glow.

And do you not fear, Shepherd Pablo,

In the hills where the wolves run free?
I have no need for to be afraid —

Patron, he look after me.

And what do you think, Shepherd Pablo?

You surely must have some idea — (
Maybe next month I go off the range

On Sunday, and walk with Maria.

And what do you want, Shepherd Pablo,

And what is life's meaning to you?
I want for no hombre come talking at me —

One man not so lonesome as two.

SURVEY GRAPHIC

When you lie on your back, Shepherd Pablo,

Looking up so, what do you see?
See Patron look after the stars himself;

He leave the sheep to me.

ABOUT THE RANCHO THINGS WERE ALWAYS DONE

;cy had always been. No need for change.
Old Roybalita always baked her bread
In a clay oven; always cooked the beans
With chili as her mother must have done;

i on a feast day always served roast kid.
They set themselves to learn some Spanish

1 the old woman humored April with it,
Chuckling and grunting over her mistakes.
John persevered to make himself of use,
And Tranquillino, grudgingly at first,
Accepted him as one more pair of hands.
The word came down to fence the breeding pastures
And make them larger, for the count was good,
And new corrals for lambs. "You make good fence,"
Was Tranquillino's pristine approbation,
Passed on, in English, by a grave-eyed boy
Who had attached himself to John to learn
More English. Then a funeral group came in
With a dead man who had been killed by lightning,
And John went up the range with Tranquillino
To count the flock and give them into charge
( )l a new Caporal. John made the count
Twelve hundred seven, Tranquillino found
Twelve hundred four — and all to do again.
But John was right, and the old foreman glowered
Until they reached the ranch. "You make good count,"
He said at last and smiled a little, kindly.

That night they talked, and the dark boy translated,

With April sitting by — good chance to learn

When the translation followed on the words.

"You, Scnor John," he said, "will never get

To be a sheep herd. No. You think not right

For watching flock. You'll never learn. You'll think

The sheep they think what no sheep ever thinks.

You never can be slow enough. You have

No head for work with flock. But I like you

And like Senora. Do not wish discourage.

You make good count, and that is mos' important.

You can't be sheep herd. . . . You might be patron."

John thanked him with much courtesy for these

Kind words, regretting inabilities;

And Tranquillino bowed. "So we be friends.

I never meant to be discourage', but

A man must say the truth. What sort of work

You do before you come here?" "Counted people,

Once, for the government." "I see. That's good.

Our patron, he is government. He go,

In winter, far, to Washington. (Jo soon.

For Congress. But he mainly go in winter.

Vcr' good to work for government. I thought —

Beg you forgive — you might be prospector."

And Tranquillino's face went cold and hard.

"You don't like prospectors?" "Not quite so well

As I like wolves. One prospector will steal

More sheep than a whole family of wolves.

They kill for nothing — just to cut one chop.

ihey are bad." "Not all of them," said April.
"You ever know one good?" They thought of Getch,
The only one they knew, and dropped the matter.
'I find gold once," the Caporal went on,
"Big piece, wire gold, like lizard made of gold.
Take him to town. Man give me twenty dollar.
What I remember mos', I wake in jail
And my head very sore. Now, I find gold,

I give him Roybalita for to keep

In old tobacco bag. She think some day

She spend tor masses for which one of us

Die first. That way, maybe, gold not so bad.

But people don' need gold. Need meat and wool,

Need food and clothes. It's better we tend sheep.

Look here. You stay five year. You learn to be

One good patron. You make straight fence. You count.

When you arc older, men will work for you.

Then you file homestead. ... I would work for you,

If my patron not want me any more."

And April, without waiting for the boy,

In her best Spanish told old Tranquillino,

"You are one good man, and one man most wise.

I pray to God to spare Don Jesus long,

But if you leave this house, you come to us."

"Senora, gracias," Tranquillino said,

And stood, and made a bow that was a pledge

Of faith as long as he should live, as if

The intervening chances of the years

Were nothing, and the work to do that night.

You COUNTED THE PEOPLE, AND NEVER KNEW

What the people were like that you counted,
And the old died off and the children grew
To put you out as your totals mounted.

And once you were anxiously counting your money,
And when it was gone, the anxious hours;

But now you'll be measuring mountain honey
Your own bees store from the mountain flowers.

Now you'll harden your hands on the pick and shovel,
And you'll break your backs till you prove your claim,

And you'll live at first in a canvas hovel.
For the proving up is a difficult game.

And you'll puddle your mud and you'll count your bricks
As they bake in the sun, and you'll build you a house,

And to hell with these corrugated tricks —
You'll roof it with earth upon cedar boughs.

And you'll lay a fire on your own hearthstone,
And you'll kindle it with a useless book;

And you won't be sitting before it alone,
For a friend will come with a shepherd's crook

And bring you a santos to hang above —

A San Ysidro, saint of the sod,
To guard your flocks and guard your love

And to intercede when you go to God.

And you'll count your sheep on your grazing land
(For the wolves will get some, and the rot a few)

Rut the spring will your losses countermand
When the ewes drop one or the ewes drop two.

And your children will gather about your fire
And sing in the twilight, a shrill quartet,

And the wind will blow from your chimney spire
The pinon smell (hat you can't forget.

And when the work of the day is done
You will go out and be counting the stars,

And the night will murmur with brooks that run,
And your shepherds strumming their old guitars.

And the constellations will keep their round

And Vega burn and the years run on:
And what could I wish you you haven't found :

So hail and farewell to you, April and John.

FEBRUARY 1938

103

Regulating Labor Unions

by LISBETH PARROTT

The British trade disputes act, often quoted — and misquoted — by
American exponents of strict regulation of labor unions, interpreted in
the light of British labor's experience during the ten years since its
enactment after the General Strike.

A LOT OF AMERICANS, DISMAYED BY RECENT LABOR MILI-
tancy, are urging "control" of the unions. Many suggest
legislation along the lines of the British trade disputes and
trade unions act of 1927, as a "remedy" for sit-down strikes
and mass picketing in this country.

But a study of the act will show that this argument
rests on misunderstanding as to the purpose, character
and the effects of the British statute. It is widely believed
in this country that the law fixes responsibility on trade
unions for damages incurred in industrial disputes; that
it outlaws sympathetic strikes; that it requires unions to
incorporate and publish financial statements; that it pro-
vides for compulsory arbitration; that the trade disputes
act, which came as a dramatic gesture on the part of the
government after the General Strike of 1926, put the
trade unions under strict governmental supervision.

Britishers are amazed at this interpretation of the law.
On a recent trip to England I found general agreement
among the many to whom I showed American newspaper
clippings on the subject, that American enthusiasts have
"missed the point" of the act.

It must be borne in mind that British labor legislation,
with the exception of the trade disputes act of 1927, has
followed a continuous policy of gradual liberation of the
trade unions from common law restrictions; and that the
government not only is not hostile to the trade union
movement, but even encourages workers to organize.

Sir Henry Walker, H.M. Chief Inspector of Mines, in
his report to Parliament (1937) on the Gresford Colliery
disaster when 265 miners lost their lives, said: "I am
of the opinion that all persons working underground in
a mine should be members of a trade union and, for their
own satisfaction, should take advantage of the provisions
of Section 16 of the coal mines act, 1911, and have inspec-
tions made at intervals of not more than three months."
He said further that evidence had shown that the men
were working hours that were longer than permitted by
law, and that it was up to the men and their unions to
see that this sort of thing did not happen.

In a debate in Parliament on May 4, 1937, the Con-
servative prime minister, Stanley Baldwin, said:

What is the alternative to collective bargaining? There is
none except anarchy. . . . Another alternative is force, but
we may rule out force in this country and I would lay it
down that so long as the industrial system remains as it is,
collective bargaining is the right thing. I have no doubt about
that, and yet we all know in our heart of hearts that it may
be a clumsy method of settling disputes and that the last
word has not been spoken. Some day when we are all fit for
a democracy we shall not need these aids, but certainly for
my part, and for as long as I can see ahead, unless there is
that change in human nature which we are always hoping
for, collective bargaining will be a necessity.

Even under the 1927 trade disputes act, the standing of
unions in Great Britain is far more secure than in
America. For example, for thirty years Britain's trade
unions have been free from liability to suit for damages
occurring in the furtherance of a trade dispute within the
industry, or in a sympathetic strike unless the strike is
designed to coerce the government either directly or indi-
rectly. An important characteristic of the whole British
labor law is that it allows wide latitude for a fair fight
between employe and employer in a trade dispute. Ma-
chinery for conciliation and arbitration is readily available
in many industries, but there is no compulsion on either
side to use it.

The act of 1927 is admittedly vague in character. Its
enactment followed close upon the heels of the General
Strike in which the British labor movement, rallying to
the aid of the striking coal miners, suffered a crushing
defeat. Labor's position was that the strike was "a purely
industrial dispute called to bring pressure to bear upon
the government by perfectly lawful and constitutional
means, to bring about a just settlement of die miners'
grievances."

The government, however, saw it as an attack on con-
stitutional rule and parliamentary democracy; that while
such an attack was perhaps not intended, the inevitable
result of a large scale class movement would be to set up
a rival authority to the state. The trade disputes and trade
unions act seemed to have two purposes: to prevent a
recurrence of a general strike and to check the political
development of the trade union movement.

The Provisions of Britain's Act

AMONG THE PROVISIONS OF THE ACT WERE THE FOLLOWING
points :

1. Both strikes and lockouts are declared illegal if they
have any object other than or in addition to the further-
ance of a trade dispute within the industry in which the
strikers are engaged and if they are designed to coerce
the government directly or by inflicting hardship on the
community. Both these conditions must exist before there
can be any illegality or any question of liability upon
trade union funds. Both trade unions and employers are
made liable for damages incurred in illegal strikes or
lockouts.

2. Persons refusing to take part in illegal strikes or
lockouts are protected against reprisals.

3. Even if they are acting in furtherance of a lawful
trade dispute, persons are prohibited from picketing in
such manner as "to be calculated to intimidate any per-
son"— intimidation meaning to cause a "reasonable appre-
hension of injury either to persons or property."

4. Only those members who in writing agree to con-

104

SURVEY GRAPHIC

tribute to the political fund of the union may be assessed
for this purpose; the political fund of the union must be
kept separate from other funds. This is the famous "con-
tracting-in" clause.

5. Civil servants are prohibited from belonging to any
ir.uk unions except unions made up exclusively of ser-
vants of the Crown, and not having political objects or
party affiliations. But this does not include manual work-
ers in state employment, or any workers in local govern-
ment services, or in the employment of statutory public
corporations such as the Central Electricity Board or the
London Passenger Transport Board.

6. Local and other public authorities may not make it
a condition of employment that any person shall be, or
shall not be, a member of a trade union; nor may they
make it a condition of any contract; punitive action
may be taken against individuals employed by local or
public authorities for breaking contracts if in so doing
they endanger the safety or cause grave inconvenience to
the community.

7. The attorney-general may apply for an injunction
restraining use of the funds of a trade union in contra-
vention of provisions of section one.

Just what does this law mean? Some parts of it have
never been clearly interpreted. For example, the section
on picketing has been invoked a few times in cases of
alleged intimidation, but it has not been widely applied.
Authorities agree that it is vague and wide open to pos-
sible hostile interpretations. As one Britisher pointed out
to me, a blackleg (scab) could complain, under this act, that
his house is being picketed "to put the fear of God into
him," and the trade union could not prove otherwise since
the "apprehension" need exist only in an individual's mind.

There is general agreement that the law did not take
away the immunity from suit for damages occurring in
a "legal" trade dispute which had been granted the trade
unions in 1906:

An action against a trade union, whether of workmen or
masters, or against any member or officials thereof on behalf
of themselves and all other members of the trade union with
respect of any tortious act alleged to have been committed by
or on behalf of the trade unions, shall not be entertained by
any court. . . . Nothing in this section shall affect the liabil-
ity of the trustees of a trade union to be sued in the events
provided for by the trades union act, 1871, section 9, except
in respect of any tortious act committed by or on behalf of
the union in contemplation or in furtherance of a trade
dispute.

This measure of immunity had been bitterly attacked
by some observers. Nevertheless it was not retracted in
1927, even by a government which thought it had cause
to fear the working class. Arthur Henderson, Labour
member, with whom I talked in the historic halls of
Parliament, said that there had been little complaint that
la!x>r had abused its privilege of immunity. He also said
— just to be sure the point was clear — that exemptions
troin suit are only in respect of actions in contemplation
or furtherance of a lawful trade dispute. "If a trade
union's paper should libel me, or if a trade union's auto-
mobile should run over a child in the street, the union
would be liable to suit, just as any corporate body, if it
is registered."

Registration was not enforced on the unions by the
1927 act, but was granted as a privilege in 1871 to give
them a quasi-corporate status, by which they gained the

FEBRUARY 1938

right to own property and to sue; it also enables them to
be sued, not only under the provisions of the 1927 act,
but under the general law. Registration is voluntary, but
unions representing about 80 percent of trade union mem-
bership have chosen to register.

One of the obligations of registration is that the unions
must file with the chief registrar of Friendly Societies
an annual financial statement. While these statements are
not made public in detail, copies might easily fall into the
hands of the employing class through the defection of a
trade unionist, for they are available to members. How-
ever, British unions are less suspicious than American
labor groups. There is seldom the bitter antagonism be-
tween unions and employers in England that we know in
this country, or the grim determination to fight to a finish.

Ten Years Under the Act

It WILL BE RECALLED THAT THE TRADE DISPUTES ACT OF 1927

met with vehement denunciation from labor. To learn
something about how trade unionism has lived for the
past ten years under this "iniquitous law," was one of the
purposes of my visit to England. I was fortunate in meet-
ing informed people who were cordial about talking with
an American who had a lively interest in British affairs.
But as a topic, laws on trade unionism seemed slightly
tame. They would have preferred to talk about the cur-
rent discontent in the ranks of the labor movement, the
red-baiting activities of some of the present leaders, the
desire of the rank-and-file groups for an outright class
struggle rather than a compromise with capital, and
whether the Labour party is still socialistic in principle.

These are some of the issues that inject themselves into
nearly every conversation when a visitor to England
shows an interest in labor problems. At Transport House,
set in secluded Smith Square, "far from the madding
crowd," I talked with trade unionists who believed that
on the whole the trade disputes act had done little harm
to the movement.

They showed me a report just assembled by the research
department of the general council, Trades Union Con-
gress, which declared that "it is not at all easy to gauge
the consequences of the 1927 act in detail as it may well
be that some of the provisions exercise a preventive effect
which, of course, cannot be measured. Broadly speaking,
however, it can be said that the only provisions that so
far have seriously affected the labor movement have
been those relating to the Political Fund, and those relat-
ing to Civil Servants."

The report then points out that the affiliation fees of
the trade unions supplied to the Labour party were
£44,000 in 1926, and only £33,000 in 1933, the drop being
due chiefly to provisions of the 1927 act regarding "con-
tracting-in." Local Labour parties also lost revenues for
the same reason. The report went on to say: "Financially,
therefore, the 1927 act dealt a considerable blow at the
Labour party, but, on the other hand, this is a disability
that will steadily diminish as it is customary in most unions
for new recruits to sign a contracting-in form at the same
time that they sign their admission form to the union."

The Civil Servants lost to the allied trade union move-
ment include the Union of Post Office Workers with
85,000 members, the Civil Service Clerical Association
with 19,000 members, and the Post Office Engineering
Union with 18,000 members.

The report further states:

105

Provisions regarding picketing and intimidation have, in
a number of instances, made it a little more difficult for
unions to carry on strikes effectively. This interference has
not been important, but it has meant that individual strikers
have from time to time been fined or imprisoned for con-
travening the new provisions. . . .

Since 1927 there has arisen no case of an illegal strike, so
this main provision of the 1927 act has not yet had occasion
to be brought into operation.

Nicholas Murray Butler, president of Columbia Uni-
versity, in his Labor Day address last fall, said that "al-
though the enactment of the statute was strongly opposed
by the Labour party in the House of Commons, it has
been neither repealed nor amended during the ten years
following its enactment, although the Labour party has
been in control of the government for part of the time."

Dr. Butler, in arguing that such a law would be a
Magna Carta for American workers, neglects to mention
the unsuccessful effort of the Labour government in 1930
to amend the act, a failure due to the fact that Prime
Minister MacDonald had only a plurality in the House
of Commons and could not effect a compromise amend-
ment acceptable to both Labour and the Liberals whose
vote was needed for a majority. Nor does Dr. Butler take
into consideration Labour's attitude toward the law.
Every Trades Union Congress since 1927 has denounced
the act and resolved to repeal it as soon as possible. J. C.
Little of the Amalgamated Engineering Union told the
1934 Trades Union Congress, "We are simply living in a
fool's paradise because the act has never operated against
us. When they care to exercise their authority under that
act, the possibility is that we will get a bit of a fright, and
it is for that reason my union and I are insisting on this
matter being kept in the forefront of the demands of
Labour."

Harold Laski of the London School of Economics, who
is a social philosopher as well as a penetrating student of
modern affairs, sees implications in the situations that
trade unionists are not taking very seriously. He believes
that the law has had a powerful psychological effect on
the unions, an effect more pre-natal than post-natal, as he
describes it, and that it has served to hedge in and re-
strict the labor movement in more ways than labor real-
izes. He sees it as a vicious act of a contracting capitalism
with leanings toward fascism, a capitalism on the defen-
sive because it was shaking in its boots. Such a law, he
observes, would be extremely useful to a capitalist gov-
ernment threatened by an unruly labor movement with a
different political philosophy. Mr. Laski holds that the
important part of the law is that which makes strikes ille-
gal if they are designed to "coerce the government either
directly or by inflicting hardship upon the community."
He sees this as a measure reserved by the government for
use in a crisis, particularly one in which the system might
be threatened.

The Lesson From British Experience

IT MAY BE THAT THE TRADE DISPUTES AND TRADE UNIONS ACT,

which Ernest Bevins calls "more of an insult than an
injury," has been partly responsible for the conservative
policies of the labor movement's leaders. It is true that
the past decade has been one of cooperation with the
powers-that-be. But with a depression, a depleted treasury
following the General Strike, and a heavy indebtedness
to the co-ops, trade unionism has not been in a position
financially to enter into any large scale labor disputes.

106

There are, however, groups who believe that the heads
of the movement at present are so anxious to get along
with those in power that they will take peace at almost
any price. Such observers as G. D. H. Cole, Oxford pro-
fessor and historian of the labor movement, believe that
if leadership for an insurgent movement, such as John
L. Lewis has provided in this country, were available, we
might soon witness an English version of the CIO, grow-
ing out of rank-and-file dissatisfaction in certain union
groups, and in the great mass of unorganized workers in
the newer industries.

On the other hand, it is plain that the ruling class has
not pressed the advantage it secured with the passage of
the trade disputes act. It stopped with this harsh warn-
ing to the labor movement, and did not proceed to crush
the weakened unions, as it might have done.

THE CONCLUSION SEEMS INEVITABLE THAT BRITAIN is WILLING
to give her trade unions a fairly free rein so long as they
do not rise up against the established system. If and when
the system is threatened, then the record of the effects of
the trade disputes act may be a bitter story.

In the meantime, labor and capital get along fairly
amicably. British trade disputes are mild restrained affairs
compared to those in America. G. D. H. Cole explained
this on the basis that "we in England are a law-abiding
people and you in America are not," and he referred to
espionage, strikebreaking and other employer tactics as
much as to any lawlessness on the part of the unions.
British employers will frequently shut down their plants
during a trade dispute, rather than use strikebreakers.

Collective bargaining is fairly generally accepted except
in some of the newer industries, such as the automobile
business, where, as in America, labor is just beginning to
demand a hearing, and where, also as in America, em-
ployers are loathe to grant it.

The people I met saw some irony in the fact that
Americans are discussing repressive measures taken by
Great Britain to curb trade unions as possible models for
use here. They were quite familiar with the Coronado
case, in which the United States Supreme Court decided
"that a union could be sued through service upon its
officers and that its funds could be made liable for the
unlawful acts of union members," a decision based upon
the recognition of the union as an entity, and upon the
conclusion that "public policy requires that unions be
liable for the acts of their agents."

As a report on Labor Union Responsibility and Control
made by the City Club of New York last summer indi-
cated: "Not only can a union [in America] be held
liable for unlawful acts or breach of contract, individual
members of the union who are in any way a party to the
unlawful acts can be held severally liable to the full ex-
tent of their property," as occurred in the Danbury Hat-
ters case. And the use of the injunction as a weapon to
impair labor's strength is an old story in this country.

If we wish to "do like England," we shall find it neces-
sary to accord to our labor movement some fundamental
privileges it does not have now, either legally or in the
public's opinion.

In the meantime, it seems unfortunate that misinterpre-
tation of the British philosophy of trade unionism's place
in the social structure should continue to add to the con-
fusion of thinking in this country, obscuring the real
dangers of proposed oppressive measures.

SURVEY GRAPHIC

THROUGH NEIGHBORS' DOORWAYS

Very Well, Let's Be Logical

by JOHN PALMER GAVIT

M>l\<;, AS ONE DOES AS A MATTER OF COURSE IN WASH-

ington, to .111 ominous summons from the White House,
I tound the usually affable President Taft distinctly chilly,
11 gruff.

"You sent for me, Mr. President?"

"Yes, I did. To you as responsible head of its Wash-
ington staff I desire to make formal complaint against
the Associated Press. I cannot say that I have investigated
the matter personally, but I am credibly informed that
your news reports of the Ballinger investigation have been
and continue to be grossly unfair to Secretary Ballinger."

"Mr. President," 1 replied, "from my heart I thank you
for those comforting words, and if you will be so good
as to give them to me in writing over your signature I
certainly can use them in my business."

"What do you mean?" he snapped.

"This morning I am in receipt of at least four letters,
forwarded by our New York headquarters, from western
editors to exactly opposite effect — charging us with being
grossly biased in Mr. Ballinger's favor."

"Is that true?" The President's tone was milder.

"If it were not I would not say so; but if you doubt
me I can show you a great stack of correspondence, most-
ly to that effect but generally critical, even abusive, from
both sides. Harassed by this cross-barrage I have person-
.illy and daily compared our news stories with the com-
mittee's stenographic record, and I can assure you that
our report has been from the beginning and continues
to be both accurate and fair. As for your own sources of
information, Mr. Ballinger's chief counsel yesterday called
at my office to complain not only of hostile headlines and
editorials — some of them in newspapers which do not
receive our service — but even of a cartoon in a monthly
magazine."

The President pushed his chair away from his desk,
threw back his head and roared with laughter as he
cried :

"Well! If you're being lambasted by both sides, I guess
you must be just about right, and you can forget all about
it. Now, Gavit, you know how it feels to be President of
the United States!"

That was in the happy, peaceful domestic days before
the World War, and the controversies raging around Mr.
T.itt's already doomed political head (like that almost
forgotten affair when the Secretary of the Interior was
chosen by the cabal scheming for Theodore Roosevelt's
return to the White House as the vulnerable point for
.mack in the Taft administration) were, as compared
with those besetting his latest successor, as a game of
pinochle to a tropical hurricane. But the present Mr.
Roosevelt would appreciate the anecdote. President Wil-
son did when I told him of it.

The episode is recalled to me by the variety and con-
tradictions of comment, oral and written, evoked by re-
marks of mine in these pages; more particularly regard-

FEBRUARY 1938

ing the recent general election in Soviet Russia. Also by
my animadversions from time to time upon die dicta-
torships in Germany and Italy, the outrages upon the
Jews, the Japanese raid and massacres in China, the civil
war in Spain, and other matters in controversy. With ref-
erence particularly to the Russian election, I could prove
by these reactions either that I have joined in the anti-
Soviet conspiracy of the capitalist ""kept press," or that I
have "sold out to the Reds." Ho-hum! Such is life for any
commentator these days, be he ever so scrupulous in his
efforts to make sense out of what is going on; already
sufficiently discouraged by the absence of sense from
most of it. Like Mr. Roosevelt, we catch it either way,
frequently both. But we have Mr. Taft's authority for
accepting it as all in the day's work.

Precarious Days for Logic

LOGIC AND ITS BEDRAGGLED TWIN-HALF-STEP-SISTER, CONSIST-

ency, are having an uncommonly hard time of it keeping
their footing in this distracted sphere. Logic is at best a
kittle horse to ride, frequently empowering its rider only
to be, as Joseph W. Krutch put it, "wrong with confi-
dence." For as I have pointed out many times, without
accurate known factors, logic leads astray inexorably —
the more unerring the logic the more certain the erro-
neous conclusions. Never in the history of the world was
there a situation with more factors unknown and un-
knowable, including the inscrutable will of God who
"moves in a mysterious way his wonders to perform."
And confusion is worse confounded by hot prejudice and
emotions, and misinformation shading off into besotted
ignorance, bedevilling consideration and argument.

And the world picture is so distorted by absurdities!
At random alluding to only a few of them. . . . Here
ostensibly in the interests of peace and friendship are
flocks of Japanese demons running amuck in China with
a technique of rapine and butchery calculated to make
Tamerlane and Genghis Khan green with envy. Here
was the League of Nations, nominally inflicting "sanc-
tions" against Italy to halt its rape of Ethiopia, and all
the while its leading and seemingly most indignant mem-
ber, Great Britain, suffering the Anglo-Persian Oil Com-
pany which it controls, to supply, at the rate of thou-
sands of barrels a day, the oil without which Italy could
not have moved hand or foot. Here is President Roose-
velt, in the name of our would-be blindly isolationist
nation, talking gruffly to and about aggressors all and
sundry — especially Japan which has stepped on one of
our toes in a far place where by our own definition the
toe should not have been; everybody knowing all the
time that he doesn't intend to do anything about it; so
much so that Italian newspapers openly attribute our
vaunted "self-restraint" to cowardice. And as buttress for
our stay-at-home policy, the President proposes more war-
ships of the sort designed primarily for long range opera-
tions overseas; on top of die current billion-a-year for
our military establishment, more millions for the war-
dogs, on such ships as dictators want for the purposes of
expanding empire! Meanwhile he clamors for economies
to balance die budget and revive prosperity for this tax-

107

hemorrhaged nation. The old stuff ... we must guaran-
tee peace by arming to the teeth; avoid war by being con-
stantly on the alert, at hair-trigger with Fear's finger
upon it.

Behind All — Starvation

RETURNING VISITORS TO EUROPE, LETTERS FROM WELL IN-
formed and widely scattered sources, intelligent news-
paper information and comment all over the world, all
tell the same story: Of virtually universal fear of war.
Something like 50 percent of all the peoples believe that
there will be war; the rest fear it but hope that somehow
it may be averted — this war that nobody wants, except
the few who imagine that they will profit from it, includ-
ing such of the dictators as are intelligent enough to
realize that only by chronic war-hypnosis saturating their
people can they hold their power. Yet the astonishing
thing is that even among those who expect war there is
no agreement as to when, where, about what; or with
what alignment of allies who will fight whom. Every-
body with some sort of chip on his shoulder, glaring
fearfully about for the trouble that nobody wants and
nobody is in a condition to meet.

Behind all lurks Starvation — the Germans within sight
of it, their belts pulled in till their stomachs feel their
backbones; the Italians hardly in better case, the bank-
rupt Fascist government openly confiscating capital; the
Japanese over the verge of ruin and grimly destroying
any supposed ability of demoralized China to recoup the
losses of either. Starvation is the inevitable forerunner of
revolution; absurdly to that end these despotic, blood-and-
treasure-wasting repressing governments have at the
same time turned bread into cannon, armed and trained
their people, even the little children, for it, in the tech-
niques of fighting and inured them body and spirit to
reckless, merciless destruction. Their sane people, who
might temper their revolt and lead it in constructive meas-
ures, are mostly in jail or exile, or dead. A tithe of the
armament waste, under the direction of sane leadership,
would suffice to set humanity's feet again in the paths of
peaceful intercourse.

The controversies are largely imaginary. But as to these
and the real ones as well, there are only two ways to
dissolve them — Force and Reason. Really only one way,
because sooner or later those temporarily settled by Force
without justice have to be settled again, and again, and
again, until Reason finds the merits, and relegates Force
to its proper incidental function, that of policing for the
maintenance of the common sense. The genius of the
League of Nations was (and is) in that it embodies this
conception. Even were the world to plunge again into the
abyss of general conflict, all the more certain were the
reincarnation of that idea, without which there can be
no international peace any more.

The League of Nations has three distinct functions.
First to liquidate the World War, by transferring its un-
solved problems to the common council table. Amazing
has been the success of that procedure. Few realize how
many acute issues, any one of which formerly would have
precipitated violence, have been settled amicably, by me-
diation and the adjudication of the World Court. Second,
to organize and implement by continuous scientific re-
search and interchange of information international co-
operation for human welfare, in the fields of labor and
industry, health and sanitation, economic intercourse, in-

108

tellectual advance, and so on. In this function the achieve-
ment has been incomparable, and behind all the uproa
it goes on magnificently.

Third and most important was the function of guaran-
teeing peace in the world by underwriting the security of
the nations, great and small alike, sanctioned by the com-
mon power. Its failure in this respect was due in the firs
place to the refusal of the United States to participate;
then to the default of its member nations to their pledges
and responsibilities. The league has ho power or con-
science apart from those of its members. Because of the
recalcitrance of the United States and its encourage-
ment to those whose participation never was sincere, the
league has been hamstrung. Nevertheless by its voice ha
been registered forever in the annals of mankind a denun-
ciation by world public opinion of the treason of Italy
and Japan under which both those nations quiver to this
day. It is their own conviction of sin that aggravates their
behavior; amid their very arrogance they squirm, mouth-
ing alibis to the indictment, the pleas in confession and
avoidance of those who know they are guilty. But they
are well aware that behind the judgment of the court of
human decency there is no police power to enforce it.
All the rest of the world knows it as well, and so we are
for the moment back in the stage of every-man-for-him-
self, wasting fabulous treasure in individual armament
at the expense of food and progress.

Of Farmers in War Paint

WHERE (DEMANDS ONE OF MY CORRESPONDENTS) WOULD
you leave pacifism behind and shoot to kill ? Or (since at
your age you are excused, leaving to the young the killing
and being killed in your defense if not for your profit)
will you let the boys from farm and factory shoot the boys
from other farms and factories?

I am the more responsive to that honest challenge be-
cause I have so often uttered myself that "farms-and-fac-
tories" stuff. Only lately did I discern the fallacy of it,
which lies precisely in the fact that seldom if ever — save
if you please in labor riots and civil war, or in last-stand
defense against foreign invasion — is any of the shooting
done by farmers or factory hands. They are not Italian
farmers, vintners, opera singers, factory workers, who are
bombing straw-built villages and committing wholesale
indiscriminate massacre in still unconquered Ethiopia.
They are not Japanese rice growers, jinricksha-drawers
or factory laborers who are doing the like in China.
They are soldiers, by their uniforms, their so-called dis-
cipline, their hypnotism under the hocus-pocus of pseudo-
patriotism and military usage expressly absolved from
personal responsibility and the normal instincts and in-
hibitions of human decency. Whatever they may have
been in their former incarnation at home, they are devils
incarnate now.

In many countries beside my own — England, France,
Germany, Italy, Switzerland, Austria, Czechoslovakia,
Yugoslavia, Greece; yes, even among the Fellahin in
Egypt — I have met on terms of cordial human equality
and understanding farmers, shepherds, fishermen, moun-
taineers, miners, merchants great and small, exchanging
human values in mutual regard and respect. I have per-
sonal friends among them and know them by name. I
have eaten bread and salt in their homes. I have drunk
the impossible Greek wine with the portside sailors
in Candia of Crete and under the awful cliffs at

SURVEY GRAPHIC

the volcano's rim on Santorin. I have foregathered with
the machine-hands in Bata's shoe factory at Zlin in Mo-
ruvia and at Krupp's in Essen of the Rhineland. I have
photographed the happy children in their Sunday best
in Cicmany, the show village of Slovakia. These lovable
people would be welcomed by me in my country or in
my home, as I was welcome in theirs. I would not harm
.1 hair of any head among them. I defy the President
of the United States by proclamation, the two houses of
Congress by any statute, yes, or any unanimous vote of
all the people in solemn referendum, to make these my
"enemies," or me theirs.

But let them leave their farms, their nets, their
vineyards and their factories, abandon the qualities which
made me love them, put on the uniforms and the panoply
of war, and invade my country and threaten my home by
sea and land and air with diabolical lethal enginery, bent
upon murder, pillage and destruction to force their will
(or diat of the authorities deluding them) upon me and
mine and upon my people — upon any pretext whatso-
ever— I shall do my best to resist them. With my fellow
citizens I shall enlist to the utmost of my resources and
ability such force as I can command and as the circum-
stances may require. . . . Just as I would enlist it against
a threatened invasion of any other sort of savages, or
beasts of the forest.

What Then of Pacifism?

NOR WOULD I WISH OUR SELF-DEFENSE TO BE PALSIED BY

protracted and largely uninformed cracker-barrel and
town-pump palaver. It is plausible that the people should
decide whether they shall sacrifice their sons and their
solvency — I have myself often advocated such a ref-
erendum as that contemplated in the proposed (Ludlow)
constitutional amendment. I have become convinced that
it would be folly; betraying lack of confidence in and
tying die hands of our elected representatives in the pre-
liminary diplomatic measures which might avert war;
fatally confusing the people, opening the way for floods
of foreign-paid propaganda to that end; dividing counsel
at the very moment when unity is vital. The floor of Con-
gress, composed of representatives already more than
sufficiently amenable to propaganda-inspired public
clamor, is die place for that debate, and time is of the
essence. Moreover, after such an episode as the sinking
of the Lusitania or the recent bombing of the Panay it
is quite thinkable that momentary popular hysterics
might sweep us into war despite best efforts of the elected
administration to prevent it.

So all this makes me a militarist, believer in and tolera-
tor of war? Not on your life! With every fiber of me
I hate it and all the talk of its compensations, its "glories"
and die rest of its sickening bunk. Soldiers and soldiering
have been in all times a blight upon the world. War is
the supreme folly of nations. The very word as denoting
a respectable human enterprise ought to paralyze our
tongues.

I can understand and profoundly respect the real paci-
fist, the unutterably brave consistent follower of die non-
resisting Nazarcne. There is no obscurity in His teach-
ings; no room for quibbling about His prohibition of the
use of force in any circumstances against fellow man.
Self-defense has no warrant in that philosophy. Spare me
any twaddle about that "scourge of small cords" — at all
events nobody was hurt; it wasn't a machine gun! . . .

FEBRUARY 1938

I say unto you, that ye resist not evil; but whosoever shall

smite thee on thy right check, turn to him the other also

Love your enemies, bless them that curse you, do good to
them that hate you. . . . They that take the sword shall
perish with the sword. (To which St. Paul added the sane
tion: In so doing thou shah heap coals of fire upon his head.)

But the half pacifists are too much for me. Mostly they
are notably quarrelsome, arrogating to themselves the
right to fling provocative epithets, to impute unworthy
motives, to criticize and classify their fellows. The paci-
fism of Jesus would abolish the force which underpins
the authority of courts, restrains and punishes the mur-
derer, the robber, the cheat; yet the most truculent
pacifist of my acquaintance was personally largely re-
sponsible for the establishment of the New York State
Constabulary.

But all this is cave man stuff. Such talk belongs to the
Paleolithic Age, which we thought we had left behind.
It is quite true that the logic of what I have been saying
leads straight toward the Pit, as always it has led; to
tribal arrogance (another name for nationalism); to
wasteful and menacing armament races; to starvation of
whole peoples — to mutually ruinous wars in which there
can be no victor. This is the stark logic of individual self-
defense, whether of persons or of nations. Under modern
conditions and techniques of warfare, I dare not await
actual invasion of my home; I must meet the "enemy"
half-way, or even upon his own doorstep. Myself now
the aggressor, ridiculously pleading "self-defense"! Leave
human intercourse to Force and the vicious circle will
inexorably complete itself in increasing militarism, star-
vation, dictatorship. Not even by isolation, impossi-
ble any more, or by a pusillanimous "neutrality" which
in operation encourages aggressors, can we escape it. You
cannot be both half-pacifist and armed for war. As the
little girl said of the barking, tail-wagging dog: "I don't
know which end of him to believe!"

Away with all of it! The alternative is single and
obvious: the establishment of Reason, on the basis so
amply, so thrillingly set forth once for all in Mr. Wilson's
famous Fourteen Points announced to the United States
Senate on January 18, 1918. International cooperation in
mutual guarantee, backed by police force and economic
penalties sufficient to deter the treaty breaker, the ag-
gressor, the brigand, such as now both cause and take
advantage of the international anarchy. There is no other
way. Back we must come to it, soon or late; whether
after another perhaps final debacle of present civilization,
or through and despite the currently ruinous bungling.

I hardly expect to see it happen; but it is my firm
conviction that were the United States to take immedi-
ately its too-long-empty place as a member of the Society
of Nations already organized and functioning brilliantly
in all respects save the most vital one in which it is
crippled chiefly by our absence, the world situation would
be transformed in the twinkling of an eye. It would
restore courage to the heart and hope of Democracy
everywhere; as by magic it would halt the fear inspired
multiplication of armaments. It would leave the Musso
linis, the Hitlers, the Japanese war-makers uncndurably
far out on the end of the limb where they arc busily,
insanely sawing between themselves and the trees. And,
best of all, it would free the now wasting energies of men
for the mighty task of rebuilding the world for the
habitation of a sane humanity.

109

LIFE AND LETTERS

We Seek a Bench Mark

by LEON WHIPPLE

ENDS AND MEANS, by Aldous Huxley. Harper. 386 pp. Price $3.50.

ARCHITECTURE AND MODERN LIFE, by Baker Brownell and Frank
Lloyd Wright. Harper. 359 pp. Price $4.

THE TYRANNY OF WORDS, by Stuart Chase. Harcourt, Brace. 396
pp. Price $2.50.

Prices postpaid of Survey Graphic

THIS DISTRACTED RACE NEEDS A BENCH MARK. THAT IS A KIND

of stone monument set in the earth by governments to give
all engineers a starting point for their lines and levels. We
are in the situation of the ancient Egyptians: they had to
invent geometry to re-measure their allotted fields each year
after the Nile flood swept away all surface landmarks. They
had to erect an enduring and accepted mark from which to
run their angles. We have none from which to plot our new
geometry of social change. But we do have the floods — of
war, of economic depression, of technological change, of
international anarchy. They wash away all our mind-marks
and leave us to stumble across blank fields in spinning circles
of confusion that are the very character of our time. Each
man, theory, class, nation grabs what can be grabbed. You
and I drift in a vague flux of hopes and fears that offer no
axiom for our thinking, no fulcrum for our wills.

Our first need then is to settle on a bench mark of principle
from which we can project an enduring geometry of society
that will, invisible but sovereign, survive the floods, and some
day as in Egypt, teach us to build the dams that will control
them. These books offer hope that we may agree on such a
datum-point; their widely .varied lines intersect. This center
is their passion for the re-discovery of the individual and the
assertion of his final value.

As good geometers let us draw a figure for Theorem I.
This small circle stands for the integral man. Into his unity
from one side cuts a large circle, A, that claims one part of
him for society and its institutions, and assesses his duties,
rewards, and abnegations in the community. By sacrifices of
his self he secures great practical benefits. Herein he subsists.
From the opposite side cuts circle B, of infinite radius, that
defines a realm of the individual untouched by circle A —
the inviolable integrity of the human being in relation to
whatever reality he finds within himself or beyond society.
Herein he exists, alone and sovereign, with a meaning not
contingent on membership.

Fortunately we have a sincere and moving example of our
figure in Eleanor Roosevelt's autobiography, This Is My
Story. With arduous honesty she tells her personal story as
child, mother, homemaker, and keeps it separate from the
story of the wife of the President. She achieves a psychological
tour-de-jorce almost unique in literature; she keeps her circles
apart with an amazing aloofness. If they cross it is in reverse
— when her private character influences her public career.
She borrows no glamor or exemptions from her status, but as
a courageous democrat, treats the First Lady of the Land as
a woman. This book is a symbol we welcome for it asserts,
on the highest authority, the primacy of the individual life.
It is an argument from experience (although perhaps without
intent) against the totalitarian philosophy.

That philosophy threatens us today with the plausible
extension of the radius of social circle A over the whole man
until he is left null and void without reason for being, or
even for his institutions that are, in the end, useful only as

110

they keep him alive in freedom to seek his private destiny.
All totalitarianism, whether of state or class, finds its single
base in arithmetic sums of people that have no unity or
authority (although the wise imperator identifies himself with
God); we are ordered to worship congregations of men like
ourselves. The only power increased by these additions of
units is that of violence. Therein the dictator finds his prin-
cipal weapon — death and the fear of death. He must believe
that he can destroy utterly the untouchable sphere of the
individual by killing him. One answer to the dictator is to
deny this axiom whether by the assertion of the personal
survival of something in the individual, or the survival of his
meaning in life here as has happened in the case of Sacco
and Vanzetti. This answer is in essence religious.

ALDOUS HUXLEY APPROACHES OUR CONFUSION IN A RELIGIOUS
mood. Ends and Means seems to me the most illuminating
study of the conflict of society and the individual we have
had in recent years. Note his concept of our twin circles. The
claims of society are to be met by "non-attachment in the
midst of activity." If men are non-attached they are freed
from ambition for possession and power, and, as saints and
philosophers have taught, from the "things of the world."
Clearly such men may escape the dictators' net. But they must
not escape by martyrdom or quiescence; we must labor for
the possible better society. This cannot be built on large scale
political-economic reform, on violence that inevitably breeds
more violence, on planning alone, but only on individual
work for reform, on education, and on a system of beliefs
and ethics. "There is only one way of escape — through acts of
free will on the part of morally enlightened, intelligent, well
informed and determined individuals, acting in concert." The
rich chapters of the book form a manual for this action.

The last part concerns the development of this detached
personality that can be itself while sharing in social progress.
The self can be found only in relation to some ultimate real-
ity, through meditation, awareness of being, and the mystical
experience. Mr. Huxley arrives where so many of the younger
English thinkers now seem to arrive — at a kind of Eastern
mysticism. But this new mysticism is not passive; from con-
templation, discipline, virtue, the individual must draw
energy, courage, benevolence that will better the lot of men
by charity and not by force. Our circles will cross but with
the individual sovereign. This brave new endeavor to solve
our dilemma should be read for it is both wise and noble.

ARCHITECTURE AND MODERN LIFE is AN ORCHESTRATION ON OUR
theme by Frank Lloyd Wright, philosopher of architecture,
and Baker Brownell, philosopher of modern thought at North-
western University. The happy marriage of their gifts has
produced a beautiful kind of book, part poetry, part criticism
of modern life in terms of our buildings, part vision of how
the imagined demesne of Broadacres might restore our in-
tegrity by offering us escape from regimentation and urban
sterility. Note how close they come to the bench mark of
Huxley. Mr. Wright says: "The future for architecture de-
pends upon a new sense of reality, a different success idea, a
deeper social consciousness, a finer integrity of the individ-
ual." Professor Brownell in a brilliant exposition of the mul-
tiple fragmentation of our lives by a pluralism of social forces
points out that we achieve regimentation but not integration.
This incessant division of labor and interest gives us brute
power and mobility, but tends toward "human disintegration
in the face of increasing social organization." Only sometimes
does this power create buildings of "an honest, if cold, glory."
How different from the warm organic beauty of the silo that

SURVEY GRAPHIC

a man's ultimate relation to his earth and his
wily.

Architecture must grow from within. The heart of the
building is the man and his spirit. It must merge with the
earth to serve organic and functional needs. But our achi-
lecture is imposed, authoritarian, derived. It can use all the
ts of technology, but must not serve technology. Since
architects are geometers let us sum up in terms of their space
symbolism. Wright would restore man to his intimate hori-
zontal relation to the earth from which his structures grow
by nature. The vertical pile divorces him from reality and
expresses not himself, but the group mastery of techniques.
Brownell shifts his axis to state the same thesis. As man sacri-
s himself to the horizontal multifarious expansion of so-
•y, he loses himself in the fragmentary dispersions of his
nature. The vertical plane restores unity. But Brownell's
symbol is not the towering plinth of glass and metal; it is
the spire of man's being rising toward something eternal.

1 low CAN WE GET QUICKS1LVERY STUART CllASfi's GAY STUDY OF

the meaning of words into our figure? Well, he found it
difficult to convey his meanings to people, and then that half
our communication consists of unintelligible blabs of blabs,
and so he discovered the prophets of the new science of
"semantics," or the nature of meaning. After due tribute to
the creators of this discipline from Korzybski through Ogden
and Richards down to the iconoclastic Thurman Arnold, he
goes for a joyous ride among the users of words. He awards
the Blab Prize to the philosophers, declares the scientist and
mathematician talk a lovely pure language often without
content, the economists ride a verbal merry-go-round from
Right to Left, the judges use an obsolete dialect, and the
statesmen master the dictionary for terms that will cover up
their folly. We are a tongue-tied race that thinks it can talk,
half-dumb, half-liar, and can attain neither progress nor
peace until it finds out what meaning means.

Our besetting sins are: to identify words with things, and
to misuse abstract terms. The remedy is to use words that
have "referents" — and a referent is a real event at some place
at some time as understood by an actual person. Instead of
thinking of "the Japanese" we must think of a middle-aged
silk worker in Tokyo in 1938 reading in a newspaper about
American women boycotting him out of a job. That will
have meaning for both sides. And meaning will fall within
the circle of man's individual experience. The abstract gen-
eralization, useful for economy, always blurs meaning for it
disregards the uniqueness and reality of the inner man. It
kidnaps the man into a class, and so by our very words the
social circle extends its usurpations. Stuart Chase, too, per-
haps unwittingly, is pleading for the restoration of the mean-
ing of the individual by making him the arbiter of all
meanings.

Huxley hopes man can regain sovereignty over himself
by the mystical way of life. Wright and Brownell would re-
set his feet upon the earth. Chase perceives that if we cannot
translate our private experience we become mass men, be-
trayed by illusions. Dare we not hope that our stumbling
search is converging on one bench mark and that this may
reveal itself as a new Bill of Rights for Everyman?

The Friends

•KDS INTO PLOUGHSHARES, by Mary Hoxie Jones. Macrnill.n.
374 pp. Price $3 postpaid of Survey Graphic.

Is THIS BOOK WITH THE PROPHETIC TITLE MARY HoXIE JoNES

catches, and actually passes to us, the spirit of the young
Quaker men and women who did something new and beau-
tiful in a world of cynics and fear-worshippers.

No "catalog of ships" and dates or tables of supplies and
costs, this. Whatever tables there arc have food on them,
and while there are enough dates to keep us historically
informed the sensation one has in reading the book, as

chapter follows chapter, is one of growth in experience of
a spirit caught or glimpsed in differing personalities and in
widely separated situations.

Miss ]oncs explains carefully in footnotes where her writ-
ing is imaginative and where it is factual but the reality of
the experience brushes aside the footnotes and leaves the
impression of the picture clear and distinct in outline.

Such words as the first of our American workers wrote
out of Germany in June 1918: "I am very happy in this
service and count it a great privilege to represent the So-
ciety of Friends as an ambassador of Christ when my gov-
ernment has not yet any representative here," suggests some-
thing, and the fact that forty thousand Germans assisted
in the child-feeding and that all political and church groups
in Germany were able to work together whole-heartedly on
these relief committees shows something of the singleness
of purpose which motivated the work.

Conversations among workers suggesting the effect of the
work on them add a suggestion of perspective and analysis.
Why the work of relief and help had to be so different in
France, Germany, Poland, Russia, and among the unfor-
tunate coal miners in Pennsylvania, West Virginia and
Kentucky, is all evidence of the power to adapt and meet
situations which had been developed in this group.

Miss Jones closes her writing, though the book has a
valuable chronological appendix, with a quotation from the
original Quaker, George Fox. And, although I can hardly
agree that the Service Committee is itself an ocean of life
and love, the work which Miss Jones has described is cer-
tainly an evidence that somewhere such an ocean does exist:
" 'I saw that there was an ocean of darkness and death, but
I saw also that there was an ocean of light and love which
flowed over it.' That is what the Service Committee has done
and will continue to do. It is an ocean of light and love
which flows over the ocean of darkness and death."

Perhaps being the daughter of a professor of philosophy
at a Quaker college has given Miss Jones peculiar facility
in the selection of quotations from the Bible and the poets,
but at any rate she has been extraordinarily successful in
her selection of frontispieces for her chapters. So I would
like to extract one with which to end this account of her
book. This from the journal of the Quaker Saint, John
Woolman, who is credited with stimulating the conscience
of the Quakers in America to break through the crusts of
custom into a new conception of right in connection with
human slavery. To such a sensitiveness of the concept I feel
this book of Miss Jones calls us: "I was informed that this
mass was human beings in as great misery as they could
be, and live, that I was mixed with them, and that hence-
forth I might not consider myself as a distinct or separate
being. . . ." L. HOLLINCSWORTH WOOD

Under the Clouds of War

THE FINAL CHOICE— AMEIICA BETWEEN Euiora A»D AHA. by Ste-
phen and Joan Raushenbush. Reynal and Hitchcock. 331 pp. Price 17.50
postpaid of Survey Graphic.

I SPEAK FOR THE CHINESE, by Carl Crow. Harper and Brother!. 84
pp. Price $1 postpaid of Survey Graphic.

CHINA FACES JAPAN, by sixteen writers, edited by Arthur D. Young.
Chinese Students Christian Association. 347 Madison Avenue. Ne»
York. 80 pp., paper. Price 35 cents through the association.

MVINC IN CRISIS, by Ernest Hatch Wilkini. Marshall Jones Co., Bos
ton. 114 pp. Price $1.25 postpaid of Survey Graphic.

THE RAUSHENBUSH BOOK is, IN THE FIRST INSTANCE, A PLEA
for enactment of the Ludlow Amendment which provides
that a declaration of war shall become effective only when
confirmed through a national referendum. But even though
one may not agree with that proposal — mainly, perhaps,
because wars nowadays happen without being formally de-
clared— the book is well worth reading. Few citizens realize
the sensational implications of the report of the Senate Muni-
tions Committee until they arc disentangled, as they here
are, from the mass of surrounding information. The cold-

FEBRUARY 1938

111

blooded bargains, the lack of social responsibility shown in
our most influential circles, the drift of our government on
the currents of a blind mercantilism, are brought out in this
book with shocking clarity.

It is characteristic of present day thinking in pacifist cir-
cles that the recommendations made in this book are not
nearly as sharply defined or as convincing as are the indict-
ments. The reason is, of course, that a really sound program
would take us outside the range of possibilities of action
within the frame of a capitalist society. How to persuade
that society to adopt, for the security of its own highest
human and cultural stakes, measures that tend to destroy it
— that is the task for the propagandist of peace.

In one respect we have advanced since 1917, namely in
our resistance to war propaganda. (And we need be, for
never was the onslaught technically as effective as it now is.)
We have learned to allow for the bias of a writer without
necessarily rejecting all the information he supplies. Take,
for instance, the disarming frankness of Carl Crow's appeal
on behalf of the Chinese; it is an excellent little book, just
because the author does not pretend to a lofty objectivity and
testifies from the vantage point of long personal experience.

Also good of its kind is the symposium put out by the
Chinese students of America, with the aid of such well
known writers as Lin Yutang, Chih Meng, Chen Han-seng,
Raymond L. Buell, Freda Utley, E. Stanley Jones and others.
In these essays also the appeal to reason prevails, and opin-
ions are fortified with plenty of data. That the writers do not
present every side of their common subject is taken for
granted; and so the inevitable one-sidedness of the presenta-
tion is not necessarily misleading.

In twelve short addresses, the president of Oberlin
University gives frank expression to the views of a mature
mind on matters of social concern to all thoughtful Amer-
icans. An avowed pacifist, he proves that student pledges
never to take part in war are not helpful. Undisguisedly
pessimistic over the immediate world outlook and over the
chance which young people have today to make their own
position secure, he traces in a few strong lines the way from
seeming futility of social effort to real influence. Even "let-
ters to your Senator," as he would have them conceived, need
not be as ineffective as they usually are. War cannot be
suppressed, but its causes can be removed. — BRUNO LASKER

Lurid Science

TOMBS, TRAVEL AND TROUBLE, by Lawrence Griswold. Hillman
Curl, Inc. 337 pp. Price $3 postpaid of Survey Graphic.

THERE ARE SCIENTISTS, AMONG THEM ARCHAEOLOGISTS, WHO
when they organize an expedition and set out upon it, know
where they are going, how to get there, what they are going
for, how to secure and handle the men who work for them.
They know what equipment to take with them and when it
fails them, have sufficient resourcefulness to find or make
substitutes. And when something like fever or accident
overtakes them, they nurse their companions through thick
and thin. If later, much later, their heroism leaks out, it is
not through their own headlines. When rarely they lose a
man through circumstances which have gone quite beyond
human control there remains a lurking sense of guilt at
failing in a responsibility undertaken, met, in part over-
come, and only at last given over. These scientists, knowing
their job, stay with it and come back with findings to which
they apply themselves. Often their greatest thrill comes in
the laboratory when they discover some small item which
illuminates their problem as with a floodlight.

There are those who call themselves archaeologists. Their
claim to the title is Wanderlust, and they wander. They do
not know where they are going or how to get there, much
less what they are going for. Their equipment is that rec-
ommended by the sports shops. They know neither how to
use it, nor how to take care of it. Generally they lose it or

112

forget it when they set out through the jungle just as night
is about to fall. They do not know the country they visit,
much less how to deal with men, so they lose their men
or are deserted by them. Their reports give exact accounts
of the condition of beards at all times, of the occasions and
amount of their drinks, of ruses by which they fool the
natives and consequently jeopardize the entire expedition.

Griswold belongs to the second type. His account is science
at its most lurid. He has never outlived his Boy Scout days.
He must be on his way. He would not be bothered by insist-
ing that his companion make efforts to sight and detour a
bushmaster. There is "blood on every page" in the form of
snakebite, hold-ups, hideous manglings and death. The
spirit in which the disasters are recounted suggest that they
are what the author went for. If they are true they can
only nauseate a real scientist by their ineptitude. And in 337
pages of text there is no indication of the slightest contribu-
tion made to science. The jacket however shows that the sum
total of newspaper headlines was considerable.
Professor of anthropology GLADYS A. REICHARD

Barnard College

Order Must Be Planned!

ECONOMIC PLANNING AND INTERNATIONAL ORDER, by Lionel
Robbins. Macmillan. 330 pp. Price $2.50 postpaid of Survey Graphic.

PROFESSOR ROBBINS HAS PREEMPTED FOR HIMSELF IN ENGLAND
the role occupied in this country most notably by Walter
Lippmann. Both are protagonists of something termed lib-
eralism which stands in their minds sharply over against
something called collectivism. It is easy for discussion on
such topics to descend to the level of mere battle of words
in which the precise values of the verbal counters are never
appraised. And I for one find the present author too loose
a definer of terms to be able to go along to his conclusions.
And this dissent is emphatic, although I respect and cherish
certain of the purposes his thinking aims to advance, and
believe that he issues many helpful warnings to the too
facile advocates of "planning."

The theme of this book is that economic planning is im-
practical, undesirable and unproductive. At the national
level it requires an excessive degree of centralization and
regimentation; and even were these desirable, national plan-
ning quickly confronts the need for international planning
because of the obvious need of exports and imports. And
at the international level planning would involve a degree
of breakdown of national lines and loyalties which it is
quixotic to contemplate and morally unsound to favor.
What is needed is "international liberalism" which uses the
best of capitalism to get high productivity and maximum
individual freedom without obliteration of national lines.
So, briefly, runs the argument.

It is readily seen that we have to go behind the words of
such a discussion. And the first and major word to examine
is the word "planning" itself. "Planning," says Professor
Robbins, "involves governmental control of production in
some form or other. It was the aim of the liberal plan to
create a framework within which private plans might be
harmonized. It is the aim of 'modern' planning to supersede
private plans by public — or at any rate to relegate them to
a very subordinate position."

There are two ideas here. The differentiating of private
and public planning; and the idea of plan as inevitably a
highly centralized, down-from-the-top idea.

It is immensely important to keep clear about the implica-
tions of each of these two phases of the planning concept.
As to the first, perhaps the basic thing to say is that the
premise that a summation of independent local private plans
comes out as somehow good in the public interest of the
rank and file of the great majority of non-property owning
citizens of our respective countries, is simply contrary to the
facts we know. The plan of the private industrial interest

SURVEY GRAPHIC

i\ necessarily a plan governed by the criteria of price and
profit. You produce when you expect to sell at a price which
gives a profit. When this expectation is not present, pro
Juction does not take place. That is the fact of today's eco-
nomic mechanism. It is the premise and method of con-
trolling and assuring scarcity in order to command price.
But there is another premise possible and, in the judgment
of increasing numbers of folks, highly desirable. It is the
premise of starting to look at and operate the productive
machinery from the exactly opposite point of view — namely,
that of calculable and reasonably known human needs .mil
requirements in terms of units of energy needed for min-
imal existence.

The basic trouble with capitalism, in short — and this is
where two big schools of thought part company — is that its
mainspring or central drive is at odds with the common
sense of a simple morality which says that you work from
needs to the supplying of needs, not from the effort because
there are needs of trying to meet them with maximum ad-
vantage to those who have gained private possession of
productive resources. The one proceeds out of a morality
of mutuality; the other proceeds out of an immorality of
acquisition and possessiveness. The issues in practical life
today are not by any means, I admit, all black and white,
good and evil. Of course, capitalism has to its credit enor-
mous human benefits. But we are not talking here retro-
sj>ectively. We are talking of the forward look, and of the
motivations we seek to use and the results they seem likely
to give. And when you have, as the liberals would, clipped
the wings of capitalism with regulation, taxation, increasing
free social services, etc., you begin to have something hybrid
which may perhaps work and may even be satisfactory. But
it is far from the kind of system the liberals started out to
defend.

The second idea, that planning is always "from the cen-
ter," is a premise which overlooks the patent fact that no
plan which has any accurate value is thus deduced. Plan-
ning in any sensible idea is a build-up out of known local
conditions. Perhaps the consumers' cooperatives suggest as
well as any present instance — and certainly far better than
the author's cartel analogy — how it is that planning would
operate. For cooperative wholesaling builds up its orders
and production specifications from hundreds of local societies
which know from day to day what kitchen soap, cereals,
meats and the like are being called for over the counter.
At any point where consumers' cooperatives handled 60 to
80 percent of the consumer market for groceries, let us say,
we would in fact have a degree of planning which would
be impressive in its benefits. And when British and Danish
cooperative wholesalers began exchanging wheat for bacon,
or tweeds for eggs, we would have extended a valid plan
ning procedure out upon an international level.

In short, planning is not and cannot be the job of statistical
bureaucrats. So conceived it is a man of straw, nothing
more. Planning will be difficult; it will not solve all our
economic problems; it will make mistakes. The warnings on
these scores by Professor Robbins are all in order and they
need repeating. But planning is not a procedure preempted
in meaning and method by totalitarian states. It is a pro-
cedure, whenever we choose to make it so, of autonomous,
integrated, cooperating groups of consumers and producers
deciding together in a hierarchy of ascertainable markets
what the demands are.

Critics like Robbins are also victims of the all or nothing
philosophy which says that if you try to plan at all every
single item of consumable goods actual or conceivable has at
once to come under your plan. Hence regimentation of con-
sumption and authoritarian sanction of all new productive
enterprise is inevitable. This assumption I deny as true in
common sense practice, however sound it may seem in
abstract logic.

Finally, when the author comes to define his own "inter-
national liberalism," I confess I see a degree of planning,
control and coercion specified, which makes the distinction
between his plan and the alternatives which he has laid low,
not so great as one is led to expect. I can approve his out-
look at this point without at all believing that planning in
some intelligent and socially beneficent sense is not also a
desirable consummation.

No doubt nonsense has been talked in the name of plan
ning. But no good purpose is served by refusing to analy/r
to the bottom the problems involved in achieving it. It is
true that all right thinking people want to conserve reason-
able personal and consumer liberties. But there is growing
in the world a strong suspicion that personal liberties will
thrive, as they do not today, in a world where production
is not a mad scramble for selfish gain but is, as far as basic-
necessities are required, a carefully forecasted effort to live
and help live by a maximum utilization of the resources
of our world.

If, as one must believe from the evidence, there is any
such thing as a progressive ordering of human affairs in the
light of reasonableness and scientific knowledge, that effort
of constructive thought (prompted by sentiments of good
will) can and will be extended into our economic life as
planning. The real answer to our real international anarchy
is not to attack the idea of socialized planning in the public-
interest. It is to foster, clarify and implement the planning
approach while simultaneously urging upon people's atten-
tion the need for a philosophy and rationale of economic
effort which is not acquisitive but cooperative in its central
drive. ORDWAY Ti \n

Uncle Sam's Troupers

BREAD AXD CIRCUSES, by Willfon Whitman. Oxford. 191 pp. Price
$1.75 postpaid of Survty Graphic.

THE WPA THEATER WAS, AS Miss WHITMAN SAYS. SOMK-
thing unique in the history of the stage and in the history
of the United States; and her study of it, being the first
book length work on the subject, is therefore something
unique in itself. Frankly enthusiastic over the promise of
a national revival of the legitimate drama held forth by thr
Federal Theater, she yet realizes that that was not the orig-
inal reason for its creation, but that "it owes its existence
to the assumption that actors 'must eat." Only after it was
set up as a relief project and after it met with immediate
popular response did the consequences become apparent.
The Federal Theater's present dual status as relief project
and nucleus for a new national theater, the author stresses
throughout the book, is the chief problem confronting it now.

Uncle Sam has put on a greater number of hits than any
other producer in all history. Moreover, he has carried the
drama from isolated metropolitan areas to the whole coun-
try. He has done for thousands of starving stage and vaude-
ville people what private agents could not do. The question
is whether he can or should continue the work, or turn it
back to the private producers on the assumption that the
WPA theater has taught them a lesson. For the WPA
theater found the private industry in desperate straits — "an
end of 'legitimate' theatrical enterprise over the country
was . . . threatened, had indeed begun, and the Federal
Theater came in the nick of time to ward off that disaster."

But the WPA theater has certain definite disadvantages,
as Miss Whitman recognizes. There is the unavoidable
patronizing attitude which a relief project engenders, and
conversely there is an unavoidable inferiority feeling among
the actors themselves arising from the consciousness that
they are on relief. More serious than that, however, there is
the danger inherent in all such state-operated enterprises,
that politics will assume control of the national theater and
will confine it to conventional modes instead of continuing
its freedom of expression which was such a large factor in

FEBRUARY 1938

113

its success. If private producers will profit from the lessons
of the WPA projects, Miss Whitman says, "it does appear
that entertainment as a commodity should be left to private
business."

But will private business so profit? In th'e WPA theater
"it is the older workers, their needs blandly disregarded by
the business world, who must constitute the group per-
manently in need of relief. But it is the lively youngsters
who give to the relief enterprises their confidence, their
radical reputation and their determination to continue." The
disregarding of the older workers and the stubborn refusal
of the private theater to heed the enthusiastic new ideas of
the younger ones have largely explained the downfall of the
private theater.

The question has not been settled as yet and Miss Whit-
man does not try to give the answer. Her book is essentially
a review of the Federal Theater's experiences up to now.
It is both entertainingly written and carefully considered.
It is valuable both as a study in contemporary stage prob-
lems and in one fascinating phase of the New Deal.
St. Louis Star-Times WILLIAM F. SWINDLER

Norwegians on the Plains

THE CHANGING WEST AND OTHER ESSAYS, by Laurence M. Lar
son. Norwegian-American Historical Association. 180 pp. Price $2.50
postpaid of Survey Graphic.

THIS INTERESTING AND WELL WRITTEN SERIES OF ESSAYS IS A

significant contribution not only to the history of Norwegian-
Americans but also to the social and cultural history of the
United States as a whole. Concerned primarily with "the
human map" of those regions in America which he writes
about, the author penetrates to the underlying forces that
have shaped and are shaping the West. He deals, to be
sure, especially with the life and activities of his own racial
group, the Norwegian-Americans, but his searching inquiry
and broad cultural interest give to his account a universal
appeal.

The opening essay, The Changing West, forms an il-
luminating and appropriate introduction to the series, as it
emphasizes the forces of transition in present day America.
There follows a group of seven studies dealing with various
aspects of Norwegian-American life and culture. Highly in-
formative is the solid appraisal of the Norwegian element
in the field of American scholarship, with the lively account
of an Irish-Norwegian feud in an Iowa pioneer settlement
furnishing a striking contrast. Substantial contributions to
Norwegian-American literary history are the essays on Tellef
Grundysen and Hjalmar Hjorth Boyesen. The study of the
controversy among the Norwegian immigrants over the
school question is a revealing chapter in their cultural his-
tory. No less so is the sympathetic, though far from un-
critical, essay on The Lay Preacher in Pioneer Times, not
to forget the more general evaluation of Norwegian-Amer-
ican immigrant life, The Norwegian Element in the North-
west, a very succinct and pertinent survey.
The University of North Dakota RICHARD BECK

Russians in Wonderland

LITTLE GOLDEN AMERICA, by Ilya Ilf and Eugene Petrov. Farml-
and Rinehart. 387 pp. Price $2.75 postpaid of Survey Graphic.

LIKE ALICE IN WONDERLAND, TWO FAMOUS SOVIET HUMORISTS
visiting this country find it "curiouser and curiouser." Light-
heartedly whizzing through the American countryside from
coast to coast, viewing its myriad gas stations and drug-
stores, cross-examining its army of hitchhikers and applying
to all its problems the easy thumbnail criteria of the Com-
munist, all from the vantage point of a Ford's back seat, they
emerge at the end of three months with the same delightful
experiences as a child who visits Swift's Lilliputia — and with
about the same comprehension of its meaning.

Little Golden America, which chronicles Ilya Ilf's and

Eugene Petrov's travels, is just as accurate, although twice
as funny, as the average American's book on Russia — or
Tibet, or Transjordania, or Nicaragua — based on three
months' observation. And like the American who concludes
that all Chinese are indistinguishable, so the two Russians
are convinced that all Yankee food tastes like the No. 2
drugstore dinner, all American towns are duplicates of
Gallup, N. M., and all Americans are genial, without curi-
osity, admirable workers and hopelessly addicted to gangster
movies.

Starting out on their travels in 1935 with the laudable
aim to meet the average American working man, rather than
the artist, intellectual and student, Ilf and' Petrov are
strangely surprised to find that average man ignorant of art,
not a member of the intelligentsia and without scholarly
impulses. Impeccably accurate as such conclusions are, it is
scarcely a picture of America. Nor are the pat explanations
of each American phenomenon, handily abstracted from the
Soviet book of morals and dogma, quite the whole story. The
grip of "western monopolists" on the agricultural situation
is not the complete answer to the fact that no vegetables are
grown on Manhattan Island, lack of skilled craftsmen not
the whole cause of our importation of German drawing in-
struments, nor is capitalism, with its exclusive interest in
the monetary reward, the reason why the name of Boulder
Dam's builder is unknown and unfamed.

Fortunately, Ilf and Petrov did not wax indignant over
America, as too many of their compatriots are wont to do.
Instead, they make their book a delight by being delighted —
delightfully pleased at the service in a gas station, delight-
fully horrified at the paroxysm which is a football game
even as Alice was delighted at the Duchess's garden party.
Journalist, Washington, D. C. ALFRED FRIENDLY

Amelia Earhart

LAST FLIGHT, by Amelia Earhart. Harcourt, Brace. 226 pp. Price $2.50
postpaid of Survey Graphic.

WHEN AMELIA EARHART FLEW OFF FROM NEW GUINEA, TO
come to final rest on some fleecy minaret above Howland
Island, the world lost a great woman.

Her Last Flight, which she intended to be World Flight,
is not only a record of her voyage, it is also the last word in
manners for adventurers to come. More, it is a design for
living. For while Miss Earhart was scientist, writer and gay
adventurer, she was, above all, a person who understood the
complicated business of living. She had the courage of a
fanatic, with a chuckling sense of humor that made fanati-
cism impossible. She was stern with herself, and gentle with
others. She had the simplicity of greatness. A selfish world
feels cheated at losing her, not realizing that the clean-cut
manner of her going only completes the design of her liv-
ing, and offers it as a model for those who follow.

Her book retraces her career as a flier — the Atlantic as
"baggage" with Stultz and Gordon; the Pacific solo in 1935;
Mexico in the same year; Honolulu in 1937 as the intended
first leg of her world flight. A broken ship, and back to
California. Then off from Oakland to encircle the globe, by
the West-East route.

Her narrative is a blending of aviation technology, whim-
sical comment on people and nature descriptions of sheer
beauty. Tucked in among reports on R.P.M., propeller pitch
and radio frequency, one finds, for example: "Clouds are
getting fuzzy, I think. For a while they were like mere
firm white dumplings just under our wings. Then they ran
down hill and lay swallowed in the moonlight several thou-
sand feet below."

But if one would select only a sentence with which to
interpret Miss Earhart's personality, it would be when she
writes of "the fine feeling of loneliness and of realization
that the machine I rode was doing its best and required from
me the best I had."

114

Mark you, adventurers! And may your manners measure
up to hers. IOHN K.I MH KIMM

Federal Agencies and Crime

CRIME CONTROL BY THE NATIONAL GOVERNMENT, by A. C.
.iu«h. The Brookings Institution. 306 pp. Price J2 postpaid of

Sunry Graf kit.

\V| HAVE COME TO EXPECT WORKMANLIKE JOBS FROM THE

Brookings Institution and this book fulfills that expectation.
It presents strikingly the need for better statistics of crime;
it analyzes the functional set-up of the national government's
policing and investigative agencies, and suggests persuasively
i IK- desirability of certain administrative reorganizations.

( >n the other hand, the title is misleading. Crime Control
is a phrase of much broader scope than the limited area that
Dr. Millspaugh has explored so diligently. Crime will never
be controlled until there is developed an integrated system
of criminal justice in which police, prosecutors, courts and
penological agencies all cooperate intelligently toward this
single end. Probation and parole are penological devices
that can and should play an important part in this integrated
system. Penal institutions providing highly individualized re-
habilitative treatment and staffed by a personnel capable of
carrying out a rational classification of inmates are equally
important. These essential factors are mentioned by Dr.
Millspaugh, it is true; but in the present book they are
neither studied intensively nor given their proper emphasis
in a planned system of criminal justice. This omission is
the more striking because it is precisely in these directions
that the federal government has done some of its best work.
The federal prisons, under the direction of Sanford Bates
and James V. Bennett, have achieved a position of pre-
eminence among American penal institutions; the federal
parole system and federal probation are free from the charges
of maladministration and political domination that have done
so much to discredit these powerful arms of law enforce-
ment in many of the states.

One may be permitted to wonder if Dr. Millspaugh, a
newcomer in the field of criminology, has not fallen an un-
conscious victim of the highly accentuated promotive activi-
ties of the Federal Bureau of Investigation which he deplores.
Otherwise it is hard to account for the unduly inclusive title
he has chosen for his book.

JOSEPH N. ULMAN
Judge, Supreme Bench, Baltimore, Md.

We and They

FORCE OR REASON— ISSUES OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY.
bjr H«ni Kohn. Harvard University Press. 167 pp. Price $1.50 postpaid
of Survey Graphic.

WlTH THE AID OF AMPLE NOTES, THREE LECTURES GIVEN LAST

summer at the summer school of Harvard University are
here refashioned into an excellent summary of the modern
conflict between the cult of force and reliance on reason. The
totalitarian crisis of our time is explained with a lag in the
adaptation of our emotional life to the requirements of a
world that has changed more in the last hundred years than
in the preceding three hundred.

Professor Kohn renders the American lay public a service
in briefly characterizing and illustrating with translated ex-
cerpts the teachings of many of the outstanding figures that
have most influenced the trends of political thinking in
Europe. This atones for his occasional failure to pursue far
enough changes in material conditions from which new de-
sires and their rationalization have sprung. But the chief
merit of this small volume is that it points to a conflict which
runs through our own public life and which urgently needs
to be brought out into the open if our democracy is to
endure. — B. L.

THF

CRIMINALS
WE DESERVE

By H. T. F. Rhodes

This much needed book on crime and its
social and economic implications has been
written by a man who has had first-
hand experience in the study of criminals
and prisons, both in Europe and America.
He examines crime and the criminal from
every aspect, both psychological and eco-
nomic, and builds a powerful indictment
against our treatment of juvenile delin-
quents and our lack of necessary education
for poor children. #2.50

OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS

114 Fifth Avenue New York

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(In aniivering tdvrrtisrments fte&it mention SURVIY GRAPHIC /

115

SERVANTS OF THE PEOPLE

VI -At the Bureau of Home Economics

by HILLIER KRIEGHBAUM

STURDY, WELL-FED WHITE RATS AND SCRAWNY, UNDERNOURISHED
animals in the nutrition research laboratories of the Depart-
ment of Agriculture in Washington depict graphically what
science has learned about the proper foods to insure good
health. Experiments have been carried out on many types of
animals and in some instances groups of human beings have
themselves become "guinea-pigs" for various tests to ob-
tain the basic facts regarding diets.

Despite this wealth of knowledge, no comprehensive, na-
tion-wide studies have ever been conducted to check how
the nation's actual diet squares with these established rules.
Now such information is being assembled, thanks to emer-
gency relief allocations which provided the necessary money
for a large scale project which sent investigators into thou-
sands of typical homes from New England to California and
from Dixie to the Pacific Northwest.

Dr. Hazel K. Stiebeling, who has been senior food econo-
mist of the Bureau of Home Economics since 1930, is in
charge of the studies of American diets which are a part of a
still larger investigation of family incomes and expenditures.

The nutritive project carries forward work which has inter-
ested the Department of Agriculture for nearly half a century.
During this period, workers have always sought to obtain
accurate information on food consumption from the stand-
point of human nutrition. However, the opportunity for a
nation-wide comprehensive study, in cooperation with the Bu-
reau of Labor Statistics, the National Resources Committee,
the Central Statistical Board and WPA, did not arise until
the relief funds were made available by President Roosevelt.
Trained investigators went into homes and spent time enough
with each housewife to gather salient data on food consump-
tion and other items of family expense.

Her experience on the faculty of Columbia University,
teaching nutrition under Professor Mary Swartz Rose, and as
research assistant to Professor Henry Clapp Sherman in food
chemistry research, ideally fitted Dr. Stiebeling to head the
staff of experts mulling over the statistical material from
which conclusions will be drawn on how families may im-
prove their living standards. She received her Doctor of
Philosophy degree from Columbia in 1928 and two years later
entered federal service as a career worker.

Tall, efficient and precise, Dr. Stiebeling combines the as-
sets of her two careers as school teacher and business woman.

THE PROCESS OF STATISTICAL REDISTILLATION is CONTINUING
but on the basis of more than 20,000 family food budgets
from all sections of the country, Dr. Stiebeling has been able
to sketch in the general outline of the whole diet picture.

The American family's weekly food bill ranges from a
bottom of 65 cents per person to a top of more than $7 — a
dollar a day for each member of the household. These figures
include the money value of home produced foods so that
there is an even level to compare the spending of the farm-
er's wife who selects her vegetables in the garden and the
meat from the smokehouse and of the city housewife who has
to buy all her goods at the grocery and meat market.

Families in the southeastern section of the country, both
white and Negro, and in the north-central prairies included
scattered women trying to maintain their households on ap-
proximately a dime a day for each member. One quarter of
the families of Negro farm operators in the South fed them-
selves on what in money value was less than $1 a week for

each person. In contrast, the lowest quarter among the small
city housewives of New England had from $1.25 to $2.50 per
person for their weekly food budgets.

Statistics on food expenditures reveal that a larger per-
centage of Pacific Coast families, on the average, are able to
purchase a cheap but more adequate diet for the money avail-
able than other sections of the country. In this western re-
gion, approximately 70 percent of the families spent enough
for foodstuffs to obtain what dietitians considered to be "safe."
New England families in two out of every three cases studied
in the 1936 survey reported sufficient money for proper feed-
ing. In the South, approximately 60 percent of the white fam-
ilies and 40 percent of the Negro households spent enough to
obtain an adequate diet. But not every family that spends
enough succeeds in selecting adequate diets.

WHILE INCOME HAS AN IMPORTANT PART IN DETERMINING
what a housewife will spend on her weekly food bill, other
items play subordinate parts. Family size, geography, occu-
pation, dietary habits and knowledge in knowing what and
where to buy are all items to be considered.

"In every region, particularly in the South, there are fam-
ilies spending too little money to buy a fully adequate diet,
however carefully the foods might be selected," Dr. Stiebeling
explained. "But a realization of the importance of good nu-
trition and care in choosing an assortment of food which gives
the best return in nutritive value for the money spent, would
enable a large proportion of the families now on poor diets
to obtain food adequate for their nutritional needs.

"It is obvious from our study that general improvement
in the diets of urban industrial families would call for gradual
but marked changes in agricultural production. This is true
whether such improvement is achieved through education in
food selection or through raising incomes or both."

A breakdown of the statistics for the families spending ap-
proximately 40 cents a day or $2.80 a week per person — a
typical level for the average American family — showed that
about a quarter selected foods which gave them a very good
diet, approximately two thirds obtained diets which are con-
sidered by experts to be fair and the rest were living on diets
of definitely poor nutritive value. The housewives in these
poorer diet groups could by intelligent food selection add their
families to the list enjoying an adequate level of satisfactory
diets.

Discussing the general picture of the diets that failed to pass
the tests of adequacy, Dr. Stiebeling said:

"Many were particularly low in calcium, vitamin A and
vitamin B. Larger consumption of milk and leafy green vege-
tables would have reenforced these diets in calcium and vita-
min A. More butter and eggs would also have provided
needed vitamin A, and more dried legumes and lightly
milled cereal products would have supplied additional
amounts of vitamin B.

"As a rule families on the lower expenditure levels bought
less food and cheaper food than families spending larger
amounts. They spent a larger proportion of their money for
grain products, potatoes, sugar and the cheaper fats. More
of their purchase of grain products were in the form of flour
and meal than in the form of baked goods. They bought
more of their fat in forms other than butter and less of their
cereals in ready-to-eat form than families at the higher spend-
ing levels."

116

Avocational College Education

by LUCY BURNS

WHERt WtRh YOU LAST NIGHT? WHAT DID YOU DO WITH THE

eight dollars you had the other day? Questions of this nature
help to bring about a large number of divorces which prob-
ably would be lessened if men and women could pursue the
courses in marriage offered at the University of Iowa, Vas-
sar and Syracuse University and in numerous other colleges
of the country. Problems before marriage, adjustments after
the husband and wife have established a home, and child
development and care are included in the marriage courses.

WHO WOULD NOT LIKE TO BE A MORE INTELLIGENT MOVIK-

gocr? For all persons who aspire in this direction the Uni-
versity of Illinois offers a course in which students attend
movies and compare them with the dramas, novels, biog-
raphies or histories on which the pictures were based. Why
people act as they do in real life and why life is seen
through rose -colored glasses — these sociological aspects of the
movies are studied at New York University.

RADIO BROADCASTING HOLDS CHARM FOR MANY YOUNG PEOPLE

today. The use of one's own voice and the inspiration that
thousands of listeners can give bring many amateurs "on
the air." The University of Michigan offers radio broadcast-
ing under the tutelage of broadcasters from Detroit stations.
One hundred students or more prepare, direct, and present
daily programs. They also study the business of broadcast-
ing, from the sale of commercial programs to station financ-
ing. Interest has been increased in this course because the
national radio chains prefer college graduates as broadcasters.

HOMES SUDDENLY THROWN INTO DARKNESS AND WATER RUN-

ning through the ceiling of the living room, causing frantic
behavior on the part of the tired housewife, could be averted
if the persons concerned could have taken the course in minor
household repairs. This course, offered by the Southeastern
Oklahoma State Teachers' College, includes adjustment of
electrical devices, correction of wiring disorders and mending
leaks in water pipes in emergency.

"BLESSED is HE WHO EXPECTETH LITTLE AND THEN HE WON'T
be disappointed" was the weather forecast appearing one
day in a large metropolitan daily during a long, hot, dry
summer. The forecaster, if he had taken the course in weather
forecasting offered at the University of New Hampshire,
could have predicted the weather at least twelve hours in
advance. This course in weather forecasting is becoming pop-
ular with meteorologists who work for aviation firms.

"WEDNESDAY MORNING AND WHAT WILL I DO THE REST OF THE
week?" This complaint is made by hundreds of housewives
throughout the country. The problem is what to do with so
much time at her disposal. Butler University in Indianapolis
solves the leisure question by giving courses to develop such
avocations as music, reading, public speaking, cultivation of
trees, flowers and shrubs, and so forth.

WHO WOULD NOT BE THRILLED BY A COURSE IN PERSONALITY

improvement? Most of us crave charm. New York University
has interested more than 1500 people in the course on per-
sonality. The students watch, motion pictures of themselves
and listen to phonograph records of their own voices, to dis-
cover unpleasant mannerisms. They take a dozen different
tests — of initiative, thoroughness, concentration, observation,
adaptability, knowledge, leadership, powers of expression,
and the impression they make upon others. On the basis of
the results, as analyzed with the aid of psychologists, they
chart their own personalities, noting their strong and weak
points.

.Announcing.

A Social Study of

Pittsburgh

Community Problems
and Social Services of
Allegheny County

By Philip Klein

and collaborators

The largest social work survey that has ever been
made in America in a large community is now avail-
able in book form. In many ways A Social Study of
Pittsburgh is reminiscent of the famous Pittsburgh
Survey, for while its chief interest is in the social
and public health services it has delved deep into the
working conditions of wage earners, the social
problems of foreigner and negro, the social stratifica-
tions of rich and poor, employer and employee, in-
dustrialist and labor organizer. Community life, both
as a physical setting and as the composite of social
attitudes expressive of the complex industrial life of
a modern metropolis, has been analyzed and evaluated
as the background of an extensive system of social
services and public health administration.

A Social Study of Pittsburgh is divided into two
main parts. The first part is a study of the social
and economic background of Pittsburgh and its sur-
rounding hundred-odd satellite communities. The
second part is concerned with social and health
services of Allegheny County, and examines in detail
the various fields of work and their problems.

While the practical and specific findings of this study
apply primarily to Pittsburgh and Allegheny County,
they will serve as guide posts for any American com-
munity concerned with social work in the changing
world of today. A Social Study of Pittsburgh, con-
taining over 900 pages, is a book everyone concerned
with modern American life and problems will want
to read.

Use the coupon below and secure your copy now.

COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS, Publishers, Box B796
2960 Broadway, New York City

Gentlemen: Please send me at once a copy of A Social
Study of Pilttbttrfh, list price $4.7). I enclose pay-
ment D: send C.O.D. Q-

Name

Address

(In answering advertisement! pirate mention Si «vi v GRAPHIC)

117

NOW THEY ARE AHEAD OF THE PUBLIC

(Continued from page 85)

doctors did not believe him, but they compromised on a re-
search project: the doctors were to select a firm of auditors and
any area of the country for a study of the doctors' annual in-
comes. Suspecting a catch somewhere, the doctors picked six
different areas and persuaded some 300 practitioners to submit
their books for audit. When the results were complete it was
found that the average per capita collection from private patients
per year was 4/2d., but with deductions for bad bills, it was
just 3s!

The doctors were astonished, says Dr. Cox, and Lloyd George
had only to point out to them that 6s. and no bad bills was
something of a gain. In the end, however, the doctors won
8/6d. with the result that their incomes in many instances
were doubled and even tripled when N.H.I, came in, while the
number of visits and attendances has only gradually increased
by about 50 percent in twenty-five years of the panel system.

The British Medical Association's six points were not
accepted in toto by the government, but important conces-
sions were made as the present set-up of National Health In-
surance shows. Some disappointed doctors were still disposed
to hold out and demonstrations were held even after the bill
was passed. After one of these the Westminster Gazette ob-
served: "We all admire a man who doesn't know when he is
beaten. The trouble with the British Medical Association is
that it does not know when it has won!"

What the Change Meant

SEVERAL OLDER DOCTORS COMMENTED UPON THE CHANGES
wrought in medical practice by health insurance. One of
them, Dr. Alfred Salter, M.P., told us the following:

Many years ago he had set up practice in Bermondsey, at that
time one of the worst slum areas of London and the home of
sailors, dockers, and other Thames-side laborers. Before the
advent of health insurance, said Dr. Salter, it was chiefly the
poorly qualified, the professionally irregular, or the down and
out type of doctor who went to practice in industrial districts.
Incomes were very low, fees were low, and many patients had
to be cared for somehow. The standard of practice suffered
accordingly.

After N.H.I, came in the incomes of these doctors doubled or
even tripled and they were subject to some surveillance. Irregular
practices have tended to disappear and a much higher type of
doctor has been attracted to industrial neighborhoods. The qual-
ity of medical practice is distinctly better now than it used to
be and the doctors have the security that comes from a regular
and fairly adequate income.

Dr. Alfred Welply, secretary of the Medical Practitioners
Union, told us essentially the same thing. "Now that the
service has really proved itself," he added, "it ought to be
extended to include the entire nation."

There is no zealot like a convert, we are told, but there is
nothing fanatical about Dr. E. A. Gregg, one of the men
who fought the bill, who today is a leading London general
practitioner with a combined private, panel and public assist-
ance medical practice. He is likewise chairman of the London
Insurance Committee, of the London Panel Committee and
of the Council of the London Public Medical Service.

Dr. Gregg said that one cause of the initial opposition of many
doctors was their reluctance to enter a service which they felt
would only magnify the worst features of the old club system.
Their fears were allayed and now they would not give up N.H.I.
He could say without qualification that the insured population
were getting a much better medical service now than ever before
and that the doctors are much better off. As a member of

the Insurance Committee for London he could testify too tha
abuses of the scheme are at a minimum and that the numbe;
of complaints is few.

One of our most vivid and colorful interviews was witl
Dr. Harry Roberts, reputed to have had the largest genera
practice in London at the time he testified before the Roya
Commission in 1925-1926. At Toynbee Hall we were tolc
that perhaps more than anyone else he could give us an im
partial, many-sided commentary on the effects of the systen
upon doctors and wage earners alike. And in a corner of th<
Common Room in Tavistock House, the home of the Britisl
Medical Association, Dr. Roberts recalled experiences and im
pressions of over twenty-five years spent in the East End o
London:

When he settled there, said Dr; Roberts, he was a young ant
idealistic fellow. There were only three or four other doctors ir
the immediate district, and they were of the worst order — casual
indifferent or inebriate. By giving a conscientious everyday medi
cal service, he prospered and soon took in partners.

When N.H.I, became effective it greatly increased their in
comes. The added income enabled him to employ a trainee
nurse, a qualified midwife, and an assistant. Now the firm has :
combined panel of about 7500 which is perhaps 90 percent ol
their total practice. Besides there are some five or six other well
qualified doctors in the neighborhood, all of them doing well.

Patients are sometimes ignorant about details of the insurana
scheme. Their only contact with Approved Societies may b(
through the agent, and he is not always very helpful. Th<
doctor sometimes has to write on behalf of patients whose bene
fit checks do not come through on time. It is unfortunate, too
that additional benefits are so unequal. Some societies ceasec
granting dental benefit entirely for a time. Such inequalitie!
are ridiculous in a state system.

By and large the panel system is good, says Dr. R. Out oi
18,000 panel doctors there might be 500 slackers, but it is the)
who make "news," not the vast majority who give good service
Under the panel system, however, the laboring classes are getting
as good care as the middle classes. Instead of waiting until the)
are flat on their backs, patients come now at the first sign of cough
or pain. Now the doctor makes as many visits as the patient's
condition demands and there is no worry. Dr. R. says he know;
from long experience just how much a shilling or two means in
the East End.

The Gamut of Changes to Come

To SUMMARIZE DR. ROBERTS' VIEWS, THE DOCTORS ARE BETTED

off; many would undoubtedly have gone under during tht
depression without their insurance incomes; working class
patients are distinctly better taken care of; the panel system
is generally good but ought to be extended. The chief limi-
tations are: (a) that the system does not cover the depend
ents of insured persons; (b) that there is no provision ot
consultant or laboratory facilities; (c) that the non-statutory
benefits of Approved Societies are unequal; (d) that insured
persons are sometimes kept in ignorance of their rights; and
(e) that N.H.I., while it does enable people to see the doctor
earlier in sickness, is not fulfilling all of the potentialities as
a public health measure.

Dr. Alfred Salter added this to his earlier comments:

The present Health Insurance Acts are admittedly of limited
scope. Extension is inevitable. Were it not for the crisis in
foreign affairs and the expenditure of large sums for rearmament
there is little doubt that the present government would make
important additions to N.H.I, medical benefits. But a really

118

complete mcilical service for the nation, he says, will have to
.mail the arrival of a Labour majority in the House of Commons.
He could not say which would come first, but next steps must
i mainly include bringing in the families of the present insured
group; raising the insurance income limit from £250 to, say,
t-JIH). thus bringing the "black coated" (American white-collar)
workers into the scheme.

Two groups that favor stale medicine ol a more thorough-
going variety are the Medical Practitioners Union and the
Socialist Medical Association. The former is a doctors' trade
union claiming about 5000 members.

Dr. Wclply (its representative) estimated that if N.H.I, were
)ulccl to take in dependents of the present insured popula-
tion some 80 percent of the nation would be included. Why not
just take in the entire population? The wealthy and upper mid-
dle class would doubtless continue to make private arrange-
ments just as they do at present, and no one would say them
nay. This, on the principle of the school system. The present
contributory scheme is an unjust tax on worker and employer
alike. The state ought to finance the whole scheme out of na-
tional and imperial taxes.

The Socialist Medical Society is made up of doctors whose
political sympathies are with the Labour party, and who call
for the establishment of a complete state medical service
by what might be called "controlled evolution." ,\ family
medical service with free choice of a physician is to be pre-
served, but doctors are to become full time civil servants,
much more concerned than now with the preventive aspects
of medicine, working together in teams in conjunction with
community health centers which are to combine laboratory
and hospital facilities.

The B.M.A. Pushes Ahead

THE POSITION HELD BY THE BRITISH MEDICAL ASSOCIATION IS A

forward moving one. The association takes an active and
enlightened interest not only in the scientific aspects of medi-
cine, but in its social and economic implications as well. The
experience of the B.M.A. in 1911, when health insurance was
introduced, taught the doctors that it is well to be alert to
social changes when their interests are at stake, to antici-
pate events, to propose and support new forms of medical
organization (such as the Public Medical Service) and to
foster legislation designed to remedy defects in existing medi-
cal and public health services.

An important example of this policy are the British Medi-
cal Association's Proposals for a General Medical Service
for the Nation. Introduced, not as a rigid plan, but as a
scries of proposals, they were described by Dr. Cox, then
medical secretary of the B.M.A., as a contribution from the
side of the medical profession to influence public opinion as
to developments before they become practical politics. The
proposals were published in 1930 after having been discussed
and voted upon at local medical meetings all over England,
and may be considered representative of the present official
policy of the British Medical Association.

The general practitioner is put at the center of the medi-
cal and health resources of the community. As the family
doctor he is the adviser and friend in health and the first
source of medical aid in sickness. He acts also as liaison agent
between the family and all secondary lines of medical de-
fense— specialists, nurses, laboratories and hospitals. Such
a service is to be made available to all members of the com-
munity on terms best suited to their means of payment.
Free care will continue to be given the indigent. National
Health Insurance will be retained, improved and extended
to the dependents of those now insured. Hospital contribu-
tory schemes will be continued and supported officially while
an increasing number of provident plans will be provided for
the middle class income group. The well-to-do will be left
free to make private arrangements. (Continued on page 120)

Shoulders are sagging
in Gas Tank Alley

Familirn come big in Gas Tank Alley. Wage* come (mall. And life
falls hard on the shoulders of those who mini cook and clean and wash.

You can't change the families; nor the wages. But one way you
can help these weary housewives is to show them how to lighten their
housekeeping tasks. Of course, when it conies to washing and clean-
ing, Fels-Naptha Soap will do that very thing.

For Fels-Naptha brings extra help that even slim purses can well
afford. The extra help of two brisk cleaners — good golden soap teamed
with plenty of naptha. Together, they loosen dirt and get things clean
without hard rubbing — even in cool water.

Though this particular point may be of little interest to the house-
wives of Gas Tank Alley, you'll appreciate the fact that Fels-Naptha
is kind to hands. Every big bar contains soothing glycerine. Write
Pels & Co., Phila., Pa., for a sample, mentioning the Survey Graphic.

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See Page 126 of thn tttur.

(In answering advertitcments fleaie mention SU»VEY

119

AHEAD OF THE PUBLIC

(Continued from page 119)

Coming now to the proposals of the British Medical
Association: It is believed that they would "provide the
community with a service available for every class of the
population, comprehensive enough to cover the whole field of
preventive and curative medicine, and sufficiently elastic to
permit of further developments as these may be found neces-
sary." The fundamental principles of such a service are sum-
marized in the box on page 85. All medical services in a
given area would be coordinated under the medical officer
of health working in conjunction with advisory committees
of the various professional groups. The authors of the B.M.A.
proposals believe — and here is an interesting point — that the
following legislative acts would suffice to enable them to
realize their plans:

(1) The present additional (medical) benefits of N.H.I.,
such as dental care, optical care, etc., should be made statu-
tory benefits for all insured persons.

(2) A national Maternity Service should be incorporated
into N.H.I. (A service was established by the Midwives
Act of 1926, but not as a part of N.H.I.)

(3) Medical and additional treatment benefits should be
extended to the dependents of insured persons.

(4) The public assistance medical service should be in-
corporated into the insurance medical service, but the state
would continue to foot the bill.

These broad proposals represent the new front of British
organized medicine. What a change there has been since
1911 when the doctors fought Lloyd George! Both sides won:
Lloyd George won in putting over National Health Insur-
ance while the doctors won in preserving in the scheme the
best traditions of medical practice. Today they understand
that those traditions are not incompatible with the recogni-
tion of medicine as a great social service. For that reason, we
find the British Medical Association ahead of the govern-
ment and of public opinion in its plans for the organization
of medical services.

In a fourth and concluding article, Dr. and Mrs. Orr will bring
their British findings to bear on possible developments in the
United States.

PITTSBURGH STUDIES ITSELF*

(Continued from page 79)

regarded as a person rather than as something labeled "delin-
quent," "dependent," "neglected," and so forth. Dependency
may be regarded as a condition: neglect and delinquency as
problems; child placement agencies, institutions, relatives, or
others may define the administrative or organizational setting
and difficulties; but the child must be regarded as a child first
and foremost. Once an agency has accepted responsibility for
serving the child, plans and procedures ought to eschew
formalized and legalistic concepts and plan as any parent
would plan for the present and future welfare of the child.

It is possible to do little more than refer to a few out-
standing recommendations such as those which deal with
realignments between public and private social work;
with closer relationships between the Community Fund
and the Federation of Social Agencies; and the need
for continuing research. In considering the inadequacy of

public social services throughout the county there is sp«
cial emphasis on the development of a County Depart
ment of Health and of Hospitals; a County Departmen
of Public Assistance with complete responsibility for al
matters of relief, indoor and outdoor; a County Recrea
tion Commission.

Specific recommendations are of course of primary in
terest to workers in the fields of social work concerned
but the way in which they are interwoven has genera
significance. As an illustration take the area of economii
relief.

Recognize that relief must become, and to all intents ant
purposes is now, a public function and accordingly:

Revise the functions of voluntary agencies so as to dis
continue as soon as practicable the function of relief-giving
as it affects their programs and budgets.

Create a County Department of Public Assistance wit!
complete responsibility for all matters of relief, indoor anc
outdoor.

In the field of social case work an important place i:
reserved for voluntary agencies. In the opinion of th<
study staff, however, the present degree of specializatior
is not wholly advantageous, and the report recommend:
the establishment of ...

a general non-sectarian case work agency for Pittsburgh anc
Allegheny County. The functions of the Family Society, Chil
dren's Service Bureau and the Children's Aid Society shouk
be transferred to this organization.

These proposals cut uncompromisingly across th<
existing set-up for social work in Pittsburgh. To arriv<
at a constructive decision as to the wisdom of these 01
other changes involves freedom in thinking and courag<
in program-making. With such proposals challenging
old concepts as to the role of the individual agency anc
as to the values which have been created by specialization
full discussion is to be desired to make sure that if we
accept radical changes we do so in a way to conserve
values already won. Unless they come as an outgrowth ol
community-wide interest and conviction the long proces;
of transmuting them into action in Pittsburgh or an]
other community will encounter too many barriers.

Among the groups who have a stake in such planning
are the members of the boards of directors of voluntary
agencies; contributors to social work; taxpayers; public
officials and social workers on whom rests the responsi
bility for carrying on the work; those who use the serv
ices. What part did they have in planning the Pittsburgh
study and in making it; in deciding which recommenda
tion should be formulated and carried out?

The study was initiated by the Federation of Socia!
Agencies. A Citizens Committee, chosen as widely repre
sentative of the community, participated in planning the
work; received and discussed the reports of the staff and
outside specialists; and accepted, with one exception
every recommendation submitted by the staff. The com-
mittee is continuing for the present as an active group
to follow up die recommendations and help to translate
them into practice.

In a final chapter written a year and a half after the
field study was ended, questions are frankly raised by
Mr. Klein as to die results that have been so far achieved.
Ten items are recorded in which "the recommendations
have been accepted by the agencies affected and decisive

120

steps for putting them into effect" have been taken.
Others must await further consideration by the boards of
directors and staffs of agencies, changes in governmental
structure, action by citizen groups. In other words, siuh
widespread and thorough recommendations can be re-
garded only as a chart for long term guidance.

That not every community can afford or is ready for
such elaborate and searching evaluation of its own situa-
tion is evident. It will be useful as a model only if in-
dividual agencies elsewhere are ready to look at their
own services in terms of the whole; if there is enlightened
interest there as in Pittsburgh on the part alike of pro-
fessional social workers and of the responsible citi/en
group; if there is sound organization for cooperative
social planning.

For here we come face to face with fundamental ques-
tions. What are characteristic needs of our industrial com-
munities? What part has social work taken in meeting
them? How much further should it strive to go in this
direction? How can it formulate a logical program for a
particular community? Are there problems within the
organization of social work itself which hamper its de-
velopment as a constructive force?

AFTER 40?

(Continued from page 89)

against them? How will he stack up in the mind of an
employer facing a business recession and the painful neces-
sity of laying off some of his men? Is Timothy's work of
a seasonal or temporary nature? Has he a strong union
behind him, dedicated to battling for older men? Can he
continue to learn and to work fast or is he freezing in his
attitudes and slowing down? Is he in a depressed or a
growing business? When will some infernally ingenious
machine be trucked in, belted to the power shaft and start
doing his work? Is he employed with a firm whose policy
it is to transfer older employes to lighter tasks; to promote
stability in its labor force with group insurance and old
age pensions? Or is he with one of those employers who
argue that insurance, pensions, compensation and mini-
mum wage laws are forcing him to select younger (that
is, more efficient) men? When will another depression
put him once more in danger of discharge?

Timothy Smith is sitting precariously. Even in good
times, there are forces and prejudices that tend to crowd
him, after forty, toward the edge of the labor market.
A personal formula for saving himself as long as pos-
sible might well include many positive terms — skill and
knowledge constantly being reeducated; the develop-
ment, if possible, of an auxiliary skill; health; adaptabil-
ity; union membership; identification with a growing
business which can furnish steady, as against seasonal or
temporary, work under an employer with a conscience.

A social formula for keeping him effectively on the
job must include adult education and the revitalizing of
apprentice training; the elimination of mere blind
prejudice against older workers; improved personnel
policies in the treatment of the middle-aged; the adjust-
ment of compensation, insurance and pension systems so
that employes arc not penalized to the point of losing
their positions simply because they accumulate birthdays.

(In aniurenng fdvrrtiumentt

These consumer guides

show thousands how to buy

more intelligently

Teachers report Household Finance booklets

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for required reading

^JEW evidence of the contribu-
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'tabulation of the replies gave
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44. }•;, Household Finance'sbook-
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121

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(In answering advertisements

§ NCTXXCCK

IN THE FIELD OF FOREIGN TRAVEL, OF DOMESTIC TOURS AND

cruises, America will in 1938 follow the record-breaking
travel trends of 1936 and 1937, according to the Monthly
Survey and Forecast of world travel tendencies recently re-
leased by the American Express Travel Service.

"These two years — and 1937 in particular — have been
travel habit forming years, and travel habits, like others, are
more easily formed than broken," says Douglas Malcolm of
the Travel Service. World affairs remaining as they are,
travel trends will follow the course of 1937 and continue the
upward trend of that year.

In the field of domestic travel, Canada and the National
Parks will share the lead as they have in the past, with
Mexico a close second. Alaska will also be popular.

The West Indies, then maritime Canada and finally North
Cape will lead the summer cruise field.

Topsy-Turvy Seasons

AMONG NEW HABITS WHICH ARE CHANGING THE SET-UP OF THE
entire travel business, is a tendency to extend seasons, with
resorts in both America and Europe opening earlier in the
spring and closing later in the fall; a shifting of vacations
from summer to winter; a growing inclination to travel about
during the vacation instead of settling in one spot. Travel
interests are increasing their efforts to make every resort a
year round one. The phenomenal growth of winter sports
and the success of such states as Florida and California in
drawing summer tourists indicate that this development is a
welcome one with the public. Further bearing out the faci
that travel is now a year round industry are reports from the
20,000 banks and other institutions selling Travelers Checks
that these checks are in demand every month of the year.

In domestic travel, interest during the winter months will
be divided between the lands of the south on one hand and
those of snow on the other. Continuing its remarkable growth
the winter sports movement is now heralded as a $20 million
industry and is providing some winter travel even to the
snow lands of Europe. In a field heretofore largely dominated
by eastern railroads, the Great Northern has this winter
entered the ski picture by promoting Mt. Baker and Mt
Rainier, while the Union Pacific taps new travel markets foi
guests for famed Sun Valley.

As interest in winter sports heightens throughout Canada
the New England states and the Middlewest, air lines will
this winter get on the ski band wagon, American Airlines and
Canadian Colonial Airways scheduling a snow plane to the
Laurentians — and United Air Lines one to Sun Valley.

Streamlined Pilgrims

A FINAL FACTOR TO BE RECKONED WITH IN PREDICTING TRAVE1

trends is new equipment. Americans want to travel both fast
and comfortably, and to meet these demands travel interests
are announcing 1938 plans. The Chicago and Northwestern
will have nine new streamlined locomotives for its Chicagc
to Omaha run; and the Santa Fe will operate its Super Chiel
twice a week between Chicago and Los Angeles. Most exten
sive, perhaps, of all plans for 1938 are those of aviation
United Air Lines will add $1,100,000 in equipment; Im
perial Airways will have ready in the spring five of the new
Albatross airliners. Capable of cruising more than 200 miles
per hour, these are especially designed for experiments over
the Atlantic and mark a forward step in the direction of regu-
lar air service between the United States and Europe.

please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC.)

122

BEFORE 25?

( Continued from page 86)

people they feel they must have as oncoming executives.

What kind of youths arc they seeking? Arc their standards
different from those of the past? I put these questions to men
and women who do the hiring — the personnel director of one
oi the great manufacturers of agricultural implements — the
heads of two long chains of stores, owners of laundries, res-
t.uir.mts and beauty shops. I walked into one thick-carpeted
office after another in city skyscrapers and into the informal
s.inctums of shirtsleeved small town employers. I saw men
who formulate labor policies for steel mills, utilities, rubber
factories and big banks.

The outstanding change from pre-depression days, I found,
is a nation-wide rise in educational requirements. Business
and industry want highschool graduates. They want capable
and well educated boys and girls even in beginners' jobs
which require a turn of the wrist and no initiative whatever.

Bellowed one employer above the bang and clatter of an
.issembly line, "Highschool graduates are more intelligent.
The intelligent person is a more careful, a safer workman."
One needs no blueprint to see why that's important. These
big complicated machines are expensive. Many of them are
also dangerous. A thoughtless gesture, a crushed hand is
tragedy for the workman and financial as well as human loss
to the employer under the workmen's compensation laws.

"Youngsters who have finished highschool have demon-
M rated energy and perseverance. They've had a fixed objec-
tive and reached it. They have, in effect, been diligent in com-
pleting their first jobs." The man in the telephone company
was pedantic in his observation, but the illustration was be-
fore me. I was standing in a room where girls were sorting
toll tickets — girls with alert bright faces. There were thou-
sands and thousands of toll tickets. A mistake the supervisor
didn't catch would be on the customer's bill — and everybody
knows how the customer acts! Moreover, expensive clerical
work would be needed to adjust it.

"We've found highschool graduates are more reliable," the
head of the big textile mill said. He pointed out a lad lying
in a dcckchair, apparently asleep in this huge humid hum-
ming room. Before him great spindles were turning what
looked like gargantuan twists of dough. Suddenly the lad got
up. He had spied a flaw. If he were not constantly watchful,
valuable fabric would be spoiled.

I heard other reasons why employers want highschool
graduates. Business is obliged to pay higher wages. In some
states minimum wage laws are in force. In numerous indus-
tries unions have, by agreement, put a bottom to wage rates.
If the employer must pay on the basis of competent services
he wants to get fair value. Moreover, with older boys and
j;irls he feels he will have a smaller labor turnover because
they are "not so resdess."

Employers confide another reason. In an unsettled labor
situation they find highschool graduates more satisfactory to
deal with, more equable and more discerning. They organize,
but they are not so frequently the prey of "labor racketeers."
Employers are becoming fearful of the very ignorant.

So we find the youngster with a highschool diploma has
the odds in his favor in competing with those who lack his
education. He also has another new advantage. Today the
boss would rather hire him for a beginning run-of-the-mill
job than a college graduate. This marks a significant change
from the depression days when the college graduate got all
the jobs, even the meanest of them. Rarely could anyone else
get anything at all to do. Here is a story which has almost
become depression folklore:

In a midwestcrn city a Ph.D. worked as a dishwasher in a
short-order lunchroom on the seamier side of town. So care-

k (Continued on page 124)

fin antiverinf advertitemenit

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123

BEFORE 25?

(Continued from page 123)

ful, so quick, so efficient was he that when he left the pro-
prietor advertised, "Wanted — dishwasher. Must be Ph.D."

This sort of thing became a boomerang. Those over-
educated dishwashers got restless. They nagged for better
jobs, more money. Many of them became troublemakers.
Employers, at first charmed with their responsibility and in-
telligence, turned against them. This has not hurt the normal
opportunities for the college trained in most instances, but it
has closed to them some openings which now go to high-
school graduates.

For example, many big corporations now plan to hire only
a fixed quota of college graduates for executive and technical
jobs. Other types of business, such as banks, which used to
insist on college graduates for all beginning jobs, now want
highschool boys and girls in many instances where they find
training on the job more important than higher education.

Many of the enlightened employers I consulted echoed the
personnel director of the agricultural implement company
who said, "We know we can't figure on keeping highschool
graduates on the same factory operation for thirty years.
Right now we are working on a promotion program for
those we have in production processes."

I observed in my travels that employers not only want
young people; they want them very young — fresh from the
classroom, with the ink still damp on their diplomas. Boys
and girls in their seventeenth, eighteenth and nineteenth
years have the best chances for jobs. The competition for the
good students in the classes of 1936 and 1937 was so keen
that employers were convinced that all the desirable appli-
cants had been snapped up before or soon after graduation;
that the rest were inferior material. The youngsters them-
selves have sensed that. Consequently they have been grab-
bing the first available opportunities, expecting from the ad-
vantageous situation of an actual wage earner to look around
for congenial and permanent jobs.

Employers today have a changed attitude toward work
records. They admit it. The head of a real estate company in
Cleveland said, "In the past if a boy had held a number of
jobs during a short period of time, I'd wonder what was
wrong with him. Nowadays, I think he's an energetic young
fellow. He found work when other people were unemployed.
I want him."

Educational Requirements

I FOUND YOUNG FOLK WITH A LITTLE TECHNICAL TRAINING IN

great demand. In Chicago, for instance, over 1500 boys and
girls who graduated from the city's fine technical highschools
last June were placed before the first of September. Many
had several openings from which to make a choice.

The skilled trades, I found, are desperately in need of new
blood the country over. During the past six or seven years
some 25 percent of the skilled labor has disappeared — crafts-
men have died, become incapacitated by old age or illness,
lost their skill through unemployment — and I heard it esti-
mated generally that if these lost workers are not replaced
by 1941 or 1942, there will be a serious shortage.

Many unions are welcoming apprentices. For instance, I
heard in Chicago that the steamfitters now have four hun-
dred whereas for ten years they had none. Corporations
which conduct apprentice programs are going out to recruit
boys. Almost all unions and firms insist on the highschool
diploma, preferably from a technical highschool.

Because there is so much emphasis on vocational training,
rackets have developed in this field — institutions purporting
to give highly specialized education. Doubtful of their
value, employers warn boys and girls to save their money.

General principles and versatility are the best equipment in
either machine or white collar jobs. What these "schools"
have to offer is often worthless.

Turning to the college graduate, we hear further good
news.

Scouts from the great corporations have made their appear-
ance on the campuses the past year, some for the first time
since 1929. General Electric took on between 700 and 800
young graduates last year. In 1931 it took about 400 — and
after that it was releasing men, not hiring them. Republic
Steel has 200 college men now in "observational training."
Goodyear Rubber Company hired 103 college graduates dur-
ing the past summer. In 1933 it took eighty-two. Next sum-
mer it expects to employ 150 from the classes of 1938. In
one city the local office of the telephone company took
twenty-five or thirty a year until 1930. After that it went no
more to the colleges until 1936 when it put seven men on the
payroll. In 1937, it took on twenty-three graduating seniors.

The competition for the best men among the 1937 gradu-
ates has been keen. For instance, Goodyear Rubber Company
was obliged to make 241 offers to secure those 103 men who,
incidentally, were drafted from fifty colleges.

Planning for a Job

YOUTHS WHO MAJORED IN ENGINEERING, IN CHEMISTRY, IN
various laboratory research subjects, in dietetics, journalism,
commerce and business administration, have quickly stepped
into good positions.

Offices of every description want college educated girls as
secretaries. The department stores recruit them for potential
executives. Hospitals try to attract them as nurses. The cos-
metics industries want them for managerial and promotion
work. There are not enough dental hygienists to meet the
demand.

It is true that graduates of colleges of law and education
still face overcrowded professions, and those who took their
degrees in liberal arts are not so popular as those who have
a B.S. Pre-1937 graduates have a harder time finding work
than those whose sheepskins are newly framed, for employers
feel about the college product as they do about highschool
students: the cream of the crop is the first hired. So great
is the need for youth that most of the universities from which
I have information report that about 90 percent of their 1937
seniors were "on the job" by September 1.

What will be left for the 1938 graduate? Is this demand
continuing? One manager after another confided, "We're
sending around to the colleges much earlier this year. Too
much competition last spring. We want the first chance."

Is there any difference in the type of college man business
wants today from the sort who got the offers before the
depression? I found some. There is greater emphasis on
scholastic record than there used to be. Businesses want the
man with about a "B" average, who has taken part in campus
activities — but not in too many of them. The famous athlete
isn't so popular as once he was, except with sporting goods
houses and gymnasiums. They told me at the Goodyear
plant, "They've been spoiled by too much publicity. They
are likely to think, after a few months, that the other firm's
offer was better."

Students in the lower tuition colleges and the state uni-
versities are receiving more consideration from the corpora-
tion scouts than they did in the past. Personnel managers
have noted that many parents who planned to send their
children to Vassar or Williams were thankful they could
scrape up enough to send them to good old Siwash.

Boys who have supported themselves wholly or in part
during their academic years are particularly popular. A cou-
ple of young men I met are famous in their town. They had
set up housekeeping in a coal bin and raised chickens for
food and funds to sustain them through the mazes of political
economy and differential calculus. They were dazzled with

124

the ID.IIH oilers which they received when they graduated.

N'.iturally not every boy and girl is tendered a job by a
corporation scout before commencement. Indeed, only 25
percent of the senior class gets the majority of opportunities.
But smaller firms which do not scout do advertise, or notify
employment agencies, or send out word by friends and older
employes that they are eagerly awaiting applicants.

Young men and women who have majored in practical
subjects naturally have the first choice. As I traveled across
the continent I worried for fear the younger students would
hear so much about this they would forget that a higher cdu-
c.ition offers more than the tools of livelihood.

Those who plan to study for a definite calling would do
well to make sure it will not be overcrowded or obsolescent
by the time they are ready to enter it. The last years bear
bitter evidence to the dangers of headlong specialization. For
instance, when soil and forest preservation became a recog-
nized national need, thousands registered as students of these
subjects. Presently we arc likely to have more graduate
foresters and soil experts than several nations the size of the
United States could profitably use. In the early days of the
Deal, there was a crying need for trained social work-
ers. N'ow there is some reason to fear the colleges are pro-
ducing too many of them.

I talked these matters over with boys and girls I met on
my way. I find this generation an admirable lot of young
ones. Most of them, whether in highschool or college, are
looking at the future with sober realism. Few of them are
self-important. In spite of the present bull market in youth,
they are not demanding excessive salaries. They weigh care-
fully the merits of large and small business enterprises. They
want jobs which offer, primarily, security. They are not at-
tracted, for instance, by sales jobs with earnings on a commis-
sion basis, so popular before the 1929 crash. Brokerage
houses, real estate, insurance, automobile and other sales
agencies are obliged to pay salaries as well as commissions in
order to secure promising young people. Public service, fed-
eral, state, and local, has great appeal, when the jobs it offers
are under civil service. While I was in California I heard that
800 recent graduates had applied for state jobs.

Much vocational snobbery has disappeared in recent years.
Youngsters who would never have considered overall-and-
dirty-fingernail jobs are now enthusiastically at work in them.
Placements in Los Angeles arc significant. Last year the
largest number of young people — 23 percent — went to work
at service jobs; the second largest group — 20 percent — be-
came clerical workers; and boys and girls entering crafts and
skilled trades came third with a full 18 percent of the total.

Boys and girls from farm homes are fully as serious and
realistic as their city cousins. They know that, with the de-
velopment of modern farm machinery, few members of the
family can profitably stay at home. Many leave for the city.
Those who expect to inherit farms, or hope to be able to buy
land, usually go to agricultural college to learn related jobs,
fitting themselves to work as county agents, experts in soil
preservation, milling, etc., until they can begin actual. farm-
ing. Girls in rural areas think the career of farmer's wife
isn't so bad. They frequently go to college, specialize in such
subjects as home economics, truck gardening, bee keeping,
poultry raising, and hope to find jobs until they "settle
down" with farmer husbands to use their training in their
own homes.

The 1937 graduates found a real welcome in the working
world. The June graduates this year may find the country
still under economic clouds, though many of our leading
economists look for substantial improvement in the spring.
But even though the expected "upturn" is discouragingly
gradual, it seems fairly safe to predict that there will be jobs
for ambitious highschool and college graduates. Industry and
business have only begun to replenish their youth, vital to
their very existence.

(In answering advertisement i

THE CASE FOR THE

CONSUMER

A series of articles
to appear soon

Governor Lehman recently classified the principal func-
tional groups of American society as business, labor, the
farmer, and the consumer. A series of articles scheduled
for early publication in Survey Graphic focuses atten-
tion on the perplexing problems of the consumer.
Included are the following articles:

— an analysis by Charles F. Phillips of the
trend to legalize price fixing, now ex-
pressed in the Miller-Tydings bill

— a forceful statement by Assistant At-
torney General Robert H. Jackson on
what business and government can do
under existing laws to promote con-
sumers' interests

— a study of the new pure food and drug
bills by an observer close to the scene

— an interpretation of the comprehensive
investigation of distribution by the
Twentieth Century Fund

Don't miss these timely articles in —

SURVEY

GRAPHIC

SURVEY GRAPHIC, 112 East 19 Street, New York City.

Enter my subscription for Q one year at J3 OR G rwo yean at ?5.
n I enclose payment in full, OR D I will pay in 30 days. SG 2-38

Nan

Address,

Additional pottage per year — Foreign 50t, Canadian 30(.

please mention SURVEY G»*PHIC;

125

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workers, their friends and associated groups to the Seattle
Conference in June.

THESE two services offer an attractive opportunity to
• friends and fellow workers to renew old friendships and
make new acquaintances while traveling through some of
America's most fascinating scenery.

For particulars regarding the "SPECIAL" write
Mollie Condon, care of The Survey, 112 East
Nineteenth Street, New York.

THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
FOR JEWISH SOCIAL WORK

1938-
1939

Offers graduate professional curricula for the
acquisition of the necessary knowledge and
skills for social work leading to the Master's
and Doctor's degrees.

FOR INFORMATION about requirements
for admission, scholarships and fellowships,
write to the Director, DR. M. J. KARPF, 71
West 47th Street, New York City.

PENNSYLVANIA SCHOOL
OF SOCIAL WORK

AFFILIATED WITH
THE UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA

Thirtieth Year, 1938-1939

The School offers a two year course leading to
the degree, Master of Social Work.

Applications for admission are now being re-
ceived. The last date for filing applications is
May 1 5, 1 938.

Catalog and application blanks will be
sent on request.

3 1 1 SOUTH JUNIPER STREET. PHILADELPHIA

(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC)

126

SMITH COLLEGE SCHOOL
FOR SOCIAL WORK

offers a series of correlated courses for
supervisors July 6 to August 31, 1938

Supervision — Mix Berth* C. Reynolds
Case Work— Miss Beatrice H. Wajdyk
Psychiatry — Dr. LeRoy M. A. Maeder
Group Relationships — Miss Bertha C. Reynolds

Open to graduates of schools of social work who have
had three years' experience as case workers in approved
agencies.

Tuition, room and board £200

For farther information write to

THE DIRECTOR COLLEGE HALL 8

Northampton, Massachusetts

SMITH COLLEGE SCHOOL
FOR SOCIAL WORK

EVERETT KIMBALL, Director
ANNETTE GARRETT, Associate Director

Courses of Instruction

Plan A The count Imdinx to the Master's degree consists
of three >nmmer sessions at Smith College and two
winter •union* of nupervinrd ra«e work at selected
•oriaJ agencies In various ritiei. ThU course is
designed for those who have had little or no previoun
experience In social work. Limited to forty-five.

Plan B Applicants who have at least one year's experience
in an approved social agency, or the equivalent,
may receive credit for the first summer session and
the first winter session, and receive the Master's
degree upon the completion of the requirements of
two summer sessions and one winter session of
supervised case work. Limited to thirty-ive.

Plan C A summer session of eight weeks is open to experi-
enced social workers. A special course in case work
Is offered by Miss Beatrice H. Wajdyk. Limited to
thirty-ive.

SMITH COLLEGE STUDIES IN SOCIAL WORK

Published Quarterly
£.75 a copy; £2.00 a year

for Ittrtkfr imjormaliom writt to

THE DIRECTOR COLLEGE HALL 8

Northampton, Massachusetts

ANNOUNCEMENT

The Neuro-Psrchlfttric liutitnlt of thr Hartford Retreat

announce* that It will coniider applications of Gradual*
RrfftBtercd Nurses for appointment (a) u regular members
of lu Nursing Staff, and (b) aa •tudenU in it* Poatvrmduat«
Course In IVyrhiatric Nursing.

(a) Staff Appointments

Candidate* for appointment as ttaff members receive
$66.00 a month and maintenance during a six months' period
of orientation. This period includes, in addition to instruc-
tion in the educational methods of the institution, courses in
Clinical Psychiatry, Elementary Psychology. Piychopalhology.
Care Technique and the Theory and Practice of Psychiatric
Nursing. Upon the satisfactory completion of the orientation
period the remuneration will be Increased to $75. 00 and
maintenance.

(b) Postgraduate Students

The Postgraduate Course in Psychiatric Nursing leading
to a certificate is designed to enable Graduate Nurse* to
pursue advanced study and. at the same time, remain self-
sustaining. Students accepted for this course receive $50.00
a month and maintenance during the postgraduate work,
with the opportunity of a substantial increase and appoint-
ment to the permanent staff upon satisfactory completion.
For enrollment students must have completed two years in
an accredited college or submit acceptable evidence of equiva-
lent collegiate, professional or other training. The twelve
months' advanced course begins in April and October. Ac-
cepted candidates may, however, be admitted at any time.
They will be enrolled in such classea in the six months'
orientation course as will further their preparation for the
graduate work. It is felt that these classes together with
the practical experience form a desirable prelude to the
advanced program.

For further information concerning appointments kindly
communicate with Miss Annie W. Goodrich. Consulting
Director of Nurses.

The Nr u ro- Psychiatric Institute

of the

Hartford Retreat
200 Retreat Avenue Hartford, Connecticut

T ht Institute of Living
I-'oundfd 1822

FREE TO YOU!

<OLD BOB' LA FOLLETTE'S

SPEECH AGAINST U. S. ENTRY
INTO THE WORLD WAR

YOU can obtain YOUR copy FREE with a six
month's subscription to THE PROGRESSIVE,
La Follette's great national weekly newspaper.

Send one dollar today with the coupon below:

The. PROGRESSIVE S.C.2

Msdison. Wis.

I enclose SI. Enter •> subscription lor itx months sad >end me
copy of Old Bob's speech stsin«f wsr :

Address

City Stats

(In answering adrertitemrnts please mtntiun St«\iv

127

CLASSIFIED ADVERTISEMENTS

RATPS- Non-display: 5* per word; minimum $1.00.

• Display: 30 cents a line, 14 agate lines to the inch.

SITUATIONS WANTED

INSTRUCTOR IN PRINTING

20 years of practical experience including
The Children's Village, 8 years foreman-
ship printing plant ; graduate New York
Employing Printers Assn. ; desires con-
nection private institution. New York
or vicinity preferred.

7472 SURVEY

SOCIAL GROUP WORK. Eleven years' experi-
ence with clubs, classes and training pro-
grams national group work agency. Desires
opportunity to teach Program-Building Meth-
ods, Group Work Principles, etc. 7483 Survey.

Graduate Home Economist, experience social
service, teaching, and institution management.
7485 Survey.

Young woman of ability desires part time
evening work where expert stenographic skill
can lighten the burdens of a busy executive.
7480 Survey.

Man Worker with many years experience in
Children's Homes, Settlement House and
Churches desires permanent connection where
Higher Ideals count. 7487 Survey.

OPPORTUNITY

RESPONSIBLE WOMAN, references, wishes
room and board in private family exchange
staying in evenings with children. 7469 Sur-
vey.

Your Own Agency

This is the counseling and placement agency
sponsored jointly by the American Associa-
tion of Social Workers and the National
Organization for Public Health Nursing,
National, Non-Profit making.

(Agency)
122 East 22nd Street, 7th floor. New York

MILLINERY

Smart, handmade Velvet Berets, with or with-
out head band — lined with silk and trimmed
with a gay little quill. Made by a young
woman handicapped but artistically gifted.
$2.96. Also knitted berets, 11.95. 7474 Survey.

RESORT

REST HOME

Beautiful modern home, spacious grounds,
the ideal place for rest and convalescence.
Individual attention. Special diets. At-
tractive rates for weekends and holidays.
Registered Nurse in charge.

Circular on Application

THE ALBERT HOMESTEAD

Oasining, New York — Draining 2250

THE BOOK SHELF

HALT! CRY THE DEAD
By Frederick A. Barber

"Overwhelming arguments . . . such quantities
of ammunition for ... all those who have
dedicated themselves to the cause of world-wide
peace." — New York Times.

175 pages. Cloth $1.50. Paper $1.00

ASSOCIATION PRESS
347 Madison Avenue New York

"Why do people waste their time with fulilt
struggles to help the poor when this plan toes It
the root of the trouble?"

PROHIBITING POVERTY

Prestonia Mann Martin
Farrar & Rinehart, N. Y.
Cloth $1.00; paper 50 cents.

The American Journal of Nursing shows the part
which professional nurses take in the better-
ment of the world. Put it in Jour library. $3.00
a year. 60 West 60 Street, New York, N. Y.

LITERARY SERVICE

(Continued from page 67)

social significance than met the eye of the
casual passer-by: organized workers were in
conflict with organized consumers. No
amount of rhetoric about the fundamental
sympathy the two groups should have for
one another could end the quarrel. The bar-
gain that was finally struck was a practical
one. Mr. Pratt discusses the steps which led
to it (page 90), and adds some observa-
tions on similar problems which other co-ops
and unions will have to face — and solve.

DESPITE HEADLINES AND HUMAN BEINGS
that should convey to the average citizen
accurate knowledge of the problems of pub-
lic assistance, a lot of foggy notions persist.
On page 93, ten widespread delusions are
stated and refuted by Herman M. Somers.
now at the Harvard Graduate School of Pub-
lic Administration, on leave from the Wis-
consin Public Welfare Department.

TRADE UNION REGULATION, SIMILAR TO THE
statutes that were passed in Great Britain
after the great General Strike of 1926, are
frequently advocated in the United States—
sometimes by people who have very little
knowledge of how the British legislation has
worked. Lisbeth Parrott, who interviewed
leaders of British labor on a recent journey
to England, reports her findings on page
104. Miss Parrott developed the line of her
investigation during a course under John
A. Fitch at the New York School of Social
Work. Now on the staff of Community
Chests and Councils Inc., she is a contributor
of articles to Survey Midmonthly.

SERVANTS OF THE PEOPLE, BY HILLIER
Krieghbaum (page 116), will conclude next
month with a sketch of Dr. Armstrong of
the United States Public Health Service.

(In a.

To THE EDITOR: In my entire sixteen years
of life I have never before attempted so
brazen and daring a thing as that which I
am now undertaking. I am sending you a
poem which I recently wrote.

I have dedicated it to the youth of those
countries in which a state of war now exists.
It is to help them, and to prevent the iden-
tical misfortune happening to the rest of
us, that I have written it.

It is because of the thought which it ex-
presses that I send it to you. I know I am
supported in my beliefs by those millions
of boys and girls to whom war means the
difference between living and existing, and
who choose to live.

I hope my efforts will not have proved in

Cry of Youth

Don't make us die, O God, not yet,
We want to live, to breathe awhile,
To know the beauty of the world,
To gaze down coming years and smile.

Don't make us see the things that are,
The desolation, the despair,
The squalor that comes with the war,
The demon, Death, who's everywhere.

Don't make us shoulder arms and fight,
For we are still too young to die,
We want the right of everyman — to live.
So make war pass us by.

Don't let us know the fear, the pain
Our fathers knew — not long ago,
Don't bring war's horror back again,
Youth could not bear it so.

Salute to a Missionary

(From the Baltimore Evening Sun)

OUR ESTEEMED CONTEMPORARY, THE

Survey Graphic devotes its December num-
ber to celebration of the twenty-fifth anni-
versary of the establishment of Survey Asso-
ciates, the organization behind the magazine.
It is a double number of the periodical, to
which it has called a list of contributors in-
cluding Charles A. Beard, H. G. Wells,
William Allen White, Stuart Chase and a
dozen other interesting people.

But they all review the times and not the
magazine. It is therefore the pleasure of
The Evening Sun to say a word for the pub-
lication. We are, in general, able to keep
within bounds our enthusiasm for mission-
aries and the Survey Graphic is a missionary.
It labors diligently to enlighten the heathen
who know not even the name of sociology.
But it is a calm, even-tempered and singularly
well-dressed missionary; there are few better
looking magazines in America, and few less
addicted to shrieking. More than that, as I
a glance over the anniversary number will
show, it has been extraordinarily successful
for twenty-five years in publishing tomorrow's
news today. An amazing number of things
discussed by the Survey Graphic shortly after
1912 as the shape of things to come are :
now incorporated into the communal mores.

It is therefore our privilege to sweep the
ground with our hat in as stately a bow as
we can contrive before one missionary whose
shadow, we hope, will never grow less, and
whose wisdom and good humor, we trust,
will continue to enchant and edify us heathen
for many a year to come.

Brookline, Mass. JUDITH SHOCKET

nswering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC)

128

The above is one of many appreciative
comments which the editors humbly and
blushingly wish to acknowledge.

THIS IS THE BOOK!

AMERICA'S 60 FAMILIES

'nal mate

ria|inihis,

By FERDINAND LUNDBERG

Who they are — the extent of their fortunes — how these 60 Families
affect you and your taxes — how they control the political parties for
which you vote, the newspapers you read, the schools and colleges your
children attend. . . . How these 60 Families profit from depressions while
the incomes of the 30,000,000 American families decline. This book reveals
the inside of the New Deal, why some of the 60 Families oppose it and
why some favor it.

U' 1 1 \T these 60 Families do is no mere matter of figures so far as you are con-
cerned it is a question of vital importance to every American. No matter
.>• '.'T V'ii are an independent business man, an executive in a big corporation, a
^Meuional man or woman, an employee or an investor — what these 60 Families do

- \niir prosperity, your profits (or losses), the taxes you pay.

• ii're merely a millionaire, you'll be amazed at the power and influence of the
super-wealthy and the luxury in which they live.

hi- well: This book is not an attack on wealth itself. It is an objective and
impartial investigation of the 60 colossal fortunes which dominate and debauch
Ami-rirj. Many wealthy men and women have read and applauded this volume.

IK "iOU COULD READ JUST ONE BOOK ABOUT THIS AMERICA OF OURS,
THIS IS THE BOOK TO SELECT! For it actually shows you what makes the
wheel- go 'round. No writer on public affairs has ever before dared to write so
frankly. No writer has ever presented the facts, figures and documents to prove such

'ii-.

IMPRESSIVE TRIBUTES

From Disinterested

Sources

'A magnificent introduction to our
Plutocracy."

—Dr. Ckarlts A. Beard.

'A really important contribution to
in understanding of the times."

— Wu UK Mini- in "BOOKS,"
V«w 1'or* Htrald Trihmnt.

'Critics cannot dismiss him as
gnorent or trivial. . . . Well docu-
nented and uncompromising."

— R. L. DIIFFUS in Tkt Ntm York
Timti.

'I have paged through it enough to
ee that it is an extraordinary book
if treat import in our understanding
>f the ways in which business, capital
nd politics become interdependent
hrough the concentration of wealth."
— HKNUY A. WALLACE, Sicrtttry
I Afrifnttmrt.

Provocative and stimulating . . .
ill of important factual detail which
as lain buried and unnoticed. . . .
VM take a niche in contemporary
terature."

— LEWIS GANNETT in Tkt Ntm
'ork HtrmlJ Trihumt.

I don't recall any book so enthrall-
ig since Gustavus Myers' 'History
I the Great American Fortunes' of
liny years ago."

— PROP. E. A. Ross, Umiatrittf •/
'ilcomsi*.

\n important book, loaded to the
mwale with facts."

—Tkt Ntm Yorktr.

Do you know that..?

• A recent President kept in almost daily
communication by telephone with a certain
banking house? (See page 185)

• The 1907 panic was deliberately pro-
voked? (See pages 90-96)

• President Taft brought more anti-lm-t
suits than Theodore Roosevelt? (See page
102)

• Every President of the United States
from McKinley to Hoover had as principal
adviser a confidential representative of one
of America's 60 Families? (See pages 50-
188)

• The leading American universities are
all dominated, through boards of trustees,
by America's 60 Families? (See pages
375-377)

• The present airplane industry was built
with government money? (See pages 184-

slot

^ IUM[

1 "«*•,.,

• Many "economic Royalists" support the
New Deal— and why? (See pages 447-
495;

• The wealthiest families of America really
own most of its big newspapers and maga-
zines and control the major portion of the
balance? (See pages 244-319)

• Nearly all of America's wealthiest fam-
ilies are inter-married? (See pages 9-13)

• A certain banker is the most important
figure behind the scenes in American
journalism? (See pages 312-320)

• The Progressive Party of 1912 was
largely inspired and financed by J. P.
Morgan and Company? (See pages 106
et seq.)

USE THIS COUPON

568 Pages of

Illuminating, little known,

significant, and
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FACTS

Mail lo your bookstlltr — or to: SG 3-38

VANGUARD PRESS. lac.
424 Nfidison Avenue. New York City.

D Please send me AMERICA'S 60 FAMILIES. When the postman
delivers the book to me I will pay him $3.75, plus a lew eenli postage.
It is understood, however, that if for aay reason this book does not
completely live up to my expectations, I am to have the privilege
of returning it at any time within five days for the refund of in eoal.

Name

Addreea

City State

O Please check here il >ou with to encloae your remittance WITH
this coupon. In that case we will prepay all postage charges for yoa.
The same guaranteed refund will apply.

,,, GRAPHIC. published monthly and copyrighted 1938 by SURVEY ASSOCIATES. Inc. Publication and Executive office.

V ^f * 19 Strtfi- N*w York. N. Y. Price : this iaaue (March 1938 ; Vol. XXVII. No. SI 30 rts. : $3 a year : fort-urn poatage. 60 eta. extra ;
Canadian SO ct». Entered u second elaaa matter January 28. 19S8. at the post offlc* at New York. N. Y.. under the act of March S.
1879. Acceptance of mailing at a special rate of pontage provided for In Section 110S. Act of October S. I»17: authorized Dec. II. mi.

*J*

sin: SAYS

AND

THE alert, courteous voice of the telephone
operator is known to all who use the tele-
phone. To the little old lady in the shawl,
the man in the big house on the hill, or a
tiny tot of six, the words are the same,
"Number, please" and "Thank you."

The Bell System appreciates your patron-
age and tries to deserve it. In everything

that concerns telephone service, we hope
you can say: "They're nice people to do
business with." ...
170,000 Women Are Employed by the Bell System

More than half of the 315,000 employees of the
Bell System are women. Their average length of
service is about ten years. They are your friends
and neighbors.

BELL TELEPHONE SYSTEM

130

The Gist of It

FOR THE FOURTH CONSECUTIVE MONTH WE

bring to Si.ti.-i Graphic readers chapters
from the amazing story of British Health In-
surance, written by Dr. and Mrs. Orr after a
i first-hand study sponsored by the Na-
nonal Federation of Settlements. The cur-
rent chapter (page 135) is a prophetic doc-
ument that will serve as a landmark in future
discussion of health insurance in this coun-
try. The Orrs have been introduced in the
Gist pages before; for subsequent news of
them see the letter from Louis W. Home
on page 153.

IN REPRODUCING SOME OF THE DISTINCTIVE

Isotype charts which were done under the
direction of Otto Neurath for the National
Tuberculosis Association (page 139) we not
only call attention to an adventure in public
education, but to the technique of Isotype
itself — a world picture language, introduced
to this country in our own pages soon after
Dr. Ncurath had developed it in connection
with his work at the Gesellschafts-und-
Wirtschaftsmuseum in Vienna in 1924.

FAITHFUL READERS WILL REMEMBER THE
special issue on New World Gypsy Trails,
brought out in October 1927, in which the
nomads were for the first time seriously
studied as a strange footnote to our indus-
trial civilization. By a grim coincidence, the
depression was paralleled with a whole host
of disasters which have forced thousands of
Gypsies off the roads — and into city slums
where, for the time being, they are stranded.
Victor Weybright, managing editor, who pre-
sided over the special issue in 1927, has not
lost track of his errant friends. On page 142
he presents their difficulties in New York in
terms of Steve Kaslov, a Gypsy chief. In the
course of checking Mr. Weybright's article
Steve Kaslov pointed out that it neglects to
mention that he can handle orders for cop-
oersmithing, tinning and silver-plating at his
residence, 208 Bowery, New York.

'HERMAN WOLF, WHO RECENTLY TOURED

he South studying the textile labor situa-
ion, was for more than two years connected
vith various union groups in the textile and
lothing field, yet his impartiality is shown
f the fact that he has written on this topic
ot only for the Advance and federated
reu. but also for the Journal of Commerce,
n whose staff he has served as financial re-
oner, and for the Textile World. He is a
raduate of the University of Chicago, class
f 1933. Page 146.

F YOU, YOUR SISTER, YOUR COUSIN OR YOUR

unt i< one of the eleven million "gainfully
mployed" American women, you will find a
eply to a familiar question in an article,
•tge 151. based on a recent nation-wide
urvey of women workers and their depen-
ents. This article, in sequence to our own
)«cial number and related articles on Wo-
iin's Place, is written by Beulah Amidon,
(sociate editor. A more detailed summary
F the study will appear this month aj a
ublic Affairs Committee pamphlet with the
tie. Why Women Work.

(Continued on page 133)

MARCH 1938

CONTENTS

VOL. xxvu No. 3

PHOTOGRAPH BY DOROTHEA LANCE 134

Frontispiece — Andrew Furuseth

When We Choose Health Insurance

DOUGLASS W. ORR, M.D. AND JEAN WALKER ORR 135
Fighting Tuberculosis ISOTYPE CHARTS BY OTTO NEURATH 139

Who Can Tell the Gypsies' Fortune?

Cotton and the Unions

Women Breadwinners

Highschool by Mail

Price Maintenance Is Price Raising

Anthracite Coal Country . .

WPA, or Else

Security in a Cage

VICTOR WEYBRIGHT 142

HERMAN WOLF 146

BEULAH AMIDON 151

R. W. ROOT 153

CHARLES F. PHILLIPS 156

LOUISE BOYLE AND ELIZABETH BOYLE ROGERS 160

MAXINE DAVIS 163

PEARL S. BUCK 167

Through Neighbors' Doorways

Of the Other End of the Dog's Tail

Backstage with the Garment Workers

Letters and Life

Books on Main Street

My Father

JOHN PALMER GAVIT 170
MORRIS GILBERT 172

LEON WHIPPLE 174

ROGER WILLIAM Rns 182

O Survey Associate!, Inc.

SURVEY ASSOCIATES, INC.

Publication and Editorial Office: 112 East 19 Street, New York, N. Y.

Chairman of the Board, JULIAN W. MACK; president, Lucius R. EASTMAN; vice-
presidents , JOSEPH P. CHAMBERLAIN, JOHN PALMER GAVTT; secretary, ANN REED BRENNER.

Editor: PAUL KELLOGG.

Associate editors: BEULAH AMIDON, ANN REED BRENNER, JOHN PALMER GAVIT.
FLORENCE LOEB KELLOGG, LOULA D. LASKER, GERTRUDE SPRINGER, VICTOR WEYBRIGHT
(managing), LEON WHIPPLE. Assistant editors: HELEN CHAMBERLAIN, RUTH LERRIGO.

Contributing editors: HELEN CODY BAKER, JOANNA C. COLCORD, EDWARD T. DEVINE,
HAVEN EMERSON, M.D., RUSSELL H. KURTZ, MARY Ross, GRAHAM TAYLOR.

Business manager, WALTER F. GRUENINGER; Circulation manager. MOLLIF CONDON;
Advertising manager, MARY R. ANDERSON.

Survey Graphic published on the 1st of the month. Price of single copies of this issue,
30c. a copy. By subscription — Domestic: 1 year $3; 2 years $5. Additional postage per year —
Foreign 50c.; Canadian 30c. Indexed in Reader's Guide, Book Review Digest, Index to Labor
Articles, Public Affairs Information Service, Quarterly Cumulative Index Medicus.

Survey Midmonthly published on the 15th of the month. Single copies 30c. By subscrip-
tion—Domestic: 1 year $3; 2 years $5. Additional postage per year — Foreign 50c.; Cina-
dian 30c. Joint annual subscription to Survey Graphic and Survey Midmonthly $5. Coopera-
tive Membership in Survey Associates, including a joint subscription, JlO.

131

FORUM

Edited by Henry Goddard Leach

FEATURE ARTICLES FOR MARCH

Boss Hague

SUTHERLAND DENLINGER

Problems in Living

The Forum Clinic: Your Wife vs. Your Business

U II. I JAM MOULTON MARSTON

Should Women Teachers Marry?

A Debate on Spinster Schoolma'ams

ALONZO F. >l YKIIS
REYNOLDS

Death Is > oi a Necessity

Science and the Dream of Immortality

Is the Investor Helpless?

Protecting Your Stake in American Business

Servants Are Humans

Plain Talk by One of Them

WILLIAM MARIAS MALISOFF

BERNARD .1. REIS

ANONYMOUS

Life and Literature — Mary M. Coluni

... SIX MONTHS FOR
ONLY ONE DOLLAR

SG 3-38

THE FORUM

57O Lexington Avenue, New York, >. Y.

Here is my dollar. Please send your trial subscription for six months starting with the March issue to:

Name

Address

132

(Continued from page 1)1)

R. W. ROOT, WHO REPORTS ON THE INTER-

estmg use of correspondence courses in pub-
lic schools and elsewhere in the field of vo-
cational training where size of class or size
of budget makes personal instruction impos-
!•• a young newspaperman. (Page 153.)
now on leave from the Des Moines
• and Tribune on a fellowship award-
mi at the completion of a year in the
Columbia University School of Journalism
:mg.

ONOMIST, IN DEFENSE OF THE CON-

attacks the Miller-Tydings act and

•te price fixing laws which it fortifies.

(Page 156.) Mr. Phillips has a Ph.D. from

t. and has also done work at the

I School of Business Administration.

iincc the fall of 1934 he has been an assist-

mt professor of economics at Colgate Uni-

He has contributed to a number of

Hisinrss publications, such as Printers' Ink,

Ufertijing & Selling, and Retail Ledger, as

veil as to such professional journals as the

/ Business Review and American Eco-

lomic Review. He is co-author of two books:

Consumers' Cooperation and The Crisis in

he Electric Utilities.

•QUIPPED WITH A LEICA CAMERA AND AN

nlroduction to an anthracite mining family,
•lizabeth Boyle Rogers and Louise Boyle
et out from Ithaca, N.Y., to visit Mahanoy
Jty, Pa., last year. Louise took the pictures
nd Elizabeth wrote the graphic account of
ecording their exploration. Page 160.

>BTILLED THROUGH THE TYPEWRITER OF A

discerning journalist who has kept abreast
of developments in relief and work relief,
the composite portrait of work relief people
in Illinois on page 163 is of timely impor-
tance. Work Relief, or Else ... is based
upon material gathered during a recertifica-
tion review, under the direction of Leo M.
Lyons, executive secretary, and his assistant,
Carl H. Martini, of the Illinois Emergency
Relief Commission.

PFARL S. BUCK SHARES WITH us HER RE-
flections after seeing The March of Time
feature, Inside Nazi Germany. (Page 167.)
Writing out of a mind and heart stirred by
the millions of human beings enduring, and
even enjoying, "the security of a cage," she
warns that a man on horseback is no lasting
solution for insecurity. Pearl S. Buck needs
no introduction to Americans. Everyone
knows her novels; and we like to think that
her article, On Discovering America, pub-
lished in Survey Graphic last June, will not
soon be forgotten. Widely reprinted and
quoted, it stands as a message of patience,
tolerance and good will addressed to the
diverse racial, religious and political groups
which make the United States.

EVEN IF PINS AND NEEDLES WEREN'T A
sell-out it would be worth writing about, so
we go backstage with the garment workers
on page 172. Morris Gilbert, who does the
job, recently returned to the United States
after four years in Paris as NEA correspon-
dent. Before that he worked on the New
York Times, Herald Tribune, and in London
as assistant to Raymond Gram Swing, on
the New York Evening Post foreign staff.

Among Ourselves

i Correction

-i PITTSBURGH STUDIES ITSELF (FEBRUARY
urvey Graphic), Margaret F. Byington
•edited the Pittsburgh Federation of Social
gencies with initiating the project. A let-
t from R. Templeton Smith, chairman of
it Citizens' Committee for Social Study
: Pittsburgh and Allegheny County, cor-
«s and expands this statement. It was the
Welfare Fund, now the Community Fund,
at first proposed the study; and at its re-
icst the Federation joined in enlisting the
uncial support of the Buhl Foundation.
n recommendation of the Delegate Body
the Federation, a joint committee was
>pointed from the Welfare Fund and the
deration, which elected seven members
om the community at large and in turn
•came the Citizens' Committee.

scial Hygiene Advances

IKLY IN FEBRUARY THE CAMPAIGN
ainst the venereal diseases in the United
lies was dramatized by the second an-
lal observance of Social Hygiene Day.
t the dinner of the American SociaJ Hy-
ene Association in New York the William
eeman Snow Medal for distinguished
rvice to humanity in social hygiene was
esented to Dr. Edward L. Keyes. On many
>nts progress was reported in the fight to
imp out syphilis and gonorrhea. In Wash-
Jton a House bill (HR9047) introduced
Mr. Bulwinkle and an identical Senate

bill (S3290) introduced by Mr. La Follette
propose the extension of federal activity in
the investigation and control of these dis-
eases. Under these bills the U. S. Public
Health Service would be authorized to allot
federal funds to states, counties and other
political subdivisions, beginning with $3
million next year and gradually increasing
to $25 million as the program gets under
way. Both bills are now in committee.

The American Social Hygiene Association
has brought out a special educational edi-
tion of Surgeon General Thomas Parran's
book, Shadow on the Land — Syphilis, a com-
prehensive and brilliant expansion of his his-
tory-maJcing article published in Survey
Graphic and Reader's Digest in 1936. Priced
at $1 postpaid (in quantity lots, $9 a
dozen; $65 a hundred, plus transportation)
the- first printing of 5000 is rapidly nearing
exhaustion. This edition is not available
in bookstores. It is designed for wide dis-
tribution among professional, welfare, and
educational groups.

Dr. Parran to Be Survey Speaker

AS ONE OF THE INSTRUMENTS THAT GAVE

momentum to the renewed drive against the
venereal diseases. Survey Graphic announces
for publication in the next issue an article
by Surgeon General Parran, appraising
health demonstrations and recent develop-
ments in the South.

Coinciding with the publication of that
article Dr. Parran will be in New York

City, as guest speaker at the annual meeting
of Survey Associates. Friends and readers,
as well as cooperating members of Survey
Associates are invited to apply at once for
cards of admission to the meeting. A very
brief business session will precede Dr. Par-
ran's address. The meeting will be held at
99 Park Avenue. The date is March 28 at
four p. m.

Home Town Boy Returns

To THE EDITOR: I am prompted to write
you this morning "after the night before"
of our 15th Anniversary of the Council of
Social Agencies because of its implications
for the Survey Graphic.

While searching in my mind for a speaker
for the occasion — happily — the forward
looking articles of the Survey came to my
rescue. Why not invite Dr. Douglass Orr,
now of the Menninger Clinic, Topeka, Kan.,
and author of your most interesting articles
on the British medical system? Why not
have a home town boy who has made good
come back to us and tell us at first-hand
about his study and observations? This idea
was perfectly normal — to me — but not to
some of the medical profession, and thereby
hangs my tale.

Oddly enough, while at a luncheon called
for the purpose of developing plans for a
group hospital insurance program which the
medical profession has approved, the news
of our invitation to Douglass Orr got out.
I could see frowns upon the brows of our
medical fraternity. An executive, like a mule,
keeps his ears flapping around for all that
he can hear. In the distance I heard one
leader of the County Medical Society say,
"We will just get a group and go see his
father and tell him it won't help him pro-
fessionally if his son talks about the British
medical system. We don't want any propa-
gandizing here." You see, Douglass is the
son of one of Lincoln's most reputable and
distinguished orthopedic surgeons. Well, the
fat was in the fire and I was about to be
without a speaker. The old question of free
speech, liberty, etc., was going with the
wind.

A local group was about to deny this com-
munity the privilege of hearing about the
British medical programs, as if we weren't
learning about them, and could not learn
more, through other sources. The secretary's
mulish instincts came to the fore again, he
would review Dr. Orr's articles in the
Survey if necessary — the subject of the talk
must go on — even if the speaker was per-
suaded by his brother medicos "to regret
his inability to attend." Through contacts
with certain individuals — and medical men
too — the show went on. Dr. Douglass Orr
gave us a very interesting talk before the
largest gathering we have ever had for an
annual meeting, and freedom of speech and
free assemblage was saved again.

At the speakers' table were the proud
parents of Douglass, and among the audi-
ence were sisters, aunts, uncles, school teach-
ers from the grades through the university,
as well as prominent medical men, business
men, and social workers — in fact, a cross
section of community life.

The speech, obviously, was not incendiary
— not even to the medical group who at-
tended. (The chairman of the County Med-
(Coniinued on page 191)

133

ANDREW FURUSETH
1854 - 1938

Photograph by
Dorothea Lange

The dauntless "Old Viking," who headed the International Sea.
men's Union from 1908 until his death in January, launched am
led the long fight which resulted in the seamen's act of 1915. Hi"
last public appearance in 1934 was to remind the seamen, "We ar<
in the thick of a great evolution from slavery to freedom.'1

1918

VOL. XXVII NO. J

SURVEY GRAPHIC

When We Choose Health Insurance

by DOUGLASS W. ORR, M.D. and JEAN WALKER ORR

This is the fourth test tube the Orrs have held up for Survey
Graphic readers — filled with their findings as to British Health In-
surance. They have shown how doctors and workers alike, and the
public at large, want more and not less of it and why. That is
not the story we are accustomed to hear, much less such keen,
poised, outspoken discussion as this of some of the choices all
of us in the United States may soon be considering ourselves.

\MF.R1CA IS BECOMING INTERESTED IN HEALTH INSURANCE.

Fhc Social Security Board is studying the subject; the

\merican Medical Association still officially condemns

t; the American Federation of Labor has endorsed it;

mportant medical bodies in Michigan and California

lave approved experimenting with it; bills to establish

t have been introduced into Congress and at least five

ate legislatures; and President Roosevelt is known to

ivc discussed its possibilities with the famous Mayo

others and others. Foreign observers tell us that it is

evitablc, and some observers at home speculate on how

imincnt it may be.

Let us pretend, in view of all this, that health insurance
bound to come. Or, if you prefer, let us forebode it, or
ray for it, according to your bent. Or, if not health
isurance, at least some large scale extension of our public
ralth services. In any case, is there anything in the Eng-
sh experience that it would be good for us to know now
its bearing on American developments? The answer is
res," of course; human experience is always instructive,
id if we do not discover anything mat we might wish
imitate, perhaps we may find much to avoid.
The first lesson for America lies in die very fact of
alth insurance in England. National Health Insurance
ere is over twenty-five years old and is "a going con-
rn." It has of course been modified. Two official studies
it have been made— the Royal Commission (1926) and

the Scottish Committee (1936) — as well as numerous in-
vestigations by doctors, economists, and sociologists. The
sum total of the evidence proves, as we have seen in the
earlier articles in this series, that in England at least there
is a scheme of health insurance that works and, as far as
it goes, is generally accepted.

TOO OFTEN WE ARE TOLD THAT HEALTH INSURANCE HAS FAILED

wherever it has been tried; that it is state medicine, and
that all state medicine is abhorrent; that health insurance
means contract practice, and that contract practice is al-
ways degrading to die practice of medicine. Altogether
the picture of health insurance as it is usually presented
on diis side of the Atlantic is a fearsome one. It is con-
tended :

That government will dictate to the doctors.

That medicine will become the football of politics.

That the personal relationship between doctor and patient

will be destroyed.

That such a system will kill initiative.
That it will mean an inferior grade of medical service.

But we found nodiing of diat sort in England, and we
feel that the British form of health insurance avoids in
large measure all of dicse contentions. Rather than
theorize on them, let us do a more positive thing— com-

135

pare the actualities of the British scheme with the ten
principles laid down by the American Medical Associa-
tion, to be observed in organizing medical service for
low income groups in the United States. (See opposite.)
One might almost suspect that British National Health
Insurance was deliberately designed to conform to these
American principles were it not for the fact that it ante-
dates them by a quarter of a century.

Defects of the British Scheme

THE ENGLISH THEMSELVES RECOGNIZE TWO IMPORTANT DE-
fects in National Health Insurance as well as its statu-
tory limitations: (1) medical benefit — that the panels of
many doctors are too large for the highest quality of
medical care and (2) cash benefit — that the Approved
Society system of "insurance carriers" has many draw-
backs.

By 1926 the minority report of the British Royal Com-
mission on National Health Insurance recommended the
abolition of all Approved Societies. Yet we encountered
even a Labour party expert who feels that there should
be a buffer between the state and the insured population.
The old Friendly Societies filled an important place in
the lives of their members. If their values could be
preserved under a nation-wide scheme of health insurance,
there are many who would vote to keep them. Actual
experience in England has been that the Friendly and
Trade Union Societies have lost ground. They have given
way before the more aggressive industrial societies whose
agents are always on hand to "handle the cards" and who
use the contacts of their health insurance work to sell
policies of other kinds for the private insurance companies
which sponsor them. The resulting picture is not a happy
one.

A less questionable, but nonetheless trying, consequence
of the Approved Society system is the undependability of
additional benefits. Glasses, dentures and other extras
hang not so much on when or where they are needed as
on whether a patient's society has a surplus.

In the United States, Friendly Societies are negligible,
and we may tackle the question of insurance carriers
afresh. We do have, however, great life and industrial
insurance companies which might wish to muscle in on
an American system. We should decide in advance there-
fore whether we wish to establish public administrations
or entrust our scheme to regulated private carriers. If we
were to imitate the Approved Societies at all, it would
certainly be desirable to avoid the marked inequalities in
benefits which mar the British system. Aside from the
question of whether or not to admit the big private and
mutual companies, the question in the United States
would likely be one of centralization versus decentraliza-
tion; that is, a federal system or control by states or re-
gions. One English authority, we recall, suggested that
insurance societies should be organized on a geographical
basis with about a million or so in each community unit.
That would still leave us with a situation making for in-
equality of benefit — due to the differential morbidity of a
million agricultural workers in some midwestern area as
against a million industrial workers in a center such as
Detroit.

Indeed, if an American scheme were developed along
state rather than federal lines, quite different arrange-
ments might have to be made in predominantly agricul-
tural states as opposed to predominantly industrial states.

136

So the question is whether, starting fresh, we should
not act on British experience rather than British precedent
and not even attempt to set up a system of more or less
autonomous insurance societies. So far as medical bene-
fits go (that is the general practitioner service the insured
worker is entitled to in case of sickness) the British Medi-
cal Association has successfully insisted that under N.H.I.
it should be divorced from the Approved Societies and
we can be sure that American doctors would do the same.
So far as cash benefits go (to make up in part for los
wages) it will be remembered that Arthur Greenwc
former Minister of Health, pointed out to us there is no
need to create a new and elaborate set of agencies simply
to handle them. It would seem much more reasonable for
us, at any rate, to turn to the administrations already set
up under unemployment compensation and old age in-
surance and to equip them to handle the cash benefits
of health insurance as well. Or, if this would not prove
feasible, we could develop other governmental agencies
best adapted to the new scheme.

Old Limitations That Will Go

TURNING TO THE STATUTORY LIMITATIONS OF THE ENGLISH
health insurance scheme, what do we find? The answer
is, of course, that we find widespread expectation of
change. The principles of health insurance have been a<j
cepted and the time has come — indeed, more than come-
for extensions of those principles. For one thing, there
an impressive bank of opinion — lay and medical — that th
medical service must be made available to dependents
the insured population. For another, that the range
medical benefits should include specialist care, up-to-dat
laboratory facilities, universal dental benefit, and so on
And third— only here it is lay rather than medical opifl
ion that is insurgent — that die upper income limit of cor
pulsory insurance should be raised from £250 to, say
£400. These are the three great expectations!

England has found that a scheme of health insurar
with a general practitioner service limited to wage earner
is good, but not good enough; the present demand is fo
a complete medical service available both to wage earners :
and their dependents — and to include some 80 percent of
the total population.

So we must raise other questions: Should an American
scheme of health insurance also begin by providing a lim-
ited medical service for a limited number of the lower
income group? That is, only wage earners? Or should we>
at the outset provide a complete medical service for all
members of families of limited means? The English ex-
perience suggests going "whole hog" at the outset.

In the first place, the English are being driven by pub-
lic demand to the provision of the more complete medical
service. There is evidence (cited in the Report of the
Committee on the Scottish Health Services) that even
from a stricdy economic point of view, it is wasteful to
confine insurance medical care to the services of the gen-'
eral practitioner. It is wasteful because there are more days
of incapacity and lost wages, of medical expense and cash i
benefits to be reckoned with because of the lack of pro-
vision for hospital care and consultants. Any doctor would
feel it wise to provide from the outset as complete a medi-
cal service as is possible.

The English have found also that while many insured il
wage earners, themselves protected by N.H.I., can afford i
private medical care for their dependent wives and chil-i

SURVEY GRAPHIC'

A Decalogue of American Medicine

Annotated with British Realities

How British Health Insurance stacks up with the "Ten Commandments of the AMA," drawn up by a special committee of
the House of Delegates of the American Medical Association in 1934, revised in 193S and reaffirmed in its Journal in 1937.

1AU features of medical service in
• any method of medical practice
should be under the control of the
medical profession. No other body or
individual is legally or educationally
equipped to exercise such control.

Under National Health Insurance
in England, while purely administra-
tive details are in the hands of admin-
istrators, matters of medical practice
and policy are in the hands of the
doctors. The British Medical Asso-
ciation and the Insurance Acts Com-
mittee, nationally, and the Panel
Committees, locally, in fact control
the purely medical aspects of the Eng-
lish health insurance scheme.

2 No third party must be permitted
• to come between the patient and his
physician in any medical relation. All
responsibility for the character of
medical service must be borne by the
profession.

Under NHI, no third party can
come between patient and doctor
without the permission of the patient,
and, under the English scheme, when
a question arises concerning contin-
uing or stopping payment of cash
benefits, the only third party is an-
other doctor who acts as medical ref-
eree. But the patient cannot be forced
to submit to a second doctor's exami-
nation. In the vast majority of cases,
however, the traditional doctor-patient
relation obtains. Under NHI, also,
the panel doctors of a given area bear
the responsibility for the character of
the insurance medical service, and this
is expressed through their Panel Com-
mittee as well as through their repre-
sentation on the Insurance Committee.

3 Patients must have absolute free-
• dam to choose a legally qualified
doctor of medicine who will serve them
from among all those qualified to prac-
tice and who are willing to give service.

This of course is precisely the ar-
rangement under the English "panel
system." Moreover, patients may
change doctors at will. The range of
choice in England is virtually as wide
as the number of general practition-
ers, since almost all of them accept
insured persons under the conditions
of insurance practice.

4 The method of giving the service
• must retain a permanent, confiden-
tial relation between the patient and a
"family physician." This relation must

be the fundamental and dominating
feature of any system.

The English system certainly lives
up to this principle. Regional Medical
Officers, who are themselves doctors,
inspect panel doctors' records, not in
violation of the confidential relation
between doctor and patient, but sim-
ply to insure that the doctor is keep-
ing records and to gather statistics of
the service rendered by panel doctors.
This is done with the full consent of
the British Medical Association which
urges its members to cooperate in
keeping full records of panel atten-
dances. And certainly relationships
arc far more confidential than those
of most American industrial insur-
ance practices in which insurance rec-
ords are made in triplicate, passing
through the hands of three or four
secretaries and one or two investiga-
tors (all non-medical persons), as well
as several physicians and assistant
medical directors. The panel doctor is
normally the "family doctor" in Eng-
land, and the ideal of the British
Medical Association and of many
workers is to have NHI extended to
include the entire family group in
the medical service.

5 All medical phases of all institu-
• tions involved in the medical ser-
vice should be under professional con-
trol, it being understood that hospital
service and medical service should be
considered separately . . . etc.

This principle does not apply di-
rectly to NHI in which medical ser-
vice is thus far limited to a general
practitioner service. Neither NHI nor
proposals for extending it violate the
spirit of the principle.

6 In whatever way the cost of
• medical service may be distributed,
it should be paid for by the patient
in accordance with his Income status
and in a manner that is mutually satis-
factory.

Under NHI the workers' contribu-
tions are not graduated as much as
they might be, but they are generally
regarded as fair. Many would be will-
ing to pay more for a more complete
service and larger cash benefits. We
do not recall dissatisfaction with this
aspect of NHI except that doctors
press for a higher capitation fee.

7 Medical service must have no con-
• nection with any cash benefits.

Under NHI the medical service and
the cash benefits have been widely
separated. The panel doctor docs
issue certificates, but these arc only
memoranda for the Approved Socie-
ties to pay cash benefits; they do not
have the force of a draft or order. The
Approved Societies, on the other hand,
cannot coerce the panel doctors. If the
societies refuse to pay benefits, the
insured person has the right of ap-
peal to an impartial committee; if a
medical question is involved, a medi-
cal referee steps in; but only with the
knowledge of the patient's doctor and
the consent of the patient.

o Any form of medical service should
"• include within its scope all legally
qualified doctors of medicine of the
locality covered by its operation who
wish to give service under the condi-
tions established.

Again, of course, this is what the
British scheme does. Any qualified
(i.e. legally accredited) general prac-
titioner may enter the panel service,
and most have done so.

9 Systems for the relief of low in-
• come classes should be limited
strictly to those below the "comfort
level" standard of incomei.

NHI is compulsory only for work-
ers with incomes of less than £250 a
year. Just what "comfort level" may
be is capable of many definitions.

There should be no restrictions
on treatment or prescribing not
formulated and enforced by the organ-
ized medical profession.

The medical service under NHI is
limited by law to what is within the
competence of an average general
practitioner. This has been accepted
by the British medical profession, and
the doctors themselves have come to
agree upon what lies within this range
of services. While doctors are urged
to keep prescribing costs low, medical
indications govern the writing of pre-
scriptions for each case. While en-
forcement of NHI regulations lies
ultimately with the Ministry of
Health, in actual practice the doctors
control the disciplinary machinery
and are said to be more strict than
the Ministry itself would be. There is
nothing in NHI that conflicts with
the spirit of the above principle.

MARCH 1938

137

dren, by no means all of them can do so. Large numbers
of dependents must appeal to Public Assistance, to charit-
able dispensaries, or to public or voluntary hospitals.
But many of these workers would be both able and will-
ing to pay a little higher contribution for N.H.I, if the
medical service could be extended to take care of their
dependents. Certainly the public could afford to increase
its contribution (through an increased Exchequer grant)
since taxpayers and charitable givers are already carrying
a share of the cost in a hundred devious and roundabout
ways.

Under existing conditions it is unfortunate that large
numbers of the wives and children of insured workers
have to be what we in the U.S.A. call "clinic cases." For
these families, there is no family doctor; and from the
doctor's point of view, family practice tends to be broken
up. Most American doctors would agree with their Eng-
lish contemporaries that it would be much better if every
household had its own medical attendant — and that when
needed more specialized medical aid should be secured
through this family doctor and with his advice. An Amer-
ican scheme should from its inception, therefore, offer a
more complete medical service and insure that the work-
er's family, and not merely the worker himself, should
be the unit for which medical attendance is provided.

In cash benefits no less than in medical benefits, we
must also take account of the family unit. Under the
present English system, a single person who becomes ill
may be able to manage quite successfully on fifteen to
twenty shillings a week sickness benefit, but not so a
man with a wife and two or three small children. It is
obvious that family needs when unemployment is due to
sickness are more pressing than when unemployment is
due to other causes. N.H.I, offers no family allowances.
When a worker with several dependents becomes sick,
the family may be forced to ask for Public Assistance al-
most at once. This brings into the picture other agencies,
other officials, and other distractions not excluding the
odious means test. An adequate scale of family allow-
ances, if it can be financed and preferably tied up with
other unemployment benefits, should be an integral part
of an American scheme from the beginning.

Future of the General Practitioner

WHEN THE UNITED STATES COMES SERIOUSLY TO CONSIDER
health insurance as a part of its social security program,
there is another vital question that will confront us: How
will the American doctor fit into the picture? The British
scheme, as we have seen, rests upon the general practi-
tioner. But, more important, virtually all proposals for
extending and improving the British scheme take it for
granted that he will remain at the center of the system.
Those who would extend the insurance medical ser-
vice to take in the entire family — the British Medical As-
sociation with its proposals for a general medical service
for the nation, the members of the recent committee on
Scottish Health Services, and a majority of socialist doc-
tors— all have it as a common premise that each family
shall have its family doctor. They want him to have bet-
ter consultant and special diagnostic facilities at his dis-
posal, to be able to take his patients to a hospital and treat
them there, to be more closely allied with other public
health agencies than at present. But they want him to
remain primarily a general practitioner and family medi-
cal counselor, serving when necessary as liaison agent

between the sick person and all other available medical
and health agencies.

Is this, also, the American ideal? Assuming that it is,
would it be practicable? There has been a marked swing
away from general practice in this country and the prob-
lem of "over-specialization" is certainly more acute here
than in Great Britain. There is little to attract the young
American medical graduate into general practice, and
almost everything — professional prestige, scientific inter-
est, and remuneration — to induce him to specialize.

But health insurance might restore the American gen-
eral practitioner to his former status. This certainly has
been the tendency in England where the promise of sta-
bility and adequate remuneration have attracted to gen-
eral practice more and better trained doctors.

On the other hand, the plans of many American medi-
cal reformers call for group practice as the unit of mod-
ern medical service. "Why let a general man play along
with something he doesn't understand," they say, "and
then refer it to a specialist when it's too late?" "It's human
nature of course to want to hang on to a case. Why not
send everyone to a group of specialists in the first place
and have sicknesses properly diagnosed and treated from
the onset?" Again important questions: Can we substitute
"free choice of a clinic" for "free choice of a doctor"; orj
isn't this freedom of choice as important as we hold?
Clearly patients show the same implicit confidence in a
group as in a single practitioner: look how they flock to
the Mayos or Johns Hopkins often without knowing a
single personality on the staff. And group practice does
make for medical and economic efficiency.

But is it a case of family doctor versus a group of spe-
cialists? Group practice can be built around a number of
general practitioners — family doctors — working in col- ;
laboration with specialists. It will be up to our medical
experts to advise which type or types of medical service
are best adapted to the provision of the highest quality
of medical care for the various areas of the country. Again,
however, the problem can be dealt with by writing a flexi-
ble enough law to permit such necessary adjustments.

There is a fundamental case for the general practitioner.
Our sense of the importance of inter-personal relationships
in medicine is increasing. Psychological aspects of disease
are better and better understood. The wise physician
knows his patients as individuals, not merely as "cases"
but as human beings and treats them accordingly. Psycho-
therapy— treatment of the total personality — is assuming
an important role in the care of many conditions hitherto
regarded as purely organic. Such treatment depends upon
an intimate relationship between patient and doctor. Dare
we, since this is true, plan any extensive reorganization of j
our medical services which will tend to exclude the time-j
honored individual doctor-patient relationship. The Eng-J
lish, in any event, think not; the general practitioner re-I
mains at the center of all their schemes from group prac-j
tice to health insurance; and they do not regard these asj
incompatible.

Doctors and Public Health Work

THE ENGLISH GENERAL PRACTITIONER STILL HAS HIS!
troubles. It is not health insurance that worries him,
however; but the fact that maternity and child welfare
programs and, to a certain extent, the school medical
services put the state in competition with him. Many Eng-
lish doctors have virtually lost (Continued on page 185)

138

FIGHTING
TUBERCULOSIS

Vmolu«d foe* P-«tx».d lot

The National Tuberculosis Association

by lU bMmoMod 'oundo'«»< lo. Viuel EduuMo

ISOIYPt '

What the Symbols mean

uo\ Wooding h«oM

Different Diseases are Carried in Different Ways

Typhoid F«v» S^Mic Son T)»oa«

Tubxulai.

i fresh treatment of popular health education
. the new set of 20 pictorial charts that tell
hat tuberculosis mean* to any of us. Designed
y Otto Neurath, these Isotype chart* in color
ill serve to instruct those interested in the
tethod in • point little understood — the
nportance of the picture as against the entirely
ipplementary reading matter. An excellent
tanual accompanies the set giving suggestions
>r proper use and display in classrooms, fairs,
ad at community meetings.

Tuberculosis Spreads in the Household

A
AL

_ Iff

Tuberculosis Germs Get from One Body into Another

Tuberculosis Germs are Passed from Person to Person
in Many Ways

How Tuberculosis Develops

101

Lung it healed

Tuberculous gurmi are impriiened in a capiula

Som»fimci tubereuloju develop! mio sermui
ji« kneii

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Resistonce is the Body's Natural Protection

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Symptoms of the Sick Ones

Tired, weak Losing weigh Coughing

Only the Doctor Can Tell Who Has Tuberculosis

The doetor ai!<> about Somiiy.poH E*e. i/mplorr*

hoi an X-ray picture made

Rest H«ols Tuberculous

How con it» kmg b« r*ft«d ?

Protecting One Protects Many

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Contact Not Doogaroui

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•*••»••»•

Who Can Tell the Gypsies' Fortune?

by VICTOR WEYBRIGHT

Throughout the United States Gypsies are treated much as Jews are treated
in Germany — as outcasts. In microcosm they represent the ultimate
degradation a minority can suffer. Their problem is not new; but neither
need it be hopeless, to judge from experience abroad. Mr. Weybright in-
troduces a spokesman of the nomad coppersmiths, now at the end of the
Gypsy trail.

STEVE KASLOV WAS BORN FIFTY YEARS AGO BESIDE A GREEN LANE
in Lowndes County, Georgia. He grew up in tent and cara-
van, always on the move. Married at an early age, he never
spent a day of his life in school. Today he lives on the Bow-
ery, and he and all his household are on relief. He is the
acknowledged "Rye" of a hundred nomad Gypsy families —
seven hundred men, women and children — who are on relief
in New York. They cost the state and city at least $50,000 a
year. Steve Kaslov deplores this melancholy end of the Gypsy
trail as genuinely as the most cynical taxpayer. And, as a
spokesman for his people, he is determined to do something
about it. , , |

The Gypsies are less handy at reading their own fortune
than that of others, but Steve predicts it will not be spent on
the road. As he sees it, it wasn't the automobile that ruined
Gypsy life, but motorcycle policemen. In county after county,
state after state, troopers whisk unwanted Gypsies over the
boundary, till they land in a city where at least they are
tolerated.

Steve tells of one such journey. "We were not allowed to
stop for rations. Childrens was crying in the back seat of the
car. Womens was crying. The second car of our family had
a flat tire. It stopped and was lost from us for weeks." Real
tears run down his cheeks at the bitter memory of that
experience.

Add to motorcycles, today's aluminum and alloys that re-
quire no coppersmithing, paper money, and the depression
itself, and you will get an inkling of the forces that have
brought Steve where he is. To his tribe in New York must
be added thousands more that belong to the wandering cop-
persmiths throughout the country. At least five thousand of
them regard Steve Kaslov — self-promoted by force of charac-
ter to the role of chief, or king, as Rye is popularly transla-
ted— as their spokesman. For those in New York his decisions
have the sway, if not the absolute enforceability, of law.

Twenty years ago he led 125 Gypsies into Mexico. There
they dealt in horses, told fortunes and mended the pots and
kettles of the large plantations. At the time, the resources of
that one band amounted to $750,000. That sort of excursion
cannot be repeated. The whole wide world of lanes and fields
bristles with barriers of prejudice.

As a skilled coppersmith Steve Kaslov can show copies of
contracts for work done through the years for schools, ho-
tels, restaurants, and laundries — mending stock pots, steam
tables, mixing vats and so on. Moreover he can exhibit au-
thentic duplicate invoices, demonstrating that Gypsies have
handled jobs totaling as much as $16,950.22, for example, for
the Arlington Mills, at Lawrence, Mass., back in 1921; and
in that same year, $10,137.87 worth of work for the Waltham

142

Bleachery and Dye Works at Waltham, Mass. As recendy
as 1934 the Worcester Bleach and Dye Works, of Worcester,
Mass., gave the Gypsies a flattering testimonial after they had
tinned several large dry-cans. These random evidences that
have been saved show versatility and an aggressive search
for jobs, from tea rooms to the du Pont Company and the
Childs restaurant chain.

In the old days, such work was suited to rovers. A month
or two in one place, and the men would complete all avail-
able jobs; and move on. The women would likewise exhaust
the fortune telling market, and seek new clients to conquer.
Today a new generation of purchasing agents and foremen,
who order things done through requisitions and trade union
men, don't wait for itinerant tinkers. The ascendency of
aluminum and alloys has limited opportunity, too. No longer
can Steve Kaslov proudly deposit gold coins as bond for the
return of factory equipment. When the government called
in gold, the Gypsies soon spent the paper money that was
given them, due pardy to hard times and pardy to the high
overhead expense of automobile travel in longer and longer
quests for a living.

Steve Kaslov believes that his tribe of Gypsies could do
more than $50,000 worth of public work annually to recom-
pense the government for its relief expenditures. One Gypsy
has worked faithfully for several years on the copper work
at Bellevue Hospital. But Steve's hopes are dashed by the
very proper circumstance that city work is let on bids, to
responsible firms; and also by die fact that Gypsy copper-
smidis, if transferred to work relief rolls, simply cannot
perform under the direction of machine-trained foremen.
Gypsy coppersmithing is unique in that it is done by a group,
who work communally as bees. Few outsiders have ever been
permitted to see the mysteries of their fitful method, handed
down from father to son, whereby, without reference to
mathematics, even complicated conic sections can be accu-
rately shaped. They loathe rivets and solder and other make-
shifts.

"Gypsies Are People"

ALTHOUGH HE CANNOT READ OR WRITE, THE MOST PRECIOUS
item Steve Kaslov possesses is a brief case that bulges with
correspondence — copies of letters that he has dictated and of
the replies from public and private agencies that he has
sought to interest in adjusting his people to modern times.
The President and Mrs. Roosevelt replied with cordial
letters from the White House, regretfully holding out no
possibility of the federal government finding a solution of
the Gypsy problem or any of its agencies being helpful.
Steve nevertheless treasures their puzzled, but sympathetic,

SURVEY GRAPHIC

correspondence. When Franklin D. Roosevelt was governor
w York, Steve once called upon him. Of that inter-
view he says:

"Mr. Roosevelt is deep. He mentioned things no outsider
knows about my people."

Ordinarily it is the other way round, and it is a politician
who consults a Gypsy. A prominent U.S. Senator is said to
have refrained from going abroad, despite an interest in foreign
atT.iirs, because a Gypsy advised him not to cross the water.

Steve Kaslov is a huge individual, with an abundant
heritage of the weather-beaten dignity that the Gypsy folk
brought out of India more than five hundred years ago. He
does not speak of his people as storybook figures. To him
they are simply human beings. In his single-minded zeal for
the improvement of their condition he almost employs the
jargon of a welfare worker. He could easily acquire it, for
unlettered as he is, he is a linguist. Besides English and the
Romany tongue he also speaks Russian and Spanish. What
he says about the problems of the Gypsies is easily broken
down into such categories as delinquents, dependents and
defectives.

Delinquency is relative, and Steve does not condone such
lapses as fortune tellers sometimes have when they are more
interested in the bulge of a wallet than the bump on a cra-
nium. More and more frequently, however, Gypsies arc
J for vagrancy, or simply on suspicion, or for vio-
lation of a zoning law, or for begging or telling
tortunes although on the same streets panhandlers
and fortune telling tea rooms are permitted to flour-
ish. Several Gypsies have turned to racketeering
imong their own people, and their escapades have
i all the nomads a bad name. A few years ago
himself was the victim of a frame-up engi-
neered by the notorious Tene Bimbo, a genuine
lypsy desperado, and sentenced to Sing Sing. The
•entence was promptly reversed on appeal. Charles
I. Tuttle, former U.S. attorney, was convinced of
•itcvc's innocence of the Bimbo charge of robbery
md handled the case for him.

Where fortune telling by Gypsy women is pro-
libited by law, and where Gypsy men cannot find
•mploymcnt at their trade of coppersmithing, it is

ilmost inevitable that Gypsies beg or become public
harges. Most alternatives lie beyond the law. It
hould, of course, be more widely known than it is
hat the nomads practically never commit a crime
I'f violence, and have never made a habit of carry-
ing weapons.

To Steve Kaslov the misfortunes of Gypsy life
mat should really arouse the compassion of public-
•pirited citizens are illiteracy and sickness. These
Itrin woes are related to the institution of child
liarriage which is common among them. For all
rtieir gaminesque sophistication Gypsy children, even
I' married at the age of twelve or thirteen, are igno-
mutt; they refuse to endure the ridicule of public
li hool pupils half their age and size. They stay
lame. And as ignorance is perpetuated in the un-
liealthy and confining city environment in which
liey are now forced to live, they cling to many of
Hie ancient folkways. Most of them avoid doctors,
Ik inks and hospitals except in cases of extreme
innergency.

Q On the other hand, happily for the Gypsies, their
I lavistic handicaps are matched by some extraordi-

1ARCH 1938

nary talents. The amazing social inheritance which has kept
them a people, through the dispersion and persecution of the
centuries, does not include religion, literature or recorded
history. What they have is a tradition, a way of life. They
arc votaries of nature, the eternal children of mankind, with
a wild urge to freedom and a disregard of abstract ideas.
They created and interpreted the national music of Hun-
gary. They gave Russia and Spain many of their songs and
dances. And, in the more humble, practical metal crafts,
they have a knack that has never been allowed to die out.

When Nomads Settle Down

LONG BEFORE RELIEF FUNDS ENABLED NEEDY GYPSIES TO KEEP

alive in the cities where they had been driven by inhospitable
rural communities, Kaslov evolved a plan to prevent the de-
generation of a group of his people in New Jersey. In 1931
he was instrumental in incorporating them as the Red Dress
Association. Red Dress is descriptive of the brilliant garments
which the womenfolk of his particular tribe wear. The pur-
pose of that curious guild was stated to be the abolition of
child marriage, the establishment of a Gypsy colony where
the children could go to school, where the fortune tellers
could be licensed and responsible, where the men could have
a permanent workshop in which to ply their trade. At the
time Kaslov had in mind a village where tourists would learn
to know and admire the best qualities of Gypsy life as they

Photographs by de Wendl«-Fun«ro
Steve Kaslov face* the past and future generation* of his people

143

Gypsy Youth

Photographs by de Wendler-Funaro
J —

Brief childhood. The girl with marriage kerchief
on her head is the bride of the boy bending over do

Coppersmith's daughter — a typical fortune teller

New ways, new clothes, but never a day in school

in parts of Europe. He was undoubtedly inspired by the
ot Michael II, a Russian Gypsy who has organized a
number of the Gypsies in Poland into a sort of industri.il
union which collects dues, enforces responsibility upon no-
mads, and negotiates with the government and to a certain
extent with employers. For lack of funds and Gypsy sup-
port, Kaslov's plan fell through. But he still has an archi-
tect's drawing of the proposed colony, complete with shops,

•s and a school. Designed in the Russian style with turrets
.mil an imposing gateway, it was drawn under his direction.
The Red Dress Gypsies, although not now a definite mem-
bership group, are a loose-knit tribe that numbers nearly
ti\e thousand nomads scattered in small groups throughout
the United States. Nearly a thousand of them, counting the
children, arc in New York City, three quarters of them on
relief. They arc all coppersmiths, the residue of a migration
from Russia, usually by way of Spain and England, that
began after our civil war and ended in 1914.

A CAREFUL CALCULATION, BASED ON MANY ESTIMATES, INDICATES

that there are about 100,000 Gypsies in the United States.
At least half of them are merged, almost beyond identifica-
tion, into the general population. Of the remainder, there are
about 30,000 nomads. The nomads are easily distinguishable
from the Hungarian Gypsy musicians that one finds in res-
taurants; or the colonized Rumanian Gypsies in Queens,
N. Y., Berwyn, 111., and several places in California. The
Hungarian musicians live a conventional life and their
problems are simply the problems of all musicians. The Ru-
manian Gypsies in New York, formerly bear-leaders and
monkey-trainers, are settled in two small colonies, on city
land, in Maspeth, Queens. They built their houses themselves.
In winter the two villages are desolate and unattractive be-
cause of the swampy nature of the surface -drained ground
which was formerly a dump; but in summer their tiny cot-
tages, though far from ideal housing, are pleasantly home-
like and picturesque. Most of them, however, arc on home
relief or WPA. The school-bred generation now growing up
will have to test the advantages of their semi-isolated life.

The nomad coppersmiths are different. Deeper in their
culture and more skilled in their trade, most of them are
second generation American citizens, although they have
great difficulty proving it for lack of proper records.

To Steve Kaslov it seems a shameful thing that these peo-
ple have never been adjusted to American life. In his early
twenties he was made poignantly sensitive of their handicaps
when, in the state of Mississippi, he was initiated into the
Masonic order. Still a lodge member in good standing, he
confesses that his inability to read the oath at the time of
1m initiation was a humiliation which he still feels.

"I'm 'shamed to go to school now. Just like the childrens.
If a colony of my peoples lived close together, it would be
different. Landlords don't like Gypsies — and we can't just
decide to move into the same block. They won't have us."

Relief reports confirm this statement, indicating that some
families have moved seventeen times in two years, evicted
on complaint of neighbors, police or health officers.

Steve is disturbed by the lack of self-discipline among the
Gypsies and by the vagaries and ignorance which often make
it difficult for them to cooperate with welfare investigators.

"We're citizens, we must live by the law," he says. "We
must be married by American law — get rid of child marriage,
which is bad for childrens and bad for health and keeps us
down." Steve is against the ancient Gypsy practice of dual
names, too; most nomad Gypsies, like actresses, have a family

name and a trade name, which is very confusing and sus-
picious in a day and age of interchanged municipal records.
Gypsies cannot become law-abiding, or law-respecting, with-
out sympathetic help. In New York, as in other places, the
law is often applied to them with needless cruelty. Only a
few weeks ago a five-weeks' old nursing baby died of starx.i
tion in an unheatcd room when the mother, who was arrested
on a charge of stealing a wallet, was held in the custody of
the police for three days. Whatever the outcome of that hum-
ble tragedy in a Gypsy household, will any city official have
time to bother about it? Gypsies swing no votes.

Where Gypsies Are Given a Hand

IN A CATACLYSMIC WORLD, THE PROBLEM OF STEVE KASLOV AND

his people may seem trivial. But to ignore or to continue to
persecute a group of uneducated, underprivileged people who
have a way of getting into trouble because they are driven
outside the law and opportunity of a nation, seems cruel
indeed. There must be some way to conserve their singular
tradition, assist them to get rid of what is lobsolete about it,
and encourage them on the constructive side.

Elsewhere in the world Gypsy problems have been ap-
proached in two ways: by the sympathetic assistance of in-
dividuals and groups who have interested public and pri-
vate agencies in the welfare of this pathetic, primitive
minority; and by governments, local and national.

In Great Britain Gypsies are a picturesque national institu-
tion. Hawkers and caravans arc licensed, and their rights
preserved. In Hungary and Czechoslovakia the occupants of
movable dwellings are registered; and Gypsy guilds, with
responsible leaders, aid the authorities. In Russia, when
Gypsies of the very same description as Steve Kaslov failed
to adjust themselves suddenly to collectivization in farms,
factories and lumber camps, the soviet authorities relaxed
their policy temporarily, and attempted to solve the nomad
question gradually. The most exciting experiment has been
the Gypsy Theater in Moscow, an ethnographic chorus,
which has produced many operas and interpretative forms of
the classics. Several years ago there were over forty Gypsies
in the medical school at Smolensk. In the Caucasus one entire
village soviet is composed of Gypsies. Even in Germany the
Gypsies are provided with schools and camping depots.

Obviously, in a country like the United States, composed
of diverse racial groups, many of which present a unique
unemployment and relief problem, no special favors can be
granted to Gypsies. But neither can they be neglected or
forced off the roads without a place to go.

Steve Kaslov is one of the very few Gypsies who have
ever championed the nomads in this country. He has brought
their problems before welfare and educational authorities, in
terms of shelter, health, education. Their present urgent
problem is relief for the needy.

Steve Kaslov's idea of a colony is ambitious perhaps. But,
modified, and supervised as a small demonstration with rela-
ted families, it is a proposal that deserves serious thought.
During the World's Fair in New York, some property owner
in the city or along one of the highways on the outskirts
might risk land or buildings in a temporary venture, under
strict regulation of a lay group in cooperation with welfare,
education and law enforcement officials. A philanthropist
who could give modest help to such a project would have
the satisfaction of beholding, at least, an original experimeni
with a singular class of people who, as outcasts, have already
contributed more to, and asked less of, society than many of
its most securely established members.

145

Cotton and the Unions

by HERMAN WOLF

A first-hand report on the CIO campaign to organize the southern textile
workers — the methods and strategy of unions and of employers, and
the outcome to date, told in terms of the industry and the South.

THE MANUFACTURE OF COTTON GOODS OVERSHADOWS ALL

industry in the South. Two thirds of the nation's cotton
textile operatives— 270,000 workers— are employed in Ala-
bama, Georgia and the Carolinas. Here they comprise
more than 50 percent of all wage earners engaged in
industry. They work in mills widely scattered in rural
areas; two hundred thousand of them live in towns of
less than 10,000 population. These millhands are being
approached by organizers from the Textile Workers Or-
ganizing Committee, a subsidiary of the Committee for
Industrial Organization. What welcome is the TWOC re-
ceiving from them and from their communities?

In tackling cotton, the CIO is incurring the active op-
position of all the combined interests of southern capital,
for Southland is Cottonland in field and factory. Indus-
trialist, banker, utility magnate, plantation owner, mer-
chant, newspaper publisher — all thrive on cotton. Their
Congressmen have blocked federal wage-hour legislation,
and they aim to halt the CIO tenant union in the cotton
field, and textile union in the cotton factory.

TWOC activities present a peculiar paradox. In some
mills progress is slow; workers are either antagonistic or
apathetic. They are isolated in small company villages
where they have been cut off from trade union traditions;
they can only remember previous union defeats. In other
mills, however, the response is too enthusiastic. Workers
are eager for action, strikes if need be, yet the ground-
work of union education has not been completed. The
TWOC drive in the South has yielded close to the same
percentage of members as elsewhere— better than one in
three — but to date only a scattering number of employer
agreements have been signed. However, this is not an
exact measure of TWOC influence. It is significant that
the TWOC, contrary to the trend of earlier southern tex-
tile unions, is not disintegrating in the current recession,
but is consolidating its gains through National Labor Re-
lations Board cases, and is a strong enough threat to help
prevent wage cuts.

The Textile Workers Organizing Committee is active
in every textile field — silk,
rayon, wool, hosiery, car-
pets, knit goods, tire fab-
rics — but nowhere may it
leave so far-reaching an
imprint as in cotton. First,
cotton has long been
known as a low wage in-
dustry. Second, as cotton
goes, so goes the South. If
cotton textile pay can be
raised and its labor prac-
tices standardized, other
southern industry will in-

When the Civil War ended in victory for northern in
dustrialism, machine penetration of the South began. By
1935 the Carolinas, Alabama and Georgia had 637 of the
nation's 1213 cotton mills and two thirds of the 24,664,000
active cotton spindles. With the aid of northern capital,
proximity to the raw cotton supply and rural Anglo-Saxon
labor, industrialists in this four-state Piedmont region
have been able to undersell New England mills. Indeed,
the Civil War has proved a Pyrrhic victory for thousands
of New England textile workers whose wage scales were
broken by cheap southern labor. Today, however, the
Piedmont cotton manufacturer faces competition from the
Southwest, which is enticing mill owners with offers of
free land, low taxes, and cheaper labor.

The Piedmont millman has other headaches as well.
Japanese imports are threatening his domestic trade, whil
his exports have been slashed in half. Competing fibers
notably rayon and jute, coupled with substitute products,
such as paper, and new industrial processes which elimi-
nate cotton, are cutting consumption at home. To surviv
against these odds, cotton manufacturers collectively an
seeking new uses for cotton by laboratory and field experi-
ments, and are endeavoring to make the consuming pub-
lic "cotton conscious." As an individual, the cotton manu-
facturer is branching into the rayon field, and installin
labor saving machinery to cut production costs. Mean
while, his mill village is becoming a heavy burden, th
target of restrictive legislation, and the cause of muc
employe unrest — an unrest which increases when the CI'
comes to town.

Head of the southern division of the TWOC is A
Steve Nance, a jolly, modern southern gentleman in hi;
early forties; for twenty years president of his local o:
the International Typographers, the American Federatio
of Labor's oldest union; recently head of the Atlanta, Ga
central trades body; currently president of the Georgi;
Federation of Labor despite all William Green's attempt:
to oust him. Mr. Nance has the majority backing of the
craft unionists in his state. Credit this to the accomplished

fact that, as head of th
state federation, he h;
won better terms for thi
electricians, teachers, street
carmen and other craft
unionists than their own
leaders have done. Across
the table from employers
he is a hard bargainer, yet
his opponents like and re-
spect him. With surpris-
ing unanimity, employers
in many fields agree that
if unions are inevitable

evitably follow suit.
146

If possible, open mass meetings are called in the TWOC drive they prefer A. Steve Nance

SURVEY GRAPHIC

iii Ic.ul them. But they are not convinced that unions are
inevitable.

Textile employers have had practical experience with
the AF of L's inept organizing attempts, and they believe
th.it their employes will never stick long to any organi-
uui. Southern leaders of the federation also hold to
this opinion. Textile workers have long been treated by
the city craftsmen and the neighboring farmers as the
poor white trash remnants of the
il Wur. Their education has been
meager; and for years their pay was
in "U.CXMe's" on company stores
so that they did not have enough
money to travel to nearby towns and
mingle with other workers. In the
past, federation leaders cooperated
\vith the United Textile Workers
(now absorbed by the TWOC) in
numerous organizing moves, but al-
ways with ultimate failure. At best,
a strike would be won and a local
unit established — only to disinte-
grate a few months later. Local lead-
ership was stupid, often dishonest;
and the union never had organizers
equipped with the knowledge and
money essential to complete a long
term organizing-educational drive.
Southern textile workers do not
hold the AF of L or the United
Textile Workers in high regard.
They recall that the federation refused them financial
assistance in the 1934 general strike, and that some of its
leaders actually went into seclusion at that time, so fright-
ened did they become at the mass proportions of the
walkout. Today George Googe, the federation's head man
in the South, is trying to organize textile workers by first
winning over their employers: "I am confident that the
leaders of this industry throughout the South and the cap-
tains of finance will at long last heed President Green's
1930 advice in Charlotte, and change their previous tradi-
tional policy towards constructive American trade unions,"
he pleads. (Green had warned employers to recognize
the AF of L lest they be forced instead to recognize a
radical union.) Googe 's official paper, the Southern Labor
Federationist, redbaits the CIO and backs up his plea by
soliciting donations from industrialists "to increase its
usefulness." Donations arc repaid in bundle-distribution
I of the paper among employes. Textile employers have not
I responded to this offer, but employers in other fields have
heeded the call.

How TWOC Works

I HEADS OF THE AF OF L CITY CENTRAL TRADES BODIES OPENLY
I express contempt for "them millhands," and despite a
I good deal of newspaper publicity, the federation is not
I waging a genuine large scale textile drive. It is entering
I tense ClO-management situations and offering the owner
I the "lesser of two evils." At least one Labor Board hearing
I in the South disclosed a mill operator signing a closed
I shop agreement with the federation in order to block
I the CIO.

In each of thirty major textile centers, Mr. Nance
I has established headquarters in charge of sub-regional
I directors. Attached to each office arc three or four assistant

Acme

A. Steve Nance, southern TWOC director

organizers on $25 a week salaries. Usually they arc locai
workers previously employed in the mill or blacklisted for
past strike activities. The TWOC staff is composed of
organizers experienced in the clothing, garment, printing
and other trades, plus an ever increasing proportion of
textile workers — veterans of past textile battles and young-
sters fresh from the looms. Although the great majority
of the staff arc southerners, local newspapers delight in
placing the Yankee stigma upon
them. "Our contented workers will
have little to do with these northern
outsiders," the newspapers declare.
The sub-regional director's first move
is to contact mill workers who have
written to headquarters for informa-
tion, or whose names have been
culled from old union lists. In some
milltowns it takes days of careful
search and cautious inquiry to locate
one contact who can be trusted.
Doorbells cannot be rung haphaz-
ardly where it is a simple matter for
company guards and spotters to trail
an organizer and note each employe
upon whom he calls. Often an or-
ganizer dares not enter a town in day-
light; he relies upon a union-minded
merchant or a handful of keymcn to
keep in touch with those workers
who are sympathetic with the union.
Mass meetings are seldom held, ex-
cept in large cities, and unionists in the same village may
not even know their fellow union members. It is true that
frequent meetings are now being held in certain large
South Carolina centers, but these gatherings prove quite
an adventure for the workers, even when a majority in
all the local mills have joined the union. Yet the very fact
of the meetings indicates the growth of the union and a
change, however slight, in the psychology of the workers.
With a 24-hour job contacting workers on morning,
afternoon, and midnight shifts, an organizer may cover
200 miles a day within his territory. In one town he learns
that a weaver in the local mill, who has held his job for
ten years and is now active in the union, has been fired
for "poor workmanship." At another mill, active union-
ists are given the poorest yarn to weave, and they receive
two days' work a week instead of four. In a third village,
a union leader, an oiler, has been demoted to sweeper.
The organizer warns his men not to quit their jobs in
disgust, nor to attempt hasty strikes in retaliation, what-
ever the provocation.

The TWOC is not charging an initiation fee, nor does
the worker pay any dues until the union obtains a signed
contract from his employer. A survey conducted by one
North Carolina newspaper disclosed this employe atti-
tude: "They ain't askin' no dues — not a dime — and they
say they won't ask for nothing until they git us some-
thing, so I guess it's oke with me and I'll join the CIO."
At one plant the reporter met a worker, TWOC cards
protruding impudently from his hip pocket, who said in
a swaggering tone, "The bosses don't like the CIO, but
what can they do about it?" In this instance nothing was
done about it, but such is not always the case where union
activity becomes known.
The cotton mill owner is convinced that in opposing

MARCH 1958

147

WHO is the TRAITOR?

"Fakers... Repudiated Leaders... Traitors To The Unions...

Opportunists And Purveyors Of Every

Falsehood, Slander And Deception ..."!!!

THUS JOHN U LEWIS
ADOLF CERMEK AND

BRAMDFD JOHN BROPHY,
POWERS HAPGOOD IN 1930.

Faker ?

Slanderer ?
Deceptionist ?

Opportunist?

TODAY THEY ARE HIS CHIEF AIDES.

John Itrophy IB Executive Director Of The C I. O.
Powers Hipgood U Field RepreaenUlive Of The CI.O.

Adolf Germerb Genera] Organizer Ol The CI.O.

T It 1 I T A It A T«U> M«Ltwi,l

TRAITOR? irttti

T«U> M«Ltwi,l».illi<d !»••«« .iU . . . ud

I* hMrajimt kb

1^^1

WORKERS

THE 00 IS BUILT OF THE MATERIAL WHICH HAS BEEN
SCRAPPED BY EVERT LEGITIMATE LABOR LEADER. rTLSTHE
LAST THRUST OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY TO CAIN CONTROL
OF THE AMERICAN LABOR MOVEMENT.

the union, he is fight-
ing the South's battle
against a new set of
carpetbaggers. His mill
village has always
been a family proper-
ty, although recently
outside banking inter-
ests and selling agents
may have obtained a
toehold. His ancestors
established this village
with its factory, a
church or two, an old
wooden schoolhouse, a
few stores, and row
upon row of old, dir-
ty-white frame houses.
No matter how drab
the mill town atmos-
phere, the employer
feels that he has given
his employes not only

a job but a home and Thc Ap of L attacks the CIO in the Soufhern Labor Federations!

a community lire as

well. Any revolt against this paternalistic status quo per-
plexes him; it is unsportsmanlike and unfair, he feels.

Direct employer opposition to the union takes two
forms, the opposition of words and of action. Newspa-
pers and civic leaders join with plant foremen in warning
workers that the CIO is merely after their money and a
closed shop, with dues checked off and handed to the
union heads for their own use. One newspaper prints a
cartoon depicting Mr. Worker's dollars turning into
union dues while his little girl cries, "But Mother, I
wanted a doll." For years workers were told that the
union had no money for strike benefits; today employers
talk of the sinister millions in the CIO treasury. The
stories continue: These labor agitators are northerners,
foreigners, communists, and alien Jews who will plaee
Negroes on an equal plane with whites, thus bringing
on race riots and forcing industry to shut down. (Negroes

negligible

From New Haven, Conn., for southern
distribution

148

are a

factor in most
textile mills, be-
ing employed as
yard men, or in
the picker room,
but not as ma-
chine operators.)
All this the
workers are told
by factory bulle-
tins, pamphlets,
newspapers, and
radio broadcasts.
An unsigned ad-
vertisement in
the Anderson,
S. C., daily pa-
per declares that
John L. Lewis
seeks a dictator's
chair in the
White House so

that he can ruin our
country as Russia and
Spain have been
ruined by "a system of
Jewish government in
which the liberties of
the masses will be de-
stroyed."

Union leaders are
always "from the
North" or, if southern-
ers, "under dictation
from the North." No
mention is made of
northern capital, yet
twenty of the larger
and many of the
smaller Georgia mills,
to take but one state,
are wholly or partly
controlled by northern
interests. Four South
Carolina mills pay
their office workers
with checks mailed

from New York City; and some southern mill owners
protest the TWOC in the South, yet sign with the union
for their plants in the North.

The cry that ClO-ism is communism is shouted or
every side. "The CIO is another of those 'foreign entar
glements' General Washington warned us against. It
Soviet Russia's bid to control the United States and over-
turn our laws, our liberties, our morals," reads one news
paper editorial typical of a hundred others. "Our officers
are from the South," boasts the Southern Golden Rule
Association, an incorporated company union in Gastonia
N.C. "They are not from Russia, England, Italy, or Ger-
many nor tainted with communism."

The AF of L, according to George Googe, will nc
import "hired Hessians . . . from other sections of the
United States and foreign countries." We represent "true
Americanism" as opposed to the CIO with its "subversive
proponents of for-

eign ideals, imported
from Moscow, Berlin
and the Orient," he
adds. "Join the CIO
and help build a So-
viet America," reads
a pamphlet distribu-
ted by the thousands,
which "discloses"
that Stalin has de-
cided to rename De-
t r o i t "Lewistown,"
and that Mr. Lewis
himself "seems to be
getting the commu-
nist viewpoint. No
sooner does he start
talking about revolu-
tion than he calls for
world revolution."

Citizens' Councils
for Industrial Peace

Any way you slice it...

there
are only

100 Ge+di to. a

Thr above chin ihowi where the average (irorgi j
cotton-mill'i dolUr got*. Noce (hat together, the

th<» tUO-tb.rd, of thil dollar.

Now, if iht amount that either of that two

Not from mill profit*, which if diverted entirely (o
•\K mill worker would mean an increase of only 4%.
>r i.> thr farmer would mean an incieax of mil*

uld onl> c

m fngf-e, ftii

COTTON-MILLS

in Georgia!

As the textile industry sees itself

SURVEY GRAPHIC

a worker in TWOC bulletin

have been formed in
two Tennessee cities
to "advocate fair
wages and reasonable
hours," to guarantee
the worker's right to
work and to "oppose
communism, fascism
and other isms de-
signed to foment hos-
tility between em-
ployer and employe."
Many ministers and
evangelists have tak-
en up the communist
refrain, and revival-
ists by the score erect
their tents on com-
pany property to preach an anti-union gospel to the work-
ers. The Ku Klux Klan, too, is stirring, and the South
Carolina Klan charges that CIO direct-
ors are members of the Communist
party central committee. The red scare
has been overplayed, however, and not
even those workers who are honestly
opposed to the TWOC believe the com-
munist-CIO stories. Textile hands still
remember the ridiculous "Roosevelt is
a communist" slogan in the 1936 presi-
dential campaign.

The daily press is vociferously anti-
CIO. Of seven editorials in one issue
of a large South Carolina newspaper
seen by this writer, five attacked labor
unions. The American Wool and Cot-
ton Reporter declares: "The isolated
mills and those located off the main line
can maintain the status quo and lick
the life out of Lewis and the CIO if
they will put their hearts into it." Al-
though this suggestion comes from a
northern trade journal, its advice has been accepted in
some localities, with resultant beatings and shootings by
mill police, thugs and vigilantes. In many areas,
mill workers provide organizers widi day and
night bodyguards.

Validation of the national labor relations act by
the Supreme Court last spring freed the hands of
regional labor boards which had been rendered im-
potent by injunctions. Today, Labor Board de-
cisions in all the regions covering the South, sub-
stantiate charges of employer coercion and discrim-
ination. Reinstatements have been won for more
than 300 employes fired for union activity or re-
fusal to join a company union, and back wages in
excess of $60,000 have been recovered.

A number of cotton mills have negotiated agree-
ments with the TWOC. Does this mean that these
employers are less antagonistic to the union than
their fellow-employers? No. It means that either
[Labor Board decisions on discrimination cases have
kiven the union a sufficient wedge to win con-
tracts; or elections supervised by the Labor Board
brought victory for the TWOC; or the
I'\V( )( : is strong enough to bring the employer to

NOW IT CAN BE DONE!

Tb. United Stot.i S.pr.m. Court
Hal Upheld Labor B. lot, or, Law

Tin Law Forbid* Any Empferv to

Giving the Wagner act publicity

terms by strike action or strike threat. In some instances,
however, employers arc slow in entering into contractual
relations with the union due to the general anti-union
attitudc^pf the industry as a whole.

Lucy Randolph Mason, active in the TWOC cam-
paign, in a widely quoted letter to southern editors, thus
analyzes the end results of current anti-union policies:

Southern labor should have the same right to organize as
labor in other sections, and southern workers should have
protection through labor legislation. The economic level of
southern purchasing power could be materially raised by giv-
ing southern labor more adequate returns from the profits of
industry in periods of normal production, and while less
money would go out in dividends to other sections, more
would stay in circulation in local communities.

We in the South have got to face and correct certain facts
before we can expect the rest of the nation to understand our
problems. Southern industry has successfully fought state
hours and wage legislation; our Congressmen have so far de-
feated enactment of a reasonable federal wage and hour law;
and employers have solidly combined to prevent labor's exer-
cising its right to organize and bargain
collectively.

As a sporting proposition, the South
might persuade its industrialists to lift
their heavy hands from the steadily grow-
ing southern labor movement and request
its Congressmen to accept a sound fed-
eral wage and hour bill, while it continues
to fight against any and all real discrimi-
nation whether in freight rates or other
matters.

Wages, Profits and Production

WHAT TERMS HAVE EMPLOYERS SIGNED?
What does Mr. Nance seek from other
employers? To answer these questions
one must recall that although Mr.
Nance is not a yes-man, but a clever
strategist and negotiator who is em-
ploying southern organizers to union-
ize southern workers and who is not
applying TWOC policies to the South
unless they meet southern requirements — still, the all-
industry policies of the union are formulated by Sidney

WHO is ON THE WRONG SIDE OF THE ROAD?

From TWOC Parade, published in Atlanta by the CIO organizers

MARCH 1958

149

Hillman, president of the Amalgamated Clothing Work-
ers of America and head of the TWOC. Mr. Hillman
would sell the cotton industry the same bill of goods he
has sold the men's clothing industry: stabilization of labor
practices and elimination of chiselers through joint union-
management, collective bargaining agreements. The im-
portance of such stabilization from the employe's pay
standpoint cannot be overemphasized in an industry
where his full time wage was $685 in 1936 and $750 in
1937. (All annual wage averages are from industry sources
and include northern as well as southern wage earners.)
Nor can it be overemphasized from the employer's com-
petitive standpoint since technological changes during the
past twenty-five years have increased each worker's out-
put from 50 to 150 percent, depending on the type of
cloth produced, thus giving the employer equipped with
modern machinery a tremendous cost advantage.

At the Conference Table

IN APPROACHING A CONFERENCE WITH EMPLOYERS, UNION

men recall that often stockholders' profits have not been as
low as the cotton worker's pay of $425 in 1910, $986 in
1924, $785 in 1929, and $550 in 1932, for a full fifty-
week year, which is more weeks than most workers
were employed. Cotton mill profits have varied not only
according to the geographical location of the mill, but
also according to the type of goods produced, and, nat-
urally, the business acumen of management. While it is
true that profits in a small group of New England mills
never fell below 5.6 percent in the forty years prior to
1930, still other mills were being liquidated. Generally
speaking, southern mills have been and are more profit-
able than those in the North, but accurate figures cannot
be given without detailed breakdown under a dozen
major production heads within the cotton textile in-
dustry.

In reply to wage increase requests, management points
out that during the past twenty-five years wage rates
have been raised while the margin between the price of
raw cotton and the price of the finished cloth has re-
mained relatively steady — and, in fact, declined since
1920. It is in the margin of difference between these two
prices that the employer must take care of his overhead,
pay his labor and other costs, and make his profit. A sheet
or print mill which produced "x" units with 855 employes
in 1910, today can produce an equal amount of goods with
551 men. In a terry cloth mill, only 40 percent of the 1910
labor force is needed to equal the 1910 production sched-
ule. (Adapted from Monthly Labor Review) With labor
costs eating an ever greater percentage of this margin, and
productivity per worker, despite its 50 to 150 percent
jump, still lower than in other industries, employers have
had ample incentive to install new and faster machinery
in order to secure greater output per employe, and greater
profit through volume production.

In discussing wages, which average 25 percent lower in
the South than in the North, management points to the
expense of maintaining mill villages, and claims with this
burden off its hands, wages could be raised to a level
comparable with the North. A dozen or more villages
have been sold or partly sold in the last few years, with
employes paying for them over a long term at twice the
usual weekly rental of 25 cents to $1 a room. Mill vil-
lages were once necessary in most sections if workers were
to have any homes at all. Employers are beginning to

150

realize now, however, that the mill village system should
be ended. Low rents, free water and electricity, and iso-
lation from other workers have not brought a satisfac-
tory return in employe morale. The employes dislike the
villages for their company-run schools, churches and
stores, and ill-insulated homes, often lacking running
water, tubs and toilets. Employers want to be rid of their
villages, but sole prospective purchasers are their employes,
who do not wish to buy because their pay is too low even
for instalment buying, and because such purchases would
keep them tied to the mills.

The TWOC has taken full advantage of the national
labor relations act. Once a substantial majority of a mill's
employes have signed cards authorizing the union to rep-
resent them "as a collective bargaining agency in all mat-
ters pertaining to rates of pay, wages, hours ... or other
conditions of employment," the union has sought a con-
ference with the employer. In its negotiations with man-
agement, the union is attempting to stabilize the whole
industry by standardizing working conditions as between
competing mills and competing geographical areas. Signed
agreements have brought wage increases ranging from
5 to 10 percent. Hours are set at forty a week, the NRA
and Cotton-Textile Institute standard since 1933 for the
majority of the mills. In a number of instances chiselers
have been brought down to this level from fifty and fifty
five a week, thus benefiting decent employers and their
employes.

Excessive machine load (the stretch-out and speed-up)
is an oft-heard employe complaint. In one mill, weaver
working with the same machinery and grade of good
as five years ago are now tending 120 instead of 40 looms
In another mill, new and faster machinery has cut mor
than a third of the 2500 employes off the payroll. Employ
ers state that a worker who is now tending more loor
may not be doing any more work than a few years
because of the advantage of increased machine efficienc
and the use of better yarn, which means that there are fev
er "breaks" for the worker to mend. Whether or not thil
argument is valid, the fact remains that modern ma
chinery is displacing cotton mill workers. To handle sucr
situations in the future, some union pacts include a pro
viso that "whenever the employer engages engineers for
study and recommendation of work-load assignment, and
differences arise over the application of the same, the
union may engage competent recognized engineers, who
shall compose differences with the engineers of the em-
ployer."

Other contract terms cover overtime pay, seniority
rights, and equal distribution of work, and provide arbi-
tration machinery to adjust disputes. From the employer,
the union has usually obtained agreement on a "majority
shop" clause, and in return promised cooperation in dis-
ciplining union members who violate the pact, and aid in
seeking enactment of tariff laws and other legislation ben-
efiting the industry. The majority shop does not compel
union membership for workers not within the TWOC at
the time of the signing of the agreement, but it does
require union members at the time of the signing to
remain in good standing in the union, and it further
guarantees union membership for all future employes
who may be hired.

The industrialization of the South is just beginning.
Cotton lands are being used for experiments in crops and
plants which lend themselves (Continued on page 189)

SURVEY GRAPHIC

Women Breadwinners

THEY DON'T WORK FOR PIN MONEY

\\ in m> \\n\ihs WORK? ACCORDING TO THE 1930 CENSUS,
the List national figures we have, 10^ million women
arc "gainfully employed outside the home." Are these
\\unicn in factories, on farms, in stores, offices, school-
rooms, studios working "for pin money," "to express
themselves," "to earn their own livings," — or do they
work because other people are dependent on them for
fix id. clothing and shelter?

These are questions that have long been debated, usu-
ally \s-ith more heat than light. The answer, as revealed
recent study made by the National Federation of
Business and Professional Women's Clubs, in which
more than 12,000 of its members participated, is that,
with median earnings of $1315, one woman in two sup-
ports other persons, wholly or in part; and that one sixth
of the group are the heads of households of from two to
seven persons. Further, it shows that the number of her
dependents increases as the worker's income increases—
in other words, the more a woman earns, the more
responsibilities she assumes.

The differences between what men and women are
paid on comparable jobs is not a matter of opinion, but
of fact. The U. S. Women's Bureau, in a recent bulletin

EXTENT OF RESPONSIBILITY

SUPPORT OF SEIF ONIY

SOIE SUPPORT OF HOUSEHOLD

PARTIAL SUPPORT OF HOUSEHOLD

DEPENDENTS OUTSIDE HOUSEHOLD

SUPPORTED BY HOUSEHOLD

Eocfc lymbol repreunli 6% ol oil women report. ng.

ItCTOUl IIATWICkK.

From the Public Affairs Committee pamphlet. Why Women Work
MARCH 1938

by BEULAH AMIDON

which brings together information about women work-
ers from a variety of sources, has compiled tables show-
ing wage rates in a wide range of occupations and com-
munities. A sampling of this data shows such comparisons
as these:

Occupation

SILK WEAVING

DYIIKC AND FINISHING (ConoH) ..

PAPE* Box FOLDING

WELT SHOES — STITCHING

CLERICAL WORKERS — OHIO, 1935

SALESPERSONS IN STORES (Oino, 1935> ..
BEAUTV PARLOR OPEHATORS (Fou« CITIES)

Average full time weekly
earnixgj of

Men

$28.98
17.32
23.68
15.15
12.75
19.87
22.50

Women
$22.21
12.46
14.86
10.70
IS. SO
13.54
14.25

The disparity continues in professional fields. A recent
report by the National Education Association, covering
salary schedules adopted in 150 cities, revealed that about
one fourth provided for differences in the pay of women
and men. A report of the U. S. Office of Education gives
the salaries of 5822 men and 1068 women in fifty land-
grant colleges and universities in 1927-28:

DEAN

PROFESSOR

ASSOCIATE PROFUSOK
ASSISTANT PROFESSOR
INSTRUCTOR

Median salaries of

Men Women

$5635 $4375

4139 3581

3284 2882

2794 2530

2087 2016

Back of such figures as these lies not a difference in
skill, training or experience. To such factors, many au-
thorities ascribe the fact that men are found in the
higher paid occupations in industry, business and the pro-
fessions in a larger proportion than are women. But
the difference in rate of pay for the same job is the ex-
pression of the tradition that "women work only for pin
money," that "women don't have dependents — men have
families to support."

The study made by the National Federation of Busi-
ness and Professional Women's Clubs covers only its
own membership, a fair sampling of the five million
women in this country making up four occupational
groupings: clerical, professional, trade, transportation and
communication; plus some women engaged in domestic
and personal service, chiefly beauty parlor operators.

The 12,043 women reporting represent every state in the
union except Rhode Island, and Alaska and Hawaii as
well; they represent more than 100 occupations, and all
but one industry grouping (forestry and fishing) of the
U. S. Census general industry categories. By specific oc-
cupations, the largest number of women — nearly 27 per-
cent of the total — arc teachers; next in order are secre-
taries and stenographers; auditors, bookkeepers and cash-
iers; clerks; executives, managers and supervisors. Only
one twelfth of the total arc independent workers, busy
in their own stores, offices or studios.

It is distinctly a middle-aged group, with a median age
of 40.6 years, half the number between die ages of 30
and 49. About 25 percent are 50 and older, less than 20
percent under 30, less than one percent under 20. Out
of every ten women replying, seven are single; three
married, widowed, divorced or separated. Again taking
them by tens, four in each ten live in places of less than

151

10,000 population, four in places of 10,000 to 100,000, two
in places of 100,000 or more.

FOR THE CALENDAR YEAR 1936, THE MEDIAN FULL TIME

earnings of the whole group (half more, half less) were
$1315. Median year's earnings of independent workers,
$1520, were higher than those of salaried workers, $1310.
Highest median year's earnings were those of executives,
managers and supervisors, $1715; the lowest those of per-
sonal service workers, $610, with saleswomen only a little
higher, $625. In the whole group, there were 3113 who
reported annual earnings under $1000, 299 of these under
$500. Only 487 had earnings in 1936 of $3000 or more; 52
of these above $6000, six above $10,000.

Contrary to the usual impression, median earnings of
the women participating in this study increase each
decade from $960 for women under 30 to $1615 for women
of 50 to 60, then decrease to $1560 for women over 60.

Almost half the women report no dependents wholly
or partially supported out of their earnings. A very small
group (3 percent of the total) not only have no de-
pendents, but live in households to the support of which
they do not contribute. Here may be a genuine "pin
money" group — women who are responsible neither for
the support of others nor for their own maintenance.

The women with dependents are older than their more
carefree fellows, their median age about 44 years, as com-
pared with 40.6 for the group as a whole. Their earn-
ings are somewhat higher than those of the total group,
though one sixth of them had less than $1000 in 1936, a
few had less than $500.

Everyone knows women of this under $1000 group —
the colorless little cashier in the drugstore, who is neither
very quick nor very accurate. She lives with a rheumatic
old aunt "over beyond the tracks," and "the church
ladies" sometimes help out with a Thanksgiving basket,
or a cast-off winter coat for "old Mrs. Jones." There is
Miss Jackson, who has "kept the library" for so many
years, and before and after her day's work, has kept
house for her crippled father and her "do-less" brother.

The statistics of relief and health agencies, in their
colorless way, tell the story of the malnutrition, bad hous-
ing, inadequate clothing, neglected medical and dental
needs of this group trying to stretch meager resources
to cover the needs of themselves and their dependents.

THE WOMEN WHO ARE THE SOLE SUPPORT OF THEIR HOUSE-

holds have an average of 1.5 dependents with whom they
live, and in addition, they each have 2.1 dependents out-
side their homes. The women who partially support
others have an average of 1.7 dependents in their homes,
1.3 persons whom they help outside.

These trends are sharpened by the facts brought out
in a related study made by the National Board of the
YWCA, in which 680 younger employed women took
part. With a median age of 25, these women had yearly
median earnings of $959.92, $415 below those of the older
group. Here, too, earnings tend to increase with age.
Of the girls under 20, 70 percent earned less than $500
in 1936, while only 4 percent of the women in the
40 to 49 decade earned so little. But even on median
weekly wages of eighteen dollars, 450 of these young
women (66 percent) had other persons wholly or partly
dependent on them, sixty were the sole support of house-
holds, with an average of 2.2 dependents apiece.

152

These figures, with their mathematical absurditie
of fractional "persons," take on more meaning if one
considers the people behind the statistical tables. Here is a
highschool teacher in the capital city of a midwestern
state. She earns $1800 a year, well above the median for
the group. On this she supports not only herself but her
husband, permanently crippled by an automobile accident,
and their young son, and sends a regular monthly sur
to her husband's mother. Another participant in the study
is a bank clerk in a Pacific Coast town. It takes a lot of
anxious care and ingenuity to make her $1500 salar
cover the needs of those dependent on it — her mother and
her invalid sister who live with her, an arthritic brother
in a desert hospital. And then there is a civil service
worker in an eastern city with high living costs. On her
exceptionally good salary of $2750 she makes a home for
her disappointed and futile father and for her brilliant
brother, who is now a college freshman and aspires to
medical school; she is paying the debt incurred during
her mother's last illness; she sends "what I can spare —
something every month" to a widowed sister with sev-
eral children who lives in another state.

It is worth noting that a woman who is the head of the
family usually has more than a budgetary responsibility.
Only a small proportion of the women taking part in this
study earn enough to have paid household help. Before
and after the business day and on their "day of rest"
they must themselves do at least part of the actual work
of the household.

WE ARE ACCUSTOMED TO THINK OF A HOME AS DEPENDE

on two persons, a man who supports it, a woman wl
maintains it, their common effort centered in the repre-
sentatives of the next generation born and nurtured there
But when a woman wage earner is the sole support ol
the household, she heads a different sort of home. Q
the women taking part in this study, 55 percent suppor
wholly or in part representatives of the past generation
their parents grandparents, uncles, aunts; 20 percen
carry members of their own generation — brothers, sisters
husbands, cousins; only 25 percent are providing for tfo
oncoming generation, and so earning a stake in the buoy-
ant hopes and plans of youth. The same thing is true of
the younger women who took part in the YWCA study:
of the 134 persons maintained by the sixty who are "thi
sole support of the household," 71 (52 percent) repre
sent an older generation.

It is unfortunate that no similar studies have been
made of 'men and their responsibilities. It would be in-
teresting and significant if, beside this picture of women
at work, one could place a picture of a comparable group
of business and professional men, showing age, occupa-
tion, earnings, marital status, number and generation of
dependents. But even without such a comparison, these
women, in their questionnaire replies, have thrown light
on a long disputed question: why do women work? For
they have shown that even among the lowest paid mem-
bers of these large and representative groups, women do
not work for "pin money" nor do they have "only them-
selves to support." Of nearly 13,000 employed women, a
relatively small but fair sampling of the millions of Amer-
ican women in business and professional occupations,
half work not only to support themselves, but also to sup-
port the old, the ill, the handicapped, the children, who
depend on them in increasing numbers through the years.

SURVEY GRAPHIC

Highschool by Mail

by R. W. ROOT

Benton Harbor, Michigan, has shown how supervised correspondence
courses — from reputable, endorsed institutions — can enrich the
vocational program of the average American highschool.

\Vh\K Tl!0l (.HT ALL ALONG THAT SOME OH OUR HIGHSCHOOL

teachers used to rush home nights to cram in order to
keep one or two chapters ahead of the class. At last our
suspicions have been confirmed. One of them has ad-
mitted it.

Sidney C. Mitchell, who is now superintendent of
schools at Benton Harbor, Mich., tells how he was forced
into the one-jump-ahead method when he was head of
the school system in a little village in northeastern Michi-
gan a good many years ago. In order to earn money to
go to college he had worked for a time as a draftsman
in a manufacturing plant, and then turned his talents
to teaching mechanical drawing. From the start the
course was popular, and a number of the boys made rapid
progress.

"In fact, after a year or two," says Mr. Mitchell, "some
tof them had advanced to the point where I had little
:more to give them. Rather than admit this, I took the
next step. I enrolled for a correspondence course in ma-
chine design with one of the private correspondence
schools and was thus enabled to keep ahead of the pack."

That move of a teacher to keep ahead of his class struck
kdic first spark of an idea which has since materialized in
la growing use of courses from commercial correspon-
dence institutions by students in public highschools
throughout the country. It is estimated that today in some
1200 American highschools and junior colleges, more than
125,000 pupils are supplementing their residence study with
private correspondence courses.

In stifling his skepticism of correspondence study and
,signing up for a course, Mr. Mitchell was striving after
'an ideal. To his mind, it was a pity to offer a highschool
curriculum almost wholly made up of college preparatory
'subjects when most of the students would never go to
[college. Ideally, the school should be giving practical
training too, yet it could not afford to hire a staff of quali-
fied teachers for vocational subjects.

Mr. Mitchell found the course in machine design diffi-
cult, but he also found it effective. As a draftsman, he
>had seen his fellow workers progress because they had
[studied by correspondence. Now his own pupils began to
:omc back from Detroit, Saginaw and Flint and tell of
khe advancement they had made by getting additional
•raining through correspondence.

The idea of "the Benton Harbor plan" struck Mr.
Mitchell when he became principal of the highschool
tin his home town, Benton Harbor. If he could get the
[Cooperation of the correspondence schools, he thought,
jfTcring their vocational courses to pupils who could not,
Iwould not, or should not go to college it might solve his
education problem.

"But what would the neighbors think?" Mr. Mitchell
jisked. What would others in the teaching profession think

MARCH 1938

of the idea of joining hands with the correspondence
schools in the education of highschool boys and girls?
Correspondence schools were not, as a rule, highly re-
garded by public school people. They have no better
standing now in the minds of many educators, although
there has been some change in this in recent years.

Mr. Mitchell mailed a brief outline of his idea to one-
hundred educators and asked their candid opinion. Al-
most without exception the replies urged him to go ahead.

Reassured, Mitchell took an early morning train one
Saturday in December 1922, to a nearby city in which a
correspondence school was situated. The school agreed
to cooperate in the way he asked. Back in Benton Har-
bor again, he called into his office ten boys whose futures
had been puzzling him. They needed vocational educa-
tion. He expounded his new plan. The next month the
group began its "practical" studies.

The Benton Harbor Plan

THE PLAN AS IT HAS DEVELOPED AT BENTON HARBOR REPRE-

sents an experimental pattern which scores of other
schools have copied. In general it is a system of analyzing
the needs of the individual student and of supervising
his correspondence lessons. The central idea was furthered
by a Carnegie Foundation grant which made possible a
University of Nebraska extension experiment in develop-
ing correspondence courses for the enrichment of the pub-
lic secondary school curriculum. This project has grown
until it is now serving a large number of students through-
out the state, and odicr states are providing the same type
of service through the extension divisions of more dian
sixty colleges and universities.

In the second year of the Benton Harbor plan, a womnn
was put in charge of supervising correspondence studv
and enrollment climbed to forty. Even today, howeve<-,
pupils are not urged to take correspondence courses. The
opportunity is merely presented. If a student indicates a
wish to take one of the mail courses, he confers with
the correspondence director. This teacher studies his
problems and helps him in his choice. Recently Benton
Harbor added a guidance counselor to the junior high-
school staff.

"In general, the pupil now selects his courses as a result
of careful self-analysis," Mr. Mitchell said.

His study plan is drawn up under the direction of the
principal, and the supervisor must approve the corre-
spondence course he selects. The correspondence center is
chosen by the pupil with the consent of the supervisor.

Once these details are out of uSc way, the supervisor
enrolls the pupil wiuS the correspondence center and or-
ders textbooks and other instructional materials. The stu-
dent pays for these himself, while the board of education
pays the tuition fee.

153

The pupil is then assigned a study desk and a period
for study. After he completes each unit in the course, the
supervisor gives him the standard test. "He takes as
much time as he needs to write his examination, and
when it is finished he gives it to the supervisor, who
checks it to make sure that it has been carefully done
and mails it to the correspondence center for correction,
giving the pupil his next assignment," Mr. Mitchell said.

The pupil then proceeds with the study of the second
lesson. Meanwhile the corrected examination is returned
to the student. He notes errors and comments, and gives
the paper to the supervisor to be placed on file. This rou-
tine is followed lesson after lesson, the student progress-
ing at his own pace.

The problem of credit for work completed has not
been an easy one to solve. The number of units allowed
toward highschool graduation depends upon the amount
of work done and upon the supervisor's judgment of the
student's effort. Courses in which a number of pupils have
enrolled are, of course, more readily evaluated.

"From the very beginning of the plan, less emphasis
has been placed on credits for supervised correspondence
study and more on actual values gained," Mr. Mitchell
declared.

The philosophy behind the program — to prepare a stu-
dent for his life work rather than to enable him to pass
a college entrance examination — makes this attitude the
natural one. The problem of credits does not arise in
connection with courses taken from public, non-commer-
cial institutions, which are accredited by the usual regional
academic agencies.

Correspondence courses do not raise serious budgetary
problems for school or pupil. Walter H. Gaumnitz, senior
specialist in rural education in the U.S. Office of Educa-
tion, declares that the evidence is "conclusive" that schools
can save money by using correspondence courses.

Section of the correspondence study department in the Benton Harbor Highschool

The actual cost to the student varies with the type of
correspondence course he takes. Obviously, some will be
more expensive than others. At present, this cost seems
to run between $1 and $5 per pupil for each semester
subject unit of work.

The late William John Cooper, former commissioner
of the Office of Education, envisaged a future for cor-
respondence courses even beyond vocational fields:

I can see no good reason why college preparatory students
could not do the major part of their work in regular class
work and take some courses by correspondence each year.
This would undoubtedly effect a substantial saving in the
cost of their education.

During the depression, Mr. Mitchell made a careful
comparative study of educational costs at Benton Har-
bor. His correspondence department, he found, was the
cheapest of all. Correspondence courses were costing
$7.01 per pupil per year. This compared with costs in ag-
riculture of $23.95; in home economics of $17.31; in the
physical sciences of $14.60, and in commercial subjects of
$10.05.

Earl T. Platt of the University of Nebraska found that
introduction of correspondence courses from the univer-
sity halved the cost per pupil in the space of one year,
cutting it from $28.88 to $12.70.

Scores of the nation's small schools have been turning
to correspondence study in the last three or four years,
not to trim expenses but to enrich their programs.

While elementary pupils can get along well enough
with a few standard subjects, adolescents have broadening
and varying interests. Even in a big city where highschool
students have a wide range of subjects from which to
choose, many fail to find the vocational courses that
meet their needs. Small highschools simply cannot afford
to hire teachers for subjects in which only one or two stu-
dents are interested. Fifty-five percent of the highschools
of the country — about 12,000 — enroll
100 pupils or less. One out of four or
the nation's highschools has less than
50 students. The median number of
teachers in American highschools in
1930, even before depression retrench-
ment, was four; 2089 schools had only
two teachers and 130 were trying to
give four-year courses with only one
teacher. To such run-of-the-mill
schools as these the Benton Harbor
plan is particularly helpful. The range
of subjects it opens up is almost un-
limited. There are literally hundreds
of courses sold by correspondence
schools, private and public, covering
such diverse subjects as fruit culture,
poultry raising, diesel engines, watch
repair, commercial law.

Benton Harbor illustrates the vari-
ety possible. During the 1936-37 school
year, 264 students in this highschool
were taking thirty-four different cor-
respondence courses. Mechanical
drafting, which enrolled sixty-eight,
was the most popular. More than thir-
ty were studying automobile engines
and ignition coils. Twenty were tak-
ing blueprint reading, sixteen were

154

SURVEY GRAPHIC

Automobile, radio and com-
mercial art— only a few of
the 34 different correspon-
dence course! taken last year
by 264 highschool students
in this Michigan town

studying commercial art,
and fifteen were working
with radio. On the other
hand, only one student
took accounting, one took
building wiring, and one
took highway engineer-
ing. Without correspon-
dence none of these young people would have had a shad-
ow of a chance to get what he wanted, but with the mail
system it made no difference at all that some courses en-
rolled only one student in Benton Harbor. A doctoral
investigation at New York University showed similarly
that mechanics and related arts are by far the most pop-
ular subjects among correspondence students in high-
school, with business and radio next.

On Picking the Right School

WlTH THE CORRESPONDENCE PLAN THERE IS ALWAYS THE

problem of choosing a reputable institution. More than
a decade ago, with the cooperation of the Federal Trade
Commission and the Better Business Bureaus, the home
study industry organized and drew up a code of ethics.
The National Education Association advises those con-
sidering correspondence work to write this association,
the National Home Study Council at Washington, D. C.
The council is directed by Dr. J. S. Noffsingcr, a former
Illinois college president who once made a study of cor-
respondence schools for the Carnegie Foundation.

During February 1934, a conference on supervised cor-
respondence study was held in connection with the annual
meeting of the department of superintendence of the
National Education Association. Since then similar con-
ferences have been held at Teachers College, Columbia
University, and at the University of Nebraska. Teachers
College has since 1934 offered courses in supervised cor-
respondence study during each summer session.

Several schools are now using interesting modifica-
tions of the original Benton Harbor plan. At Newton,
la., for instance, the vocational program cooperates with

local industries. During
half the day the student
attends school and spends
an hour in supervised
correspondence study.
The other half he de-
votes to shop training at
a local factory, still un-
der school supervision.

This past year schools
in three Michigan towns
— Pontiac, Lapcer and
Dowagiac — have adopted
such a system. At Pon-
tiac, for example, a co-
ordinator works between

the school and employers in selecting and placing the stu-
dent workers. Pupils in the eleventh grade may elect prac-
tical out-of-school training together with core subjects, a
vocational subject and related courses for the final two
years of highschool.

A few small junior colleges have also taken up the Ben-
ton Harbor plan. At Crescent College, Eureka Springs,
Ark., for example, correspondence courses solved a cur-
riculum problem presented when single students asked
for classes in Norwegian, Latin and stenotypy.

Besides aiding the small school, correspondence courses
make it possible for districts formerly without a high-
school to offer work on the secondary level — an important
consideration for boys and girls between fourteen and
seventeen years old who live in centers of less than 2500,
only 41 percent of whom now enter highschool.

Meanwhile, hard-headed school boards are enthusiastic
about "practical" courses, the need for which they can
understand; and taxpayers rejoice that they are getting
so much for their money.

"Parents and other local citizens repeatedly express their
approval of supervised correspondence study and some
have been highly enthusiastic about it," declared Mr.
Mitchell. "While no follow-up study has been made of
the success of former correspondence students in the com-
munity there is a growing number of young people who
have benefited directly from this kind of training.

The depression taught that all cannot be "white-collar"
workers, even if that were desirable. The correspondence
plan seems to have made more feasible the training of the
ordinary boy and girl for other kinds of useful jobs in
the world.

MARCH 1938

155

Price Maintenance Is Price Raising

by CHARLES F. PHILLIPS

Are the so-called Fair Trade Laws, now reinforced by the federal Miller-
Tydings Act, fair to the consumer? This economist answers that they are
not. And, in doing so, he questions the social desirability of legalizing vertical
monopoly as an emergency favor to one group of ardently lobbying retailers.

EARLY LAST YEAR R. H. MACY AND COMPANY, NEW YORK'S
largest department store, in line with its announced policy
of not being undersold, offered Gone with the Wind,
then at the peak of best-sellerdom, below the $3 listed by
the book's publisher. When Macy's price was undercut by
a leading drug chain, a price war ensued in which the
book was sold for as low as 87 cents. At this point the
publisher, the Macmillan Company, dramatically took ad-
vantage of New York's Fair Trade Act and fixed the
resale price of the popular novel at $3. Immediately it
became illegal for Macy's, or any other New York retailer
handling the book, to sell it at any other figure. This is
resale price maintenance — the manufacturer who no
longer owns the goods has the right to fix the price that
you and I must pay.

The first state to have such a law was California, which
in 1931 legalized resale price fixing contracts between
manufacturer and retailer. The proponents of the measure
soon found it unsatisfactory, for it forced the manufac-
turer interested in fixing a retail price to make a separate
contract with each retailer. In 1933 the California law was
amended, making the resale price established by the man-
ufacturer binding upon every retailer as soon as one re-
tailer had signed a contract and the others were given
proper notice of this fact. This binding clause, to give an
example, means that as soon as one small independent
druggist in California signs a contract with a manufac-
turer to sell the manufacturer's face powder at $1 and
the manufacturer notifies other retailers, no retailer may
sell the powder for any other price.

The California law has been copied by state after state,
even to the extent of a clerical error. States not copying the
California bill copied a model drafted by the National
Association of Retail Druggists. Even before the retail
druggists' lobby got its federal Miller-Tydings bill passed,
the majority of states legalized the fixing of a resale price
by a manufacturer. Why, then, was the Miller-Tydings
bill pushed? Without it, interstate price maintenance was
illegal. Direct agreements between California retailers
and New York manufacturers, for example, are interstate.
The Miller-Tydings Act makes interstate^ contracts legal
if between retailers and manufacturers located in states
where intrastate contracts are legal.

As soon as the few remaining states pass fair trade laws
(all but five now have them) resale price fixing by the
manufacturer will be legal throughout the United States.
The significance of this, among manufacturers and re-
tailers, as well as among consumers, is little understood.
The traditional American policy has been to oppose price
fixing. Now the consumer is faced with the reality of
inflexibly fixed prices in many lines of merchandise. More

156

than 200 manufacturers of drugs and cosmetics have fixed
retail prices. The big liquor companies were among the
first to get contracts signed, and although a trade boycott
forced one such large distilling and liquor distributing
corporation, in New York, to discontinue price fixing for
a time, even this firm has again entered the ranks of the
price-fixers. Book publishers, tobacco companies and food
manufacturers soon may be, and some are already, fixing
the prices we pay.

What is back of this development? Are there sound
arguments for it? Should prices for comparable goods
be uniform in all stores, or are there sound economic rea-
sons to expect different prices? How does the consumer
fare under price fixing? What is the significance for the
consumer of these laws the lobbyists have given us?

The Lobbyists Succeed

CONSIDER, AS THE KINGPIN, THE MILLER-TYDINGS ACT AND
its sponsors. The bill itself marked the climax of a long
struggle to legalize resale price maintenance. For years
Congress had before it a resale price maintenance measure
known as the Capper-Kelly bill which seemed close to
becoming law on several occasions. But always one house
blocked the other. When the NRA codes were drawn up
certain business groups attempted to obtain the necessary
provisions in their codes. However, the NRA codes as
finally approved were free of actual price maintenance
agreements, although a number of the codes contained
clauses of significant aid to manufacturers wishing to
maintain resale prices on their products. Yet the passage
of the Miller-Tydings bill can really be traced to the last
days of the NRA. It was then that the National Associ-
ation of Retail Druggists opened a permanent office in
Washington. The resale price maintenance lobby had
really arrived.

An association of some 22,000 retailers of drugs, the
NARD decided upon a price maintenance law as one of
its major objectives. The lobbyists went to work in a very
systematic manner. Local committees were formed in
each congressional district to interview candidates of all
parties to explain why their bill should pass and to get the
candidates' opinion on such a measure. It may seem that
22,000 druggists scattered in 48 states would be unable
to influence any candidate in his views. But one must
realize that the influence of the NARD is much wider
than its immediate membership. The views of its mem-
bers are easily conveyed to other business men in the
community, to other trade associations, to friends and
families, and to consumers who trade at their stores. Thus
when the NARD approved a certain candidate that can-
didate was sure of a large number of votes. As a result,

SURVEY GRAPHIC

candidates listenea to — and ultimately voted for — the
measures sponsored by the association. The mere request
horn NARD headquarters in Washington could quickly
produce a flood of letters and telegrams to Congressmen.
So effective was this organization that after President
Roosevelt had questioned the wisdom of the Millcr-Ty-
dings bill Congress attached the bill as a rider to a meas-
ure that the President would have to sign.

This was a routine bill to raise $8,875,000 in additional
taxes from the District of Columbia. The President
wanted the tax bill: the rider he did not want. He had
conveyed his mistrust of the measure to Congress in a
letter to Vice-President Garner urging that the bill not be
taken up "until the whole matter can be more fully ex-
plored." Faced with the necessity of taking the Miller-
Tydings bill to get the tax measure, the President chided
Congress for "this vicious practice of attaching unrelated
riders to tax or appropriation bills." But he signed the
measure. It was in this extraordinary manner that resale
price maintenance agreements in interstate commerce
became legal in the United States.

The Consumer Pays

IN CONJUNCTION WITH THE PASSAGE OF RESALE PRICE MAIN-

tenance legislation, the price maintenance publicists made
a bold move to keep public opinion on their side by re-
ferring to these laws as "Fair Trade Laws." Actually
there is much more than a doubt as to how fair these laws
are to the consumer. It seems likely that they will lead the
unsuspecting consumer to accept the erroneous idea that
price differences necessarily indicate differences in quality.
Too many of us, when faced with a choice between two
articles which look the same, take the high priced article
on the theory that "its price is higher, it must be better."
Yet study after study has shown this theory to be false.
Often a superior article will sell for as much as 25 percent
less. Under price maintenance the manufacturer will put
constant emphasis on the idea that his resale price stands
for merchandise of a certain quality. More and more this
emphasis will teach people to judge quality by the price.
In view of the widespread acceptance of this idea at the
present time and of its lack of validity, it is doubtful if it
is good policy to encourage legislation which will further
1 spread this view.

Another result unfavorable to the consumer may also
be pointed to as illustrative of the dangers in price main-
tenance. Any program which gives a manufacturer such
a large degree of price control is likely to increase the al-
ready growing inflexibility of retail prices. The prices of
branded items are slow in responding to changed eco-
nomic conditions. As a result retail prices do not fall in
harmony with raw material markets. Professor M. D.
Taylor found that in Durham, North Carolina, prices of
branded items fell much slower in the downswing of the
last depression than did the prices of other items. Yet the
success of a competitive economy depends to a consider-
able degree upon rapid price adjustments. Is it not reason-
able to expect that if a manufacturer has complete con-
trol— within the limits set by the competition of products
which might be used as substitutes — in an attempt to in-
crease his profits he will try even harder to maintain the
retail price for his product as his cost of raw materials
falls? Thus resale price maintenance adds one more ele-
ment of inflexibility to an economic system already suf-
fering from too much unhealthy rigidity.

The fact that price maintenance leads to less flexibility
in our economic system is really another way of saying
that price maintenance is monopolistic in nature. Our
states as well as the federal government have laws prohib-
iting horizontal price agreements; that is, we have laws
which make it illegal, for example, for a group of retail-
ers to get together and agree on a certain price at which
they will sell X-brand toothpaste. Apparently these laws
arc based on the idea that the consumer is entitled to
whatever prices free competition among the retailers will
bring him. Yet under our recently passed price mainte-
nance laws a manufacturer may establish a single price
for the retailers. If horizontal price agreements are mon-
opolistic in nature and against the public interest, then
resale price maintenance which likewise reduces price
competition among the same retailers is opposed to the
public interest.

PROPONENTS OF PRICE MAINTENANCE ARGUE THAT THE RISE
in prices of price-fixed goods will be offset by increased
competition in the non-price-fixed goods with a resulting
fall in the prices of such goods so that the average price
will not be increased. In this argument there is perhaps
some merit, but it must be remembered that the manu-
facturers are spending millions of dollars each year to
keep us in the habit of buying their goods. And it is pre-
cisely these advertised goods which will advance in price.
Therefore, in so far as we continue to buy the well
known, highly advertised goods, we will pay higher
prices in spite of the fact that prices on possible substi-
tutes may have decreased.

For most of us the buying of drugs, for example, is
like buying a "solid gold ring with a genuine diamond
stone" from the stranger who approaches us in the Grand
Central station. We have little knowledge of what we
are really buying. We do not know the best product
from an inferior product. Trial and error is often of
little value. How many customers could pick the most
effective mouthwash out of just five of the many brands
offered by the drug store even after they tried all five
tynds? To a large degree we base our purchases on the
claims made by the manufacturers in their advertise-
ments and on what the retailer tells us. Now it is obvious
that the brand recommended by the retailer will tend to
be the one on which the profit margin is the greatest.
The retailer is not an altruist. When a manufacturer
adopts price maintenance he in effect guarantees a certain
profit margin on his product. You may be fairly certain
that the product recommended by the retailer will be
the one sold under a price maintenance agreement.

How It All Started

IT IS INTERESTING TO TRACE THE RISING ARGUMENT FOR RESALE

price maintenance from the earliest specific agitation in
favor of it. The great increase in the output of manu-
factured goods in the years between the end of the Civil
War and the opening of the 20th century created a grave
marketing problem for many manufacturers. Price cut-
ting among manufacturers became common as each at-
tempted at least to hold his own in the market. These
price cuts were often followed by a lowering of the
quality of the merchandise sold; for as long as products
were not branded and the manufacturer was unknown to
the ultimate consumer a cut in quality could not hurt
the manufacturer's reputation.

MARCH 1938

157

This emphasis on price to the detriment of quality
was far from satisfactory either to consumer or manu-
facturer. Some way was needed to enable the manufac-
turer of a quality product to market his wares profitably.
This was found in the development of branded merchan-
dise accompanied by advertising on the part of the
manufacturer to impress the consumer with the fact that
the brand stood for merchandise of a certain quality.
Thus by distinguishing his wares from those of other
manufacturers, a producer was able to escape to some
degree the pressure which previously had been brought
to bear upon him for price cutting and quality cutting.

The Pressure of the Merchants

THE MANUFACTURER, UNFORTUNATELY, SOON FOUND THAT

this solution to the problem gave rise to further trouble.
He would get his brand name well established through
advertising, and then a number of retailers would begin
to use the product as a "loss leader," offering it at a low
price in order to attract customers. Other retailers, not
being able to make what they called a reasonable profit
and yet meet the price of the price cutting competitors,
once again began to urge the manufacturer to cut his
price to them. In some cases the producer was given his
choice — either a lower price, of the retailer would dis-
continue the line, or "switch" his customers to some other
more profitable line.

Manufacturers whose prestige was an important adver-
tising point soon began to claim that the continual offer-
ing of their products below those announced in advertise-
ments of the company resulted in a loss of prestige. Thus
a 50-cent toilet soap advertised by cut-rate stores at 29
cents might give some customers the feeling that the soap
was really a 29-cent product. Moreover, these manufac-
turers wishing to sell their products on a quality appeal
found that the retailers' emphasis on price weakened their
advertising program.

But some retailers could counter that they were not
selling a "special" or a "leader" at a loss. Some stores in-
itiate price cutting programs based on the idea that sales
will increase enough faster than operating cost so that,
while the profit per unit may be reduced, total net profits
will increase. A highly simplified example will make
this clear. Here is a grocer selling 500 cans of soup each
week at 10 cents per can. His cost of merchandise is 6
cents per can, his selling cost 2^2 cents and his net profit
\l/2 cents. His weekly dollar sales of soup thus total $50,
out of which he gives $30 to the manufacturer, pays
$12.50 for clerk hire, rent, heat, light, and other ex-
penses, and keeps $7.50 as profit. But let us assume that
he drops his price to 3 cans for 25 cents and thereby in-
creases his weekly sales to 3000 cans. His cost of mer-
chandise will now be $180 (it may be lower if he gets
a quantity discount) and his sales $250, leaving him $70
out of which to pay his cost of operation and make a
profit. A bit of reflection will show that his operating
cost will not increase as fast as his sales. For example,
his rent, heat, and light cost will increase not at all while
his wage bill may not go up much, for his clerks may
be able to work somewhat faster and more people may
be willing partially to wait on themselves in order to get
the lower price. Let us say that operating costs increase
from $12.50 to $45. This leaves a net profit of $25. Thus
the price cut not only gives the consumer a greater value
but it also increases the profit of the grocer from $7.50 to

158

$25. And this is not all! The price cut will bring more
people into the store and sales of merchandise at regular
prices will be increased. In fact, even if the grocer's profit
on soup did not increase, the cut price might prove prof-
itable if it attracted customers. As long as price cuts are
held within reason there seems no sound argument why
a retailer should not use them as a method of attracting
business. The consumer gets more for his money, the man-
ufacturer finds he can sell more goods so he employs
more men and thereby reduces the number of unem-
ployed.

RECENTLY THE DESIRE FOR PRICE MAINTENANCE ON THE PART
of the manufacturer has considerably changed. It is the
retailer who has been most active in bringing pressure on
the manufacturer, and in lobbying for state and federal
legislation. One does not have to look far to find reasons
for this change in attitude. It is largely a result of the tre-
mendous development of a class of retailers who seek
patronage on the basis of low prices. While the chain store
is probably the most obvious exponent of the "low price
and volume sale" method of doing business, an increasing
number of independent retailers are applying this prin-
ciple.

In 1935 the chain stores did about 25 percent of our
total retail business, a position largely achieved through
their ability to undersell their competitors. To a large
number of manufacturers chain stores are an important
outlet — an outlet which the manufacturer would not like
to lose. But the majority of chain executives are definitely
opposed to handing over control of their retail prices to
the manufacturer (there are exceptions to this rule, espe-
cially in the drug field) and they have made this fact
plain to the manufacturer.

Furthermore, the manufacturers know that the chains
are in an ideal position to fight the resale price mainte-
nance program of a manufacturer. For years the chain
companies have developed their own private brands which
they have sold alongside the manufacturers' brands.

Studies of the Federal Trade Commission have found
prices on private brands to be less than those quoted on
manufacturers' brands. However, in the majority of cases
the differences have been held within reason as the chains
have been free to cut prices on the manufacturers' brands.
But if the manufacturers adopt price fixing programs
and raise the retail prices of their products to meet the
demands of many retailers for larger margins, the differ-
ential in price of the chains' private brands as compared
with the manufacturers' brands will be increased. While
preventing existing differentials may not cause a majority
of customers to shift to private brands, an increased dif-
ferential plus the active solicitation of chain store clerks
may easily cause a significant shift. Many manufacturers
are well aware of this possibility.

Meanwhile the pressure of certain retailer groups con-
tinues, and they favor any legislation which will curb
drastic price cutting.

Prices and Profits

IT IS NECESSARY TO DISTINGUISH BETWEEN THE TWO CROUPS

of retailers, although the cleavage between them is not as
sharp as I shall draw here for the sake of emphasis. On
the one hand, there are the retailers who desire to sell at
the prices suggested by the manufacturer. Typically small
scale, dominantly independent merchants, they lack the

SURVEY GRAPHIC

capacity to buy in large quantities and thus obtain quanti-
ty discounts. As a result, their merchandise cost is rela-
tively high. At the same time they often give credit and
delivery service, which increases their cost of doing busi-
ness. Most of the agitation for price maintenance in re-
cent years has come from this group. To these retailers
the widespread adoption of such a policy looks like a
haven of refuge from the competition of the low price
store, whether it be chain or independent.

Is < ONTRAST. THE LARGE GROUP OF RETAILERS OPERATING ON A

low price basis oppose price maintenance. To them the
right to cut prices on well known items is an important
factor in building business. They argue that their lower
cost of merchandise as well as their lower operating cost
plus their willingness to accept a small profit per unit
in order to obtain large volume stand as sufficient justi-
fication for their selling goods for less than the high cost
retailers. Why, they ask, should they be forced to sell at
prices which tend to remove one of the most important
factors in their own commercial growth and at the same
time penalize their customers with higher prices? This
argument raises two significant questions. First, is it true
that the arguments are sound concerning the ability of
some stores to undersell others? Second, if the arguments
are sound, will the broad adoption of a resale price main-
tenance program tend to prohibit such underselling?

In answer to the first question, even a slight knowl-
edge of the retail field will convince one that uniform
prices are not to be expected between competing stores.
Stores in the same block, handling the same goods, have
different costs of operation; and it is perfectly sound for
such differences to be reflected in different prices. The
Census of Distribution shows us that in the grocery field,
for example, the chain stores in 1929 reported a store oper-
ating expense ratio to sales of 13.8 percent as against 17.4
percent for all grocery stores. Among chain companies
there is likewise a wide variation. At the present time
there are many large independently owned super-mar-
kets selling groceries and meats at an average cost of 8-10
percent of sales, although the ordinary independent gro-
cery store may need 12-18 percent to cover its cost. Re-
sale price maintenance which makes it impossible for
the low cost store to sell at low prices is simply raising
prices for the consumer.

Prices may also vary among stores as a result of dif-
ferences in the cost of merchandise. Many manufacturers
give discounts for prompt payment of bills and for buy-
ing in large quantities. Stores vary widely in their finan-
cial position, some being so well financed that they are
able to take advantage of the cash discount and thus get
their merchandise for less while others lose such dis-
counts and pay higher prices. Likewise, the larger or-
ganizations buy in quantities which reduces the manu-
facturers' selling cost and gives them a right to receive
something in the manner of a quantity discount. There
seems to be no reason why such lower cost should not
be passed on to the consumer through lower retail prices.

The price maintenance retailers, frightened by such
competition, not only carry their case to the legislature;
they bring pressure upon the manufacturer.

The Ris« of Fixed Price*

OF COURSE, PRICE MAINTENANCE STILL ALLOWS SOME UNDER-

selling to exist. Under the fair trade acts of those states
MARCH 1938

which copied the model drafted by the NARD, it is
possible for prices on price-maintained goods to vary from
store to store. The manufacturer is allowed to set a
minimum price rather than the price. If the minimum
price were set low enough to allow an operator fully to
reflect his lower operating cost, his lower cost of mer-
chandise, and his willingness to take a smaller profit per
unit in the prices quoted, uniform prices would not ap-
pear; for stores not having these advantages would be
forced to sell at prices above the minimum. But in prac-
tice this is not true. The great demand for resale price
maintenance on the part of many high-price retailers is
to put a stop to the lower prices quoted by competing
stores. For this aim to be achieved the price set by the
manufacturer must be high enough to make the item
profitable to these retailers. Evidence on this point is
already available in a study by Professor Grether cover-
ing the situation in certain large cities of California.
Comparing drug prices in 1933, before the adoption of
resale price maintenance, with prices of the same articles
in 1934 after they had been placed under price agree-
ments, he found a price increase of about one third from
the 1933 base. While some of this rise may be traced to
other factors — for example, to a general rise in prices be-
tween these two dates — price agreements appear to be a
dominant factor. Of course, for those consumers who
have always patronized the high price retailer, price
maintenance will mean little. But to those who tend to
buy where they pay the smallest sum, it means a lot.

Despite this obvious fact, some proponents of price
maintenance argue that the consumer benefits when the
manufacturer sets the retail price. They claim that such
agreements prevent the consumer from being over-
charged by grasping retailers, afford protection from high
price stores which give a low price appearance by means
of "loss leader" prices on a few well known brands, and
will put interstore competition on a quality and service
basis. They claim, moreover, that these benefits will be
obtained with no rise in the average price paid by the con-
sumer because under the present usage of loss leaders
the low prices on the leaders have to be made up by
higher prices on other items. This remains to be seen.

The Consumer and the Future

IT MUST BE ACKNOWLEDGED THAT IV MUCH OF THIS DISCUS-

sion it is assumed that price maintenance will be widely
adopted in many more fields than it now is. The hesitancy
of many manufacturers to rush to the folds of price main-
tenance presents a different color to the picture. Yet it
must be remembered that legalized price maintenance is
still new in this country and that it is backed by groups
powerful enough to force even more than mere permis-
sive legislation through Congress.

The next decade may see the gradual acceptance of
price fixing by a large number of manufacturers. We can
predict with certainty that in those fields where price
maintenance does become important it will force the con-
sumer to pay higher prices for well known brands. It
will inevitably favor a greater degree of price inflexibility
and also an increased dependence by the consumer upon
prices as a guide to quality.

From experience up to now it has been demonstrated
that to aid one group of retailers in maintaining their
position in our supposed competitive economy the con-
sumer has been asked to give up too much.

159

Equipped with a Leica camera we went out from Mahanoy
City to talk with bootleg minors. This town is "up in back" in
the center of Pennsylvania's hard-hit anthracite region, where
bootlegging in coal has been carried on for some years — by
stealth until 1933, but since that time with indulgence on the
part of the law enforcement agencies. The men in this region
have no other occupation than coal, and with so many of the
mines not operating, they mine for themselves on company land.

Buck Mountain "Patch" is typical of the forlorn company
towns in the neighborhood. The colliery here has been idle for
ten years. Water must be carried into the blackened company
shacks from a mountain spring reservoir.

In coal towns and patches the children gather stray coal for
fuel; in summer they pick and sell blueberries. The women and
girls work in shirt, pajama and dress factories which came to
the district for cheap labor.

The first coal hole we visited was typical of hundreds where
all machinery is homemade except the tracks taken from an
abandoned colliery. Power to pull the half-ton buggies of coal
up the slope was furnished by a rickety Ford, weighed down
with rocks. A drum on a hind axle wound the cable. Two men
mined the coal and filled the buggies, while their three partners

ran the car motor, watched the cable and screened the load. This
coal was sold for $3.50 a ton to a bootleg breaker, where truckers
bought it graded at $5 for delivery. Other independent miners
do their own breaking and sorting by hand or more often with
crude but effective machinery. Independent holes are located
in mined-over areas not "robbed out" by collieries, or in fresh
territory.

The bootleggers do not have the advantage of the machinery
and safety devices evolved during a century of mining in these
hills, the compensation, insurance and medical care available
to the men in the collieries. Mahanoy City does not even have
a hospital. Cave-ins and gas are the worst hazards.

The average amount made, we gathered, was $2 to $3 a day,
though some weeks this was the total intake, and a run of bad
luck meant no income at all. But the men employed at the
few operating collieries cannot count on steady income either.
What will be attempted to help this depressed area of anthra-
cite is still undetermined: there is Governor Earle's proposal for
government ownership of the industry, possibly with private
operation of the mines; and many of the leading operators pre-
fer a kind of NRA for anthracite. Meanwhile, because sturdy
men will help themselves, we have bootlegging.

Anthracite Coal Country

Photographs by Louise Boyle
Text by Elizabeth Boyle Rogers

When coal holes are vertical shafts into the earth, auto-
mobile-turned cables hoist the anthracite loaded in oil
drums. In primitive holes a man has only his pick and
dynamite, and heavy sacks of coal are carried on the back

Church —
Midwife —
Factory —
Home —
life pattern for miners' women in the anthracite country

On WPA, or Else . . .

by MAXINE DAVIS

An informed journalist takes a state-wide study of the people on the work
relief rolls in Illinois, and translates it into a budget of human experience
without which no array of statistics can be useful in appraising WPA.

I \S \M TO INTRODUCE YOl TO A COUPLE OF YOUR NEIGHBORS.

Meet Evan Thomas.

Evan is one of the men you see working on the new
crossroad between the arterial highway and Route 111, the
job marked by the big sign that says WPA Project. You'll
like Evan. You respect him because he is doing exactly
what is required of him. He always has. Ever since he
came as a young fellow from South Wales to this little
mining community in southern Illinois, he has been a
conscientious workman. You know that if you look at
him : stocky, broad of shoulder, craggy of brow. With an
.^quiescence that covers him like a shabby coat, he still
appears the sort of man you count on.

Son and grandson of coal miners in the Rhondda Val-
ley, Evan went to work in a small coal mine in Illinois.
It was not much different from home except that when
he married he went to live in an uncertain wooden shack
instead of a tiny stone cottage. He still lives there. His
wife keeps it scrupulously clean, in the tradition of Welsh
housewives. And that is not easy, for the timbers are
rotted, the window frames at crazy angles, and the dust
and soot maintain incessant siege.

Life was never precisely a bed of roses for Evan and his
wife, but it has been tolerable. Evan used to work seven
or eight months a year in the mine, and they made the
money stretch over the rest of the year. They sent their
four children to school; they argued with each odier and
the neighbors; sang in the choral society; and complained
about whatever government was in office.

They have had their troubles. There was the year Lloyd,
their youngest, fell on an icy hillside and hurt his back.
Mrs. Thomas has never felt the same since the winter she
had pneumonia. When Aunt Marianne, deaf, almost blind,
and touchy and querulous, came to live with them, it was
a strain on family relationships and the far from well
rilled purse.

But the Thomases never really knew calamity until the
mine shut down. There were only meager savings. Evan
tried turning his hand to anything — hauling coal, carpen-
ter work, odd jobs of every sort. Hewitt, their first-born,
left home hunting work, but all he could do was tramp
the country and keep alive somehow.

Evan Goes on Relief

BY 1930 NOT ONLY THE THOMAS FAMILY BUT THE WHOLE

of the little community was destitute. There was no heat;
there was almost no food. When the Governor's Commis-
sion on Unemployment and Relief was organized, it en-
couraged the organization of local relief committees and
the raising of funds to meet local needs.

This effort brought meager help to hard pressed com-
munities but it was better than nothing. By the time the

Thomases got assistance, misery had reduced them beyond
embarrassment at taking it. It was the machinery of relief,
in the first days of the Illinois Emergency Relief Commis-
sion, which was humiliating. To go into every detail of
one's everyday living with a kindhearted but inexperi-
enced, overworked and very young social worker; to
stand in line with an order for food almost made starva-
tion seem better.

When work relief under the CWA was instituted, and
assistance was cash instead of kind, Evan Thomas held up
his head again. When the WPA came along, it looked
like the Promised Land.

Evan Thomas always regarded the WPA as he did the
mine: it was an employer who expected certain results.
Still, it was pretty easy work, and the pay was not so high
as that he earned when he worked in the mine. Naturally,
when the word went around that the mine was to be re-
opened, Evan went back to his old job.

EVAN DIDN'T EXPECT IT TO LAST ALL YEAR; IT NEVER HAD. BUT
this time the mine worked only from November till April.
His earnings wouldn't keep his family, especially with his
wife frail and coughing; with Hewitt home from his
wanderings crippled by a fall from a box car.

Consequently Evan applied for another WPA assign-
ment. To him it was the same as trying to get a job haul-
ing coal or carpentering. It took a long time. There were
investigations, complications, delays before he was recerti-
fied. Meanwhile Mrs. Thomas dragged about, white and
exhausted; Aunt Marianne nagged; the children cried;
and Hewitt hobbled up and down the streets of the
shabby mine town in a futile search for some way to
help out.

Evan will never leave the WPA again if he can help it;
work in the mines — all he knows, almost all there is to do
in the town where he lives — is now too brief and too un-
certain. Moreover, like the rest of us, he is growing no
younger, and his juniors have the preference at the hiring
office. Most important of all, he won't voluntarily leave
WPA because it is such a protracted and difficult business
to be reinstated if need again becomes acute.

Evan, you see, went onto WPA not because he was an
incompetent workman, or because he was handicapped or
unfit, but because his work, the mine which represented
the means of livelihood of a whole community, was un-
able to employ him. He would drop his WPA shovel and
go back to his regular job in a minute if the job existed
and offered the possibility of an annual income on which
he and his family could get along.

Nobody thinks the less of Evan or of his family because
he is "on WPA." He works, doesn't he? He does what is
required of him. Moreover, the county needs that road.

163

Citizens have been skidding in the mud of an old wagon
lane for years. Or been wasting time and gasoline taking
a long detour to keep on the concrete highway.

Elsa's Problem Is Different

Now MEET ELSA CLARKE. I'M SURE YOU WOULD NEVER MEET
Elsa unless I introduced her to you. In fact, you would
never see her for she is one of those colorless ineffectual
people so cheated of any memorable quality of personal-
ity or appearance, even lacking any rasping defects, that
she is forever going to be "lost in the crowd."

Elsa works in an office. She is a file clerk for the WPA.
Sometimes she helps out with typing. Elsa is fascinated
with her work. In the course of it she is in touch through
the mails, reports and cards, with all the different WPA
projects in the community: the school by the ravine in the
dirty little factory town where a WPA art project is paint-
ing a mural of local birds on the chimney-breast; the adult
education project where unemployed teachers are giving
lessons to Americans who somehow never learned to read
or write; the WPA bands going from park to park to
make dull evenings gay; the playground projects, where
young girls teach the children games and folk dances. It
is all a bright new world to Elsa. She comes to work a few
minutes early every day, a shy rabbit of a girl, eager to do
whatever is expected of her.

Elsa's father used to own a small stationery store in a
moderate -sized Illinois town. You know — one of those
narrow, down-at-the-heel shops where the pink crepe-
paper candy baskets and placecards in the window are
always the same, and always soiled and fly-specked. If you
ever speculated on it, you wondered how anyone made a
living from such nondescript merchandise. Elsa's father
never profited more than enough to keep his anzmic wife,
his one child, and his rheumatic mother housed and
clothed. When the depression struck, he was penniless and
helpless.

Like so many of their kind, the Clarkes have always
dreaded public charity. Elsa went to her Latin and algebra
classes at highschool with her garments patched like
Joseph's coat; with newspaper soles in her shoes; with dry
bread and weak coffee in her stomach.

After he lost his shop, Elsa's father tramped the streets
hunting work. He trudged from factory to mill to office
building, hunting any sort of job at all. The streets were
filled with people like him, and their ranks were aug-
mented every day.

At last the family applied for relief. Mr. Clarke, a hol-
low-chested man with strengthless hands and no muscles
to mention, was unfit for outdoor work relief and was
placed on a white-collar project only after the WPA came
along.

When the National Youth Administration was set up,
Elsa got help in finishing highschool. At the suggestion of
NYA officials, she took commercial courses and learned
shorthand and typing and something of general office
routine.

But she never found a job. She herself was sure the fact
that her father was on WPA militated against her. Not
that employers ever gave this as a reason for not hiring
her, but Elsa, like many others in her situation, was con-
vinced it was a decisive factor.

Her father was eager to get off WPA because Elsa used
to come home from a day's job-hunting dispirited and
silent. Consequently he was happy to find work as a clerk

164

in a chain grocery store. The store was cold and draughty;
the hours were long. A cold developed into severe influ-
enza with a train of complications. Mr. Clarke was never
able to work again, nor could the WPA place him. But
it did give Elsa a job at which she can support her family
on about the same scale as in the stationery shop days.
Elsa is happy there. She is busy. Her few friends at
church and at the YWCA regard her as they might any
other government employe. When there was a state-wide
recertification, she told the interviewers she was thankful
for her job and hoped recertifying was just routine pro-
cedure; that it did not presage any drastic change.

Where They Are Now

I HAVE PRESENTED Ev\N THOMAS AND ELSA CLARKE TO YOU

because they are fairly typical of men and women work-
ing on the WPA in one midwestern state. Naturally, no
one or two individuals are wholly representative of a large
and varied group of men and women. To make a satis-
factory composite picture of any such body as WPA em-
ployes is impossible. To be sure some of those enrolled on
WPA lists are indolent, or lazy, or inept. Others have
greater capacity, but are handicapped either in condition
or character. On the whole, however, Evan and Elsa are
very like thousands of their colleagues.

They are not individuals. You will never identify them.
Their portraits emerge from the answers to twenty-four
questions put to fifty-seven staff members of the Illinois
Emergency Relief Commission. The questions were asked
after a state-wide recertification review of all persons em-
ployed by the Works Progress Administration in Illinois.
The objective of the review was to re-examine the current
needs of the persons assigned to WPA from the relief
rolls. A total of 154,536 cases were studied during the first
four months of 1937. Of that number 129,031 were recerti-
fied either because they had no other resources whatever
or because their income from private employment or other
sources was insufficient. Of the 25,505 whose certification
was cancelled, 13,491 were stricken from the rolls because
they failed to reapply; 4910 because of economic reasons,
i.e., employment or other resources; and the remainder,
some 7104, had their certifications cancelled for such tech-
nical reasons as eligibility for old age insurance, physical
unfitness, and so on.

From the interviews, from the reports of the staff who
talked witli applicants for recertification, from their an-
swers to the twenty-four questions put to them, "emerges
a concept of the varied kinds of people who are earning
their livelihood by WPA employment."

Some of the group whose cases were reviewed, as we
have seen, were taken off the rolls because they failed to
reapply. The vast majority of them were men and women
who had obtained normal employment.

A large percentage of those recertified would return to
private industry if there were jobs for them. By this I do
not imply that they are the marginal group who might
only be employed after the ablest had all been listed on
payrolls. Not at all. They constitute a group like Evan
who are out of work because the factories, mines, offices
or mills are not operating days enough in the year to use
their skills and pay them a subsistence wage.

As this article is written the halls of Congress are buzz-
ing with discussion of work relief, which many persons
view as a failure; holding that the WPA has been extrava-
gant, inadequate, and has rendered men and women unfit

SURVEY GRAPHIC

tor normal occupations; that the only answer to our un-
employment relief problem is a direct "dole," that the only
thing we .is a nation can do for men and women thrown
nut ot work hy economic changes is to provide them with
.1 roof and a crust until we can bury them. Congressmen
and Senators are hearing from many quarters that work —
which we formerly regarded as the only decent offering
wo could make our less fortunate brethren, and as the only
intelligent way to utilize the abilities of men and women
able as you and I to contribute to the sum of the nation's
wealth — is a failure. This article does not delve into that
problem. The results of the recertification in Illinois bring
to light certain defects in the program. Dramatically it
delineates other facts:

That picture of the Evans and the Elsas of one state
shows clearly the human problem with which govern-
ments, from Washington to the township, must grapple.

We see that Evan and Elsa are "better off" on WPA
than they were when they were "economically indepen-
dent." Actually, Evan had made a decent living in the
hcy-dcy of bituminous coal mining, but it has been a long
time since his customary occupation has paid him a living
w.ige the year round.

WPA Is a Job

I, VAN REPRESENTS ONE CROUP OF WORKERS IN COMMUNITIES

where die source of income has failed because of economic
changes outside the control of the workers. Elsa represents
.1 borderline case of a person who was never particularly
skilled or particularly competent and who would only be
able to earn an income adequate for a decent standard of
living in boom times when there is a market for labor
of any sort.

The staff members who discussed this question were
about equally divided in their opinions as to whether in
general those whose cases they reviewed were better off
on WPA than they were when they were "economically
independent." Most of the Illinois staff felt that even those
who were better off before they were enrolled on the pub-
lic lists had been insecure workers — like Evan, in indus-
tries which were failing, or highly seasonal; or they were
•ulvanced in years, or otherwise handicapped, like Elsa's
father.

A great many of the cases closed by the state-wide re-
I certification revealed that their "normal" incomes were
I derived from temporary or semi-permanent employment,
like Evan's four months' work in the mine. Jobs in fac-
I lories, mines, railroad shops, construction, obtained by
I WPA employes did not mean steady work. In general,
I those persons who did not apply for recertification at all
I were the men and women who had found steady, non-
I seasonal employment or some other dependable source of
I income. Those who applied did so because they suffered
trom economic insecurity.

Men and women whose certification was cancelled for
I "technical reasons" were in some instances recertified
I later, or they were cared for through old age assistance or
I relief. The fact that technical obstructions prevented
I their recertification for WPA did not mean that the
I weight of their care was lifted from the shoulders of the
I public.

Among the group which enjoyed "substantial income,"
| the study showed that husbands and oldest sons usually
learned a living for the family, though not infrequently
la daughter (like Elsa) assumed the responsibility. If the

well-meaning Elsa had been able to find a job, she will-
ingly would have cared for her people by private employ-
ment. Most of the fathers and sons who did get work
were, the survey indicates, men who were at least semi-
skilled. Those with skilled trades found the least difficulty
in shifting from the WPA to private employers some time
ago.

You will remember that both Evan and Elsa look upon
their WPA assignments as jobs. They are on hand punc-
tually. They do what they arc told. Neither of them is a
ball of fire, viewed as employes; they never have been,
never will be outstanding workers, but they arc willing
and conscientious. The WPA to them is self-respecting
employment whereas relief was humiliating charity. Their
morale, their position in the community and that of their
families is comparable to that of any of their neighbors
who earn approximately the same wage from jobs in busi-
ness or industry.

Both Evan and Elsa have good health. Remember, that
is not true ot their families. Often the wives and children,
the mothers and fathers of the workers suffer from physi-
cal disabilities which are not lessened because the WPA
wage is, as many of the staff point out in their comments,
inadequate for medical care. However, the wage earner
certified to WPA must be fairly fit.

True, on WPA they seldom overwork. They don't have
to. The policy of the WPA — to put as many people to
work as possible — is likely to preclude that. That very
policy sometimes tends to weaken rather than to fortify
the attitude of the worker toward normal employment.
After Evan Thomas has worked at the unhurried pace of
a WPA project for a few years, he may not want to go
back to the strain and weariness of a seven-hour day in
the mine. Elsa has never had a chance to acquire any
work habits other than those taught by the NY A and the
WPA. Those have been her first and only jobs.

The Human Side of Work Projects

LET'S NOT MAKE TOO SWEEPING A GENERALIZATION OF THIS,

however. That would be unfair to the thousands of men
and women who are employed by WPA at work they
love and who bring to it the same enthusiasm and vigor
they would if they were paid by a private employer. Here's
a workshop which repairs and reconditions old toys for
children. The artists who paint new faces on dolls, the
men who make two pairs of roller skates out of eight old
broken ones, a wagon out of a soapbox and an old doll
carriage, the women who arc making rompers for rag
dolls, and upholstery for toy furniture, work happily and
effectively long after their appointed hours have ended.
Or, come and listen to this orchestra rehearsal. The mem-
bers are musicians, impatient, exacting. Barbirolli himself
could not require them to practice longer or more earnest-
ly than they do "on WPA." Go over to the Museum of
Natural History. You'll find men and women making
exact waxen copies of strange plants and creatures for
school displays. They are utterly absorbed. Moreover,
they've learned a new trade. Someday when times arc
better and the museums have more money, they'll have a
place on a regular payroll. Meanwhile, they don't care who
pays them; they cat — and they have jobs which give satis-
fying play to their creative abilities. All of these people
held positions before hard times. Some of their colleagues
have already returned to private employment. They, too,
will leave the WPA as rapidly as jobs are available.

MARCH 1938

165

The review would indicate that many, many of those
on WPA prefer to stay there because they are like Evan:
they are afraid, and with reason, that if they go back into
industry it will be difficult or impossible to return to the
WPA rolls. We have seen how the whole Thomas family
suffered serious hardship while Evan waited the slow
unwinding of red tape.

Consequently, neither Evan nor Elsa nor their proto-
types are likely to be absorbed now into private industry.
They are satisfied where they are — and so are the employ-
ers. The interviewers found that while the business man
who admitted he would not hire a man from the WPA
rolls was rare, nevertheless the prejudice does exist, even
in rural counties where farmers use seasonal labor. That
prejudice in many cases extends even to the families of
WPA men. It seems unlikely that Evan and Elsa and
those like them will find ordinary jobs, unless, of course,
there is a serious shortage of unskilled and semi-skilled
labor in this country — a condition which at this moment
seems remote as the millennium.

Occupations and Pay

YOU WILL RECALL THAT ELSA LEARNED SHORTHAND AND TYP-

ing through the aid and stimulation of the NYA. She is
not the only person who has either learned an occupation
or been benefited by vocational rehabilitation provided by
the WPA. WPA workers have had opportunity to acquire
such skills as sewing, decorating, handicrafts, typing,
domestic service, and so on. Others have had their unused
skills rehabilitated. Carpenters, masons, seamstresses, teach-
ers, crane operators, truck drivers and many others have
had opportunity to re-use and revive their trades.

It is true, however, that the bulk of employment on
WPA has been on unskilled and semi-skilled projects.
The record for vocational training or rehabilitation has
not been so satisfactory as the staff and the public would
like to see, or as would be possible under a permanent,
planned program. However, there is a credit side written
up in the ledger on this account.

The WPA projects themselves have been, in the major-
ity of instances, of very doubtful value in helping the
people to retain any skills they had, for while the WPA
supervisors made every effort to utilize any skills the men
assigned to them possessed, by its very nature the work
to be done was outside the workers' experience, if they had
had any other than that of common laborers. For instance,
in Putnam and Stark Counties, 85 percent were assigned
as general laborers with no reference to previous occupa-
tional skills; in DeKalb and Kendall Counties probably
90 percent were assigned to jobs requiring other types of
work than those calling for previous occupational skills.
Last spring, on the other hand, an Illinois study of 1000
workers in District 2 showed that 93.3 percent of those on
WPA rolls had been placed in their usual occupations.
Thus, while 744 of them were assigned as laborers, 677
were customarily so employed. No project, however, could
use the specific "skills" of a miner like Evan Thomas, or
a keeper of a stationery shop like Elsa's father. In in-
stances parallelling these we find that the workers do not
produce results on a level with those which should be
expected of them in their regular employment.

THERE ARE A GREAT MANY YOUNG PEOPLE ON WPA WHO,
like Elsa, had never had any regular employment before
being assigned to NYA. Some of them profited by this

166

help and experience sufficiently to go out and get satis-
factory positions; others are like that mousey little girl.
It is largely a matter of personality. The staff members
who conducted the recertification review are divided in
their opinion as to whether the NYA has succeeded in
realizing its announced objectives. Some criticize the lead-
ership. Others point out that it has given some employ-
ment, bridging a trying time in the lives of many young-
sters, bolstering their morale and even affording some
valuable training. There is a great question mark in the
minds of many of the interviewers as to whether it has
been anything more than an admirable stop-gap. But they
find it has at least enabled the youngsters to contribute
something to their own upkeep. In some instances the
NYA allowance was figured into the family budget; in
others the young folk were allowed to keep all or part if
they ohose. Many of them regarded their earnings on
NYA as their own to spend as they pleased. But Elsa
and many like her were only too happy to contribute to
the support of the family. Indeed, when Elsa's father
could no longer work on WPA and she was certified as
the family wage earner, she was deeply grateful. On the
whole, when such a change in certification from one mem-
ber of the family to another wage earner has been made,
good results have followed.

Neither those on WPA nor the public, with a few
exceptions, resented the Illinois review. The workers them-
selves were either indifferent to it, accepting it as part of
the job, or were friendly and cooperative. Some naturally
objected, fearful that it meant a loss of assignment — and
some resented further intrusion into their personal lives.
Where the "public" expressed an attitude at all, it was
friendly — a hope that something constructive might come
out of the inquiry.

The Challenge We All Face

To THIS WRITER ONE FACT SEEMS TO EMERGE CLEARLY I THOSE

129,031 men and women recertified to WPA in Illinois
constitute a continuing public problem. This we must face.
Remember, while some are the poor we have had with us
always — the sick, the handicapped, the low in mentality
and ability — others are economic liabilities only because of
circumstances beyond their control. Those like Evan
Thomas and Elsa Clarke are not just "human junk." They
are men and women entirely capable of making a con-
tribution to society, capable of creating wealth, of earning
a decent living for themselves and their dependents.

It is possible that the economic conditions in their com-
munities which forced them onto WPA will never shift
to such an extent that they will be absorbed by private
industry.

This does not mean they are candidates for permanent
relief. Work projects, whether of the WPA type or as
part of some permanent program, more carefully devised
in terms of the community's needs, should give them
work and give the public a tangible as well as an intan-
gible return for the necessary appropriation of tax funds.

There is no doubt that at many points there have been
mismanagement and hasty planning in WPA. Unfortu-
nately that fact has given the work project principle a
bad name in many areas of American opinion. This is un-
just, unreasonable.

We need the abilities and the strength of our Evans
and Elsas. Somehow we must provide means to utilize
them.

SURVEY GRAPHIC

Security in a Cage

REFLECTIONS AFTER SEEING "INSIDE NAZI GERMANY"

by PEARL S. BUCK

TlIE PROBLEM I PON WHICH THE WORLDS MIND IS MOST

actively working today is government. Other times have
seen other themes, but today's theme is how shall we gov-
ern ourselves or be governed? In what manner can
human beings live together and do their work with the
greatest satisfaction? The question is being answered in
widely different ways, and as yet there may be no gen-
eral decision. But in one way, at least for myself, I have
been convinced — not dictators.

Like many other Americans, I went recently to see a
certain film taken in Germany and shown by The March
of Time. The film could have passed any censor, since
it showed nothing but harvest scenes, young people
at camps, homes where stout working people were eating
heartily, and many armies marching in all the panoply of
peace. It is true the picture was accompanied by skilful
speaking propaganda which revealed the fact that the
intensest labor and fullest production of the harvest
scenes were not enough to feed Germany — so the Ger-
man people were being told they must expand. The
young people, the voice said, were being kept ignorant
mentally and being trained physically for war — and
working people were given nothing but propaganda of a
strong simple sort. All energies, therefore, were being
bent toward expansion. Besides this the film showed
Hitler and Goebbels and Mussolini.

OUT OF ALL THE PICTURES NOTHING INTERESTED ME SO MUCH

as these three men — Hitler, Goebbels and Mussolini.
After all, Germany and the Germans of today looked
much as I remembered them. The average German has
been immemorially drawn as a creature of docile mind,
liking security and wanting to be told what to think and
how to think it. There have been notable exceptions of
course; insurgent chapters in their history as a people.
Yet even great German philosophers have had the neces-
sity of believing in certain rules and regulations before
they went on to independent thinking. Anarchy, physical
or mental, is not the range of Teutonic being and the
average German is terrified without a plan of action plain
before him for his daily life. Yet, to the mind that is
original and free, anarchy is a natural state to which it
returns again and again between its periods of creative
activity.

But as I said, it was not the pictures of German people
that interested me. They were familiar enough, with their
stolid good nature that lends itself to be ruled by some-
one or other, unable as they have as yet been to hold the
liberties they have gained or to compel their destiny. It
happens now that they arc ruled by a Hitler and by a
Goebbels.

To see, these two men are certainly amazing enough.
Two less important looking creatures never were born
from the womb of woman. Goebbels has the spiny, un-
dernourished ill-shaped body of a rickety child. One sees
this sort of creature in any slum, slinking along, his hat
over his face. His is the perfect rat face, with its strain-
ing eyes, sharp nose, shapeless thin-lipped mouth and re-

MARCH 1938

ceding chin. His are the trembling, nervous, snatching
hands which pilfer and despoil in small secret ways, but
which are capable of the most cruel and inhuman acts
when goaded by resentful angers or released for die
moment from fear by sudden power. When a chance of
some sort thrusts such a man upward to any kind of
power, he is insatiable because he is perpetually unsure,
and he is perpetually unsure in himself.

And Hitler is not more reassuring. Narrow-shouldered
and diick-bellied, he looks stronger at first than Goebbels.
But his face is the face of a third rate actor. And his chief
audience is himself. He must prove to himself that he
is the great Hitler. If he can make everybody else be-
lieve it, if everybody can think he is great and can be-
lieve in him, perhaps then in his secret heart he can really
believe in himself and know he is so, and thus at last be
secure and at peace.

THERE ARE TWO OTHER MEN WHO BELONG IN THIS GALLERY,
Mussolini and Stalin. One would say superficially that
they are different. They are so large, they so stride as
they walk their bits of the earth, the look upon their faces
is so heavy with the necessity of being portentous and
important. They are of coarser fiber than Hitler and their
texture is simply more brutish and less decadent with the
decadence of humanity sunk again to the animal, but
having still its human memories. But behind these brut-
ish faces there is still that strange look of the creature
hunted by himself, fearing lest he is not what he wants
to be.

And all of them are using the methods of intimate
secret fear. All of them are building about them strong
barricades of absolute personal power over people, of
nationalism and huge armies and war on other nations.
Men who are secure in their own being do not behave
like this. Men who take for granted their own deserv-
ing worth, whose integrity is beyond their own or any
question, do not demand that other people worship them
as God and do not kill all those who question their God-
hood. The methods of the dictator are the methods of
personal fear. He rules as a man afraid and insecure in
the place to which chance and his own desire to be im-
portant have forced him. Because he is not certain of his
own Tightness or ability, he destroys whom he cannot con-
trol. Because he despises others with the inordinate vanity
of the weakling he places upon them every limitation
which his will can conceive. That he can shape millions
of ignorant and bewildered people to his own ends satis-
fies his necessity for his own conviction of greatness. And
power is like any habit-forming stimulant— the posses-
sion of it creates desire for more, and more beyond that,
to die uttermost point of perversity. No human being is
great enough to have unchecked power and not be
changed and his balance destroyed by it. The best of us
are not far enough away from brutehood for that. And
the world's dictators are dismayingly far from being the
best of us.

Stand them up in a row — Hitler, and at his elbow

167

The Black Plague of the Twentieth Century

Illustrating the world-wide
epidemic of governmental
domination of individual
and institutional liberties.
In the BLACK areas the
agencies of public com-
munication are controlled
by governments. In the
WHITE areas they are at
present relatively free from
official supervision. Vary-
ing degrees of control, cen-
sorship and intimidation
prevail in the GRAY areas.

From the rejxjrt of the dean of the Graduate School of Journalism. Columbia University

Goebbels, Mussolini, Stalin. Who are these men who have
been allowed to become the rulers of so great a part of
the world? They are inferior creatures, too often men of
poor bodies and indifferent minds and always without the
qualities of character which we recognize as admirable.
But they have one thing in common, the necessity of the
inferior man to convince himself that none of these things
is true — that in reality he is extraordinary and wonderful
and strong and great. And upon a world of more normal
and admirable human beings the dictator has been able
to impose himself because of the distress of our times.

FOR IT IS NOT TRUE THAT GOOD MUST PREVAIL. IN THE FOR-

ever of the future it may be that what is right may pre-
vail over evil. But we do not live in that forever. We live
in this now, and evil has today a thrust and sharpness
which takes the amiable good unawares. The times of
men flow in curious backward eddies. Progress is not a
steadily forward moving tide. By means which we do not
understand, but which we can observe from history,
humanity halts at certain periods and ceases its struggles
toward certain ideals which it knew and still knows are
good. In these halts the backward pull grows strong. And
because the consciousness and belief in the ideals persist
in most people, we are not prepared for what happens.
We do not expect our neighbor, for instance, to set our
houses on fire or to murder us in our beds. In fact, we are
unwilling to believe he will do so until the house is in
ashes, or we see him with his pistol pointed. We say con-
fidently, "People don't do that sort of thing."

168

It is true— most people do not. But some do, whenever
they can, and in times of social confusion and change
they can. And criminals aid each other. A daring crime
unchecked encourages another like it and another and
another, as any policeman will tell you. A Mussolini en-
courages a Hitler and a Stalin and perhaps a Japanese
mask, and so around the world similar minds are en-
couraged to do what they never would dare to do in other
times and without each other. And with them gather
enough other minds of the same sort, of only lesser im-
pudence, who foster their leaders by their numbers.

The disturbing truth is that a relatively few of such
minds can create a dictatorship and impose it upon mil-
lions of people not prepared and organized against this
crime. The essence, indeed, of a dictatorship is in the
fewness of its leaders. One man is enough, and he has
right and left hands, men who dream themselves as great
some day as he, and who for the present find their ful-
filment in upholding the thing they dream to be.

And in the helpless millions it must be confessed there
is weakness — the weakness of the need to worship some-
body, to lean on somebody and be guided. Men used to
lean on their belief in God. When they could believe that
God guided them they defied their rulers without fear.
They walked in independence, feeling that God was with
them, and man they would not worship. In such a spirit
men fought wars of independence and did away with
the divine right of kings and established their human
rights.

But men do not now so believe in God. The common

SURVEY GRAPHIC

man, as well as the intellectual, is today unsupported by
am sure belief, and he is confused by materialism. He
has still the habit and the need of belief and worship, and
the training in democracy has been too short. The aver-
age individual cannot yet face the fact that he is insecure,
that his whole being is based on the insecurity of a uni-
verse which he but dimly glimpses and cannot in the
least comprehend. Unable to face or often even to com-
prehend this basic truth of our life, he flies to the next
shelter to be found after the God whom he has lost-
he Hies to a man who will manage things for him and
tell him what to think and do, and who in return for his
mind will give him a steady job, a roof over his head, and
food.

In such a period as ours, 1 say, the dictator flourishes.
He rises up like Satan in the desert, to tempt the Son of
Man by the promise of security. And all the world is in
this period. There is not one of us who is secure or knows
what even the immediate future will bring. There is not
one of us who does not long for security and there are
many of us who will give anything for it, for even the
chance and hope of it.

What we have to remember, we people of America, is
that the security of a dictatorship is completely false. It
is based on the ignorance of die people, who are not al-
lowed to read or to learn, to see or to hear the truth about
anything. It is based on a promise which is itself a lie,
so diat having given everything for security, all security
is then taken away except die small security of a little
food. For what security of happiness can there be even in
having enough to eat, if one's every breath must be drawn
in fear? In German cities today there are official spies for
every specified district who have the right to enter any
house in dieir district and see what people arc doing,
what they are reading, what diey are hearing on the
radio, even what diey are not hearing, for every radio
must be turned on when Hider speaks, and if it is not,
then there is a knock at die door. And this is only a
minor repression of the people among others far more
crushing.

SUCH MEASURES ARE THE LOGICAL OUTCOME OF DICTATORSHIP

and the only means of its maintenance. No people given
knowledge and freedom to think and act could endure a
dictatorship. In other words, no people in their right
minds could endure life under such conditions as a
totalitarian state requires to make and keep it totalitarian.
Therefore people must be deprived of their right minds.
The most terrifying aspect of totalitarianism is the con-
trol it assumes over the human mind. It is a frightful
price to pay for a little security of food and shelter. There
arc some old words, once spoken and still true, "For what
shall it profit a man if he gain the whole world and lose
his own soul?"

No, it behooves every American today to sec afresh
that the freedom for which our country was first es-
tablished is still our priceless possession for which we
must be willing to sacrifice everything else, even security.
For when we lose this freedom we lose everything, all
hope of human progress and of any sort of real happi-
ness. Of all peoples, we Americans could never be happy
under a totalitarian rule. Our very being is grounded in
the right of the individual to life and liberty and the pur-
suit of happiness. There will always be unevenness in
that pursuit, but at least let us be grateful that there can

MARCH 1938

be many people happy and free in our country and that
all can work and struggle toward happiness and freedom
rather than that we are all reduced together to a dead
grim level of repression. There is all the difference be-
tween mountains and forests and the zoo in the differ-
ence between a democracy and a totalitarian state. What
animal even will not choose to seek its own food in free-
dom though in uncertainty, rather dian to have food
thrown to it in the security of a cage?

Nor need we think diat dictatorship is impossible in
our country. In the first place, we have to guard against
becoming infected widi die idea of die dictator. We can
become used to dictators widiout knowing it — simply
because the dictator exists. It is hard to keep up an active
hatred against a thing which must be accepted as a fact
existing somewhere. And we, too, are besieged with tur-
moil and uncertainty and none of us knows die direc-
tion which die country is taking. No, but we know what
is past, and we know diat our country was founded on
freedom and the rights of the individual, and Irr us not

be moved from that great foundation.

•
•

BUT HERE IS OUR DANGER — NO GREAT CHANGE IN THE LIFE OF

a people conies about suddenly and openly. It comes about
through a combination of the exigency of circumstance,
the ambition of individuals, and the resulting subtle and
slow change in the temper of a despairing people. The
change is most often unperceived by the people and
known only to those who are endeavoring to bring about
that change.

For there are in our democracy certain groups and
forces which are aids to dictatorship — not only the Nazi
movement in the United States, but odiers less avowed.
Militarism, for example, is definitely linked with a
totalitarian state. Such a state must use militarism to con-
trol its people and to advance its empire, this advance
being in itself an important means of control by divert-
ing the mind of the populace from its own actual situa-
tion. Militarism, indeed, anywhere, is linked with those
forces which tend toward totalitarianism. The army and
the navy are really litde totalitarian states in themselves,
and those who control diem inevitably think in terms
of regulation, force and absolute power, and naturally
they tend to expand such preconceived ideas and habits
to other parts of life. That is, the militarist mind thinks
like the dictator mind, and in a crisis will support it.
Those whom we citizens of die American democracy
must watch most closely, dicrcfore, arc our militarist
minds, the minds of men who from the very structure
and type of their brains think in terms of control by the
arbitrary means of compulsion and secrecy and not by
persuasion and popular will and open discussion of
policies and plans.

For we Americans are not to be held like the peoples
in totalitarian states, dumb creatures to be kept ignorant
and uninformed and compelled to obey laws and policies
we do not understand and have not made. No, and on
the day that we are so held, if we do not rise up in our
old way and demand our old freedom, then America, too,
is dead, and lost with die others in the confusion of the
world. For in confusion the only light to lead us out is
die whole light of human reasoning and thinking and
feeling, untrammelled and free, not the single mind of
one man. There has never been a man great enough to
be a dictator, and there is not one today.

169

THROUGH NEIGHBORS' DOORWAYS

Of the Other End of the Dog's Tail

by JOHN PALMER GAVIT

IT DOESN'T so MUCH MATTER HOW LARGE THE DOC OR HOW
small the tail, or which wags which. I have seen very large
dogs with ludicrously small tails, in which (or whom if you
love dogs) it was a serious question whether there weren't
more brains in the tail than in all the rest of the dog put
together. In fact I have come to suspect that you almost can
tell at which end the brains are by observing which is doing
the wagging. I alluded last month to the little girl's doubt as
to "which end of the barking dog to believe." Let us leave to
Mr. Roosevelt his illustration of the four-inch tail which in
the matter of the holding-companies he alleges to be wagging
the ninety-six-inch dog. What disturbs me is another, much
more important and largely neglected aspect of the dog's-tail
problem.

Once upon a time a father of my acquaintance — no, it was
not myself — taking in hand at last personally the religious
education of his small son, undertook as introduction to the
subject to impress upon him the omnipotence of the Creator.
There was, he asserted, absolutely nothing beyond the powers
of the Almighty. The boy listened attentively to the parental
sermon, but presently broke in with:

"I betcha I know sump'n that God couldn't do."

"There is nothing that He couldn't do."

"Betcha nickel there is — one thing."

"Well, what is that?"

"Not even God could make a dog's tail with only one end."

I didn't hear the conversation, but I know by that father's
own testimony that it put him fairly aback, all sails fluttering
with nobody at the wheel!

Ignorance, forgetfulness and reckless defiance of the tre-
mendously, universally basic fact-in-the-nature-of-things thus
set forth "out of the mouth of babes," are largely if not en-
tirely responsible, I opine, for the mess in which the world is
wallowing in these times. An automobile mechanic whom I
routed out of bed once to rescue me from a roadside stalling
of my motor said disgustedly as he pointed out the ridicu-
lously obvious simplicity of my trouble:

' 'Tain't your not havin' any brains that makes us fellers
lose our sleep — an' git our livin' — it's your not usin" the brains
ye have."

YES, AND THERE'S THINKING YOU KNOW, AND PRETENDING YOU
know, when you don't know. Wasn't it Josh Billings who
said that it wasn't knowing so much that made the trouble
in the world, but "knowin" so much that ain't so"? On every
cracker barrel in every country store, in every club window
in every city, at every dinner table everywhere ... in every
editorial chair in every newspaper office, people are pontificat-
ing. "Colyumists," radio commentators, writers of daily, week-
ly, monthly departments — like this one for instance — are
handing out so-called "information" and opinions, mostly
warmed-over and second-hand; readers and listeners lap them
up avidly and imagine themselves "intelligent" upon intricate
and baffling subjects over which those actually responsible for
restraint as frequently as action, with real sources of first-
hand information, rack their brains on sleepless nights. My
friend John Temple Graves, whose daily "colyum" in the

Birmingham Age-Herald is one of the sanest that I read, calls
the turn admirably:

"Lots of us today have the manner of great thought without
the measure. We can seize upon some mighty subject — none
too mighty — and wave it aloft, but we can't take it anywhere.
We can memorize and recite its two sides but we can't for
the life of us think our way through to either one. We know
the gestures but we haven't any of the answers. Lesser sub-
jects which we might more possibly handle we scorn, for only
the greatest fit our style. . . . And the moral is that we should
trust neither ourselves nor others merely because of the size
of the subject handled and the pomp of the handler."

There's being obliged by your duty and expected to know,
and having folks think that you know; when in fact you're
pretty sure that you don't know; or, having supposed that you
knew, or acted upon the advice of those whose duty it was
to know — having the disastrous event prove that you and
they were mistaken. There is the tragedy of being pushed into
action in which you only half believe, and being blamed for
the result that you foresaw, as you are for things done in spite
of you by those for whose behavior you are at least technically
responsible. Worse than these perhaps, is to find yourself fac-
ing emergency and discover that those upon whom you rea-
sonably depend for advice, together with those who hardly
want you to succeed, are not agreed among themselves, and
you must act according to your own lights — in whose suffi-
ciency experience has given you less than complete confidence.

ONE OF THE MOST DISTINGUISHED AMONG AMERICAN ECONO-

mists, on the morning of this writing, right here in my house,
has been deploring the inadequacy of his own profession.

"We are supposed to know, but we don't," said he. "Eco-
nomics is anything but an exact science. Like the theologians
we have our diverse sects and 'schools of thought,' disagreeing
even about quite elementary aspects of our subject. And when
you come to the business men and so-called 'financial leaders'
they are in no better case. I have been much impressed, and
depressed, by the fact that President Roosevelt is not faced by
these people with any solid, unified body of definite principles
and well-considered thought, any positive, concrete, forward-
moving program. And this uncertainty and diversity of opin-
ion as to what should be done is befogged by politics and
embittered by personal interest and emotional hatred of indi-
viduals. And ignorance, as I said ... I have lately talked
with a man peculiarly equipped for the study of the business
cycle; he acknowledged to me that he had not arrived at an
understanding of it — any more than biologists have arrived at
an understanding of the primordial cell, or psychologists as
to the nature of the human mind."

In other words, even those who well realize that every dog's
tail must have two ends are in no definite agreement as to
which end is which or where the other end is, even though
they may concur as to the direction in which the dog is or
should be headed.

Between those who think they know but disagree with
others quite as sure that they know (both equally well-
intending) and those who wangle themselves into power car-
ing little whether they know or not so long as they receive
the emoluments, things in general get into bad shape. The
human custom, whether in democracies or under dictatorships,
is to entrust the direction of most important transactions, even

170

SURVEY GRAPHIC

il» ini.il of affairs, to persons of unknown equipment for
ilicir jobs. Which public leader, in any country whatever, was
ihoscn for his fitness? Which holds his power because he has
solved all or any of the staggering problems of his country?
Politics docs not move in that way. Neither docs so-called
Public Opinion. Hordes of radio listeners and "colyum" read-
accept as gospel the often half-baked opinions of commcn-
i.itors all and sundry and write equally half-baked letters and
sign grandiloquent petitions to the President and to their rep-
ntatives in Congress without asking even themselves
whether these pontificators know what they are talking about.
"Heard it on the radio" nowadays vies in authority with the
older-time "saw it in the paper." So grows and agglomerates
that potpourri of wisdom, ignorance and emotion known as
Public Opinion, whose feet are fixed at one end of the dog's
tail, be the other where it may.

YET EVERY TAIL HAS TWO ENDS, AND SOONER OR LATER THE

ignoring of the other end is inexorably avenged. Nemesis,
goddess of Retributive Justice, keeps an awful set of books.
As Anne of Austria wrote to Cardinal Mazarin, "God does
not pay at the end of every week, but — He pays." Before me
as I write are the proofs of a copyrighted article under the
caption "Who Pays for German Armament" by Emil Lederer,
about to be published in Social Research, the international
quarterly edited by the Graduate Faculty of Political and
Social Science of the New School tor Social Research. The
article is momentous; I commend it to my readers. It is a
ruthless analysis of the way in which every pfennig going
into the manufacture of German war material is sweated out
of the working people; that no financial miracle is operating
in Germany; the standard of living, always low since the
World War, is steadily lowering; the juggling with economic
t.uts can have but one outcome:

"If then the military authorities, backed by the politically
radical sections of the National Socialist Party, have their way,
production for military purposes will encroach upon the al-
ready reduced sector for private production and consumption.
And then the final result can easily be foreseen: prices will
soar, there will be an irresistible demand for higher wages —
the government will lose control, however strong its political
machinery, however ruthless its terrorism. Recent events in
Germany point in this direction "

Perhaps Hitler's seizure of the Rcichswchr indicates some
perception of this situation. Dr. CJoebbels said at Breslau two
years ago, "We do not have to appeal to the people. We have
the army, the police, the wireless, the press, the Nazi organi-
zations. Who could do anything against us?" Indeed, Dr.
Goebbels? Twenty-one years ago the Autocrat of All the Rus-
sias had all these things and the Church beside. The bread
^.i\c out. The Petrograd garrison revolted, the army went
back on the Czar . . . where is he now?

While you are about it, read the newly-published The House
That Hitler Built (Harper, $3), by an Australian, Stephen H.
Roberts, professor of modern history in Sydney University.
It is the most satisfactorily objective study of Hitlerism that I
have seen. He points the same way, to the same economic
catastrophe, as Lederer, to the same "other end" of the Ger-
man dog's tail.

He puts his finger too upon the great tragedy of these
times, evident in CJcrmany and Italy especially, of the sup-
pression and pollution of the mind of youth. It will be a long
timi- in the history of the world before that crime can Ixr
antidoted.

THE SAME RESISTLESS FORCES, DIFFERING ONLY IN DETAILS, ARE

at work upon japan and Italy. It is within my knowledge that
thousands of Japanese are without sympathy with what is
being done in China; but starvation is more powerful still.
The best exposition of the day's status in Italy is George
Martelli's cool, impartial, comprehensive Italy Against the
World (Harcourt, Brace, $3.75) with its inside story of the
way in which in the Abyssinian business Mussolini bluffed
the bungling nations and checkmated the League of Nations
... "a game of poker, in which, holding the worst cards, the
Italian won because he was a bolder player and a better psy-
chologist." A thrilling, heart-rending and enlightening story.
In another book of recent issue, a collation of notable ad-
dresses by Dr. Nicholas Murray Butler, entitled The Family
of Nations: Its Needs and Its Problems (Scribner's $3) I
chance upon an Italian opinion, expressed twenty-five years
ago, applicable today to the sort of thing in national and inter-
national affairs — particularly such as the rape of Abyssinia —
lately characteristic of fascist Italy. Dr. Butler quotes it on
authority of The New Statesman and Nation of October 19,
1935. At the time in 1913 when the Italian government was
setting out upon the conquest of Tripoli, the Italian socialist
paper Avanti (then published at Milan but now fugitive at
Zurich) published an article containing this paragraph:

"Here we are confronted by an Italy, nationalist, conserva-
tive, clerical, which claims to make the sword its law, and the
army the school of the nation. We had foreseen this moral
perversion, and for that reason are not surprised by it. But
those who think that this preponderance of militarism is the
sign of strength are mightily mistaken. Strong peoples have
no need to give themselves up to such a stupid orgy as that
in which the Italian press is now letting itself go mad with
exaltation. Italy, nationalist and militarist, shows that it lacks
this sense. . . . Thus it comes almost that a miserable war of
conquest is acclaimed as if it were a Roman triumph."

The name signed to this admirable and now most timely
utterance of enlightened intelligence and comment upon
Italian militaristic adventure and morality was none other than
that of the then editor, one Benito Mussolini! In those days
he was a Marxian socialist, as such expelled from Switzerland
and Austria; later a director of the Italian Communist party.
The chapter in Dr. Butler's book in which the quotation ap-
pears is aptly entitled The Decline and Fall of Morals.

Speaking of timely books — one must not miss Senor Salva-
dor Madariaga's short but luminous Theory and Practice of
International Relations, lately published by the University of
Pennsylvania Press (Philadelphia, $1.50 postpaid of Survey
Graphic). It embodies a series of five compact yet satisfying
lectures delivered last year under the auspices of the Cooper
Foundation and Swarthmore College. They set forth the steady
progress in humanity's consciousness of world solidarity, the
nature of and increasing limitations upon sovereignty; the in-
evitability, universality and permanence despite all setbacks
of the League of Nations ... a most helpful and hopeful book,
an authentic light in the murk of these days.

Let Dr. Butler in his own words sum up what I have been
trying to emphasize — namely, that we cannot have the advan-
tages without the price; we cannot have peace without the
things that go with peace. In his chapter entitled The Alterna-
tive to War, Dr. Butler says:

"We need no new agreements, conferences, declarations.
Sixty-three governments have said, 'We renounce war as an
instrument of national policy.' All that we demand is that
they be reasonably honest and keep their word. They need do
nothing else."

MARCH 1938

171

Backstage with the Garment Workers

by MORRIS GILBERT

THE NEW YORK THEATER HAS SEEN FEW
more curious events in its long history
than the invasion of Broadway by a
labor union. Pressers and cutters into
players is an odd transformation, hav-
ing, to be sure, a magnificent and classic
precedent. "Bless thee, Bottom, bless
thee! thou art translated." Surely if
Starveling, the Tailor, must play
Thisbe's mother, there is no inappro-
priateness in the pretty knit-goods
worker, Anne Brown, playing "Mrs.
Clubhouse."

The Broadway success of Pins and
Needles is now, as theatrical news goes,
a comparatively old story. It was pro-
duced and is performed by members of
the International Ladies Garment Work-
ers' Union.

Opening last November, Pins and
Needles at first played only twice a
week, since it was agreed that people
who were working five days a week in
the garment trade could not be expected
to do justice to Broadway roles except
in their spare time, namely on Friday
and Saturday nights. The cast was paid
nothing but supper money — fifty cents
a night — but received small credits
toward the cost of holidays in the union's
thousand-acre vacation center in the Po-
cono Hills.

The directive idea behind Pins and
Needles was that the so-called labor
theater is inclined in general to be dole-
ful and didactic, and that it would be a
good thing to try something gay, tune-
ful, and diverting instead.

Pins and Needles has now gone on a
six-nights-and-two-matinees-a-week basis.
The cast has resigned from its various
shops, has joined Actors' Equity and is
now being paid Equity wages. Equity
minimum for the chorus is $30 a week,
for principals $40. When this happened,
all the players had to drop their CIO
affiliation and join the AF of L, to
which Equity belongs. Box-office people,
press department, and of course the stage
crew are also AF of L.

The little theater where Pins and
Needles plays (the old Princess Theater
in 39th Street, scene of Fred and Adele
Astaire's early triumphs, now called
Labor Stage) is advertised as sold out
for six weeks. The various locals of the
ILGWU, wishing to attend the play en
bloc, are proudly grumbling because
they are being crowded out, or at least
delayed in attending, by the general box
office sale. The original company expects
to play at Labor Stage for a year to
come. A second company is in rehearsal
to tour Washington, Baltimore, Phila-

delphia, New England, and a third com-
pany may be established for a Chicago
run.

The next important production planned
for Labor Stage is a dramatization of
Millen Brand's novel, The Outward
Room. Sidney Kingsley, playwright of
the Pulitzer prize-winning Men in
White and of Dead End, has agreed
to dramatize the book. Lee Strasberg,
who is already directing some one-acters
for production by Labor Stage, will also
direct The Outward Room. If Pins and
Needles is still going strong when The
Outward Room is ready, the second
play will be produced at another house.

Incidentally, as a sample of the in-
ternal, or union, effect of the success
of Pins and Needles, it is suggested in
some quarters close to Labor Stage that
the second company should be actually
better than the first. That is because the
original players are the pioneers. Now
that the production has triumphed, other
talent in the ILGWU is stepping for-
ward. More hesitant folk than the zeal-
ous early nucleus, there are also some
better voices, some more comely lads and
lasses, some better trained and perhaps
more gifted players among the candi-
dates now eager for the footlights.

Several of Harold J. Rome's witty
tunes and lyrics, so well received by
critics and public, are being published
by a Broadway music firm. People are
humming Sunday in the Park, and Sing
Me a Song of Social Significance. The
"carriage trade" is trundling its minks
into 39th Street, and there are other
indications that the Ladies Garment
Workers have designed and put into
manufacture a snappy and modish num-
ber which is in general demand.

"We're from the Shops"

WHY SHOULD A LABOR UNION PRODUCE A

Broadway revue? How was it done?
What has the ponderously titled
ILGWU to do with song and dance?
How did this collection of working folk,
young and old, operators, basters, ex-
aminers, cutters, pressers, earning their
living in America's fifth largest indus-
try, suddenly burgeon forth as players
good enough to take the town?

Louis Schaffer, general manager of
Labor Stage, answers by expressing the
hope that the organization will be "in-
strumental in developing a new kind of
theater, alive and responsive to the im-
portant trends in current American life."

But there is a broader answer, an
answer as American as buckwheat cakes.
In its odd and, after all, not impor-

tunate way, it is part of the contract
which this republic, a century and a half
ago, offered the world — the right of op-
portunity in citizenship. No need to re-
hearse the fight of the nation's dress-
makers over half a century to free their
trade from the sweatshop, the "struggle
for the bundle," the circumstances
which in 1911 produced the terrible Tri-
angle Shirtwaist fire. It suffices to men-
tion that here is an industry which has
largely found its way to a satisfactory
working status. Today there are 275,-
000 garment workers in America, ap-
proximately half of them in New York
City. And in 1934, in connection with
the union's educational program occa-
sion was found to plan a cultural and
recreational division.

THE EXECUTIVE HEAD OF THIS MOVEMENT,

Louis Schaffer, focused the work in
Labor Stage, Inc., established in 1935.
The sum of $100,000 was invested from
union funds, and the old Princess
Theater leased and renovated, as a func-
tional center.

Last year, Labor Stage produced its
first full-length play, Steel, written by
John Wexley. It ran fifty nights, went
on tour, and had a satisfactory press.

With the thought of building a per-
manent company of actors, several per-
formers in Steel were held over for Pins
and Needles. More were needed, and
they came along, attracted like the
original Steel cast, from the shops. Most
of the candidates were youngsters, and,
in conversation with them, it becomes
evident that like any amateurs they just
relished the idea of acting, and drifted
over to Labor Stage in a perfectly hap-
hazard and unpretentious spirit. Few if
any exceptional talents were revealed,
and indeed it is true today of Pins and
Needles that no outstandingly glamorous
or notable stage personalities have been
uncovered. Instead one finds gusto, sim-
plicity, willingness to work and learn,
a sense of team play and intelligence
which responds eagerly to direction.

On Broadway this material would
have been considered definitely un-
promising, if it had ever reached the
point of being considered at all. There
was no inclination on the part of Schaf-
fer or his colleagues to dodge this fact
but, instead, an organized effort to build
on it. Here, then, is one of the most
striking aspects of this odd Broadway
phenomenon: the making, out of whole
cloth, of what was elected to be a troop
of performers adequate to compete with
professionals.

172

SURVEY GRAPHIC

Rehearsals hail to he quite different
from the average on Broadway. Actors,
in general, arc technically actors. They
know how to put over a point. They
know the tricks of moving about on a
stage. They know a collection of dance
routines. They arc able to place their feet
anil their voices. Not so with the as-
pirants of Labor Stage.

Take the matter of speech and voice
production. The proportion of sons and
daughters of immigrants is high in the
garnu-nt trade. Drawn, in New York
alone, from every continent and many
races, Jews predominate. There is a large
minority of Italians. Purity of English
speech could not, therefore, be gen-
erally expected in this group. Perhaps
the most popular lyric in Pins and
Needles is Sing Me a Song of Social
Significance. A member of the cast
obligingly gave the writer an imitation
of the way these words came out in
early rehearsals. They went: "Sink-Me
a Sung-kuff Sushi Signifiguntz."

Articulation had to be built from the
foundations. Classes in speech produc-
tion and voice placing commenced early
List summer, under youthful Gerald
Cameron. He found himself obliged to
plunge to the very roots of sound,
analyze what makes the glossa and the
glotta behave as they do, and invent or
adapt exercises to form a habit-track so
that what came out of the mouths of his
pupils was English by second nature, as
it were.

Making Actors

PRACTICALLY COMPLETE INNOCENCE OF
what every actor knows prevailed as to
posture, movement, whether walking or
in the dance; the wearing of costumes,
make-up, and the general and particular
technique of appearing in the play in
production. It took great devotion on
the part of directors, technicians, and
cast to get the results now observed. The
play was in rehearsal a year.

Today, Director Schaffer, fortified by
the success of the revue, is going ahead
with his plans for a permanent com-
pany. Labor Stage with its secondary
auditorium, classrooms, and rehearsal
rooms has become a laboratory of the
theater. There are courses in body move-
ment and dancing, in speech and voice
production, make-up, and a complete
understudy rehearsal program. A re-
quired study for all the members of
Labor Stage is fencing.

The why of all this is as fascinating
as the how. It goes back into union his-
tory and the guiding principles of men
like David Dubinsky, president of the
union; and emerges from the fact that
the ILGWU is a union which today has
time, leisure, and inclination to pay at-
tention to other than purely economic
matters.

The evil conditions under which

needle workers once suffered have un-
dergone salutary correction. Constant
contact between employers and the union
may eventually solve the worst remain-
ing problem, that of the seasonal nature
of the trade with its accompanying lay-
offs. From the employers' point of view,
the union is a balance wheel, assuring
regular and well-oiled functioning of a
complex machine. Relations between the
two groups are an interesting demon-
stration of how the essential partner-
ship between capital and labor under
democracy can be made workable.

You Can't Turn Off Brains

THERE ARE TWO BASIC FACTS ABOUT DRESV
making. A large proportion of the labor
is skilled, requiring intelligence and
meticulous care. The second point is that
much of the work is pretty dull. That
means that life's larger compensations,
for this group of skilful people, must be
found outside the shop, since you can't
turn off brains the way you do a ma-
chine.

ILGWU leaders began to sec, years
ago, that the union's task was not com-
pleted until in addition to giving its
members a decent way of work it could
help them to live a more rounded life.

Education came first. By 1937 almost
4000 sessions of classes in the year
ranged from simple arithmetic and ele-
mentary English through American his-
tory and advanced study in economics
and sociology, and occupied close to
25,000 regular students. Classes in
dress designing, knitting, hygiene, and
mother tongues such as Yiddish, Italian,
and Spanish were popular. The healthy
body came next. Sports for men and
women, girls and boys, were thoroughly
organized. Last season there were more
than 140 ILGWU basketball teams for
boys and girls in various leagues on the
nation's courts. Calisthenics, baseball
(three leagues), archery, swimming and
diving, track, handball, bowling, gym
work, soccer, golf, boxing and wrestling
were combining to turn proverbially
flat-chested, pallid-faced needle-workers
into brawny men and vigorous girls.

The children were not ignored. There
are hundreds of ILGWU children's
clubs, craft groups and classes in all
parts of the United States, counting
more than 9000 members.

The beautiful ILGWL' summer play-
ground, Unity House in Pennsylvania,
was founded. The union got perhaps
the most modern architect in America
to design the buildings. The establish-
ment cost a million dollars. Five hun-
dred guests can be accommodated there
at a time, and all summer long it is
filled with vacationers.

Labor Stage was founded to give torm
to new conceptions in the stage and al-
lied arts, but it was also to be an ex-
periment in the development of a group

of workers through self-expression, and
an organized venture in the field which
sociologists declare must be the next
conquest in the construction of a vital
industrial society: the cultivation of
leisure. It is the play corollary to a work
position already achieved in a big indus-
try, the extension outside the shop of
what has already been accomplished
within for the making of a better and
happier citizenry.

Mr. Schaffer's program began with
music in 1934-35. A chorus of 125 voices
was organized in New York City as a
start. An additional 100 voices were as-
sembled and drilled in the metropolitan
area outside the city. Choruses were es-
tablished in Chicago, Los Angeles and
elsewhere. Lazar Weiner, a distinguished
master in this field, became conductor of
the New York group, which gives be-
tween fifteen and twenty performances
a year and an annual concert in Town
Hall.

Mandolin orchestras — recognition of
the large Italianate group of garment
workers — came next. The New York
orchestra has 250 pieces, and there are
groups in other cities.

General classes in the drama and in
dancing, modern and tap, began at La-
bor Stage, which today is the center of
a cultural network spreading across the
country. Youngsters and oldsters in the
garment trade began "expressing them-
selves" in music, the study of the theater,
and in actual acting.

PINS AND NEEDLES is THUS, AFTER ALL,
merely one particular in a many-sided
development. Behind its unexpectedly
spectacular front many other theatrical
projects are under way. Some of them
will "reach Broadway." But even with
other success that will not be— entirely
— the point. Commercial success is not
the point. Labor Stage has been an ex-
pensive project, costing considerably
more than the original $100,000 ad-
vance. Pins and Needles is now paying
its way, and, like football on many col-
lege campuses, will be able to carry
various other activities.

Concerning financial matters President
Dubinsky of the ILGWU had this to
say in a recent speech: "This [Labor
Stage] is the answer to charges of people
like ex-Senator Reed that we union offi-
cials use union money for our own self-
ish purposes. We may waste money
sometimes for well intentioned things
in the educational field, but certainly in
this instance we can't be accused of
that."

The real answer to the question why
this curious phenomenon has come to
Broadway is that Labor Stage is an ef-
fort, in one of many groups of arts, to
give diversion to, to round out .nul
make richer, the lives of a sizeable seg-
ment of our working population.

MARCH 1938

173

LETTERS AND LIFE

Books on Main Street

by LEON WHIPPLE

THE DREAM OF CHEAP BOOKS AND GOOD BOOKS FOR EVERYBODY

is coming nearer. The servant printing press is now busy on
a new conquest of literature for democracy. Pioneer publish-
ers are on the march, inspired by splendid visions and guided
by every lesson of past experience plus an intelligent realism
about the hard task they have undertaken — the task of mak-
ing useful books accessible everywhere, in town and country,
on the price level of cigarettes or movie tickets. That means at
15 cents and 25 cents for the volumes of the National Home
Library that has been at work, with sacrifice and enthusiasm,
since 1932; and at 25 or 35 or 75 cents for the twenty-eight
titles of the Modern Age Books offered in its exciting career
since August 1937.

These adventures are, of course, experiments in idealism,
so difficult that the pioneers may reach the end of their re-
sources before they attain security. Even so they are doing
spade work that will make final success inevitable. They de-
serve every ounce of our support. They will succeed if courage
and vision count. Consider these words from Sherman Mittell,
president of the Home Library:

"After six years, we have learned that a book that retails at
25 cents will sell about twelve times as fast and about twenty-
five times as much as a book selling for $2.50 or more. . . .
Also that people with fair incomes will buy inexpensive books
and that folks with little or no income will buy them if they
become interested in the subject. ... I would say that more
indescribable good comes to the average lonely and harassed
American, in and out of a depression, from books than from
any other activity attending his existence."

RICHARD STORKS CHILDS, HEAD OF MODERN ACE BOOKS, is NO
less convinced that the plan will work, and he is investing
himself and his resources in the enterprise. What answer do
these publishers believe they have discovered to the conun-
drum that has generally baffled the earnest efforts of some
fifty publishers, in the past century, to provide low cost books?
There has been no lack of ideals, or even success. Everyman s
Library with its 900 titles of great books at 90 cents a copy is
a monument of efficiency and cultural service. But, on the
whole, we have never solved the problem of printing editions
large enough to lower the retail price by mass production.

Now the technology of printing has been perfected so that
we can manufacture books in durable bindings at low costs —
provided we can print editions of 50,000 or more. Can we
distribute such editions? The scale of production necessary is
indicated by the first offering of the Home Library, twelve
standard reprint titles, in editions of 100,000 each. By running
1,200,000 copies in one order, they produced bound volumes
for iy-2 cents apiece, and sold them for 15 cents. Modern Age
Books thinks in terms of 50,000 editions, and a sidelight on
the nature of mass printing is that they use the new rotary
presses installed by the Rumford Press to turn out several
million copies of Reader's Digest. This takes eight days, then
the presses shift to books. It means a standard format, but
that is satisfactory, as the handy and attractive reprints, new
books, fiction, and juveniles reveal. The public has also ap-
proved the paper cover so that cloth bindings at a higher cost
will not be offered the rest of this season. We have mastered
the art of making admirable cheap books.

But when you do, you have an awful lot ot books on your
hands! Can you sell them and become self-supporting? That

174

will depend on three things: whether you can create a sales-
distribution system that will reach millions; whether you offer
the kind of books people want; whether the low price will
make habitual buyers of folks who now do not think in terms
of book-reading.

The standard publishers with their average editions of
2000 sold through 800 or more bookstores and other outlets
have labored to increase their distribution. They use the book
clubs which guarantee thousands of readers for selected books.
One new venture is the Cooperative Book Club, a non-profit
organization on straight cooperative principles, with a group
of expert sponsors. It will distribute the books of all publish-
ers, with a periodical division of the profits. It hopes to be able
also to offer selected books at discount prices by using its
combined buying power. It publishes a magazine of book
information. This is a useful extension of the joint-buying
idea. Certain publishers are trying to organize small groups —
in one case a thousand — that will buy books the publisher rec-
ommends, several times a year, and so help him underwrite
good books he might otherwise not be able to publish. The
purpose is always to create a guaranteed-in-advance circulation.

THE CHEAP-BOOK FOLKS MUST CREATE FAR LARGER SYSTEMS.

Modern Age Books first employed a news agency on an ex-
clusive arrangement to handle its books through bookstores,
department stores and other outlets. But the discount of 33
to 45 percent allowed booksellers had to be split with the
agency so the dealers received only the 24 percent magazine dis-
count. The problem arises as to whether the small unit profit
on 25 cent books will encourage the dealer to push them. Since
he has to sell a book he may prefer to put his effort on one that
will bring him 80 cents instead of 10. Modern Age is now
building its own direct system and has about 1500 outlets in
some 88 cities. This is a promising beginning.

The Home Library has secured its great sales by using all
the accepted book outlets, and a wide range of organizations,
such as churches, prisons, women's clubs, schools, and even
business firms that have used them as premiums. The CCC
took 50,000, and the Carnegie Peace Endowment sent another
50,000 to foreign countries. This is getting down to the grass
roots. Incidentally, Mr. Mittell believes the rural sections offer
a great untapped market for cheap books, and one that in
time promises a fine cultural standard — "people in the coun-
try do not have to take their reading on the run." He adds:
"It will take at least three years to build up machinery that
will permit books to be circulated more cheaply and a bit faster
than the post office with its present rates now permits. ... If
inexpensive books enjoyed second class mailing privileges you
would revolutionize American rural culture. At present the
postage rate is 15 cents on a 15 cent book from Washington
to Iowa." Clearly if an economical mail order system can be
set up, we have a vast new outlet. We note that the narrow
margins of profit for everybody in handling cheap books de-
mand the most exacting economies, and that the volume and
distribution make the business more akin to magazine pub-
lishing than to the older book publishing.

LET US SEE WHAT KINDS OF BOOKS ARE OFFERED BY MODERN

Age. Most impressive perhaps are the two large size volumes
with pictures, sold for 75 cents. You Have Seen Their Faces,
with text by Erskine Caldwell and brilliant photographs by
Margaret Bourke- White is a moving record of the life of the
sharecropper in the South. It is a stark tale — the tragedy of
an entire section of these states and of a way of life. It is a
public service of importance to present this human document
in such convincing simplicity; 50,000 such challenges will

SURVEY GRAPHIC

help awaken us to a national duty. The United States — A
Graphic History, by Professor Louis M. 1 lacker of Columbia
University with pictorial statistics by Rudolf Modlcy, is
Number 1 of the Modern World Series. It will issue soon The
Right To Work, by Nels Anderson, and The Medical Dicta-
torship, by James Rorty. The Graphic History is the story of
the economic growth of the nation, with the statistics trans-
lated into pictorial forms. We suspect there has never been
such an organic use of pictographs to record a long history
as this before, and while they may not be universally success-
ful, they lend both clarity and vividness to the text.

More than 300,000 copies of Modern Age Books were sold
between September 10 and January 1; non-fiction outranked
fiction in sales; the best sellers were Men Who Lead Labor,
The Labor Spy Racket, and Walter Duranty's short-stories,
with a mystery yarn in third place, and Bolitho's Twelve
Against the Gods leading the reprints. These titles indicate a
coverage of the urban industrial clientele, I think, rather than
the national field. The latest offerings in the Home Library,
an excellent edition of The Federalist papers, and the poems
of Keats, have a wider appeal.

The last-word print technology of Modern Age Books is
matched by a shrewd and tolerant sense of popular psychol-
ogy. The editors are willing to provide for reading tastes that
are revealed in newspaper and magazine audiences. They take
up the reader where he is, with the hope that his habit of
reading Modern Age mysteries, guide books, cook books, will
carry him over into a reading of their serious contributions
on current life. They have studied the motley of the news-
stands, and the odd gifts of the tabloids, although not perhaps
with the statistical science and thorough investigation that
makes People and Print, by Douglas Waples (University of
Chicago Press) a useful manual for the student of this com-
plex field of popular reading habits.

But they are not catering to cheap print guzzling; they are
trying to offer good things (this spring a book on charm, a
puzzle book, and one on human hands) that meet the demand
tor escape and self-improvement, or expose the folly of some
of our dream stuff. The people fall for contests, lotteries,
sweepstakes, so Eric Bender writes Tickets to Fortune about
the fake and bunk and futility of trying the get-rich-quick
rackets. The card sharper will be exposed in a forthcoming
volume. This capture of the reader at his natural points of
interest with information that tempts and helps him may be
the main contribution of these editors to plain people. Nobody
has ever attempted it before, I think, perhaps because it de-
mands a rare kind of skill, intelligence, and sympathy.

We have proven we can make cheap books. We are busy
on the puzzle of how to distribute them by the hundred
thousand. The way will be found. The question remains:
How can we teach people to use cheap books to achieve bet-
ter ways of life and better forms of government? That is a
challenge not to publishers but to democracy.

Art and the Grass Roots

THE ARTS WORK SHOP OF RURAL AMERICA— • itudy of the
rural arts programs of the Agricultural Extension Service — by Marjorie
Patten. Columbia University Prr**. 2<10 p|>. Price $1.50 postpaid of .Viinrv
Gnfkic.

Tills is THE FIRST ATTEMPT TO TELL THE STORY OF THE

| extraordinary rise of cultural activities among farm people

| throughout the whole country, particularly since the turn of
the century — a movement hardly known to city dwellers,

| which has been served and fostered through the rural arts
program of the Agricultural Extension Service. This service,
whose ramifications reach into practically every rural section
of the country, was provided for in 1914 by the Smith-Lever
act and is maintained, jointly, by the federal Department

j of Agriculture and the various state agricultural colleges.

The survey upon which the present story is based was un-
dertaken by Teachers College of Columbia University and

I financed bv the General Education Board.

It will be a surprise to the average reader that among the
arts activities of farmers studied by Miss Patten arc plays.
festivals, operas, bands, orchestras, folk dancing and folk
music, marionettes, art exhibits, playwriting, radio hours of
music, drama and art appreciation, as well as others.

Wisely, instead of attempting to cover the entire United
States in the survey, eight states were selected as having
state-wide programs representative of what is going on in the
country. The stories arc told of the famous Little Country
Theatre in Fargo, North Dakota, on the campus of the State
Agricultural College, which — under the leadership of Alfred
Arvold, its founder and director for the past 30 years — has
become not only the center and inspiration of a great rural
drama program throughout the state and the Northwest, but
has set a pattern and pointed the way for rural drama in this
country; the state-wide drama festivals of Wisconsin; the
community planning for drama in Ohio and New York and
the all-around social recreation developed in those states; the
making of folk dramas at the University of North Carolina,
back of which notable development is the spirit of Frederick
Koch, for thirty years its directing genius; the cooperative
drama development within the University of Colorado, under
the leadership of Francis Wolle, the results of which have
been carried by its graduates throughout the state; native-
talent opera and the Muscatine Chorus in Iowa and the
whole Iowa program in which, through long time planning
and wise leadership, the different arts have been evenly se-
lected as parts of one great cultural development, with music
as its central motif; and the West Virginia program in-
cluding the famous leadership training center at Jackson
Park and the Oglebay Park development.

While somewhat sketchily documented, the book is excit-
ing reading because of the colorful picture it presents of the
revolution taking place in the leisure time activities of rural
America, which promises great things for the country as a
whole, in actual enrichment of life through spiritual re-
sources quite independently of economic conditions!

ELIZABETH BURCHENAL
National Committee on FoH( Arts of the United States

Artist-Determined, Machine-Realized

ART AXD THE MACHINE, by Sheldon Cheney and Martha Candler
('henry. McCraw-Hill. 305 pp. Price $3.75 postpaid of Survey Graphic.

AT THE BOOK FAIR MR. CHENEY CAVE HIS AUDIENCE A BIT or
autobiography that helps to explain his attitude toward art
and his sympathy for the machine. He started life as a typog-
rapher and printer of fine books. As a craftsman he repre-
sented a tradition of patient skill, intimacy with materials
and good proportion of design which emerges from hand
production, from ma/w-facture in the literal sense of the
word.

The sensitive craftsman found himself in a world from
which the machine had well-nigh exiled the handworker,
where high speed presses turned out books in vast quantities
for the masses. Being a philosopher and a realist, a very rare
combination, he gave up his manual art and began his study
of the possibilities of the machine as an instrument for the
modern designer.

The significance of Art And The Machine as a book lies
in the fact that the vast majority of the readers arc living
through just such an aesthetic revolution. Their sentiments
and taste in art are an inheritance from the old ideology of
handcrafts. Their lives arc largely conditioned by the
products of the machine. Thus we have a generation of
people who respond deeply to a Van Eyck but cannot feel
the grandeur of the powerhouse at Norris Dam. Mr. Cheney
helps his readers to make an agreeable transition from nine-
teenth century taste to that of their own day.

The quotation which is the hors d'oeuvre is so good as to
deserve relaying in full. James Jackson Jarvis wrote in 1864:

"The American, while adhering closely to his utilitarian and

MARCH 1958

175

SURVEY

GRAPHIC

announces for
early publication . . .

CAN THE EZEKIEL PLANNERS
LEGISLATE ABUNDANCE?

What has become of the Industrial Expansion bill
which Congressmen Maverick, Voorhis, Allen, and
Amlie introduced simultaneously last June? What is
the thinking on the part of the insurgent group in
Congress that makes this proposal significant, even if
it has been on the shelf for almost a year? Based on
the book "$2,500.00 a Year" by Mordecai Ezekiel,
HR7318 proposes nothing less than to abolish unem-
ployment at once and provide "consumers' goods and
services in quantities limited only by the nation's
natural resources." Hugh S. Johnson has called it
"the Blue Eagle reincarnate with as many teeth as an
alligator." From another angle, it can be looked at as
an entire reversal of the trend to limit production.
Survey Graphic will publish soon an interpretation and
appraisal by Herbert Harris of what it involves and
how it is regarded both in friendly and critical quarters.

NAVAL MANEUVERS

A layman can read the naval bills before Congress and
see the naval construction underway in our shipyards.
But how can he learn what our long distance naval
fleet is doing - - and where, and why? Victor
Weybright, managing editor of Survey Graphic, points
out that the shadow of John Paul Jones, from a pre-
radio day when admirals ruled supreme far from
scrutiny, still controls many of our naval policies.

THE CONSUMER MOVEMENT

D. E. Montgomery, Consumers' Counsel of the AAA,
defines so far as the mixed contemporary situation per-
mits, what is being done in an organized way by, for,
and to consumers and ventures to suggest what the
future holds for the Consumer Movement.

WHAT MODERN YOUTH THINKS

Over a period of seven months a trained staff of 35
interviewed 13,528 young people for the American
Youth Commission. Beulah Amidon summarizes and
analyzes the reports and in so doing reveals what is
actually happening to American youth in school and
out and the attitudes of young people on such issues
as war, liquor, wages, suffrage, religion.

Don't Miss These Timely
Articles Coming Soon!

economical principles, has unwittingly, in some objects to
which his heart equally with his hand has been devoted, de-
veloped a degree of beauty in them that no other nation
equals. His clipper ships, fire engines, locomotives, and some
of his machinery and tools combine that equilibrium of lines,
proportion, and masses, which is among the fundamental
causes of abstract beauty. Their success in producing broad
general effects out of a few simple elements, and of admirable
adaptations of means to ends, as nature evolves beauty out of
the common and practical, covers these things with a cer-
tain atmosphere of poetry and is an indication of what may
happen to the rest of his work when he puts into it an equal
amount of heart and knowledge."

The modern American artist who designs for the machine
is not an upstart but one who has been appealing to his pub-
lic to give up its old-fashioned taste and enjoy the maiden-
beauty of its own time for nearly a century. The compelling
illustrations which support the text help to make this appeal
irresistible. Mr. Cheney's book makes a convincing case for
the artist who uses power tools to express the modern imag-
ination, though those who need such an argument for the
rejuvenation of their taste may consider themselves obsolete
survivals of the nineteenth century. The real question is
why the twentieth century tolerates them, not why they
should appreciate the art of the twentieth century.

WHO ARE THE CONTEMPORARY ARTISTS WHO ARE LEADING THE

movement to make the machine the servant of the imagina-
tion? The list which Mr. Cheney selects is surprisingly in-
clusive and though the roll is long, all who are mentioned
well deserve the honor of being cited as both artists and
moderns. Among them are: William Lescaze, George Howe,
Raymon Loewy, Margaret Bourke-White, Alexander Archi-
penko, Jean Helion, Eleanor LeMaire, Frederick Kiesler,
Norman Bel-Geddes, Henry Dreyfuss, Russell Wright, Wal-
ter Dorwin Teague, Otto Kuher, George Sakier, Buck-
minster Fuller, William B. Stout, A. Lawrence Kocher, Al-
bert Frey, Richard J. Neutra, Edward Stone, Donald Deskey
and many others.

The principles which are the common creed of these de-
signers are three in number:

"1. Materials are used honestly, each in accordance with its
own intrinsic properties, its adaptation to machine processes,
and its appearance values. Sheet metal is not artificially
grained to imitate wood, and wood is not machine-turned in
simulation of hand-carved forms or finished with laid-on sur-
face patterning of any kind.

"2. Simplicity is observed in the number and kinds of ma-
terials employed, and in the form given to the object, in
keeping with the requirements of mass production.

"3. Functional expressiveness is the artist's foundation. It
is insistence upon engineering integrity as the starting point."

The essence of the new art is a revolt against ornament,
the kind of design camouflage that is applied to the surface
of an object without respect for the materials of which it is
made, the way it is put together or the purpose which it
serves. In particular the contemporary movement is an at-
tack on period design, that form of eclecticism which arises
after the death of a vital style. The result of the new move-
ment is to restore the artist to his rightful position of creator
of the forms of civilization, thus liberating him from the
stultifying drudgery of copying an outworn past.

Mr. Cheney concludes with the prophesy, "Already we
can glimpse the community of tomorrow as a place unified
and harmonious: an industrially designed machine-age en-
tity. Its considered patterning of buildings and spaces, its
landscaping, public and private, are a coming realization of
the universal utility of the machine as dreamed by the bold-
est of the nineteenth century industrial pioneers, and as

(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC)

176

transsubstantiated by the boldest of the pioneering abstract
artists: the industrial designers. It is the emergent product
of the twentieth-century industrial pioneers: a new Amcri-
i.m scene, coordinated, artist-determined, machine-realized."
Director, Brooklyn Museums PHILIP N. YOUTZ

India at the Crossroads

THE WHITE SAHIBS IN INDIA, by Reginald Reynolds. Preface by
Jawaharlal Nehru. Reynal & Hitchcock. 410 pp. Price $3.50 postpaid
surtrjr Cnfkic.

A WELL WRITTEN BOOK ON INDIA AT LAST. Bl!T, LIKE MOST

books on India, it is written with a very definite point of
view. And this is not an asset. In dealing with the vast prob-
lems of the greatest colony in the world, it seems impossible
for the outside observer to stay away from emotions. And
while a political attitude may form a colorful background for
the presentation of any issue of international importance, the
purely emotional approach tends to obscure rather than to
clarify the issue. Thus, recent books on India which are writ-
ten from the imperial or (as the present one) from the anti-
imperial point of view, contribute little to the understanding
of one of the most important, most fascinating problems of
this day and age.

In a brilliant narrative, Mr. Reynolds unfolds the story of
suffering India from the days of "John Company" to the
revolutionary strides of Gandhi and Nehru. He pictures the
harsh rule of British imperialism, and of its equally cruel
mate, the native "junior imperialism" of the upper classes.
When he finally arrives at the latest stage of India's struggle
for independence, the author seems a little bewildered as to
the competing interests of nationalism and socialism within
the ranks of the National Congress. His advice to the social-
ist wing "to win the leadership in the struggle for inde-
pendence and to turn the Congress itself into a workers' and
peasants' party" sounds dangerous in the face of the fact
that wealthy and highly educated bourgeois elements have
proved so far the strongest factor in India's national libera-
tion movement; it appears likely that the envisaged "destruc-
tion of the nascent capitalist class" will leave the Indian revo-
lution without the necessary requirements of money and
brains — monopolized, as they are, by the upper strata of
native society.

The book contains a vast amount of first-hand and docu-
mentary information on India, reliably corroborated, and
most interesting. Whether it is advisable, in the face of the
growing menace of fascism, to discredit Britain's imperial
rule which has come to be the bulwark for the survival of
liberalism and democracy in the West, is a question which
the author does not have to answer. ERNEST O. HAUSER

A Trotskyist on the U.S.S.R.

RfSSIA TWENTY YEARS AFTER, by Victor Serge. Translated by
Max Shachtman. Hiliman-Curl. 298 pp. Price $2.50 postpaid of Survey
Graphic.

VICTOR SERGE, THE SON OF RUSSIAN REVOLUTIONARY
emigrants, has spent his life in revolutionary activities, both
in western Europe and in Soviet Russia, where he occupied
responsible positions, until, as a member of the Trotskyist
opposition, he was imprisoned and finally banished from
Russia. The author is thus personally qualified to discuss
the situation in Soviet Russia after twenty years of its ex-
istence. His bias against the post-Lenin regime is so blatant,
however, that it robs the book of all objective value. Only the
purblind enemy of the Soviet Union will gloat over such
sweeping statements as: "All the statistics, all the balances,
all the figures are false. . . . Every text is falsified." No reader,
unless he be hopelessly naive and uninformed, will swallow
the unmitigated condemnation of every phase in Soviet life,
from the conditions of the workers and peasants to those of
the youth, of women, of scientists and artists.

Yet I should recommend to every intelligent friend of the

(In ansiverin" «Jvertiscments

There She Stands—
THAT OLD LIBERAL-

The Settlement—

"Her next task may be adult education — an adult education
that is the dynamic of the entire settlement program and
one that expresses itself in a philosophy and program that
are attuned to the temper of the times —

Gaynell Hawkins predicts in

EDUCATIONAL EXPERIMENTS
IN SOCIAL SETTLEMENTS

An easy-to-read, lively little book in which the author looks
with appraising eyes at representative educational programs
for adults in settlements in Chicago, Pittsburgh, New York,
and Boston.

Miss Hawkins' book is the fifth in a series of

STUDIES IN THE SOCIAL SIGNIFI-
CANCE OF ADULT EDUCATION

IN THE UNITED STATES

To be issued over a five-year period by the American Associa-
tion for Adult Education.

PUBLISHED

Prim

1. LISTEN AND LEARN, by
Prink Ernett Hill. Fifteen
yein of idult education on

the .ir $1.25

2. WHY FORUMS?, by M«ry
L. Ely. The forum •• an
instrument for democracy . SI. 00

3. ENLIGHTENED SELF-
INTEREST, by Dorothy
Kowden. Educational pro-
gram* of trade associations S .75

4. THE CIVIC VALUE OF
MUSEUMS, by T. R. Adam.
A >tudy of education for
adults offered by mutcumt

in a metropolitan area $ .75

5. EDUCATIONAL EXPERI.
MENTS IN SOCIAL SETTLE-
MENTS, by Gaynell Haw-

kins Jl.OO

6. THE MUSIC OF THE
PEOPLE, by Willem van de
Wall. Musical activities of
adults in urban and rural
areas $1.00

For Spring Publication

7. WOMEN IN TWO WORLDS,
by Mary L. Ely and Eve Chappelt.
A study of the educational work
of selected women's organiza-
tions.

8. MAN-MADE CULTURE, by
Frank Ernest Hill. Educational
programs of men's clubs.

9. PARENTS IN PERPLEXITY.
by Jean Carter. "The parent,
poor dear" receives sympathetic
consideration in this survey of
parent education.

10. THE COMMUNITY GOES TO
SCHOOL, by Watson Dickerman.
Informal ventures of the public
schools in adult education.

11. ADULT EDUCATION IN
LARGE LIBRARIES, by Alvin
Johnson. An analysis of the ed-
ucational work of large public
libraries.

12. BOOKS IN MOTION, by

Mirion Humble. Library tervice
in rural areas.

AMERICAN ASSOCIATION FOR ADULT EDUCATION
60 East 42nd Street, New York City

Studies 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, (circle numbers

Please send me a bill for

I am enclosing my check for
desired). Please send me Studies 7, 8. 9, 10, II, 12, with a bill, as soon
as they are iasued.

Name

Institution

Address

please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC)

177

PUBLISHED FEBRUARY 25

3,018 advance orders already in!

The Public Assistance Worker

His Responsibility to the Applicant,

the Community, and to Himself
Editor : : : RUSSELL H. KURTZ

"Here, in half a dozen chapters, as simple as they are
authoritative, is the clear statement of what public
assistance as we know it is all about, what it grew from,
what it encompasses, and what it takes to do the job of
making it effective."

— Miss Bailey.

• Public assistance — what it is • Who shall be
granted public aid? How much? In what form? • Deal-
ing with people in need • Problems of health and
medical care • Tying in with the community • Public
assistance and social work.

224 pages

$1.00

RUSSELL SAGE FOUNDATION

130 East 22d Street

New York

Awarded the John Ants field Prize
for 1937 • 1938

WE AMERICANS

A STUDY OF CLEAVAGE IN AN AMERICAN
CITY

By ELIN L. ANDERSON

A stimulating investigation of the ethnic com-
position of the city of Burlington, Vermont, and
the community problems that result from it. In
awarding the John Anisfield Prize, the judges say.

"A careful perusal of this book will go a
long way in helping the reader to under-
stand, and perhaps to participate intelligently
in, the problems of assimilation of diverse
ethnic elements in any modern community."

DOROTHY CANFIELD FISHER has said:

"/ consider it an extremely honest and real-
istic study of a complicated and vital subject,
on which we are, as a rule, all too ignorant."

xv + 286 pages. 6 illustrations. $3.00

HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS

Cambridge, Massachusetts

(In answering advertisements plea.

178

U.S.S.R. the perusal of Serge's book. However thickly laid
the denunciations, and however obvious the exaggerated gen-
eralizations, the survey is the work of an enemy who is
malicious rather than ignorant. Victor Serge voices the oppo-
sition from within, from the ranks of those who had directly
participated in the establishment of the new order, and who
are even now well acquainted with the state of affairs in the
Union. To be sure, Serge has chosen and pieced together
only such material as could blacken the picture, and much
of his information is rank misinformation. Still, he may be
credited with having composed a cyclopedia of the grum-
blings of all shades of the opposition, now generally labeled
as Trotskyism. The isolated bits of truth that may be dis-
cerned in the unrelieved mass of accusations should be wel-
comed by those who are aware that the Soviet Union is not
a paradise of perfection. The existence of shortcomings and
abuses, and the admission of blunders and errors committed
by the authorities, need not befog one's larger vision of the
problem. It is curious that toward the end of the book, after
a laborious effort to defame the existing order, Victor Serge
is forced to admit the following "conquests of the proletarian
revolution":

"Socialized economy, directed by a single plan, whose
power proved extraordinary during the period when capi-
talism floundered in the crises. . . . The accession of back-
ward nationalities of the old empire to civilization. The
vigorous rough draft of a transformation of man. It is no
longer deniable that the masses can triumph, . . . organize
collectivist production; that man can live without the direct
power of exploitation over his fellow man . . . . ; that the
equality of races and of sexes, .... socialist ethics and thought
have powerfully begun the renovation of society. . . ."

Yet Serge echoes Trotsky's willingness to risk a political
revolution against the existing regime!
University of California ALEXANDER KAUN

A Negro Novelist

THEIR EYES WERE WATCHING GOD, by Zora Neale Hurslon. Lip-
pincott. 286 pp. Price $2 postpaid of Survey Graphic.

ZORA NEALE HURSTON HAS DONE FOR NEGRO DIALECT WHAT
Roland Hayes has done for the Negro spirituals. It may be
difficult for one without a southern background fully to ap-
preciate the wit and humor as well as the sheer logic that
this work contains.

The reader gets a thrill as he follows the adventures of
Tea Cake. The marvelous manner in which he handles situa-
tions, whether in a game of cards, a neighborhood argument,
at work on the plantation, or in a Florida hurricane, fas-
cinates one. She has painted portraits of Negro characters that
stand out in the reader's memory, and in my opinion add
materially to the author's already growing fame. The Mrs.
Turner, who, "like all other believers had built an altar to
the unattainable — Caucasian characteristics," not realizing
that "her God would smite her, would hurl her from pin-
nacles, and lose her in deserts," yet "refuses to forsake his
altars," is a figure not unfamiliar, especially to Negro life.

Miss Hurston is original. She writes of simple people who
live simple lives, employs simple, yet terse and dramatic,
phrases to express thoughts that penetrate. If Bernard Shaw
is correct in asserting that Negro dialect, in the shortening
of words, has enriched the English language, then Zora
Hurston has definitely strengthened this contribution. There
will be members of Miss Hurston's race who will deplore
the fact that this book, like Mules and Men, and Jonah's
Gourd Vine, does not deal with the intellectual or college-bred
Negro. But the Negro of the backwoods, the cotton planta-
tion, the cane brake — the unsung heroes — also deserve to
have their day, and we are indebted to Miss Hurston for see-
ing that they get a break.

Zora Neale Hurston may not be our best Negro novelist,
Sf mention SURVEY GRAPHIC)

bui it ii my conviction that she is more than a Negro novel-
et. She is an artist in her own right. I know of no one who
has better presented the humor, music and gaudy invention
of Negro speech, dignifying it in that rare and unique man-
ner which grows out of the sympathetic understanding which
she possesses.
New Yorl^ Urban League JAMES H. HUBERT

Close-up of Some Profs

ACADEMIC PROCESSION, by James Reid Parker. Harcourt Brace.
11 pp. Price $2 postpaid of Sunty Graphic.

HtRt IS AN ACCOUNT OF AN EXPEDITION INTO THAT COMPARA-

tivcly unexplored territory, the campus of a small country
college. Mr. Parker (probably the enfant terrible of the
faculty) took with him on his safari a good supply of pencils
and notebooks, a bright eye for human silliness, and a soft
heart for human weakness. He emerges from the wilds with
this little book of sketches, all very deft and light, that man-
ages to expose faculty life in most of its ramifications. If you
want to be solemn and call this a kind of anthropological
study, we can assure you that although Mr. Parker spent
several years studying these interesting people, living, talk-
ing and eating with them, he never went native. He emerges
from the faculty club with the same irreverent sense of
humor that he took in with him.

However, his tales arc not humorous. They arc clever,
sometimes witty, and always interesting — but not funny. A
few, like The Agenda, are tragic little stories. There is too
much frustration, too much posing, in the life he is dissect-
ing, to lend itself to real merriment. A little of everything
appears between these covers. Some of the sketches, like The
First Day, are very slight indeed. Others, The Gates of Rome,
for example, are carefully constructed short stories, complete
with neat plot and shrewd characterization. Despite this
rather uneven treatment, the book on the whole is consistent
in theme; the true scholars emerge unscathed and the poseurs
and weaklings are led out quite naked.

The patter he records is heartbreakingly authentic. Anyone
who has spent any adult years on a campus will recognize
with something of a pang this peculiar vocabulary. There is
an awful archness, a ponderous playfulness, that runs
through faculty conversations:

"Ah, Brinkerhoff — I see you've emerged from your sanc-
tum to take part in the revels," said Dr. Gerritson.

"How is the faculty's most eligible bachelor?" inquired
Mrs. Brundage.

"Splendid, thank you!" said Dr. Brinkcrhoff, beaming. "I
trust that you, too, enjoy a similar dispensation. The fes-
tivities arc still in progress, it would seem. I'm so glad I was
able to get away from my laboratory before the tea was
over."

This is faculty humor.

"Well, gentlemen," he said, "shall we terminate this very
pleasant luncheon and juxtapose our noses to the grind-
stone:"

Most of them don't talk that way to show off (only they
would say "to display their erudition") but to poke a little
mild fun at themselves. Others have fallen into it because
J»ey arc uncertain and ill at ease in their social contacts.
Whatever the cause, it is now accepted humor, and it is a
ittle too much like an elephant acting coy.

Undergraduates do not loom very large in the book, as
ndeed they do not in most professors' lives. But inevitably
the faculty wives are all over the sketches. They spend most
if their time determinedly cultivating their minds, and (al-
Jiough Mr. Parker is too polite to say it in so many words)
hey have one crop failure after another.

You are likely to close the book with a rueful smile. The
wheels have gone around for you; committees have met, tea
las been poured, professors have angled for raises, the presi-
Jcnt has angled for a new building, treatises have been writ-

(ln answering advertisements pirate

179

'The clearest, most scholarly

explanation of the last two

• •

decades that we have,"

writes HAROLD J. LASKI in his preface to

THE POST-WAR
HISTORY OF THE

BRITISH
WORKING CLASS

by ALLEN HUTT

Publication of this book in America may, Mr. Laski
declares, "save the working class from some of the mis-
takes that the English have made." The author himself
has known at first hand the events about which he
writes. He has seen the working of the British Labor
Party from within and understands its intricate structure
and habits. Above all, he debunks the great "British
Myth." A best seller in England, the book is destined to
be widely read and discussed in this country. Illus. $2.75.

| COWARD- McCANN - 2 W. 45th St., New York •

YOUTH

THE TOILS

By LEONARD V. HARRISON
and

PRYOR McNeiLL GRANT

Here is an authoritative and thorough con-
sideration of the delinquency problem in
New York, especially as it concerns delinquent
girls.

The authors go beyond mere statement of
facts; they make concrete and constructive
recommendations for improvement. $1.50

Laughing Odyssey

By EILEEN BIGLAND

Mrs. Bigland went to Russia determined to
eschew politics and economics and to enjoy
herself. The result is a racy and completely
entertaining book. $2.50

all bookstores

THE M \4 >l 1 1 I. A \ CO.

6O Fifth Ave. New York

mention SUKVEY GRAPHIC,)

THE PROSPECT FOR YOUTH

is the title of the November 1937 issue of

THE ANNALS

OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY OF
POLITICAL AND SOCIAL SCIENCE

The editors of this volume, DRS. JAMES H. S. BOSSARD
and W. WALLACE WEAVER, both of the Department of
Sociology, University of Pennsylvania, announce their ob-
jectives as follows:

"The child of the twenties has become the youth of the
thirties; and, curiously enough, much of our social concern
seems to have shifted in the thirties from the problems of
childhood to those of youth. Several factors may be
identified as responsible for this shift. First, the progress
made in promoting the welfare of children has pushed
back the frontiers of social work; second, in the develop-
ment of standards of child care, age limits have been
revised upward into the period when the child becomes
the youth; and, finally, there has been the impact upon
youth of these critical years since 1929.

"To focus attention upon the problems of youth, and to
facilitate the intelligent consideration of these problems,
the Academy presents this issue."

$2.00

AMERICAN ACADEMY OF POLITICAL
AND SOCIAL SCIENCE

3457 Walnut Street, Philadelphia

FREE- 39 page pamphlet,
Planning for Abundance —
If You Act NOW!

Plenty for all is the unchallenged possibility of American life. If,
for example, some machinery as that set up by the A.A.A. and N.R.A.
were used to secure full production instead of restricting output, a
minimum in goods and. services equal to what $2500 a year will now
buy, would be available for every family in the U.S.

PLANNING FOR ABUNDANCE, A Positive Program for Industrial
Expansion, contains the provisions of the Industrial Expansion Act
introduced into Congress by members of the Progressive Bloc. In-
cludes speeches of Allen, Voorhis and Amlie describing and de-
fending it.

To become familiar with the startling social significance of this
Bill ... to keep posted on developments over the coming months
use this opportunity to receive the pamphlet described plus 6 issues
of COMMON SENSE. 50 articles by such writers as Thurman W.
Arnold, Stuart Chase, Jay Franklin, Maury Maverick together with
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Clip and Mail with $1.00 Today!

COMMON SENSE
315 Fourth Ave.
New York City

I enclose $1 for 6 issues.
Send me free of charge,

PLANNING FOR
ABUNDANCE.

ten, scholarships awarded, dances chaperoned. Mr. Parker
got around, all right. But the faculty, as you meet them off
guard, are not particularly wise or energetic. Here is damn-
ing evidence as to why American colleges can't use the
tutorial system to better advantage; the students would get
little from most of these men.

The only reassuring fact is that by the very nature of the
book the weak brothers appear most prominently. The
scholars, the gentlemen, the wits (and every campus does
have these) do not make such good copy. In that respect the
picture is out of balance, but it is nevertheless a diverting
picture. MARIAN CHURCHILL WHITE

Art Hays, Defender of Liberty

LET FREEDOM RING, by Arthur Garfield Hays. Liveright. 475 pp.
Price $2.50 postpaid of Survey Graphic.

TEN YEARS AGO, ARTHUR GARFIELD HAYS WROTE A BOOK
about the Bill of Rights. But instead of legal analysis or his-
torical essays, he told the stories of a half dozen civil liberties
cases in which he himself had been involved. Mr. Hays is
nationally known not only as a successful lawyer but as an
untiring fighter in defense of the American experiment with
"a society based on freedom." Through the years his book
has been widely read and often reprinted. Now it comes out
in a new edition, revised to bring it abreast of the times, and
with added material. To the earlier chapters on the Scopes
trial (evolution in Tennessee), the Sweet case (Negro segre-
gation in Detroit), The Captive case (censorship of the stage),
the Sacco-Vanzetti case, he has added new chapters on the
Emerson Jennings case [see Survey Graphic, February 1937],
recent events in Puerto Rico, Frank Hague's anti-labor
regime in Jersey City, teachers' oaths, and other civil liber-
ties issues that have arisen since 1928. But a few sentences
from the introduction to the original volume stand as this
wise champion's analysis of all these efforts to restrict the
right of fellow-Americans, to speak, to assemble, to petition
the government:

"Differing in fact, background and motivation, [these
cases] have one common characteristic — fear. They represent
a type of mind. All exhibit different phases of ignorance,
bigotry and intolerance. None of these cases can or should
be considered by itself. They are all manifestations of the
same spirit." BEULAH AMIDON

The History Writers

A HISTORY OF HISTORICAL WRITING, by Harry Elmer Barnes.
University of Oklahoma Press. 434 pp. Price $3.50 postpaid of Survey
Graphic.

HISTORY IN PARTICULAR AND SOCIAL SCIENCE IN GENERAL
suffer from the lack of a comprehensive understanding of
what history is. Too many accept it with the superficial view
that history is annalistic, a chronicle of the past which is
largely descriptive. It is more difficult for even mature
scholars to grasp the explanatory or interpretive function of
history. Mr. Barnes has brought within convenient compass
an encyclopedic account not only of the history of history,
but also of the functions of history. It is an interpretation as
well as a chronicle and deserves to be studied carefully by
all who are interested in social science.

Mr. Barnes has sought to fit this history of history writing
into the pattern of the general cultural history of the western
world. Each chapter as he writes it explains how history has
been influenced by the intellectual climate of the time. He
gives an extremely voluminous list of the historians of all
time and characterizes the more important. His character-
izations are on the whole very apt though his long strings
of names are often no more than names. As he approaches
modern history, European and American, the long strings
grow longer and the judgments less generally acceptable and
more subjective.

But Mr. Barnes is more than an historian, he is an advo-

(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC.)
180

, an advocate in the cause of the "new history." He is
filled with zeal, which should be applauded, for that broader
concept of history worked out along evolutionary and genetic
lincs. This history would select its data and form its judg-
ments with reference to the evolution of contemporary in-
stitutions. The last quarter of the volume is concerned with
the nature and problems of this new history; he expounds
it .ibly in a fashion which stirs the reader to either admira-
tion or resentment. He frankly admits many of the diffi-
culties in the way of realizing his ideal, but they only serve
to inspire him to greater faith. The new history sets standards
which the old history considers hopeless. The breadth of in-
terest, the variety of skills needed to equip a proper inter-
preter in the new fashion seem almost prohibitive. In fact
the new history has produced "confusion, anarchy and com-
plexity" (p384). But the wider interest is commanding the
imagination of many students and the higher standards are
gradually enforcing the realization that a higher type of in-
telligence is necessary to meet the new demands.
University of Pennsylvania ROY F. NICHOLS

Nuggets from New England

THE DEVIL AND DANIEL WEBSTER, by Stephen Vincent Benet. Far-

rar and Rinehart. 61 pp. Price $1.

ROWEX, by Harold Trowbridge Pulsifer. Houghton, Mifflin. 52pp. Price $2.
Prices postpaid of Survey Graphic

THOUGH DIFFERENT IN THEIR APPEAL, BOTH THESE LITTLE BOOKS
ci-lcbrate New England. In the midst of confused talk about
the Constitution and the aims of the founders of the Republic,
Mr. Bench writes a piece of authentic prose folklore about a
New Hampshireman who sold his soul to the devil. If enough
of us could read it, it might clear the air. For they say that
Dan'l Webster may be heard, even now, on stormy days,
thundering from the grave, "Neighbor, how stands the
Union?" Collectors of Americana will seize upon it, and for
those who like to give books as gifts, it is a find.

The first part of Harold Pulsifer's latest volume is dedicated

to a vanished New England homestead and the generation*

that lived and died in it. Seldom in present day verse has the

: eternal pull of "home" been more eloquently handled. In the

i second pan of the book, the poet's eye roams from the home

theme into the realms of social problems. In both parts the

reader will find memorable, quotable passages. For those who

nuikc speeches on subjects of human welfare there are golden

, nuggets here. HILDEGARDE FILLMORB

Portrait of a State

VERMONT: A GUIDE TO THE GREEN MOUNTAIN STATE, br
Worker! of the Federal Writers Project of the Work* Progress Ad-
ministration for the State of Vermont. Houghton Mifflin. 392 pp. Price
$2.50 postpaid of Survey Graphic.

I ANYONE WITH AN ANCESTRAL FOOT IN VERMONT MUST FEEL
;i stirring of nostalgia, or perhaps atavism, when he turns
I the pages of this book, must feel a kinship with the Vermont
I way of life which Dorothy Canfield Fisher, in the introduc-
I lion, describes as ". . . not pretending to know more than
I we do, of not being other than what we are."

They call this a guide book, one of the series which ulti-
I matcly, thanks to the Federal Writers Project of WPA, will
I include all the states in the Union. But it is more than a
I guide, it is a portrait of a state and its people, an interpre-
I tation of how both came to be the way they are. That this is
I accomplished largely within a geographical framework, by
I mile-by-mile description of countryside contiguous to the
I state highways, is evidence of the intelligence that went
I into the whole job of planning, assembling, writing and cdit-
I ing. Indeed this is so much more than a guide, in flavor and
I *ubstance, that the stay-at-home tourist may enjoy himself
I with it almost as much as the tourist on the road. It is good
I reading for anyone; for the sons and daughters of Vermont,
I unto the third and fourth generation, it is better than good.

GERTRUDE SPRINGER

How can low-income groups
get adequate medical care?
explained in this timely volume —

HEALTH INSURANCE

THE NEXT STEP IN SOCIAL SECURITY

By LOUIS S. REED

One-lime member of the Committee on the Cottt
of Medical Care.

Already a health insurance measure has been
introduced into 1938 New York State Legis-
lature. Undoubtedly a Federal bill will be
brought forward in Congress in the near
future.

This book sets forth fully and objectively the
facts about the extent and cost of sickness
in America; tells how European countries
have been using health insurance; and sug-
gests the type of legislation which will un-
doubtedly be urged here.

Everyone — social workers, employers, doc-
tors, legislators, labor unions, etc. - - will
find here the factual evidence on which alone
enlightened discussion of this problem can
take place. Price $3.00.

i HARPER & BROTHERS;

To be published in March -

SYPHILIS, GONORRHEA
and the PUBLIC HEALTH

By NEI.S A. NELSON, B.S., M.D., F A.P.H.A.

Director, Division of Genitoinfeclious Diseases. The
Massachusetts Department of Public Health

and GLADYS L. GRAIN, R.N.

Epidemiologist, Division of Genitoinfectious Diseases,
The Massachusetts Department of Public Health.

For generations the tabu which denied discussion
of all things sexual also kept most people ignor-
ant of the truth concerning syphilis and gonor-
rhea. Today, public opinion having executed an
abrupt right about face, a tremendous effort is
being made by health workers everywhere to
bring about the control and eventual eradication
of this social menace. The book presents not only
the essential known facts concerning syphilis
and gonorrhea, but also gives an account of the
development of control programs to date and
discusses the directions which they are taking.
Probable price $3.00.

MACMILLAN

60 FIFTH AVENUE
NEW YORK, N. Y.

(In aniivering advertisements please mention Srnvty (.RMMII. )

181

JLj^.79 I ... lit London

without NEW MASSES

>ilfc^.;H.

"Funny how you never appreciate a thing until
you don't have it. New Masses did not come this
week and we are lost."

— Letter from a London Subscriber

IN the very shadow of Parliament these wandering
subscribers look to New Masses for light on the
British foreign policy and the miraculous antics of
the Tory mind.

But you don't have to live in London to be in a fog
these days.

People within a stone's throw of Wall Street are
blinded by its propaganda on the "business reces-
sion." You might live in Washington and get caught
in the cross currents of neutrality laws and collec-
tive security declarations — somewhere between the
Capitol and the White House.

Wherever you live and whatever confuses you, New
Masses' clear Marxian analyses of business, politics,
and world affairs will give you a new view of
what's going on — a brilliant, dependable Key to the
Week's World News.

OTHER ARTICLES
REVIEWS • BIBLIOGRAPHY

192 pages of factual and interpretive material
drawn from the fields of scholarship, govern-
ment, business, advertising, radio, motion
pictures.

Subscriptions: 2 years $7, 1 year $4

Staff: DeWitt Clinton Poole, Ha r wood L. Childs,

Harold D. Lasswell, Hadley Cantril, E. Pendleton

Herring, O. W. Riegel.

(In answering advertisements

employer was afraid of them, and another coil has been added
to the vicious spiral of poverty, dependency, delinquency, and
increasingly more disease.

Whether one employs a part time cleaning woman or a
factory full of skilled mechanics, the principles of health
protection are the same. It is worthwhile for all employes
to have a health examination, especially domestic employes,
for many of them come from underprivileged homes with
a high rate of sickness from all causes. The Irish long have
been known to have a high rate of tuberculosis; so do the
Jewish garment makers; so do the Anglo-Saxon loom-tenders
in the southern textile mills. So does any other race or group
or class, including the Negro, which has had unhealthful
working and living conditions and little medical care or
public health supervision. No person with an active case of
tuberculosis should work, of course; but it is a crime against
the community to discharge such a person from a job with-
out arranging with the health or welfare officer for proper
care of the case. From the point of view of syphilis, the
safest of all employes is the one under the chemical quaran-
tine of good, continuous medical treatment. The risk to a
family employing such a person as a maid, for example, is far
less than that of hiring any other person whatever, unex-
amined and perhaps infectious. Also, a thought should be
given as to whether or not the servant is endangered by the
possibly infectious employing family.

In the seventy-odd years since slavery, which was pure
barbarism, a large proportion of the Negro race has swept
forward to a point beyond that attained by many European
tribes in the first five hundred years past barbarism. Negroes
have carried the heaviest burdens of our civilization. They
have been the hewers of wood and the drawers of water.
Also, they have contributed more to American music and
drama than any but the Jews; more to dancing and to folk
literature than any race on this continent. What they have
done, they have done in the face of almost insuperable handi-
caps, physical and economic. It is my firm belief that if we
do for them and ourselves the few simple things we know
how to do, which will start them from the base line of
health, they may attain full measure of economic sufficiency.
Then we shall no longer need grumble about the tax load
of their dependency and delinquency, and they will con-
tribute more and more richly to our joint civilization which
needs not only their work but their gifts.

That is for tomorrow, I hope. Today we are a nation rich
in resources but wasteful of them; aching with taxes which
the unfit cannot pay but increasingly consume. Our methods
of conserving forests, soil, and mineral resources are just
being worked out. Our methods of conserving human re-
sources are clearly outlined, our machinery for doing it is
precise and efficient, but we use it sporadically. Yet even with
half-hearted inefficient effort the results have been good.

No Defense, Unless All Are Safe

HEALTH is THE PROBLEM OF THE WHOLE PEOPLE. TUBERCU-
losis and syphilis because of their prevalence and preventa-
bility are today's greatest health problems. By early intelli-
gent treatment of the individual, we can check the spread
of both diseases in the nation as a whole. If as determined an
effort were made against human tuberculosis as has been
made to eradicate bovine tuberculosis by conjunction of fed-
eral and state action, in a single generation we could bring
it down to the level of typhoid fever which now is incon-
siderable as a cause of death. If as concentrated an attack
were made against syphilis as has been made against the boll
weevil, we could stamp it out as a public health menace in
only half a generation, for we have somewhat better tools
against it. To do this means putting into effect the same
basic program for both diseases, which is: Find all cases early;
treat all patients, continuously, considerately, competently
until they are cured.

please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC)

252

Disease is no respecter of persons. Yet in the nation at
large tuberculosis and syphilis arc menaces because treat-
ment is frequently dependent upon the status of persons. We
could not exist as a nation, half slave and half free. We can-
not exist as a nation, half whole and half diseased.

Let us develop our life-saving practice to a point which is
comparable with our life-taking armaments; let us begin
where there is the greatest useless loss of life, which is among
our Negro citizens; let us attack the great plagues of tuber-
culosis and syphilis among them and among ourselves simul-
taneously and systematically for a final victory. Let us be
realistic enough to take the short cut to the attainment of
that victory by intelligent teamwork with the Negro himself.

Until the economists show us how we can attain equal
material opportunity for each child, let us at least make sure
that each boy and girl born an American, whatever his race
or parentage, has an equal opportunity for life and health.
We have no defense, unless all are safe among us.

Teaching the Unteachables

by LILLIAN BRAND

ON THE SCREEN RECENTLY 1 SAW ONE OF MY FORMER PUPILS.

She is making one hundred dollars a week, a salary that
looks magnificent to a school teacher. Not every pupil can
outearn her teacher before she is twenty-one, especially a girl
as stupid as Angela. For she was my pupil while I was a
substitute teacher in the special schools for subnormal chil-
dren in Los Angeles.

Angela was one of 2936 mentally backward children in
the Los Angeles schools, "educated" at a yearly cost per
pupil well above the $99.83 spent annually in the city and
state on each normal child in the regular elementary schools.

As I watched Angela on the screen with her glossy curls,
large eyes, slow charming smile and beautiful body, I thought
of the home from which she sprang, a four-room unpainted
shack, shared with a dozen or more brothers and sisters.

When I called upon Angela's mother with the question-
naire which had to be filled out for each subnormal pupil,
I perched myself on a rickety stool and asked, "How many
children have you had, Mrs. Cabinez?"

"Well, some died from drinking too much milk."

"How many?"

"I can't remember."

"But Mrs. Cabinez, you surely know how many children
you have had?"

"Dear, no. But many, oh, very many."

Most of the mothers are more helpful than Angela's was
in giving the information wanted by the school department.
Mrs. Cabinez had not only forgotten such details as weight
at birth, when Angela's first tooth appeared, when she first
walked and talked — she did not even know the age of her
own offspring.

But in spite of Angela's environment and inheritance, she
succeeded in taking her family off the county relief roll. The
child had an aptitude for dancing and acrobatic stunts which
hid her deficiencies when she was on the stage. A cinema
director chanced to see her, and now she supports her parents
and their increasingly large family.

Subnormals today arc as definitely a part of our school
system as their more fortunate brothers and sisters; and
after all it is more economical, whenever possible, to train
defectives to earn their own living rather than to support
them for life out of public funds.

It was the compulsory education laws that put children
like Angela in school. Before the state compelled all children
between the ages of eight and sixteen (the California age limit
(Continued on page 256)

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(In answering advertisements please mention SUKVIY GRAPHIC)

253

EDUCATIONAL DIRECTORY

SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES

SMITH COLLEGE SCHOOL
FOR SOCIAL WORK

EVERETT KIMBALL, Director
ANNETTE GARRETT, Associate Director

Courses of Instruction

Plan A The course leading to the Master's degree consists
of three summer sessions at Smith College and two
winter sessions of supervised case work at selected
social agencies in various cities. This course is de-
signed for those who have had little or no previous
experience in social work. Limited to forty-five.

Plan It Applicants who have at least one year's experience
in an approved social agency, or the equivalent,
may receive credit for the first summer session and
the first winter session, and receive the Master's
degree upon the completion of the requirements of
two summer sessions and one winter session of
supervised case work. Limited to thirty-five.

Plan C A summer session of eight weeks is open to experi-
enced social workers. A special course in case work
is offered by Miss Beatrice H. Wajdyk. Limited to
thirty-five.

SEMINARS of two weeks on the following topics are open
to a limited number of qualified persons:

Application of Psychoanalytic Concepts to Social Case Work.
Dr. LeRoy M. A. Maeder and Miss Beatrice H. Wajdyk.
July 25 to August. 6.

Public Welfare Administration. Mr. Glenn Jackson. August
8 to 20.

SMITH COLLEGE STUDIES IN SOCIAL WORK

Published Quarterly 75c a copy; $2.00 a year
For further information write to

THE DIRECTOR COLLEGE HALL 8

Northampton, Massachusetts

SIMMONS COLLEGE
SCHOOL OF SOCIAL WORK

Professional Education in

Medical Social Work

Psychiatric Social Wort
Family Welfare

Child Welfare

Community Work

Social Research

Leading to the degrees of B.S. and M.S.

A catalog will be sent on request
18 Somerset Street Boston, Massachusetts

YALE UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF NURSING

A Profession for the College Woman

The Dean, Yale School of Nursing, New Haven, Conn.

SMITH COLLEGE SCHOOL
FOR SOCIAL WORK

offers a series of correlated courses for
supervisors July 6 to August 31, 1938

Supervision — Miss Bertha C. Reynolds
Case Work — Miss Beatrice H. Wajdyk
Psychiatry — Dr. LeRoy M. A. Maeder
Group Relationships — Miss Bertha C. Reynolds

Open to graduates of schools of social work who have
had three years' experience as case workers in approved
agencies.

Tuition, room and board {(200

For further information write to

THE DIRECTOR COLLEGE HALL 8

Northampton, Massachusetts

BOSTON UNIVERSITY
DIVISION OF SOCIAL WORK

Graduate Professional Training in preparation for social
work in public service and in private agencies.

Particular emphasis upon the training of men for public
welfare administration, work with delinquents and group work.
Two year course open to men and women who are college
graduates.

The curriculum provides training in the other fields of social
work such as case work and community organization and leads
to the Master's and Doctor's degrees.

Courses in the other departments of Boston University are
available to supplement the professional courses of the school
and to provide pre-professional training leading to the Bachelor'!
degree.

Addrtss

DIVISION OF SOCIAL WORK
BOSTON UNIVERSITY

84 Exeter Street

Boston

Summer School

SILVER BAY

SUMMER SCHOOL AT
LAKE GEORGE, N. Y.

Social Workers, Religious Leaders, Teachers, Modern Parents
can LIVE WHILE THEY LEARN. Graduate Courses. Two
Convenient Terms. July 11-29, August 1-19. Address —

Dr. Harold Seashore, 263 Alden St., Springfield, Mass.

(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC)
254

Umurratttj of (Eljtragn

nf Mortal tyrrutrr A&mtntHtrattun

SUMMER QUARTER, 1938
First term, June 17 - July 22
Second term, July 25- August 26

Academic Year 1938-39
Begins October 1

Announcements on Request

THE SOCIAL SERVICE REVIEW

Edited by GRACE ABBOTT
A Professional Quarterly for Social Workers

PENNSYLVANIA SCHOOL
OF SOCIAL WORK

Affiliated with the University of Pennsylvania
Academic Year 1938-1939

ADVANCED CURRICULUM

Open to graduates of accredited graduate schools of
social work who have had at least a year of subsequent
successful professional eiperience in a field closely related
to that of the curriculum for which they apply. A full
year of class and field work in the following fields:

CASE WORK IN CHILD GUIDANCE CLINICS
CHILD PLACING

PSYCHOLOGICAL THERAPY WITH CHILDREN
SUPERVISION IN SOCIAL WORK
TEACHING IN SOCIAL WORK

GRADUATE DEPARTMENT

Open to graduates of accredited colleges and universities.
Two years of professional training leading to the degree
of Master of Social Work conferred by the University of
Pennsylvania.

Applications must be filed by May 15, 1938
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and Systems
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and Costa
Budgeting
Financial and
Collateral Inquiries
O.A.A. and A.D.C.
Inservice Training

BACKGROUND OF S8 SURVEYS

CLARENCE A. BINGHAM and ASSOCIATES

Fifty-five Commonwealth Ave. Boston. Haas.

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(In answering advertisement! please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC.)

255

CLASSIFIED ADVERTISEMENTS

WORKER WANTED

The Children's Center in New Haven, Connecti-
cut, would be interested in the application of
a person trained and experienced as a super-
visor of a child-placing agency. Address com-
munications, including full credentials, to B.
T. Hacker, 1400 Whitney Avenue, New Haven.

SITUATIONS WANTED

Experienced BOYS' WORKER desires institu-
tional or camp connection. Can offer highest
credentials. 7496 Survey.

Graduate Nurse: Public Health, Social Service
training and experience (at present superin-
tendent of "Home for Aged"), desires change.
Highest references. Protestant. 7497 Survey.

Woman with M.A. Degree, teaching, social sec-
retary, housekeeping experience, wishes work
in institution for girls or women. 7495 Survey.

EXECUTIVE with many years of Children's
institutional experience and Community Cen-
ter direction, desires permanent connection
with progressive organization. 7498 Survey.

Welfare accountant now employed upper New
York desires position. Knowledge welfare law,
accounting procedures all types relief. Refer-
ences. 7499 Survey.

COTTAGE FOR RENT

FLANDERS, NEW JERSEY — Stone Cottage,
Gentleman's Estate, 42 miles from N. Y. C.
New, built in the antique manner for modern
living, all improvements, two bedrooms, bath,
gas stove, electric refrigerator, fireplace. Pub-
lic water supply. References required. Use of
trout stream, swimming pool, tennis court and
garage to right party. Rental (45 per month.
H. R. H. Nicholas, Flanders, N. J.

LANGUAGES

SPEAK ANY LANGUAGE

by oar (elf-taught methods

37 Languages

Send for List S

SCHOENHOF BOOK CO.

387 Washington Street Boston, Ma

Your Own Agency

This is the counseling and placement agency
sponsored jointly by the American Associa-
tion of Social Workers and the National
Organization for Public Health Nursing,
National, Non-Profit making.

(Agency)
122 East 22nd Street, 7th floor, New York

MULTIGRAPHING

MIMEOGRAPHING

ADDRESSING

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(Continued from page 253)

is now eighteen) to attend school, such children were kept
at home. Most of them are able to learn only the most
elementary things, and some are completely immune to any
teaching. The institutions are so badly overcrowded that
well-behaved feeble-minded mix with the Angelas, and others
of about I.Q. 50.

The term I. Q. (Intelligence Quotient) is explained by
Hollingworth as follows: "If a child eight years and no
months old measures at a mental age of ten years and two
months on the scale, his I.Q. is 127. Another child the same
age, who measures four years and no months, has an I.Q.
of 50."

The children in the Los Angeles development centers and
rooms are selected first by tests given to all the children in
the grade, then by individual tests. To make sure that
language is no handicap, Spanish-speaking teachers trained in
testing foreigners measure children of the city's large Mexican
population.

Aside from reading (for subnormals must know a "stop"
signal from a "go"), writing, and such arithmetic as they can
learn (some, like Angela, can learn none at all) the retarded
children are chiefly taught various sorts of handwork, in-
cluding sewing, cooking, basketry, rug-making, gardening,
pottery, sheet metal work and printing.

Above the primary group, Los Angeles separates subnormal
girls and boys; for the Angelas (there are exceptions of
course) are usually sex-obsessed; the girls much more so than
the boys, again with exceptions. Even the primary girls need
constant watching. But the teachers can watch over their sub-
normal pupils only during school hours. These girls all too

(In answering advertisements

often begin to have children at a very early age, with or
without benefit of clergy.

AFTER THE MOVIES, WHAT FOR ANGELA? SHE WILL BE YOUNG
only a few years, for subnormals as a rule age rapidly in
appearance. Then Hollywood -will no longer have a place
for Angela, and I suppose she and her family will be back
on relief. When the movies are through with her, perhaps the
school system can find another niche. Many with I.Q. 50
make good in factories, as domestics, farm hands, power
machine operators, elevator operators, seamstresses.

The schools do their best to fit the stolid girl into some
type of work suited to her temperament, and to put the
flighty one (some of the mentally deficient are as tempera-
mental as geniuses) where she will be self-supporting. The
job turnover among the flighty is always high, and sometimes
they seek the excitement of crime. But the stolid usually be-
come useful citizens given proper training.

A few subnormals are surprisingly gifted. One of our
"graduates" is making a name for himself as a woodcarver,
and several who are still in the schools seem to have out-
standing musical talent. Possibly a few will follow Angela
into the movies, although the good-looking among the men-
tally deficient are a distinct minority.

Los Angeles is by no means alone in facing the high edu-
cational cost of the mentally deficient. Every city system in
the United States must take care of these children in some
way. To one who has struggled with the problem of educa-
ting defectives, and watched the meager results obtained at
great expense, the real problem is not how to teach the un-
teachables, but how to prevent their increase in the population.
please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC.)
256

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!•> Mir Richard

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announces for
early publication . . .

MIRACLE IN NOVA SCOTIA

In Nova Scotia and New Brunswick cooperative stores,
lobster factories, fishing smacks, sawmills, credit unions, and
housing developments have transformed many of the shab-
biest districts into enterprising communities. This unusual
success story, which begins in 1923 when Father Jimmy
Tompkins was assigned to a parish on the desolate coast, is
engagingly told by Bertram B. Fowler who knows the people,
the country, and the priest.

DYING IS A LUXURY

Commercial enterprise and love of ostentation have in
the past forty years more than doubled the income of indus-
tries concerned with death. And it is the families with the
smallest amount of money who part with the largest per-
centage of cash. Kathryn Close reveals the hardships that
now occur as a result of the success of these industries'
aggressive merchandising policies.

THE SPIRIT OF SEATTLE

Sometimes, when the dropping sun illuminates turrets
on the mountain wall and files of light march up from the
shining water, one catches a glimpse of a splendid city con-
quering the wilderness. But what is Seattle really like -
the place, the people, the social organization? Howard
Woolston's illuminating article will be published one month
before the opening of the 65th Annual National Conference
of Social Work in Seattle.

APPROACH TO LEPROSY

Leprosy gains ground on our own continent and in our
territories. What can we do to help wipe this dreaded
plague from the face of the earth? Emory Ross, who
last month attended in Cairo the Fourth International
Leprosy Congress, presents a program.

SURVEY GRAPHIC, 112 E. 19 STREET, NEW YORK CITY

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258

The Gist of It

A HOUSEHOLDER AND HOME OWNER HIMSELF,

Stuart Chase docs not wish to be inter-
preted as saying that home ownership is a
bid idea for everybody. But (page 261)
be does point out the hazards of ownership
as compared with rental, on the basis of
research by Edith Elmer Wood for the Na-
tional Housing Committee, and other studies
in the economics of shelter. Mr. Chase
needs no introduction to our readers.

VICTOR WEYBRIGHT. MANAGING EDITOR,
summarizes the TVA situation on the eve
of a congressional investigation. (Page 268.)

HILLIFR KRIEGHBAUM, WHO BRINGS us
abreast of current legislative activity in the
pure foods and drugs field (page 271), is
a frequent contributor to Survey Graphic.
Formerly on the science staff of the United
Press in Washington, he is now at North-
western University.

THE NEWEST EXTENSION OF THE ACTIVITIES

of the American Arbitration Association into
the industrial field is reported by Webb
Waldron (page 275), a socially-minded
journalist, author of the article about Mound
Bayou in the January issue.

WHAT JOHN R. COMMONS SAW IN THE
Tennessee Valley is especially newsworthy.
(Page 279). Retired from active teaching,
the seventy-five year old dean of American
economists now follows the sun in a trailer
fined up with the Encyclopedia of the So-
cial Sciences, Encyclopedia Britannica, Bow-
ers' Law Encyclopedia, and the likes of that.
Dn the way from Wisconsin to Florida, where
he has changed his color to that of a cop-
per-colored Indian from brow to toe, he
stopped in the Tennessee Valley to take a
look and to listen.

ALL GOOD CHICAGOANS KNOW LOUISE DE
Koven Bowen, a remarkable citizen whose
social vision and philanthropy have backed
many pioneer welfare organizations in the
city, including Hull-House. On page 282
(substituting for John Palmer Gavit's de-
partment. Through Neighbors' Doorways,
which Mr. Gavit had to skip this month on
account of illness) Dr. Alice Hamilton gives
wider currency to the letters written by Mrs.
Bowen in her capacity as a stockholder in
industrial enterprises. Dr. Hamilton, inter-
national authority on occupational diseases,
writes as a friend and Hull-House neighbor.

IN THE LETTERS AND LJFE DEPARTMENT — A
Special Spring Book Section— Ann Reed Bren-
ner, associate editor, has gathered a notable
sheaf of reviews by outstanding critics and
authorities. Repeating the successful innova-
tion of last year, special attention is given to
biographies (page 288) ; to sociology and
economics (pages 286 and 292).

IN THE SECOND SECTION OF THIS ISSUE

the editor reviews the past year of Survey
Associates, Inc. — the cooperative educational
society which publishes Survey Graphic and
.\\:Jmonihl) — an annual report de-
signed not only for members of the society,
but for all subscribers and friends.

MAY 1938

CONTENTS

VOL. xxvn No. 5

Homes, Sweet Homes FRONTISPIECE 260

The Case Against Home Ownership

Issues in the TVA Inquiry

Have They Died in Vain ?

The Promise of Industrial Arbitration

What I Saw in the Tennessee Valley

Letters of a Woman Citizen

Spain's Civil War

Letters and Life: Spring Book Section

Walls Around Life

Some Recent Biographies

Outlook on the Modern World

We Turn Into a New Quarter Century
1937 Reviewed— In Prospect 1938

STUART CHASE 261

VICTOR WEYBRIGHT 268

I In MI K KRIEGHBAUM 271

WEBB WALDRON 275

JOHN R. COMMONS 279

ALICE HAMILTON, M.D. 282

DRAWINGS BY Luis QUINTANILLA 284

LEON WHIPPLE 286

288

292

PAUL KELLOGG 313

O Surrey Associates, Inc.

SURVEY ASSOCIATES, INC

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Editor: PAUL KELLOGG.

Associate editors: BEULAH AMIDON, ANN REED BRENNER, JOHN PALMER GAVIT,
FLORENCE LOEB KELLOGG, LOULA D. LASKER, GERTRUDE SPRINGER, VICTOR WEYBRIGHT
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Contributing editors: HELEN CODY BAKER, JOANNA C. COLCORD, EDWARD T. DEVINE,
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Survey Graphic published on the 1st of the month. Price of single copies of this issue,
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259

HOMES, SWEET HOMES

"Home ownership in cities today is an example of cultural lag. It is based
more on sentiment and emotion than on facts. It fortifies the ego, rather
than the family budget. A lot of us feel better if we own, and that feeling
demands respectful consideration. Let us try, however, to detach the desire
from mere possession and transfer it to the sense of living. If the
chances look good, buy. If they do not look good, rent. What one seeks,
after all, is not a parchment but peace."

MAY 19*8

VOL. XXVII NO. 5

SURVEY GRAPHIC

The Case Against Home Ownership

by STUART CHASE

Mortgage foreclosure figures, population and employment
trends show that few American families can afford to own a
house which saddles them with fixed charges, pins them to one
place, and may not meet their needs or be saleable later on. In
an article which shatters some of our fondest folklore, Mr.
Chase advises most wage earners to rent; most builders who
don't want to be caught in the next real estate debacle, to build
for renters.

Orr is TEXAS THE OTHER DAY 1 OPENED A LOCAL PAPER.
A large advertisement by a real estate concern caught my
eye— Uncle Sam Wants You to Own Your Own Home.
A mistyped picture of the Little Home, the Little Kid-
dies and the Little Woman accompanied the caption. The
Little Mortgage was not shown. The advertisement was
geared to the recent amendments of the National Hous-
ing Act, passed by Congress and signed by the President
last February. This is the enlarged private housing pro-
gram, you will remember, that is expected to rescue us
from the present depression. (I have given up weasel
words like recession.)

On the last page of the same paper I found a news
story. No picture accompanied it. Employes in the ac-
counting office of the Rock Island Railroad in Fort
Worth were filing a brief with the Interstate Commerce
Commission, opposing a certain lease to another railroad,
because, so ran the brief, "no provision has been made for
the protection of the forty-nine employes who would be
entirely dismissed from service ... it is quite probable
that any savings invested in homes in Fort Worth would
be almost a complete loss."

Putting the two exhibits together, we might conclude
that Uncle Sam wants us to own our own homes so that
some day, when the industrial juggernaut lashes its tail
in our direction, they may become "almost a complete

loss." It is unwarrantable to put the two exhibits together
in any such thumping conclusion, but the juxtaposition
of the items should at least stir our curiosity. Does Uncle
Sam, in the person of the officials of the Federal Housing
Administration, really want all Americans to own their
own homes in the world of 1938? How many Americans
are now in a predicament similar to that of the forty-nine
railway clerks in Fort Worth? How many are destined
to be there presently?

Laying down the paper, I thought of Akron where I
had given a lecture on my way to Texas. Akron is the
rubber manufacturing center of the world, a one industry
town, devoted to giving us a product on which we can
now average 20,000 miles without a puncture. Wages
have been comparatively high; employment has been
good. But in Akron they told me that 10,000 workers had
recently been laid off, that thousands of others were
working only two days a week, and that, because of the
CIO and one thing and another, the big rubber companies
were planning to move a large section of their business to
the South, where a substantial fraction had already gone.
A few days later I read that either the union must accept
a wage cut or 5000 jobs would leave town for good and
all. How about 5000 houses in Akron, or even 1000
houses, painfully being paid for on the instalment plan?
What kind of feeling in the pit of the stomach do the

261

people who aspired to own these homes have now?

From Akron I went on to Oklahoma City, where oil
wells spout on the grounds of the state capitol, and per-
haps the most extensive Hooverville in the nation lies
spread along the flood plain of the river — a tar paper,
barrel stave, tin can slum which would disgrace any
town in Mexico. Here congregate thousands of Amer-
icans who have lost their homes and everything else, ex-
cept possibly a battered Ford. Here they congregate at
one of the great crossroads of the nation, wondering
where a job can be found, north, south, east, west, striv-
ing to exist in a hovel from which a self-respecting dog
would run yelping. Above the river, Oklahoma City is
relatively prosperous. Shiny new houses are going up in
the junior executive section out beyond the capitol. But
a thoughtful citizen asked me just what was Oklahoma
City going to do for a living when the oil fields ran out.
"How soon?" I inquired. "Oh, the peak will be over
in another ten years. Perhaps sooner." The oil may not
run so long as the mortgages.

Then my mind snapped back to Manchester, N. H.,
and what happened to homes there when the Amoskeag
Mills shut down, together with the livelihood of 30,000
people — shut down apparently forever. What happened to
them in Haverhill, Mass., when the boot and shoe indus-
try began to march west? What happened to them in
Scranton and Pottsville when oil burners began to de-
crease the consumption of anthracite coal? What hap-
pened to them in Saginaw after the lumber barons had
fulfilled their appointed mission to cut out and get out?

I began to think about Sunnyside, that bright garden
spot on Long Island where, in the buoyant twenties, so
many of my friends had gone, singing as it were, to a
veritable paradise of home ownership, engineered by a
company with the best intentions and profits strictly
limited to 6 percent. Sturdily built, well designed small
houses, space, grass, sunshine, tennis courts, flowers,
nurseries, study classes, on the one hand; a picked group
of responsible citizens— teachers, mechanics, doctors, fed-
eral employes, office workers, 'salesmen, business men,
social workers — on the other. I used to go out there to
dinner and wonder if my duty to my family did not
demand that I, too, buy a house in Sunnyside.

Up to 1930 many houses were resold by their buyers
at a handsome profit. In 1928 the average monthly in-
come of the group was $350 ($4200 a year). By
1933 it had dropped to $174, cut in two. In
March of that year, 47 out of every 100 Sunny-
side owners were "in such condition that the loss
of their homes almost necessarily must follow —
assuming that established legal procedures are
resorted to by those who hold the mortgages."
Sadder than the loss of homes was the perver-
sion of normal human intercourse in the wrangle
which followed between the solid, respectable
citizens who did not want to be thrown out, and
the well-intentioned company which had no other
course, under the laws of the land and the de-
mands of financial solvency, than to throw them
out. The two groups which had embraced so
tenderly in 1928 were behaving like bitter
enemies by 1934. [See Sunnyside Up and Down,
by Loula D. Lasker, Survey Graphic, July 1936;
Sunnyside Back and Forth, August 1936.]

The cautious reader is now ready to object

that I have been dealing with special cases, and that be
cause a few railroad clerks, starry-eyed uplifters, am
over-industrialized towns have had hard sledding wit]
home ownership, it does not follow that the great prin
ciple fails to apply in the nation as a whole. The cautiou
reader is well advised. The case does not rest here. Le
us take a look at the great metropolis of Philadelphia
proudly known as the city of homes. Solid, conservativ
in its business enterprises, perhaps no other city in th
country has greater diversity in its industrial activitiei

A Look at the Record

PHILADELPHIA, CITY OF HOMES. IN 1920 ITS PERCENTAGE o
home ownership was 38.8. The realtors were busy for th
next ten years directing the greatest building boom in th
history of the country. By 1930 more than half of al
Philadelphia's houses were owned by their occupants-
a benign condition surely. But even in 1925 some sevei
out of ten of them were mortgaged. That too was con
sidered benign in the Roaring Twenties. There was
time, which very old people can remember, when to ad
mit a mortgage on the homestead was a little like ad
mitting that Nellie was pregnant though unmarriec
But to admit a mortgage in the twenties showed that on
was in step with the age, not afraid to borrow and pres
forward to bigger and better things. Any salesman, al
most any banker, could tell you that — and did!

In 1920, when Philadelphia began to bless itself wit!
little gray homes in the west, sheriffs' writs for foreclosur
of litde gray homes numbered only 738. By 1928 — still
year of "prosperity" remember — no less than 10,453 res
idences went through the wringer, jumping to 14,076 ii
1929; 20,823 in 1932. In the eighteen years since 192C
160,995 sheriffs' writs were slapped down in Philadelphia
covering more than 170,000 little gray homes actually fore
closed. Some of them were boom houses, some pre-boom
In 1934, a count showed 433,140 residential structures ii
Philadelphia. It thus appears that no less than 40 percen
of all homes were foreclosed during this period, not in
eluding, if you please, the very considerable number o
houses rescued at the last minute by the federal govern
ment through the Home Owners' Loan Corporation
Four homes out of ten down the chute. In 1932 there wer

Wl HAVE BOTH— «OM?

262

Spring brings inducement,
to acquire a home by makin
only a small down paymen

SURVEY GRAPHIC

FHA's Beneficiaries — Little and Big

Not (o be confuted with the United States Homing Act
(which, through iti agent the U.S. Hoiuing Authority,
makes loam and grants to local housing authorities for slum
elimination and housing for lower income groups) the
National Housing Act and its amendments are the concern
of the Federal Housing Administration — the FHA. The
amendments are expected to stimulate the building of small
homes for individual owners as well as large scale rental
projects by private builders.

Single homes costing £6000 or less may carry mortgage
insurance up to 90 percent of the appraised value of the
property, making it possible to acquire a £6000 home for
a down payment as small as £600. Insurance up to 90
percent of the first £6000 also will be allowed on homes
costing more than £60OO, but not more than £10,000. On
the balance above £6OOO, 80 percent insurance will be
granted. Thus, a £10,000 dwelling would be eligible for an

insured mortgage as high as £8600. The effect of these
provisions will be to stimulate the building of small
homes for sale by making their financing safe for the
lender and easy for the borrower. The question has
been raised whether sound public policy does not re-
quire that it should also be made reasonably safe for the
borrower.

Under another section either small home or apartment
groups will be insured for builders as soon as loans are
obtained and work started. This is intended to promote the
erection of rental housing. Insurance will be given on
mortgages up to 80 percent of the total cost of projects, not
to exceed £200,000 each. But in the case of limited dividend
cooperative and other project* where the rents charged are
subject to some regulation, the total cost of an insured
project may be as high as £5 million. This is intended to
encourage low rental housing.

26.5 times as many foreclosures as in 1920. For the
:ighteen-year period, there were twice as many houses
foreclosed as there were new houses built.

What price a home in the City of Homes? The record
is unspeakably bad. It may well be worse than in most
Jthcr cities. It may be better. It is given because figures
ire available in more detail for Philadelphia than for any
Dther great city, thanks to a systematic record kept by the
Philadelphia Housing Association under the directorship
if Bernard Newman. This record was one of the sources
Jrawn on by Edith Elmer Wood in an unpublished study
for the National Housing Committee, which has been
placed at my disposal. New York clearly would not show
>uch a bad record, for only 12.6 percent of New Yorkers
jwned their homes in 1920. New Yorkers are suckers
for many things, but not, it appears, for little gray homes.
Still, there was Sunnyside, and there was the incredible,
fantastic jerry-built wilderness out beyond Jamaica.

This appears to settle the appalling risks of home own-
ership in Philadelphia, but how about the nation as a
.vhole? Following the careful researches of Dr. Wood,
*e will move up another and final step in the ladder.
First let us examine the mournful figures of foreclosures
n ninety-six cities with populations above 100,000, as
;athcred by the Federal Home Loan Bank Board. They
k> not go back of 1926. which is taken as a base with
in index number of 100. That this was not a year ab-
»ormally low in foreclosures is indicated by the Philadel-
phia figures— 738 sheriffs' writs in 1920; 4657 in 1926.

1926
1927
1928
1929
1930
1931

100
137
180
212
235
300

1932
1933
1934
1935
1936
1937

382
395
370
366
274
207

Observe the startling increases in 1927, 1928, 1929 when
prosperity" was zooming. Stocks were up, but something
'as loose in the real estate market. Observe the mighty
cak in 1933. Remember that after 1933 the HOLC saved

more than a million homes in urban areas from fore-
closure and so held the index down.

With these totals as a basis, Dr. Wood estimates that
for the period from 1926 to 1936 there were no fewer than
1,600,000 foreclosures on non-farm residential buildings
the country over. Adding 1,000,000 homes saved by the
HOLC in the last three years, we arrive at the stupendous
total of 2,600,000 houses lost, or saved by a government
pulmotor, in eleven years! This works out to some 43
percent of all houses built during the boom, either fore-
closed or barely escaping foreclosure. A million and a
half good citizens lost the savings of a lifetime; another
million would have lost them except for the meddlesome
intervention of "paternalism" and "bureaucracy." Thus
the "safest of all investments turns out to be an extra-
hazardous speculation."

The Own-a-Home Idea Again

YET IN 1938 HEADS ARE POPPING OUT OF CYCLONE CELLARS,
and Babbitt shouts to Babbitt: "We haven't sufficiently
sold the own-a-home idea to the American people." The
old chants are being chanted, the old drums are beating,
while Uncle Sam is asked to sponsor the parade.

Here is a speaker before the United States Chamber of
Commerce housing conference in Washington on No-
vember 17, 1937: "There is real heart throb in homes.
It is my hope that out of this conference may come more
of an idea of efficiency and service to the public to pro-
duce better homes for less, and to rebuild general con-
fidence in a great and essential industry." Another speaker
notes that the building and fixture industries have done a
fine job in advertising their improvements but "they have
not capitalized on the neglected opportunity of selling
primarily the home idea. No product has such selling
appeal; nothing is so replete with sentiment. We have
developed the gadgets and appliances to make the mod-
ern home the perfect spot. . . . We sing about it and
write poetry about it, but have not gone forth
with united front to tell the story of the felicity of the
fireside."

1AY 1938

263

The report of the chamber's conference committee on
principles advised the building industry to:

1. Emphasize the economic advantage of home ownership.

2. Sell the security, comfort and utility of modern home
occupancy.

3. Line up local chambers of commerce, the press, the
radio, trade organizations, "Construction Week," behind the
drive.

Turning now to recent advertisements in the real
estate section of the New Yorf( Times, we see the drive
in full swing:

A location of distinguished refinement . . . period homes
of extraordinary values for $8350 . . . solid brick ... oil
burner . . . rock lath insulation . . . opposite golf course
... 10 percent cash FHA Plan. . . . Tops in location . . .
magikitchen with glass brick wall . . . hideaway breakfast
buffet bar . . . unique compartment bathroom. . . . State
of New York Liquidation Bureau offers 13 one-family houses.
. . . Send Free for Home-Thru-Savings-Plan. . . . French
doors to porch ... 19 minutes to Pennsylvania Station. If
you ever expect to live in your own home, do it now. You
won't see prices as low as this for a long time to come at
$9250. . . . Green Armstrong floor . . . sun deck 20 feet
square . . . circular mirrored medicine chest. . . . You can
own your home for what you pay in rent. . . . Real estate
at public auction 3 story frame private dwelling, 12 rooms,
large plot. . . .

Salesmen of little gray homes must eat, like the rest
of us. To eat they must sell houses, for they live on com-
missions. They may prefer to sell solid, well built houses,
but if only jerry-built crates are available, well, they must
sell those. The commission comes out of the cash down
payment, and what happens after is no affair of the
salesman. And so: "Economists tell you that it is sound
to buy a home costing three and a half times your annual
income. . . . The safest investment in the world. . . .
Everything is going up. . . . Science says that the next
real estate boom will reach its crest in 1943, the biggest
yet! Pay rent for 20 years and all you have is a pile of
rent receipts." (Steady on! From 1926 to 1936, 1,600,000
home owners wishing to God they had had a pile of rent
receipts.)

The cautious reader objects again. Because a. million
and a half good citizens lost their shirts is no reason,
prima jade, that they will again. We must be careful of

Forty percent of all homes in Philadelphia have been foreclosed since 1920

historical parallels. Perhaps the realtors, the building in-
dustry, the chambers of commerce are right this time
Perhaps the safest of all investments may not turn out tc
be an extra-hazardous speculation in 1938. Let us see
What are the grounds for supposing that another build-
ing boom, resulting in fewer sheriffs' writs, lies be-
fore us?

Where Is the Money Coming From?

THAT PEOPLE NEED HOUSES, MILLIONS OF NEW HOUSES, COES
without saying. All one needs to do to verify this state-
ment is to take a swing through the tenant farmer areas
of the South and West, the slums and blighted areas of
any great city, the Hooverville of Oklahoma City. In
its recent publication, The Housing Market, the National
Housing Committee proves with a wealth of careful de-
tail that to shelter Americans only as well as they were
sheltered in 1930 — which was not very well — two million
new dwelling units are now required, up to 1938, and
485,000 more each year thereafter. To make up the short-
age accruing between 1930 and 1940, we should have to
build approximately one and a half million units in both
1938 and 1939, three million altogether. (A unit is a single
house or an apartment.)

Splendid! But wait a minute. The committee goes on
to say, after an analysis of the income of the American
people today, that 89 percent of the three million units
must rent or be purchased on a monthly basis, for $30 a
month or less— mostly less. For people prepared to pay
$30 or more, the demand for the next two years is only
11 percent of the total, or 330,000 units. The building
industry is already working at about this rate, averaging
176,000 dwelling units per year since 1930.

These figures indicate that people who have income
enough to live in new houses are getting them, and that
however much people below the $30 line may need ot
demand new houses, they cannot have them because the
building industry is not in business for its health. The
building industry is not yet equipped to furnish, in most
sections of the country, a sound modern dwelling unit
for families that cannot pay $30 a month. So these people,
two thirds or better of all Americans, continue to live in
hand-me-downs from the upper income groups, or in
shacks and hovels. To talk about the possibilities of a
great housing boom based on a great housing shortage
is simply another fairy story wover
from misinterpreted statistics anc
chamber of commerce yearnings. T<
use a well worn chamber of comi
merce phrase: Where's the mone;
coming from? The government cai
help people in the lower inconr
groups to get new houses, as w>
shall see, but the people unaidec
cannot get them, and the industr;
unaided cannot give them.

Land Values and the
Population Curve

NOR ARE THE PROSPECTS FOR STURD

self-help overbright. Grasping th:
hard but competent hand of a di;i
tinguished architect, Frederick I!
Ackerman, let us examine the finarr
cial status of American shelter a.

264

SURVEY GRAPHH!

mr.HFST STANDARD OF LIVING

described by him in the Architectural forum, February
l''-M. First we must remember that the construction of
houses, if not their gadgets, is still in the handicraft age.
Dry (arming on the western plains is mechanically far
more advanced. A large program for new houses makes
instant contact with urban real estate values and urban
financial stability. Upon these values hangs an enormous
weight of investments in mortgages with their gnawing
charges.

As early as 1924, urban rentals in many areas began to
decline and vacancies began to increase. Yet the building
boom of the twenties did not run its course until 1928.
h made for lower rentals and more vacancies. These facts
were ignored by
the realtors and
; lieir friends.
They were shout-
ed down by roars
about population
growth — that good
old curve which
had stood so
staunchly under
the errors and
foibles of real
estate speculators
for 150 years. But
in the twenties
something hap-
pened to it. Pop-
ulation began to
grow at a decre-
ment— more peo-
ple, true, but at a

declining growth rate. After the depression got into its
swing, another unprecedented thing happened: there was
3 net migration from the city back to the farm. One
could starve somewhat more slowly on Uncle Bill's place.
By 1932, the net backswing amounted to a half million
persons. "It would seem," says Ackerman, "that a decline
in urban population in the absence of heavy migration
from rural or foreign areas is highly probable. The chil-
Iren necessary to maintain population do not exist, and
i rise in the birthrate is unlikely." Thus outcries about
"shortages" overlook changes in population trends, in
jirthrates, in possible future migrations from city to coun-
ry, to say nothing of the differential distribution of
ncome.

Meanwhile the two thirds or more of families with
ncomes under $2000 "cannot be housed until a like pro-
wtion of habitations has fallen into an advanced stage
>f decay and obsolescence. It would seem to follow from
his relationship that the rate at which habitations arc
iroduced by our industrial system can have no direct
elation to their occupancy by this group. Seemingly, oc-
upancy for two thirds of American citizens, is deter-
nined by the rate at which houses decay and fall into
•arious stages of obsolescence." It is a little like handing
lown the shiny pants and the last season's hat to the
>utler and the maid. "Low cost" housing has been placed
rom $3 to $7 a room per month in rent equivalent, ac-
:ording to the place and time, but as applied to new
lousing, "low cost describes homes at rentals which two
hirds of our population cannot afford to pay."

Finally, Mr. Ackerman moves on to points of great

America needs housing — but is home ownership the American Way? (Photograph
from the current New York exhibition on housing in Rockefeller Center, New
York, organized by An American Group, an association of artists and sculptors)

significance u> proactive purchasers of houses in urban
areas. Land value appraisals are based solidly on the old
population curve of the nineteenth century, fed by waves
of immigrants and a high domestic birthrate. "Hence the
value of a piece of land at a given point in time would
be composed in part of an item commonly described in
the hope-inspiring phrase, 'the capitalization of prospec-
tive gains.' " The zoning maps of either New York or
Chicago made provisions for a population as large as the
whole country's, at the time they were drafted! Even
when population drops to 50 percent of its former total
in certain blighted city areas, and income from real estate
investment vanishes, "assessed valuations" hardly show

a quiver. It is not

uncommon to find
30 to 50 percent
of all parcels of
land unoccupied
in some urban
center today.

How charming-
ly these "valua-
tions" indicate the
rigidity of our
faith in the fu-
ture. The physical
facts of deprecia-
tion and obsoles-
cence are ignored.
Mortgages run on
through time, oft-
en without provi-
sions for amorti-
It is

Z a t 1 O n

assumed on all sides that land values will grow faster
than physical decay. For. 150 years they did. For the last
decade they have not; for the next generation we may be
sure they will not. Land values follow the population
curve in the end, although smaller families may require
more houses and offset the parallel to some extent. The
curve for the nation as a whole is slumping to a dead
level. In some cities, in some areas in most cities, it is
pitching down. But we continue to pay fixed charges and
taxes upon dubious hopes and expectations. The time
approaches, says Mr. Ackerman, when appraisal must be
fetched from the domain of the celestial and brought into
the domain of the probable.

I should hate to be caught with a twenty-year mortgage
when the machinery of appraisal in my town is brought
into the domain of the probable. Rents might drop. At
least the responsibility of the awakening would fall upon
the landlord. But the fixed charges of a mortgage are
immune to the facts of the physical world. One pays
though the heavens fall, or until the sheriff serves his
writ.

Thomas S. Holdcn, vice-president of the F. W. Dodge
Corporation, has expressed similar conclusions. The golden
age of real estate speculation has passed, he says, except
in a few favored spots. The home building entrepreneurs
do not constitute an industry, but a group of shoe-string
capitalists animated by speculative hopes. They proceed
in a manner opposite to the motor car industry. They
have worked out some excellent new conveniences and
hideaway breakfast buffet bars, but their assembly sys-
tem is little improved over that of the Hopi or Maya.

vlAY 1938

265

Three new large scale housing projects with FHA insured mortgages — Falkland, Maryland

Colonial Village and Buckingham Community, Arlington, Va.

The method, observes Mr. Holden, is too costly for 90
percent of our people at present income levels. (Mr.
Ackerman is more conservative wkh 67 percent.)

Charles F. Lewis, of the Buhl Foundation which built
Chatham Village in Pittsburgh, [see Survey Graphic,
January 1938] is in substantial agreement. The home in
1938, he says, is a different concept from what it was in
1838. Four vast cultural changes have been at work dur-
ing the past century: the shift from village to urban
living; the shift from small scale proprietorship to large
scale corporate enterprise; the declining size of the fam-

ily; the profound change in a
titude toward marriage. PC
manency as a characteristic (
home ownership is greatly a
fected by the last two change
while the shift from small sea!
to large scale enterprise tenc
to destroy permanency in tr
job. One is given a numb<
and a pay check — if one
lucky — by a vast imperson;
bureaucracy with factories an
distribution outlets perhaj
from coast to coast. Such a bo
cannot afford to take much ii
terest in sheriffs' writs or hai
luck stories.

The house owner in urba
areas today may find his Ian
cut away, his windows blocke
by neighbors' walls, until "a
that remains of his proud acr
age is a narrow city lot with the houses of strangers clo!
on each side, and noisy commercial and industrial us<
just around the corner." A man's house is his castle. Ti
telling that to a cop, a building inspector, or a health ofl
cer in New York.

The creation of a homelike atmosphere about the plac
in which one lives is as important as ever it was. Rente
quarters, however, are not an insuperable bar to sent
ment. In Vienna not long ago, tenants manned rru
chine guns from windows and roof tops, died by th
score to defend homes they did not own.
Suppose we cast up the score of gains and losses.

For Home Ownership

OWNING LAND is OBVIOUSLY NOT A BIOLOGICAL INSTINC
Men were nomads far longer than they have been agr
culturists. Ownership arose with the development of
storable grain — maize, wheat, rice. To possess a slice c
land which yielded food gave security and satisfactioi
When Uncle Sam gave away a billion acres of the Nort
American continent, landless peasants swarmed froi
Europe to share in the largess. It is significant that froi
those countries which had broken up the big feud;
estates — France, Belgium, Denmark — not many imm
grants came.

In agricultural communities farm ownership, horn
ownership, by and large, remains desirable. When Dei
mark got her tenant farmers back to ownership, her ec<
nomic situation greatly improved. Our percentage (
agricultural tenants is a disgrace to a civilized communit
The government should help rural folks to own housi
and farms in most areas.

City folks with incomes above $3000 a year, plus son-
assurance of job permanence, are also potential horr
owners if they prefer stoking the furnace — or setting A
thermostat— to collecting rent receipts. They are not tal
ing their lives in their hands. Here and there speci
circumstances may make home owning by those with i:
comes of less than $3000 not too risky. But Dr. Woo
who knows as much about the problems of shelter
anyone in the country, solemnly states that urban famili!
with incomes of less than $2500 have no business attempi
ing ownership. She adds that people with incomes <

266

SURVEY GRAPH:'

(3000 to $5000 should not aspire to a house costing more
than twice their annual income. To go higher does not
leave adequate margin for the emergencies of unemploy-
ment, illness, accident, death.

Home ownership in cities today is an example of cul-
tural lag. It is based more on sentiment and emotion dian
on facts. Home and mother, the misty eye, the silent tear,
the couplet by Eddie Guest. It is one of those immortal
"principles" which Thurman Arnold talks about, splendid
for things in general but often disastrous for you and me
and Adam. It fortifies the ego, rather than the family
budget, which explains the strange fact that gadgets con-
tinue to sell more houses than sound construction.

A lot of us feel better if we own, and diat feeling de-
mands respectful consideration. Let us try, however, to
detach the desire from mere possession and transfer it
to die sense of lit/ing. Will diis projected house reduce
our worries, reduce our risks, reduce our headaches, and
make a peaceful, homelike atmosphere really possible?
If die chances look good, buy. If diey do not look good,
rent. What one seeks, after all, is not a parchment but
peace.

Against Ownership

THE HEAVIEST GUN IS PERHAPS THAT OF MR. AcKERMAN.

The population curve is likely to force a shattering ad-
justment of real estate valuations in many urban areas.
Buyers in 1938 may have to face that adjustment. It prom-
ises to be painful.

Conditions of die power age demand mobility in em-
ployment. Remember Philadelphia, Akron, Oklahoma
City. Manchester, Havcrhill, the railway clerks of Fort
Worth, die 2,600,000 homes lost, or saved by an eyelash,
in die last eleven years.

Expenses almost always exceed the estimate. The real-
tors rarely tell die truth, or all of the truth, about the
house you propose to buy. It is difficult to discover die
whole truth about it. They often forget to mention re-
pairs, depreciation, city assessments for sidewalks, sewers,
water, schools. They say you can safely buy a house
costing diree and a half times your annual income, when
twice is nearer the mark. They are silent about the emer-
gencies which most families must face — hospitalization,
nurses, doctors — which eat up the dollars saved against
die mortgage. They do not enlarge upon population
trends downward, upon blighted areas, the possibility of
deteriorating neighborhoods. They do not tell you that to
buy a house on a 10 percent equity is the riskiest kind of
margin trading. An increase of 10 percent in your home
valuation nets you 100 percent profit; a decrease of 10
percent wipes you out like a Wall Street lamb.

Let us be fair to the realtors. Some of them shoot the
works. Some of them will cut into their commissions to
protect you. Few of them are knaves and liars. But most
of them either do not know die whole story about hous-
ing, or cannot bear to tell it. They have families to sup-
port and rent to pay like the rest of us.

The urban home owner has long since ceased to be
a jack of all trades. If he can drive a nail straight he is
doing well. Minor repairs neglected often become major.
Another $300 gone out of the mortgage money. It is bet-
ter, says Charles Ascher, formerly associated with City
Housing Corporation (who knows his Sunnyside), to
have an experienced manager attending to repairs. But
managers only come with estates or rented houses.

If you take on a mortgage for twenty years, are you
sure of your income for twenty years ? I can answer that
as a student of economic trends: you are not! For a wage
or salary worker to buy a house with his eyes open, he
ought to know a good deal about (1) the steadiness of his
employment prospects; (2) technological changes hanging
over his industry; (3) the ratio of his total budget means
to his total wages; (4) the dynamics of business depres-
sions.

But Adam does not know the answers to these ques-
tions. He cannot know them. Therefore, he docs not have
a reasonable expectation of some day owning free and
clear. Life may be a gamble, true, but the gamble is fre-
quently less when one rents.

The Rent-a-Home Idea

THIS ARTICLE IS DESIGNED TO BE PURELY NEGATIVE — TO PUT

a stop, look, listen warning on gaudy appeals to sign on
die dotted line. As an incorrigible optimist, however, I
cannot forbear to end on a cheerful note.

There is a clear way out, based on proved experience,
a record rapidly becoming massive. City workers below
$3000 income can have houses streamlined for the power
age — at least millions of them can. They will be not for
sale but for rent in most cases. These houses can be built
by large responsible companies looking for a long time,
steady, modest return on investment. The speculative cle-
ment must be squeezed out of die land values at die bot-
tom, and out of the buildings above. The government
will have to assist with their financing.

Fortunately, the new housing act makes provision for
just such developments. Maximum economics can be se-
cured by mass assembly methods. Areas can be protected
from blight and deterioration. Such projects offer — and
have achieved — a new way of life, for diey may be com-
bined with recreation facilities, clinics, forums, laundries,
libraries, nurseries, the cooperative buying of supplies.
No risk falls on the back of die small owner. The organi-
zation is responsible. It was for such houses that Austrian
workers fought to the death. They are common on the
continent and in England. They arc particularly fine in
Sweden.

In this country now we have Chatham Village in
Pittsburgh to show as a successful experiment. We have
Falkland Properties, Silver Springs, Md.; Colonial Vil-
lage, Buckingham Community and Brentwood, near
Washington; Meadvillc Housing, Mcadville, Pa.; Amal-
gamated Housing in the Bronx, New York City, and
many another laboratory. Costs in most of these arc still
rather high. In Oklahoma City I visited a big PWA
development, well built, well equipped, well designed, at
$5 a room per month. We arc getting there. Large scale
housing, either apartments or groups of single houses, for
rent, on a long term investment basis, offers the best solu-
tion to the problem of American urban shelter at the
present time. It offers a lot of jobs while it is being built.
It offers a way to beat the depression.

If Uncle Sam means by the new housing act diat he
wants us to line up for a rented home in a well managed,
protected, large scale development, from which specula-
tive risk has been largely eliminated, well and good. In
that direction good housing seems to run today. If he
wants us to speculate on a 10 percent margin with a shoe-
string builder — citizens keep your savings in the bank
and your hand from die fountain pen!

MAY 19J8

267

Issues in the TVA Inquiry

by VICTOR WEYBRIGHT

As the joint congressional committee prepares to investigate the TVA,
this article is not an attempt to pre- judge its findings — but rather to
clarify some of the questions that will come up and to underscore the
stake of the public in the outcome.

IN THE PAST FIVE YEARS THE UNIFIED DEVELOPMENT OF THE

Tennessee River Valley has lifted the face of a region that
seemed doomed to stand still or decline. If the Valley alone
had benefited from the TVA it would be an inspiring
achievement; but, short of the Louisiana Purchase itself,
the TVA is the most far-reaching internal investment the
people of the United States have ever made.

Its major federal spending — mainly for dams and res-
ervoirs— is far advanced: $187 j/2 million up to last June,
with about $40 million for 1939 and $35 million for 1940
needed to continue the immediate engineering that is
part of the river control plan. Without reckoning the cash
income for electric power (around $2 million to date) it
could almost be demonstrated that the TVA has already
paid for itself — in flood control; useful employment of a
depressed population; development of agriculture, na-
tional defense and native resources, natural and human.
In phosphate rock alone it has uncovered an incalculable
asset for the farmers of the country.

The Valley, with its diverse population and varied re-
sources, is on the way to a better, more productive life.
The turbulent Tennessee is almost harnessed, and the
river boats ply its channel. The rains fall on fifty million
trees and thousands of acres of sod that weren't there be-
fore. The electric light shines in many a farmhouse win-
dow— a veritable beacon of escape from the weary degra-
dation of manual chores in house and barn. Nevertheless,
all this can be regarded as breaking ground for the prom-
ise held out if regional planning goes forward in the
Tennessee Valley.

In this picture the unfortunate cleavage within the TVA
board, culminating in Chairman Arthur E. Morgan's re-
moval by President Roosevelt, should not be permitted to
obscure the fact that regional planning is not discredited
when three men disagree. The charges and counter-
charges within the board, at the White House hearings
and on the floor of Congress, should not discount the
Tennessee Valley Authority as an instrument of a demo-
cratic society. Described by the President, at the time
he recommended its creation, as "clothed with the power
of government but possessed of the flexibility and initia-
tive of private enterprise," within its area it unified and
coordinated various executive functions of federal, state
and local governments. At the same time it became a
semi-autonomous corporation. It was characterized by
Senator George W. Norris, its legislative father, on the
floor of the Senate on March 16 of this year as "inde-
pendent of any department, independent of any Presi-
dent. . . ." Presumably Arthur E. Morgan will even-
tually ask the courts to rule whether the TVA is subject
to the degree of executive authority that the President
exercised in removing him as chairman and member. The

268

joint congressional investigation of TVA, if handled con-
structively, will throw light on the strength and weak-
nesses of the organization, and, it is hoped, indicate lines
along which this new kind of regional agency can bx
improved.

IN THE PAGES OF Survey Graphic ARTHUR E. MORGAN, A!
chairman, has described and interpreted the early work ol
the TVA in a notable series of articles — Benchmarks in
the Tennessee Valley. Engineer, educator, philosopher, his
selection of the staff and swift mobilization of the dam
builders was so creatively integrated into the larger scheme
of navigation, flood control, agricultural revival, powei
generation, that the TVA took on organic life from th«
moment that dispossessed citizens of the Valley began tc
go through the combined job and educational process
of helping to build Norris Dam. By executive order oi
the President, the construction of Norris Dam was pul
under Arthur E. Morgan's direct supervision. In addi-
tion, as chairman, he directed the larger regional program
that, by a whole series of social and economic relation-
ships, hinged upon the dams. [See Survey Graphic, Janu-
ary, March, May, November 1934; March, Novembei
1935; April 1936. Reprinted in pamphlet form, 50 cents.]
In the public mind he came to symbolize the TVA.

Vice-chairman H. A. Morgan — now chairman — was, al
the time of his appointment, president of the University
of Tennessee, a state land-grant college. An agricultural
evangelist, he has always worked closely with the plain
people at the grassroots, with farmers and county agent!
and politicians interested in the improvement of rural
opportunity. Membership on the TVA board expanded
his reach. Federal agricultural experts prophesy that the
phosphate program under his direction, by producing
cheap phosphatd concentrates, may prove to be a greatei
boon than even the hydroelectric power. The fertilizei
program was stipulated in the TVA act, part of its pur-
pose being to revive soil-holding cover crops in the Val-
ley. That will not only help to keep the giant dams from
silting, but, with the assistance of electric refrigeration,
will— to state it far too simply — help to transfer the mar-
ginal hill and cotton folks from hog to beef agriculture,
Like the new ideals, standards, habits and ambitions de-
veloped by even brief employment on TVA construction
jobs, that is a bigger step forward than most city people
can appreciate.

David E. Lilienthal, a member of the Wisconsin Public
Service Commission under appointment of Governor Phil-
ip La Follette brought to the board experience in the
complex administrative field involving power policy,
Despite his youthful buoyancy he is a keen and deter-
mined lawyer. He is also a man with the driving convic-

SURVEY GRAPHIC

tion thai the primary consideration in power policy, public
or private, is the public interest. His presentation of com-
plicaicd financial and technical data by the use of charts
and diagrams has won admiration for its effectiveness in
the courtroom. This merely visualized his part, alongside
special and general counsel, in fighting for the TVA's
right to exist, against some of the most formidable legal
opposition that it is possible to muster in the United States.

Now IN 1938, AS AT THE START IN 1933, THESE THREE GIFTED,

public-spirited men agree on long range objectives for
TVA. Their divergence began, however, not long after the
start. After his appointment as chairman, Arthur E. Mor-
gan remained in Washington to organize the personnel
system and to negotiate with federal agencies whose work
the TVA was to take over in those parts of seven states
that fall within the Tennessee Valley. With the dam
building directly assigned to him by the President, H. A.
:i and David E. Lilienthal took on administrative
responsibility for the fertilizer and power programs.

Thus the board functioned in a double fashion: first,
is a policy making unit; second, as three independ-
ent administrators. Critics of the majority members say
:hat they "ganged up" on the chairman from the outset;
rritics of the latter that, by training and experience, he
ivas used to solitary leadership and soon got at odds deal-
ng with two collaborators on an equal footing with him-
•elt. As chairman, Arthur E. Morgan was titular head of
he TVA, but he could be, and in the course of time was,
•requently outvoted on important decisions.

By 1936 the majority members of the board dominated
he policies of the TVA. The chairman appealed to
he President to intervene. He insisted that, if Mr. Lili-
•nthal (whose term was expiring) were reappointed, he
umself would resign. This was election year, and the
'resident prevailed upon Mr. Morgan to remain, and
eappointed Mr. Lilienthal.

Later when a committee named by the President, in
espouse to the chairman's urgent request that he resolve
he differences within the board, recommended the ap-
wintment of a general manager, the chairman's former
ssistant and coordinator, J. B. Blandford, was appointed
o the post. Although the administrative machinery was
mproved by this action, the quarrel within the board
ontinucd.

Despite subsequent requests by the chairman that the
'resident go into the whole TVA board situation, Mr.
loosevelt deferred any further intervention until the suit
iy eighteen utility companies and the Berry case hearings
ist winter precipitated public charges construed as dis-
onesty against the majority by Chairman Morgan who
ailed for a congressional investigation; and private coun-
rr-chargcs of obstruction and "unpermissible" conduct
gainst Chairman Morgan by the majority. Immediate
ction was necessary to prevent the TVA from bogging
own and he chose a bold and speedy method of inquiry,
illing the three directors to the White House and inter-
jgating them himself.

In statements to the press and in a letter to Representa-
ve Maury Maverick, Chairman Morgan had dwelt upon
ic larger ethics of the situation, but had also made many
rave and unsupported accusations. These he refused to
ack up with evidence at the hearings instituted by the
resident at the White House. Without the power of
.ibpoena of records, or without confidence in the ade-

1AY 1938

quacy of the President's hearings as a means of sifting
facts, he insisted upon a congressional investigation.

The majority, in contrast, cited specific examples of
what they termed "unpermissible" conduct on the part of
the chairman, and presented supporting data. In addition,
they introduced documents and testimony in refutation
of the chairman's charges against them.

In none of the facts so far produced, can I find
grounds for crediting either Arthur E. Morgan's charges
of unethical conduct, intrigue, and conspiracy on the
part of his fellow members; or for crediting any impli-
cation that the chairman has been in collusion with
the utilities. The bitter quarrel can more readily be traced
to personalities, to temperaments, political backgrounds
and philosophies, than to anything sinister. A. D. Hen-
derson, now president of Antioch College, wrote in An-
tioch Notes on April 1, after Arthur E. Morgan had re-
turned to Yellow Springs, Ohio: "The principal weakness
—and at the same time strength— in his own human
relationships lies in his refusal to compromise his princi-
ples in a practical world which is accustomed to compro-
mise."

Aside from the board's internal loggerheads, their clash
over power policy was brought more fully into the open.
Now Arthur E. Morgan, who himself installed an inde-
pendent electric plant at Yellow Springs, has often said
that he has no illusions about the ethics of that peculiar
section of big business, the utilities — their public nature
recognized by franchise wherever they operate, their
predatory nature exhibited whenever their financial pro-
moters apply the old Insull formula of charging all that
the traffic will bear. He has stuck to the conception of
the TVA as a yardstick of government in business as
well as of power rates and power consumption. He made
an inventory of everything he possessed before he was
appointed. To the organization he applied his own strict
standards and in doing so attempted to conserve some of
the best features of corporate responsibility. But in impor-
tant aspects the TVA is more than government in busi-
ness. Few businesses think of the consumer or of the gen-
eral public first. No utility in building dams could possi-
bly have dovetailed them into a whole scheme of agricul-
ture and cultural stimulation, nor would that be desirable.
On the other hand, envisaging political organization
throughout the world, Arthur E. Morgan evidently con-
cluded that government can be as arbitrary and ruthless
as a selfish corporation. He has professed to see David E.
Lilienthal's aggressive strategy in carrying out the power
stipulations in the TVA act as verging on the ruthless.
He has preferred cooperation with utilities to a general
threat of competition with them, and has suggested vari-
ous plans for pools or division of territory. But in my
opinion, to read the text of the TVA act itself raises the
question whether such a general program of cooperative
arrangements would not have been at variance with the
act, for municipalities and rural cooperatives have prior
claims to purchase TVA power. Here David Lilienthal's
program has lain within the framework of the act.

But, after all, the TVA has had to fight for its charter
not only against constant litigation and propaganda, but
against tactics that have been indefensible. In one sense of
the word David E. Lilienthal is a corporation lawyer, the
TVA his corporation. But it is more than his client— it
is his cause.
Of all the issues to come before the congressional in-

269

quiry, power policy is the most significant. The tactics
of the utility companies, which have properties in the
region and which have used the TVA as a bete noire to
divert attention from their own sins and weaknesses that
existed long before the TVA, may well produce extraordi-
nary headlines once the congressional hearings are under
way. Bituminous coal interests in the South also have
an interest in the outcome. Arthur E. Morgan's resist-
ance to the President has been rallied to by spokesmen of
the very circles that vilified him in 1933 when he criti-
cized utility rates and practices. The TVA case will be
tried in the press outside the hearings and there are ru-
mors that the fight of the utilities against it will soon
be carried to the public in a new propaganda campaign.

This is a campaign year, and Congressmen and Sena-
tors who are up for reelection will be especially eager to
make the headlines. None of the active protagonists of the
TVA were chosen as members of the joint committee of
ten. Some of the members opposed may probe with one
eye on the front page.

In Ontario, some years ago, a conservative board of
inquiry undertook an investigation of that province's pub-
lic power, similar to die present inquiry into TVA's power
policy; the board produced a favorable report, with con-
structive suggestions for strengthening the Ontario
system.

It is to be hoped that our own congressional investiga-
tion will not confine itself to negative criticisms and
ignore affirmative results. Internecine conflict, structural
shortcomings, administrative errors and faults can be rem-
edied without smashing a great project that has been
dreamed of by countless Americans ever since the World
War left Muscle Shoals, a white elephant, on the nation's
hands. The construction of Norris Dam was vetoed by
two presidents before, in 1933, President Roosevelt gave it
his ardent support. The capsheaf of Senator Norris's long
and useful career, that dam and the whole TVA plan,
represent the flowering of the conservation movement that
was seeded down by Theodore Roosevelt a generation
ago.

THE JOINT COMMITTEE OF FIVE REPRE-

sentatives and five Senators has blanket
authority to investigate the administra-
tion and policies of the TVA and any
efforts of private utility companies to
obstruct the project.

It is specifically directed to determine
whether the power policy of the TVA
provides a legitimate yardstick of pri-
vate power rates, whether the TVA has
offered unfair inducements to private
industry to migrate to the Valley, and
whether the TVA has forced rural cus-
tomers to buy unnecessary electrical
appliances.

It is also directed to determine wheth-
er the quarrel among the directors has
hampered efficient and economical ad-
ministration; and whether any director
has assisted a private power company in
legal proceedings involving the author-
ity. And, in probing Arthur E. Mor-
gan's charges that the TVA's phosphate
program and land acquisition activities
have been conducted in "clandestine"
fashion, it is directed to investigate any
alleged attempts to defraud the gov-
ernment

1. Power:

Generation: Despite the antagonism of
the utilities there is really no genuine
quarrel with the TVA's generation ot
power, or with its wholesale rates, which
are approximately the same as those
charged by private utility companies.

Transmission: Against the concerted
opposition of utilities that had expected
to hitch on to the government's gen-
erators, the TVA has won a Supreme
Court decision giving it the right to
build transmission lines for delivery of
power to its customers.

Some Points to Come
Before the Committee

Distribution: Under the act rural co-
operatives and non-profit municipal sys-
tems are given preferential right to buy
TVA power, and to sell it at rates stip-
ulated by TVA. Those rates are low,
yet, allowing for tax adjustment and
amortization, every municipal and co-
operative system has shown a profit.
Arthur E. Morgan has made the point
that the accounting does not include the
fact that the TVA has borne the cost of
negotiation, litigation and promotion.
It must be remembered that obstacles
placed by utility holding companies in
the way of local action have increased
that expense.

Utility companies in the area have
made gains in gross and net earnings
since the creation of TVA. Where their
capital structure is neither too watered
nor burdened with too many unprofita-
ble sideline investments, they have had
demonstrated to them that drastic rate
reductions to household consumers up-
set, to their own advantage, the ancient
formula of fixing rates with return on
investment as the sole basis of calcu-
lation. Private utilities can serve as a
yardstick, and sometimes do: city resi-
dents and farmers will not favor local
public operation where private compa-
nies offer inducements to make the wid-
est possible use of power in homes and
on farms.

2. The Chairman and the Utilities:

Chairman Arthur E. Morgan has re-
peatedly advocated cooperation with the
utility companies. Mr. Lilienthal points
to contracts now existing with utilities
in the area and to his attempts at fur-

ther negotiation, without, however, jeop-
ardizing the prior claims of cities and
rural cooperatives to TVA power. The
majority charges that the chairman col-
laborated with an expert, formerly an
Insull official, who was employed by
the TVA for technical and non-policy
purposes, in the preparation of a power-
pool memorandum for a White House
conference. Also that, during the crucial
defense of the suit brought by eighteen
utility companies last December, the
chairman "disseminated" within the
TVA organization criticism of counsel
and charges of unethical professional
conduct, prejudicing the government's
case.

3. The Berry Case:

The claims of Major George Berry
and associates, who leased land in the
area to be flooded by Norris Dam, were
suspect to Chairman Arthur E. Morgan
as early as the spring of 1936. Subsequent
developments tended to bear out his rep-
resentations. This was before Major Ber-
ry's elevation to the Senate. At that time
the prominent Tennessee labor leader
was a frequent White House visitor and
served as federal industrial coordina-
tor. David E. Lilienthal and H. A. Mor-
gan offered to conciliate the doubtful
damage claims, but in a way which did
not bind them by the result. Their pro-
cedure of legal delay stalled off a show-
down and was adequate, for in 1937
they won the condemnation suit which
they had instituted against the Berry
claims.

The chairman believes the TVA
should have attacked the claims as made
in bad faith at the start— rather than
attacking their value as worthless.

270

SURVEY GRAPHIC

Have They Died in Vain?

by HILLIER KRIEGHBAUM

THE NATION'S HEADLINES LAST FALL EMBLAZONED A TRAGIC
recital of 93 deaths among individuals who had taken an
"elixir" of sulfanilamide. Physicians saw a topsy-turvy
nightmare turned into a reality. Their patients died from
a drug which they had prescribed because it promised
miraculous cures. Even the doctors did not know until
too late that this "elixir," which was not an elixir at all,
carried a deadly solvent as well as the new drug sulfanila-
mide.

The poignant, human consequences of marketing this
drug can be no better told than in a pitiful letter that
Mrs. Maise Nidiffer of Tulsa, Okla., sent to President
Roosevelt after her little daughter [see photograph and
facsimile paragraph, above] had taken the "elixir" of
sulfanilamide — and died:

Two months ago I was happy and working taking care of
my two little girls, Joan age six and Jean age nine. Our by-
word through the depression was that we had good health
and each other. Joan thought her mother was right in every-
thing, and it would have made your heart feel good last
November to have seen her jumping and shouting as we
listened to your reelection over the radio.

Tonight, Mr. Roosevelt, that little voice is stilled. The
first time I ever had occasion to call in a doctor for her and
she was given the elixir of sulfanilamide. Tonight our little
home is bleak and full of despair. All that is left to us is the
caring for of that little grave. Even the memory of her is
mixed with sorrow for we can see her litde body tossing to
and fro and hear that little voice screaming with pain and
it seems as though it would drive me insane. . . .

Tonight, President Roosevelt, as you enjoy your little
grandchildren of whom we read about, it is my plea that
you will take steps to prevent such sales of drugs that will
take little lives and leave such suffering behind and such a
bleak outlook on the future as I have tonight In my con-
fidence in you I am writing you and hope that you can real-
ize a little of what I am suffering and that you will take
steps to prevent such in the future for I realize also there are
other homes where hearts are broken such as mine.

Tragic as is this letter and as were all the 93 deaths,
officials of the Food and Drug Administration in Wash-
ington point out that the tragedy was a sudden and spec-
tacular repetition of what is going on all the time. The
government could proceed against the makers of the fatal
"elixir" solely because it was mislabeled, they explained.
Other drug manufacturers, apparently more interested in
profits than human welfare, have found loopholes in the
food and drug laws passed a generation ago.

Mothers and working girls have been blinded because

MAY 1938

they used a poisonous dye
on dieir eyelashes. Athletes
seeking to maintain their
youthful vigor through mid-
dle age have believed adver-
tisements reciting the wonderful powers of "certified
radium water." Instead of renewed healdi, they found a
death as hideous as those women who lived a lingering
agony as their bones disintegrated because they had ap-
plied a luminous paint to watch dials. Belts and neck-
laces of glass beads strung on cheap wire have been sold
as cures for cancer, tuberculosis and odier diseases de-
manding immediate and adequate medical attention if the
patients were to have any chances for ultimate recovery.
Some cosmetics sold as freckle-removers and whitening
creams contain mercury which has induced critical, and
sometimes fatal, cases of poisoning.

Secretary of Agriculture Henry A. Wallace, in his report
on the "elixir" deaths, called attention to these other fields
which the 1906 food and drug legislation did not cover:

While the "elixir" incident has been spectacular and has
received much publicity, aside from the brevity of the period
in which the killings occurred it is but a repetition of what
has frequently happened in die past in the marketing of
such dangerous drugs as dinitrophenol, cinchophen and other
toxic substances.

It is worthy of note that, shocking as these instances have
been, the actual toll in deaths and permanent injury from
potent drugs is probably far less than that resulting from
harmless nostrums offered for serious disease conditions. In
these cases the harmful effect is an indirect one. Sick people
rely on false curative claims made for worthless concoctions,
and thus permit their disease to progress unchecked. It may
be too late when they lose confidence in the nostrum and
seek rational treatment.

Months have passed since the "elixir" deaths were re-
ported. The five-year campaign under the New Deal to
obtain reform of the food and drug laws passed in 1906
had the additional assistance of an aroused public. Edi-
torials predicted that at last Congress would bring the
generation-old regulations up to date. This now appears
doubtful.

Let us see what has happened.

Well, the story of the past five years, in the main, has
been repeated. No real accomplishments have been made
as this article is being written (April 1938). Possibly Con-
gressmen will find time, before they hurry home to patch
up political fences, to consider and pass a food and drug

271

reform bill. The effectiveness of any such new legislation,
even if some is enacted, is still open to question.

A few months before the sulfanilamide "elixir" deaths
focused attention on reform efforts of the past five years,
William Allen White wrote in his Emporia Gazette:

A few drug, cosmetic, and food racketeers have man-
aged not only to prevent its [the administration's food and
drug bill] enactment but to strip it of first one, then another
of the many fine provisions it contained for safeguarding the
health and economic welfare of America's millions.

Bills Before Congress

To UNDERSTAND THE SITUATION MORE THOROUGHLY, LET US

look at the pending food and drug reform legislation,
study its past and examine the forces which have helped
shape its history. Three bills now before Congress occupy
prominent positions in any such discussion.

The Copeland bill or S-5, as it is sometimes called, is
generally regarded as the key measure providing for mod-
ernization of the food and drug laws. It embodies what is
left of the so-called Tugwell bill. Its salient features which
strengthen the old law include:

1. Prohibition of drugs that are dangerous to health when
administered according to the manufacturers' directions for
use.

2. Requirement that drug labels bear appropriate direc-
tions for use and warnings against probable misuse.

3. Requirement that labels disclose fully the composition
of drugs, even the so-called "secret remedies."

4. Prohibition of false advertising of foods, drugs, thera-
peutic devices and cosmetics.

5. Extension of federal supervision to cosmetics for the
first time, requiring that cosmetics be truthfully sold and
outlawing those injurious to health.

6. Provision for promulgating standards of identity and
a reasonable standard of quality for food.

The first three of these points were included in the
drug recommendations asked by Secretary Wallace in his
report to Congress on the "elixir" of sulfanilamide
deaths. He also requested legislation providing for the
"license control of new drugs to insure that they will
not be generally distributed until experimental and clin-
ical tests have shown them to be safe for use." This was
the exact question raised by the "elixir": Should the pub-
lic serve as guinea pigs on which to test new compounds?
Officials of the Food and Drug Administration admit that
Dr. Samuel Evans Massengill was nearly correct when he
said regarding his "elixir" of sulfanilamide: "I have vio-
lated no law." The action against him could be taken
only on the technicality of mislabeling.

Officials admit that the Copeland bill would not have
prevented the "elixir" tragedy, even if it had become
law during the 1936 session of Congress when its enact-
ment came so near. Senator Copeland introduced S-3073
at the special session on December 1, 1937, to care for
this deficiency in S-5. Representative Chapman, Kentucky
Democrat, has introduced a similar bill as HR 9341. Some
groups with Charles Wesley Dunn, counsel for the Ameri-
can Grocery Manufacturers Association serving as spokes-
man, believe that comparable results can be obtained
through inserting an additional paragraph in S-5's pro-
visions regarding drug adulteration. Government officials
point out that this would merely provide another basis of
imposing a penalty when tragedies from inadequately
tested drugs occur, and is not calculated to prevent them.

Representative John M. Coftee, Washington Democrat
has introduced a bill drafted by the Consumers Union ol
the United States, Inc., one of the stronger consumer or-
ganizations. This measure, which recasts some of the fea-
tures of the so-called Tugwell bill, would place part oi
the control over foods, drugs and cosmetics under the
U.S. Public Health Service instead of keeping it united
under the present Food and Drug Administration. Con-
sumers Union executives feel that the health features be-
long under the Public Health Service, which now is main-
taining standards of certain vaccines. They point out that
the Coffee bill was the only measure pending during the
"elixir" tragedies that if it had been on the statute books,
would have kept this drug off the market. It would also
materially revise the control of advertising claims. Food
and Drug Administration officials admit that the bill
covers more ground than the one they back, but they feel
that in its present form it would be difficult to enforce.

Behind the Present Scene

ALMOST FROM THE PASSAGE OF THE PRESENT FOOD AND DRUG
laws in 1906, administrative officials entrusted with their
enforcement repeatedly recommended amending legisla-
tion. By direction of President Roosevelt and Secretary
Wallace, a completely revised food and drug bill was
drafted in the Department of Agriculture and was in-
troduced in June 1933 by Senator Copeland. It was an
open secret on Capitol Hill that the measure was practi-
cally for sale to a sponsor during the early hectic days of
the New Deal. Finally the New Yorker became its pilot.
Some of the organized consumers' groups have been sus-
picious of Dr. Copeland's connections with the measure
because in the past he has represented a number of
medicine manufacturers. These suspicions turned to seri-
ous doubts when the Senator continued to support weaker
and weaker measures. They felt that he should have re-
fused to compromise at all times. However, failure to
compromise in June 1936, as will be detailed later, pre-
vented passage of one bill. There are numerous argu-
ments on both sides as to whether the measure which
died should have been enacted despite its weaknesses.
This original measure was the so-called Tugwell bill.
Rexford Guy Tugwell, Assistant Secretary of Agriculture
at that time, had little to do with actually drafting its
provisions. By the time public hearings were held, how-
ever, Tugwell happened to have become a whipping boy
in the contest between government and business and his
name was linked with the bill. As one advertising execu-
tive said during the hearings on it, "We will call it the
Tugwell bill; we insist upon calling it the Tugwell bill.'
An opponent of the bill's provisions to regulate advertis-
ing, he was applying a principle of modern psychology
He was identifying the bill which he opposed with a
personality which the public was being taught to suspect.
Although the measure was completely revised twice after
public hearings, the 73rd Congress adjourned without
action upon food and drug reform.

On January 3, 1935, the first day of the new congres-
sional session, Senator Copeland introduced a modified
food, drug and cosmetics bill which was listed as S-5. It!
passed the Senate on May 28, 1935, with several amend-
ments. Supporters of the original bill insisted these changes
subtracted from existing enforcement powers. Let US
examine them carefully.

Senator Josiah W. Bailey of North Carolina success-

272

SURVEY GRAPHIC

fully sponsored an amendment restricting seizures by

I the Food and Drug Administration to a single shipment

i when the offense was one of misbranding only. This

I meant that even if buyers were being victimized by an

nous hoax, the government's hands were tied from

time of its first seizure until a favorable court verdict

•> won. It the court dockets were crowded and months

-scd, that was unfortunate — and possibly fatal — for those

who bought false "cures" and let their diseases progress.

Senator Arthur H. Vandenberg of Michigan forced the

inclusion of a provision for "home trial" of seizure action

the Copeland bill. Under this amendment, if drugs

:n .i Michigan manufacturer were fatal to purchasers in

v Yurk City, the suit would have to be tried in Michi-

i. home of the manufacturer, rather than in New York.

After the Senate had tacked on its amendments and

finally passed the bill, it moved over to the lower house.

lirman Sam Rayburn of the House Interstate and For-

.11 Commerce Committee named Representative Virgil

ipman to head a subcommittee to conduct hearings.

Chapman comes from the state generally conceded to have

the best local food and drug administration.

Chapman put the food and drug lobby in the full spot-
light of public hearings. Through persistent, painstaking
questioning in his soft southern drawl, he uncovered for
the first time many pertinent facts regarding the drug trade.
His manner was always courteous but the replies were
often reluctantly given. For example, Chapman brought
out how religious journals were financed in the Old South
to circulate patent medicine advertisements.

After lengthy, enlightening public hearings, the Senate-
approved measure was rewritten to weaken the Bailey
amendment limiting seizures and the Vandenberg
amendment requiring "home trial." But it provided that
the Federal Trade Commission should supervise adver-
tising, a provision which in effect maintained the existing
set-up. Food and Drug Administration and Federal Trade
Commission officials jointly had worked out diis arrange-
ment years ago when there was no other legal approach
to die control of false advertising.

The house approved the measure on June 19, 1936.
Congress was jamming through bills in an effort to hurry
home. Conferees had to work fast if they were to obtain
legislation before adjournment, admittedly only a few
hours away. This was the last session of the 74th Con-
gress and it was a door-die situation. It was necessary to
obtain favorable action immediately or face the laborious
process of introduction, hearings, passage and conference
all over again in the 75th Congress.

On June 20, an acceptable compromise for the sections
on single seizure and "home trial" was finally worked
out. Only the provision on whether the Federal Trade
Commission or die Food and Drug Administration
should have control over advertising was unsettled. As
dusk climbed above Capitol Hill, Senator Copeland, head
of the Senate conferees, asked his colleagues what he
should do. They voted to stand behind him. The House
conferees, including Representative B. Carroll Recce, Ten-
nessee Democrat, refused to compromise as Copeland
proposed, by putting the health phase of advertisements
under the Food and Drug Administration and the eco-
nomic aspects under the Federal Trade Commission. The
House supported its conferees. The issue was deadlocked.
More anxious to get home than to work out food and
drug reform, Congressmen voted adjournment. The batde

Underwood

Representative Virgil M. Chapman

Congressman from Kentucky, for three yean he has been work-
ing for stronger federal food and drug and cosmetics legislation

had to start all over again at the next session of Congress.

Incidentally, it was from Representative Recce's home
district that the next year the S. E. Massengill Company
was to send its 240 gallons of fatal "elixir" of sulfanila-
mide.

In 1937, Senator Copeland introduced his bill in some-
what revised form and it again became S-5. In the House,
Representative Chapman re-introduced the same bill he
had reported from his subcommittee the previous year.

Senator Copeland in reporting his bill to the Senate on
February 15, 1937, admitted that it was not a perfect bill
but asked for support of what he thought was a work-
able compromise.

Widiout holding furdier public hearings, the Senate
passed an amended Copeland bill. Senator Bailey again
sponsored die single seizure amendment and Senator
William E. Borah, Idaho Republican, obtained the "home
trial" change. The measure gave control over advertis-
ing to the Food and Drug Administration, but solely
through court injunctions. This proposal never has been
endorsed by die Food and Drug Administration, which
does not agree with Senator Copeland that it is better to
have strong enforcement of a weak law than weak en-
forcement of a strong act. The administration has fought
rather for a strong law even though it were to be en-
forced by a rival agency.

The only legislation actually enacted into law was the
Wheeler-Lea bill or S-1077, which was approved at die
current session of Congress. This bill gives the Federal
Trade Commission the power to protect consumers by
prohibiting unfair and deceptive acts and practices in the
distribution of all products and also the authority to regu-

MAY 1938

273

late advertising. Opponents of this bill argued (1) that it
would split food and drug regulation between the Food
and Drug Administration and the Federal Trade Com-
mission and (2) that the Federal Trade Commission was
forced to proceed under the cumbersome, usually inef-
fective, technique of cease and desist orders and then
court injunctions in cases of repeated violations. In-
formed persons believe that the Wheeler-Lea act is nearly
worthless as a protection to consumers.

Those For and Against

As MIGHT HAVE BEEN EXPECTED, THOSE OPPOSING ENACTMENT

of reform legislation are headed up by the patent medi-
cine groups, some canners and the cosmetic manufactur-
ers. They are the folk who will be subjected to what has
been called a new extension of government regimentation
or, at least, regulation of business. The patent medicine
concerns formed the original spearhead for attack on the
so-called Tugwell bill but soon the public and die legisla-
tors began to discredit their opposition as springing from
a probable selfish end. The cosmetic manufacturers have
been a little more successful in their campaign. Canners,
shippers and apple growers have assailed the proposals
to set up food standards and limitations on poisonous
spray residues on fruits as an un-American delegation of
constitutional power. The present law authorizes no legal-
ly binding tolerances for added poisons in foods.

Advertising agencies which stood to lose rich com-
missions if contracts were reduced, as well as publica-
tions themselves, led the fight to modify the first proposed
legislation. When they won their skirmish and saw the
threatening sections eliminated, they retired to the side-
lines.

Two groups have been listed as opponents of legisla-
tion as it has been proposed because they felt that it was
too weak. Some of the consumer groups, including Con-
sumers Union, for example, support a bill of their own
drafting and introduced at their own request. The second
group to oppose pending proposals is the American Med-
ical Association which holds that any law not establishing

•- .,:<

- '- V . ,•-

Filzpatrick in the St. Louis Post-Dispatch, Nov. 193?

standards for all drugs is, in fact, simply tinkering with
the regulations without materially improving them for
the doctors.

Most active of the forces supporting the reform pro-
posals have been the women's organizations. Merged into
the Women's Joint Congressional Committee, they have
not only battled for the pending reform bills but have
sought to strengthen them through powerful amend-
ments. This agency represented the Parent-Teachers As-
sociation, with its approximately two million members,
the League of Women Voters, the Association of Univer-
sity Women, the Federation of Women's Clubs, the
American Home Economics Association and kindred
organizations.

One might logically ask why all this rumpus over fed-
eral laws without any effort to try to obtain better laws
through the state legislatures. Varying local standards
would permit some states to have excessively weak and
others strong laws. Some governors during die past year
have vetoed worthy state food and drug laws on the
grounds that such acts must supplement federal legislation
and that until Congress acts their state will continue un-
der its existing regulations. Thus federal reform is vital
not only in its own right but to support state reforms.

On the other hand, effective state laws tend to strength-
en the federal regulations. A consumers' group repre-
sentative points out that in the past food, drug and cos-
metics acts in the states have been enormously effective.

The Issue Today

IT NOW APPEARS DOUBTFUL THAT CONGRESS WILL ENACT ADE-

quate food and drug reform legislation at die present
session — even if pending legislation is approved without
weakening amendments. It becomes a question of whether
a half loaf will be accepted or whether the fight will go
on for honest, thoroughgoing correction of present defects.
Most persons who have been in the fight for the past
five years are reconciled to compromise. They remember
that fateful June 20, 1936, when what was in most respects
a fairly good bill died because the conferees and the
legislators behind them refused to permit compromise.

It appears almost certain that if the food and drug
laws are revised by the present Congress, the legislation
will include the weakening "home trial" and single seiz-
ure provisions with control of advertising resting with
the Federal Trade Commission.

However, cosmetics for the first time undoubtedly
will be brought under federal supervision. Informed ob-
servers believe that the reform act will include prohibi-
tion of drugs dangerous to health when administered
according to the manufacturers' directions for use, re-
quirement that drug labels bear appropriate directions
for use and contain warning against probable misuse, and
possibly disclosure on drug labels of the composition even
of "secret remedies."

Despite many arguments, of which die deaths due to
"elixir" of sulfanilamide are possibly the most eloquent,
it is still problematical whether licensing of drug manu-
facturers will be enacted. Incredible as it may seem, Con-
gress may turn its back on arguments that those who
manufacture drugs require at least the same supervision
as plumbers, electricians or steam engineers.

Must we have another series of tragic deaths and "bleak
outlooks" such as Mrs. Nidiffer described in her letter
to the President?

274

SURVEY GRAPHIC

The Promise of Industrial Arbitration

by WEBB WALDRON

Private, peaceful arbitration of disputes arising under union contracts seldom
makes the headlines. But, because industrial self-discipline should be news,
Mr. Waldron describes the Industrial Tribunal set up by the American
Arbitration Association — a distinctive new development by a national
agency that has kept thousands of civil and commercial quarrels out of court.

L\M WINTER A PROMINENT ACTOR IN A BROADWAY PLAY

complained to Actors Equity, the theatrical union, that a
new sign advertising the show did not give his name
equal prominence with that of the leading lady. His subor-
dinate position on the sign, he insisted, was contrary to
the terms of his contract, and the attorney for Actors
Equity supported him in his contention. Fortunately, the
contract contained a clause that disputes arising under it
should be referred to arbitration. The attorney for Actors
Equity and the attorney for the producer speedily got in
touch with the American Arbitration Association. In less
than an hour the association had a panel of three busy
and prominent men ready to arbitrate the case strictly on
its facts. Solomons three, they were a play-producer, famil-
iar with the theatrical business, a bank official and a real
estate man.

The actor gained his point, the sign was changed, the
play went on.

It is a curious fact that stage folk were the first organ-
ized group to see that a dispute concerning a labor agree-
ment differs very little from any business misunderstand-
ing. And, in doing so, they helped pave the way for a
remarkable new development in industrial self-govern-
ment— the Industrial Tribunal of the American Arbitra-
tion Association.

With the growth of union organizations during recent
years a number of inexperienced employers and inexperi-
enced unions have signed collective bargaining agree-
ments, only to discover that a contract does not guaran-
tee harmony. Trivial incidents arise, grievances pile up,
knotty points need final interpretation. In some large in-
dustries, where well disciplined unions have functioned
for years, umpires or impartial arbitrators are a permanent
fixture.

But for the first time in the history of human relations
the Industrial Tribunal of the A.A.A. has brought into
practical use civil and commercial experience in arbitra-
tion, adaptable to any conceivable dispute under a union
agreement. This tribunal, in less than a year of its special
functioning at the association's main headquarters in New
York, has bandied a wide range of cases. To cite a few:
: X is warned that he may be discharged for incom-
petence, does his request for transfer to a less skilled job
come within the terms of his union's agreement? When
a machine replaces hand production, how shall wages be
readjusted? May an employer change his method of pay-
ing salesmen, established under agreement, without con-
sulting the salesmen's union? Can a waiter in a restau-
rant claim a right to his job after he has been discharged
for getting into an argument with a troublesome cus-

tomer? If an agreement grants employes a week's vacation
with pay, are those who qualify for the vacation, but who
are laid off before vacation time, entitled to their vacation
pay?

Such questions indicate the nature of the disputes that
may arise under a union-management contract. And it
is such issues, often trivial in themselves, that lead to
strikes, with their high cost to employers and employes in
lost business, lost wages and ill will. Like nations under
treaties, industries under union contracts seldom come
into conflict over great principles, but over these minor
"incidents" which have been left to smoulder because
there was no precedent and no mechanism for dealing
with them.

Luckily, many unions and employers, like the theatri-
cal folk, are writing into their contracts a clause in which
they agree to arbitrate disputes, stipulating that the arbi-
trators shall be named by the American Arbitration Asso-
ciation, and pledge themselves to abide by their decision.

Place, Panel and Rules

THE AMERICAN ARBITRATION ASSOCIATION is A PRIVATE,
non-profit organization, supported largely by contribu-
tions of public spirited citizens, by the memberships of
companies, individuals and organizations who use its
facilities and by the nominal fees charged for the services
of its tribunals. It was founded in 1926, a consolidation
of two or three earlier organizations devoted to the cause
of arbitration. Its creed is this: that much of our public
litigation is a social waste, that it frequently is both more
economical and more dignified to talk it over in private
than to fight it out in public; and that one of the funda-
mentals of justice is that trained, impartial experts are
best qualified to assure it.

In its twelve years of existence, the A.A.A. has done a
tremendously valuable job in promoting the arbitration
idea in commercial relationships, and in every type of
civil and commercial controversy. It has ceaselessly advo-
cated, in collaboration with local organizations, the pas-
sage of modern, uniform arbitration laws by the legisla-
tures of the various states. By offering a standardized and
organized "practice of arbitration," it has won the legal
profession from an attitude of opposition or indifference
to active cooperation. It has handled commercial contro-
versies in every field of business and industry, and has
helped in the settling of almost as many disputes without
formal arbitration. The president of the A.A.A. is a dis-
tinguished attorney, Franklin E. Parker, Jr., whose for-
mer partner was Lloyd K. Garrison, dean of Wisconsin
University Law School. Chairman of the board of direct-

MAY 1938

275

ors and ex-president is Lucius R. Eastman, industrialist,
former American representative on the economic commit-
tee of the League of Nations.

For many years the A.A.A. confined itself to commer-
cial work, refraining from industrial and labor disputes.
When more than ten years ago, the Actors Equity Asso-
ciation asked the A.A.A. to settle a dispute with a theat-
rical producer, that was the beginning of A.A.A.'s labor
arbitration. Equity, interestingly enough, though it lost
its first two cases, continued .to call on the A.A.A. for
arbitration, and these decisions got considerable publicity,
as anything about the theater does.

Increasingly other labor unions and employers called
on the A.A.A. to arbitrate differences. In the autumn of
1937, the A.A.A. decided to set up a special industrial
tribunal, operating under its own rules of procedure as
distinct from those effective in its commercial arbitration
tribunal. For help in picking a panel of industrial arbi-
trators, the association established a special administrative
council, composed of ten labor people, ten employers and
ten persons from the general public. In choosing arbitra-
tors, the endeavor was to get men of the professions who
have not been actively identified with capital or labor. The

from a CIO Union to Sixteen Locals

March 4, 1938.
Dear Sir and Brother:

I am quite sure that in your standard signed agreement
between employer and union there is an arbitration clause,
and that from time to time a controversy arises where it
is necessary to have a dispute settled by an impartial
person.

For many years the union has been using the

American Arbitration Association of America, located at 8
West 40 St., New York. We have found the above associa-
tion to be a very fair one to the above Local Union in all
labor disputes.

Our controversies have been both of major and of
minor importance. We have found this a very equitable
and amicable way of promptly adjusting any misunder-
standings or interpretations of contracts.

I know that the above Association has 2700 names from
which to draw in appointments for any dispute which may
arise, from which list a capable person of your own selec-
tion may be determined.

The charges of the above Association are very nominal.

For the future I suggest and recommend that you
sample a hearing at the above Association and I am con-
fident you will be favorably impressed and will become an
addict to the use of this Association's services.

You can avail yourself of direct pamphlet material as to
how the Association functions. Many other labor unions
are using them.

Their decisions are accepted as final and are recognized
in the courts of this state.

Fraternally yours,

Vice-President.

A.A.A. already has a panel of 7000 commercial arbitra-
tors in the United States, 2500 of them in New York City.
The members of both the commercial and industrial pan-
els serve without pay.

Apparently there is a peculiar fascination to playing
Solomon, for men who are known to dodge jury duty,
volunteer to sit — and sit in a hurry when called upon—
as arbitrators. In disputes arising under business contracts
this is understandable. The arbitrator usually has a direct
stake in promoting harmony in his own field. When, for
example, a dyer finds that a silk he has contracted to dye
with a certain design and color will not take the color, the
arbitrator is knowledgeable about such a technicality. If
a pie plate manufacturer complains about the sheetage in
a bundle of pulp board, at least one representative on the
arbitration board will be a man from the heavy paper busi-
ness. And, coming closer to work contracts, if an archi-
tect takes a dispute with a client to arbitration, he may
name one architect on a board of three arbitrators. Or
if a member of the Authors' League has a dispute with a
publisher and takes the matter to arbitration, he may
select from the panel the name of an established author,
Mary Roberts Rinehart, for example.

The A.A.A. had only the tradition of these business
and professional cases to go on when they accepted their
first genuine labor cases. It soon became apparent that
the association's industrial calendar — like the international
calendar, involving foreign and export-import disputes-
had to be differentiated from the routine commercial cal-
endar. Boldly the association demonstrated its flexibility
in the face of a new demand for its services.

A Big Case Develops

ONLY A FEW WEEKS AGO I SAT IN ON ONE OF THE LARGEST
and most interesting cases so far conducted by the Indus-
trial Tribunal. From the complicated panorama of hu-
man relationships which unfolded, I gathered a new con-
ception of what this new tribunal, run by a fresh crowd,
with commercial arbitration as background, are contribut-
ing to industrial peace. It was a distinctive and vital 1938
drama, involving not only the CIO, but the impact of
the recent recession on union agreements. And yet, as
is always the case when a principle is applied to going
relationships, the facts themselves, as they emerged un-
der the informal procedure of the tribunal, were not in
terms of great issues, but of human — even personal — situ-
ations and problems.

In the summer of 1937 the CIO had organized the
employes of a chain of retail stores. After prolonged nego-
tiations in which the company conceded several points to
the union, the two sides split on the issue of the closed
shop. In late fall, the CIO called a strike. Well over half
of the working force went out. The strike lasted a month,
with close picketing of the thirty retail stores of the chain
in the metropolitan area. Then employer and union got
together on a contract. The company granted a 13J/2 per-
cent wage increase. It was adamant on die closed shop,
but agreed to name the union as sole bargaining agent for
its employes (department heads, store managers and assist-
ant managers excepted). The company agreed to take
back all strikers and to discharge everyone hired during
the strike to take their places. Strikers must be back by
a fixed date, unless adequate excuse was given. The com-
pany agreed further that when seasonal or other lay-offs
were necessary, they should be strictly on the seniority

276

SURVEY GRAPHIC

from an AF of L Union

February 7, 1938.

Mr. J. Noble Braden, Executive Secretary,
American Arbitration A»ociation.

Dear Mr. Braden:

I acknowledge with many thanks receipt of the report
made by Mr. and other literature.

The action of the American Arbitration Association
was so speedy, so thorough, that my admiration for it
has even increased. I also want to congratulate you upon
having appointed for this particular job such a fine man

as Mr. . I enjoyed seeing him work; it was really

• lesson to me.

Sincerely

International President.

basis for office and warehouse help, and on efficiency in
sales for sales-persons, without discrimination between
union and non-union people.

So the strike ended.

Then came the winter of 1937-38, with a more than
seasonal slump in business. The chain began laying off.
But the union charged that the lay-offs were far more
drastic than necessary, that the company laid off only
union members, especially those who had been active in
the strike, leaving non-union employes on their jobs, re-
gardless of seniority or efficiency. Furthermore, the union
held, many strikebreakers were never discharged, and
some strikers, who couldn't get back by the deadline,
had never been taken back, though other people, non-
union, had been taken on after the strike.

Listening In

ON ONE SIDE OF THE LONG TABLE SAT THE PRESIDENT OF THE

chain store company, the sales manager, the office man-
ager, and the company attorney. On the other side, facing
them, the officials of the employes' union, a CIO organi-
zation, and their attorney. At the head of the table, the
arbitrator. Beside him, in the witness chair, a slim dark
girl whose hands twitched nervously.

On some benches down at the end of the table sat a
few waiting witnesses. But that was all. It was a quiet
room, shut away from the public gaze, in a skyscraper
high above the plane trees of Bryant Park. I was the only
spectator — there by special favor.

"Your position in the company, Miss Brady?" asked the
OIO attorney.

"Cashier," said the girl in the witness chair.

"How long have you been with the company?"
^ht and a half years."

"What was your salary?"

"Eighteen dollars a week."

"You were one of those who went out on strike?"

"Yes, sir."

"Why didn't you come back to your job on December
fourth? Didn't you know that was the deadline?"

"I couldn't!" the girl cried. "I was ill in the hospital.
I wrote the company a letter — "

"Yes, we got the letter!" broke in the company's law-
yer. "But listen, Mr. Arbitrator! When the strike was
called and Miss Brady went out, we had to hire another
girl to take her place. Then, when we signed the con-
tract with the union, they demanded that we fire that
girl, because she was a so-called strikebreaker. We did,
but Miss Brady was not on hand to take her old job. So
we had to hire another girl. Miss Brady reported for work
on December 13th, and now the union wants us to fire
the second girl to make way for Miss Brady. Is that fair?"

"If there's any unfairness in Miss Brady's case, it is the
company's!" interrupted the CIO lawyer. "I insist that
the real reason Miss Brady was denied her old job was
because she was the only member of her department to
go out on strike. The company is discriminating against
her, and our contract says there will be no discrimination."

The arbitrator, a trim, thoughtful man with a kindly
face, turns to Miss Brady. "Miss Brady, was it physically
impossible for you to report for work on December 4th
or at any time before the 13th?"

"Yes, my head was all bandaged. I couldn't go back
sooner," she says.

The arbitrator studies the faces of opposing counsel for
a moment. "At this point I'd like to ask a question — not
a technical or legal question, but a human one: What
happens to an employe who is taken back when the com-
pany doesn't want her back? In this case, for instance,
if Miss Brady goes back, is she going to be happy in her
job?"

Quickly the union lawyer answers, "I suggest you ask
the witness that question!"

"All right. Miss Brady would you be happy under
those circumstances?"

The little cashier sits staring ahead, her hands twitch-
ing. "But I need a job," she says.

From an Attorney in a Commercial Case

February 23, 1938.

Mr. J. Noble Braden,

American Arbitration Association.

Dear Mr. Braden:

In accordance with your recent request, you may take
this letter ai a formal notification that the above matter
has been settled and that you may officially close your
file.

I should like to take this opportunity to express my
appreciation of the expeditious manner in which the Asso-
ciation handled the arbitration. But for the arbitration
clause in the agreement between the parties, these con-
troversies would have been thrown into litigation. Months
and possibly years would have elapsed before the matter)
had come on for trial and I doubt whether any settle-
ment would have been had until that point was reached.
By virtue of the expeditious procedure of the Association,
that same point was reached within two weeks of thr
filing of the demand for arbitration.
Very sincerely,

MAY 1938

277

There is a moment of startled silence in the room. The
CIO men gaze at the chain storemen, who turn and
whisper together. The arbitrator makes a notation on his
pad.

"All right," he says. "Next witness."

The winter sun of afternoon, level across the towering
roofs of Manhattan, flashes for an instant on the tense
white face of Miss Brady, on the huddle of men along the
table, and on the thoughtful, troubled face of the arbitra-
tor. Miss Brady clutches her handbag and goes out.
Another witness, a tall thin young man with a sharp
Semitic face, comes up to the witness chair and raises
his right hand to be sworn. And so it went on while
forty-five witnesses were questioned.

WHEN AN EMPLOYER AND A LABOR UNION BRING A DISPUTE
to the A.A.A., the first question is: "Have you a contract
to arbitrate?" That is fundamental. Without the volun-
tary consent of both sides, there can be no arbitration. If
there is no contract containing an arbitration clause, the
first step for the parties is to enter into a signed agree-
ment to arbitrate their differences.

If there is a contract and it includes provision for arbi-
tration, the question is: "What's your dispute?" Some-
times an employer and his workers have clashed on the
way their contract is being carried out, yet they're not
agreed on the points of the quarrel. If so, the A.A.A. tells
them to get their exact matters of dispute down in writ-
ing before going any further.

Then the association submits to both parties identical
lists of arbitrators picked from its panel, endeavoring to
get men who know something about the general subject.
Both employer and union are asked to strike off the list
any names unsatisfactory to them. Out of those left, the
association chooses the arbitrator for the case. If the union
and the company desire a board of three or more arbitra-
tors, each may name a specified number and select the
odd, or impartial, member of the board from the associ-
ation's panel by the same procedure.

Fees for the arbitration are nominal — $10 for each side
is the average.

As I, a privileged one-man gallery, sat through a long
winter afternoon witnessing the confrontation of chain
store executives and their workers, I experienced a con-
tinuous and pleasurable sense of surprise at the superior-
ity of this way of getting at the truth over the goings-on
I have seen in courtrooms.

To be sure, the hearing had a certain superficial re-
semblance to courtroom procedure. Witnesses were called
up, sworn, cross examined by both sides while the arbi-
trator sat there listening, making notes and sometimes
asking questions. But there was none of the constant ob-
jection to testimony as irrelevant or immaterial which you
hear in law courts. Or if an attorney did make such an
objection the arbitrator almost always said, "Let the wit-
ness tell the story in his own way. I'll judge whether it's
relevant or not." There was no forcing of witness to an-
swer yes or no — a device which in courtrooms is often
used to conceal rather than to bring forth the truth.

"I've been told," testified a discharged shipping clerk,
a skinny gangling kid with a mop of blond hair, "that
they've hired another man to do my work."

"I object to that!" barked the company attorney. "Let
him stick to what he knows, not tell what somebody has
told him!"

278

In a law court, a judge would doubtless sustain such
an objection, but the arbitrator said mildly:

"Oh, let him tell his story. I'll give the proper weight
to that as hearsay. I'm trying to get at the truth."

Free of intimidation and harassing by the opposing at-
torney and without the pressure of a crowded curious
audience which makes a courtroom trial as artificial as
the stage, witnesses spoke freely and simply.

Chain store men and union officials lounged easily in
their chairs puffing pipes and cigarettes. Now and then,
true enough, there was a savage flash of anger across
the table, revealing the bitterness the strike had left be-
hind. For instance in the case of Emil Schwartz, salesman
in a midtown store. Schwartz had been laid off on Christ-
mas Eve. He testified on the stand that his sales record
for the last year was better than that of three other men in
his department. In answer, the sales manager of the com-
pany read out the year's sales records of all the men in
that department of that store. Schwartz was at the bot-
tom, $7000 less than the next lowest man.

"Those figures are lies! They're phoneys!" shouted the
union lawyer angrily.

The arbitrator looked startled. He studied the pale
sharp savagely set face of the CIO attorney, the calm
inscrutable face of the company attorney, the bald bulky
figure of the chain store sales manager, seeming to try
to fathom the truth of that accusation.

But as a whole the thing was good natured. The very
fact that these people had written arbitration into their
contract and had come here to arbitrate and had agreed
to abide by the decision, proved that there was something
more powerful than the old bitterness of struggle between
employer and worker stirring in them and overcoming
that bitterness.

There were more than fifty instances of alleged discrim-
ination to be examined and passed upon — the biggest case
in number of witnesses the A.A.A. had ever had — and the
hearing went on for two full days and part of another.
Again and again I said to myself, isn't it amazing, isn't it
a proof that we're getting civilized, that the executives of
a large company and their attorney and the officials of a
large union and their attorney should be willing to spend
hour after patient hour considering the fate of shipping
clerks, window trimmers and filing girls?

Most surprising of all was the arbitrator himself. He
was a busy lawyer, giving his time without pay, and yet
after two days and a half of hearings, when there was a
question of a certain discharged polisher named Komroff
who had not turned up for the hearings (probably be-
cause he was out looking for another job) the arbitrator
said, "I'm willing to come back at the end of the week
for another hearing on Komroff. It may mean his job
and jobs are important these days."

And then the arbitrator had to go over all his notes
and the stenographer's notes and make a decision on each
of the fifty employes — which he told me took at least two
days more!

This may raise the question in your mind: Why are
men willing to give their skilled service to such work?
The answer must be that there is much more public spirit
in the world than cynics think, and also I think a little
of the explanation is that every man likes now and then
to play God.

Some of this chain store testimony seemed, as I lis-
tened to it, to show obvious (Continued on page 306)

SURVEY GRAPHIC

What I Saw in the Tennessee Valley

by JOHN R. COMMONS

The dean of American economists who recently visited the TVA and
talked with administrators, engineers, chemists, county agents and dirt
farmers, tells how he found worn soil and meager lives being re-
made by a regional program based on phosphates and flood control.

A. L. ROBINETTE MOVED FROM VIRGINIA

seventeen years ago into the Tennessee
Valley and bought one hundred fifty acres
of exhausted land grown over with weeds.
For fifteen years he struggled to make a liv-
ing for himself and his family, now num-
bering nine children. Two years ago the
county agent of the state agricultural ex-
tensiun service assembled the farmers of his
neighborhood and offered an agreement,
originating with the Tennessee Valley Au-
thority, to any farmer who would take the lead as a
'farm demonstrator" in the use of phosphorus and crop
rotation. Robinette signed up, but others ridiculed him.
Now, after two years, neighbors are comparing their
crops with his, and about two hundred of them are
signing up as "cooperators" in this community watershed
,im. His twenty-six acres of corn about three feet
high became six acres eight feet high. His lespedeza, the
Japanese legume, which had been five or six inches high,
ijrew twenty inches high, and he had six sizable stacks
ready to be threshed for seed. The acreage saved is in
sjrass and other soil-conserving crops, with a dozen or
more glossy young cattle and a number of sheep, hogs
and chickens.

He showed me his farm and home record book which
the agreement requires him to fill out. So much paid for
'freight on phosphates, so much for seed, for cattle, so
much received for beef or chickens at the neighboring
market, down to each item of twenty, fifty, eighty cents
received for eggs.

Why was he willing to keep such detailed statistics in
the elaborate blank book furnished to him through Alex-
ander McNeil, the farm management specialist who had
brought me fifty miles from Knoxville to see him?
McNeil had picked up on the way R. F. Testerman, the
local assistant in soil erosion, who had supervised this
community program, and had been furnished to the state
of Tennessee at the expense of the TVA. Robinette
started to refer me to them when I asked him for ex-
planations. But I wanted to know from the dirt farmer
tiirmclf how and why he accepted their elaborate pro-
gram. I took him away where they could not hear him.
He went over and explained each item. The freight from
Wilson Dam is all that he pays for the phosphorus. It is
furnished "free" to him by the TVA so long as he lives
up to his agreement. He receives forty pounds per acre
for his two-year rotation on the corn land, up to one
hundred pounds per acre on the five-year grass plots.
Instead of purchasing nitrogen-fertilizer, as formerly, he
sows clover, vetch, or lespedeza, and this legume, stimu-
lated by the phosphorus, pulls the nitrogen out of the air

MAY 1918

for him and fixes it in the soil. It is the
"grandest discovery" ever made. He is al-
ready "prosperous."

Phosphate, Without Which We Perish

THE MATTER HAD BEEN EXPLAINED TO ME

the day before by Harcourt A. Morgan, the
agricultural member of the TVA direc-
torate. Morgan's bouyant explanation was
the reason why I wanted to see how it got
over to the dirt farmer. Morgan himself
migrated many years ago from Canada to Louisiana, and
from the agricultural college of that state he tackled the
cattle tick problem. He worked out an ingenious practical
application of Department of Agriculture research, and
there is no more cattle tick in the South. 1 had seen the
results of his work as I went through the South with my
auto-trailer the year before — herds of dairy and beef cattle
equal to our pride of Wisconsin and far different from
the cadaverous cows I had known fifty-two years before
when I cleared pine trees in Florida. From Louisiana,
Morgan moved to Tennessee to become head of the Agri-
cultural College and later of the University of Tennessee
at Knoxville, where a new building, Morgan Hall, was
recently dedicated in his honor. At Knoxville he began his
phosphorus campaign for the restoration of southern
soil fertility. I had been told that he would talk the arm
off me if I let him get started on phosphorus. So I pre-
pared for him.

I told him, by way of introduction, that I knew all
about his phosphorus. I had, the day before, been taken
by the assistant chief engineer, Carl A. Block, on my first
airplane ride, from Knoxville to the phosphorus conden-
sation plant at Muscle Shoals, operated by electricity from
Wilson Dam. The plant was constructed during the war
for nitrogen fixation in national defense, but now is con-
verted to phosphorus. I am not a chemical engineer but
was accompanied from Knoxville by David Cushman
Coyle, the engineer-economist from Washington. Mr.
.Coyle asked the technical questions as we went through
the immense plant, and I listened in, getting the story
from their questions and answers.

That same evening, at a party given by the general
manager of the TVA, John B. Blandford, I reeled off to
a lady from England my story of phosphorus. I had phos-
phorus on the brain. America has a natural monopoly of
the world's phosphorus rock in Tennessee, Florida and
the Rocky Mountains, laid down millions of years ago,
allegedly in the bones of giant reptiles. The TVA, at
Muscle Shoals, has developed experimentally a huge plant
for condensing it from the natural rock, brought down
from quarries owned by the TVA fifty miles distant.

279

I showed the lady a sample which I
carried in my pocket for a rabbit's foot.
It looked like brown glass and contained
63 percent phosphorus by weight. The
ordinary commercial phosphates con-
tained only 16 percent phosphorus by
weight, raised to some 45 percent in the
form of triple superphosphate now do-
nated to the farmers from Wilson Dam.
TVA is not yet distributing the 63 per-
cent product. The cost of manufacture,
per unit of phosphorus by weight, is
about the same for the 63 percent prod-
uct as the cost per unit of the 16 percent
product, and freight bills would be re-
duced about two thirds. When they get
that 63 percent product going we could
apply our neutrality laws and reduce the
dictator nations to idiocy, for they are the
ones with the least phosphorus for plants,
bones and brains. I discovered that the
general manager was listening in on this private exposi-
tion. He exclaimed that I had given the best explanation
of their phosphorus program that he had heard. Perhaps
he was just facetious. But that was the way I headed off
Mr. Morgan the next morning at his office. I had gone
far beyond his story of phosphorus.

Morgan, therefore, got down immediately to the dirt
farmers of the South. It would be a long and discouraging
program, he felt, perhaps a whole generation, before they
would adopt the phosphorus soil-restoring program. There
was so much ignorance, old habit and poverty. Yet the
next day when I visited Robinette I wondered why
Morgan should have been so pessimistic. Here it had re-
quired two years, not thirty, to get a community of
farmers started and hopeful.

From the Ground Up

ONE REASON IS THE SCHEME OF ORGANIZATION, THE OTHER

the method of experiment. The scheme of organization
is the cooperation of state and federal agencies. Through
cooperation with the Department of Agriculture at Wash-
ington and the land-grant colleges, the states already had
in their county agents the means for reaching the farmers
directly. To these the TVA added qualified assistant
agents, like Testerman, specifically to put over the soil
restoration plan.

The method of experiment is that of voluntary agree-
ment by farmers as farm demonstrators. Already 18,000
of them have enlisted. In most cases the farmer is experi-
menting for four or five of his neighbors. In others he is
experimenting for a whole community, in Robinette's case
a community centered around a consolidated school.
This community elects its trustees, and the women elect
their cooperating committee on home economics. The
boys and girls have their 4-H Club. Regular monthly
meetings are held, their programs made out a year in ad-
vance by the committees. Some special subject is set up for
discussion at each meeting, such as terracing, legumes,
livestock, home electrification. Needless to say, these meet-
ings multiply the county agent's influence. What im-
pressed me also was the new life and initiative that has
come to these state extension agents through the TVA
phosphorus campaign.

Why had the TVA entered upon such a campaign? Mr.

Tennessee phosphate rock for the phosphorus condensation plant at Muscle Shoals

Morgan gave me his explanation. But his explanation was
possibly unconstitutional, for the federal government has
apparently no power to spend public money for manu-
facture and sale of fertilizer or for salaries of assistants in
soil erosion to instruct farmers in the use of phosphorus in
crop rotation.

The engineers constructing the dams gave me their
explanation. Great reservoirs are being constructed. The
whole length of the river under improvement from the
Ohio to the Norris Dam is nearly 700 miles, with some
thirteen dams on the Tennessee and tributaries. A com-
plete telephone system, with weather forecasts, connects
all the operating engineers at the dams now constructed,
conveying to each of them from the office of the chief
water-control engineer at Knoxville, daily and hourly in-
structions, if necessary, for holding back and letting loose
the surplus waters under their control. This is the way
in which the nine-foot depth of the Tennessee River for
600 miles from the Ohio River to Knoxville is to be
maintained. Yet this whole flood control and navigation
scheme, the engineers asserted, would collapse if die
thousands of farmers on the total watershed permitted
the soil to be washed into the reservoirs and rivers, as
they had been doing for two hundred years. The way
to start these present farmers on a program of coopera-
tion in their own self-interest is to furnish them this phos-
phate manufactured at one of the dams and show them
how to use it. In the interest of the constitutional power
over navigation and flood control the federal govern-
ment, through the TVA, must put on Morgan's sup-
posedly unconstitutional phosphorus campaign.

The Valley As a Laboratory

WHEN I ACCOMPANIED THE OPERATING ENGINEER OF THE
fertilizer works at Wilson Dam, he was continually re-
ferring Mr. Coyle and me back to H. A. Curtis, from my
own Wisconsin, now chief chemical engineer at Knox-
ville, who had invented and could explain the chemical
reactions of the enormous electrodes, the hot liquids, the
roaring flames, the 2600 degrees of heat which we saw
going on fearfully about us with danger signals and
huge shower baths everywhere for workmen and for
trembling visitors.
"What was the new thing that you invented?"

280

SURVEY GRAPHIC

askal. Nothing was new in the chemical process, he
answered, in effect. That had been known in labora-
tories for decades. The only new thing was a half dozen
mechanical contrivances for doing it on a scale of fifty
I tons in place of the laboratory grams. These devices have
been patented by the TVA, and when our experimental
stage is finished they will be leased to private manufac-
turers who will then produce and sell the phosphate on
a commercial basis. We have the technological process
already completed but it will require another year to
try out what we think will be the economic effects. That
is the reason for those farm records which you ask about.
We want to be sure that the 63 percent phosphorus will
not injure the soil in some unsuspected directions and
prevent the farmer from producing alternative cash crops,
before we release it for general use. Experiments must be
carried out for processing and marketing the alternative
products. Local refrigerating plants on a small scale must
be put within reach of the farmers for quick freezing of
berries, meats, other food stuffs. He referred me to J. P.
Ferris, chief of the demonstration section, another en-
gineer-economist whom I had known in Wisconsin.

Ferris has been investigating and inventing a number
3f small scale mechanical devices which the farmers could
use locally but which the great manufacturing corpora-
:ions of the North, catering to large scale agriculture,
nave not been making for the diversified small scale agri-
;ulturc of the South. On his list of subjects were refrigera-
:ion, contour plows, community ownership and use of
•quipmcnt, and so on.

Problems of the South

?IOM FERRIS I WENT ON TO J. H. ALLDREDGE, THE TRANS-
xmation economist. He showed to me by his statistics
ind charts the high wall of a domestic protective tariff,
-hrough discriminatory freight rates and delivered-price
practices, which northern capitalism had set up against
hese southern states. I had myself, twelve years before,
Jong with Professor Fetter of Princeton and Professor
•lipley of Harvard, appeared before die Federal Trade
Commission at Washington on behalf of Wisconsin and
•ighteen western and southern states, in opposition to the
'Pittsburgh-Plus" practice of the steel industry. This prac-
icc set as the prices of rolled steel produced at Birming-
lam, the higher base price at Pittsburgh plus the added
liscriminatory freight rate from Pittsburgh to Birming-
lam. The South was dius arbitrarily deprived of its local
idvantage in the manufacture of steel. Although the
7edcral Trade Commission had accepted our evidence of
liscrimination and had ordered the discontinuance of the
lelivcrcd-price practice, yet here I found it actually in
•xistence as obnoxiously as twelve years before.

But why should the TVA hire an expert like Alldredge
>n freight and price discriminations? Well, the Ferris
dea of protection against the North in order to build up
ocal processing manufactures for alternative crops' of the
aimers would be accomplished by the Alldredge idea of
ibolishing northern freight and price discriminations
(gainst the South. All of this was necessary in order to
;et the farmers to cooperate in navigation and flood con-
rol by holding back the water and silt on their farms.

The Southern Economic Association happened to be
lolding its annual convention at Knoxville, and when
hey called on me for a speech I said, after looking over
heir program of theoretical subjects, that the economists

of the South should concentrate investigation and public
education on three practical subjects of greatest importance
to their states: discriminatory freight rates, the delivered-
price practice, and phosphorus.

In my further auto-trailer trip through the one-crop
cotton area of Georgia I found that local people were using,
as ever, commercial nitrogen from Chile or elsewhere,
and were exporting to the North and abroad the remain-
ing fertility of their once rich soil. The eighteen thousand
phosphorus demonstration farms of the TVA are as yet
in the limited area of the Tennessee Valley. H. A. Morgan
envisages them, through state experiment stations when
the 63 percent stuff is available, in most of the states of
the nation.

The Constitution of the United States apparently pro-
hibits federal authority from spending money for the
benefit of individuals or localities. Yet, even if unconsti-
tutional, there is nobody to bring suit in court against
receiving benefits. It is different with eighteen southern
public utility corporations whose owners recently lost their
suit against the TVA. They feared that its program of
cheap electricity would deprive them, by competition, of
die values of their property. One feature of the suit was the
allegation that electricity is being sold at less than cost.
The TVA has, from the beginning, set up a cost-keeping
account. Its theoretical and technical analysis, as well as
the sales of electric power, I found, arc in charge of my
colleague and former student, Martin G. Glaescr, on
leave of absence from Wisconsin. The several different
costs which must be allocated involve a joint cost some-
what like the joint ton-mile costs of a railway corporation
for passenger and freight services, though more compli-
cated. The joint costs must be apportioned to navigation,
flood control, national defense, electric power, phosphorus
manufacture, soil restoration through forestry and agri-
culture, and then added to the specific operating costs of
each of diesc services. On the basis of these allocations
electric power is already being sold to municipalities, co-
operative associations, manufacturing corporations, and
it is diese prices that are being challenged by the private
utility corporations. The court was not asked to decide upon
the reasonableness of these prices in competition with the
private corporations, which is the real issue, but upon the
constitutionality of selling any electricity at all. The case
will probably be carried to the U.S. Supreme Court.

Men on the Jobs

I ASKED AN ENGINEER IN CHARGE OF CONSTRUCTION AT ONE

of the big dams how he got his job. He had made ap-
plication during the depression, sending in his references.
He was then called to Knoxville and was passed around
to the leading engineers who, he supposed, had reported
upon him. He was given a subordinate position, and, after
a year or so, was put in charge of this construction.
Others had had similar experience. As far as I could ob-
serve the work in die offices and in the field, the interest,
enthusiasm and efficiency of the force from top to bottom
are superior to what I had known in private or public
administration. They feel that they are pioneers in a na-
tional experiment and that they must see that it makes
good. I noticed vacancies in high-up positions whose
former incumbents had accepted positions at larger salaries
in private employment, but I noticed others who received
similar offers but were holding on to make this experi-
ment a success.

MAY 1938

281

The Letters of a Woman Citizen

VERY FEW MEN AND WOMEN OF THE CONSERVATIVE AND
wealthy class who have devoted themselves to philan-
thropy, have had the courage to examine the sources of
their own wealth and to face the fact that some of those
sources were tainted with anti-social elements. Even
smaller is the number of those who, having ascertained
the truth, feel it incumbent on them to use their power as
stockholders to remedy the abuses they have uncovered.
In a privately printed book* containing the collected
speeches and letters of Louise de Koven Bowen, the
parts that interest me most of all are those dealing with
these matters. They are the most important part of the
book, because it is in Mrs. Bowen's attitude toward labor
problems that her unusual quality, her originality and
independence come out most strikingly.

In a foreword Mary E. Humphrey, who selected and
arranged the material, speaks of the impression she gained
as she sorted out the papers and discussed them with
Mrs. Bowen. It is the impression everyone who reads the
book will gain: of a woman born to a conventional,
wealthy home, shielded as girls of her class were from
the ugly aspects of life, given little formal education,
who simply through the force of her own character
emerged as one of the leaders in social reforms of many
kinds; a woman at once warmly sympathetic and very
clear-headed, responding quickly to appeals from the
helpless and, at the same time, able to voice her response
in an array of accurately collected facts. This makes the
volumes doubly valuable, as the mirror of an unusual
personality and as a source book for the history of Chi-
cago from the eighties of the last century down to the
present day.

One must select from the subjects covered, and natur-
ally my selection is made according to my own field of
interest, the sections dealing with labor problems. But I
must at least mention those about children and young
people. Although I was living in Chicago during many
of those years I had forgotten the plight of the children
in police courts, of boys in the county jail, and the shock-
ing lack of protection for young girls. These sections and
many others are bound up with my memories of the early
days of Hull-House and bring back vivid pictures of that
settlement which for so many years has been the object
of Mrs. Bowen's devotion, and still is.

THE FIRST VENTURE MRS. BOWEN MADE IN THE FIELD OF
labor conditions we know of only through a reference in
a letter written to Judge Gary, president of U.S. Steel in
1921. In it she mentions a letter she wrote to him ten
years before, protesting against the twelve-hour day in
the steel industry. That letter is lost apparently, but it
seems to connect the awakening of her sense of responsi-
bility for the conditions in industries in which she held
stock with the publication in 1909 of John Fitch's volume
on the steel worker (Pittsburgh Survey). In her letter of
1921 she refers to this earlier one and says that in the in-
terval she had supposed that such practices had long since

•SPEECHES. ADDRESSES AND LETTERS OF LOUISE de KOVEN
BOWEN. 2 vols. Lithoprinted. Edwards Brothers, Inc. Ann Arbor. Mich.

282

by ALICE HAMILTON, M.D.

been abandoned in U.S. Steel plants, but an article in The
Survey of March 5, 1921, had revealed the persistence of
these long hours.

She tells Judge Gary this:

I own a thousand shares of U.S. Steel common, and as a
stockholder in this gigantic corporation, I wish to enter a for-
mal protest against the twelve-hour shift. It is not reasonable
to expect men to work such long hours and to maintain their
standards of health and decency. It means that they have ncH
the time to function naturally as parents, neighbors or citizens,
It means demoralization to the home and ultimately to the
community.

It was, of course, the late Charles M. Cabot of Boston
who called forth this second protest of Mrs. Bowen. For
the details I turned to her book, Growing Up With a City
(Macmillan, 1926). Mr. Cabot's interest also had been
aroused by The Survey report on the excessive hours of
labor in U.S. Steel and he, likewise a stockholder, had
called on his fellow stockholders to join in a protest, first
against the seven-day week where they won a victory,
Mrs. Bowen says, within two years, and then against the
twelve-hour day. Mrs. Bowen recorded herself on his
side and I can remember the interest we at Hull-House
felt over the controversy among the stockholders and the
dismay with which we read letters from clergymen and
philanthropists on the opposing side, defending the "right"
of steel workers to labor twelve hours a day. The stock-
holders led by Charles Cabot were defeated, U.S. Steel
remained obdurate, and it was not till President Harding
threatened to make an issue of it that the twelve-hour day
was, as a policy, abandoned by the corporation. Mr. Cabot
did not live to see it.

THE STORY OF MRS. BOWEN'S DEALING WITH THE PULLMAN
Company is indicated in outline only in the three letters
given in Volume 1, two of them written in 1911, calling
attention to some deplorable conditions in the medical de-
partment of the great plant at Pullman, and one in 1912
congratulating the company on the radical improvements
introduced during the preceding year. This story also is
treated more fully in her former book. But I do not
need to turn to it for the details, because it was my de-
scription of what I had found out in Pullman that led
to Mrs. Bowen's protest.

The Illinois Occupational Disease Survey was carried
on during 1910 and I was in charge of it and myself
undertook to investigate the lead-using trades. In the
course of a search through hospital records I came upon
fifteen cases of severe, acute lead poisoning in men whc
had painted the interiors of Pullman cars. They were not
regular painters — it appeared that the risks were too well
known to the skilled painters. They were recent immi-
grants, peasants mostly. They had to apply several coats
of white lead paint to the ceilings of the cars and, as each
coat dried, they had to sandpaper it to make ready foi
the next. The lead dust fell around the painter, so thai
he was forced to breathe lead-poisoned air all through his
working hours. Many of these men suffered so severely
that they had to go to the County Hospital, many mile;

away.

•

SURVEY GRAPHIC

Iii tin- course of my inquiry into the causes that had
hi ought .ibout such severe poisoning I learned a good
deal about the medical department of the Pullman Com-
pany. It seems almost incredible now, but at that time the
department consisted of one old man, and the two front
rooms of his house. When an accident occurred the first
man summoned was the company lawyer who made
careful notes of the injury on a diagram of the human
body, and only then was the injured man carried to the
doctor's office. There he was given the
sort of treatment that can be given in a
private house with a minimum of hos-
pital equipment and no sterilizing ap-
paratus. There was no nurse, and when
I asked the doctor how he managed if
an anesthetic must be given, he said
that his wife was pretty handy. If the
was serious, an ambulance was
summoned from St. Luke's in Chicago
and the man was driven the eight or ten
miles to the hospital. Many of the in-
juries came from foreign bodies in the
eyes, and the combination of lack of skill
and lack of asepsis resulted sometimes
very disastrously for the victim. There
was, no provision for care of lead pois-
oning, no attention at all paid to it.

I can remember how I used to pass
Pullman on the train in the course of my
journeyings and curse it in my soul as I
thought of what went on there and of
my own impotence to bring about any
change, for the management was then
very hard-boiled. The day came when I
poured it all out to Mrs. Btr.ven and
Miss Addams and found to my relief that perhaps some-
thing could be done. Some weeks later, a telegram sum-
moned' me from New York to meet the officials of the
Pullman Company and lay the facts before them. I found
Mrs. Bowen there and the newly appointed president of
the company, a very different man from his predecessor.
Mrs. Bowen's letter of 1912 shows how rapidly the reforms
were made, but she does not give the details. Not only
was the surgical department put on a thoroughly mod-
ern basis and an eye specialist employed, but the five hun-
dred-odd painters were provided with all possible pro-
tective measures, including the replacement of white lead
paint by a less poisonous substitute. The results were
striking. In 1911, when monthly medical examinations of
the painters began, 109 cases were discovered among 489
men in six months; in 1912-13, only three new cases were
found among 639 men in a year. The Pullman Company
w.iv s(x»n in the forefront of industrial companies in medi-
cal care and it still is.

MRS. BOWEN'S NEXT EFFORTS IN THIS FIELD WERE ALSO suc-
cessful. She was a stockholder in the International Har-
vester Company, and by 1916 it had become a habit with
her to meddle in the affairs of those companies in which
she held stock. On June 2, 1916, she wrote to the presi-
dent, Cyrus McCormick the elder. There had been a
strike and the International Harvester Company had be-
haved with a forbearance unusual in those days, refusing
to employ strikebreakers. For this Mrs. Bowen expresses
her approval, but she goes on to point out how impos-

Mri. Bowen in 1912

iible it is for a large industrial company to learn of the
grievances of its employes in time to avert a strike unless
there is "some channel of communication between em-
ployer and employed." She uses the phrase now so com-
mon, "collective bargaining," not only on wages and hours
but also on general conditions in the factory. She points to
the success of the Hart Schaffner and Marx system and
urges Mr. McCormick to discuss it with Sidney Hillman.
There is, however, a passage in Growing Up With a
City which shows that her efforts with
this company were not limited to this
letter about collective bargaining. She
relates there how she brought to Mr.
McCormick's attention the night work
ni women in the twine mills, and how
he responded eagerly to her appeal
which, coming from a stockholder, he
could use to strengthen his own oppo-
sition to night work for women before
his board of directors. This effort was
successful: night work for women in
the twine mills ceased six months la-
ter, and was followed by a second suc-
cess when Mrs. Bowen with Miss
Addams' aid persuaded the company
to establish a minimum wage for
women, eight dollars a week, "which
was then a sum on which a girl could
live."

I HAVE SELECTED THESE INSTANCES OF

Mrs. Bowen's activity because of their
unusual character, but they do not
cover the whole of her interest in labor
problems. In these volumes are to be
found several reports of surveys made in the field,
which present the sort of detailed factual material
that she has always loved to use and which throw a
light on many aspects of the labor problem. There is the
chapter on prison labor, written as long ago as 1912,
against contract labor in prisons and in favor of wages
for prisoners, illustrated, as are all her writings, by con-
crete instances of victims of the old vicious system. There
is the study made in 1911 by the Juvenile Protective Asso-
ciation, of which she was founder and president, of the
Department Store Girl, based on interviews with 200 girls
who worked for $2.50 to $11 a week and only eleven of
whom had the entire use of their wages; the rest had to
help support the family. The working day then ran often
to ten and a half hours and even to eleven and a half
hours, in spite of the ten-hour law. The report on The
Girl Employed in Hotels and Restaurants (1912) shows
even a worse picture, for here it is not only a question of
hours and wages but of constant danger from unscrupu-
lous men against which there was practically no protec-
tion.

As early as 1912 Mrs. Bowen was writing about the
need of a minimum wage for women and bringing to
enforce her argument the knowledge she possessed of the
way working girls lived.

There are many impressions to be gained from Mrs.
Bowen's collected letters and speeches, but the one I wish
to leave is that of a stockholder with a conscience, with
courage and perseverance. I hope that other stockholders
may read her record and go and do likewise.

MAY 1938

283

Spain's Civil War

Pen Drawings by
Luis Quintanilla

At the Modern Museum of Art in New York
for the past month subdued crowds have
been contemplating some ninety-odd draw-
ings that give the suffering and the de-
struction of the civil war in Spain. The
artist, Quintanilla, was a participant in
the fighting at Teruel and Madrid, until
the Loyalist government became concerned
for his life. These meticulous drawings
•re for the most part objective reports:
of refugees huddled in caves, cellars and
mines; shepherds and villagers bewildered
by bombs from the air; distraught, hun-
gry women and children; lines at the Ma-
drid market and soldiers off to the front
by street car; the war hospital; soldiers
from the different provinces, Italians,
Germans, Moors. Modern Age Books is to
bring out a volume of these drawings in
the summer, with text by Ernest Hemingway.

Catalan Soldier

Soldiers Gathering Orphans

Why Kill Us?

LETTERS AND LIFE: spring Book section

Walls Around Life

by LEON WHIPPLE

THE CULTURE OF CITIES, by Lewis Mumford. Harcourt, Brace. 586
pp. Price $5 postpaid of Survey Graphic.

I OUGHT TO WRITE THIS ON THE ROOF. THERE ON ELEVENTH

Street, Greenwich Village, New York, U.S.A.— our canny
apartment landlord has thrown up a pitiful-hopeful barricade
of roof-garden against the miles and miles of masonry bastions.
It is a pleasant artifice of pergolas, bird bath for citizen spar-
rows, and the rare green of hardy flowers and stubborn
shrubs. You can see the Chrysler spire, hotels, a jail, a univer-
sity, thin radio towers in Jersey, the funnels of the Normandie
sliding sometimes above the riverside roof line. It is the quin-
tessence of Megapolis: a text for Lewis Mumford's fine book
on how there came to be this volcanic upheaval of exciting
profiles, senseless masses, clotted dwellings for millions who
have lost their touch with earth.

He unrolls the drama of the city for almost a thousand
years, recording its technology, economics, architecture, fash-
ions, greeds, evils, and blind folly. Then, thanks be, he sums
up our extant wisdom on urban life and regionalism, and
explores the avenues by which we may hope, at a vast price
of energy and foresight, to escape our captivity. It is a wise,
luminous, and hopeful book, rooted in scholarship and in-
spired by a cold anger of the knowledge of good and evil.

We need hope to offset our trapped anger for as one looks
in ironic meditation over this wilful phenomenon, one asks
always: Why do I live here, a pauper in half the good simple
things that make life worth living? The sunshine is filtered
through mist, the wistful breeze tainted with fumes, green
things turn gray, there is no privacy, and worst of all no quiet.
The eternal hum and racket steal what Mumford rightly
registers as a primal need, that of withdrawing into ourselves,
to loaf and invite our souls, to find the pure oblivion of sleep.
At what a price we sell our small talents in this market, find
good work to do, good friends to know, and certain moments
of grandeur, mysterious beauty, and excitement that a city
offers. We are profoundly grateful to Mr. Mumford,"who here
as in his companion Technics and Civilization, seeks "to ex-
plore what the modern world may hold for mankind once
men of good will have learned to subdue the barbarous mech-
anisms and the mechanized barbarisms that now threaten the
very existence of civilization." Don't imagine this is any melo-
dramatic blast. But it is mighty good escape-literature.

The massive study is not journalism though up-to-date, nor
controversy though it explodes many a fad of city planning.
One great service is to mark off blind alleys we need not
explore again — as that of the garden city for workers that
proved too expensive for any worker to live in, or the multi-
decked hives that lately intrigued certain brilliant minds. It
attempts, I judge, to sum up all our experiments in city-
making, past and present, as guide for the future. Naturally
then many parts are familiar, but each is renovated with fresh
thinking, and the whole offers a synthesis of creative origin-
ality. It has unity because its true text is the good way of life:
how biotechnics may provide us with lovely homes and com-
munities that will release both body and spirit.

This is a kind of regional book that cannot be surveyed in
a review . . . 493 pages of text plus IX plates of city pictures,
an index of 30 pages, and a bibliography of 60 that notes
to our satisfaction the Survey Graphic Town Planning Num-
ber, May 1925, and offers some tart comment on literature, as
for example that one of Mr. Mumford's own books is "exas-
peratingly superficial." There is plenty of the sharp ironic

humor of ideas. Mumford points up the fact that even the
rich accepted indifferent houses thus: "Small wonder the rich
have failed to understand the housing problem: they never
discovered their own." Vide Park Avenue. This solid book is
easy to read, for its style is rich and flexible, with embedded
lines of poetry and forays of derision, say against prefabricated
standard houses. Here is a book to keep by one for study as
one might the scenes of a mural some centuries long, now for
a medieval religious processional wherein every citizen had
part, now for the geometrical gardens of the baroque city,
now for reflections on the meaning of sanitation and compari-
sons of city smells. It stirs thought.

The ground plan is simple. First comes the Medieval Town
formed by people crowding within its protecting wall and
around the cathedral. It could not provide enough space, or
regional unity, or economic flexibility so gave way to the
Capital City wherein the sovereign focused the court, parade
parks, and fashions of the baroque town. The rich wanted
avenues for riding and military displays (that helped order),
parks, vistas, gardens. There was more space and some design
though in a stiff mathematical spirit. I found this chapter a
delight, probably because we know less of this picturesquely
stylized opulent life than of later periods. But it heralded the
expensiveness of cities that has kept on multiplying and it
worried little about the masses. Here lived gentlemen with
horses, but without religion or provision for industry.

BUT INDUSTRY CAME INTO CONTROL WITH THE MACHINE THAT

demanded central housing for its own power plant, and tene-
ments for its labor. Profit-seeking under a doctrine of laissez-
faire made the factory and the slum of the Insensate Indus-
trial Town. The sordidness of "the non-plan for a non-city"
is still with us. The terrible picture Mumford draws of the
sacrifice of life values in the "brutal city" is not unfamiliar to
social workers who still struggle against its evil survivals. But
Coketown will be destroyed only when we replace profit mo-
tives with life motives. That is the Revolution on the brink
of which the author believes we stand.

Its Declaration of Independence is the section on The Rise
and Fall of Megapolis, that shapeless giantism that is inhuman,
sterile, congested by blindness and greed, financially tottering
under the costs of its own clumsy services, with blighted areas,
traffic stagnation, stop-gap plans, and stop-gap living. It is
what I see from the roof-garden, and there is a kind of som-
ber pleasure in having the indictment marshalled by an acute,
informed, rebellious expert who demands sun, fresh air, space,
and privacy. It may be over strong, but to break down the
giant demands righteous wrath.

The final part is a hopeful study, of what can be done, the
definition of a problem and of modes of change that may
salvage parts of Megapolis, renew it from within, or break
into creation beyond its octopus form. It insists on The
Regional Frame-Work of Civilization — the concept of a
geographic-cultural unit, designed for living by conscious plan
and the humane use of biotechnics, the fruition of the miracles
of science in human values. The Politics of Regional Develop-
ment chapter challenges everybody to accept the planning of
regions as perhaps the main task of our next two or three
generations. Young pioneers can join in an adventure of crea-
tion that is surely a moral equivalent of war, as crusaders for
beauty, joy, the good life. Prospects for a real Utopia are
assessed in the last chapter, Social Basis of the New Urban
Order, with notes on architecture, hygiene, the museum, the
debt to youth, and the school as the true center in place of the
cathedral, the court, the factory.

Now the book is not perfect. It is very assured, and compli-
ments us by assuming a knowledge of history and city-lore

286

SURVEY GRAPHIC

Since mid-January One Third of a Nation, the latest edition of the Federal Theater's Living Newspaper on the ill-housed, has
been playing to capacity in New York, even to standees. Arthur Aront. author of the housing play and of Power, the other Liv-
ing Newspaper success, has recently won a Guggenheim fellowship to continue work on the technique of the play-newspaper.
One Third of a Nation is its most elaborate "edition." It is in two acts, ten scenes, and uses for variety entertaining devices of
slides and movies as well as dramatic episodes that include a fire and a cholera epidemic. The set shows an old-law tenement.

that few of us possess. We need a lot more pictures of what
Mr. Mumford is talking about; expense must have kept them
down to the appetizers we do enjoy. The historian may dis-
sent as to the causes of city growth, holding them perhaps
more numerous or intangible than those selected. Any author's
subconscious works at a ceaseless task of pure selection round
the human shore of his interests. In so vast a terrain, the doc-
tors on city ills will find reasons for some disagreement on
diagnosis and treatment. But they will surely welcome this
splendid document, and I guess Mr. Mumford will welcome
the debates. But the layman, for whom the volume is treasure-
trove, will be inspired by the noble view of life presented, and
test much of the doctrine by common sense.

Any city parent knows, for instance, that the distance a
small child can walk in safety to school is a controlling radius
for a community unit; and that a flexible architecture is de-
sirable for he has struggled to expand a fixed home as the
children grew up. But the need for renewal is not, as Mum-
ford says, met by the gypsy mobility of the trailer for the
trailer-folk contribute nothing to support the communities on
which they are parasites, and they sacrifice the disciplines and
culture of sharing in the life of a place. On page after page
such excursions in thinking preserve our interest in main
themes.

The final themes are: the community must get control of
its own regional land, for plan by negative prohibitions is not
enough; progress is entwined with an improved economic sys-
tem and better distribution of income; planning will cost

money and short-cuts and jerry-building are wasteful for they
show no profits in enduring realization of life values; we must
use the resources of the machine but on biotechnic lines. May
I add the hope that our resentment will not make us sacrifice
any good element of the past. The skyscraper might be a
wonderful spectacle in the open if we can find out its true
function. Mr. Mumford rightly stresses the worth of the clean
economy of the functional ideal whereby life flows at full
tide beyond mere decoration and display. He would provide
a civilized environment for love-making. But may there not
be a place for a new kind of decoration or monument in our
life that can become pretty bare and menacing without veils
and memorials?

Let us go forward in this crusade of which the author be-
lieves the driving forces will be fine emotions and spiritual
aspirations. War has had too large a hand in building our
cities: it crowded people behind the medieval wall for security;
the baroque barracks were for troops to uphold the national
masters; the stunted recruits England discovered when she
fought the Boers or the Germans aroused a fear that helped
the humanitarian drive for better housing. Today I read that
Barcelona is dispersing her tragic population over the country-
side, not for sun or play or country beauty, but to lessen death
from bombing and the threat of broken services of food and
water. We cannot endure such regional planning. We need to
set up banners to which people will flock with gay singing,
bearing old simple words: "Sunshine, pure air, God's beauty,
and quiet — and peace."

MAY 1938

287

SOME RECENT BIOGRAPHIES

Americans in Process

JAMES MADISON: BUILDER, by Abbott Emerson Smith. Wilson-Erick-
son. 3«6 pp. Price $4.

ANDREW JACKSON— PORTRAIT OF A PRESIDENT, by Marquis James.
Bobbs-Merrill. 627 pp. Price $5.

FRANK B. KELLOGG, by David Bryn-Jones. Putnam. 308 pp. Price

$3.7'5.

GREAT LEVEDER— THE LIFE OF THADDEUS STEVENS, by Thomas Fred-
erick Woodley. Stackpole. 474 pp. Price $3.50.

AN ARTIST IN AMERICA, by Thomas Benton. McBride. 276 pp. Price

$3.7'5.

TIME OF OUR LIVES: THE STORY OF Mv FATHER AND MYSELF, by
Orrick Johns. Stackpole. 353 pp. Price $3.

Prices postpaid of Survey Graphic.
OVER THE WINTER I READ THE HANDFUL OF AMERICAN BIOG-

raphies and autobiographies listed above — and I can recom-
mend them all as interesting chronicles of the American
process. All are honest; and several are eminently readable.

At a time when the projection of constitutional repre-
sentative government into the complex future has turned
many critical minds back to the Founders, James Madison:
Builder, by Abbott Emerson Smith of Bard College, is a
valuable interpretation of Madison's contribution to practical
political science. Mr. Smith places Madison in his time and
setting, and, without in any way detracting from his reputa-
tion as the father of the Constitution, gives a sense of his
limitations — which, roughly, were similar to those of Jeffer-
son, his neighbor in the tobacco economy of Virginia before
industrialism dominated New England or cotton the Deep
South. A thoughtful and objective biographer, Mr. Smith has
sought to write a volume for serious adults and has suc-
ceeded in doing so.

Marquis James's second volume on Jackson, covering his
years as presidential candidate and president, is designed for
a wider public. And certainly Jackson himself deserves such
a biographer, for compared with Madison, the remote scholar
and political theorist, he was the people's leader and a doer —
the vigorous military hero and administrative genius who,
by force of circumstances, was to forward the revolution that
the Founders clinched in the Constitution. One may quarrel
here and there with the author for giving too much of the
politics and too little of the popular spirit of the times — for
the men and issues were less important than the trend, ac-
celerated by homespun pioneer democracy, which for the
first time put the common man really en rapport with the
federal government of his country. America was fortunate in
having a man of Jackson's boldness, humanity and ability
at such a moment in history. And Jackson's story has never
been told more magnificently than Marquis James tells it.

From Frank B. Kellogg, a Biography, by David Bryn-
Jones — a documented and informed, but not a vividly or-
ganic portrait — the reader is more aware of events than of
the men who participated in them. Trust-busting in the days
of T. R. seems elementary in comparison with the problems
of industrial control that arise today; just as statesmanship
during the period which followed the World War seems, in
today's world of marching men, to have been limited in spite
of its frequent idealism. Everyone interested in the back-
ground of our era, especially in foreign affairs, will find
Professor Bryn-Jones' volume an important chapter in the
history of a decade that, whatever the virtues of some of its
world-minded leaders, lamentably failed.

Although Thomas Frederick Woodley titles his life of
Thaddeus Stevens, The Great Leveler, Stevens was a leveler
only in the sense that an insurgent politician, in order to sur-
vive, must be an opportunist; hence a pragmatic democrat.
The author ascribes to him more credit than is ordinarily
given to him for the Emancipation Proclamation and the
Civil War Amendments to the Constitution. The book is

interesting as a record of a potent national figure from Jack-
son to Andrew Johnson; and for the light it throws on the
impeachment of Johnson in the view of Stevens who spon-
sored it, as a parallel to what in parliamentary systems is
known as a lack of confidence vote.

Beneath the political and international headlines, men
work and live and sometimes create. They, too, have a story.

Two interesting books in this category are An Artist in
America by Thomas Benton and Time of Our Lives by Or-
rick Johns. Benton, from Missouri, captures his youth and
his own odyssey with picturesque candor. He writes pungent-
ly of his roamings, his family, his art; and with genuine
frankness of people he has liked and disliked. For me hi
book, with informal sketches distributed generously through
out, was a delightful and provocative experience. He's pep
pery, iconoclastic, but sentimental. As he says in his con
eluding paragraph: "Either I am a slobbery sentimentalis
or there is something to this stuff about your native land
for when I sit above the waters of the Missouri I feel the1
belong to me, and I to them." He's lived in New York, Paris
heaven knows where else, so it means something when he
returns so fondly to his native West.

Orrick Johns, on the other hand, writes the poignant stor
of a life beset by frustrated ambitions, personal misfortunes
He strikes a complaining note in spite of all his gallan
realism. His book, like a post-war novel, runs the gamu
of bohemianism, Italy, radicalism, communism, then good
by to all that. He has a deeply sincere regard for socia
progress. I don't want to give the impression that his book
is dull or trivial. It's a personal history that begins in the
grassroots and ends, after intersecting every important move
ment and a good many important people, up in the air.

VICTOR WEYBRIGHT

The Greatest Woman of Our Time

MADAME 'CURIE, A BIOGRAPHY, by Eve Curie. Translated by Vincen
Sheean. Doubleday Doran. 393 pp. Price $3.50 postpaid of Survey
Graphic.

IN SPITE OF THE PITILESS PURSUIT OF MARIE CURIE AND HER

husband by the journalists of the world, remarkably little was
known of the Curies until Madame Curie's life of her hus
band, Pierre, and her own autobiographical note (appended
to the latter in its English but not in its French version) ap-
peared in 1923. This biography by her younger daughter is
consequently the only "full length portrait" we possess of the
most celebrated woman scientist of our time and perhaps, if
we except Hildegarde of Bingen, of all time. It suffers from
the daughter-mother relation of biographer and subject, and
from lack of acquaintance with the subject's actual work. It
is probably true that Eve did not actually understand either
her mother or radioactivity (neither statement could be made
of the elder daughter, Irene Curie-Joliot) but she has more
than compensated for these defects by presenting us with a
human document of very great beauty, told with dramatic
instinct. A mass of precious family data has been at the
biographer's disposal — none perhaps more important than
Marie Curie's letters to her father, Joseph Sklodowski.

A strictly scientific appraisal of the Curie epochal isolation
of the particular magic substances responsible for the dark-
room behavior of uranium, discovered by Henri Becquerel;
the signal extension of this work single-handed by the widow
so that she was, and is, the only individual twice awarded
the Nobel Prize; and, furthermore, the relation of the Curie
work to that on atomic disintegration by the Rutherford
school at Cambridge, these matters must be looked for else-
where. They can, in fact, be treated properly only by an
historian of science, and have indeed been so treated in a

288

SURVEY GRAPHIC

notable short article by J. G. Crowthcr in the Nineteenth Cen-
tury for August 1934.

This book, like the noble depiction of Pasteur by his son-
in-law, Vallery Radot, shows motivation by affection and
admiration, but under no circumstances could be described as
merely the usual eulogy written by a member of the family.
Mile. Curie shows a surprising capacity to observe and de-
lineate the inscrutable sad little Polish woman, whose single-
NI-IS ot purpose, elevation of mind and intolerance of fame,
set her apart from the most of mankind. The simple, true and
singularly perfect character of the subject, as well as the

indeur of her achievements, do not lend themselves to
adjectival decoration, and one sometimes wishes for the nobil-
of straightforward narration and the elimination of all
expletives. Yet criticism could hardly be leveled at such minor
faults of craft in this memorable, extremely beautiful and
moving piece of portraiture.

Institute of Experimental Biology HERBERT M. EVANS, M.D.
University of California

Understanding Aunt Louisa

LOUISA MAY ALCOTT. by Katharine Anthony. Knopf. 304 pp. Price
S3 ponpaid of Survey Graphic.

WHEN I SEE A NEW BIOGRAPHY BY KATHARINE ANTHONY An-
nounced, I sit back in my chair with something of the same
restful confidence we all feel when the trained nurse steps into
the house to take care of the patient. Disciplined intelligence,
experience, professional conscience and rectitude, those we
can expect as a matter of course. We would as soon think of
a R.N. giving poison to her charge, as of Miss Anthony's
using a biography to air a personal spite or to show off her
own dexterity.

The biography of Louisa Alcott will probably not be con-
sidered by Miss Anthony's usual readers as interesting as her
life of Marie Antoinette or Catherine the Great. At least some
, of them will probably consider it necessary to say that the
virtuous, invalid New England old maid who wrote those
sugary stories for little girls, is an odd subject for a "real"
biographer — unless of course the biographer dips her pen in
good rank twentieth-century vitriol as^shc writes, which Miss
Anthony by no means does. But my guess is that these super-
ior minds, as well as all the rest of us, will begin this book
with a feeling of curiosity at long last satisfied, will read it
with attentive interest, and will end it as considerably en-
lightened about the workings of human nature and human
institutions as if the scene had been set in the glitter of a

urt.

It must have been hard for Miss Anthony to stand back
from her subject far enough to get the perspective necessary
for a portrait: for Louisa Alcott is to most Americans more
like an aunt, well known in our childhood, than an author.
And like the aunt whom we saw around the house all the
days of our youth, she was quite unknown to us. In spite of
this difficulty, a real one, Miss Anthony manages with entire
naturalness, neither patronizing nor warning us not to con-
descend, to treat the author of Little Women like a human
being and an author, and to make us take her as such.

The story she tells has a good many surprises for us. Bron-
son Alcott, the prophet-sagc-poor-provider father, is familiar
in us from biographies of Emerson and Thoreau, from any
book that touches on old Concord and its worthies. But Miss
Anthony's admirably painted portrait of Mrs. Alcott is a
revelation, her analysis of Louisa's attitude towards her mother
(although we had no suspicion of it) brings instant convic-
tion of its truth. And we are rather taken aback by the story
of the tenuous little episode of Miss Alcott's relations with
the young Polish musician who was the original of Laurie.
This incident is narrated with the most excellent skill, accur
and understanding, every nuance right — even to the final
• penetrating divination (as they part) of the artist that was

in Miss Alcott, as well as the inhibited Victorian spinster.

Yes, even so, we feel it must have been so, did that dutiful
aproned aunt of ours take the little her conventions allowed
her and no more out of human life. And as would be true of
our spinster aunts if we had the seeing eye which could divine
what in our elders was wholly unsuspected by our youthful
egotism: the real meaning of life was duty — duty to the fam-
ily. The story is not so dramatic as that of Elizabeth Barrett,
the nervous invalidism not so complete, the gentle, helpless
deadweight of the impractical father is a variation from the
type of ugly devil-god like Mr. Barrett, demanding all from
his votaries, and there never was any gallant rescuer to bear
the victim off to sunshine and freedom. What few glimpses
of sunshine and freedom Louisa Alcott ever had, she paid
for out of her own pocket on the nail — after all the family
bills were taken care of.

But the altar is the same, and before it goes up the same
smell of burnt-offerings of sacrificed lives. And yet, horrified
though we are, we cannot but take off our hats to the un-
flinching gallantry with which that heavy burden was car-
ried. If you have to choose — which heaven forfend, and yet
somehow we often do seem to have only the choice between
those two alternatives to make — which would you rather
have: courageous, selfless service, with the kind of strained
strength that comes with its demands even to a personality
almost crushed by it, or bewildered self-centered poring over
one's own psychological tangles and complexes? There's real-
ly food for thought in this intelligent account of what life
was like to that dutiful spinster aunt of ours.
Arlington, Vt. DOROTHY CAN FIELD FISHER

Composition in Movement

FIRST PERSON PLURAL, by Angna Enteri. Stackpole. 386 pp. Price
$4 postpaid of Survey Graphic.

LET THE ACCURATE TITLE OF ANGNA ENTERS* FORCEFUL JOUR-

nal-chronicle, First Person Plural, serve as clear indication that
it is impossible to consider Enters as author, without also con-
sidering her as dancer, painter, designer, "musicologist," re-
search worker in the arts, as well. And as each, we find, she
is extraordinarily gifted. The book itself is a stirring exposi-
tion of her work in all of its various aspects, and of her ex-
tensive travels.

In 1924 Enters borrowed $25 and successfully performed
her first compositions "in movement" for the theater, despite
warnings that she could never compete with the regular
dancers in the concert field. Believing with Plato that "the
beautiful motion is that which produces the desired result
with the least effort," she had evolved a form not at first
accepted as "dance," because what she wished to say dictated
the necessary form of her work, rather than a merely conven-
tional desire to dance.

The tradition of mime, into which Enters' work fits, and
of which she writes so brilliantly, she discovered to exist only
after she had created her own medium of expression. This
tradition Enters found to have recurred from Dorian Greek
days down through the commedia dell' arte.

Because of her horror at the Spanish conflict, about which
she has also spoken on the radio and commented on the stage,
she has written this book. Her writing, like her stage compo-
sitions, is infused with sympathy and intelligent understand-
ing of the forces of oppression at work in the world. She is
as much against and aware of categories of esthetic murder
as fascist murder, and spares them as little. Her exposition of
the vacuous abstractionism in the arts today, particularly in
the dance, as opposed to the healthy approach of a Leonardo
(or herself), is one of the finest critical analyses of our time.

Since Isadora Duncan's My Life, no comparable book by an
American dancer has appeared. And Enters is surely the most
original creative force in the dance in America since Duncan,
to whom Enters pays fitting tribute in her own book, as she

MAY 1938

2S9

does also, and respectfully, to the perfect timing of the -best
vaudeville tradition, for example, that of Bill Robinson and
Chaplin. One can only in turn pay tribute to Enters: for hav-
ing brought the dance out of its entombment in the concert
hall; for her health and clarity in regard to the arts; and for
the quality of her protest against the murdering and crushing
of innocent peoples. This beautiful book, which includes re-
productions of Enters' sensitive drawings, should be read, as
Enters should be seen.
New Yor^ DOROTHY NORMAN

News That Made Men

ONE AMERICAN AND HllS ATTEMPT AT EDUCATION, by Frazier
Hunt. Simon and Schuster. 400 pp. Price $3 postpaid of Survey Graphic.

IN THIS INFORMAL, LOOSELY-WRITTEN STORY OF A REPORTER'S

small town boyhood and later quest for news over vast
stretches of the world, this "one American" writes less of his
growth as a personality than of his adventures among the
great amid scenes that formed part of the enduring history
of the last twenty years. Spike Hunt is a native son of Illinois,
still young enough to remember the war years abroad from
the viewpoint of a youthful reporter. The first quarter of
his book, recounting pre-marital and pre-martial years in the
Middlewest, reveals him as an egoist lacking in industry and
foresight, with an unreflective approach to life and an unfail-
ing dependence on luck. The small-town boyhood he describes
is trite rather than typical. Except for the brief chronicle of
his editorship of an Illinois weekly in 1912, the story of these
early years is too self-centered. Once he has left the Middle
West for wartime Paris, Russia, India, China, Mexico, Ire-
land, London, he is able to put down those records of men
and places that make the rest of the book delightful.

Without the understanding of a Duranty or an abiding
fondness for learning but with ample good fortune, Hunt
dropped into the middle of earth-shaking events in some of
those twenty years of wandering. He has not squeezed out of
his narrative all the sentimental qualities that must have made
his news stories exciting, but he has wisely included generous
sticks from cables he sent out of a Soviet Russia bewildered
in the cold of its dawn; also, numerous glowing anecdotes of
nobodies in remoter places of the earth. In many instances
these anecdotes are richer than are his recollections of such
figures as Gorky, Lincoln Steffens, Hoover, Sun Yat-sen,
Gandhi, Villa, Sinclair Lewis, Shaw and Chiang Kai-shek.
Hunt's sympathy for the downtrodden and oppressed is im-
pulsive, and hardly ripe enough to place him among the
"radicals" of the restless 1920's; nor does his background
equip him to write profoundly of America in its recent lean
years. But as the man has a genuine ability for putting people
on paper, his book adds another to the numerous texts for
aspiring foreign correspondents.
New Yor^ Sun CLAYTON HOAGLAND

Arnold in Perspective

RENOWN, by Frank O. Hough. Carrick & Evans. 497 pp. Price $2.50
postpaid of Survey Graphic.

1'HE MOST OBJECTIVE TELLER OF TALES, BE THEY FICTION OR

history, cannot fail to project something of himself into a
story. No matter how brilliant or facile his pen may be, a
mean or small man can, by his emphasis, dwarf even the
truly great, and an author of understanding and tolerance
can breathe some of his own sensitiveness into the characters
he portrays, whether he intentionally parents them or believes,
as the author of Renown apparently does, that he is pictur-
ing with accuracy those who really lived and moved and
had their being. Whether you read it as the novel which the
author writes, or as biography, Frank Hough's story of Bene-
dict Arnold is no exception to this author projection. He has
written an intensively gripping book whose narrative is both

rapid and smooth and carries with it a conviction of accuracy
of both detail and perspective. The author is obviously a
scholar with the heart of a sincere humanitarian, bent upon
giving a devil his due. It is evident that he likes Arnold but
does not fall into the error of distorting historical facts in any
attempt to excuse his hero's conduct.

From the first page to the last, the reader lives in the drama
and fatalism of a modern Greek tragedy. Mr. Hough presents
the brilliant, vain, selfish Arnold that we have long been fa-
miliar with, but he does it with such deftness and spice that
at times the reader almost shares the author's sympathetic
treatment. Yet, not for a moment does one lose the picture of
a supersensitive man concerned with his own rights to the
constant exclusion of his obligations, quick to resent a slight
to himself, but exceedingly slow to sense the reaction of others
toward himself.

No story of Benedict Arnold could be written without an
accurate understanding of the background, significant events
and personalities of our Revolution. This Mr. Hough has, and
his evaluations are vivid and convincing. It is a thrilling
book, beautifully written by one who is a master in the art
of making one sentence tell a story. It is a book which can
be read with intense excitement and reread with an enjoy-
ment of phrases and metaphors. And all the time you are
aware that you like Mr. Hough. It is a truly significant book
which explains the hero of Saratoga and the tragedy which
was the salvation of a nation's birth.

No person who is interested in American history can afford
to neglect reading it.

New Yor/(

A Noted Priest

RICHARD B. SCANDRETT, JR.

REBEL, PRIEST AND PROPHET, by Stephen Bell. Devin-Adair. 303
pp. Price $3 postpaid of Survey Graphic.

THE SUBJECT OF THIS BIOGRAPHY, DR. EoWARD McGLYNN,

was a Roman Catholic priest. He died at the turn of the cen-
tury but the reverberations of his turbulent career still sound
today. The author portrays him as a brilliant preacher and a
zealous spiritual leader. His own flock was passionately de-
voted to him and their feeling was shared by many, including
ministers of religion outside of his Church. So broad were his
sympathies and so all-embracing his interests that his admir-
ers came to be numbered by the thousands. He was especially
known for his independent views. Thus, for example, he dif-
fered sharply from the prevailing policy of his co-religionists
on the subject of parochial schools. His major claim on public
attention, however, grew out of his social and economic
opinions.

Puzzled as he was by the paradox of want in the midst of
potential abundance, it was not surprising that he became
interested in the novel message of Henry George. Interest
soon changed into acquiescence and then into ardent disciple-
ship. His exposition of the single tax theory to cheering
crowds rapidly made him a national figure. At the same time
his denial of the right of property in land and his advocacy
of its confiscation involved him in a series of conflicts with
the Church authorities. The climax was reached when his
refusal to explain his case in Rome led to his excommunica-
tion. Then followed five difficult years in which he remained
loyal to his Church although occasionally resentful towards
those who administered its offices. The case was reopened in
1892. Dr. McGlynn was reconciled to the Church when a
committee of five theologians found no error in a carefully
prepared statement of his views. After his restoration he re-
mained a public figure, but his opinions seem to have grown
more moderate with the passage of time.

It is still difficult after the lapse of nearly forty years to for-
mulate a detached and dispassionate judgment on this noted
priest. Ultimately the reader's opinion is likely to be deter-

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mined by his economic wews. It he is one of the great major-
ity who feel that George's claims were extreme and narrow,
then he will consider the life of Dr. McGlynn as a pure trag-
edy of high ideals dissipated in the pursuit of an economic
will-o'-the-wisp. If, on the contrary, he is among the few but
devoted followers of Henry George, he will consider the sub-
ject of this book as a martyr prophet. The same diversity of
views will color one's interpretation of the famous statement
accepted by the committee of theologians. Mr. Bell asserts
that no retraction was made. This is evident in the matter of
unearned increment but not at all clear in the case of private
ownership of land. The vague and general phrasing of the
paragraphs dealing with land can be interpreted in several
ways. Much depends on Dr. McGlynn's private explanation to
Archbishop Satolli. There were many reasons for sparing the
priest a public and humiliating recantation. The complete
story has not been told as yet and until it appears I'affaire
McGlynn will remain, to the general public at least, a partial
enigma. JOHN F. CROWN, S.S., PH.D.

'•tary's Seminary, Baltimore, Md.

Homage to Robert Frost

RECOGNITION OF ROBERT FROST, TWEKTY-HFTH ANHIVHSAIY.
edited by Richard Thornton. Holt. 312 pp. Price $2.50 postpaid of Sur-
vey Graphic.

It IS A QUARTER CENTURY SINCE A BOY'S WlLL FIRST APPEARED

in print in England, and at once received beautifully appre-
i i.itive reviews in The Academy and The English Review.
Robert Frost's publishers are signalizing the anniversary by
publishing a volume of selected comment and criticism of his
work. I wish American publishers did this sort of thing more
often. It is exciting to review the life and work of a distin-
guished contemporary.

The book is usable, also, and in many ways. I am giving
copies of it to several young writers because I can imagine no
better introduction to the world of letters, today, yesterday or
tomorrow. There is Frost's stature to begin with; and Mr.
Thornton as editor has chosen his documents in a fair and
comprehensive way. The volume opens with Mark Van Dor-
en's excellent essay, The Permanence of Robert Frost, and
then passes to the early English and American reviews, thence
to pictures of his background by Dorothy Canficld Fisher
and others, two bibliographical notices, and a group of por-
traits, one of them Miss Sergeant's fine Good Greek out of
New England which appeared in Fire Under the Andes. The
last half is given to twenty-six critical points of view of Frost,
four from the continent, and a number from England.

The only fault I find with the book is its weight (almost
two pounds) and its size (9l/2 x 6l/2). It will not wear out
on a shelf in a college library. On the other hand, no young-
ster will take it along on a picnic or canoe trip.
Santa Fe, N. M. HANIEL LONG

Forel's Own Story

OUT OF MY LIFE AND WORK, by August Forel. Translated from the
German by Bernard Miall. Norton. 352 pp. Price $3.75 postpaid of
Survey Graphic.

THIS ENGLISH PRESENTATION OF THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF ONE
of the foremost Swiss ncuropsychiatrists of the past genera-
tion is an event to be heralded. This is no detailed account
of the academic life, although here and there throughout
the story can be found allusions to the bases of his lasting
scientific fame — his pioneer work in the establishment of the
neurone doctrine, the invention of the Gudden microtome,
his work in hypnosis, his championing of the monistic con-
ception of man and human behavior, his interest in occupa-
tional therapy, in humanitarian methods in the management
of the modern mental hospital, and so on. The searcher for
details as to his psychiatric training, his teaching, his sys-
tematized outlook on the field is doomed to disappointment.

I his is no treatise on psychopathology. The Kurghbl/.li n,
the evidence of his skill.

Its main appeal is in the frank narration of a life beginning
in oppressive shyness, finding release in work, and a passion-
ate need for inquiry and honesty of outlook. He was brimful
of enthusiasms which never flagged and which always some-
how found the means for realization. Impulsive, generous,
hating authoritarian bias, sham and shilly-shalliness, his life
is full of dramatic scenes. His strong sense of social responsi-
bility led him to champion a healthier attitude to the sexual
problem, and to promote complete abstention as the only con-
trol for alcoholism. In the latter many would say that he had
lapsed into that same bias he so deplored in others. But in
any case his course was shaped by his own personal experience
and his own deductions therefrom, and so satisfied his creed
of observing and basing action on the fruits of observation.

Here was a man with a hundred irons in the fire, who vol-
untarily resigned at fifty to have more leisure time, who saw
his activities multiply thereafter but happily was freed from
political squabbles. He remained militant to the last, overcom-
ing the physical handicaps of an apoplectic stroke, battling
financial hardship, yet finding time and opportunity to con-
tinue his lifetime study of ants, to give his advice and counsel
far and wide in psychiatric matters, to travel extensively, to
work unremittingly for world peace and amity. His friends
and foes were legion, for every topic challenged him and he
then threw the challenge to the world.

The portrait he paints is so vivid one forgets the skill in
the painting. It is an excellent translation. The book should
be read by all interested in the struggle for social betterment,
especially in the contribution to be made by neuropsychiatry.
Jo/ins Hopkins University WENDELL MUNCIE, M.D.

Miss Keller Looks at Life

HELEN KELLER'S JOURNAL. DoubledayDoran. 313 pp. Price $2.50
postpaid of Surrey Graphic.

THIS IS A CROSS-SECTION OF HELEN K.ELLER's VIEW OF HER

own life — and the world's — during a crucial and touching
year. Anne Sullivan Macy, her liberator and for forty-nine
years her companion and inspiration, had suffered a harsh
illness and died. When the beloved are great also, they leave
indeed, as Markham said, "a lonely place against the sky."

But Helen Keller is rich in labor, joy and friends. And
her present companion is evidently delightful. Nothing else
in the book is so nice as the incessant flying glimpses of
"Polly."

The chief significance is in the references to the deaf and
blind. Though the general texture of the journal is intel-
ligent, informed, liberally radical and humane, it is not in-
dividualized. Personality, however, pours in with every
mention of the dwellers in silence and darkness:

"The singing book for the blind has come! . . . Albert
Brand of Cornell . . . studied bird notes, placing a sound-repro-
ducing apparatus near the nests and catching the songs all
the way from the chipping-sparrow to the cardinal!"

". . . in came Dr. Finley, with the dear big hand the
blind love."

"It was a keen disappointment to me that the organ music
did not reach my feet on account of the marble floor."

Helen Keller went with Gutzon Borglum to "see" the
masterpieces of Rodin. She stood on a chair to envisage with
her fingers the form and face of Victor Hugo. In the Thinker
she "felt the throes of emerging mind" and "recognized the
force that shook me when Teacher spelled 'water' and . . .
hewed my life bit by bit out of the formless silent dark."

The book should never have closed just as she entered
Japan at the Japanese government's request to befriend the
Japanese blind.
Manchester, Vt. SARAH N. CLEGHORN

MAY 1938

291

OUTLOOK ON THE MODERN WORLD

Joseph's Journey and Our Own

JOSEPH IN EGYPT, by Thomas Mann. Knopf. 2 vols. 664 pp. Price $5
postpaid of Survey Graphic.

"Very deep is the well of the past. Shall we not call it bottom-
less1?" (Joseph and His Brothers)

HAVING GAZED "BACKWARDS AND BACKWARDS INTO THE IMMEAS-
urable" with Thomas Mann, through two volumes of his
Biblical saga, we are perhaps only now prepared to say that
we feel Joseph as a contemporary, in the "here and now as
well as in the then which has become the now."

It is clear that Joseph, as he reappears in Joseph in Egypt,
is indeed already familiar to us through Mann's well-loved
youth, Hans Castorp, musing among the "moribund" in his
comfortable retreat on the Magic Mountain. Joseph, too,
has "died to life," having been cast into the pit by his brothers;
he, too, finds himself an alien in the land of the death-
worshippers — the barbaric, the exquisite Egyptians. Like
Hans, he becomes akin to those with whom he lives; like
Hans, his detached and northern mind sets him apart from
the more "relaxed," the richer, ranker civilization of the lovely
foreign land. Both young men encounter their enchantresses
and are dazed; both absorb the new knowledge of beauty and
death, and go their independent ways, leaving the world of
strange odors and subtle colors. Hans descends the Magic
Mountain, and throws himself into the War; Joseph accepts
the false accusation of Potiphar's wife and returns again to the
pit, to Pharaoh's prison. Almost "lost to life" permanently,
each escapes with the scars of knowledge to a further chasten-
ing. And both young men carry with them not only their own
personal stories, but also, by implication, the story of an
evolving modern consciousness.

But what, finally, is the "knowledge" which Joseph so pain-
fully achieves during his ten years' stay in Potiphar's well-
ordered household? This "lower world" of our own minds
as presented to us through the mind of Joseph, is more un-
fathomable to the reader than the "lower world of the past,"
since it is at once the consciousness of Joseph and of ourselves,
and also of a new Europe seeking new values.

We meet the seventeen-year-old Joseph at the opening of
this portion of the slowly unfolding saga, squatting by the
side of one of the Ishmaelites with whom he is travelling.
"Come-hither," as he is known to his companions, has been
purchased for twenty pieces of silver; he is part and parcel of
the old merchant's store of saleable goods with which he is
journeying along the margin of the sea. "Where are you tak-
ing me?" asks Joseph, voicing our anxiety as to our destiny
as well as his own. "Why, no-whither," comes the response,
"thou art by chance with us." But to Joseph, Jacob's darling,
seed of Abraham, nothing that happens to him is by "chance."
"I know that you travel where you will," he answers. But, he
muses to the annoyance of his companion, each individual
carries with him his "universe."

Joseph, the God-led, carries with him, through the long
years of his exile, the sense of himself as the center of his
universe, as one who is destined for "the highest," being an
instrument of God. The young Ishmaelite laughs at him in
vain for sticking his nose into such high wisdom; arrogance
remains a part of Joseph's inner self, and indeed leads him
finally, at the end of ten years' span, back again into the pit.

Thus the young Joseph (and ourselves) makes his slow
pilgrimage through "walled white cities, fringed with palm,"
across the dusty, never-ending desert, into the glittering City
of the Sun, walking alone in the Eye of God, for all that he
is a boy and a slave and nameless. He stands at last before
the Sphinx, before the alien culture, tries his heart "upon the
voluptuously smiling majesty of that endurance," eye to eye

292

with "the forbidden," — and he holds with his father, Jacob,
worshipper of the living God, the God of reason and restraint.
Through the seven good years in Potiphar's house, first as
assistant to Red Belly, the gardener, and finally as overseer of
the entire household, Joseph "flourishes as by a spring." For
this sense of being himself, dedicated to the secret purposes
of the Hidden One, never forsakes him. Though he becomes
more Egyptian year by year in his manner of walking, the
color of his sun-browned skin, his way of blackening the out-
lines of his beautiful Rachel-eyes, his inner aloofness keeps
him apart from these luxuriant Egyptian children, who wor-
ship their gods in death and have no word for "sin."

YET INTO THE SPIRIT Ol- THIS NORTHERN SHEPHERD ENTERS, TOO, A

new sense of the airy grace of pleasure gardens; the comeliness
of the brown bodies of temple-maidens; the delicate wisdom of
the "good old books" which he reads aloud to his master, and,
more than these, a sympathy for the mild and tragic master
himself, who sits perfectly straight on his cushion, his little
hands on his knees while Joseph reads. For all his massiveness
of body, his tiger-hunting, hit fiery steeds, Potiphar, "unique
friend to Pharaoh," is, in fact, only a parasitic courtier and
nominal head of his house, having been dedicated to the ser-
vices of Amen-Hotep III in his youth, and deprived of his
virility. During the seven good years, before the bright, stern
eyes of Mut-em-enet, the mistress, rest on the steward, Joseph
devotes all his gift of understanding toward absorbing the
essence of an empty culture, symbolized by Potiphar, and it
proves at last to be sterile. No less sterile is the ' furious love
of the "shadow-faced" mistress, once she has been awakened
from her enchanted sleep by the beauty of this cup-bearer,
with the blue lotus flower in his mouth. Why, one asks, did
Joseph gird himself with "seven reasons" to resist the mistress?
In the first place, one must admit a certain haughtiness in the
young steward, an over-weeningness akin to arrogance, which
finally brings about his second descent to the grave. But if
one seeks to understand how it really looks inside of Joseph's
mind, "so early and yet so modern," one comes to realize him
as "the reasoning child of the promise," standing before the
"horned folly" of a dying civilization, which he both despises
and loves. He carries within himself, for all these long Egyp-
tian years, the consciousness of a bond with the God of his
fathers, who was a God of the spirit, and not of the flesh —
a God of the future still more than of the past. And this
brings a realization of another aspect of the "nowness" of
this "reasoning child of the promise." He is not only Joseph
before the ancientness of Egypt, at once accepting and repudi-
ating its outworn values, but also the symbol of modern
Europe, enthralled by decadent cultures, but in search of new
allegiances.

Though Mut-em-enet's wild accusation that the steward
had attempted to lay violent hands on the mistress — is false,
Joseph is, in a sense, guilty. When Potiphar, before the assem-
bled household, passes judgment on his beloved cup-bearer
and friend, who stands with bowed head before his accuser,
and consigns him to prison, we respect the mild and wise lord
who sends him to "the place of atonement where no laughter
is" to consider more deeply the nature of his guilt, the guilt
of pride. But Joseph is still the mouthpiece of the living God
of reason. We know that he had to renounce his mistress —
as modern Europe must renounce the allurements of outworn
traditions — but that he will again rise out of the pit to a
destined "higher" life, even as our world will one day rise
from the pit in which it now finds itself.

How that rising will take place, what will become of
Joseph as Pharaoh's steward we can only hope will be "the
subject of future lays" by Mann, who is important to us as
both prophet and historian. He has left us still somewhat

SURVEY GRAPHIC

Left: Victory dying on a cannon. Right: The birth of the true Victory which comes when the weapon is broken. Paint-
ings in the Council Chamber of the League of Nations building at Geneva, by the Spanish mural artist Jose Maria Sert

dazed by this third plunge into the abyss of time, and — even
more difficult — by this plunge into the mind of the steward
Joseph, or, if we will, the new mind of a future world.

"Very deep is the mind of man. Should we not call it bot-
tomless?" we ask, as we lay by these two volumes, which con-
tinue to re-pass through our minds with the beauty and
strangeness of a remembered journey into the past and into
the future.
Rupert University CLARA MARBURG KIRK

Peace: Unsolved Problem

PROBLEMS OF WAR AND PEACE IN THE SOCIETY OF NA-
TIONS, by Edwin D. Dickinson, Carl Landauer, Robert A. Brady,
Charles G. Haines, Malbone W. Graham and George M. Stratton. Uni-
versity of California Press. 155 pp. Price $1.50.

AT THE PARIS PEACE CONFERENCE, by James T. Shotwell. Mac-
millan. 444 pp. Price $4.

Prices postpaid of Survey Graphic.
OF THE MAKING OF PEACE THERE IS NO END; FOR THE FABRIC

of peace is like Penelope's web. Only constant work and con-
stant effort maintain it. The six essays which were lectures
arranged by the University of California Committee on Inter-
national Relations, all splendid in quality, nevertheless leave
the reader with a sense of profound futility. Dickinson writes
of the Great Community; but where is it? Perhaps Dickinson
is right that present tendencies are merely a temporary rever-
sion, that there is a renewed determination to build more
enduring order for the Great Community. Perhaps; but there
must be an appeal to something more splendid than material-
ism, whether expressed as economic exchange or socialism.
We shall have to appeal to something more splendid than
methods of government, whether it be constitutionalism or a
method of world organization. I am inclined to believe that
Stratton's ultimate appeal to three great desires, wealth, justice

and defense, must be merged in a still greater yearning — for
a spiritual understanding. This is not to say that the six essays
are not worth reading; emphatically they are. Perhaps when
hope is dimmest the expression of a dream is most worth-
while.

The central failure of our generation in peace making was,
of course, Versailles. Many men were there; Shotwell's diary
is the last to reach print. Its author was one of the most dis-
tinguished men at that conference; and his chronicle is a per-
sonal history. Concerned as he was chiefly with the League of
Nations and especially with the creation of the International
Labor Office, it does not purport to be a general history. Yet
in a large sense it is a first source of the history which still
has to be written. Another diarist, Nicolson in the British
delegation, found as his best collaborator, Albert Rhys Car-
penter, a great expert on the Near East. Shotwell either never
met him or did not mention him. Instances could be multi-
plied, which merely indicates that the American delegation
was not itself a unit. Primarily the American experts each in
his own field paired with British experts, duplicating the
tragic alliances which Colonel House made with the British
Foreign Office; in result, the American point of view which
might have prompted a generous peace was never made
effective. .

Devoted as he was to the ideal of the League of Nations,
even Shotwell had his doubts, and for this reason he joined
in separating the International Labor Office somewhat from
the machinery of the League of Nations in the hope, one
surmises, that if the league fell into difficulties, the common
interest in labor problems might survive as a separate unit.
How everlastingly right this judgment was, time has shown.
The United States, which unhesitatingly rejected the league,
slipped quietly into the Labor Office at the beginning of the
Roosevelt Administration and is there at this moment. For

MAY 1938

293

CHAPEL HILL

vom

Saul, King of Israel by Victor Starbuck. A great story, told
in dramatic, singing verse, which follows the biblical narrative in its
main outlines. $2.50

Two Soldiers Edited by Wirt Armistead Gate. Two diaries of
interesting contrast, one (the longer) of a Confederate soldier; the other,
of a Union soldier. $2.50

Sojoumer Truth by Arthur Huff Fauset. The life of a colored
woman, born a slave in New York, whose abolitionist and religious
activities make a strange story. $1.00

The Attack on Leviathan by Donald Davidson. Twelve
essays on the general thesis that the nation is most likely to stand if its
divided character is recognized. $3.00

A History of Argentina by Ricardo Levene. Translated
and edited by W. S. Robertson. The first volume in the Inter-American
Historical Series. "If the other volumes live up to the standards set by
this one, the series will be, for students of inter-American culture, invalu-
able."— The Saturday Review of Literature. $4.00

A History of Colombia by Henao and Arrubla. Trans
lated and edited by J. Fred Rippy. The most recent, extensive, and
scholarly history of Colombia, translated, edited, and annotated for
English readers. May 21. $4.00

Forty Acres and Steel Mules by H. C. Nixon. An in-
sider's view of Southern economy and what needs to be done about it.
Copiously illustrated. June 25. $2.50

DOLLAR o CHAPEL
BOOKS rom HILL

James LongStreet: Lee's War Horse, by H. J. Eckenrode
and Bryan Conrad. ". . . of great interest to the student of history and
biography and also to the lay reader. . . . Excellently written . . . fair
and moderate." — Boston Transcript. Illustrated.

90 in the Shade by Clarence Cason. "Unpretentious, allu-
sive, civilized, one of the most intelligent books that have come out of
the South." — N.Y. Herald Tribune "Books". With 32 halftone illustra-
tions by J. Edward Rice.

Crusaders of the Jungle by J. Fred Rippy & J. T. Nelson.
"Brilliant and moving, this book deserves to be well known." — Christian
Century. With numerous pen drawings and colored endsheets by Willis
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Stories of the South Edited by Addison Hibbard. "Twenty-
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THE UNIVERSITY OF NORTH
CAROLINA PRESS Chape/ Hill

the Labor Office was dealing primarily with problems of
peace; the league primarily with problems of war.

This reviewer as a fellow alumnus of Versailles is attempt-
ing to supplement Shotwell's chronicle with notes of his own.
The picture given of Wilson's entry into Paris with half
Europe weeping in sheer hope at his advent can only be
matched by the picture of him sailing from Brest with a town
in black rebellion behind him, a foolish French municipal
band playing the Star Spangled Banner, the American flags
being torn from every building and French troops keeping a
riot at bay with fixed bayonets. The delegates, including those
of America, were little men thinking of little arrangements;
the one voice which might have said, "We fought for de-
fense, the defense is complete; let us have peace without
hatred, friendship in all sincerity, a new world from which
blood has washed the cardinal hatred," was apparently still.

The reader will find in Shotwell's book a fascinating side-
light on a great conference. I laid it down with a thrust of
pain. The tragedy was too great; I, too close to it. At the close
of the book as at the close of the conference it seemed to me
as though in that misty Paris spring the ghost of the Swedish
chancellor, Oxenstiern, once more strode across the Place de
la Concorde saying, "Go forth, my son, and see with how
little intelligence the affairs of the world are governed."

A. A. BERLE, JR.

The Totalitarian Language

THE HOUSE THAT HITLER BUILT, by Stephen R. Roberts. Harper.
380 pp. 'Price $3.

I KNOW THESE DICTATORS, by G. Ward Price. Holt. 305 pp. Price
$3.

Prices postpaid of Survey Graphic.

THE HOUSE THAT HITLER BUILT, BY STEPHEN R. ROBERTS,
professor of history at Sidney University, ranks among the
half dozen best books on the Third Reich. It embodies the
results of a painstaking study of Hitler's four years of power
made by the author during an eighteen months' stay in Ger-
many. Many sources of information inaccessible to most for-
eigners and of course to most Germans were opened to him
by party leaders and he had opportunities of interviewing
Hitler and some of his chief lieutenants. The book aims to
give a full and realistic picture of National Socialism at work
and achieves a sympathetic understanding of the appeal Na-
tional Socialism has for the German people. The author is
probably most successful in the psychological approach, and
his analysis of Hitler, Goering, Goebbels and Himmler as
well as that of the popular response to the new type of Ger-
man leadership makes the book an outstanding contribution
to the study of modern dictatorship. The description of Nazi
philosophy and of the organization of Nazi rule over educa-
tion, economics, finance, law and the press is not quite as
original, but although sometimes colored by its source it is
on the whole thorough and reliable. Least convincing are
Mr. Roberts' remarks on the history of the Weimar republic;
here he has made little effort to evaluate the distorted views
at present current in and outside of Germany.

Attempt at an objective appraisal of German institutions
and sentiment has not hindered otherwise the author's critical
sense but has made him see the more clearly the unbridgeable
gulf between the states governed by democratic principles
and Nazi Germany ruled by autocratic, unlawful, arbitrary
methods. Reconciliation, cooperation are impossible, he be-
lieves, between regimes which differ so basically: "the matter
comes back again and again to fundamentals." If one believes
in a totalitarian state and its value, one must accept all the
methods which control daily life, which attack individualism,
liberty of opinion and thought and which develop the state
and the people into a well acting war machine. Hitlerism's
"ideology is that of war. . . . Hitler's consolidation is con-
tingent upon ideas — such as economic autarchy, military ag-
gressiveness, a dashing foreign policy, and a general imperial-

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istic ideology — which of necessity would lead to war." "Un-
less Hitler modifies his teachings and methods or unless there
is a peaceful transition to some other regime," Mr. Roberts
considers that war is inevitable.

Mr. Price, an English journalist of Lord Rothermere's
Daily Mail, like Mr. Roberts, got his information at firsthand.
He is well acquainted with Hitler and Mussolini and has
often been used by them as a mouthpiece to give informa-
tion to foreign countries. His book is a compilation of many
interviews, with a wealth of human interest detail which
will doubtless appeal to many. But the more serious reader
will look in vain for the critical approach.

While not concealing the lack of individual freedom and
the ruthlessness of the dictators' regimes, Mr. Price justifies
these and other aspects as at least better than the alternative
of bolshevism. Foreign policy is similarly justified and ex-
plained; Memel, Danzig, the Germans of Czechoslovakia
and the Polish Corridor will become with Austria part of
the new Germany. If England will leave the dictators free
hand in their policies, Mr. Price assures the English public
that peace will be kept in Europe.

The book appears to be part of a deliberate campaign to
convince the British people that dictators are not as bad as
the foreign press has shown them and that Great Britain's
interest and responsibility is to "fit these new national
formations into the European family." Recent events are the
best commentary on these ideas as they form the best justifi-
cation for the well grounded assumptions of Mr. Roberts.
Cambridge, Mass. LOUISE W. HOLBORN

"Healing Like a Man"

A HISTORY OF WOMEN IN MEDICINE, by Kate Campbell Kurd-
Mead, M.D. Haddam Press. 569 pp. Price $6 postpaid of Survey Graphic.

I ONCE READ A BOOK REVIEW BY AN ENGLISHMAN WHO, AFTER

analyzing the subject matter, organization of material and
use of English, painstakingly if relentlessly, said: "It is not
a great book, except in bulk." The only adverse criticism
I can make of this study is that the volume is heavy; there
are 520 pages of text and illustrations, and the type is small.
A busy person may be discouraged by the appearance of such
a volume, but, once begun, no one will want to leave a page
of it unread. It is vivid history, charmingly told, and I am
glad we may look forward to a second volume.

To me, the title sounded a feminist note; but this is no
belligerent treatise on what women have done with emphasis
on the injustice of the world's failure to recognize it. Rather,
Dr. Hurd-Mead tells a thrilling story of the history of med-
icine, and one is surprised to learn how important women
have always been in its development. The early chapters
deal with the beginnings of healing, with primitive medicine
in India and Persia, and in Egypt, Greece and the Roman
Empire. Dr. Hurd-Mead skilfully strings the story together
in a chain of events, personalities and word pictures.

From the days of Queen Shubad of Ur, 3500 B.C., in
whose tomb were found "prescriptions for stopping pain,
written on little bricks, and surgical instruments of flint or
bronze," through the early centuries of the Christian era,
to the beginning of the nineteenth century, fascinating
glimpses appear. As an example: Ansonius, who was a friend
of Saint Augustine was "as proud of his Aunt Aemilia as
Saint Augustine of his mother and while the latter was com-
posing his famous City of God, the former was jotting down
the homely memories of his' childhood in words like the fol-
lowing: 'My aunt, Aemilia Hilaria Martertera, was a virgo
devota; and, though in kinship's degree an aunt, she was to
me a mother, bright and happy like a boy, and busied in the
art of healing like a man.' " I found the pages about the
eleventh century and the school at Salerno, about Tortula
and her work and character, especially suggestive.
please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC)

296

What of the future and unemployment?

An experienced social worker boldly presents one answer in

AMERICA ON RELIEF

by Marie Dresden Lane and Francis Steegmuller

Ten weeks after Roosevelt took oflice, the
goMTiunent entered the field of relief and
social service — with a hang. Cheers
greet ed the Relief Act with its mammoth
appropriations. How did the relief pro-
gram work? Have we learned funda-
mental lessons for the future? An ad-
ministrator, who is also a well-known
social worker, answers these questions
iliivcily. simply, and with the authority
of speaking from the inside.

Probably no one else has had so wide an
experience as Mrs. Lane, for she has
directed the social service part of relief
programs in several states and is one of
the six women in the United States who
have held the position of State Admini-

slrator under KERA or WPA. Harry
Hopkins encouraged preparation of the
hook and Mr. Steegmuller aided in the
writing.

"From first to last the approach is that of
the social worker, who puts human values
ahead of the annual budget. The book
is thus placed on a level above the shallow
crumb-counting tracts that have been
written on the problem of relief."
Christian Science Monitor.

"It points the way to a future relief pro-
gram based not upon the expediencies of
the moment, but on the long-time needs
revealed during the past six years."-
The Nation. $2.00

Other New Books which deal with Social History

THE CULTURE OF CITIES
by Lewis Mumford

"THE CULTURE OF CITIES is social history

at its very best." — Philadelphia Forum Magazine.

With Ui5 photographs, $5.00

THE POLITICOS

by Matthew Josephson

"With Mr. Josephson 's earlier book, Till;
ROBBER BARONS, it represents the economic
and social life of America from the days of Grant
until the days of McKinley." — Saturday Review
of Literature. $4.50

MAN AGAINST HIMSELF
by Karl A. Menninger

"Fascinating psychoanalytic study, without too
much jargon, of the possibly increasing drive in
mankind toward self-destruction." — New Yorker

$3.75

LAND OF THE FREE
by Archibald MacLeish

"Its poem and its pictures will bo remembered,
not only as an admirable technical experiment.
but as a document of real social significance."-
N. Y. Herald Tribune. 90 photographs, $3.00

IIARCOl RT, BRACE AND COMPANY

383 MADISON AVENUE, NEW YORK

(In answering advertisement! please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC)

297

AMERICAN
GOVERNMENT

By WILLIAM ANDERSON

A comprehensive study which re-
veals the slow and inevitable change
in the distribution of functions and
services between the states and the
nation. Ready early in May.

PERSONALITY

By GORDON W. ALLPORT

"This psychological interpretation
commands careful reading as a
stimulus to further rational thinking
concerning personality." — Ira S.
Wile, M.D. £3.50

HENRY HOLT & CO.

257 FOURTH AVENUE

NEW YORK

•MINNESOTA BOOKS!
On and Off the Campus

By GUY STANTON FORD, Acting President of the
University of Minnesota. The garnered wisdom of
an educational statesman. Biographical sketch by
Dr. George E. Vincent. Portrait in color. $4.00

On the Economic Theory
of Socialism

Papers by OSKAR LANGE and FRED M. TAYLOR.
The first refutation in English of the chief European
critics of socialism — von Mises, Robbins, and von
Hayek. Interpretive introduction by Benjamin E.
Lippincott. $1.75

Victorian Critics of
Democracy

By BENJAMIN E. LIPPINCOTT. Timely, stimu-
lating analysis of the intellectual rightists Carlyle,
Ruskin, Arnold, Stephen, Maine, Lecky. "Fills a
unique place."— William Y. Elliott, Harvard. $3.75

Peace or War?

Talks by Hansen, Potter, Odegard, Elliott, Turling-
ton, Stone, and other eminent authorities. Num-
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50c
Send for complete descriptive list

UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA PRESS, Minneapolis

This is truly a history of medicine, scholarly and well
documented; besides, Dr. Hurd-Mead has drawn upon a
fund of knowledge of mosaics and bas-reliefs, of literature
and of the songs of the troubadours to enrich its pages. She
approaches her subject with imagination and feeling, and so
makes the reader feel the periods described.

To reverse the English reviewer's comment, it is a great
book, in spite of its bulk.

International Health Division MARY BEARD

Rockefeller Foundation

(In answering advertisements

The World Sets the Clock Back

RETREAT FROM REASON, by Lancelot Hogben. Published by Random
House. 102 pages with a glossary of terms. Price $1 postpaid of Survey
Graphic.

DURING THE PAST THREE MONTHS I HAVE BEEN CARRYING
this little volume about with me, keeping it always within
reach. I have read its pages perhaps thirty times and am still
reading. Also, I have inserted Hogben into my teaching and
my lecturing with unfailing regularity during this period
of time.

Why so much enthusiasm? Who is this man Hogben?
What does he say that hasn't already been said?

My answer to the first question will be found, I hope, in
what I have to say concerning the last two. Hogben is a
British research biologist who has made distinguished contri-
butions to our knowledge of color change, the behavior of
chromosomes, the biology of population change, and the
biology of twins. His other interests include mathematics (you
may have encountered his so-called popular book titled
Mathematics for the Millions), curriculum-building, teaching
methods, the history of science, the social implications of sci-
ence; and mirabile dictu he writes excellent verse. Because
Professor Hogben is a specialist who possesses the audacity to
learn something about his world, something other than the
circumscribed limits of biology, he will be mistrusted by other
specialists and particularly by those upon whose sacred terri-
tory he treads with taunting insolence. He will also be dis-
liked by those who are not prepared to deal with irony. A
specialist who doesn't behave like a specialist and a professor
who abandons solemnity for jaunty caricature — this is some-
thing which will evoke either chuckles or curses.

And what does this biologist-poet-pedagogue-historian-
philosopher have to say? Perhaps I can utilize his clipped
syllogistic method in an attempt to set forth his thesis in the
smallest space. What he says is that:
— Fascism is peculiarly a youth movement.
— Youth turns to dictators because its needs are not satisfied
by technical experts who insist that they have no responsi-
bility for the social consequences of their activities, nor by
politicians who possess no understanding of the vast technical
forces which rule our society.

— Science and the scientists make their contribution to the
disintegration of Democracy by adhering to the rules of Logic
(which enables them to play with abstractions), of Purity
(which provides them with an excuse for eschewing human
problems), and of Caution (which allows them to separate
themselves from social action).

— Fascism, Communism and Nineteenth Century Liberalism
are the escapes from reality which our age furnishes that
great army of Youth who constitute the Retreat from Reason.
— The educational system which we have inherited from the
Reformation is wholly inadequate as an agency for halting the
modern Retreat from Reason because it lacks "tendencious-
ness," that is, nobody knows how to define its goals.
— Its true goal should be that of meeting basic human needs
by inaugurating the Age of Plenty.

— But, this means a thorough-going reinterpretation of con-
ventional economic theory which is at present nothing more
than an explanation of social paralysis. (American readers will
please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC)

298

wish to refer at this point to our own tradition of economic
reform as embodied in the work of Patten, Veblen, Daven-
port, etc.)

To what sum do these items add? Professor Hogbcn pro-
vides a simple name for the new discipline which he believes
will halt the Retreat from Reason, namely, Scientific Human-
ism. The cure for the evils of Science is not less but more
and better science, and especially better trained scientists. The
cure for the evils of Democracy is not less but more Democ-
racy, and especially better trained civil servants. In terms of
education, Professor Hogben turns to that famous phrase of
Thomas Huxley, "The great end of life is not knowledge but
action," and thereupon reiterates his major thesis which is
that the function of education is to meet basic human needs.
Stated in another form this thesis may be said to be a claim
on behalf of the mutual interrelationship between Science
and Humanism.

My summary sounds much too simple. It leaves out entirely
any hint of Professor Hogben's racy style of writing, his habit
of laughing boisterously when his sharpest thrusts strike
home, and his ability to transmit to the reader a sense of
excitement. I am also omitting, purposely, all mention of my
own misgivings because I believe so thoroughly in the author's
essential argument. In fact, in moments of exuberance I have
called this little book the finest single statement of the world's
present dilemma that has thus far come to light.
New Yor^ School of Social Wor% EDUARD C. LINDEMAN

The South Is Changing

THE WASTED LAND, by Gerald W. Johnton. North Carolina PreM.
10 pp. Price $1.50 postpaid of Survey Graphic.

THIS SUMMARY AND PERSONAL INTERPRETATION OF HOWARD W.

Odum's massive statistical mosaic, Southern Regions, is a
labor of love. Quietly yet sharply written, it reveals terribly
bad but not hopeless news from the South.

Gerald W. Johnson is a southerner. He knew and worked
with Odum on the faculty at Chapel Hill, and came from
there to the editorial staff of The Baltimore Evening Sun.
Admiration for Odum's thoroughness and courage in examin-
ing southern ills, a good newspaperman's impatience at seeing
vital news obscured in sociological wrappings, and a feeling
for his homeland which can only be described as a sharpened
and genuine patriotism, have combined to drive him to an
already overbcaten typewriter to write this swift, clear book.

Can the Old South come back to its old place of sway and
circumstance in this republic? What is the trouble?

Waste: "Wasted land, men, money, time, opportunity."
One-crop culture has sped soil erosion, which has ruined or
damaged as much southern soil as there is in all the two
Carolines and Georgia combined. Ninety-seven million acres
of the richest land on earth, torn, wounded. And there has
been a wasteful drift from the South to other parts. Three
and a half million born-southerners arc now living some-
where else. Throughout the Southeast, as Odum's findings
redefine it, omitting Maryland, things are in such shape that
a sharp, conscious and common regional effort is urgently
necessary, if the Old South is not to keep sliding toward
barbarism.

Continuing, Johnson considers cotton; and states down-
rightly that this king is through. He penetrates beyond the
flurry accompanying the present development of mechanical
cotton-pickers; and bares the main point of impending change
and dislocations: rayon, and other wood pulp substitutes. Also
there is under way a gigantic squirm of paper-mills from the
Northland, south. They know how to use resinous wood pulp
now. Again, nationalistic countries are learning how to make
suit fabrics out of wood pulp mixed with very little cheap
cotton. Germany and Italy have led in this. Trade journals
say their stuff is no good. Travelers say suits so made seem

(la answering idt'ertuements

CREATIVE GROUP
EDUCATION

By S. R. Slavson

The entire concept of this book is one of Social
Motivation; the educational methods out-
lined are Pupil-centered; the treatment of the
subject is Practical and Direct. It offers a
wealth of suggestions and illustrative material
from the author's first-hand experiences in
Schools, Clubs, Centers, and camps, and
describes how to engage boys and girls on a
creative basis in various Arts, in Discussion,
Creative Writing and Dramatics, Nature
Study and Science, Social Problems, etc.

Cloth, $2.50

REDISCOVERING THE
ADOLESCENT

By Hedley S. Dimock

Dr. Dimock measured the growth and social
adjustment of 200 boys over a period of two
years and some of his findings are startlingly
in conflict with "what everyone knows." A
book to be carefully read by those who work
with children, whether in the field of medicine,
mental hygiene, sociology, or social work." —
Survey Graphic. Cloth, $2.75

GROUP WORK IN
CAMPING

By Louis H. Blumenthal

This new book describes, in the light of pro-
gressive educational principles, the inter-
relationships of counselor, individual camper,
camp environment, program, and social pro-
cess. It discusses how the creative combina-
tion of these forces can provide opportunities
for the constructive release of the powers of
the individual and the group. Because of this
basic approach, it will be of interest and value
to group workers as a year-round resource, as
well as to camp directors and counselors.

Cloth, $1.25

THE CASE FOR
DEMOCRACY

By Ordway Tead

The President of the American Society of
Management sees Democracy as a dynamic
progressive way of life embodying the finest
concepts of Christian living. Here is focussed
the challenge that the citizen and business
man must meet: how to reconcile our ideals
to the demands of business life. Cloth, $1.25

NEW OCCUPATIONS FOR
YOUTH

By T. Otto V, 1 1

What are the new opportunities for young
people in the world today? In this helpful
book many interesting young men and women
who are succeeding in new vocations (ranging
from forestry and aviation to industrial
photography) tell just what their jobs offer to
others. A useful and encouraging book for all
ambitious young people and those who guide
them. Cloth. $1.75

Through Your Bookseller or from
ASSOCIATION PRESS

347 Ma. I, -,„, A»e. New York

please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC;

299

Social Thought

FROM LORE TO SCIENCE

VOL. I — A HISTORY AND INTERPRETATION OF
MAN'S IDEAS ABOUT LIFE WITH His FELLOWS

VOL. II — SOCIOLOGICAL TRENDS
THROUGHOUT THE WORLD

By Harry Elmer Barnes
and Howard Becker

Of importance not only to sociologists, but also to an-
thropologists, political scientists, historians, and students
of economic theory. Thoroughly annotated. The biblio-
graphies, listing the works of social thinkers in every
language, are indispensable for reference and further
study.

D. C. HEATH & COMPANY

BOSTON NEW YORK CHICAGO ATLANTA
SAN FRANCISCO DALLAS LONDON

Why it pays to understand
worker and consumer

In this book, the author of What the Employer
Thinks studies the problem of the employee and
the consumer; and uncovers factually and con-
vincingly the many current misconceptions as to
workers' and consumers' desires and attitudes.
"The sum total of injured sensibilities make up
by far the largest part of the sinister phenomenon
of growing industrial .unrest," he writes.

WHAT PEOPLE WANT FROM BUSINESS
By J. DAVID HOUSER— $2.50

Mr. Houser tells in this book of definite ways of first measuring
and then improving employee and consumer morale. His conclu-
sions are based on over a million interviews conducted for such
firms as American Telephone & Telegraph Co., General Motors,
and R. H. Macy & Co. The book shows plainly that decline of
profits is often only the graphic indication of what is happening
to morale.

SEND THIS McGRAW-HILL ON-APPROVAL COUPON

McGraw-Hill Book Co., Inc., 330 W. 42nd St., N. Y. C.
Send me Houser — What People Want From Business for 10 days'
examination on approval. In 10 days I will send $2.50 plus a few cents
for postage or return book postpaid. (We pay postage on orders
accompanied by remittance.)

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City and State

Position

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(Books tent on approval in U. S. and Canada only.)

I I

(In answering advertisements

not much worse than our generally shoddy $20 products on
this shore.

Rex Tugwell, who couldn't kiss babies, but who was a keen
and useful Assistant Secretary of Agriculture, brought this
news back from Italy in 1935, with samples. "If this thing
works out, it will strike the South a blow like another Battle
of Gettysburg," said a perhaps too-excited statesman, off the
record, at the time. Johnson faces the possibility objectively,
with balance. He knows how long it takes things to change
down South. But he feels that this change is coming, in one
way or another, fast; and he figures that in.

Brief as it is, the book cannot be reviewed adequately in
brief space. It is in itself a compressed review of a great
work. Skipping the tedium of collected facts, Johnson exhib-
its meanings, and adds much that is penetrating and valuable
on his own. In his last chapter, for instance, he quotes Odum:
"Planning for a reconstructed agriculture in the Southeast
will require rare strategy, skill, boldness." Then, speaking for
himself, Johnson adds:

"It will require unprecedented strategy, skill, boldness.
But the stake is even more immense than the difficulty. The
Southeast is capable of becoming quite literally the garden of
the world. And even if the program were only partially suc-
cessful, if the region exhibited no more strategy, skill, boldness
than has been displayed, say, by the people of southern Cali-
fornia, the wealth of the region would be increased by a stag-
gering proportion and it would be capable of sustaining a
civilization as fine as any the world has ever seen — in some
respects, finer."
Bel Air, Md. RUSSELL LORD

Mankind's Social Thinking

SOCIAL THOUGHT FROM IX)R£ TO SCIENCE, by Harry Elmer
Barnes and Howard Becker. Heath. 2 vols. 1178 pp. Price $9.50 set post-
paid of Survey Graphic.

TWO OF THE LEADING AMERICAN SOCIOLOGISTS OFFER US THE

first comprehensive history of social thought from primitive
times to the present day. The first volume will be of great
interest to any student of the history of civilization or of
society. It gives a history and interpretation of man's ideas
about life with his fellows. It starts with the social thought
of preliterate peoples, discusses the social thought of the
ancient Far East and Near East, of the Greco-Roman world
of medieval Christianity, and finally in a detailed way of the
secularized world since the Renaissance, ending with the
most recent theories of Max and Alfred Weber in Germany
and of Sorokin in the United States. The social and cultural
situation with which the social thought of each period is
related is followed by a general sketch of the development of
social thought at the time. The most characteristic social,
theoretical problems of each age are studied in detail. As a
result of this combined chronological and topical method of
presentation, the reader gets a panoramic view of the de-
velopment of human relations in society and man's thought
about it from the dawn of human history to the present day.

The second volume offers for the first time an analysis
of modern sociological science since the times of Herbert
Spencer. It is probably the only single volume where the
interested reader will find information on sociology and the
leading sociologists in Great Britain, France, Germany, the
United States, Italy, Russia, Spain, Latin America, the smaller
nations of eastern and southeastern Europe and even in
India, China and Japan. The notes to both volumes contain
important and useful bibliographies.

This book was first conceived by Mr. Barnes about twenty
years ago. The main work on it in the last years was done by
Mr. Becker, who has applied to it the method of Wissenssozi-
ologie, or sociology of knowledge, as started in Germany by
Max Scheler. The objective of this new branch of sociology
is the determination of the precise ways in which the social
please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC)
300

irgam/.ation within which thinkers develop condition the
onn and content of their social thought and their socio-
jgical theories. The student of the sociology of knowledge
lot only tries to see where and how social and cultural in
luences affect mentality, but he also seeks to discover whether
•r not it is possible to transcend the barriers of nation, class
nd historical epoch in making theoretical generalizations
n the social sciences. The faith of these two authors is best
\prosed in their final words, with which the reviewer is in
ull agreement: "Only when and if we transcend the rela-
ive, only when and if we uproot the thorny barriers of
ncient lores, the weeds of limited and partial logics, the
mangling biases of nation and class, and the cherished
lusions by which we have tried and failed to live with our
•:llows, can we find sociological theories valid for all men
s men." The two volumes should be highly recommended
D everyone interested in the development of social thought
nd the efforts of scholars to arrive at a science of sociology.
mith College HANS KOHN

victors and Moods

by Muriel Kukcyscr. Covici-Friede. U7 pp. Price $2.
HE DESK DRAWER ANTHOLOGY— POEMS FOE THI AME.ICAM PEO

«Jt- Compiled and selected by Alice Roosevelt Longworth and Theodore
• tootevelt. Doubledajr-Doran. 396 pp. Price $.).
OEMS OF PLACES, by Paul Southworth Bliss. Cirrus Company. 5«

pp. Price $1.50.

Prices postpaid of Survey Graphic.

ARE THREE FACETS OF AMERICAN LIFE TODAY: BRILLIANT

adical, middle class sentimental, and eager traveler. Muriel
lukeyser's poetry is not for the chicken-hearted. In this her
econd book she grapples with the nightmare of industrial
njustice in a score of poems called The Book of the Dead —

document of Gauley Bridge. The whole volume is impor-
int. It is brilliant writing, but it is also sustained social
riticism from a sincere revolutionary. At the opposite end
f the poetry shelf there's a fat new compendium called Desk
)raucr Anthology — the verses people clip from ncwspapeis
nd magazines and tuck away in the family desk — sent in
t the radio request of Alexander Woollcott. They're senti-
icntal and charming, well known and obscure, with familiar
nages and a streak of religion and native humor — truly
epresentative of the best popular taste in verse. Third in
his trio is a sketchbook of impressionistic word pictures by

traveler who will never be jaded. The sound, color and
mcll of America are here, vigorously ornamented by prints
ut from rubber blocks by Harold ]. Matthews.
•IcCall's Magazine HILDEGARDE FILLMORE

(apan's Population Problem

•OPULAT10N PRESSURE AND ECONOMIC LIFE IX JAPAN, by
Ryoichi Ishii. Ph.D. University of Chicago Press. 359 pp. Price $J post-
paid of Survey Graphic.

(ECARDLESS OF FUTURE TRENDS, THERE WILL BE AT LEAST
00,000 additional persons each year seeking positions in
apan's economic system between 1940 and 1950 and 450,-
'00 between 1950 and 1960. The ability to absorb these great
lumbers is the real crux of the population problem of Japan.
This is the basic thesis of Dr. Ishii's balanced and penetrat-
ng analysis of the demographic situation of Japan as it is
>attcrned by the social and economic configuration of the
lation. Japan has always been densely populated in compari-
•on with the Western World; in 1930 the number of pcr-
•ons per square hectare of tilled land was 11.0, as compared
vith 8.7 for The Netherlands and 3.0 for Italy. The popula-
ion had been practically stationary for generations prior to
he Meiji Reformation of 1868, largely due to the widespread
jracticcs of infanticide and abortion. With industrialization
ind the adoption of western standards, these practices were
ondemned, and the population increased from 41 million in
1894 to 63 million in 1930. It is estimated that it will in-

HARPER ROOKS

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" . . . a rich, thoughtful book of exploration on many
lines," says SURVEY GRAPHIC about—

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A Biological Approach to the Problem of
the Survival of Our Civilization
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A realistic view of occupational opportunities —

LIFE EARNINGS

In Selected Occupations in the United
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By Professor Harold F. Clark

For the two million people who each year face the
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301

Follow the Leadership —
and Other Skits

Barbara Abel

In nine amusing skits and a preface, Barbara
Abel establishes the importance of dramatics
in the interpretation of social work. Written
for one agency — the Y.W.C.A. — the skits
can easily be adapted by other community
groups for their own use

Ask to see a copy at the Social Work Con-
ference

$1.00

THE WOMANS PRESS

600 Lexington Avenue New York, N. Y.

MEN MUST WORK

By Loire Brophy

A clear, practical book for men of all ages, telling how to get a
job, how to hold it and how to make it point toward a career.

$1.75

JACOB A. RMS

POLICE REPORTER, REFORMER, USEFUL CITIZEN
By Louise Ware

"A vivid and engaging portrait of a great humanitarian," the
Saturday Review calls this biography of "New York's most
useful citizen." $3.00

D. APPLETON-CENTURY COMPANY
35 West 32nd St., New York

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crease to 80 or 90 million by 1960. Japan's net reproductior
rate was 1.495 in 1926, indicating an increase of approxi-
mately 50 percent for a generation. In Japan, as in the na-
tions of the West, the trend has been toward industrializa-
tion and urbanization. With the movement to the cities, the
birthrate is falling, though this will not solve the population
problem of Japan in the near future.

The problem has no easy solution, if indeed there can be
any "solution" in the immediate future to the pressure of
population on land and resources in Asia. Dr. Ishii's preface
is dated February 1937; any prediction concerning the eco-
nomic and demographic future of Japan or Asia is even
more difficult now than then. The basic economic dilemma
remains. The 40 percent of the population of Japan which
tills the land operates at high costs with an increasing debt
and tax burden; low cost rice imported from the colonies
would ease prices for urban consumers but would ruin the
source of livelihood for almost half the population of the
mother country. There is no room for any increase in the
population on the land; on the contrary, there will probably
be increased migration to the cities as farming becomes more
rationalized.

Industrialization is limited by the access to raw materials
and the potential markets, and increasing technological effi-
ciency is limiting the increase of workers in industry and
trade and transportation. The minor role of migration as a
means of alleviation is shown by the fact that, "while the
Japanese government was spending millions of yen in en-
couraging emigration which amounted annually to less than
20,000 persons, more than twice thdk number of Chosenese
migrate to Japan Proper and settle there every year."

In his discussion Dr. Ishii assumes the continued existence
of private capitalism and the family system. He believes that
Japan may industrialize still further, despite protective tariffs,
import quotas and preferential policies, but he doubts
whether industrialization would be accompanied by a de-
mand for labor sufficient to render it an efficacious popula-
tion policy. He believes that the fundamental basis of Ja-
pan's external policy should be the furtherance of inter-
national cooperation for freedom of trade and access to es-
sential natural resources. Limitation of natural increase
through birth control is regarded as an eventual necessity,
but this does not solve the problem of providing jobs and
food for the millions already born. A re-evaluation of the
social system looking toward an improvement in the distribu-
tion of the national income is essential to any real improve-
ment. Dr. Ishii's final conclusion is that the population prob-
lem of Japan does not warrant an optimistic outlook.
Bureau of Agricultural Economics CONRAD TAEUBER

The Will to Die

MAN AGAINST HIMSELF, by Karl A. Menninger. Harcourt, Brace.
485 pp. Price $3.75 postpaid of Survey Graphic.

IN THIS NEW BOOK OF WHICH SOME CHAPTERS HAVE ALREADY

been published in Survey Graphic (October 1937) readers
will find the wealth of illustrated material which they have
learned to expect from Karl Menninger. With Freud's theory
of a death-instinct as a central theme, Man Against Him-
self is a discussion not only of suicide but of those other
means of partial or chronic self-destruction which are known
as alcoholism, psychoses and neuroses, and the wish to fall
ill with its interesting polysurgery and purposive accidents.
The last chapters appropriately describe techniques of recon-
struction in attractive words and diagrams.

No more unified and interesting account of man's great
inner struggle can be found. The reviewer hopes that many
physicians will read it to get a new view of their patients'
puzzling symptoms. EARL D. BOND, M.D. '

Institute of the Pennsylvania Hospital

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302

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Elliott.
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Platt
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METHODS IN GROUP WORK
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FINDING YOUR WORK

By J. Guitar White
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A it It In

Vocational flnl-ild for the punled youth. An
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tt. who and what the counselor Is, bow counsel-
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REPRINTS

for sale

In response to the many requests
for extra copies of Dr. Parran's
article on syphilis and tubercu-
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Number 5 in the series of Bailey
pamphlets is now available. The eight
articles in this booklet were written
for Survey Midmonthly by Gertrude
Springer after visits to local communi-
ties to observe the administration of so-
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Miss Bailey says — Series 5 is a "must"
in reading requirements for public wel-
fare workers and boards of public agen-
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laymen connected with private agencies.

Only 2Sc a copy

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T II ,% V li I, E

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America, National Parks and Alaska; motor tours in Britain. Also
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HOW TO SEE ENGLAND, by Ruth Vale. Dutton. 314 pp. Price $2.50.
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COTSWOI.D COUNTRY, by Harold John Massingham. Scribner. 128 pp.
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A survey of Limestone England from the Dorset Coast to
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SKYE HIGH, by Hesketh Pearson and Hugh Kingsmill. Oxford. 311 pp.
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The record of a tour through Scotland in the wake of
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THE ENGLISH COUNTRYSIDE IN COLOUR, by Charles B. Ford.
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A survey of the English landscape and its antiquities.

THE GREEN' HILLS OF ENGLAND, by Robert Alfred John Walling.
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Leisurely wanderings through the English hill country.
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LET'S VISIT BELGIUM, by Bryon Steel. Messner. Price $2.50.
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France

TO MEET THE SPRING, by Basil Collier. Dodd, Mead. 250 pp. Price $3.

Languedoc, Provence and the French Riviera.
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HOTEL IN SPAIN, by Nancy J. Johnstone. Longmans. 296 pp. Price $2.50.

An amusing account of the experiences of the author and
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U.S.S.R.

SOVIET TEMPO, by Violet Conolly. Sheed & Ward. 201 pp. Price $2.50.

A journey of travel in Russia.
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BAGHDAD SKETCHES, by Freya Madeline Stark. Dutton 283 pp.
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Baghdad; its background, customs, social life and traditions.
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THE GOLD MISSUS, by Katharine Fowler-Lunn. Norton. 303 pp.
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Gold prospecting in West Africa.

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LET'S GO TO THE WEST INDIES, by George W. Seaton. Prentice Hall.

347 pp. Price $3.50.
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kEW ORLEANS CITY GUIDE. Federal Writers' Project. Houxhton
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For those who enjoy descriptions of the American West.

\MF.KICA TODAY, by Sherwood Eddy. Farrar » Rinehart. Price $1.50.

Results of interviews with men and women of importance
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ONK MAINE TO FLORIDA. At
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IMF. I'ALIFOKXIA DESERTS, by Edmund C. Jaeger. Stanford Univ.
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Mexico

VIEXU'AX VIGNETTES, by Clari*sa W. Collins. Snellgrove Pub. 95 pp.
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Mexican travel sketches in prose, verse and pictures. There
s a supplement of suggestions for study groups.

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I HER SIDE OF THE MOUNTAIN, by James Ramsey Ullman.
Carrick & Evani. 315 pp. Price $J.

A New York theatrical producer describes his adventures
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Auto and Trailer

WE LIVE IN A TRAILER, by Syl MacDowell. Mesiner. Price $2.

A book of adventure, romance and practical value to the
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WESTWARD. HIGH. LOW AND DRY. by Dorothy Childs Hogner. Out-
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From New England to the Southwest by auto with the
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SO YOU'RE GOING TO TRAVEL, by Clara E. Laughlin. Houghton
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rilK STORY OF TWENTIETH-CENTURY EXPLORATION, by Charles
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World-famous expeditions to the Arctic and Antarctic, Mt.
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>y adventurers and explorers.

>VKK THE NORTH POLE, by George Baidukov. Harcourt. Brace. 113
pp. Price $1.50. Preface by Vilhjalmur Stefansson.

One of the three Soviet aviators who flew over the North
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lOt'RXEYS BETWEEN WARS, by John Dos Passos. Harcourt. Brace.
394 pp. Price $3.

Travel adventures and impressions of the author during
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». NEW VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD, by Wm Dampier. Macmil-
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KlISING THE MEDITERRANEAN, by Madeleine S. Miller and J.
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rilK SYRIAN DESERT, by Christina Phelps Grant. Macmillan. 425 pp.
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Travel through the ages across the Syrian Desert; caravans
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An account of a journey through the jungles of Spanish
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on your way to the

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See GLACIER NATIONAL PARK

The Delegates Special train leaving Chicago 7 :30
P. M. June 23 follows the route of Great North-
ern Railway's Empire Builder from St Paul-
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(Trite for descriptive booklet of the
OPEN ROAD — OTHER AMERICAS Mexico Trip
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mention Simviv GRAPHIC^

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New York San Francisco

Prize Contest for Political Exiles

In cooperation with the American Guild for German
Cultural Freedom one American publisher and four
foreign publishers announce a $4500 Exile Prize Contest
to close October 1, 1938. The judges are: Thomas Mann,
Bruno Frank, Lion Feuchtwanger, Alfred Neumann and
Rudolph Olden. Manuscripts may be submitted by a
person of any nationality now in exile for political reasons
from his native land. BUT MANUSCRIPTS MUST BE
IN THE GERMAN LANGUAGE and not less than
50,000 or more than 200,000 words in length. Fiction or
non-fiction may be submitted, but the work should carry
the pseudonym only, not the legal name. All manuscripts
are to be submitted to the American Guild for German
Cultural Freedom, 40 West 77 Street, New -York City,
with which contestants should communicate for further
information.

Little, Brown of Boston, William Coltins of London,
Querido Verlag of Amsterdam, Albin Michel of Paris,
and Sythoff Verlag of Leiden, are the publishers who
offer this prize. Officers of the American Guild for
German Cultural Freedom are: Governor Wilbur L. Cross,
president; Dr. Robert M. Hutchins, Dr. Alvin Johnson,
Oswald Garrison Villard. Prince Hubertus zu Loewenstein
is the general secretary and Henry Seidel Canby, chair-
man of the committee on awards.

INDUSTRIAL ARBITRATION

(Continued from page 278)

discrimination by the employer against people who had
out in the strike. Other instances seemed doubtful. In othe
the employe's position plainly was weak. His seniority stati
wasn't good and the company seemed justified in lettin
him out because of the business slump.

And so, as it happened, went the arbitrator's decisions,
when they came through a week later. Some were for the
union, some against. As for Miss Brady, by the way, the
company was instructed to reinstate her in her old job or
one at the same pay.

When Contracts Are Vague

ON ANOTHER DAY I SAT IN ON ANOTHER KIND OF INDUSTRIAL

case. This time there were no lawyers, no workers. Only
the employer, the head of a textile mill, on one side of the
table, and four union officials on the other.

"Hello, Mr. Jarvis," sang out the business manager of
union as the head of the textile mill, a big handsome su
burned chap, came into the room. "You certainly look fit,

"My gosh, I have to keep fit to keep up with you fe
lows," said Jarvis with a laugh.

The case was extremely interesting. Last summer the Tex-
tile Workers Organizing Committee, a branch of the CIO,
organized this textile mill, which employs from 800 tot
1000 people. The TWOC tried to get a closed shop and
failed. It did, however, get itself named as sole bargaining
agent for all workers. The contract specified that any em-
ploye who had not joined the union at the time the contract
was signed should not subsequently be required to join it
unless he chose, but that those who were union members

(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC.)

306

then must keep in good standing in the union. Furthermore,
the mill, when hiring new people, was to have the right to
take on anybody it chose, but these new employes must join
the union at the end of four weeks and must continue in
good standing in the union.

Now, when the contract has been running six months or
more, the union comes complaining that some of its mem-
bers are not paying their dues and that it is common talk
around the mill that you don't have to pay your union dues
to keep your job.

"That kind of talk is ruinous to the union," exclaimed
the business manager of the TWOC local. "It undermines
our prestige with the worker. Besides, we've got to have
dues to keep going."

"But I didn't agree to collect your union dues for you,"
protested Jarvis, the textile man. "That would be the check-
off. Mr. Arbitrator, I refused their demand for the check-
off just as I did for the closed shop!"

"But this contract," countered the union man, "says that
except for all those employes who weren't members of the
union when the agreement was signed, everybody's got to
be in the union and be in good standing!"

"Sure, I can read," said )arvis, "but isn't it your business
to collect your own dues?"
"But how can we?"
"Listen—!"
"Mr. Arbitrator—!"
"He said—"

All four union men began to shout, as if they were ad-
dressing a mass meeting, instead of sitting at a conference
table.

"Why," exclaimed one of them, when the arbitrator had
aimed them down, "a few weeks ago Mr. Jarvis told some-
body over at the mill about the man who paid rent in an
apartment house for six months and then told the owner
he didn't think he'd pay rent any more. The owner said,
'If you're going to keep in good standing in this apartment,
you've got to go on paying rent.' Mr. Jarvis told this man
over at the mill that it was the same way with union dues.
You have to go on paying them to keep in good standing."

"Oh," said Jarvis, "I don't remember ever having made
any such remark."

But he didn't say it very convincingly.
"What," demanded the arbitrator of the TWOC leader,
"do you want Jarvis to do? Fire everybody who hasn't paid
his dues?"

"No," said the TWOC business manager hesitantly, "we
only want him to post up a notice in the mill warning the
workers that they have to pay their dues. We've had this
same case up with several other mills and they all agreed to
do that."

"All of them?" asked the arbitrator with a sharp glance
at the TWOC official.
"Practically all, yes, sir."

So the thing went back and forth an hour or more, till
the arbitrator had wrung out all the facts he wanted.

His decision, which came a few days later, was in favor
of the union. The employer was obligated by the contract,
he decided, to terminate the employment of any union mem-
ber who persistently refused to pay his dues.

I myself was somewhat astonished by this award. The
testimony as I heard it scarcely led me to think the employer
had an obligation to compel the union members to pay their
dues; rather it struck me that that was the job of the
union, and that if the union had stirred real enthusiasm for
its organization in its members they would be glad to pay
their dues. But the arbitrator is a man who has had much
experience in labor matters and seems to know his stuff.

The trouble here, it seemed to me, rose out of a certain
indefinitencss in the wording of the contract. It should, I
(Continued on page 308)

(In answering ajt/ertitements pi fait

307

THE OPEN ROAD

is forming 25 groups for travel this summer in

EUROPE • MEXICO
THE SOVIET UNION

Vou ice how life it really lived — you meet the
people — you travel with companion! of your own
mental age in a small informal group — those things
best done together are done cooperatively/ other-
wise you pursue your own interests — services and

rates are generously inclusive.

PUBLIC HEALTH IN THE SOVIET UNION, under
leadership of Dr. Henry E. Sigerist. 5 weeks of
study and observation in principal cities and health
resorts. Program arranged with cooperation of Peoples
Commissariat of Health. Sailing June 11. Back
Aug. 12.

PUBLIC HOUSING IN ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND,
under leadership of Miss Helen Alfred. Auspices
National Public Housing Conference. Sailing June 29.
Back Aug. 2.

FOURTH ANNUAL TRAVEL COLLECTIVE IN THE
SOVIET UNION, under leadership of Dr. Joshua
Kunitz, Leningrad, Moscow, Ukraine, Cau-
casus, Soviet Armenia, Crimea. Sailing July 6.
Back Sept. 1.

MEXICO, under leadership of Jullen Bryan. More
than a month in the cities and native villages. Sailing
July 14. Back Aug. 23.

For rates and descriptive circulars
on these and 2O other trips address:

THE OPEN ROAD

n •* K // \\ 8 W' 40th ST'

D.p't. K

NEW YORK

Cooperating. in the Soviet Union with Intourist.

EUROPE

Investigate
COOPERATIVES. LABOR mnd RELIGION

with
Rev. Jamea Myen. Industrial Secretary of the Federal Council of

Churches
Viiitinf France, Switzerland, Germany, Sweden, Denmark, Rnilsnd.

Sails July 9. Back August 28.
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NEWTON, MASSACHUSETTS

mention SUHVIY

AN EXCITING
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(Continued from page 307)

thought, have made clearer what "good standing" meant
and stated more emphatically the relation of good standing
in the union to employment in the mill.

Some Typical Cases

ARBITRATION AT THE A.A.A. HAS AWAKENUD MANY VNIONS
and employers to the necessity of drawing their contracts
with more care. Many times the disputants find that the
difficulty arises out of the obscurity or ambiguity or lack of
detail in the statements of rates of pay for different work,
hours, conditions of lay-off, reasons for discharge, and so on.

Constantly, too, this industrial tribunal is establishing
precedents of tremendous value in the coordination of capi-
tal and labor. Recently the employes in a rayon mill pro-
tested that lay-offs were not being made according to seniority,
as the contracts specified they should be, but that the plant
was centering its lay-offs on shop stewards and other peo-
ple active in union affairs. One afternoon the union sud-
denly threatened to tie up the plant. The only thing that
averted a strike was the fact that the attorney for the mill
assured the union that he could get an A.A.A. arbitration
on the lay-offs within twenty-four hours. And he did and in
the process some important facts came forth.

The arbitrator, a brilliant young lawyer, discovered that
neither the National Labor Relations Board nor the New
York State Mediation Board had any definition of seniority
or any decisions or precedents establishing what it is. Suppose
a man is hired January 15, laid off May 15, and taken on
again September 1, and during his lay-off another man is
hired on July 1. Which is senior? The arbitrator rules that
a man's lay-off does not affect his seniority. If he is laid off
and comes back when called, he holds his tenure. If he
fails to come back when called because of neglect or because
he has another job, there and then he loses his seniority.
Of course failure to return because of illness or any other
event over which he has no control shall not affect his
status. A temporary employe, however, he ruled, has no
right to seniority.

Under this principle the arbitrator found that four of the
men in the rayon plant had been wrongfully laid off and
should be immediately reinstated; four had been properly
laid off. Both sides accepted the decision. There was no
strike.

A SHOE MANUFACTURER HAD A CONTRACT WITH HIS WORKERS

providing for a rate of pay based on a certain last. The
last was changed to one which took a longer time. The
employer agreed with his workers that the rate of pay per
pair of shoes should be increased, but the amount of in-
crease was in dispute. The case came to the A.A.A. The
arbitrator visited the Brooklyn factory in company with
representatives of the union and of the employer. He found
that the normal output on the old last was ten pairs of
shoes in an eight-hour day and on the new last nine pairs a
day, and awarded the workers eight cents extra a pair.
When the employer objected to this award, the arbitrator
pointed out that the lower output was due to inexperience
with the new last, that the wage agreement expired in a
few months, and that the wage rate could then be revised
if the output on the new last had increased.

A LEATHER GOODS MANUFACTURING COMPANY IN BRIDGEPORT,

Conn., whose lease on its building was to expire July 3
1937, had agreed in its contract with its workers to make
every effort to find new quarters in Bridgeport and, if the
union questioned the good faith of the employer in this
effort, to submit the subject to arbitration. Suddenly the
company announced that it couldn't find quarters in Bridge-
port and was going to move to New Jersey. The union pro-

(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC)
308

tested vigorously. Many of its members wouldn't he able
to follow the plant to its new location; they'd be out of

I jobs. The union demanded an arbitration at the A.A.A.

' and got it. The arbitrator was a prominent retail tobacconist.
Sifting the evidence, he found that the manufacturer had
made no genuine effort to get a new building in Bridgeport
and decided that he must find other quarters there. Privately
the tobacconist told me that the real reason the manufacturer
wanted to leave Bridgeport was to get away from a well-
unionized town into a locality where unions were not so
strong.

A RADIO MANTI ACTI'RIIR IN A CONTRACT WITH THE RADIO

Factory Workers' Union had agreed to call upon the union
i for new help, and the union agreed to supply such help
within twenty-four hours. If it didn't, the employer could
get his help elsewhere. The employer transferred a man from
the testing to the wiring department. The union claimed
this was breaking the contract. The A.A.A. arbitrator ruled
that while the employer was compelled to apply to the
union for new help, he was not violating the contract by
transferring a man from one department to another.

What Employers and Unions Think

"IF I SHOULD TAKE ONE OF THESE CASES TO A COURT OF LAW,

I'd probably be months in getting it through," an attorney
who has represented several employers in arbitration pro-
ceedings at the A.A.A. remarked to me. "And," he added,
"even before the State Mediation Board it might take weeks.
I Here at the Arbitration Association I can get it through in
i twenty-four or forty-eight hours. Speed is vital in these
l things. It may mean a tie-up of a factory and lost wages for
hundreds of people."

It is true that certain cases which come before the asso-
ciation might be put up to state mediation boards. In
other words, while A.A.A. handles no mediation, mediation
1 boards may do certain types of arbitration. But, as this lawyer
states, the official mediation bodies are overwhelmed with
work and disputants may have to wait vital days or weeks,
when immediate action might avert industrial conflict. There
is still another reason why employers may prefer this non-
official instrument of arbitration. In some states — although
New York is not in this category — mediation boards arc
1 made up of political appointees. Both employers and unions
i are afraid of political boards. There is a third reason. The
A.A.A. is national and can transcend state lines.

Both employers and labor unions have found that the
Industrial Tribunal of the American Arbitration Associa-
tion gives them an even break. In the cases thus far decided
roughly half have been won by labor and half by em-
ployers.

These cases have covered a wide variety of questions.
Some of them have involved a single employe, others, sev-
eral hundred; but every dispute has menaced the peace of
the industry and harmonious employer-worker relations.
Any one of them, if it had gone unsettled, might have led
to strikes and violence. In addition to the cases already
described, the following questions are among those the arbi-
trators have been called upon to determine:

Under what circumstances may an employer refuse to
reemploy a workman after a strike?

Is the principle of seniority applicable when not specified
in the labor agreement?

Under what circumstances may foreman and assistant
foremen, not members of the union, perform services which
deprive union workers of employment?

When an employer closes one of a series of stores and
opens a new store at about the same time, is he obliged to
continue the services of the former employes of the closed,
store in the new store? (Continued on page 311)

(In answering advertisements

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309

CLASSIFIED ADVERTISEMENTS

WORKER WANTED

CASE WORKER— School of Social Work gradu-
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Graduate Nurse: Public Health, Social Service
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Highest references. Protestant. 7497 Survey.

CASEWORKER. Six years public agency. Five
quarters Social Service training. Family Wel-
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112 E 19th Street New York

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This is the counseling and placement agency
sponsored jointly by the American Associa-
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Serves 5 people. $6.00 doz. Delivered 5th zone
Families bought our Chicken 1917 still buyini
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CAPE COD COTTAGE FOR RENT

Fully furnished, situated in quiet woods 01
Pleasant Lake, Mass. 10 minutes from Har
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courses. Living-room with fireplace, 3 bed
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7500 Survey.

CHILDREN'S BOARD

Wanted within visiting radius New York City
simple board and care in private family fol
two children (healthy, well-trained) — boy 7
girl 5— from May 1st till after Labor Day
Must be reasonable. 7502 Survey.

FOR RENT

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month.

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Tel. Brimfield 9-11.

PAMPHLETS AND PERIODICALS

The American Journal of Nursing shows the par
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a year. 50 West 50 Street, New York, N. Y

Go to Seattle on the
SURVEY SPECIAL

With the assistance of several railroads,
arrangements have been made for special
through trains to carry social workers, their
friends and associated groups to the Seattle
Conference in June.

The first schedule permits a one-day visit to
GLACIER NATIONAL PARK, arriving at
Seattle on the opening day of the Conference.
The second provides special cars for the use
of Associate Groups, scheduled to arrive at
the Conference city at 8:00 A.M., Friday.
June 24th.

These services offer an attractive opportunity
to friends and fellow workers to renew old
friendships and make new acquaintances
while traveling through some of America's
most beautiful states.

For full particulars regarding the
"SPECIAL" write Mollie Condon,
Survey Associates, 112 East 19 Street,
New York City.

(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)

310

INDUSTRIAL ARBITRATION

(Continued from page 309)

Was an employer justified in discharging a salesman em-
ploye who removed merchandise from employer's prem-
.. without making a proper notation thereof, but who sub-
sequently paid for the merchandise?

Was a union justified in demanding the discharge of an
•-taut foreman whose complaint had resulted in a worker's
disinivs.il, and did such dismissal constitute a breach of the
ment by the company?

many years certain well organized industries such as
the printing and garment trades have used arbitration as a
othly developed technique, with impartial public men
irbitrators. In the meantime, small industries and in-
dividual merchants and their workers have been wrangling
with each other and blundering into unnecessary strikes and
unjustifiable lockouts all for the lack of a way to adjust
their disputes. Now comes the A.A.A. with a speedy inex-
pensive solution for them.

Thus far all the A.A.A. industrial hearings have been
held in New York and have concerned disputes in or near
the metropolitan area, but since a panel of arbitrators is being
inbled covering the entire United States, hearings in the
future may be held in almost any American city under the
same rules and administration.

The Arbitration Clause

EvtkY LABOR CONTRACT SHOULD CONTAIN A CLAUSE PROVIDING

for arbitration. When a contract does not contain such a
provision, employer and union may of course start arbitra-
tion on any issue by both agreeing to do so. When the con-
tract does include an arbitration clause that follows the rules
of the A.A.A., either party to the agreement may start arbi-
tration proceedings merely by notifying the other party of
such an intention and filing a copy of the notice and a state-
ment of the dispute with the association.

A simple four-line clause will accomplish this result. Here
is a sample taken from a contract involved in one of the cases
described above:

"Any dispute, claim or difference arising out of or relat-
ing to this agreement, or the breach thereof, shall be sub-
mitted to arbitration under the Industrial Arbitration Rules,
then obtaining, of the American Arbitration Association."

Here is another sample, which anticipates trouble and nips
it in the bud:

"If any controversy or question arises which threatens the
friendly relations existing between the parties to this con-
tract, and for which no provision for arbitration has been
made, either party may apply to the American Arbitration
Association for such services as will tend to avert the viola-
tion of the contract or to promote its amicable observance or
facilitate the peaceful changes to be effected thereunder."

What about legal enforceability? In many states, when
two parties sign an agreement to arbitrate a dispute on an
existing labor contract before a recognized tribunal, the
decision of the arbitrator is legally enforceable just as in any
commercial case, except in those states which exclude col-
lective bargaining agreements from the usual provisions cov-
ering arbitration. But actually in most instances the question
of legal enforcement does not arise. The fact that employer
and workers have come voluntarily seeking arbitration and
agreed to abide by the award is pretty good assurance that
they will do so.

"We've lost more cases than we've won over at the A.A.A."
the business manager of a CIO local said to me, "but we're
going to keep on taking our troubles to them. We think
they're giving the fairest deal there is between boss and
worker."

Teaching Mrs. Santuccia
how to hate

Born in a hovel — reared in squalor — Mr- Santuccia is used lo dirt.
She doesn't mind it.

But here's a hint for you. Make cleanliness easier — and you
make it easier for Mrs. Santuccia to dislike dirt.

One way to do this is by introducing her to Fels-Naptha Soap.
Its good golden soap and plentiful naptlia, working together, give
extra help to lighten washing and cleaning. Briskly, busily, they
loosen stubborn dirt — without hard rubbing. They wash quickly and
thoroughly — even in row/ uvler. An important added advantage
where hot water is a luxury.

Write Pels & Company, Philadelphia, IV, for a sample bar of
Fels-Naptha, mentioning the Survey Graphic.

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For catalog** addrtss :
MRS. BUSH-BROWN, Director, Box E, Ambler, Pa.

SOCIAL WELFARE LAWS

Of the Forty-Eight States

1937 Revised Master Edition Now Ready
(Including All Previous Editions and Supplements)

Published by Wendell Huston Company

Used in more than 250 colleges and universities

as a text and reference book-
Bound in loose-leaf form so that yearly supple-
ments may be easily added.

The National Social Security Program makes this
book more important than ever to the welfare
field — an indispensable means of keeping up
with the social trends and significant advances in
the field of social welfare as reflected in State and
National Legislation.

Literature on Request

£12.50 pliu pottage

SURVEY ASSOCIATES, Inc.
112 East 19 Street New York, N. Y.

(In answering ajvertiiementt pleatc

311

mention SURVEY GRAPHIC)

EDUCATIONAL DIRECTORY

SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES

HnnierBttg nf (Eijtragn

of Mortal &rrmrr AimmuBtratuiu

SUMMER QUARTER, 1938
First term, June 17 • July 22
Second term, July 25- August 26

Academic Year 1938-39
Begins October 1

Announcements on Request

THE SOCIAL SERVICE REVIEW

Edited by GRACE ABBOTT
A Professional Quarterly for Social Workers

CTT A7"T7D U A V SUMMER SCHOOL AT

iJlJ-/ V H/JtV tjl\ I LAKE GEORGE, N. Y.

Social Workers, Religious Leaders, Teachers, Modern Parents
can LIVE WHILE THEY LEARN. Graduate Courses. Two
Convenient Terms. July 11-29, August 1-19. Address —

Dr. Harold Seashore. 263 A I den St., Springfield, Man.

SIMMONS COLLEGE
SCHOOL OF SOCIAL WORK

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Family Welfare

Child Welfare

Community Work

Social Research

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A catalog will be sent on request
18 Somerset Street Boston Massachusetts

Graduate Professional Education in

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Including Courses in

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Supervision of Group Leaders
Skills and Program Resources
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Case Work for Group Workers
Administration of Social Agencies

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Particular emphasis upon the training of men for public
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The curriculum provides training in the other fields of social
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Courses in the other departments of Boston University are
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Address

DIVISION OF SOCIAL WORK
BOSTON UNIVERSITY

84 Exeter Street

Boston

YALE UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF NURSING

A Profession for the College Woman

The Dean, Yale School of Nursing, New Haven, Conn.

(In answering advertisements flense mention SURVI

312

V ORAPHIC)

JUST PUBLISHED IN BOOK FORM

Westward
Under Vega

By Thomas Wood Stevens

A handsome edition of the great American narrative poem which appeared
serially in Survey Graphic. First edition printed from type, complete in one
deluxe volume, cloth bound with head and foot bands. £2.00.

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The Most Powerful Man
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THE LIFE OF SIR HENRI DETERDING

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Insanity Fair

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Cooperation

AN AMERICAN WAY

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ORDER FROM YOUR BOOKSELLER, OR

COVICI • FRIEDE, Publuhen
D«pt. SG, 432 Fourth Ave. New York, N. Y.

Please send me the books whose titles 1 have checked

below. I enclose remittance of $

O WESTWARD UNDER VEGA ($2.00)

3 MOST POWERFUL MAN IN THE WORLD ($3.00)

D MAN THE SLAVE AND MASTER ($3.50)

D INSANITY FAIR ($3.00)

D COOPERATION: AN AMERICAN WAY ($3.00)

Name.

Address--

City 8i State

COVICI* FRIEDE, 432 FOURTH AVENUE, NEW YORK CITY

Sl'RVEY GRAPHIC, published monthly and copyrighted 1988 by SURVEY ASSOCIATES, Inc. Publication and Executive office.

112 EMI 19 Street. New York, N. Y. Price: thi. imue (June 1988; Vol. XXVII, No. «l 80 ctt. ; $8 • year; foreign pontaur. BO cU. extra;

Canadian SO ct*. Entered as »econd clan matter January 28. 1888. at the po«t office at New York. N. Y.. under the act of March 8.

Acceptance of mailing at a special rate of poatage provided for in Section 1108. Act of October 8. 1917 ; authorized Dec. 21. 1921.

I get sick? After all, I'm only human. And
if I dp_ get a touch of colic ... or have a nervous
breakdown ... do you know what'll bring it on?
Worry ! Yes, sir, worrying about how long it would take
us to get the doctor if anything should happen.

"Or suppose a pipe bursts in the bathroom? Or a
burglar comes along? When something like that happens
you don't write a letter, or go after help on horseback.
No, sir. You hop to a telephone !

"And what about my mother? She's got marketing to do.
Sometimes she needs to get in touch with Dad during the
day. And there are errands to be run. Well, she can't do
all those things without a telephone . . . and at the same
time give me the attention I expect.

"All Dad needs to do to have a telephone is get
touch with the Business Office. I'd do it myself if I could
just get out. But I can't. So is it any wonder that worr
is keeping me awake half the day?"

BELL TELEPHONE SYSTEM

322

The Gist of It

•DT WITHOUT HONOR IN HIS OWN CITY,

^sor Howard Woolston of Washington

^^^BtfS'ty talks as frankly 10 Seattle as he

»ntcs about it (page 327), on the eve of

the National Conference of Social Work to

be held there in June.

WITH LITTLE RESPECT FOR THE KIND OF

I^^^BT Inar 's written, read and taught, H.

G. Vi'ells would have mankind learn its

l^lnr in tne light of modern science. The

(page 331) is the fourth in a series

Mr. Wells.

WHAT is FDUCATION? IN A GEORGIAN SET-
tir.c along tidewater, two young educators
have begun an experiment in the cultivation
of wisdom. On page 333 Donald Slesinger
describes their plans for St. John's College.
After teaching at Yale and the University of
-:o, Mr. Slesinger is now a writer and
publicist in New York City.

THE MORNING AFTER THE TORNADO OF

1927. Irving Dilliard went to work for the

uis Poit-Dis patch and, with the excep-

:inn nf time out for graduate study in social

I •Bcc at Harvard, has been there since. At

three, he has just been awarded a Nie-

man fellowship at Harvard. (Page 338.)

BERTRAM B. FOWLER is AN AUTHORITY ON
die cooperative movement. He is the author
of several books on the subject, including
be published this month amplifying
his article (page 340).

ONOMIST LOOKS AT THE RURAL IN-

dustrial areas of the United States where,
good times and bad. depression is chronic
(page 346). A member of the staff of the
i Senate Committee on Unemployment and
Relief. Pierce Williams went to Washington
during the Hoover administration as an ex-
pert for the RFC. At the request of the
Roosevelt administration he remained and
his conducted special studies for various
New Deal agencies.

•

"NOWHERE IN THE WORLD is IMMEDIATE
help more needed than by the helpless chil-
dren on both sides of war-torn Spain," Am-
bassador Claude E. Bowers cabled, accepting
notary chairmanship of the Spanish
OiiM Welfare Association, formed to aid
the American Friends Service Committee.
re than a year the Quakers have been
evacuating child victims from bombed
md nursing, feeding and rehabilitating
Appealing for funds to continue the
"f the only American agency adminis-
aid impartially wherever the need is
j^^B"- the committee welcomes inquiries
^•td to The Spanish Child Welfare In-
»>n Service. 9 East 46 Street, New
\. Y.

Food and Drugs Joker

To THE EDITOR: It is with pleasure that I
have read in your May issue the splendid
article by Hillier Krieghbaum on the much
abused food and drug bill.

KM 1938

CONTENTS

VOL. xxvn No. 6

Youth Goes Up and Down: A Symposium

Seattle Spirit

The Poison Called History

Aristotle in Annapolis

The Chief Justice on Tax Immunity

The Lord Helps Those ...

George Grey Barnard

Hard-Core Unemployment

Through Neighbors' Doorways
Imponderables on the Job

Letters and Life
Founders .

324

HOWARD WOOLSTON 327

H. G. WELLS 331

DONALD SLESINCER 333

IRVING DILLIARD 338

BERTRAM B. FOWLER 340

344

PIERCE WILLIAMS 346

JOHN PALMER GAVIT 353

. .LEON WHIPPLE 355

SURVEY ASSOCIATES, INC.

Publication and Editorial Office: 112 East 19 Street, New York, N. Y.

Chairman of the Board, JULIAN W. MACK; president, RICHARD B. SCANDRETT, JR.; vice-
presidents, JOSEPH P. CHAMBERLAIN, JOHN PALMER GAVIT; secretary, ANN REED BRENNER.

Editor: PAUL KELLOGG.

Associate editors: BEULAH AMIDON, ANN REED BRENNER, JOHN PALMER GAVIT,
FLORENCE LOEB KELLOGG, LOULA D. I.ASKER, GERTRUDE SPRINGER, VICTOR WEYBRIGHT
(managing), LEON WHIPPLE. Assistant editors: HELEN CHAMBERLAIN, RUTH LERRIGO.

Contributing editors: HELEN CODY BAKER, JOANNA C. COLCORD, EDWARD T. DEVINE,
HAVEN EMERSON, M.D., RUSSELL H. KURTZ, MARY Ross, GRAHAM TAYLOR.

Business manager, WALTER F. GRUENINGER; Circulation manager, MOLLIE CONDON;
Advertising manager, MARY R. ANDERSON.

Survey Graphic published on the 1st of the month. Price of single copies of this issue,
30c. a copy. By subscription — Domestic: 1 year $3; 2 years 15. Additional postage per year —
Foreign 50c.; Canadian 30c. Indexed in Reader's Guide, Book Review Digest, Index to Labor
Articles, Public Affairs Information Service, Quarterly Cumulative Index Median.

Survey Midmonthly published on the 15th of the month. Single copies 30c. By subscrip-
tion— Domestic: 1 year $3; 2 years $5. Additional postage per year — Foreign 50c.; Cana-
dian 30c. Joint annual subscription to Survey Graphic and Survey Midmonthly |5. Coopera-
tive Membership in Survey Associates, including a joint subscription. $10.

Of the victims of poisonous elixirs, con-
taminated cancer nostrums, sight-destroying
or lethal cosmetics, Mr. Krieghbaum asks,
"Have they died in vain?" To judge from
the bill reported out by the House Interstate
and Foreign Commerce Committee since the
article was published, it would seem that
they have. Though this bill has been pretty
much eviscerated during its five years in Con-
gress, nevertheless it still contains some ad-
mirable provisions. Unfortunately, a vicious
joker, apparently inspired by the apple ship-
pers impatient of the Food and Drug Ad-

ministration's insistence that such fruit be
safe for the public to eat, will prevent en-
forcement of the law if it is passed.

This wolf in sheep's clothing is a provi-
sion for court review of the regulations
which may be set up by the Secretary of
Agriculture.

Every protective feature of the bill would
be affected. Under the proposed law the Sec-
retary of Agriculture would be authorized to
set up a tolerance for lead in food products,
let us say. Public hearings would have to be
held, at which there would be every oppor-

323

tunity to present all the evidence on both
sides of the question. Only after such a thor-
ough airing could the tolerance become offi-
cial.

But as soon as the Secretary announced
his regulation, the fun would begin, thanks
to this joker! For the next 90 days any pro-
ducer or dealer anywhere in the United
States who objected to the tolerance could
seek an injunction in any district court
which would stop enforcement of the Secre-
tary's regulation. If the injunction was granted
by this court, even though refused by every
other federal judge, enforcement of the tol-
erance would be held up throughout the
country. With more than 100 judges func-
tioning through 82 courts, the chances are
all in favor of the injunction.

Not even a successful appeal by the gov-
ernment would necessarily repair the damage.
Any dissatisfied shipper or dealer could still

nullify the purpose of the law by proposing
that the tolerance be changed. Under the lan-
guage of the bill the Secretary of Agriculture
would then be compelled to hold further
hearings, with a repetition of injunction suits
and appeals.

When you realize that this multiplicity of
hearings, injunctions and appeals could be
carried on simultaneously and interminably
with respect to every regulation issued under
the law, it becomes plain that the public
would be worse off under the proposed law
than it is under the present antiquated food
and drugs act.

It was my privilege and my duty to sign a
minority report protesting this reprehensible
provision. Unless it can be struck out of the
bill, consumers would be well advised to
insist that no new law be enacted.

JERRY J. O'CONNELL
Member oj Congress \rotn Montana

Youth Goes Up and Down

YOUNG PEOPLE THE COUNTRY OVER HAVE WRITTEN US ABOUT THE ARTICLE IN THE

April Survey Graphic, Youth Goes Round and Round, in which Martha Bensley Bruere
summarized the findings of the American Youth Commission's sampling of the problems
and the opinions of youth today. Here we publish excerpts from some of the letters from
students and from young people out of school.- — THE EDITORS.

I— FROM YOUTHS IN SCHOOL

... a libel . . .

FOR THE NATION AS A WHOLE, WE CONSIDER

this article a libel on youth. These things
may be true of Maryland. They are not true
of youth in general.

GEORGE LEWIS and KARL VON LEWEN
Lamar College, Texas

. . . evolutionary change . . .

RESTLESSNESS is MORE PREVALENT THAN is
intimated by the article, especially among
college and highschool groups. Evolutionary
change, retaining democracy, rather than eco-
nomic or social upheaval, is advocated by
most young people who have any suggestions.
Vassar College MARGARET JAMESON

. . . I'd go to war . . .

I HAD LONG SUSPECTED THAT THE YOUNG

men of the country were not as adverse to
war as the peace societies would have us
believe. And why should they be? Existence
for most of us is drab. War represents a
change, an exciting change at that; it means
getting away from a civilization which is
giving little or nothing to look forward to,
which is giving a fearfully small amount of
this thing we call economic security. So why
not go to war? A chance for glory, a chance
for excitement, and if you're killed, boys —
well, it was worth it. There was nothing to
come back to anyway. Despite my earnest
hope for peace, I'd go to war, too — without
too much fuss. No one can deny that it is an
avenue of escape which has its bright side.
University oj Rochester HAROLD ROSENTHAL

. . . the greatest enthusiasm . . .

GOVERNMENT PER SE is UNINTERESTING TO
many students and I, among others, was ex-
cessively bored in highschool civics class.
My point is that an apathy toward "pro-
grams and policies" is a specialized apathy,
not proof of a blanket apathy affecting all

324

our attitudes. In short, I believe my con-
temporaries are capable of showing the great-
est enthusiasm and ambition where their own
personal lives are concerned. During school
;md college electioneering I have seen a ter-
rific amount of interest and energy expended
in campus politics. This suggests to me that
students would participate with equal eager-
ness in politics on a larger scale if in some
way they could be made to see the power
and responsibility that soon will be on their
now shrugging shoulders.
Pekin, 111. MARY MARGARET RICHARDS

. . . the older generation forgets . . .

THE OLDER GENERATION'S FALSE CONCEP-
tion of youth seems to be that "youth is
going to the dogs." How often have you and
1 heard that repeated? But the basic problems
of life never change. Youth still faces the
same adjustments that the ancient Egyptians
and every race before and since them has
faced with high hopes and glowing hearts.
Psychologists tell us that our earliest years
are the most impressionable years of our
lives. The habits, attitudes and impressions
that we form in early childhood tend to
control the whole course of our lives. It is
difficult to change this childhood pattern,
and so it continues — "like father, like son."
Only the older generation always seems to
forget that when it looks at youth.
Highschool, Red Lion, Pa. VICTOR YOUNG

. . . lack of leadership . . .

I DON'T BELIEVE THAT 65 PERCENT OF THE

girls and 50 percent of the boys really de-
pend on their parents' counsel, but probably
when they were asked about that they said
"yes" rather than appear unconventional. I
am surprised at the large percentages which
said "no."

As for the fact that most of these people
obtain their sex education from friends rather
than parents — what's the difference? Neither
source usually knows its subject.

This whole article cries lack of leadershipi
again and again — in work, in recreation, ini
sex, in ethics. Youth can be led.
University oj Rochester ALBERT STOFFEL

. . . the most dangerous sort ...

I AGREE WITH THE ESSENTIAL PREMISE OF

the article, although my experience is chief!)
among college women. I would add. that ii
seems to me that boys' and girls' enthusiasm:
are as dangerous as their apathies, becaus<
they seem on the whole to be founded or
misinformation, propagandized teaching anc
indoctrination. Such acceptance is the mos
dangerous sort of apathy.
Wellesley College HARRIET LUNDGAARI

... it rather astonished me . . .

I AGREE WITH THE ARTICLE IN MANY RE
spects, but not about our being content n
stagnate at our jobs. Many of my friends whi
are working are taking extension course
either for their own pleasure or as traininj
in their jobs.

I think a married woman should be al
lowed to work. If she's capable and traine<
she should be considered on the same basi<
as a single woman. Personally, if I marry
want to do my working at home. As fo
labor unions, I'm for them and against therr
They have bettered working conditions an.
wages. But they have no right to keep oth
out of jobs or to wreck property.

It rather astonished me to think we
being considered apathetic!
University oj Minnesota [NAME WITHHEL

. . . the color problem . . .

HOWARD UNIVERSITY is A CENTER OF NEGR
education. The conservatism found amon
Maryland young people by this study is n
fleeted here in our approach to the cole
problem. In order that dark girls may not I
left out of sorority life, we have two "light
sororities (very light!) and one dark or
(quite dark!). Not formally of course, bi
tacitly — neither is segregation legal in mar
large cities.

Perhaps something can be done to chanj
such attitudes. I think so. Yet even Sincla
Lewis has made peace with Babbitt.
Howard University VICTOR LAWSO !

... a much better percentage ...

IF FOUR PERCENT OF THE YOUTH OF TODA

are aroused and desire change, that is a mui
better percentage than one could find amor
adult groups! ROBERT OsHir

Maxwell School of Citizenship and
Public Affairs

. . . the bright spot . . .

MOST OF US, I THINK. HAVE ABANDONI |
the traditional desire of youth to "set tl
world on fire." Or, if the desire is still fe ,
the confidence is gone. With the depressio |
most young people gave up the idea of tl I
kind of education and marriage we had pi
tured for ourselves. We work our w; i
through school, but most often not tl'.l
school of our choice. We expect to marr I
but have no delusions about security ar
"living happily ever after." Opportuniti'ij
for economic security which were once opel
to our parents have ceased to exist.

The picture which youth presents tod
seems in some respects very dark, but

SURVEY GRAPHH

bright spot is here: we are working hard

•. i-rything we have, and we appreciate

(tut for which we work. I believe thai when

: our tooting we will be a more stable

generation than that one which spent its

^•A i» 'he equally unnatural days of the

^^Bmr boom. MARY NUGENT

Wit* Ttachtrs College, Valley City, N. D.

. . . the potentialities of the church . . .

PARTICULARLY INTERESTED IN THE
comment on attitudes toward the church. I
believe that the church can and should play
active part in re-creating and improv-
^^••e social order. Some churches have,
^^^^B social survey or social action com-
s. Specifically, ministers and church
members, particularly the younger ones, can
stands in favor of fact-finding
in labor difficulties; they can
ke positive stands for peace, with a pro-
I political action as well as education,
feel that among young people there is a
ntinuing realization of the potentialities
^H church as a progressive force.

Rochester VERSA VOLZ

II— OUT OF SCHOOL

. . . some happy little cottage . . .

4-ELVE YOUNG CLERICAL WORKERS WITH

whom I talked, after they had read Mrs.
Brucre's article, eleven were dissatisfied
their present jobs and wages. Nine of
them live at home, eight solely because of
inic necessity; only one girl stated her
t-nce for the protection of the family
All thought wages too low, but de-
unionization because they are "white
collar" conscious. One spokesman who
seemed to represent the general feeling of
•nup, said, "This generation is haunted
bf the depression which causes our feeling
'• of 'what's the use!' If we are going to
•nic ruin, why bother about the world
I^Hpon' We all would like to run away
from it all, and find some happy little cot-
tage on the prairies."

On the church question they were equally

•j^Hkd' Six went to church and enjoyed

the service and the chance to see people;

and six said, "I don't get anything out of

1 )ne vehemently denounced ministers

who keep asking their hard pressed congre-

r money.

All twelve girls agreed in wishing to mar-
- love. They were equally divided on
the question of work after marriage.

-, girls were much more defeatist in

attitude than the college friends with

I discussed the article, and with rea-

if them are in blind alley jobs.

'' and know that there is little opportunity at

me to get out of the rut. All of them

' upes and ambitions which they try to

:n in the face of economic insecurity.

I^HPT seemed to say with one voice, "They

^^^Hbout youth being apathetic — we are just

N. Y.

SUSAN B. ANTHONY

• • . what you can expect . . .

. I'D LIKI TO KNOW WHAT YOU CAN EXPECT

th in a world like this. Most of us, at

in the farming country, have had to

give up our dreams of going away to school

or college. We cannot afford to buy books
or travel. The old family car is getting older
and older. If you can get enough gas for the
necessary farm use of a car, you are lucky.
Furniture wears out, even with care, and
cannot be replaced and the house gets shab-
bier and shabbier. Ours hasn't been painted
for eleven years, and we cannot buy bricks
to mend the foundation. The local church had
to close up because the neighborhood could
not go on paying even pan of a minister's
salary. Sometimes I get so hungry for some-
thing new to read or to think about I can
hardly stand it. That copy of the magazine
with Mrs. Bruere's article is a treasure. But
it makes me laugh to hear youth called
"apathetic." Isn't that what happens to every-
one, young or old, when hope is gone?
Dickinson, N. D. [NAME WITHHELD]

. . . this cycle continue* . . .

I DO NOT AGREE WITH THE MARYLAND

report when it says that a young person
whose father is of the low income level has
a three-to-one chance against rising to the
white collar level. I believe that we of the
South are more democratic, that we all have
equal chances for white collar positions pro-
viding education and abilities are the same as
of those who start from a more favored
level. Then, too, a youth whose father is
a man of established position will drop to a
lower level if he is lacking in education,
ability or character. The boy or man of in-
adequate income will be made stronger by
work and is very likely to enter the higher
income bracket. His son, however, will live
in ease, and may drop to the low income
level of his grandfather. This cycle continues
on and on.

The youth today, primarily because of the
school, understands public problems better
than his parents. As to the question of war.
the young people of this locality are against
it by a large majority.
Indianola, Miss. }. B. RATLIFF, JR.

. . . the system of education . . .

MORE AND MORE YOUNG PEOPLE ARE COM-

pleting highschool and a great many more
of them are going on to college than has
ever been true before. If they are not more
alert and awake to the problems of the day.
does not the fault lie with the present system
of education? Are the schools giving young
people training to take their part in com-
munity and nation? According to the figures
quoted, 37 percent of the young people are
working at unskilled, domestic, personal
service, relief projects and other low paid
jobs. Doesn't this suggest the urgent need
for more definite vocational training?
Neu' York GRETTA ANDERSON

... we women take jobi . . .

SOME OF THE POINTS RAISED IN THE ARTI-

cle seem totally out of accord with what I
believe is the truth. One of these is the state-
ment that the economic aspects of the home
are largely determined by the father. This
would lead one to think that all we women
take jobs for and work hard for is fun. or
pin money. From statistics I have studied
and from personal contacts in a national
business and professional women's group, I
know that in an impressive percentage of
cases the women and girls in the family are

responsible for a goodly portion of the finan-
cial maintenance of the household, and often
are the sole support of the family. I think
we cannot afford to continue to take it for
granted that it is the man in the home whose
income is the determining force in the fam-
ily's life and progress.
New York CRISSIE BIRRELL

. . . from (he small groups . . .
THE INFERENCE OF MRS. BRUERE'S ARTICLE

that neither home nor school nor work nor
play nor religion is doing anything creative
to make better citizens seems to me over-
drawn. Each effort is far from adequate.
But each one contributes something — wher-
ever there is a progressive, wide-awake home
or school or church. The greatest hope I can
see for breaking the rigid like-father-like-son
circle is in the more intensive and extensive
work of such units— of places like Hamp-
ton and Tuskegee, the Highlander Folk
School, the Piney Woods School in Missis-
sippi, the work of the "friendly advisors" of
the Friends Service Committee in eastern
Ohio, the Penn-craft Community, the best
settlement houses in the cities. The really
creative work, it seems to me, has to be done
by such small groups of dedicated people.
W'jllingforJ. Conn. GEORGE ST. JOHN, JR.

... no warlike spirit . . .
THE PART OF MRS. BRUERE'S ARTICLE WITH
which 1 disagree the most (and with a lot of
it I agree completely) is that about young
people and war. Perhaps there is something
in the air of Maryland that makes young
men willing to see "bombs bursting in air."
But there's no warlike spirit at all in Cin-
cinnati, and judging from a national student
convention I attended last year, we are more
typical of the country as a whole than Mary-
land is. I belong to a young man's club of
about fifty members at our church, and the
employes' association in the plant where I
work. I have talked with a lot of young men
between the ages of eighteen and twenty-
five in these organizations. I have yet to find
one who was in favor of war, or who was
willing to go. Many even said they would
resist a draft. I hope we are right, and the
Marylanders wrong, in expressing the views
of American youth.
Cincinnati, Ohio [NAME WITHHELD]

. . . just let ill mature . . .

IS A CHANGE IN FOLKWAYS AND MORES EVER

a sudden, spectacular trend? I maintain that
it is going on today, just as it always has
in the past — slowly. Youth may not seem
strong and aggressive, but neither is it
supine. Living itself absorbs much of the
energy of the eighteen to twenty-five age
group. We are struggling with the early
stages of financial independence. Many of us
are adjusting to the new situation of matri-
mony. We have lost the zest of the high-
school student to remake the world, and we
have not as yet replaced that foolish philoso-
phy with a more grown-up outlook. As a
natural cycle we shall take our turn at the
wheel. By that time, it is to be expected that
our personal lives will have achieved more
stability. Don't lose faith in us! Just let us
mature before we try to take over the ship.

ROSA DIEU BLOCK CRENSHAW
Beaumont. Tex.

JUNE 1938

325

-- ,£^; *^t

Photograph Seattle Chamber of Cotnme

£>ui/</ f/iese ci/jt-s glorious
If man unbuilded grows?

In vain we build the world unless
The builder also grows.

— Edward Markham, in Man-Making

JUNE 1938

VOL. XXVII NO. 6

SURVEY GRAPHIC

Seattle Spirit

by HOWARD WOOLSTON

"When the dropping sun illumines turrets on the mountain wall,
and files of light march up from the shining water, one catches a
glimpse of a splendid city conquering the wilderness." But the
structure of that city is still loose — physically, socially and in-
tellectually. A sociologist gives a word-picture of his colorful,
inconsistent and unpredictable American community.

\VllF\ YOI R CAR MOI NTS THE RISE FROM THE COLUMBIA

and begins to coast down deep valleys west of the
Ics, the country grows green with tall firs and rhodo-
dendron bushes. As you follow a stream across a rolling
plain, dairy farms and market gardens appear. Then you
skirt a broad lake, beyond which lies the city. You con-
tinue along streets bordered with cottages, until the shelf
of homes dips into a business district. From your hotel
window you can see the harbor opening into Puget Sound,
which stretches away toward the rugged line of the Olym-
'untains beyond. To the South, Rainier looms white
;l the sky.
;his place must be Seattle.

Out of the Woods

EIGHTY-SIX YEARS AGO, SETTLERS BEGAN TO ARRIVE BY WATER.
A few old pioneers still tell of Indian raids. In 1869 the
city was incorporated, with a population of about one
thousand. Twenty years later a fire destroyed most of the
buildings. But there was plenty of lumber, and the town
started up again. The gold rush to Alaska attracted hordes
of .ulventurers. Trade with the Orient was opened; trans-
continental railways brought goods and passengers to the
port. Fishing was developed, and business grew. In 1909
the city put on an exposition, which was its coming out
party as an eligible young metropolis. It then numbered
37,000 inhabitants. The Panama Canal facilitated coast-
wise trade; the World War boomed local shipyards. Seat-
tle had arrived.

The last census gave the metropolitan district a popula-
tion of 420,000, covering 210 square miles.* Hundreds of
cars travel the main highways north and south daily be-
tween Vancouver, British Columbia, and Portland, Ore.
Ferries transport commuters across the sound to the navy
yard at Bremerton, and to quiet suburbs east of Lake
Washington. Many persons prefer a shack in the hills or
by the water to a town house. These people move readily.

Seattle is a man's town. Lumbering, fishing and trans-
portation, naval and military posts bring an excess of
males. The city does not have a large juvenile population.
More than half of the people are over thirty years of age.
Native stock predominates, but Scandinavians and Ori-
entals are noticeable among the foreign-born. There are
urban settlements of Negroes, Italians and Ladinos, and
Indian villages nearby. It is a colorful aggregation.

The temper of the people is shown by their performance.
Hills were washed down and tide flats filled to give space
for building. A river was stopped and a ship canal built to
make a fresh water harbor. The city reached far back
among the hills to find reservoirs and power plants. A
municipal traction and lighting service was acquired to
serve the community. Nature has been pretty well tamed;
but not the pioneer.

Orientals have been protected, and radicals have been
punished. After the war boom, labor staged a general strike
and guarded the city. Some time ago, young business men

•In 1850, the population of Manhattan Island was 515,000, two ccnturict
after incorporation as a city.

327

threatened to use vigilante methods in a waterfront strug-
gle, and the dashing mayor led a police skirmish. One
newspaper was tied up and brought to terms by sympa-
thizers with discharged reporters; another sheet was pub-
lished, despite seven months of picketing and boycott.
Seattle has a labor czar; it also has a mediation commit-
tee of eminent citizens appointed by the Chamber of
Commerce. Such passages may appear melodramatic; but
they are seldom dull. The public loves a show with plenty
of action.

Local politics have gained nation-wide attention. Offi-
cials are elected with slight regard for sex, age or previous
experience. Party ties mean little. Friendliness, courage
and publicity are more important. When the incumbent
doesn't suit, he is recalled. If pensions or playfields are
needed, an obliging candidate arises to get them. Stiff
civic uniforms are not favored. Public affairs are con-
ducted as informally as a rodeo.

There is culture here, too. The schools are excellent. At
the university ten thousand young people are studying
everything from oyster beds to Chinese classics. Some
even consider social problems. A modern art gallery has
special exhibitions. An ably conducted symphony orchestra
performs in the parks in the summer and the Auditorium
in the winter. This same Civic Auditorium presents nota-
ble visitors; and the adjacent Arena bills professional
wrestling bouts. The gifts of Hollywood are displayed in
many locations. Three little theaters cluster in one end of
town. A showboat is building.

The churches seem to get along fairly well together. A
local committee of Catholics, Jews and Protestants occa-
sionally puts speakers on the air. There is a Buddhist mis-
sion and an impressive cathedral. You can hear sermons
in half a dozen languages. Revivalists hold tent meetings
and ministerial associations discuss juvenile delinquency.
Fundamentalists have a strong organization: a little
Church of the People preaches salvation for the proletariat.
Sisters of religious orders attend classes in professional
nursing, and learned clergymen teach in the colleges. It is
a broadminded community.

Much of the apparatus for salvaging humanity has been
installed. A half-million dollar community fund supports
thirty-seven private agencies, and a welfare council helps
to shape their policy. The western drift from farms and
crowded industrial centers brings to Seattle more than her
share of homeless men and women. Public agencies and
lodging houses care for thousands. By no means all of
these uprooted people are down and out. In the depth of
the depression, the unemployed formed a league to dis-
pense relief and organized cooperative groups. Technocrats
and Townsendites combined in a political federation
much like the EPIC movement. They almost captured the
hesitant Democratic machine, and sent representatives to
the last legislature and Congress. Alert communists en-
tered progressive groups to question and direct activity.
These people will not starve in silence.

Regional, state and county planning commissions have
busied themselves with surveys and schemes for coordina-
tion. A proposition to divide Washington into a few gov-
ernmental districts was made. Although logical and eco-
nomical, this scheme is not approved by politicians. Local
pride and party hopes are not easily submerged in state-
wide movements. Conservative east side farming com-
munities and progressive west coast commercial interests
do not readily agree upon redistribution of power. There

328

'ealth.

are two distinct regions included in one commonwealth.
Spokane dominates the Inland Empire, which produces
grain and fruit. The development of the Columbia River
basin, by power and irrigation projects, promises to make
a string of oases into a garden strip. Seattle rules the sea-
ward slope, where lumber and trade rear ambitious struc-
tures about a magnificent harbor.

Visitors are usually more interested in the Puget Sound
skyline and water sports than in the economic organiza-
tion of the place. Within two or three hours you can drive
from tidewater to alpine meadows and snow slopes. The
Cascades buttress six major volcanic peaks, hung with
flowing glaciers. To the west, Mount Olympus is ringed
with spiked rock towers that give shelter to elk and cou-
gars. The Forestry Service has built trails and camps.
Mountaineering clubs conduct hikes about their lodges.
If you like climbing, there is plenty of it.

The waterways are always open. Canoes and sailboats
dot Lake Washington. Power launches cruise among the
rugged San Juan Islands and explore the narrow inlet of
Hood Canal. Passenger boats make daily runs to the snug
Canadian town of Victoria. Ferries transport cars at sev-
eral points so that circle tours to the Olympic Peninsula
and Vancouver Island are easy. Of course, salt and fresh
water fishing may slow up a schedule.

Into the Future

WHEN THE GRANDPARENTS OF SOME LOCAL FAMILIES BUILT LO
houses at the entrance to Elliot Bay, they called the settle-
ment New York. The doubtful Indians shook their heads
and muttered, Alf(t ("by and by," "maybe"). When the
colony moved into the cove and set up housekeeping near
Yesler's sawmill, they named the place after a friendly
chief, Seattle. (The original Indian name for the place
means "Short Portage," i.e., from Lake Washington to
Elliot Bay.) Subsequent history shows two similar trends
in the community. One urge has been to impose a greal
commercial city upon the wilderness. Another tendency i

to maintain a homespun pioneer economy in the face of
growing business. These opposed motifs give a dramatic
quality to the development of the town.

Loggers, ranch hands and sailors preserve a sturdy inde-
pendence, and express scorn for trammels of conviction.
Their clothes are rough, their speech blunt, their tastes
simple, their reactions vigorous. Such men are not given
to patient investigation and calm reflection. When they
want something, they go after it, and are ready to break
down obstacles to their satisfaction. They are impatient
with fine spun argument. A rousing speech is enough to
launch them into action. The I.W.W., mass picketing,
guerilla politics and militant patriotism have appealed to
this element in the Northwest. Stalwart movements rapid-
ly gain adherents, who promptly drop out when another
crowd appears to be getting on more directly. This is the
spirit that laughs at trouble and challenges restraint.

The sons and daughters of prosperous farmers and
merchants have another psychology. They were trained
in comfortable homes, and were schooled to support a
social order that promises large opportunity for those who
can manage it. They are ambitious to advance their claims
to recognition by combining with other smart people. They
worship authority, and reprobate disturbing criticism.
Such persons are unwilling to compromise flattering pros-
pects by concession to importunate demands. They oppose
public graft and increased taxes; but promote speculation

SURVEY GRAPHIC

Charles Pheljn C
Seattle's fine harbor hai made Puget Sound a great shipping center

jnd exclusive franchises. This class forms an iron pen-
stock, against which popular movements dash restlessly.

Since there is no large pool of liquid capital to finance
extensive local improvements, Seattle is somewhat de-
pendent upon outside funds. Consequently enterprisers
wish to make a favorable impression upon visitors and
>rs. This leads to a certain amount of window dress-
ing. Cluster lights adorn downtown streets; advertising
bids tourists to enter "The Charmed Land"; raucous con-
lestants in town squabbles are urged to "pipe down" until
important conventions have disbanded. Wise men from
ihe K.ist are feted and interviewed. Such compliance indi-
cates eagerness to rate well with older communities, and
willingness to accept advice.

Challenging this receptive attitude is another of cool
self-assurance. "We have felled forests, tamed rivers, and
reared a big city on the far rim of the country. Why
should we ask outsiders how to run our affairs? What
need to repeat all the historic blunders of decrepit towns
elsewhere? This is our home. Let us build it as we please
—simple, strong, sincere." This is the Pioneer speaking.
Visitors are welcomed heartily. Their commendation is
gratefully received. As for advice regarding local improve-
ments, that can wait until the Pioneer requests it.

The claims of vested interests and of personal freedom
are hotly contested here. Factions try to dominate the
public by propaganda and demonstrations. The commun-
ity lacks organized experience from which to judge these
etlorts calmly. It is unduly affected by sententious state-
ments and show of force. Specious examples and pressure
ironi without are taken too seriously; size and reputation
.ire overestimated. This unsettled condition merely reflects
the tumultuous history and uncertain future of a young
metropolis. More time is required to establish a civic
cnce.

Public opinion has not crystallized about some points of
city policy. Thus municipal ownership, although accepted
in part, is regarded by many persons as a rash adventure.
So there is a public and a private power and light system.
The idea that government exists to protect private property
prevails in certain quarters; in others, the principle of
wide public service dominates. Such division is not pecu-

JUNE 19J8

liar to this community; but heated
discussion still marks the campaigns
of both parties. This frank opposition
of interests gives outsiders occasion to
question the stability of local enter-
prise. Older places try to conceal their
uncertainty and to compromise their
differences. Here the issues are being
openly threshed out on new ground.

Without doubt, the Bonneville an
Coulee projects will stimulate growth
in central Washington. The prospect
of good land with irrigation and elec-
tric power has already brought many
families from the dust bowl. Whether
these farmers will be content with sub-
sistence homesteads may be ques-
tioned. The tendency seems rather to
raise crops for market and to piece out
returns with jobs in town. Harvest
hands are needed only for a short sea-
son. Itinerant workers will probably
continue to wander about the country
during threshing and picking time, and to seek the cities
during the winter. Gasoline Gypsies flock in like birds.
On the west slope Seattle dominates. Lumbering is
giving place to gardening in the surrounding hills; trade
and industry run the town. Its harbor furnishes the short-
est route to the Orient. So long as business across the
Pacific thrives, this port will be a priceless asset to the
nation. Many people are drawn here by the hope of find-
ing a place in a great new metropolis like that on San
Francisco Bay. The Pacific Highway, which follows the
eastern shore of Puget Sound, connects a string of towns
and villages now containing half the population of the
state. The center of that nexus is here.

Still the question of objectives remains. Do the people
of Seattle intend their grandchildren to live in a rat-pit,
an anthill, or a swan's nest? It is hard to tell how many
of our citizens would prefer Stockholm to Liverpool or
Singapore. There are plans for the physical development
of Seattle, and promising beginnings of civic organization.
What puzzles an observer is the hesitation of authorities
and the temerity of lesser men.

The descendants of settlers who cleared the ground and
built homes along Puget Sound constitute a small group
of landed gentry, quite overrun by swarms of ambitious
business men and stirring workers. Imported capital con-
trols local finance; the professions are crowded; politicians
sway the masses. Gentlemen adventurers and coarse buc-
caneers gamble on the turn of fortune. The place is an
interesting combination of mill town, seaport, and subur-
ban villas. It has the situation and the energy to make a
great metropolis; but the style of that future city is not
yet fixed. Fortunately, Seattle isn't finished.

Sometimes, when the dropping sun illumines turrets on
the mountain wall, and files of light march up from the
shining water, like an army to guard the hills, one catches
a glimpse of a splendid city conquering the wilderness.
Then mist drifts in from the sea. Ships entering the har-
bor sound deep warning; searchlights stab at the dark.
Cars creep along the roads; home windows are dimmed.
A morning breeze will roll up the fog and set moist leaves
a-flutter. Such weather is to be expected in the spring.
The social outlook for Seattle is like that, too.

329

Courtesy WPA Federal Art Project

WESTERN WORLD STORY

Detail of a mural, Evolution of Western Civilization, by James Michael Newell for the Evander Childs Highschool, New York,
depicting the general pattern of man's advancement through intellectual adventures, invention and geographical conquest

The Poison Called History

by H. G. WELLS

From dates and boundaries we may think we have progressed to an organic
conception of human society — but, in the opinion of Mr. Wells, so long as
we blindly personify administrative units and glorify convenient traditions,
history is worse than bunk — it's poison. Fourth of a widely discussed series,
this article provoked a storm of comment when read to a group of teachers in
England.

Mv mi h v>i sns AocRESsrvE AND IT is MEANT TO BE AGGRES-
sivc. It is addressed to all who teach history to the new
.iiinn, and that means not only teachers but parents,
preachers, journalists, writers of all sorts, elder brethren.
I want to speak very plainly about the relationship of what
is called "History" to the human outlook. It is impossible
to do so without giving offense in quite a number of direc-
.ind I see no good at all in propitiatory gestures.
The world today is in an evil state and it faces greater
evils. Many factors no doubt contribute to this malaise
of our world, but the primary source of our present
troubles is the complete incompatibility between our his-
torical traditions and the new, more exacting conditions
of life created for us by invention and discovery. The
adjustment of history to reality has become a matter of
supreme urgency. It will not wait. This discordance
means destruction and suffering and blood and enslave-
ment and more destruction and suffering and enslave-
ment until a clear conception of the jarring forces at
work in our world is achieved, a controlling conception
that is, or until the present degringolade is complete.

You are teaching history to the oncoming generations
in a wrong way and in a wrong spirit. I am going to do
my best to show you why I think you are teaching history
in the wrong way and the wrong spirit. A drastic revision
of your ideas and methods is necessary before your teach-
ing can be effective in that cause of world peace to which
almost all of you give at least lip service.

The world is being torn to pieces now by old ideas
armed with new and frightful weapons. You see con-
ceptions of national conquest, ascendency, glory, revenges
and sentimental releases, old-fashioned conceptions all of
them, equipped with destructive power beyond all pre-
vious times. None of these ideas are innate ideas. They
have been taught to peoples. They have been imposed
upon them. If you changed at birth all the babies of one
country for those of another, they would grow up patriots
of their land of education. They would fight, only they
would fight the other way round. Nationalism plainly is
the purest artificiality. It is made by the teaching of his-
tory, by parents, friends, flags, ceremonies, as well as by
the persistent pressure of the schools — but mainly in the
schools. I do not see how you can evade the conclusion
that the festering of worn-out and discarded national
history is the irritating cause of all the fear and fever in
which we are living today.

Now the essence of what I have to say is that there are
two sorts of history, an old traditional history which is
out-of-date and decaying and becoming more and more

poisonous, and a new sort of history which is essentially
human biology and which arises naturally and necessarily
out of the mighty revolution in biological thought that has
happened in the past hundred years, and which has also
been tremendously assisted in its development in the last
forty years and more by archaeological work. That is my
essential thesis. That is what I am thrusting in your face
now — my challenge.

THERE is AN OLD HISTORY — WHICH, FOR ALL THE HEADLONG
denials of indignant teachers, is what is still being taught
up and down the scale from the universities to the infant
schools. And there is a new history — now most urgently
needed — which is different in scope, method, possibilities
and effect from the old and which is scarcely being
taught at all. It is so different that people have suggested
that it should be called by a new name. Just as the old
anecdotal and descriptive natural history of our grand-
parents gave way to a practically new science, biology, of
which the study of operating causes was the core, so it
may be found necessary to speak by another name of a
new history which also puts anecdote and description into
subordination, which simplifies detail whenever it can and
seeks operating causes. Human ecology, social biology,
have been proposed. But we have not settled that term
yet and for the present there is no choice but to talk
about the old history, history proper, and, opposed to it,
scientific history that must supplement it almost to the
pitch of replacement, if history is to be of any real ser-
vice to mankind.

There is a necessary sequence in both these cases. Nat-
ural history had to come before scientific biology. History
proper had to exist before it could be subjected to the
probes and acids of criticism. But the new stuff is what
matters in this connection. It furnishes the natural basis
for that vast and fundamental change in human condi-
tions which is implicit when you talk of the abolition of
war. It shows plainly why war has to be abolished if hu-
manity as we know it, is to survive. It explains (and that
clearly) why consciously directed life must now undergo
a revolutionary change, or blunder on through deepen-
ing distresses and disaster. It analyzes operating causes as
every honest science does with a view to foresight. That
the old history never did.

The older history in which we have all been saturated
from childhood has never had any anticipatory quality.
The bits and scraps of the new history, which we have
had to pick up for ourselves, are on the contrary full of
intimations of what is likely to happen to us in the years

331

before us and of what has to be done if certain conse-
quences arc to be escaped or attained.

But first let me ask rather more precisely, what is this
older history in which I have said we have all been satu-
rated? What has been its function in the past? And how
is it functioning now?

At the back of our minds we find a sort of assumption
that history has some sort of scientific value, that it is a
balanced account of what really happened in the past. I
myself was brought up in that widespread delusion, and
in common with multitudes of other active-minded peo-
ple, my intellectual life story in this respect is largely one
of disillusionment. For the reality is plainly different, so
soon as you achieve that last phase of adult development,
looking facts in the face. I am in fact saying practically
what that very clear-headed and original American Henry
Ford said about common history — that it is bunJ^ — pre-
tentious stuff and largely useless matter.

From the beginning history has never been scientifically
impartial; it has been written with a purpose. Sometimes
but not very often that purpose has been purely artistic —
as when Gibbon, for example, painted that mighty spec-
tacular piece, The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire.
But usually it has been written, and almost universally it
has been taught, in order to school minds in relation to
some particular conception of the community in which
diey had to live. It sought to make them citizens, it sought
to make them patriots, it sought to combine them for glory
or some aggressive enterprise. It enhanced their pride in
themselves. The Father of History was plainly the propa-
gandist of a Greek attack upon Persia. Read him again
and see. Most of the historical parts of that strange mis-
cellany, the Old Testament, aim at consolidating that
queer crowd of Babylonian Jews who returned to Jerusa-
lem by the legend of a chosen people and a special prom-
ise. It has been a very tragic tradition for the Jews, an
incentive to racial egotism, a perennial exasperation of the
Gentile round about them. The more people come to
translate and read each other's histories the more likely
they are to detest each other. That magnification of "us"
and "ours" to the disadvantage and irritation of other
peoples pervades nearly every history in the world.

USUALLY THE OLD HISTORY BEGINS WITH A FALSIFIED ACCOUNT
of the national beginnings. Few go back into any remoter
past. A certain number of histories jump into their story
with the favored nation as a growing concern, and many
deal only with a definite period of time. It is rare that
any attempt is made to trace changes in the proportion of
various social elements or the way in which the legend
of a national character is built up, and still rarer that there
is any checking back of documentary sources by archaeo-
logical material. Common history remains still national or
regional propaganda lightened by gossip and at most
paying lip service to humanitarian ideals. It is only in
quite recent years that any attempt has been made to
present a world history. And then the disposition of the
historians has been to assemble all the partial histories in
a sort of crazy patchwork rather than to discover any
general pattern. The time-honored national and imperial
boundaries are not broken down; they are still there as
the main divisions of the subject. Yet there is a general
pattern and it is simpler than any of these jigsaw shapes
which historians present to the new generation. But they
have a constitutional disposition to precision in specific

332

detail and recklessness in generalization. They introduce!
the most amazing phantoms, the spirit of the East, the'
spirit of the West, the Greek spirit, the Hebrew spirit, ther
virtues of the Nordics, young nations, old nations, golden
ages, the cradle of civilization, the march of civilization .
from East to West!

Their training, their tradition, expose them to these
fantasies. They begin with the arbitrary unreality of pat-
riotism and to enlarge the scope of history is for them only
to enlarge the arbitrary fantasy. No historian ever troubles
to criticize a generalization. It is in this general looseness
and partisan unscrupulousness that the essential unsuit-
ableness of the old history for our present necessities re-
sides.

I put it to you that if we want the world to become a
consistent whole, we must think of it as a whole and it
must think of itself as a whole. We must cease to deal
with states, nations and empires as primary things which
have to be reconciled and welded together, we must deal
with them as secondary things which have appeared and
disappeared almost incidentally in the course of a larger
and longer biological adventure. Education, I insist, which
made these boundaries, can wipe them out completely.
Even an intelligent critical opposition can so enfeeble
them that everywhere nowadays the established order is
forced to a more or less complete suppression of radical
criticism. Everywhere. I would like to know how and
where a frank denial of the value of the British mon-
archy could be launched in England — launched, that
to reach any number of people. If we are ever to have
World Pax these primary divisions of the matter of
old history have to be abandoned. It is a wild imp
bility to dream of peoples being at the same time ke
distinct and yet being welded together in some sort
disunited unity.

Now this new history of which I speak, so jar as it
still political, must be essentially a history of enlargir
communities. I do not mean by that an enforced coale
cence of communities, I mean a real enlargement of scop
and intercourse. The world story begins at the sub-hur
level with scattered family groups, and the main oper
ing cause of all the subsequent developments has
the increase in the facilities of communication — t
growth and elaboration of speech, gesture, writing, loc
motion on land and on water, roads, power-driven trar
port, telegraph, radio and so on. A crescendo of facilities.
Every increase in the range of communications has neces-
sarily opened up new possibilities of cooperation, injury
and enslavement. So that continually the nature of social
and political history has changed. The rules of the gar
have changed. But the state of historical thought ar
knowledge in our community is still such that this secul
process of enlarging association gets but the scantiest
tention. Historians even if they admit a certain amount i
coalescence in the past will not recognize it as a curre
possibility. Nations are their units. Inter-national and not
cosmopolitan is their blessed word. Cosmopolis they will
not endure. It never has been. Therefore it cannot be. All:
history is against it.

But all reality is for it.

Let me now put before you some of the leading topics ,
with which the new directive history must deal, and with
which the old history with its incurable bias for particu-
larism, for nationalist sentimentality, is too entangled to
deal. They are urgent topics. I (Continued on page 360)

SURVEY GRAPHIC';

Aristotle in Annapolis

by DONALD SLESINGER

Across the street from the Naval Academy, classical learning is having a
renascence at St. John's, a college with an idea — and a mortgage. Mr.
Slesinger describes the educational intentions and social bearings of the
experiment.

•A THE STREET FROM THE COLD GRAY STONE OF THE

United States Naval Academy the mellowed red brick of
St. John's College has been gathering dust and ivy since
the close of the seventeenth century. If you drive by in late
October the grass will still be green, and the leaves that
drift across it yellow instead of frosted as in the North.
The hatless, casually dressed boys idling on the steps of
NK I )owcll Hall have none of the slick precision of the
neighboring middies, and their minds are not attuned to
billions for defense. But there's an even chance that they
will lie of greater service to their country. For St. John's
which is preparing them for their future is that rare thing
in American education, a college with an idea.

The idea has little to do with the institution's long his-
tory, although an institution with a long history is its al-
most perfect background. For the idea is simply that the
best introduction to the present is to be found in a clear
understanding of the best past. And that past was uncere-
moniously thrown out the window by the father of mod-
ern collegiate education, Eliot of Harvard, when he
launched the elective system. But the old, old story of St.
John's itself is really part of the very new story of the St.
John's plan.

There were Indians in the Blue Ridge Mountains when,
in !<»%, King William's School was established "for the
propagation of the gospel and the education of the youth
of this province in good letters and manners." Harvard,
and William and Mary were the only other institutions of
higher learning on the continent. Three years after the
List Redcoat had been driven into the trap at Yorktown,
the school was rechartered by an independent colony that
proved its ambivalent attachment to the mother country
by calling it St. John's College, probably after St. John's at
Oxford. According to tradition the single all-purpose
building that survived the Revolution was a rebel gunshop
during the transition.

The Maryland general assembly gave the old college its
r.eu charter because "Institutions for the liberal education
of youth in the principles of virtue, knowledge and useful
litcr.uure are of the highest benefit to society." And be-
cause it was Maryland that gave the charter it contained a
provision that "the said college shall be founded and main-
tained forever upon a most liberal plan, for the benefit of
youth of every religious denomination who shall be freely
admitted to equal privileges and advantages of education,
and to all the literary honors of the college according to
their merit." An old map of Annapolis boasts of St. John's
as "the college of all denominations."

It was sufficiently important in the early days of the
Republic to be given the responsibility of educating the
nephews and the adopted son of George Washington; and
it had the honor of numbering among its first graduates

JUNE 1938

the author of our national anthem. But after the turn of
the nineteenth century it neither grew nor improved un-
til it once more demonstrated its patriotism by becom-
ing a Union Army hospital during the War of the States.
After that the shadow of the United States Naval Acad-
emy fell across St. John's and its students watched with
envy the carefully curried naval cadets. President Fell,
who ruled the college with an iron hand from 1886 to
1923, tried to remove the inferiority complex by establish-
ing a stern military tradition, but it didn't work. His suc-
cessor, Enoch Barton Garey, in the balmy new era days
tried to do it with an eighteenth century revival. But that
didn't work either. And the eighteenth century went up
in smoke with the phony prosperity in 1929.

The story of the last eight years is bad and irrelevant.
Three presidents, one of whom was Amos Woodcock of
prohibition fame, failed to keep the institution's scholastic
and financial heads above water. Students failed to pay
tuition, and the old manor house purchased by pledging
the college green failed to pay dividends. The plumbing
in the dormitory rusted; the dust of neglect overlaid the
dust of ages. Faculty salaries, never very high, were re-
duced to less than a living wage. The breath of scandal
blew across the ancient campus. There was talk of inves-
tigations; talk of giving up a fine tradition and going in
frankly for commercialism by letting the college become a
fly-by-night business school. When the Association of
American Colleges learned what was happening it took
away St. John's rating, without which a college's grad-
uates are ineligible for advanced study at accredited insti-
tutions. And then one day Francis Pickens Miller, a
trustee, asked his friend Scott Buchanan what the devil
the Board of Visitors and Governors could do about it.
Buchanan's suggestion was simple: "Why not," he said,
"set up a college with an idea?"

From the Midway to Tidewater

To UNDERSTAND THE IDEA YOU HAVE TO KNOW SOMETHIM.

about Stringfellow Barr and Scott Buchanan, the new
president and dean of St. John's. Not because they origi-
nated the notion that to read great classics is the way to
get educated; nor because they alone rediscovered it, but
because as they are putting it into operation it has some-
thing of the flavor of their personalities. They like to think
of the idea as eternal, above the accidents of administra-
tion. But if you compare the preaching about it that is
more than occasionally heard with the living reality at
St. John's today you will see that they are building better
than they know. The importance of the experiment in
education (and a classic revival is an experiment) is be-
yond question. But as I view the undertaking the reason
for the importance does not lie in the particular books

33J

Stringfellow Barr

studied. I venture to state that the titles included on the
St. John's list are as irrelevant to the soundness of the edu-
cational plan as the chance location, or the recent muggy
history of the college.

Barr, the son of a southern preacher, and Buchanan, son
of a New England doctor, first met as Rhodes Scholars at
Balliol College, Oxford, just after the war. Barr had gone
through the University of Virginia, joined the army, and
had begun to polish an
adolescent prose to a
graceful mature liter-
ary style. After further
study at the Universi-
ties of Paris and Ghent,
he joined the faculty
of his old institution,
and as he climbed the
academic ladder, kept
his literary hand in by
editing the Virginia
Quarterly Review.
History was his field
of specialization.

Buchanan, before go-
ing to Oxford, had
come under the influ-
ence of Meiklejohn at
Amherst where he ac-
quired a love for and understanding of the classics that
deepened with the years. After Oxford he prepared for
the Ph.D. degree at Harvard. And after Harvard he went
to New York to teach and serve as assistant director of
the People's Institute under Everett Dean Martin. Here
he discovered that any reasonably intelligent individual,
regardless of his background, can, under proper guidance,
get more out of Euripides than out of Sinclair Lewis be-
cause there is more in Euripides than in Lewis. And he
also discovered Mortimer Adler and Richard McKeon at
Columbia, who, with John Erskine and Irwin Edman,
were working on the Honors Curriculum. Adler, Mc-
Keon and Buchanan, all brilliant young scholars, began
to preach the gospel of the classics. Then, in 1929, Buchan-
an accepted an appointment in the department of philos-
ophy at the University of Virginia and rejoined his old
Oxford schoolmate.

When Robert Hutchins, the young president of the
University of Chicago, tried to extend the classic revival
to the Middlewest he was hampered by certain groups in
his faculty. Hutchins raised money to establish an inde-
pendent committee on the liberal arts, and in 1936, Barr
and Buchanan joined it as professors without portfolio —
but that, as Kipling used to say, is another story. The
point is that by the time Francis Miller asked Scott Bu-
chanan what ought to be done at St. John's, Buchanan
was ready to leave the Chicago campus and do it for him.

After their first visit to St. John's, the new president and
dean were certain they had finally found a home for their
idea. At Annapolis, in halls that smelled of history, in
buildings with the eternal beauty of an indigenous archi-
tecture, it seemed possible to be genuinely concerned with
"the transmission of knowledge, opinions, customs and
practices, from generation to generation, which are free
from narrowness, bigotry or bondage, but which have the
qualities of independence, high character and refine-'
ment."

The Greeks Had a Word for It

IN DINNER SPEECHES AND ON THE RADIO STRINGFELLOW BARR I

has made clear what he thinks is wrong with modern edu-
cation. The times are definitely out of joint and the col-
leges have surrendered to the current confusion. We left'
our tradition and bought a car; we deserted Aristotle to
keep up with the Joneses. The passion for material things
is reflected in the vocational courses that are crowding

culture out of the cur-
riculum. Nothing in
education is said to be
worthwhile unless it
seeks to prepare stu-
dents to make money.
And there isn't any
money to be made.

The ad hoc courses
cluttering the curricu-
lum resulted in 2
chaos within the ed
u c a t i o n al systerr
that matches — Hutch-
ins often says it helps

produce — the chaos

\ I \ outside. Bewildered

I Ml \ 1H professors, not know-

Scott Buchanan ing what ought to be

taught, passed the buck

to the students and told them to select what ought to be
learned. Then, without standards of comprehensive knov
edge the unhappy professors borrowed a device from
comptrollers and awarded bookkeeping degrees. A
or girl became a Bachelor of Arts or Science after con
pleting so many man-hours in the classroom and labora-i
tory, and remembering three fifths of what he had been
taught for four months. At the end of four years he was
lucky if he remembered one fifth. Which, according tc
Barr and Buchanan, didn't matter much, because what
was taught was unimportant. Four years after graduation
two old bachelors would have nothing in common to talk
about but a few gladiatorial combats. For while John was
studying French, Frank had studied German. And while
Jane read Shakespeare, Harriet had been reading Walt
Whitman. On such a basis there could be talk but nc
conversation.

Modernizing a Georgian Laboratory

Now THERE IS NOTHING STARTLING ABOUT THE DIAGNOSIS 01

the American educational disease. You can hear it statec
in more or less the same terms on almost any campus ir,
the country. It is the remedy offered by Barr and Bucha-
nan that seems startling until you see it in operation at St
John's. Anyone would say that the cure for error is truth
Everyone would agree that a college curriculum shoulc
contain only the truth. But very few educators would sa)
that truth was something we had had and lost; that the
problem, therefore, is not one of discovery, but of re-r
location. As you read Buchanan's admirable statement ol
the case, you may get the impression that his students are;
to be driven out of the laboratory back into the library
But what you see at St. John's is something entirely dif-'i
ferent.

The new administrators started early in the summei
of 1937 to prepare for the first autumn term under thd
new plan. And what they turned to first was not

334

SURVEY GRAPHIC

but food. A curriculum needs a body, and bodies don't
thrive on reform school fare. Therefore the first person
Counselled by the new president and dean was Reed
\VhippIc, m.mager of the Chicago International House,
\\lio serves about the best low cost meals in the Middle-
Under his expert guidance the St. John's kitchen
i to take on an appearance that would delight any
southern mother. One of his assistants, Georgia Mae
Smith, was put in charge, and with the opening of the
fall term the students discovered their first truth — that
hali need meals can be both tasty and wholesome. They
also discovered that water could be drawn from dormi-
.ips, even on the top floor;- and with the first cold
in.ip in November they learned with amazement that

>>f the radiators could actually get warm.
While the plumbing and culinary departments were
being spruced up Barr and Buchanan turned their atten-
i finance. St. John's was pretty well in the red, but
no one knew how far. An expert accountant began to
comb through the files as a first step in setting the finan-
cial house in order. And the administration promised
that, as soon as all the data were in and the college knew
just where it stood, a drive would be started to clear up

the deficit and to restore academic salaries. The classic re-
vival involves no unnecessary asceticism. A sound mind
requires a sound body, and a sound body includes plant,
faculty and finance.

1 shall try to describe the St. John's plan and the dieory
behind it in terms my young son would understand. There
is some point in addressing the next remarks to him be-
cause he knows all the principals of the University of
Chicago controversy, not as violent anti -intellectuals or
reactionary rationalists, but as amusing people he has seen
eating and drinking in our home, whiling away an hour
at bridge, listening to a symphony broadcast, or helping
him put together his electric train. If he got caught in one
of their furious cross-fires he would be pretty certain to
believe that they were just playing a noisy game.

Great Books — Keystone of the Plan

THE PURPOSE OF THE ST. JOHN'S PLAN is TO GIVE STUDENTS A
sound education, to train them to think clearly and act
wisely. That, of course, is the purpose of the Yale plan,
the Harvard plan, and the Antioch plan. The differences
lie in methods, not in goals.
St. John's believes that the way to acquire a sound ed-

Homer: Iliad and Odyssey

.itschylus: Ortsteia

Herodotus: History

Sophocles: (Edipus Rex

Hippocrates: Selections

Euripides: Medea and Electro

Thucydidcs: History of the Pelopon-
nesian Wars

Old Testament

Aristophanes: Frogs, Clouds, Birds

Aristarchus: On the Distance of the
Sun and Moon

Aristoxcnus: Harmony

Plato: Meno, Republic, Sophist

Aristotle: Organon and Poetics

Archimedes: Works

Euclid: Elements

Apollonius: Conies

Lucian: True History

Plutarch: Lives

Lucretius: On the Nature of Things

Nicomachus: Introduction to Arithme-
tic

Ptolemy: Almagest

Virgil: fiLnctd

Strabo: Geography

l.iw: History of Rome

Cicero: De Officiis

Horace: Ars Poetica

Ovid: Metamorphoses

Quintilian: Institutes

Marcus Aurelius: To Himself

New Testament

Galen: On the Natural Faculties

Plotinus: Enneads

Augustine: De Musica and De Magis-
tro

Song of Roland

Volsunga Saga

Bonaventura: On the Reduction of thr
Arts to Theology

Thomas: Summa Theologica

Roger Bacon: Opus Mains

Chaucer: Canterbury Tales

Leonardo: Notebooks

Erasmus: Colloquies

St. John's List
of Great Books

Rabelais: Gargantua

Copernicus: De Rcvolutionibus

Machiavelli: The Prince

Harvey: On the Motion of the Heart

Gilbert: On the Magnet

Kepler: Epitome of Astronomy

Galileo: Two New Sciences

Descartes: Geometry

Francis Bacon: Noi'um Organum

Hobbes: Leviathan

Montaigne: Essays

Cervantes: Don Quixote

Shakespeare: Hamlet, King Lear

Calvin: Institutes

Grotius: The Law oj War and Peace

Corneillc: Le Cid

Racine: Phedre

Molierc: Tartuffe

Spinoza: Ethics

Milton: Paradise Lost

Leibniz: Mathematical Papers

Newton: Principia

Boyle: Sceptical Chymist

Montesquieu: The Spirit oj the Laics

Swift: Gulliver's Travels

Locke: Essay Concerning Human Un-
derstanding

Voltaire: Candide

Fielding: Tom Jones

Rousseau: Social Contract

Adam Smith: Wealth oj Nations

Hume: Treatise oj Human Nature

Gibbon: Decline and Fall oj the Ro-
man Empire

Constitution oj the United States

Federalist Papers

Kant: Critique oj Pure Reason

Goethe: Faust

Hegel: Science oj Ijogic

Schopenhauer :-Thr World as Will and
Idea

Coleridge: Biographia Uteraria

Bentham: Principles of Morals and oj
Legislation

Malthus: Essay on the Principles of Pop-
ulation

Mill: System of Logic

Marx: Capital

Balzac: Pere Goriot

Thackeray: Henry Esmond

Dickens: David Copperfield

Flaubert: Madame Bovary

Dostoevski: Crime and Punishment

Tolstoi: War and Peace

Zola: Experimental Novel

Ibsen: The Doll's House

Dalton: A New System oj Chemical
Philosophy

Clifford: The Common Sense oj the
Exact Sciences

Fourier: Mathematical Analysis oj Heat

Faraday: Experimental Researches into
Electricity

Peacock: Algebra

Lobachevski: Theory of Parallels

Darwin: Origin oj Species

Mendel: Papers

Bernard: Introduction to Experimental
Medicine

Gallon: Enquiries into the Human Mind
and its Faculties

loule: Scientific Papers

Maxwell: Electricity and Magnetism

Gauss: Mathematical Papers

Galois: Mathematical Papers

Boole: Laws of Thought

Hamilton: Quaternions

Ricmann: The Hypotheses oj Geometry

Cantor: Transfinite Numbers

Virchow: Cellular Pathology

Poincare: Science and Hypothesis

Hilbcrt: Foundations of Geometry

James: Principles of Psychology

Freud: Papers on Hysteria

Russell and Whitchcad: Principia Math-
ematica

Veblen and Young: Protective Geom-
etry

IUNE 1938

335

Woodward Hall (library and discussion
center)

ucation is by reading and discussing
great books. Yale, Harvard and An-
tioch would probably agree up to a
point; one of the issues over which
there would be sharp difference, I
am sure, is the St. John's method of
choosing the great books. Buchanan,
in a pamphlet on the new curricu-
lum, explains the principles of selection used at St. John's.

1. A great book is one that has been read by the largest
number of persons since its first appearance. Yale objects
to that because it rules out Thurman Arnold's Folklore
of Capitalism for the next five hundred years. And it pret-
ty definitely lets in Brisbane's editorials.

2. A great book is one that has the largest number of
interpretations. By that Buchanan means that it must be
rich in implications. (My son may be a little confused
here. So am I. So, for that matter, is Buchanan.) Harvard
objects, Stuart Chase concurring, stating that the number
of interpretations depends in part on the ingenuity of the
interpreter. Or his special interest, adds Ernest Sutherland
Bates, pointing to the church's interpretation of the Song
of Songs.

3. A great book is one that raises the persistent, unan-
swerable questions about the great themes in European
thought. Antioch asks, "Why European?" And it sug-
gests that some of the persistent questions may be unim-
portant. But Antioch has been reading John Dewey who
is not on the St. John's list.

4. A great book must be a work of fine art. Here every-
one agrees violently. But a critic in the back row asks
whether Dos Passes' U.S.A. is a work of fine art. And an
English professor points out that Tolstoi, whose War and
Peace is a St. John's classic, thought King Lear, which is
also on the list, was not a work of any kind of art.

5. A great book must be a masterpiece of the liberal
arts. That is, its author must be "faithful to the under-
standing and exposition of the truth." To many minds,
this is not a principle of selection but another battleground.

Now if, as the St. John's plan sometimes seems to imply,
a student had four years, and four only, in which to ac-
quire his "sound education" it would be worth while to
fight over the books included in, or excluded from, the
list of classics. But since college is, at best, no more than
an introduction to education, the chief criticism is that
the list is too long. And the point remains that the books
are great books by any criterion; and their precise place in
any traditional scheme is unimportant. As Buchanan re-

336

marks, "The best hundred books' is a variable for col--
lecting the values that satisfy its criteria." The values, noti
the books, are important.

Science and Society

It MUST ALSO BE KEPT IN MIND THAT THE ST. JOHN'S PLAN

is not confined to the classics. It includes a number off
other elements, notably the laboratory, but a laboratory,
informed with the experimental spirit of the plan itself.
For, as Buchanan writes, "It is an interesting fact of mod-
ern times that the classics and the liberal arts are kept
alive chiefly by experimentation."

At St. John's, instead of the collection of a lot of unre-
lated data, the aim of laboratory work is the clarification
of the scientific process. To quote
from Buchanan's statement of the
St. John's program:

There will be three kinds of labor-
atories: one in mathematics and
measurement, one in experimenta-
tion and one in the combination of
scientific findings.

The mathematical laboratory will
be equipped with the basic instru-
*^^^* ments of measurement in all the sci-
ences. Here students learn the mathe-
matical principles that have been embodied in the instru-
ments, learn to operate them, and thus become familiar wit]
the operational aspects of both mathematics and the natur
sciences. They will also acquire the "feel" of elementary lafc
oratory techniques for all the sciences.

The second kind of laboratory will allow students to
peat the crucial and canonical experiments in historic an
contemporary science. There are classics in empirical scienc
experiments which once uncovered principles and laid tli
foundation for whole fields of investigation. . . .

At the end of the course there will be a laboratory for
combining of scientific findings in order to investigate co
crete problems of central importance.

In other words, the students will learn to use the lab
ratory as a scientist uses it instead of acting like a bunc
of boys playing with a Chemcraft set. Through scienc
they will have had a creative as well as an intellectua
mtegrative experience.

And the plan goes farther. While the classics are being,
read, and the laboratory work performed, the discipline of'
the liberal arts affords training in "clear thinking ar
wise action." If you are devoted to classical language yo
may talk of the trivium (grammar, rhetoric and logic
and the quadrivium (arithmetic, geometry, music ar
astronomy). But if you are interested in simple commu
nication you will say, with Buchanan, that the liberal arts
in general are reading, writing and reckoning. What dis-

Pinkney Hall, traditional residence for freshmen students

SURVEY GRAPHIC1

tingmshes the St. John's plan from the one I was brought
up umler, is that original classics are used in teaching the
three R's, whereas 1 got most of my training through con-
temporary textbooks.

ir it looks as though the St. John's plan puts heavy
emphasis on great classics, to the neglect of the many
^ing contemporary social and economic problems. But
remember, Barr was once a newspaper man and Buchanan
a member of the staff of the People's Institute. And re-
member, too, the good food, good finance and good
plumbing. When the administrators of the St. John's plan

u isc action" they mean both wisdom and action.
The students are invited (not required) to form clubs
^tudios for the study and discussion of all sorts of con-
temporary affairs. Eventually, there will be studios on
politics, international relations, music, theater, labor prob-
lems— and any other issue, art or subject in which there
exists a genuine student interest, or in which one can be
stimulated. The studios will have the guidance of well
intormed men and women on the faculty or brought to
the campus from various parts of the country. With the
background of wisdom and knowledge, and the training
in thinking which is a major objective of the St. John's
plan and in an atmosphere of complete intellectual free-
dom, the action coming out of the studios may very well
be on a high and intelligent plane.

Facing the New College Year

THE BEGINNING OF THIS ARTICLE, 1 SUGGESTED THAT THE
\alue of the St. John's plan does not lie in any specific
subject matter or books, and that its administrators are
building better than they knew. Let me make my view
r by trying to see what would happen to the son of
mine I have been forgetting to address, if, at the appro-
priate age, he entered St. John's.

In the first place he would be taught by some of the
most gifted teachers in the country. For the new mem-
<>f St. John's faculty, in addition to skill in the art of
i'.mg. know, love and believe in the curriculum; and
IBhr will learn more about it the longer they teach it.
But however good a boy's teachers are, he spends rela-
v little time with them. Most of his education comes
from the books he reads and the fellow students he argues
with. I have pointed out some of the limitations of the St.
lohn's book list, and there are no doubt more that better
persons would suggest. But the list contains enough
books to guarantee anyone four profitable years.
xince with luck my son will have a long life to re-read
he best of the list, and to discover titles and authors that
lave been omitted, I should lie content to see him spend
ollege years within the limitations set.

Met that all the students in a class will be reading
he same txx>ks at the same time is, to my mind, the most
Important part of the whole plan. For it gives each stu-
dent the maximum opportunity to learn from the others,
•mmon intellectual adventure will inevitably pro-
* idc much of the subject matter of the bull sessions. Un-
licr the extreme elective system there are no common
•s but sex and football for a gang in a fraternity
. But when they are all reading Plutarch's Lives
r Plato's Republic the discussions that are bound to de-
•elop will not only sharpen wits, but make the ideas, the
Characters of the books, permanent pans of a living, con-
mp.rary e\|xrrience. It is true that mutual student cdu-
-ition can take place not only with Euclid or Aristoph-

UNE 1958

McDowell Hall was designed at * royal governor'i palace

atus as a base, but with Thurman Arnold or Eugene
O'Neill. Which you select is, I believe, more a matter of
taste than Barr or Buchanan would admit. I submit that
the important thing is to make a .selection that will form a
fairly integrated whole; and that the St. John's plan has
courageously set out to do.

To round out his intellectual experience this student son
of mine would try to develop his creative interests and
his concern for current events in a variety of extra-curricu-
lar studios. I know the limitations there even better than
I do the limitations of the book list, for I have listened for
years to the silly opinions on politics and the arts ad-
vanced by scholars who bordered on greatness in their
own fields. But at least the boy at St. John's would not be
expressing these drives in an atmosphere of disintegrated
ignorance. And there is the chance that, in terms of a rich
cultural background, he might make a genuine contribu-
tion to politics, knowledge, or art.

The future of St. John's, after only one academic year's
partial trial of the new plan, is still problematical. Intel-
lectually it is moving forward much more rapidly than
was expected. The option to register for the four years'
integrated program was exercised by twenty-two fresh-
men last October. The total college enrolment is about
two hundred. The many others who now wish they had
taken the option encouraged the president and dean to
decide that next year there would be no choice. All fresh-
men entering in October 1938 will be St. John's plan stu-
dents. The faculty members who looked on the new
administration with suspicion have been won over to a
point where many are preparing to teach the classical
curriculum. And the wide interest throughout the country
has been sufficient to insure a growing student body.

Brice Houw, historic Georgian residence of the president

337

The Chief Justice on Tax Immunity

by IRVING DILLIARE

A story the newspapers missed — how Chief Justice Hughes reversed himsel
when the Supreme Court upheld taxes on private income hitherto exempt

IT IS USUALLY NEWS WHEN THE CHIEF JUSTICE OF THE

United States reverses himself. It is all the bigger news
when that reversal unlocks for social uses a vast reservoir
of private income hitherto rendered immune from tax-
ation by judicial interpretation.

Just how many such reversals by the eleven heads of
the Supreme Court there have been in its 148 years, I do
not know. No one, so far as I have been able to discover,
has made precisely such a study of the 300 volumes which
comprise the United States Supreme Court Reports. But
if we may judge by the record of the court in the last
generation — the period in which the court has had its
greatest effect on the lives of American citizens and, there-
fore, the period in which reversals are of greatest signifi-
cance— there have been few such instances. And so an
about-face by the Chief Justice in 1938 is big news — if it
is known. I realize that the qualification is a strange one,
but it is necessary. For the fact is that in the term of
the Supreme Court now drawing to a close, Chief Jus-
tice Hughes reversed himself courageously and complete-
ly, and the news passed virtually unnoticed in the news-
papers of the nation.

The change of the Chief Justice from one point of view
on a constitutional question of great importance to the
directly opposite view came in the Wyoming public
lands federal income tax case, which also marked a
reversal of the court on a deeply-rooted constitutional
conviction. I checked the leading newspapers of the coun-
try for the day of the decision and the next day for I was
interested to see how many would report the change in
position of Chief Justice Hughes. I found only one, and
it was neither the New Yor^ Times nor the New
Herald Tribune, each with a col-
umn account of the decision from
a member of its Washington staff.

Now I do not mean to imply
that the press generally suppressed
an important piece of news which
only the St. Louis Post-Dispatch
was bold enough to print. Noth-
ing of the sort. The newspapers
simply did not know what the big
news in the story was and so in-
advertently they passed it by with-
out a mention.

The decision was important in
itself — quite aside from the inter-
esting element injected by the
about-face of the Chief Justice.
For up to the day of the decision
it was unconstitutional for the fed-
eral government to lay a tax upon
income derived by private busi-
nesses from the use of public

How the Justices Lined Up

Cillesfie t. Oklahoma (1922)

Against the tax (6)
HOLMES*
TAFT
DAY

McKENNA

VAN DEVANTER

McREYNOLDS

Burnet t. Coronado Oil &• Cos Co. (1932)
Against the tax (5) For the tax (4)

McREYNOLDS*
H UGHES

VAN DEVANTER

SUTHERLAND

BUTLER

Helvering, Commissioner v. Mountain Producers Corp. (1938)
Against the tax (2) For the tax (5)

BUTLER'

MCREYNOLDS

Not Participating (2) f
CARDOZO (ill)
REED (lately solicitor-general)

*Justices who delivered opinions.

#If the views of the two non-participating Justices are
taken into account, this becomes a 7-to-2 decision.

lands leased from a state. Similarly, it was a violation o
the Constitution for a state government to tax the in
come of a private lessee of federal public lands, howeve
lucrative the venture might be. On Monday, March 7
when the decision was handed down, all this was
changed.

A vast field of income was opened up to taxation b;
the decision, which is, as close observers of the work o
the court have noticed, one of a series of rulings enlarginj
the area of taxable income both for the states and the fed
eral government. Reading it, one asks: can it be that uV
Supreme Court of the United States, after whittling awa-
the Sixteenth Amendment, piece by piece, is at last goin;
to restore it so that the words "Congress shall have powe
to lay and collect taxes on incomes from whatever sourc
derived" may some day mean just what they say? Fu
ther, is there a possibility that President Roosevelt's
rent proposal to provide for the reciprocal taxing of
aries of state and federal employes and for the taxii
of income from historically tax-exempt government bon
will be approved by judicial decree, and constitutio
amendment to those ends thus rendered unnecessary?

The practical effect of the Wyoming public land
decision was an amendment of the Constitution no le;
than if the cumbersome amending process had been err
ployed.

"We are convinced," said Chief Justice Hughes, wh
spoke for the majority of the court, "that the rulings i
Gillespie v. Oklahoma (1922) and Burnet v. Coronado 0
&• Gas Co. (1932) are out of harmony with correct prir i
ciple and accordingly they should be, and they now an |
overruled." Thus the Supreme Court changed its mine

All the newspapers whose
counts I have mentioned as
cient said that Chief Just
Hughes gave the opinion of
court and that the court was no\
reversed. What they failed to d
was to bring out the significai
fact that the Chief Justice was th
only member of the court wh
had changed over from the coi
trolling view in the Coronad-
case, the last preceding decisio
in the field.

We do well to follow the exam,
pie of Justices Butler and McRe\
nolds, the two dissenters, and g:
back to the first important fee
eral tax case for our starting poin,'
That takes us back to 1819 am
Chief Justice John Marshall's fzf1
mous opinion in McCulloch i.
Maryland.

For the tax (3)
BRANDEIS
PITNEY
CLARKE

BRANDEIS*
STONE*
ROBERTS
CARDOZO

HUGHES*

BRANDEIS

STONE

ROBERTS

BLACK

e 3<

nni !

338

SURVEY GRAPHI

In 1818 the Maryland legislature imposed a sump tax
on the notes of all banks not chartered by the state, with
the proviso that the tax might be commuted by the p.iy-
mcnt to Maryland of $15,000 annually by every unchar-
tercd bank. The Baltimore branch of the United States
Bank declined to pay the state tax and the case went to
the Supreme Court for settlement.

Chief Justice Marshall, supported by a united court, held
that Maryland was without power to lay a tax upon an
instrumentality of the United States government. There,
II1' \xars ago, was laid the basis for the line of constitut-
ional thinking which prevailed until Chief Justice Hughes
reversed himself and the court in the Wyoming public
lands case.

This judicial bar to the taxing of the instrumentalities
ol a state by the federal government on the one hand and
to the taxing of the instrumentalities of the federal govern-
ment by the states on the other became firmly imbedded
in our constitutional law. Oliver Wendell Holmes upheld
it in 1922 in writing the opinion of the court in Gillespie
o. Oklahoma, the first of the two decisions now expressly
overruled by the court.

Gillespie v. Oklahoma arose when Oklahoma sought to
lay a tax upon the income of private businesses which had
leased Indian oil lands from the federal government. Go-
ing back to McCulloch v. Maryland, Justice Holmes con-
cluded that a state tax on the income of the lessees of
lands of the Indian wards was in effect a state tax upon
the federal government itself and hence void. Only Jus-
tice.s Brandeis, Clarke and Pitney held the view that the
tax on the profits of private exploiters of the Indian
!s was constitutional.

The issue arose again in Oklahoma ten years later, but

this time the federal government was trying to collect a

; tax on the income of the Coronado Oil and Gas Com-

, pany, lessees of Oklahoma public lands set aside to help

! maintain the public schools.

Once more the Supreme Court, in a 5 to 4 decision,
adhered to its "accepted principle." Chief Justice Hughes
agreed, and with Justices Van Devanter, Sutherland and
Butler concurred in the opinion written by Justice Mc-
Reynolds.

It is in this case that we find the Chief Justice, who had
not been a member of the court when Gillespie v. Okla-
homa was handed down, holding a view on the issue of
the validity of the tax precisely the opposite of the rule
he has now declared for the court.
In Burnet v. Coronado Oil &• Gas Co., Justice Brandeis,
( nting, supported by Justices Stone and Roberts (Jus-
Cardozo concurred in a separate dissent by Justice
e-) declared:

Under the rule of Gillespie v. Oklahoma, vast private in-
comes arc being given immunity from state and federal taxa-
tion. . . . That case was wrongly decided and should now be
frankly overruled. Merely to construe strictly its doctrine will
not adequately protect the public revenues. . . . The judgment
ot the court in the earlier decision may have been influenced

rcvailing views as to economic or social policy which have
been abandoned. In cases involving constitutional issues

•c character discussed here, this court must, in order to
reach sound conclusions, feel free to bring its opinion into

mcnt with experience and facts newly ascertained, so

its judicial authority may, as Mr. Chief Justice Taney
will, "depend altogether on the force of the reasoning by
which it is supported."

JUNE 1958

And to make it easier for his associates the next time
the issue arose and the die was cast perhaps in favor of the
eventual reversal, Justice Brandeis appended a four-page
list of ovcrrulings and qualifying opinions of the court,
taken from its own record.

The essential facts of the Wyoming case, Hehering,
Commissioner v. Mountain Producers Corporation, arc
almost identical with those in the second of the two
Oklahoma cases. Retaining royalty rights, the State of
Wyoming had leased school lands to the Midwest Oil
Company, which in turn had executed a declaration of
trust under which the Mountain Producers Corporation
was to receive certain income. It was this income which
Uncle Sam sought to tax and which the corporation,
relying on the series of Supreme Court rulings, endeavored
to escape on the grounds that it was an "instrumentality"
of the state.

Chief Justice Hughes wrote the opinion which reversed
the rules of 1932 and 1922. Justices Brandeis, Stone, Rob-
erts and Black concurred. Protesting that no one could
"foresee the extent to which the decision" would affect
the federal principle with its dual system of government,
Justices Butler and McReynolds held out against "so
sweeping a change in the construction of the Constitu-
tion." Justice Cardozo, absent through illness, and Justice
Reed, lately solicitor-general, did not participate.

WHEN WE COMPARE THE LINE-UP OF THE COURT IN THE 1938
decision with that of six years ago we find that Justices
Brandeis, Stone and Roberts are unchanged in their be-
lief that the federal government has the right to tax the
income of private businesses which lease state lands. We
find also that Justices McReynolds and Butler are un-
changed in their contrary belief. Justice Black keeps the
minority of six years ago to full strength. Chief Justice
Hughes is thus the only member of the court who
changed sides. For which all credit to him!

But significantly enough the tide has run so far that
the court would have reversed itself even though the Chief
Justice had not recognized — to use his own words — "the
expanding needs of State and Nation." For then, with
Justices Van Devanter and Sutherland retired, only three
members would have stood against the validity of the
tax, the Chief Justice and Justices McReynolds and Butler.
The new rule of law would have been laid down by a
majority of four members— Justices Brandeis, Stone, Rob-
erts and Black, with Justice Cardozo, also favorable, and
Justice Reed, not participating.

The hero of our story, as the record plainly shows, is
Justice Brandeis. He opposed the now abandoned rule as
early as 1922 when only two Justices agreed with him.
He opposed it again in 1932 and he delivered a dissent
which appealed from the mistake of the moment to the
future with its means for correction. The Chief Justice
now speaks for the court, but it is the thinking of Louis
D. Brandeis, master of social fact in the law, which pre-
vails.

A line of new precedents is now being written into
our constitutional law and they may very well provide
the basis for the big plunge some Monday afternoon a
Supreme Court term or two hence, when the court holds
for the literal interpretation of the plain words of the
Sixteenth Amendment. And if that comes, Chief Justice
Hughes' significant about-face in 1938, the failure of the
press to record it, will loom all the larger in perspective.

339

The cooperators at Grand Etang, Cape Breton, welcome a delegation of interested visitors

The Lord Helps Those . . .

by BERTRAM B. FOWLER

What has happened along the coast of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick since
Father Jimmy Tompkins helped farmers, miners and fishermen to help them-
selves through cooperatives is almost a miracle. The story of shabby districts
that became enterprising communities is told by a writer who knows the place,
the people and Father Jimmy.

IN THE FISHING VILLAGES, THE AGRICULTURAL COMMUNITIES

and the coal mines of eastern Nova Scotia you hear the
name of ."Father Jimmy" spoken with a respectful affec-
tion. And among the sociologists and others interested in
community welfare, you hear increasingly about the work
being done by Dr. J. J. Tompkins.

St. Francis Xavier University and the little town of
Antigonish have become a focal point for social thinkers
all over America. At the annual conference of the Univer-
sity's Extension Department, held last August, delegates
came from states as far away as Kentucky and Oklahoma
to see, at firsthand, the renaissance worked by the Nova
Scotian Scots.

In the years following the war Father Tompkins was
vice-president of St. Francis Xavier University, a small
Catholic college that differed but little from a thousand
other small colleges scattered over the continent. Like
other colleges it gave the usual formal courses for those
young men who could afford to attend. Such education

340

was not enough for Father Tompkins. It was his conten-
tion that the university must go to the people and not
merely keep its doors open for the favored few. He began
to talk of education for action, a type of extension work
that would help the people to solve the economic prob-
lems that were crushing them.

But he was talking ahead of his time. Perhaps he talked
too much. In any event, in 1923 he was assigned to the
parish of Canso on the eastern shore of the province. Along
that barren coast of the Atlantic the fishermen lived in
abject poverty. The lobster canneries gave them 3 cents a
pound for their small lobsters. Larger shellfish brought
them 5 cents, and other fish brought similar returns. No<;
one in Little Dover, a village of 300, owned either horse c
or cow. There was no milk supply for the children. Illit-
eracy was appallingly prevalent. The people were sunki-.
spiritually, socially and economically. Practically all ofi!
them were on either government or private relief.

Father Jimmy accepted his demotion as an opportunity.

SURVEY GRAPHIC'

Hue was his chance to prove some of the
.ilxuit which lu- li.nl been preaching tor years.

Investigators who had gone to Little Dover to
stuily conditions declared that nothing could be
clone for these people where they were. They must
be lifted off their fringe of shore and placed in
sonic more favorable location. Father Jimmy re-
fused tu accept that dictum. He believed in the
ability of the common people to remake their own
surroundings. For five years he fought illiteracy,
apathy and sullen rebellion. One by one he won
his converts, started them studying their own
plight. He taught the illiterate to read and write.
In me tumbledown, one-room schoolhouse he
formed his tiny study clubs ot men and women
who had known and accepted poverty so long
that any sort of prosperity was but a legend.

The first sign of awakening came when the men
of the village cut lumber and built a garage to
house Dr. Tompkins' car on the Saturday night he
.1 with them. They put a stove in the garage
and made it serve a double purpose. It became the
schoolroom for the men's study club while the
women used the schoolhouse. But the real rebirth
ittle Dover became apparent in 1931 when
these fishermen shouldered their axes and went
into the woods to cut lumber to build a coopera-
tive lobster cannery. Having no horses, they
_;ed the lumber out by hand. The stone for the
foundation they carted to the building site in
wheelbarrows. When the cannery was finished they
went to the banks to get a loan to install canning
machinery. The loan refused, they found a friendly
i source from which they borrowed $1000. The first
> year of operation brought a profit of $4000. They
j were able to pay off the whole of the $1000 loan
! and pay themselves an extra cent a pound for their
catch.

The people of Little Dover had found them-

I selves. The following winter and spring they built

cooperatively two fishing smacks. In swift succes-

• sion they built a fish processing plant, set up a con-

i sumer cooperative and bought a herd of goats to

supply milk for the children. In their consumer

coojxrrative they saved themselves as much as $4

'on a fishnet, 5 cents a pound on rope, 4 cents a

i pound on nails; small items, but in those savings

on purchases, and the higher prices obtained for

their catch, lay the difference between poverty and

prosperity.

With the economic problem of Little Dover on
way to solution the people have gone ahead
other directions. When Father Jimmy went to
ttle Dover there was one underpaid teacher in
unlovely, one-room school. This teacher taught
few children who had sufficient clothes to per-
their attendance. Today there are two full
teachers who stand before classes representing
the children of school age in the village, and
arc well fed and clothed.
It is years since relief disappeared from Little
ver. Today a self-reliant group of people run
eir own economic affairs, plan cultural and social
aprovements and carry through those plans on
eir own initiative and with their own funds. The

Lobster factory at Arijaig, fuh plant at Ingonith (Nova Scotia);
school and credit union at Tarbot, dairy at Sydney (Cape Breton)

19J8

341

lobster factory, fish processing plan
They opened their store. They looke
at the one-room school that was on
verge of collapse. They didn't ask the
government for help. They bought
equipment and opened their own sav
mill. They brought the price of lumb
to themselves down from $37 to $7
thousand. They donated their labor and
built a school, a four-department school
employing four teachers. For the first
time in history the children of Larry's
River were able to get highschool train-
ing.

All along the coast the lobster facto-
ries sprang up. The fishermen took the
marketing of their large lobsters out
of the hands of the dealers and began
to ship direct to Boston through their
own cooperatives. Last summer the
larger lobsters, that a few years ago
brought them 5 cents a pound, netted
them 20 cents.

Courtesy Earl Mahony
The cooperative pioneers: Father Tompkins, Dr. MacAdam, Mrs. Mahony, Dr. Coady

vote-seeking politician who enters Little Dover today to
offer a political handout in return for votes finds himself
facing a bulwark of sturdy intelligence that asks, "You'll
give us — with whose money?"

The Spread of Hope

ALL ALONG THAT SECTION OF THE COAST, IN THE FARMING

communities and coal mining towns people were inspired
by Little Dover's example. They began to demand a plan
of action based on those things Father Jimmy had proved.

Some of the demands were those of parish priests who
faced the same conditions. Other demands came from
St. Francis Xavier University, the voices of those who
believed in the university-to-the-people idea. Above all
sounded the voices of the fishermen, farmers and miners
who saw Little Dover's climb out of the slough. And they
had their way. St. Francis Xavier University set up an
extension department and placed at its head Dr. M. M.
Coady, another crusader, a rugged giant of a man, hard-
hitting, intolerant of anything that stood in the way of
needed reform. Under him was Prof. A. B. MacDonald,
an able second to the dynamic Dr. Coady. He knew his
people and his people knew him. He is "A. B." to all of
them wherever he goes. And where he goes, heading the
field work, things happen: study clubs spring up; credit
unions are formed; cooperative stores and marketing or-
ganizations come into being.

With the setting up of the extension department, the
pattern of education for action was really launched. The
procedure is simple. At first groups meet in the evenings
to study the problem of credit. Out of the study clubs
comes the credit union or cooperative bank in which the
nickels and dimes of the members are collected. The credit
union wipes out the basic evil of chronic debt. This done,
the groups go on to the next community problem. If it is
a problem of selling, a lobster factory, a fish plant, a farm-
marketing organization comes next.

Thus the men of Larry's River built their own wharf,

342

IN THE FARMING COMMUNITIES THE STUDK

clubs met, not merely to plan marke
ing and purchasing organizations, bu
also to work out reforms in their farming and stock rais
ing methods. Poultry pools were formed, chickens ar
turkeys were graded and shipped to markets. In dire
years the quality of poultry shipped had risen from
place in the province to first. Prices mounted. While gov
ernments had been doing this same job for farmers in
other sections of the continent these Nova Scotian farmers
did it for themselves.

Cooperative groups began to amalgamate to make fur-
ther savings. They chartered a ship to bring flour through
from the Great Lakes and made a saving of $8000 a yea
They pooled their orders for fertilizer and saved $75,0
in the first three seasons of operation.

In places like Mabou store credit was chronic. Whe
the first study clubs began to meet to consider a coopera-
tive store they were told that cash buying was impossi-
ble. There were five merchants in the district and not
one of them had ever been able to do a cash business.
Three credit unions were formed and the club members
began to save. Most of the collections were in dimes and
quarters. But, as soon as the credit unions began to func-
tion, the store was opened — on a cash basis. When a mem-
ber asked for credit he was sent to the credit union where
he was given a loan and paid cash at die store.

The first day the Mabou store was opened, about two
years ago, it did a business of $4.44. In July of 1937, with
a branch store opened, it did a business of $4546. In many
parts of America there are larger cooperative stores, but
there are few that are so patently the real property of the
members. When a carload of feed or flour arrives at the
station the MacDouglases and MacDonalds and MacLe-
ods go down with their horses and trucks and haul it B[
the store, saving hauling charges. They share this labor :
and share the profits.

In the coal-mining areas around Sydney, Cape Breton, i
the miners were presented with the same basic technique.
Now diey are studying cooperative housing. Already one .
group has purchased a tract of land and has laid out plans

SURVEY GRAPHIC:

for a community. The houses will be held individually
but with a common playground for children, tennis courts
and, probably the most significant of all, a community
darn and henhouse to supply the members with fresh
milk and eggs, which, with the individual gardens, will
give these miners the backlog of subsistence farming that
will be of far greater importance than a wage rise.

They are planning also, these miners, fishermen and
farmers, their own schemes for cooperative medicine
and hospitalization. Already a few groups have made
arrangements with a hospital by which the cooperative
pays a percentage of savings into the hospital and in re-
turn each member is given a fixed free service in case of
illness.

Priests and Preachers Cooperate, Too

THE REAL START IN EASTERN NoVA SCOTIA WAS MADE IN

1930. Today, 108 credit unions have assets of over $350,000.
With twenty-six cooperative stores in operation, fourteen
other groups are applying for charters. The fishermen
own and operate seventeen lobster canneries with an an-
nual volume of about $250,000. In addition, five fish-pro-
cessing plants are in operation.

From the woman's side of the study movement have
come new ideals in homemaking and home economics.
Almost forgotten handicrafts have been revived and put
on a paying basis. These women are learning how to mul-
tiply the price received for wool by sending it to the mar-
ket in tweeds and knit goods. Men and women meet and
discuss the wider community problems that are of im-
portance to all.

The idea is spreading. Within the last two years the
movement has been launched in the province of Prince
Edward Island. In the neighboring province of New
Brunswick groups have set up the same program. To the
north in Newfoundland the program is being pushed
energetically by the government, which has set up an edu-
cation division to carry the idea to the fishing and farming
villages.

One of the most significant results of the movement in
Nova Scotia is the closeness with which religious groups
are working together in this renaissance. In the past,
religious lines were pretty sharply drawn in the province.
But, while this program has come out of a Catholic uni-
versity, Protestant clergymen today are as active as Cath-
olic priests in pushing the idea in their communities.

Everyone accepts the truth of Father Jimmy's state-
ment: "There is no Methodist or Catholic way of cutting
coal or marketing fish."

One fisherman who drove to a mass meeting with a
parish priest said, "Two years ago I'd have walked the
whole way rather than accept a lift from a Catholic priest.
But when the Catholic parish started a cooperative they
invited us to look it over. We did, and liked the idea.
The next step was to join them in study clubs. Now we
arc all working together for a goal that we couldn't reach
separately. Riding to the meeting tonight with the Catho-
lic priest made me realize how far we've come together.
We'll go a lot further."

. . . Who Help Themselves

TALK TO ANYONE WHO HAS HAD THE PRIVILEGE OF LOOKING
over the St. Francis Xavier extension work, and he will
tell you that this is the outstanding work of rehabilitation
that is going forward on the American continent today.
Men who a few years ago knew nothing of economic or
social terminology, today run lobster factories, deal in-
telligently with dealers in Boston, operate stores, run
credit unions in such a way that many of them have be-
come the real banks of the communities. To see Gus Mac-
Donald, who went into the mines as a boy, who has never
gone to college, who did all his studying in the evenings,
stand on the platform of a university and conduct a class
in public speaking or one in social theory is to realize the
nature of this maritime miracle.

With the economic advances go also new concepts of
community responsibility. There are many cases like that
of Roddy Maclsaac. Roddy had a few hundred dollars
and a chance for a small contract on a new road that was
being built. He went to his credit union and borrowed
five hundred dollars to buy a truck. Shortly after he had
put the truck in operation Roddy was taken to the hospi-
tal. Ordinarily he would have lost his truck to his credit-
ors. He would have come out of the hospital with a bur-
den of debt around his neck.

But the credit union directors called a meeting to study
Roddy's case. They hired a man to run the truck and put
it back on the road. After the wages of the driver had been
paid there was enough to keep up the credit union pay-
ments and return a substantial sum to Roddy's family.
Therefore when Roddy went back to work he was out of
debt.

Such cases are not rare. In fact the fishermen and farm-
ers take such things in their stride.

It is because of this that the experiment in Nova Scotia
is important. These men face the same problems that
farmers and fishermen on our own coast from Florida to
Maine face today. The technique they have worked out
is not a pattern for an isolated section. It should work as
well in any state in the union as it does in this Canadian
province.

IN THE WINTER THROUGHOUT THE MARITIME PROVINCES, BUT

particularly in eastern Nova Scotia, hundreds of men and
women are meeting in dim schoolrooms, in kitchens and
parish halls to huddle around tables and discuss commu-
nity problems. Out of these study circles develop plans
for still more credit unions, stores and factories: the
economic units that constitute the foundation of the new
social order being built by these people.

Behind the study club movement that is spreading in
widening circles from the center at Antigonish, stands the
frail figure of a little man with white hair and eyes of
unquenchable youth: a flaming evangelist with a fixed
idea — the belief that within the people themselves lies dor-
mant all that is necessary for building a way of life
founded on justice, equity and practical Christianity. To-
day he is recognized as the spiritual father of the Antigo-
nish movement, Father Jimmy, worker of miracles.

On page 355 Leon Whipple reviews Cooperation, An American Way, by John Daniels, an account
of the origins, growth, methods and future of the cooperative movement in the United States.

JUNE 1938

343

George Grey B)

1863—1938

Lincoln in Thought

Ask the average American what the name of George Grey Barnard calls to
mind and he will speak of the statue of Lincoln. Ask the New Yorker and
he will also comment on the charming old cloisters that Barnard erected
adjoining his home on Fort Washington Avenue as a setting for the
medieval treasures he had searched out in villages and farms in France —
columns, arches, religious images and tombs taken from ruined abbeys. The
bronze Lincoln, the original made as a gift for England, was once a sub-
ject of controversy (degenerate art, said some; the living man, said others).
But Barnard's interpretation was in line with the trend in biography
as well as in art. He made other studies of Lincoln, and in the impressive
Lincoln in Thought (above) he put all that he had come to know of the
man. In a life of prodigious activity and robust plans Barnard executed
several hundred pieces of sculpture, among them the decorations for the
Pennsylvania state capitol. And when he died in April, at 74, he had
seen part of his medieval collection enshrined in a magnificent new building
in one of the city's most beautiful sites — it had become the nucleus of, the
stimulus for John D. Rockefeller Jr.'s gift of a medieval branch to the
Metropolitan Museum of Art. — F. L. K.

Metropolil
The Two Natures

ird

Barnard and a detail of The Immortals for the Rainbow Arch

Only one of Barnard's major project* u left unfinished. His Rainbow Arch it still in plaster. He had spent
fifteen years working on a 100 by 60 foot memorial to the cause of Peace, "a monument to democracy," he
called it. Barnard had wanted the people of the nation to make it their own by subscribing in imall con-
tributions to the fund to execute the work in marble. He considered this arch that pictured the tragedy and
futility of war, topped by a rainbow of promise, the peak of his life's work.

Hard-Core Unemployment

THE CHALLENGE OF PERMANENTLY DEPRESSED AREAS

by PIERCE WILLIAMS

In the wake of the lumbering, mining and petroleum industries the United
States is dotted with rural industrial areas that missed prosperity in the
middle 20's, that did not respond to recovery in the middle 30's. Can they
ever follow the business cycle upward again?

OUR ECONOMIC SYSTEM IS A DELICATELY INTERCONNECTED ONE.

The prosperity of every community is linked with the economic
well-being of others. Local economic strains communicate them-
selves in due course to other parts of the system. Economists
are more and more concerned with studying the evidences of
multiplying dislocations in the relations of the various parts
of our economy to each other, and appraising the extent to
which a multitude of individual dislocations (none of which
seems important in itself) may increase the instability of the
economic system in general.

The foregoing general statement suggests the importance of
our gaining a clear understanding of the sources, course and
ultimate effect of the economic forces which have brought a
large number of rural industrial communities in various parts
of the United States to a condition of almost total economic
decay. These are the communities to which the term distressed
has come to be applied. And their populations have come to
be spoken of as stranded.

Understandably, the nation is deeply disturbed over the
widespread unemployment throughout the country as a result
of the sharp and unprecedented slump in business since last
summer. Somber as the present business situation is, however,
it may be taken for granted that so far as industrial communi-
ties in general are concerned,
unemployment will respond to
the forces of recovery, once they
can be set in motion. Not so
with the unemployment in the
rural industrial communities
that are here under considera-
tion. So unyielding to the
solvent forces of recovery dur-
ing the years 1934-37, inclusive,
did their unemployment prove
that it can be described as
"hard-core" unemployment. In
fact, these particular com-
munities were depressed be-
fore the onset of country-wide
depression in 1930, and not
even during the boom years
1926-1929 did their local in-
dustries employ their total
population.

The sinister thing about
these distressed rural indus-
trial communities is not so
much their number, nor the
aggregate of their idle popu-
lation, but rather the fact that
the forces which have brought
about their economic decay
are still operating in many
other rural industrial com-
munities which at present
show no surface signs of eco-

Outstanding Rural Industrial Problem Areas

Central Vermont. Stone quarrying

Eastern Pennsylvania. Anthracite mining

Western Pennsylvania. (Fayette County) Coal and coke

Southern Appalachian Region. Coal mining

Western Kentucky. Coal mining

Southern Illinois. Coal mining

Upper Michigan. Cut-over; iron and copper mining

Northeastern Minnesota. Cut-over; iron mining

Central Louisiana. Cut-over

Southern Louisiana-Texas Border. Cut-over

Tri-state (Oklahoma - Missouri - Kansas Border). Lead, fine,

oil, gas

Central Montana. Coal mining
Buttc- Anaconda (Montana). Copper mining
Central Colorado - Northeastern New Mexico. Coal and

metal mining

Western New Mexico. Coal mining
Carbon County, Utah. Coal mining

Utah • Nevada - Arizona. Copper, lead and fine mining
Inland Empire. (Idaho, Montana, Washington) Cut-over
Coeur d'Alene, Idaho. Lead mining
Central Idaho. Timber and metal mining
Southern Wyoming. Coal mining; oil and gas extraction.

nomic decline. Close examination of the kind of communities
which are the subject of this article gives little hope that they
can be restored to economic health. In these particular places
the clock of industry has run down. There appears to be no
power capable of winding it up again. The warning of our
analysis is that steps must.be taken by governmental action to
keep numerous other industrial communities, subject to the
same forces of economic destruction, from going the same
road to economic decay.

The Jigsaw Puzzle of Economic Areas

THE SPECIALLY DIFFICULT SITUATION OF THESE PARTICULAR IN-

dustrial communities became evident to relief administrators
close to them as early as 1933. The method of Sectional Eco-
nomic Analysis developed by Col. J. M. S. Waring, while
with Works Progress Administration, not only confirmed their
observations, but provided a scientific basis for getting at the
origins of the economic decay which has overtaken them. [See
State Walls and Economic Areas, Survey Graphic, April 1937.]
A basic postulate of sectional economic analysis is that the
economic stability of any industrial section (community) de-
pends on the stability of its predominant industries and on
the stability of its "extra-sectional services." This term will be

explained in a moment. An-
other postulate is this: "The
stability of any industry de-
pends on the stability of its
products, and the stability of
any product depends, in part,
on the competitive stability of
the product in its group of
competing products, and, in
part, on the stability of the
markets to which the product
moves." To illustrate: Any de-
cline in the consuming power
of a particular community will
induce a decline in employ-
ment in all other communities
that normally supply it with
goods or services. Likewise,
any weakening of the com-
petitive stability of a particular
industry will bring about re-
duction of employment in all
other industries normally sup-
plying it either with materials
and supplies for the upkeep
of its productive plant and
equipment, or with new equip-
ment to replace obsolescence
of installed plant, or to in-
crease productive capacity of
existing plant.

Applying the method of
sectional economic analysis to

346

SURVEY GRAPHIC

THIS RURAL INDUSTRIAL SECTION COM-

prises nineteen counties in southern Illi-
nois, total population (1930) something
under 700,000; no large cities; coal min-
ing the dominant industry, accounting
for nearly 60 percent of the productive
(non-service) workers.

There is no likelihood of coal deposits
being exhausted. There are over one
thousand mines in more or less steady
operation, and no one mining company
is large enough greatly to affect em-
ployment by a corporate decision in-
\ nlving shut-down.

The entire industry in Illinois is sub-
ject to a high seasonal unemployment,
and the largest and best managed mines
cannot provide more than fifteen days'
work during the summer months. The
small trucking mines simply close down
during the summer months, throwing
their employes (representing 60 percent
of the total for the area) on relief. For
the industry to become reasonably
healthy, these small marginal mines
must definitely go out of operation.
Only in this way can a more stable em-
ployment be assured the men who can
be employed in the large mines.

The "rationalization" of the coal min-
ing industry in southern Illinois is pro-
ceeding steadily, with increasing concen-
tration of output in larger and larger
mines. Many of these are "captive"
mines, owned by midwest public utility
and railroad interests.

Mechanization and strip mining (two
forms of the application of advanced
technology to coal mining) are being
resorted to by operators in the effort to
bring down the cost of Illinois coal to
a competitive level with coal from Pitts-
burgh-Ohio, southern West Virginia,
eastern and western Kentucky.

Southern Illinois. Coal Mining

Firm Security Adminijtr»tion

Because of the relatively level terrain
of the southern Illinois coal fields, the
installation of mechanical coal-loaders is
easily feasible. As a result, output per
man-day is rising steadily.

Stripping (the taking out of the coal
near the surface by steam-shovels) is
an even more important factor in re-
ducing the need for coal miners in Illi-
nois. At present, 12 percent of the total
output of the state is from strip mines,
and the output per man-day is nearly
four times what it is in even the highly
mechanized underground operations.

There arc over 20,000 totally unem-
ployed coal miners in Illinois, and the
trend will continue to be downward.

The most that can be hoped for is an
increase in the consumption of Illinois
coal in the Chicago industrial area. But
this is a problem which must be envis-
aged for the country as a whole. It is

not merely for one particular section.

The cruel fact is that in this field, as
in other coal mining areas, there are too
many coal miners for the output that
can be sold under existing conditions.

Agriculture offers no alternative em-
ployment in the southern Illinois coal
field, the good land being all taken up.
Stripping makes the surface unsuited for
farming; moreover, the coal miner ad-
apts himself with difficulty to other occu-
pations, in particular to farming. The
greater part of the mining population
is native American-born stock, mostly
from the Appalachian and Ozark moun-
tain areas.

Herman Wyngartcn, of Michigan
State College, who surveyed the area
for WPA in midsummer 1936, reported
in connection with the numerous "dere-
lict" and "stranded" communities which
he visited: "Their appearance is pitiful;
small, black, two- to four-room houses,
frequently no windows or doors, many
so old they lean over. Many are old com-
pany houses. When the mines were
abandoned, the houses were also. Peo-
ple live in them as squatters."

Wyngarten listed twelve of the nine-
teen counties in the section in which
thirty definitely stranded communities
could be counted. The problem is more
than the resources of the region — gov-
ernmental, economic, social, can cope
with.

Neither the area itself nor the State
of Illinois has any plans for broad-gauge
economic and social planning. Whatever
is done in that direction will have to be
done by the federal government. And
while awaiting the appearance of such
plans, relief on a large scale with all
its possibilities for individual demor-
alization, must go on.

rural industrial sections in which unemployment in the pre-
dominant, or vital, industries had failed to decline during the
recovery years 1934-1936 in anything like the measure in
which it had declined for the country as a whole, Col. Waring
brought out the significant fact that every one of these par-
ticular communities (or industrial sections) had from their
earliest days been peculiarly vulnerable to technological, politi-
cal and corporate developments and decisions. Fortuitous cir-
cumstances hid this inherent vulnerability until a certain stage
in their economic development had been reached. The crisis,
however, was only incidentally related to the collapse of 1930.
What is now being witnessed in our distressed communities is
their final succumbing to this inherent vulnerability.

When the employment base of these industrial sections was
examined closely, three significant facts stood out: (1) each
was concerned with the exploitation of a natural resource (coal,
timber, metalliferous ore, petroleum); (2) this exploitation was
in the control of a small number of corporations (in many
instances all employment in the industrial section was pro-
vided by one corporation, owning, in addition to the natural
resources being exploited, all of the usable land, all local
buildings and utilities (this is the so-called company town);
(3) practically none of the employment in the rural industrial
section derived from "extra sectional services."

To get the significance of the above statement, the method
of arriving at economic sections may be briefly described.
Every county in the United States has been classified as pri-
marily industrial or primarily agricultural, depending on
which branch of production employed more than 50 percent
of the county's gainfully employed workers in 1930. Next, the
employment base of a county classed as primarily industrial
was arrived at by identifying the most important productive
industries, or those that collectively accounted for at least 70
percent of the total non-service workers. These were termed
the county's vital industries. If the county was primarily agri-
cultural those crops that together accounted for at least 70
percent of all crop value in 1930 were termed its vital crops.
Contiguous counties having similar 'vital industries were then
grouped together to form rural industrial sections. All cities
with more than 25,000 population were lifted out of the eco-
nomic context in order to be considered separately as "urban
industrial sections."

In each section, the service (or non-productive) employment
was then analyzed to determine (a) how many of the gainful
workers in service occupations were dependent upon the
stability of the section itself (intra-sectional services); (b)
how many upon the stability of other sections or their pre-
dominant industries. (Extra-sectional services.)

JUNE 1938

347

Upper Michigan and North-
eastern Minnesota. Cut-over;
iron and copper mining

THE "ARROWHEAD" REGION OF NORTH-
ern Minnesota and the northern penin-
sula of Michigan constitute one of the
country's outstanding problem areas due
to the cutting out of timber and the ex-
haustion of copper deposits over the past
forty years.

This region is also the country's most
important source of iron ore. (Mesabi,
Cuyuna and Vermilion Ranges, Minne-
sota; Marquette, Menominee and Coge-
bic Ranges, Michigan.) Iron ore re-
serves are ample for years to come, and
there is no danger of supplies being ex-
hausted, except in particular localities.
However, in the iron ore region the
human problem becomes more acute as
technological advance proceeds. In the
copper and lumber industries, on the
other hand, it is technological advance
in the industry in other parts of the
country that is responsible for the hu-
man problem. In other words, price-
quality changes brought about by the
development of cheaper lumber in the
Pacific Northwest have hit the remain-
ing relatively high cost timber stands of
the north-central states a body blow, and
the opening up of low cost open-pit cop-
per mines in this far West gave the coup
de grace to Michigan copper mining.
Extensive areas covered with stumps
and others dotted with abandoned log-
ging camps and sawmill villages, tell
the story of an industry that for a con-
siderable time supported thriving rural
communities.

The region has only one good-sized
city — Duluth — in which productive em-
ployment is closely related to the gen-
eral activity of the iron and steel in-
dustry. The ore mining sections are by
no means decaying in the sense that the
cut-over timber areas and the worn-out
copper range are. However, mechaniza-
tion resulting in increasing productivity
per employe per hour has taken a heavy
toll of the employment during the last
ten years. The absence of other employ-
ment, and the tendency of the iron ore
miner to stick to that occupation, makes
adaptation to new pursuits difficult.
Moreover, the distance from the indus-
trial centers of the Midwest reduces mo-
bility of labor.

IRON ORE MINING IS CARRIED ON EXCLU-

sively by the large steel companies
through subsidiaries. "An outstanding
example of labor saving on the open-pit
ranges of the region is the substitution
of the electric for the steam shovel.
The latter normally requires a crew of
seven men and in addition track has to

be laid. This of course makes a market
for lumber for ties. The electric shovel,
on the other hand, can be operated with
one man and does not need track laying
because it operates on the caterpillar
wheel system. The lengthening of ore
trains, without any increase in train
crew, has likewise reduced employment
in the handling of the ore from mines
to lake steamers." (From survey for
WPA, by Oscar Sullivan.)

The reaction of the younger genera-
tion against work in the mines (espe-
cially where the ore is taken out of deep
shaft mines) may prove to be a factor
in facilitating voluntary adjustment of
the remaining population to other types
of employment. But, as already pointed
out, in the absence of other industries
this means migration.

There are numerous abandoned vil-
lages in the iron country, particularly
where ore has been exhausted, as in the
western end of the Mesabi range of
Minnesota.

THERE is NOTHING OF A ROMANTIC NA-
ture to hearten the tourist who visits the
ghost towns of the northern Michigan
copper range. Many well-built hotels,
stores, churches and public buildings
still stand. The pre-war decade repre-
sented the crest of business activity in
the Keeweenaw Peninsula; the World
War merely gave it a temporary new
lease of life.

The mines in this section are deep,
and inevitably the cost of extracting the
ore goes up. There was nothing un-
foreseen in this development, and the
larger mining companies, in their sixty
years of operation, have recovered their
invested capital with ample profits.

Farm Security Administration

The problem of stranded communi-
ties is most acute in the worked out
copper country. Again quoting from
the survey by Oscar Sullivan: "Whole
communities of unemployed persons are
to be found throughout the Keeweenaw
Peninsula. Boarded up houses and even
boarded up public buildings, such as
schools, are to be found."

TIMBER, DUE TO THE APPLICATION OF WISE
conservation policies, is restocking in
both Minnesota and Michigan, but this
does not mean anything by way of im-
mediate reemployment.

The lumber industry in Minnesota
and Michigan must compete with yellow
pine from the South and Douglas fir
from Oregon and Washington. In the
latter case, the Panama Canal is the
important factor; in the former, low
paid Negro labor.

Revision of the railroad freight rate
structure would be an indispensable step
in any economic planning that aimed
at stabilizing production and employ-
ment in the country's lumber industry,
but this would mean further temporary
unstabilization.

Public employment must be a main-
stay of the population for some years to
come.

"Adequate solution of the problem of
this cut-over and mining region seems
to lie in the direction of consolidating
the existing population on the better
land of the region and in resettlement
in communities of sufficient size so that
the provision of necessary social ser-
vices will not prove too costly, as at
present. Much of the land is suitable
for reforestation, game cover and recre-
ational use." (Sullivan)

348

SURVEY GRAPHIC

The Factors That Make and Break a Region

\\'l \kl 1)1 MINI, \\llll i iiMMl MTIES KNTIkLL\ Dhl'tNDliNT FOR

ihcir employment on a single raw material industry. Ordi-
narily the most accessible coal, limber, or ore, as the case may
be, will be exploited first. However, as raw material becomes
more inaccessible, unit costs of production increase. Ultimately,
a point will be reached when more favored competitors in the
ic industry are able to take markets away trom our vul-
nerable community. In i.ui. costs of production may reach a
level where other products, until then not competitive, reduce
the demand.

1'n wise t.i\ policies, e.g., taxes on unmined coal or on
iiling timber, may put pressure on a mining or lumber
ip.iny to extr.Kt its available raw material at an uneconomic
rate, and thereby hasten arrival at the place where costs rise
i point where business is lost to competitors. This is an
::nple ol community vulnerability to political factors. An
unexpected change in a Ireight rate may also be classed in
the category of political factors in community vulnerability.
For example, the opening of the Panama Canal put lumber
operators east of the Cascade Mountains in Oregon, Idaho,
and Washington and in western Montana at a competitive
disadvantage with respect to eastern lumber markets, as com-
pared with sawmills situated along the Pacific Coast where
lumber could be loaded directly into coast-to-coast steamers.

Finally, the corporation on which our one-industry rural
community depends for its livelihood may have other plants
or mines producing the same raw material. These mines or
sawmills are just as much competitors as though they were
separately owned. If, because of technological or political fac-
tors, costs at the plant located in our first-mentioned com-
munity should rise beyond the competitive "critical point,"
the community may find itself reduced to industrial stagnation
due to a decision on the part of the owning corporation to
concentrate operations at the plants of lower cost located else-
where. The Appalachian bituminous coal field, from Central
Pennsylvania to Alabama, abounds in derelict mining camps
that give mute evidence of community vulnerability to cor-
porate decisions.

Of course these factors do not operate only on mining,
petroleum and lumber industries. Every industrial concern is
subject to the hazards of unfavorable price-quality changes in
its predominant products caused by technological advances in
competing products; by taxation that finally becomes crush-
ing; by vagaries of consumer demand; or because of changes
in corporate policies with regard to the manufacture of
products in different plants.

The potency of these technological, political and corporate
factors in destroying employment varies inversely with the
diversification of industrial activity in the particular commun-
ity. In a large metropolitan city, the disappearance of even a
good-sized concern, to whatever cause due, will create only
a momentary ripple on the surface of the broad lake of em-
ployment. In the community dependent on one industry the
effects of the operation of these forces cannot fail to be disas-
trous. Where all local industry is concentrated in one com-
pany, the unfavorable consequences on human welfare are
intensified. Add to this the fact that mining, petroleum and
lumber industries are nearly always carried on in rural areas
remote from large centers of diversified and expanding em-
ployment, and the catastrophic nature of a decline in the
competitive ability of our supporting industry becomes
apparent.

Our point can however be more effectively brought out
by briefly describing the characteristic life cycle of the typical
single-industry rural industrial section. The following applies
to practically every one of the industrial communities described
in the accompanying "vignettes."

First of all, the region where the potentially valuable raw
material is located must be connected with markets by ade-
quate transportation. Until a situation comes about in which

the unexploited deposits ot coal, ore, petroleum or limber
justify large scale capital investment to bring them within
reach of industry, little need for communication with older
and more settled sections of the country exists. In the case of
the Pennsylvania anthracite region, the publicly subsidized
canal companies quickly transformed themselves into the
"coal roads," and these, without delay, became the chief own-
ers of the lands from which the best hard coal is to be ex-
tracted. In the case of the Pacific Northwest, the most prized
timber lands came into the possession of the transcontinental
railroads as part of the federal subsidy to their construction.
This fact has greatly expedited the creation of vulnerable
one industry communities in the Far West, because no time-
had to be consumed combining a large number of small pri-
vately owned contiguous parcels of farm land into one piece
large enough to give the exploiting corporation the monopoly
it considered necessary to justify the heavy risks inescapable
to the enterprise. In the setting up of the typical coal mining
community in the eastern part ot the United States over the
past fifty years, this has necessarily been the first step.

The sharp rise in the population curve of the typical one-
industry rural community is indicative of the forced nature
of its growth. At first the population is limited to a relatively
small number of farm families in the vicinity. In many of the
far western rural industrial communities, the new community
starts at scratch, with only the people brought in for the con-
struction of the railroad, the sinking of mine shafts, the erec-
tion of power plants, mills, company houses, and so on.
Once the industrial operations begin, some of these workers
remain, but many others have to be imported in order to keep
industrial operations up to a profitable level of output.

Viewed from the outside, during the heyday of its pros-
perity, our rural industrial community shows few signs of
vulnerability. Its cultural institutions, its schools, churches,
and so forth, are like those of other towns. Closer investiga-
tion, of course, discloses the unhealthy nature of the com-
munity life. Local government is in the control of the
employing corporation. Philanthropic activities exist only by
grace of the dominant business enterprise. There is an easily
discernible barrenness to the spiritual life of the community.
But it is the economic aspect with which we arc concerned
Governmental services and the quasi-public activities of any
community constitute what might be termed its "overhead,"
which means taxation. In the early stages the corporation,
being practically the only owner of property, carries the chief
burden of taxation. In the strictly company town this situa-
tion may continue throughout the life cycle of the community.
In others, however, there has been some growth of private
ownership. In many of the now derelict lumber towns of the
lower Mississippi Valley and the Lake States cut-over region,
it was the corporation policy to sell home lots and small
garden plots to employes. This cut-over land will not support
ordinary farming. To some extent therefore as time goes on,
the burden of local taxation shifts from the dominant indus-
try to small property owners. The precariousness of their
situation, as regards holding on to their property, is obvious;
employment in the controlling industry determines their
ability to pay their taxes.

For a longer or shorter period all goes well with our newly
created rural industrial community. Its absentee stockholders
reap bountiful dividends; its employes are steadily employed
at good wages. But sooner or later a time is reached when the
originally profitable balance between the low cost of raw mate-
rial, wages and upkeep and amortization of productive plant
(fixed capital) becomes dislocated. When that point is passed,
no new investment in labor saving equipment, no "rationali-
zation" of management, no reduction in wage rates, will
compensate for the increasing cost of getting out the now
relatively inaccessible raw material. As a matter of fact, the
efficiently managed corporation in this situation calculates with
remarkable accuracy the point where profitable operations

JUNE 1938

349

THE COUNTIES OF THE ENTIRE EASTERN
half of Oklahoma, taken in conjunction
with six counties of northeastern Arkan-
sas, four of southeastern Kansas, and
three of southwestern Missouri, consti-
tute an outstanding problem area. Eco-
nomically, the entire area might well
be characterized as one of low industrial
stability, superimposed on submarginal
agriculture.

There are only two cities of over 100,-
000 population — Tulsa and Oklahoma
City.

Here is a region in which a return to
1929 activity (it is highly improbable)
could by no means solve the problem of
economic insecurity affecting well over
a million people. Employment has suf-
fered through depletion of the physical
resources — lead, zinc, coal, petroleum,
timber.

The fact that this relatively homo-
geneous agricultural section trespasses
on four states emphasizes the importance
of federal action at least as the coordi-
nating factor in economic planning.

Unemployment compensation, of
course, does not help this type of com-
munity.

In the petroleum area of which Tulsa
is the metropolis, production reached its
peak in 1927. Prorating restricts produc-
tion from this old mid-continent field
and puts limitations on the possibilities
of reemployment. In a dozen years, the

Tri-State (Oklahoma-Missouri-
Kansas). Lead, zinc, oil, gas

Ewing Galloway

oil wells will be largely played out;
Oklahoma drops behind Texas in oil
production.

Stranded communities are found
wherever oil has been exhausted. Mo-
bility among oil workers lessens the
problem of dependency, and they have
a traditional capacity for making diffi-
cult adjustments. In Creek County, one
town which had 4000 population ten
years ago is now a farm village of 200.

Independence, Kan., is almost in the

category of a stranded town, due to the
merging of two competing oil compa-
nies and the removal of headquarters to
Tulsa. (This is an example of commu-
nity vulnerability to a corporate de-
cision.)

In the so-called tri-state lead-zinc
area, 50 percent of the non-service wage
earners are engaged in this one indus-
try. Joplin has a few other industries
but the whole region is affected by de-
cline in lead-zinc mining. Prospects for
the future depend largely on world mar-
ket conditions. The area is controlled
politically by the large mining com-
panies, and efforts of unionization have
so far been successfully resisted by a
company union. Violence has not been
infrequent.

There are many stranded towns, in-
cluding one place called "Prosperity."
The area is practically kept alive by
WPA employment. The health prob-
lem in this area is bad, and a Bureau
of Mines technical paper showed that
of nearly 6000 men examined here in
1929, silicosis had attacked 1647. In
another town, 55 percent of all observed
children had tuberculosis. School play-
grounds are made of the "tailings" from
the mill, and when the wind blows or
the children scuffle the air is cloudy with
the silicate dust. Syphilis and trachoma
also loom as menaces to community
health.

will end; in other words, the point in the development of the
property when the original capital investment should be repaid
with interest. When that point is reached, the decision is
taken by the corporation which reveals with dramatic force
the inherent economic vulnerability of the community; the
one industry on which its employment depends shuts down
and the population is left to its fate.

The reasons for the failure of other productive industry to
develop are inherent in the nature of our rural industrial com-
munity. The profits from the dominant industry are all
siphoned off for spending elsewhere. To some extent, profits
may be "plowed back" into the property, but only so long
as new investment is reflected in a strengthening of the com-
petitive position of the corporation's product.

Outside of the exploitation of its particular natural resource,
the area offers no lures to capital seeking profitable invest-
ment, and monopoly ownership of the available deposits of
coal, ore or timber effectively prevents the investment of new
capital by competitors.

Our rural industrial community has some "service" employ-
ment, in railroad transportation, merchandising, etc., but it is
all "intra-sectional." Declining activity inevitably brings in its
train reduction of employment in the ancillary service
occupations.

Once the dominant industry enters the stage of decline, the
effects of industrial decay become noticeable in respect of the
community "overhead," i.e., the maintenance of its govern-
mental services. Absence of new investment is soon reflected
in a decline in local taxable wealth; decline in tax valuations
brings a falling off in tax revenues; taxes become delinquent;
privately owned property reverts to the local tax authority
which can do nothing profitable with it.

However, the cost of local governmental services does not

go down. Quite the contrary, extraordinary governmental ser-
vices, under the heading of unemployment relief, enter the
budget and their cost rises in inverse ratio to the decline in
community tax revenues. The local governmental authorities
find themselves increasingly hard pressed to maintain regular
governmental services, to say nothing of taking care of relief
demands. In the terminal stage of the community's life cycle,
its aggregate income is represented by a steadily declining
proportion represented by wages and a steadily increasing
proportion represented by relief funds. From any objective, or
non-political, standpoint our rural industrial community is
now insolvent.

The Westward Empire of Industry

OF ALL THE CAPITALIST COUNTRIES OF THE WORLD, OUR OWN,

once the struggle between the agrarian power of the cotton
states and the industrial power of the North was over in 1865,
provided conditions specially favorable to the creation of the
type of vulnerable rural industrial community described above.
These conditions were (1) a territory of truly imperial extent,
rich in natural resources, and subject to a unified national
government, with absolute free trade between all of its sec-
tions; (2) a relatively mature economic development in the
older regions of the Atlantic seaboard, with increasing need
of industrial raw materials and fuel, plus access to ample sup-
plies of capital for large scale development; (3) a surplus
population in the Old World which could easily be brought
to the United States to supply the needed manpower.

Free trade over such an extensive, richly endowed region as
the United States made it easy for the enterpriser seeking new
fields of exploitation to take part of his winnings from busi-
ness in the older East, and invest them in raw material ex-
ploitation in pioneer regions. He could do this with the

350

SURVEY GRAPHIC

assurance that both federal and state law would protect him
as fully in his pursuit of profits in the newer areas as it had
in the old. No advanced social legislation would hamper him in
his relations with his employes, and labor unions were not
to be feared in the wilderness or the desert. For all practical
purposes local government would be in the industrialist's
control.

There is a certain fanciful interest in speculating on what
the present situation of many of our new decadent rural in-
dustrial communities might be today had our pioneering
industrialists been dealing with independent regions with
governments in position to exact customs duties on all material
and equipment imported. They might conceivably have built
up other infant industries alongside the dominant one. Or
they might have imposed taxes (for purposes of revenue only)
on all raw materials or fuel exported from the region. One
result of the existence of American free-trade has been to
bring into existence in economically backward parts of the
L'nitcd States what are in effect export industry communities.
Their markets may be within the confines of the United
States, but for their prosperity they depend on exchanging
a single producers' commodity — coal, timber, petroleum, ore
— for the consumers' goods produced by the older, more high-
ly specialized industrial communities of the country.

In our country an entire school of historical thought has
been developed around the idea of the retreating frontier. But
we overlook the fact that even when the last frontier was
spanned in the westward movement of our population into
the undistributed remnants of federal homestead farm and
ranching lands, industrial frontier areas still existed east of
the Mississippi River. The rich "smokeless" coal field of
southern West Virginia was opened up less than thirty years
ago, and at this moment new mine shafts are being sunk
along the West Virginia-Old Virginia border. In Gila Coun-
ty, Arizona, new copper ore deposits are being developed by
one of the most important producers with a view to large
scale open-pit mining.

Persons of the writer's generation have been so successfully
exposed to the supposedly romantic — even epic — aspect of
twentieth-century capitalistic development in the United
States, we have been so emotionally caught up by its imperial
scope and rhythm, that we have all too often closed our eyes
to the enormous wastes that material expansion causes, in
terms both of physical and human resources.

The Future — a Challenge

WHAT is AHEAD FOR THESE DECADENT RURAL INDUSTRIAL COM-
munities? Their future is indeed somber. It has been pointed
out that their industrial decline is only in small part traceable
to the nation-wide business depression, and that resumption
of recovery cannot be expected to reduce their present unem-
ployment in any significant degree. Of course, there is always
the possibility of some temporary improvement in their eco-
nomic situation due to a business boom. These rural industrial
communities are in a state of decay today because they have
become submarginal vis-b-vis competitors. A nation-wide
boom due to a large scale armament program in order that
the United States might keep pace with other nations of the
world in the production of instruments of destruction might
conceivably reach such intensity as to require the product of
even these competitively submarginal communities. But be-
cause of their relatively uneconomic position in respect to
accessible raw material, it is unlikely that new capital would
be invested sufficient to restore employment to a level where
the community would once more be solvent so far as revenues
and expenditures are concerned. A short-lived boom would
at best have the effect of stimulating the process of migration
temporarily and thereby reducing the gross disparity at pres-
ent existing between jobs and workers. The permanent solu-
tion would still have to be found.

Throughout the foregoing discussion the question has
doubtless been in the reader's mind: why docs not the surplus
population get out and go to urban centers where, taking the
long view, the chances of employment are somewhat brighter.

THIS TIMBER AREA COMPRISES IDAHO, SIX

counties; Montana, six; Washington,
two. Only one city (Spokane) with over
25,000 inhabitants (about 130,000). To-
tal 1930 population 175,000. Employes,
68,000; of which agricultural 20,000 and
industrial 48,000. Of this number: ser-
vice 26,000; non-service, 22,000. Fishing
and forestry and sawmills and wood-
working, 14,000; miscellaneous and
building, 8000.

Mushroom lumber camps. Abandoned
sawmill and logging camps. Woods op-
erations necessarily on a seasonal basis,
with winter shutdown for two or three
months. (Coeur d'Alenc lead and zinc
mining industry enclosed by Inland
Empire timbered areas is a separate in-
dustry, with little interchange of em-
ployment.)

Really two industries, one in Idaho-
Washington part of the region and the
other in western Montana section —
white pine in the former, Ponderosa
pine in the latter. The lumber industry
has had its greatest development in the
white pine area.

Early land laws designed to populate
the Pacific Northwest facilitated the ac-
quisition of the best timber lands by
individual and corporate speculators.

Inland Empire. Cut-over

Ewing Galloway

The transcontinental railroads received
large grants of public lands with fine
stands of merchantable timber.

The capitalist must now get back his
investment as best he can. And the only
way he can get it back is by cutting as
much of the more accessible timber as
possible in the shortest possible time.
Unwise tax laws penalize the standing
timber that remains uncut; the operator

may find himself compelled to cut tim-
ber at unprofitable prices merely to ob-
tain cash with which to pay taxes.

There is always the possibility of some
new industrial development taking place
in the Inland Empire region. The pros-
pect of cheap electric power from Grand
Coulee Dam when it is completed en-
courages this hope. These new indus-
tries would, in all probability, be rela-
ted to the processing in some new form
of the waste products of the sawmill
industry. However, this is not on the
immediate horizon and would, more-
over, necessitate a considerable measure
of federal intervention in the existing
business system.

In the absence of any immediate pros-
pect of large scale private investment,
the question should be considered: to
what extent is investment of public
funds justified? This involves a long
time economic planning approach. More
stable communities might be built
around the application of long term con-
servation practices. Lacking this larger,
non-profit approach, there is no alterna-
tive to continuance of work relief on
a large scale with every prospect of an
increase in the total population needing
relief as time goes on.

JUNE 1938

351

Western Metal Mining Areas

THE FAR WESTERN MINING COMMUNITIES

are outstanding examples of ad hoc
communities. They are incapable of any
organic community growth.

Brigham Young would not have been
happy could he have envisaged the
growth on the very outskirts of the Mor-
mon hegemony of a vast industrial en-
terprise controlled by "gentiles."

Today practically every one of these
far western metal mining centers is a
rural industrial problem section, vulner-
able to outside influences. Practically all
of the mining centers are company
towns with all the unfavorable impli-
cations the term has for organic and
normal development. Migration is haz-
ardous.

THE COEUR D'ALENE RURAL ECONOMIC
section (Idaho) is vulnerable because of
its dependence on one industry and on
such a small number of companies in
that industry. One large mine shut
down completely in 1929 because it ran
out of high grade ore. The new silver
purchase policy of the United States
government inaugurated in 1933, plus
the discovery of another body of rela-
tively good ore carrying some silver,
permitted the resumption of mining op-
erations at this particular mine during
the depression.

There are no stranded communities
in the Coeur d'Alene metal mining re-
gion. However, some shifts in produc-
tion have taken place because of exhaus-
tion of older bodies of ore, but the

workers have apparently been transferred
to newer operations without any great
difficulty.

THE LEAD-ZINC-SILVER AREAS OF NORTH-

eastern Utah account for about one
fourth of the country's lead and zinc
output. When the price of the base met-
als goes down (and it has been going
down for the last nine months), the
price pef ton which is paid by the smel-
ter is correspondingly reduced and mar-
ginal mining operators cease mining.

THE COPPER MINING INDUSTRY IN THE

United States (excluding the practically
abandoned operations in northern Michi-
gan) is now in the hands of three large
corporate groups: Kennecott, Phelps
Dodge and Anaconda. Each one of these
companies is the exclusive source of em-
ployment in particular sections of the

Ewing Galloway
Far West. Only one mine is near a city.

THE FAMOUS BUTTE-ANACONDA COPPER
mining section is the outstanding exam-
ple of community vulnerability to eco-
nomic forces in the mining industry.
There is no alternative employment, not
even farming. The section is isolated,
the nearest large cities to the eastward
being St. Paul and Minneapolis; to the
southward, Salt Lake City; and to the
westward, Spokane. The hazards con-
nected with migration in search of other
employment are obvious.

But the vulnerability of the copper
mining industry in the United States
is not related to domestic factors so
much as to foreign. American copper
mining interests are heavy investors in
cheaper producing foreign copper min-
ing ventures, notably in Canada, Chile,
the Belgian Congo and Rhodesia.

This raises the question of the mobility of labor. After all,
the country's phenomenal development over the past seventy-
five years has been based on the exceptional mobility of its
population. The availability of relief so long as one remains
in one's place of legal domicile, and the uncertainty of relief
if one becomes dependent in a community in which one has
not acquired a legal settlement, is undoubtedly a factor in
freezing excess population in the distressed areas. However,
no well-intentioned person seriously proposes that surplus
workers in these communities be given the choice of migrating
or starving, through the withdrawal of relief funds. Even if
this callous policy were instituted, its only effect would be to
shift the relief load from the rural industrial community to
the urban center. What the thoughtful person has in mind is
whether some method of controlled, or government subsi-
dized migration from the distressed areas to centers where
jobs are likely to increase in number, is not preferable to the
present do-nothing policy. This policy, of course, involves
looking upon public assistance as the permanent means of
support for a large proportion of the population in these par-
ticular communities.

Nor are public works any solution to the problem of the
distressed area, unless, indeed, it can be shown that the in-
vestment of public funds over the long term is justified by the
potentialities of the region. Because private capital no longer
finds justification for investing in these decaying industrial
sections of the country is no argument against public invest-
ment, if social dividends can be counted on in the not too

distant future. But this concept of public works has not so
far penetrated our approach to the problem of dealing with
"hard-core" unemployment.

However, the problem of reemploying the excess workers
in the numerous distressed sections throughout the United
States cannot be lifted out of the context of reemployment as
a national problem. These are not the only communities with
more breadwinners than our economic system at present pro-
vides employment for. They are only part of the picture of
technological unemployment. As is well known, our farming
regions harbor a couple of million workers whose labor is no
longer needed. Technological advance will probably continue
to displace workers in both agriculture and industry.

Solving the Larger Problem

THE PROBLEM OF BRINGING GREATER STABILITY TO UNEMPLOY-

ment in the United States needs to be attacked from the broad
social standpoint of how the nation's total resources of man-
power are to be utilized to the optimum. Careful study of how
our distressed rural industrial sections "get that way" will yield
valuable data for any attempts to solve the bigger problem
of technological unemployment in general. This is because in
the now decadent industrial areas the forces that have brought
about stagnation can be analyzed with greater ease by reason
of the relative simplicity of the industrial structure. The coun-
try cannot stand any more of these focal points of industrial
decay without running the risk of serious impairment to the
health of our entire economic system.

352

SURVEY GRAPHIC

THROUGH NEIGHBORS' DOORWAYS

Imponderables on the Job

by JOHN PALMER GAVIT

\- VHl M\v LEARN FROM THE BOOK OF JUDGES (iN CASE

there is .iround the house the formerly better-known
\olume called the Bible) there was of old a doughty gen-
eral n. lined Siscra, commanding the army of the Canaani-
tisli king Jabin of Ha/or, who for many years mightily
>ressed the Children of Israel. Incited by the seeress
mr.ih and led by Barak, son of Abinoam, they rose at
last in rebellion against Jabin and put Sisera's army to the
•.word — despite his nine hundred chariots of iron. Siscra
himself fled miserably on foot and sought refuge in the
tent of Jael, wife of Heber the Kenite who was ostensibly
at peace with Jabin. She welcomed him with blandish-
ments; but when he was asleep she nailed him to the
ground with a tent-peg hammered with her own hand
through whatever he had of brains. In her famous song
of triumph Deborah lauded Jael as "blessed above
women"; but she did not attribute the victory to her dis-
|x>sal of her too-trustful guest, nor to Barak and his ten
thousand of Zebulon and Naphtali. According to
I)el>orah, Jabin's host and chariots of iron never had
what she did not call a "Chinaman's chance" anyway,
because there was an imponderable upon which they did
not calculate . . . "the stars in their courses fought against
Si sera."

A "Chinaman's chance" . . . the expression is peculiarly
pat right now, when the Japanese are frightened to death
by the predicament in which they find themselves.
Engaged in what all the world recognizes as an interna-
tional felony-with-arms, they have stirred up all the
"imponderables" in China, uniting that whole vast popu-
lation as it never was united before, and wasting their
own life-blood in an unholy enterprise which had no justi-
fication to begin with, which bogged at the outset, and
which as appears increasingly as the days go on, cannot
succeed. The only chance of success that it ever had lay
in the expectation that the long suffering masses of the
Chinese could be cowed by terror and lie down for a cen-
tury or so, as always they have done under the bullying of
better armed foreigners. One thinks of the old story of
the tramp, sleeping in the woods with all the bugs and
worms crawling over him — until at last a bee stung his
toe through a hole in his boot. Whereupon he rose up
with a shout: "Just for that, you can all get off!"

THE SACK OF NANKING DID THAT. FOR A FULL MONTH THE
Japanese troops raged through that hapless city like wild
beasts, ravishing women and butchering men and chil-
dren . . . already that horrible story is spreading over the
world; decent Japanese hang their heads in shame. Mili-
tary Japan has gone far to wipe the name of their coun-
try from the list of the civilized. As nothing that ever
happened before in their long history of suffering at the
h.mds of invaders it has enraged the Chinese in every
village and farmstead from the Yellow Sea to the Moun-
tains of Kunlun. The Japanese are deep in the heart of a

vast hornets' nest; they can neither go forward nor with-
draw; they are being stung to death and greater swarms
are gathering. The frightfully expensive mechanism of
the Japanese "modern" war-machine is bogged in a vir-
tually roadless country; its lengthening lines of communi-
cation for the bringing up ot fuel and food are at the
mercy of incessant guerilla attack. It looks as if there were
to be, sooner or later, a repetition of the experience of
Napoleon, who once undertook to dictate peace with Rus-
sia at Moscow — and barely got out alive, stealing away
like Sisera from his wallowing army. Whatever they may
achieve in the way of even notable local victories, they
never can recover the "face" which is smeared with
humiliating defeat. In the eyes of the world they have
lost forever their reputation for military invincibility; a
new Russia, vastly different from the old one which they
defeated easily in 1905, now laughs at them. They will
have nothing left with which to fight Russia — hardly even
to defend themselves. Their sympathetic co-aggressors,
Italy and Germany, ruefully wonder whether their alli-
ance with Japan is an asset or a liability.

At home, the Japanese panic is evident. The govern-
ment has been forced to invoke the extreme "totalitarian"
legislation which, the people were assured when it was
enacted, would be resorted to only in a crisis. The crisis
is here. The country is bleeding from the aorta. For-
eign Minister Hirota publicly calls for "extreme personal
sacrifices," confessing openly that "no optimistic view of
the future is warranted." The criminal invasion of a
peaceful neighbor country, with or without a declaration
of war, is no longer an "incident," even in Japanese eyes.
It is taking on the aspect of national suicide. With no
impressive record as a prophet, I nevertheless venture the
belief that as an important military factor in the world,
Japan is on the way out.

WHEN I WAS IN PRAGUE A FEW YEARS AGO, THEY SHOWED
me streets upon which in the bad old days when Czecho-
slovakia was part of that political nightmare known as
Austria-Hungary, the Czechs were not allowed to walk in
the evening. Taxi-drivers pretended that they did not
understand German, and in many shops they gruffly
rejected orders given in the language of the former Ger-
man-speaking oppressors. Now the Nazi extremists are
demanding that Czechoslovakia shall rewrite its history
of struggle with those oppressors! It may be regrettable,
but it is no wonder that since their liberation by the
World War the Czechs have dealt snootily with their
German minority. It lies not in the mouth of Germans to
prate of the harsh treatment of minorities. It is timely to
remember again that banner which the Cleveland Czechs
carried in the great Liberty Loan procession:

Americans, be not discouraged!
We have been fighting these Tyrants

for three hundred years!

These arc the "imponderables" which war and ever
will war against oppressors, everywhere. The Czecho-
slovaks— Bohemians, Moravians, among the best, most
literate and most intelligent of our immigrants, and the
Slovaks too — brought to America a deeply imbedded
tradition of the sleepless battle for liberty. In their own

JUNE 1938

353

newborn country it is their religion. We hear that the
Czechoslovak army is one of the most formidable in Eu-
rope, considering its size; I have heard military opinion
that it is the best. We hear also that in its invasion of Aus-
tria the German military machine dismayed and enraged
Hitler himself by its display of inefficiency and inexperi-
ence, amply fulfilling the warnings of high German army
officers that it was far from being prepared for war. Be
that as it may, the little Czech army has something of
which both German and Italian peoples have been robbed
under their dictatorships — robbed and stupified — namely,
the passion and tRe hard-won tradition of freedom, for
which men will die, as they are dying by millions in
China.

Two small books of recent issue about Czechoslovakia
are up to the minute about these things; they reek with
the spirit that actuates those people, and the reasons for
it.* Richard Freund in uncommonly lucid, interesting and
intelligent fashion gives the reasons why Czechoslovakia
is, as it has been throughout modern history, a problem
central in the interplay of races and nationalities in
Europe; a bridgehead across which the Germans have
to proceed with their eastward ambitions, an obstacle, a
cockpit throughout the centuries. And Dr. Sturm shows
how the progressive movement in education has found
ready soil and thrived in the land of Comensky. To read
these two books is to understand, whether or not one did
before, the crucial place and dire plight of this little patch
on the map. They will leave him holding heart and hope
in behalf of that gallant, now desperately embattled peo-
ple, all but a "lost battalion" of democracy, menaced on
all sides by the encroaching powers of despotism. None
can foretell at what moment the storm may break upon
them. The moral collapse of the great democratic powers,
Great Britain and France, as registered in their surrender
in the League of Nations, as these words are written, to
Italy in the matter of Abyssinia, offers little encourage-

ment for those who have hoped that they would come
to the rescue.

One cannot avoid being glad that the great creator
and first President of Czechoslovakia, Thomas G. Masa-
ryk, has not lived in his failing flesh to share these new
agonies of his people. Whatever happens to his country,
that great figure will tower in history, as John Huss
towers, and Jan Zizka, and Wenceslaus. His memory will
be immortal through his own greatness. To aid in that
immortality, a few months ago in the library of the
Woodrow Wilson Foundation in New York City thirty-
six representatives from sixteen cities in the United States
met to found the Masaryk Institute, formed "to keep alive
the memory of Thomas Garrigue Masaryk as a demo-
cratic humanitarian statesman, and to foster closer cul-
tural relations between the Republic of Czechoslovakia
and the United States"; by lectures, publications, the
establishment of "Masaryk shelves" in libraries, the cele-
•iration of Masaryk's birthday, March 17, exchange of
students and professors, etc. Its appropriate motto and
Masaryk's own war-cry voicing the greatest of the "im-
ponderables"— "Pravda Vitezi," Truth Lives!

MUTUAL TREACHERY AND ILL-CONCEALED HATRED WERE NOTORI-
ously in the background of the meeting of Hitler and
Mussolini just now in Rome, when the impoverished
Italian people had to pay new millions for a "Roman holi-
day" while Alphonse and Gaston genuflexed to each
other with stilettos almost visible. Were it not so grimly
portentous of mischief to come, it would be ridiculous.
Nobody knows better than Mussolini that there can be
no common interest between their fears and their ambi-
tions. Hitler's rape of Austria has abolished the "buffer
state" between them. A very large number of Germans
are under Italian oppression in the Tyrol — much more
severe than that of the Sudeten Germans in Czecho-
slovakia— yet the two vied in mouthing vows that the
present Alpine boundary between them is to be forever
sacred. Who made it sacred? Who gave the best part of
the Austrian Tyrol to Italy, along with the German-
coveted and formerly Austrian Adriatic seaport of
Trieste? None other than the peace treaty, guaranteed
by the League of Nations! What justifies the belief that
either will respect such a "sanctity"? Bray them both in
a mortar with a pestle; you will not get, as toward eacli
other or toward anybody else, a nickel's worth of that
other and priceless imponderable known as good faith.
They were celebrating among other things, it seems, the
bimillennium of Caesar Augustus at the zenith of Romar
glory. In the background of one of the photographs depict-
ing the doings of today's two leading Caesars looms the
Coliseum, that best-known ruin among the magnificent
circus-places where they used to burn the followers of
Jesus of Nazareth and throw them to the beasts. The last
time I stood in that great amphitheater reeking of horror
and persecution, nothing stirred my imagination so much
as did the fact that in the midst of the very place where
they thought they were destroying the imponderable
called Christianity stood high its golden symbol — the
Cross of Christ!

Fitzpatrick in the St. Louis Post-Dispatch
"My Benito!" "My Adolf I"

354

•WATCH CZECHOSLOVAKIA! By Richard Freund, New York. Oxford

University Press. 112 pp. 2 maps. Price $1.50.
TRAINING IN DEMOCRACY: THE NEW SCHOOLS OF CZECHOSLOVAKIA.

By Francis H. Sturm, with introduction by Dr. W. Carson Ryan, Jr.

Published under the auspices of the Progressive Education Association.

New York. Inor Publishing Co., 256 pp. Illustrated Price $2.50.
Prices postpaid of Survey Graphic.

SURVEY GRAPHIC

LETTERS AND LIFE

Founders

by LEON WHIPPLE

COOPERATION. AX AMERICAN WAY, by John Daniels. Covici-

\t. 399 pp. Price V.

.JUTISH EXPERIMENTS IX PUBLIC OWNERSHIP AXD CON-
TROL, by Terence H. O'Brien. Norton. 304 pp. Price $3.
JERICAX VILLAGE, by Edwin Valentine Mitchell. Stackpole. 261
pp. Price »3.

FASHION IS SPINACH, by Elizabeth Hawes. Random House. 337
pp. Price *2.75.

Prices postpaid of 5«rt'*y Crafhic.

AT WOULD THE FOUNDING FATHERS DO IF THEY CAME BACK

ay? I think they would found something. It was by found-
ng that they earned their tide. They faced their precarious

tuation, they looked squarely at the people and resources,
figured out what was needed, and then these hard-

aded empirical gentlemen created the tools that might
the needs. They stole an idea here, drove a bargain

ere, sacrificed this interest to the general welfare, bought

at section off by compromise, dared to experiment and took
gamblers' risks. They founded — on the site they had and on
the institutions that were at work, and most amazingly with
only one ideology to their names — the cpncept of rule by the
people, or democracy.

Now we today must be founders or we shall drift into
conflict. But at the moment we seem bogged down in words
and lost in a maze of "rival ideologies." We bandy words
like radical, economic royalists, liberalism, revolution; we even
accept the dilemma, fascism or communism. We have forgot-
ten life for symbols until there has arisen a wholesome revolt,
led by Stuart Chase and Thurman Arnold, against the
mumbo-jumbo of empty words and mythological concepts
in law and economics. Our miraculous system of communica-
tion has become a system of echoes: publicity has obscured
reality. People are becoming very tired of clamor and partisan
ventriloquism (Charlie McCarthy is a voice of the times) so
that we may easily fall into a numb indifference that will let
things go by default.

In this mood, I have been seeking books that bite into
reality by describing certain common sense endeavors, inside
democracy, to solve parts of the main problem. That, we
know well enough, is how can the people get enough control
over the production of goods and services, under a technology,
to enjoy better living without being exploited by private
owners or regimented by a state socialism that bears the seeds
of dictatorship. If we can find enough devices that mate
democracy with social efficiency, we are safe. We can dis-
pense with an ideological label, as life does. The Founders
would be interested for they shared the final wisdom of
knowing that life goes on, whatever names you call it.

Life is certainly going on in These States in the natural
growth of what is broadly called, Cooperation. John Daniels
has written a plain man's book on this "American Way of
Life" — on its origins, growth, methods and future — drawn
from a 5000-mile trip through the East, Upper South, and
Midwest where he visited the offices and talked with the
managers and members. His long study of American neigh-
borhood growth finally drove him into the field. What he
learned is recorded with a kind of grassroots personal sim-
plicity that is as charming as his facts are solid and his vision
is broad and moving. One of the promises of the cooperative
movement is that it inspires in its members a kind of religious
enthusiasm: it restores faith. I know a young college man,
sidetracked by the depression into a dull postoffice job, who

finds purpose and hope through his evangelical labors for
cooperation. He is a Founder by deed.

To its advocates cooperation is not a mere purchasing
device. Daniels declares: "Consumers' cooperation is a new
form of social-economic organization which is now in process
of evolution as a mutation of capitalism. It is not an instru-
ment for the overthrow of capitalism but an implement to
make capitalism work." As evjdence he gives the figure for
cooperative purchasing in 1937 as $400 million, an increase of
$259 million in four depression years. This is greater than the
volume of any other country in the world, and accounts for
about one eighth of all farm supplies purchased in America.
The author believes this is just a beginning as he traced the
story from the local cooperative to the wholesales and then to
the national producing agencies. There is even an interna-
tional slant in the possible cooperative sale of petroleum
products to foreign unions.

The golden rules of cooperation are: first, in the construc-
tive savings and patronage returns, with the assurance of
maximum usage value by high standards for goods; second,
by the limitation of returns on capital which is protected but
not made an instrument of private profit; third, by the demo-
cratic control where each member has one vote, and proxy
voting is prohibited. In this lies its contribution to democracy
for the consumer has a voice in his economic life as well as a
vote in the political state. Here is responsibility with educa-
tion. And always the author emphasizes that the social values
are more significant than the pecuniary rewards.

Here is a tool being created by plain people, first the farm-
ers, and latterly the urban purchasers. It is not an imported
idea, as we may think who hear much of English and Swedish
cooperatives. It had solid roots in the farmers' mutual insur-
ance companies, and in the Grange stores that even today sur-
vive their first failures. You do not have to be an economist or
embrace an "ism" to share its benefits. It needs some govern-
ment aid, but principally it needs self-disciplined folks who
are willing to tackle concrete tasks with some foresight. Who
can deny that this is what democracy needs?

TERENCE O'BRIEN EXAMINES THREE BRITISH EXPERIMENTS IN
the organization of public services under a semi-independent
corporation that is granted freedom of management for
greater economic or business efficiency in the conduct of
monopoly services that shall be removed from direct political
control but under full public accountability. Under ten heads
he presents the structure of the Central Electricity Board, the
British Broadcasting Company, and the London Transport
Board that controls the carrying of London's millions by sub-
way, tram, bus and railroad. These ten heads show the scope
of the study: origins, functions, economic status, the board
responsible to Parliament, operation, the responsible minister,
the delegation of management, staff, centralization, advisory
bodies and public relations. We in America could learn much
from laying down this chart on many a municipal or federal
situation. At the moment we are wrestling with the question
of whether the head of the TVA is responsible to the Presi-
dent or the Congress.

O'Brien is not a critic but a student of an institution that
may be a practical step toward resolving the conflict inherent
in our set-up between democracy and efficiency. He is not
debating private ownership versus state capitalism, but re-
cording how the English have muddled toward conducting
certain services by semi-public corporations. The difficulties
are enormous, and final judgments not yet possible. It is not
clear yet, for example, whether the CEB is giving consumers
electricity at lower rates, or rationalizing the production of
electricity for the companies and in the interests of national

JUNE 1938

355

defense. But the facts and the problems are stated with such
clarity and detail that even the layman is fascinated by the
sense that -here are adventures, both real and significant.

The chapter on the British Broadcasting Company seems
to spotlight almost every problem confronting democracy.
Here are technological puzzles, party interests, direct appraisal
by the public of the service, labor relations, and the govern-
ment authority swirling round the question: how shall we
control this prodigious instrument of education, entertainment
and propaganda? The complexities are revealed in the mle
that no party broadcast shall be allowed within the three days
before an election, and the feeling that the board has been a
bit too old in years and conservative in philosophy to satisfy
the popular taste. The board appears to be the nub of the mat-
ter (the chairman of London Transport gets $65,000 a year)
so that for the passenger board the English have set up an
"electoral college of appointing trustees" including a lawyer,
a banker, and an accountant who name the governors. Care-
ful people, these English!

It is remarkable that more of our American business men
do not seize a chance to be Founders by devoting their abili-
ties and experience to other such experiments here. To make
a public corporation of the size of these work would take every
ounce of courage and genius a man had, and offer the pro-
found satisfaction of public service. Fortunately there are signs
that young men are answering the challenge to become career-
ists in service rather than in money-making. There are some
exciting jobs to be done for democracy today.

HERE ARE GRACE-NOTES ON THE THEME. IN AMERICAN VILLAGE,
Edwin Mitchell takes us back to the old-fashioned general
store, barber, blacksmith and bicycle shops, to the photograph
gallery, inns and kitchens of yesteryear. It satisfies in delight-
ful simplicity our nostalgic yearning for old quiet ways and
lovely things. With illustrations from Henry Ford's collection
of Americana, it provides a picture of our native village econ-
omy. In these ways consumers once fared — and it was not all
a bad way. I hope the cooperators will not discard all this
pleasant personal traffic, and that they will invent a way of
providing me with as fine coffee, brown sugar and bacon as I
get at the Bearsville, N. Y., general store.

Fashion is a problem of consumer-demand and so though
Elizabeth Hawes gives us mostly a rare, racy and amusing
account of how she came to be a designer of clothes on the
American plan, with a lot of inside stuff on the fashion racket,
she touches on how it may some day be possible for the ladies
to get clothes of good design and quality at modest prices
through mass production. Perhaps the cooperative producer
may hook up with the distributor for this happy consumma-
tion: it is being tried. The economics of the book is pretty
piecemeal, but the story is plain fun.

In this age of transition no true founder need hunt a job.
If he has the gift for plain living, high thinking, and hard
work, let him labor among the people at the perfection of the
modes of social and economic democracy, and some day he
may be called a son of the evolution.

Comprehending the Great Society

MIND IN TRANSITION, by Joseph K. Hart. Covici-Friede. 413 pp.
Price $3.50 postpaid of Survey Graphic.

THIS is PROFESSOR HART'S MOST IMPORTANT BOOK. IT DEALS
with the basic issues of our time and comes most clearly,
perhaps, under the rubric of the philosophy of history. Ours
is a period of increasing confusion and ever intensifying con-
flict. To understand the nature of this crisis we must perceive
how the present is "heir to all the patternings, conflicts of pat-
terns, confusions and fumblings of all the human ages." The
first part of the book, Patterned Mind, is, accordingly, an
analysis of the cultural history of the western world with the
object of showing how this culture has slowly evolved from
the rigid group patterning of mind in primitive society through
a series of stages — the oriental despotisms, the Greek com-

munity, the Roman Empire — culminating in medieval civili-
zation. Medievalism is an end result of the evolution of
primitive mind — -"in its certainties, its assurance of being
'right,' in its logical limitations, and in its detailed assignment
of everything to its proper place in the scheme of things."

In the second part, The Search for Free Mind, Professor
Hart analyzes the breakdown of the medieval synthesis, and
the concomitant rise of industrialism, of nationalism, and of
democracy. Here, in the emergence of the experimental sci-
ences, the method of free intelligence is for the first time fully
exemplified and clearly understood. Yet the weight of tradi-
tion and the stubborn force of custom still prevents the
thorough-going application of the experimental method to
economic, governmental, or moral and religious problems.
Hence "science" is itself degenerating into aimless routine re-
search. "No man can long retain the procedure of using
hypotheses in his work if he has to use dogmas in all his
other personal and social activities." This conflict between
critical intelligence and the patterned routines of primitive
mind has produced our present state of confusion. If this
confusion is dangerous, it also affords an opportunity: by mak-
ing "customary and habitual action difficult" the way is opened
to the "lifting of conduct from the levels of habit and cus-
tom to the levels of social intelligence." This "socially self-
conscious" attitude of mind is democracy. And the great task
of the present is the development of a socialized science, a
"bio-technology," which will be adequate to deal with the
complex problems of the Great Society.
Amherst College GAIL KENNEDY

Militant Labor

LABOR ON THE MARCH, by Edward Levinson. Harpers. 325 pp., $3
postpaid of Survey Graphic.

ALTHOUGH MANY BOOKS ON LABOR HAVE APPEARED IN RECENT
months, one was needed which would present the background
and underlying philosophy of the CIO in a style sympathetic
yet factual. Labor on the March does this job accurately and
forcefully. Its author, Edward Levinson, introduces us to the
modern leaders of labor, recalls that "the idealism of Debs
and the political sagacity of Gompers fused in one man, or
one movement, would have made the story of American labor
a vastly different one," and hurries on to NRA days, the lost
organizing opportunities in autos, steel, rubber and textiles,
and the growth of CIO. Labor on the March is not a novel,
yet it has a plot: the attempts of mass production workers to
organize, first frustrated by the AF of L, then achieving suc-
cess under the CIO, whose unions have contracts with 30,000
firms, sole bargaining rights for 2,100,000 and closed shop
agreements for 1,500,000 additional workers.

Mr. Levinson's chapter Akron and Flint, telling of the
Goodyear and General Motors strikes, which the author cov-
ered for the New Yor^ Post, is a masterpiece of reporting.
Akron — with the longest picket line in American history,
where "68 shanties of corrugated paper, plaster board, and
wood arose to shelter pickets from the biting winds." Flint—
"the most significant industrial battle since labor's defeat at
Homestead," where industrial plants worth more than $50
million were seized and held despite owners, vigilantes, courts,
police and military. Flint — audacious strike strategy in which
guards and police were lured to one Chevrolet unit while the
key motor-assembly plant was seized; and finally the union
victory, which "created the psychology of success and the
enthusiasm which were needed to raise a great campaign to
the dimensions of a crusade."

Mr. Levinson details the story of peace and war in steel,
discloses the AF of L's profits on dues from federal unions,
and discusses the sit-down epidemic, giving statistics on the
numbers involved and the reasons for their sitting, pointing
out that "the anti-union industries which, unlike steel, re-
fused to alter their attitude, were hardest hit." The author
explains how CIO leaders "understood that unless they ex-
tended the influence of labor, their organizations might soon

356

be isolated in a sea of anti-unionism, ' and he prophesies that
thr Cl() "will IK with us tor some years to come," for it
"represents the newest, .mil greatest, effort of American labor
tn teach and practice the lessons of solidarity." Levinson's
portrayal of Lewis's attitude toward the Presidency, politics,
unionism and unemployment is the clearest and most authen-
tic vet printed.

An excellent index and figures on recent trends in union
membership make this book a "must" for the student and re-
-.r.irch man. The only fault one finds with it is the price,
which is too high for the average worker. Labor on the March
is a well written volume packed with fact. Because it is good
reporting it is readable, often thrilling. Perhaps it shows a
pro-CIO bias, but so do the events which it records.
\fif Yor^ HERMAN WOLF

Religious Differences As Barriers

OPEN LETTER TO JEWS AND CHRISTIAN'S, by John Cournos.
Oxford University Presj. 1&3 pp. Price J2.

WHERE NOW LITTLE JEW? by Magnus Hetmansson. Translated from
the Swedish by Catherine Djurklow and Mary Weisman. Bonnier. 366
pp. Price J2.50.

Prices postpaid of Sunry Grafkic
BORN AND BROUGHT UP IN AN ORTHODOX JEWISH HOME IN

Russia, an able novelist, poet and editor pleads in this well
written book for a new affiliation of faith between Jew and
Gentile. It will be a long step toward ending the persecution
of the Jews, he believes, when Jews, instead of continuing to
reject Jesus, accept him as the greatest of their leaders. Jew
and Christian alike, he holds, have tragically misunderstood
Jesus. The time has come for Jews to forget the mistreatment
from those who took the name of Jesus and to see him as
chief among their own prophets.

Because power-worshippers and dictators (communists and
fascists being in this respect brothers) now menace the world,
a strong united front is needed, with the leadership supplied
by the Jew who abhorred power and preached peace. The
very conscience which is saving Jews in the democracies from
the tragedies of lands where that conscience has been out-
raged, says Cournos, is essentially of the spirit of Jesus. It has
been kept alive because the appeal of Jesus has been concrete,
intimate, warmly human. Who better than the Jew should
understand him? Therefore, let Jews take their stand with
Christians as co-followers of their greatest. They can be
swallowed up by communism, like little fish by big. They
can be spewed out by fascism as utterly repulsive. "Without
loss of dignity they can choose of their own volition to live and
work with democracy which, such as it is, has the merit of
being closer to the spirit of Jesus than any other existing form
of government."

Much the same idea is offered in the pages of the Swedish
writer Magnus Hermansson, with many quotations from
European papers and books not widely known over here. He
reports serious outrages against Jews in recent years even in
Russia. (Eugene Lyons mentions instances in Assignment in
Utopia.) He believes that all friction between Jews and non-
Jews can be ultimately traced back to one single reason. This
is not economic fear nor the fact that Jews are of alien nation-
ality or race, hut that the Jewish nationality is a religious
nationality. Its religion is for fellow-religionists only, for a
single chosen people, despite the universalism in the best of
its teachings. All so-called national or "racial" differences
between Jews and non-Jews can be traced at bottom to differ-
ences of religion. Hence, like Cournos, Hermansson wants
the religious differences removed in order to combat the bet-
ter the other reasons which cause friction. He hails recent
approaches to a Jewish acceptance of Jesus by such men as
Joseph Rlausner.

Both books should stir thinking. They sound a needed
reminder that nothing has so kept Jews a separate people as
un-Chmtian treatment from Christians. We can overlook the
naivete which makes Hermansson refer to Frank Buchman

SURVEY

GRAPHIC

announces for
early publication . . .

OLD FOLKS AT HOME

Three old folks, sharing expenses under one roof, get
$135 a month from the government; while across the street
an invalid, his wife, and two small children try to exist on
a direct relief allowance of $22 a month. This shameful
contrast exists today in Colorado where old age pensions
cripple state finances and threaten the welfare of the coming
generation. On the basis of his own field work and other
fact-finding investigations Farnsworth Crowder explains how
Colorado got that way and points out the alarming issues
involved.

WILLIAM E. DODD

L. F. Gittler presents a pen portrait of William E. Dodd,
the outspoken college professor and plain Jeffersonian who
warned the world of Nazi intentions while he was still
ambassador to Germany. Mr. Gittler was a student in Dr.
Dodd's classes in the University of Chicago and later
attended his press conferences in Berlin.

POLITICAL FOG

Very often in the excitement of Washington politics basic
issues are conveniently clouded by trivialities. With that in
mind, on the eve of the Congressional election campaigns
David Cushman Coyle challenges national political leaders
to clarify their position on controversial issues and thereby
restore political debate to a higher degree of social use-
fulness.

AUSTRALIA CELEBRATES

While Australia celebrates her 150th birthday, C. Hartley
Grattan studies social and economic conditions there and
reviews a chapter of history unfamiliar to most Americans.
Moreover, he shows that life and labor on this unique island
are no less intriguing than the widely heralded flora, fauna,
climate and geography.

SURVEY GRAPHIC, 112 E. 19 STREET, NEW YORK CITY

Enter my subscription for Q one year at $3 OR n r*0 years at $5.
fj I enclose payment in full. OR Q I will pay in 30 days. SG 6-S8

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357

byOscarRZifif

Combines a love story rich with pathos and a keen commentary on tlw greed of nations
and a world still war-minded. Discusses the justification of war and envisions a world

possible of achievement by International co-operation.

PRICE $2.50. BUY IT FROM BOOKSELLERS or send direct to publisher
RALPH FLETCHER SEYMOUR 410 South Michigan Avenue Chicago. Illinois

Are You Interested in Money Raising?

for your

Social Agencies, Church, College, Hospital, Little
Theatre, Community Chest, Community Trust, etc.?

If so, send today an order for "Money Raising — How
To Do It" by Irene Hazard Gerlinger and other
fund raising experts.

Pre-publication price $2.00 plus sales tax in California
and postage. Bookstore price £3.00

s i i i o \ ii o i s i:

354 S. Spring Street Los Angeles, Calif.

Now Ready

Huston's
SOCIAL WELFARE LAWS

of the Forty-eight States

New, Revised Muter Edition
Includes all Previous Editions and Supplements

Over 1400 pages of compiled social legislation giving a com-
parative reference of social welfare laws for every State in
the Union. Of vital interest to every social worker, lawyer,
welfare organization, etc.

SUBJECTS COVERED

The contents not only include Poor Laws, Public Administra-
tion of Charities and Corrections, Child Welfare Laws, Hos-
pital Legislation, Mothers' Pensions, Etc., but have been
broadened to cover Minimum Wage Laws, Labor Laws, Strike
Laws, Tax Systems of Social Legislation and Emergency
Relief, Social Security, etc.

Bound in loose leaf form lor inclusion ol annual supplements,
which are available on separate subscription.

Literature on Request $12.50 plus postage

SURVEY ASSOCIATES, INC.

112 East 19 Street New York, N. Y.

(In answering advertisements

of the Oxford Group as "Christ-like." More serious is the
failure of both authors to see that community of religion does
not play the big part they suppose. Are Negroes in America
treated so very much better by whites for being brothers in
Protestantism? We need not mention the tragic history of
strife between Protestant and Catholic. Henry Ford and John
Lewis are of one religion. What kind of Christian, moreover,
would these writers have Jews become? Their own preference
is a Christianity in which Jesus is not the Son of God but
superlatively human. Would all Christians accept this concep-
tion? Perhaps the way out is longer and harder than even
these sensitive writers appreciate. The Jewish problem is
bound up with the whole world problem of democratic inter-
play of differences. Gentiles will be just to Jews when Gen-
tiles treat one another justly.
Brooklyn Ethical Culture Society HENRY NEUMAN!>

Dodd Looks at Dixie

THE OLD SOUTH: STRUGGLES FOR DEMOCRACY, by William E. Dodd.
Macmillan. 312 pp. Price $3.75 postpaid of Survey Graphic.

To THE FIRST OF A SERIES OF FOUR VOLUMES UNDER THH

general title, The Old South, Mr. Dodd has seen fit to apply
the subtitle — Struggles for Democracy. Without knowing
what is contemplated in the next three volumes, but assum-
ing that they also will be historical, one might well questic
if title and subtitle should not be reversed.

In this volume, Mr. Dodd has entertainingly told of the
courageous efforts of liberty-loving people to take advantage
of abundant natural resources. He has described their success
and the beginning of the inevitable selfish exploitation of it.

He has shown that in the seventeenth century government
sought to control business with the same good and bad
motives, and relatively with the same success, as in this
twentieth century. Especially notable are the accounts of
the efforts to enforce production and marketing control of
tobacco — the growing of which constituted the colonists'
principal industry and "money" crop.

There is some confusion in chronology due to the failur
of the author to re-identify various happenings which af-
fected the entire region of the Old South, in his successive
separate treatments of the component parts. However, one
puts down the book with the hope that the next volume will
not be too long delayed.
Washington, D. C. LAWRENCE WESTBROOK

American Tolerance

COMMON GROUND, by Morris Lazaron. Liveright Publishing Corpora-
tion. 328 pp. Price $2.50 postpaid of Survey Graphic.

RABBI LAZARON HAS LONG LABORED FOR COOPERATION BETWEEN
Jews and Christians; but while others often do so on the shal-
low ground of expediency or that of a social philosophy of
"good will" which too lightly brushes aside differences in air
and outlook, he finds common ground in the depth of men's
struggle to create and to preserve those values which they
deem highest, in the basic universality of religion.

One cannot but admire the candor with which he brings
before each group — Protestants, Catholics and Jews — those
considerations which for it are hardest to accept, since the
involve characteristic shortcomings of the group. That he does
not give offense but is still a popular platform speaker can be
ascribed only to his obvious sincerity and kindliness of feeling
for all.

Yet there are also inconsistencies and faults of reasoning in
the Rabbi's teaching which stand out when his views confront
one in cold print. Since this is not the place for a critical re-
view, only the most serious of these inadequacies can here be
mentioned: the author's failure to recognize that the paternal-
istic individualism of the Old Testament is incompatible with
the demands of modern democracy. He identifies his own not
quite articulate liberalism both with Judaism and with Amer-
icanism and, in doing so, makes both unacceptable to many
please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)

358

of those whose social idealism is the foremost expression of a
religious attitude today.

I lowever, as one who does not shrink from the sacrifices
which the solution of some of our major problems demands
of the righteous, Rabbi Lazaron deserves a hearing. His "plea
for intelligent Americanism" (the subtitle of the book) should
be pondered more especially by those who, condemning racial
and religious intolerance, may yet need to test the complete-
ness of their own tolerance. BRUNO LASKER

The Rural Spirit

-F.S FROM THE FIELDS, edited by Russell Lord. Houghton, Mif-
6m. 166 pp. Price $2 postpaid of Surrey Grafhic.

R i -.SELL LORD, WHOSE BOOK MEN OF EARTH, STANDS AS AN
important biography of typical rural folks, has gathered

iher a unique sheaf of country songs by farming people.

in his own "word farm" down in Maryland he conducts
a beloved forum for readers of Country Home magazine.
He published there these choice pieces of verse. They have
a spare sweetness that is as definitely a part of farming life
as the smell of turned earth. I like the way Russell Lord
has picked out the life dramas of his contributors, be they
housewives writing between egg gathering and jelly making,
or transient hired hands composing songs in the lonely
evenings. Herbert Rittenburg, hired man in Virginia, a man
worn down in early middle life by illness and poverty, writes
movingly, just before his death:

"With wild heart schooled to silence by years of toil
and pain,

As my face has set to calmness against the wind and
rain,

Unmoved by autumn splendors or beauty of forgotten
springs,

I wait here on the hilltop the word the last hour brings."
And Ben Smith, strawberry grower in Illinois, pours out
verses like so many berries tumbling from the shook. His
is a delightful weathervane touch, now light, now somber,
now gay, now sad, as in Farmer Dying:

"It seems so strange that I'd be lying here

While life goes on beyond my narrow doors;

But George is left . . . he's seventeen this year,

I hope he won't forget ... to ... do ... the chores."
And W. W. Christman, Maine patriarch, has a Robert
Frostian strength and simplicity. Most dramatic footnote to
farm psychology is Brother X, once a country school teacher
who, as the editor says, "seems to have worked too hard."
Certainly his letters to Lord showed a touching zeal. But
his name is left off his beautiful verses for, when the book
came to be published, Brother X had joined a strict Catholic
order and "given himself wholly to God." Russell Lord,
authority on agrobiology and soil chemistry, has never lost
sight of the American rural spirit. This book is, as Carl
Van Doren says in his introduction, a "map and picture
of the United States without its cities."
McCaU'f Magazine HILDECARDE FILLMORE

The Hanging Judge and Summary Injustice

ITpilK LYNCH — HIS FIRST HUNDRED YEARS, by Frank Shay
Wubburn. 288 pp. Price $2.50 postpaid of Sanity Graphic.

Tllk AGITATION OVER FEDERAL LEGISLATION TO CONTROL LYNCH-

ing makes particularly opportune a study of the whole lynch-
ing record in the United States by Frank Shay. It is a fac-
tual record, indispensable to a knowledge of the problem with
which law has so far been too feeble to grapple.

Mr. Shay comes to the conclusion that the only effective
curb on the "hanging judge" is an awakened public conscious-
ness. He supplements this indefiniteness with dependence
upon "better peace offices" and the "enactment of more
stringent laws." He points out that the "chief need is for the
protection against lynching of a person not yet arrested," for

(In ttmvrring advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC)

359

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Full of information for the experienced worker, and juat the
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Crammed with information for the social worker, and also
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SOCIAL DIAGNOSIS
By MARY E. RICHMOND

This "bible of social work" first published in 1917. remains
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HOW TO INTERPRET SOCIAL WORK

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needs. A non-technical study manual. (Probably) $1.00

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the legislation pending in Congress and adopted by some of
the states is chiefly punitive. It has some restraining effect, of
course, by exemplary punishment of lynchers and the heavy
burden on taxpayers in compensation to the families of
victims.

Among the several books in recent years dealing with the
lynching evil Judge Lynch, alone, contains in one volume an
account of the origins of lynching, its most dramatic tragedie
and a state by state analysis of the record and of anti-lynchin^
legislation.

The book shows what every student of lynching knows,
that the crime is not confined to the South, although lynch-
ings are there most numerous and conspicuous, but that
but a few states have had a lynching, and that of the 5122
victims since 1882, 1455 were white, or one out of four.

Mr. Shay has compressed into a volume of less than three
hundred pages all of the essential facts of a bitter indictment
against the most gruesome aspect of American "justice," with-
out parallel anywhere in the world.
American Civil Liberties Union ROGER N. BALDWIN

THE POISON CALLED HISTORY

{Continued from page 332)

(In ansA/ering advertisements

want to be quite clear about this. I do not intend that thesi
topics I am proposing should be added to the present teaching
of history. I am proposing you teach history in a new
and in a new spirit. I propose that the present division of his-
torical teaching into the chiefly political history of localities, of
countries, of selected peoples, of periods, should be absolutely
and completely scrapped. I propose that the teaching of Greek
history, Latin history, Jewish or Bible history, English history,
French history, medieval history, modern history, Our Island
Story, the Empire and so on and so on, as separate subjects,
shall be entirely abandoned. Bear in mind, too, that here I
am speaking of teaching. So far as special historical study and
research goes, there is excellent justification for the intensive
treatment of particular persons and phases, bits of record and
groups of events; and I do not see why it should be restricted
at all, in the light that a broader historical and biological edu-
cation would throw upon such special studies. I do not see
why that sort of thing should not be further concentrated and
intensified. There is need of course of a great increase in re-
search on the scientific side of past developments but that
does not detract from the meticulous pursuit of historical fact
by every available means. But research is one aspect of history
and teaching quite another, and I am speaking of teaching
now and particularly of teaching from the point of view of
preparing the human mind for a World Pax, and with a full
realization of the horror, contempt, disgust and hatred I am
evoking in many of your minds, I repeat again that if you are
really in earnest about world peace you must utterly and en-
tirely wipe out this sacred system of dividing history into
"histories" that has hitherto prevailed.

And instead —

Instead I suggest that in teaching the history of mankind
we approach the story from the biological side. We begin
with the conception of small sub-human family groups scat-
tered about the world, almost completely unaware of each
other. We trace the development of speech, of gesture and
drawing and we show how these beginnings of communica-
tion and understanding led inevitably to larger communities.
This is a mode of presentation far more acceptable to the
childish mind than "In 43 a Roman host from Gaul assailed
our Southern Coast" or any other of the time-honored nation-
alist beginnings. We teach of wanderings, of caves and shel-
ters, of primitive habitations, of the invention of implements.
Never once do we talk of our tribe. I am writing this in

please mention SURVKY GRAPHIC,)

360

England as an Englishman. The truth is that so far from the
southern coast of Britain being ours at that time, we, or
rather our ancestral genes were almost everywhere but there.
II' r were in Gothland, on the Baltic coast, down the Danube,
in Palestine, in Egypt — Heavens knows where. But wherever
we were, our ideas, our arts, our powers and range were
progressing in an orderly and intensely interesting way. The
history of communication, the history of implements and the
intelligent study of the consequences of this progress and ex-
tension of human mentality is infinitely simpler and truer
than jny of the old history. It's healthy food and your race-
and-n.uion stuff is poisoned food. Children like it better. It
is the primary shape of history. And every step in method and
material, every new device, has changed the social conditions
and mentality of the peoples to whom these new things came.
Everywhere old tradition has fought a long but losing battle
against the adaptation of usage, law and convention to the
new conditions. Political institutions have always been ulti-
mately dependent upon material change. They are such stuff
as books are made of. They change with the writing and the
telling. They arc shadows on the surface, they may reveal
contours, they do not make them.

Consider one chapter in this more fundamental human
history for which I plead, the onset of iron. Iron came into
human life bringing with it all sorts of possibilities, for war,
for peace. Up to the very present day, the irons, the steels, direct
and rule and change life as no Alexanders, no Caesars, no
Genghis Khans or Mussolinis have ever done. Because you
know it is only your prejudice against new things that makes
you belittle Stalin and Hitler and Mussolini vis-a-vis Caesar
and Napoleon. They were all resultants of deeper forces. If
you choose to look at reality, you can see the things that arise
out of iron, from the first iron spearhead and the first axe,
to the steel rail, the battleship and the motor, tempting and
obliging and compelling men to change their ways of life
and their relations to one another. There were no particular
iron-minded peoples. It was a matter of quite secondary im-
portance to everyone but the gangs and individuals concerned,
what collection of people first got hold of the new thing. In
any hands it did the same thing. Iron is still ruling us, be-
cause we are so silly in our history-made politics that we
cannot rule iron.

The story of iron is only one section of metallurgical his-
tory. Metallurgical history is only one chapter in the story of
implements and devices. Another section would be the story
of the boat, the ship, the wheel, the domestication of the horse
and the making of roads. These things arose here and there;
the history of their beginnings is profoundly interesting to
every free intelligence; and they seeped about among the
growing communities. Every one of them changed human
relations. Every child is eager to learn about such things.
Think of the toys they like! No one dreams of giving chil-
dren images of Great Men, Caesar, Moses, Darwin, Beethoven,
Buddha and so on. They would be bored. But bricks, imple-
ments and inventions are alive to them. New classes of work-
ers appeared, old classes were superseded, symbolic beliefs
lost their significance, the reality of power shifted from group
to group. People got at each other in new ways.

Old prestige fought against these changes. The history the
older order sustained did all it could to deny their reality,
revor change was happening, old history teaching was
doing its best to deny it. The old history, up to the present
day. breaks up the picture of the real operating causes in
human affairs and docs everything possible to conceal them.
The history of nations and peoples is not the essential history
of mankind, its chapters are not even natural fragments of
that history. It is very largely a history of the bragging and
misbehavior of the peoples who were thrust for a little time
into a position of advantage because the new thing chose to
strike them first. When the new education docs have to take
(Continued on page 363)

(In answering advertisements please

361

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mention SURVEY GRAPHIC)

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MAX ZARITSKY, President United Hatters

DR. MORDECAI EZEKIAL, Dept. of Agriculture

DR. LEON HENDERSON, Works Progress Administration

JOHN T. FLYNN, Journalist and Economist

B. CHARNEY VLADECK, Majority Leader N.Y.C. Council

LOUIS WALDMAN, Well Known Labor Attorney

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** * M ^ .7 VACATION PLANS will be pleased
TRAVEL AGENCY to mail descriptive literature and
535 - Mb Aw. MU. HILL 6390 submit itineraries on request.

GO TO SEATTLE

on the SURVEY SPECIAL

Arrangements have been completed for special through trains to
carry social workers, their friends and associated groups to the
Seattle Conference in June.

The first schedule permits a one-day visit to Glacier National Park,
arriving at Seattle on the opening day of the Conference. The
second provides special cars for the use of Associate Groups,
scheduled to arrive at the Conference city at 8:00 A. M., Friday,
June 24.

For full particulars regarding the "SPECIAL" write to Mollie
Condon, Survey Associates, 112 East 19 Street, New York City

S N CTZ BCCK

No ONE NATION HAS A CORNER ON ALL THE ANSWERS, BUT

a world puzzling over cooperation, social security, old
pensions, war and peace, the Scandinavian lands have shov
themselves singularly adept at tackling — and in many cas
solving — those problems.

Scandinavia on Parade

THIS SUMMER ONE OF THOSE NATIONS, NORWAY, IS STAGING

great display, the Oslo Exhibition of Norwegian Life, bot]
to bring to the attention of travelers its many scenic attra
tions and to recapitulate its social and economic gains in th
last century. The entire nation has cooperated on the exhib
tion, and Sweden, Finland and Denmark have been asked
participate with certain special displays.

Oslofjord — a Peace Ship

IN ORDER TO PROVIDE ACCOMMODATIONS FOR AMERICANS ATTEN

ing the exhibition, the Norwegian America Line speeded up
construction on its new flagship, the Oslofjord, which will
now make its appearance in New York harbor June 13, enter-
ing regular transatlantic service at that time. In accord with
Norway's great faith that peace can prevail in the world, this
new luxury liner has been built without regard for its possible
conversion to wartime purposes. For Norway, a peaceful land,
has not gone to war in more than a hundred years. It has such
faith in its peaceful policies that it has decorated the Oslof-
jord with its finest modern art, its finest handicrafts, so that
the liner is a veritable floating gallery of the country's art.

"Vi Kan"

THE OSLOFJORD WILL DOCK ONLY A FEW MINUTES FROM THE
exhibition grounds, which are situated on a bay of the Oslof-
jord and cover about fourteen acres. The exhibition has taken
as its motto the phrase "Vi Kan," meaning "We can." For
Norway, with other Scandinavian lands, believes that order
can be brought from seeming chaos and to symbolize that
idea, a huge knife representing energy and knowledge cut-
ting through the chaos of the world stands at the entrance
gate of the exhibition.

Industry

SPECIAL SECTIONS OF THIS GREAT DISPLAY OF NORWEGIAN INDUS-
tries, handicrafts, arts, tourist trade, education and social
activities, shipping and whaling, have been worked out to
show American and Canadian visitors every phase of modern
Norwegian life and activity. The industrial section is particu-
larly elaborate in order to demonstrate to the world that
Norway is not a nation which depends primarily on fishing
and farming but one which is making worthwhile contribu-
tions to modern industrial techniques.

Crafts

PEASANT CRAFTSMANSHIP AND HANDICRAFTS HAVE NOT BEEN
neglected in the exhibition, for these activities have made
Norway famous for generations and have at the same time
provided many with work during the winter months.

Progress Under the Night-time Sun

NORWAY MAY NOT HAVE ALL THE ANSWERS, BUT THE OSLO EXHI-
bition and its portrayal of that gallant land this summer will
undoubtedly inspire many American travelers and give them
deeper faith in mankind and human progress.
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC)

362

THE POISON CALLED HISTORY

(Continued front page 361)

_nizance of the kingdoms and empires that have come and

!•. like flashes of color in an oily pool, it will have to deal

•li these childish claims with humor and sometimes with

indignant humor. But not with respect and incitements to

ro|>cct.

I will not speak at length about certain other primary reali-
ties in the spreading, development and coalescence of human
ununities, of diseases and particularly of epidemic diseases,
natural variations of climate — the history of southeast Rus-
sia and central Asia, for example, is not so much a history
• hat mankind has done there as of the things that fluctua-
tions of rainfall have done to man. From the earliest time
man appears as a biological nuisance to himself as well as the
of living things. He cuts down trees, he destroys soil, he
imatizes destructive animals. A map of the world showing
the devastated regions due to mankind would amaze most
people. In the past hundred years you have seen great regions
of the United States turned to sandy desert, you have seen
Australia swept by weeds and rabbits, you have seen a
slaughter of scores of useful animal species, you have seen a
monstrous destruction of natural resources, and your old his-
tory teaching does nothing to awaken the minds of the com-
ing generation to the gravity of this process. It does not heed
siuh things. It exaggerates heroes and leaders whenever it
. it talks loosely of racial energy and decadent peoples and
hurries on to map out new political boundaries and break up
and lose the essential problem in new "national" stories.

But the new history is not simply a new criticism of the
j;t neral material life of mankind. Do not imagine that though
I began first with the material expansion and changes of
human life I consider that to be anything more than the
groundwork and framework of a new history. Its subtler and
more important business is the study of the development of
socially binding ideas through the medium of speech and
writing. How did language, speech and writing arise? The
new generation to whom you are teaching history has hardly
a shred of an idea about that. How does a language guide
and determine thought? Does the structure of a language
rmine a particular idiom of thought? People are bcgin-
ning to realize as much, to demand books about it, but you
old historians have done nothing to show how the imposition
of a language or a blending of languages gives a new twist
and often a new power to the community's mental processes.
I tind in that excellent new encyclopaedia the French are
producing so heroically, a very admirable comparative study
of the Aryan, Chinese and Japanese languages as instruments
of thought. A language is an implement quite as much as an
implement of stone or steel; its use involves social conse-
quences; it does things to you. It makes new precisions and
also new errors possible. There are endless things you can
say in English that you cannot say in French or Russian and
no doubt vice versa.

Your old history never calls attention to that. You are let-
ting people grow up with a belief that apart from the natural
changes from Old Saxon to Old English, Middle English and
so on, it would be possible for a common Londoner of, let
us say, 800 A.D. to exchange ideas with a common Londoner
of today. But in reality they would be using instruments as
different in complexity and possibility as a coracle and a rather
worn and misused motor launch. They would not be able to
make head or tail of each other. And when a university don
sits down to tell you of the political schemes of Caesar and
Alexander, he never attempts to get, much less to give, any
account of the geographical or administrative knowledge of
these two wastrels. I doubt if cither of them had even as
much political creativeness as the late Hucy Long — was even
it a man. (Continued on page 364)

Rt. Hon.

Margaret Bondfield

Former Minister of Labor in the

British Cabinet

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CHANGE OF ADDRESS

To assure uninterrupted delivery of copies, subscribers to Survey
Graphic who plan to change their address during the summer are
requested to give us three weeks' notice and the old address as well
as the new. Write to the Circulation Department, Suriey Graphic,
112 East 19 Street. New York City.

WANTED

Dozens of libraries have asked for additional copies of the January.
19)8. issue of Survey Graphic. But the issue has been sold out for
months. Subscribers who no longer require their copies, therefore,
will render a real service by mailing them to the Circulation De-
partment, Sune) Graphic, 112 East 19 Street, New York Gty.

(In eniivrring advertisements pleaie mention SURVEY GRAPHIC)

363

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THE POISON CALLED HISTORY

(Continued from page 363)

(In answering advertisements

And not only does the old history teaching give people
nothing about the powers and dangers of the metal imple-
ments men have used and are using, but it develops no sense
of the comparative quality of the binding ideas that hold and
have held communities together.

These binding ideas, these national and religious legends
and mythologies in which we were all saturated in our youth,
are mental growths of the most complicated sort. The laws of
their development and operation have to be examined and
exposed frankly and scientifically. The old history has ac-
cepted and treated these flexible and unstable systems as
inalterable. In reality these mental contagious and infectious
diseases are as controllable as physical contagious and infec-
tious diseases. And their proper sanitation is imperative if any
permanent world peace is ever to be attained.

My conviction of the extraordinary uselessness of the old
history in our treatment of modern problems has been very
much quickened in the last few years by my excitement over
two particular questions. One of these is the continuing
steady ill will of large sections of the American community
towards Britain and of influential sections of the British com-
munity towards America. This split does much to weaken
the force of liberal opinion in the English-speaking commun-
ity. The other question is the far more moving and tragic
situation of the Jew in the modern world. Both these ques-
tions concern the establishment and growth of a legend, and
the old history, which is itself essentially the offspring of
legend, has a natural aversion to the parricide involved.

I will merely glance at the paradox of the American situa-
tion. A century and a half ago the original thirteen states of
the union cast loose from the economic exploitation of the
British monarchy. They did so with the support and sympa-
thy of the City of London and large sections of the British
people. It was a social quite as much as a territorial conflict.
But to hold the new detached colonies together, to prevent
their drifting back towards British tutelage, it was necessary
to simplify the issue and tell a story of the unmitigated disin-
genuousness of all British people. That became the mast
idea of the American story. That story is sustained by a nui
ber of American writers with the passion of fanatics and
industry of paid propagandists. In the United States
America now you have a vast population of the most vari
origins, Scandinavian, Dutch, German, Canadian, Iri
Italian, Moravian, eastern European, Syrian and so on a
so forth, and except for the Jews, they have all lost their o
ancestral legends. Only a very small element in this migh
human aggregate had even a single ancestor on either si
of the War of Independence. But they have all taken t
story on, lock, stock and barrel. You will meet American ci
zens still speaking with a strong German accent who glory
in their victory at Bunker Hill and who are unable to express
their indignation at the unforgettable barbarity of bringing
Hessian troopers into a white man's war.

I should call that sort of thing historical assimilation. It is
worth attentive study in America today. It is still more worth
studying in the present welding of various Wendish, Celtic,
High and Low German folk into the delusion that they are
a racially pure and simple and superior German people.
the greatest, most astounding story masked and hidden
neath the misrepresentations of the old history, is the Judai
Christian mythology that has set the Jewish people apart from
the rest of mankind. It is only nowadays that one is able to
see the reality of the process through the mist of tactful sup-
pressions and concessions in which it has been veiled by t"
old historical teaching. But now — small thanks to the ol
history — we do begin to realize the actual shape of the story.
We see, although so far we do not trace the directive forces
please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC)

364

in die matter, how the kindred Semitic-speaking peoples, the
Batnlonians, the Phoenicians, the Carthaginians crumple up

tcr another under the attacks of Medes, Persians, Greeks
and 1-itms, rough militant peoples who knew far less about
commerce, linance and civilization generally, than the Semitic
peoples they conquered. We see the nucleus of the Jewish

.n centering its story upon an alleged promise of God
to return certain people to Palestine.

\where in that ancient world were Semitic people,

!ly dispossessed, hut they met one another, they had
their gathering places, many of them read and wrote, they
counted, they traded, they formed a string of similar com-
munities with similar habits, customs and ceremonies. What
more natural than that a legend of a coming dramatic rein-
statement should capture the Semitic imagination everywhere,
should set about assimilating these subdued peoples? Sud-
den!) in your histories, Phoenicians, Carthaginians, Babylon-

sappcar — and as abruptly everywhere you find Jews.

had happened5 Judaism and Christianity were mani-
festly born side by side in the opening years of the Roman
Empire. They were attempts of the human mind and par-
ikul.irly of the Semitic-speaking sections of humanity to ad-

self to its new conditions of political inferiority. It

nfoundly human to fall in with this idea of being God's
chosen people, unpopular and scattered but destined to an
ultimate triumph.

It was very natural history, but it was bad history. It had
a poisonous strain in it. It arrested the amalgamation of the
.Kim and Semitic cultures. It set up a division in the spirit
of mankind so that a great multitude of brilliant, able and
skilled people, constituting a majority of the trading, travel-
ing and money-handling strata, were set apart by the circum-

. of their upbringing from any chance of coalescence
with the people about them. Their exclusiveness increased.

I can imagine no more dreadful position in the world to-
day than to be an intelligent Jew, with a clear sense of reality.
However great his gifts, he is going to be more or less frus-
trated, he is going to be a marked man. It is no good his
claiming to be a citizen of the world. The Gentile world will
not have it. It will say, "No. You are a jew." And the Jew-
ish world will not have it. It will say, "Remember you are a
lew. Stick to your own people." Never has this dilemma had
such long and sharp horns as it has today. Maybe we are in
a phase of peculiar exacerbation about this business, but it
seems to me that until we have had a strenuous clearing up
of history teaching in both Christian and Jewish education,
until it is possible for the Jew to cease feeling distinctively a
lew .md become a Cosmopolitan without shame or falsehood,
this miserable and tragic discord will enfeeble the intellectual
processes of mankind and spoil the lives of innumerable
people.

I cite the Jewish question as a particularly bad instance of
the distortion of human life by the poison called history. But
all over the world where history is taught, the history that
separates prevails. You are not going to do anything to turn
the world from its evil courses by assembling all these poisoned
histories together, sewing them together with that bit of weak,
rotten string, the League of Nations, and imagining they will
act as antidotes to each other. .

The old history is by its very nature useless as the basis
of a World Peace ideology. It is a struggle to sustain the old
worn-out story of personified Britannias, Germanias, Holy
Russias and so forth, meritorious races and chosen people.
And this League of Nations, this little bit of a paper hat on
the top, not of a Colossus but of a squirming heap of dis-
cordant patriotisms, is only a last desperate attempt to carry
on the old patchwork of nationalist ideas into a new world
that has no wholesome use for them. They have outlived their
use, they decay, they become poisonous. If the young Hercules
of a new world is to live, its first feat must be to strangle
the tangled coil of poisonous old histories in its cradle.

(In answering advertisements

mini

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if you had ten children

Ten — and another one coming! Big meals to get — endless housework
to do. All Mr*. Galozos sees in more cleanliness is more work. And
she's work-weary as it is.

A sensible plan in trying to overcome her indifference — and make
Mrs. Galozos more eager to adopt better living conditions — is to
lighten her daily drudgery. As far as washing and cleaning go,
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For Fels-Naptha will bring Mrs. Galozos extra help. Unusually
good golden soap and plenty of naptha. Working together, they
loosen stubborn grime — more easily, more quickly. They get things
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Write III- & Company, Philadelphia, Pa., for a sample bar of
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Fels-Naptha

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No teUul penon is named or delineated tMreU.

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the 65th National Conference of Social
Work, write for information to the

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HOTEL

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please mention SURVEY G»APHIC)

365

lluiueraitg of Chicago

of &ortal imtrire Afctmntatratum

SUMMER QUARTER, 1938
First term, June 17 • July 22
Second term, July 25- August 26

Academic Year 1938-39
Begins October 1

Announcements on Request

THE SOCIAL SERVICE REVIEW

Edited by GRACE ABBOTT
A Professional Quarterly for Social Workers

THE NEW YORK SCHOOL

OF SOCIAL WORK

1938 - 1939

PROFESSIONAL training, combining
courses and field work in public and
private agencies, is offered in the following
fields:

Public Welfare
Group Work
Probation and Parole
Community Organization
Social Legislation

Family Case Work
Medical Social Work
Child Welfare
Psychiatric Social Work
Social Research

Employment and Vocational Guidance

courses are

CORRELATED evening «^.,« «,.
planned for employed social workers.

A catalogue will be sent upon request.

122 East 22nd Street
New York, N. Y.

SMITH COLLEGE SCHOOL
FOR SOCIAL WORK

offers a series of correlated courses for
supervisors July 6 to August 31, 1938

Supervision — Miss Bertha C. Reynolds
Case Work — Miss Beatrice H. Wajdyk
Psychiatry — Dr. LeRoy M. A. Maeder
Group Relationships — Miss Bertha C. Reynolds

Open to graduates of schools of social work who have
had three years' experience as case workers in approved
agencies.

Tuition, room and board $200

After May first applications will be received only to
fill vacancies.

For further information write to

THE DIRECTOR COLLEGE HALL 8

Northampton, Massachusetts

SOCIAL WORK IN
GOVERNMENT

Graduates of accredited colleges and Uni-
versities who are Interested in entering social
work in government are offered two years of
professional training leading to the degree of
Master of Social Work.

A full description of the program of training
and of Individual courses will be found in
Catalog which Is now available for distribution.

•
Applications must be filed by June 15

The Registrar
PENNSYLVANIA SCHOOL OF SOCIAL WORK

Affiliated with the University of Pennsylvania

311 South Juniper Street Philadelphia

(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)

366

SMITH COLLEGE SCHOOL
FOR SOCIAL WORK

The School offer* course* of instruction leading to the de-
cree of Muter of Social Science, m summer session of in-
utructnm for those already engaged in case work, a course
of trainins in the supervision and teaching of caae work,
and two two-week seminars on selected topic*. Registration
for the first type of course for the 1938 session is now
clo«f<l but a few place* may still be open in the seminar*
and in the summer sessions. During July and August. 1988.
the following seminars are being offered :

Application of Psychoanalytic Concepts to Social Ca*e Work.
Or. LeRoy M. A. Maeder and Ml** Beatrice H. Wajdyk.
Joly 25 to August 6.

Public Welfare Administration. Mr. Glenn Jackson. Augiut
8 to 2*.

SMITH COLLEGE STUDIES IN SOCIAL WORK
Contents for June, 1938

The Mental Health of Children of Psychotic

Mothers Aneila Fanning,

Sara Lebr, Roberta Sheru-in. and Marjorie Wilson

Personality Traits as Criteria for the Treatability

of Mothers by a Child Guidance Clinic. .Velma Grove

Some Suggestions for Illinois' Adoption Proce-
dure: A Study of Sixty Adopted Problem

Children Ruth Epstein and Helen Witmer

Published Quarterly 75c a copy: $2.00 a year

For further information write to

THE DIRECTOR COLLEGE HALL 8

Northampton, Massachusetts

SIMMONS COLLEGE
SCHOOL OF SOCIAL WORK

Professional Education in

Medical Social Work

Psychiatric Social Work
Family Welfare

Child Welfare

Community Work

Social Research

Leading to the degrees of B.S. and M.S.

A catalog will be sent on request
18 Somerset Street Boston Massachusetts

YALE UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF NURSING

A Profession for the College Woman

Thirty-two month*' course provide* intensive and basic experi-
ence in the various branches of nursing. Lead* to degree of
Master of Nuning. A Bachelor'* degree in art*, science or
philosophy from a college of approved standing I* required for
admission. For catalogue addreu

The Dean, Yale School of Nursing, New Haven, Conn.

PLANNING A TRIP?

We recommend for your consideration
the special offerings in educational and
study tours presented in the Traveler**-
Notebook in each issue of Surrey Graphic.

CARNEGIE INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY
DEPARTMENT OF SOCIAL WORK

Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania

Offers a two-year graduate professional course
leading to the degree of

MASTER OF SCIENCE IN SOCIAL WORK

also a pro-professional program leading to the
degree of

BACHELOR OF SCIENCE IN SOCIAL SCIENCE

SUMMER SESSION
June 20— July 30

Graduate courses tot persons with previous social wort
training and •iperienee

For information, addreu

MRS. MARY CLARKE BURNETT
Head, Department of Social Work

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(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC)

367

CLASSIFIED ADVERTISEMENTS

SITUATIONS WANTED

Woman with M.A. Degree, teaching, social, sec-
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in institution for girls or women. 7495 Survey.

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Woman Case Worker, experienced in family and
children's field, would like work in girls'
institution. Member A.A.S.W. 7506 Survey.

Energetic young woman wishes responsible edi-
torial or publicity position. Honor college
graduate, master's sociology. 5 years magazine
experience. Now with welfare organization.
Immediate appointment inessential. 7507
Survey.

Man age 50 years, Assistant Director ; Ex-Army
Officer ; Administrative Routine : Supervisor
Carpentry, Plumbing, Electrical Work. Farms,
Gardens. Wife age 32 years. Housekeeper,
Practical Nurse, Dietitian. 7608 Survey.

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WORKS PROGRESS
ADMINISTRATION

Your Own Afeacy

This is the counseling and placement agency
sponsored jointly by the American Associa-
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National, Non-Profit making.

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(Agency)
122 East 22nd Street, 7th floor, New York

LANGUAGES

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LITERARY SERVICE

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by Leo Vaughn Barker, Ph.D.

A study In which objective facts are presented in regard
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look for the right kind of lay leaders today." Cloth $1.50.

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PAMPHLETS AND PERIODICALS

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RESORT

Peaceful Seclusion. Dutch farmstead beside a
brook in beautiful foothills on untravelled
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secluded, good swimming, ideal for children, or
rest. $116 month. Florence McCarthy, 400
East 49 St., New York.

Seven room house on fifty acres of meadow and
woodland bordering lake. Fishing, boating,
bathing, electricity, bathroom, fireplace, tele-
phone. $76 month. CAMP, quarter-mile from
house, many charms, no conveniences. I
month.

A. W. Hitchcock, R. D. 1, Southbridge, Mais.
Tel. Brimfleld 9-11.

• Free Swimming Pool,
. Enjoy Genial Social Ule
. Sepatate Floors loi Men,
Women and Families

•Mm^ -a i" •
Uri '« E*S«« "«Sat«» ,

TO LOVERS OF THE SEA AND SHIPS
An Original Signed Etching of a Famous Ship

H M S BOUNTY

By George Rupert Avery

A Reminder of That Immortal Saga of the Sea
Framing Size 12" x 15"

Proofed on finest D , „ •» <SJ'T> ^(fU
hand - made paper Postpaid JD^.3

Limited Edition — Act Promptly

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MARINE STUDIO
Box 346 Amityville, Long Island New York

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WAR AND THE CHRISTIAN

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Ckaflai* la Ikr Kinf and anlkar at "It War Obsolrlrf

"Is war evil? Is it inevitable?" Canon Raven analyzes
these questions, giving the varied viewpoints — the pros
and cons of participation in war. He writes in a com-
pelling, provocative fashion and points out the necessity
for constructive joint action on the part of all thinking
people to eliminate war. >!."">

HONESTY

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"What's life all about? Does it have any meaning? Is it
worth the struggle? What is the solution?" Social work-
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old alike who are seeking satisfactory answers to these
questions. This book will prove an indispensable guide
for those whose help is sought in the solution of every-
day personal and social problems. #2.00

YOUTH IN THE TOILS

By Leonard V. Harrison & Pryor McNeil! Grant

This report presents a concise picture of conditions re-
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the country. "I heartily approve of the constructive
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>"--

370

The Gist of It

Tin u.M>iN(, AKIIIII (PACE 373) is OPPOR-
tum nut only lur a patriotic season of the
hut tor .1 time of depression, weary
idealism and political perplexity. Mr. Coyle
is nationally known nut only as an able re-
1.1! trends and interpreter of ecu-
tin. TV. hut as a successful engineer.
His tortlu'oming book, to be published by
Little Brown in the early autumn, will in-
clude tins article as its introductory chapter.

MAS HAPPFNTD AS A RESULT OF

I ittlc Townscnd Plan is told with

s realism by Farnsworth Crowder.

^^^•376.) His observations are firsthand;

is and figures provided and checked by

minorities.

MYERS (PAGE 381) HAS HAD LONG

.il experience in industrial relations.

having served for seven years as personnel

r in charge of labor relations in a

, before accepting his present position

lustrial secretary of the Federal Coun-

: the Churches of Christ in America.

FRFSH GROUND WILL BE BROKEN AT A NA-

Conference on Health and Medical

Care in Washington July 18-20. Called at

:ion of the President by his Interde-
partmental Committee (Josephine Roche,
chairman), it will explore the needs for

ntive and curative service in illness
and for the reduction of economic burdens

! by illness." The chief of the Division

.iltii Studies of the Social Security
! discusses some issues which will be

it. (Page 382.)

EMORY Ross. WHO WITHOUT HORROR OR
panic nukes a persuasive plea for us to con-
cern ourselves about leprosy, attended the
nee in Egypt last March. Readers of
his article (page 384) will recall him as the
author of the extraordinarily comprehensive
and informative article on Ethiopia published
in Survey Graphic, August 1935.

IMPRESSIONS OF WILLIAM E. DODD, FORMER

ambassador to Nazi Germany, were gathered

by L. F. Gittler, (page 388) in the classroom

the University of Chicago and in Berlin.

Pros and Cons

of Home Ownership:

T CHASE'S ARTICLE, THE CASE
Against Home Ownership, in Survey Graphic
fur April has drawn replies from all corners
of the map. The following letters are repre-
sentative of several interesting shades of
opinion on the question: To Buy or Not to
Buy?

From a suburban realtor

I READ STUART CHASE'S DIATRIBE AGAINST
home buying and the thinly veiled suggestion
that all, or most all, real estate brokers are
sellers of Blue Sky when they cater to the
prospective home buyer. He indicates that
home buyers are suckers, and real estate
brokers anything but honest in dealing with

I'MX

CONTENTS

Vol.. xxvn No. 7

1'ros .mil Cons of Home Ownership

First Prayer in Congress, 1774

The Political Fog

Who Pays the Pensions?

Theirs to Reason Why

Roads Ahead in Health Security

A New Approach to an Old Plague

Ambassador Extraordinary

Through Neighbors' Doorways
Straws in the Prevailing Wind

Letters and Life

No More Horizons

Frog Shakers and Hot-Stuff Men

A SYMPOSIUM 371

FRONTISPIECE 372

DAVID CUSHMAN COYLE 373

FARNSWORTII CROWDER 376

JAMES MYERS 381

I. S. FALK 382

. EMORY Ross 384

L. F. GITTLER 388

JOHN PALMER GAVIT 390

LEON WHIPPLE 391

ROY L. Pti'pi-RBURc 395

SURVEY ASSOCIATES, INC.

Publication and Editorial Office. 112 East 19 Street, New York, N. Y.

Chairman of the Board, JULIAN W. MACK: president. RICHARD B. SCANnRFrr. JR.; vice-
presidents, JOSEPH P. CHAMBERLAIN, JOHN PALMER GAVIT; secretary, ANN RF.F.D BRENNER.

Editor: PAUL KELLOGG.

Associate editors: BF.ULAH AMIDON, ANN REED BRENNER, JOHN PALMER GAVIT.
FLORENCE LOEB KELLOGG, LOULA D. LASKER, GERTRUDE SPRINGER, VICTOR WEYBRIGHT
(managing), LEON WHIPPLE. Assistant editors: HELEN CHAMBERLAIN, RUTH LERRIGO.

Contributing editors: HELEN CODY BAKER, JOANNA C. COLCORD, EDWARD T. DEVINE.
HAVEN EMERSON, M.D., RUSSELL H. KURTZ, MARY Ross, GRAHAM TAYLOR.

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Advertising manager, MARY R. ANDERSON.

Survey Graphic published on the 1st of the month. Price of single copies of this issue,
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Foreign 50c.; Canadian 30c. Indexed in Reader's Guide, Book Review Digest, Index to Labor
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them. I was a real estate broker for many
years, and it seems only fair that a repre-
sentative of the profession be given a chance
to reply.

There exists in most people an innate de-
sire to own a home. Whatever sentiment,
emotion, mother theme, or tear-in-the-eye
basis this has. it does exist.

The prospect comes to us filled with hope.
The mood of most people is almost always
to buy a more costly house than they can
afford. Time and again I have reasoned —
and it has to be done very tactfully indeed

— with prospective home buyers to keep
within the limits of their circumstances. Left
alone, too many would buy more expensive
houses than they could afford.

If it were human nature to be realistic
in the face of facts, none of us would have
bought anything in the way of homes, stocks,
bonds, life insurance, and so on. All of these
went overboard in the general debacle . . .
hut the homes went last as a general rule.

The real trouble, to my mind, is the false
perspective created by the slogan of politi-
(Conlinued on page 400)

371

v r

Courtesy, The Old Print Sho

With the holding of a Continental Congress in Philadelphia in
1774, the American colonies consulted and acted together as a
single body towards a common end. Both moderates and radicals
were in the council and their deliberations were far from unani-
mous, though of their devotion and concern there was no doubt,
as the artist has indicated in the charming engraving here repro-
duced. Among the members of the congress were George
Washington, Patrick Henry, John and Samuel Adams, Roger
Sherman, Philip Livingston, John Dickinson, Joseph Galloway
and the Rutledges from South Carolina.

JULY 1938

VOL. XXVII NO.

SURVEY GRAPHIC

The Political Fog

by DAVID CUSHMAN COYLE

For Fourth of July orators, a theme; for political campaigners,
a memorandum ; for the people who want to serve their country,
a declaration of faith by the author of The American Way.
With the eloquence of a founding father, Mr. Coyle endeavors
to dispel the political fog which has too often obscured the real
national issues in these post-war years. And, in doing so, he
tells us how we can release our patriotism from darkness and
hatred, from confusion and fear.

(AMERICA IS MAGNIFICENT OR NOTHING. WE, THE PEOPLE OF

the United States, have taken possession of two billion
ucres of land; there are a hundred and thirty million of
is. We can never go back to Europe, we cannot go on
west across the Pacific. Here we stand, to live or die. This
i» our country; we shall make a magnificent success right
icre or else we shall stand here and rot.

We have been taught to salute the flag of our country,
unquoting all too often with unconscious truth: "I pledge
illegiance to the flag and to the Republic for which it
•lands, one nation invisible with liberty and justice for all."
it is not good enough. The Republic with liberty and
ustice for all has become invisible to us. Our hearts are
n the right place. We want to love not only the flag that
•lands for America, but also our country itself. But what
'• our country? How can we serve her? Where is the
ommonwealth, higher than our own private interest, to
•vhich we may offer our lives, our money, and our dcvo-
j ion? The right word, of course, is indivisible, but the
Republic is divided and disorganized; in the fog of politi-
:al recriminations we have been drifting too long toward
haos.

Democracy has to work. No human institution is per-
ect, and democratic institutions need not be perfect. But
he history of the past twenty years teaches that demo-
ratic governments must get tolerably good results or

they will not be tolerated. The people of civilized coun-
tries can lose patience. The road to dictatorship or destruc-
tion, or both, lies through confusion, petty politics and
loss of national vision.

For a brief moment in 1933, America had a vision. We
resolved to stand together against the depression, and in
that resolution we found release from fear and a sense
of unity that gave us strength to stop the collapse of the
nation. The vision was too small to last. The nation can-
not build a long and glorious future on a recovery pro-
gram. Too much of the national life is outside the imme-
diate problems of the emergency. As time goes on, con-
fusion begins again. There must be in the public mind a
great national ideal to which all programs are related.
Without that central ideal, not even a well designed re-
covery program can be fully successful. Recovery and pros-
perity arc only a part of that larger vision of our nation
and its destiny without which the people will perish.

Our own history has proved that in one crisis after
another, the American people have been able to develop
an effective unity without losing the democratic frame-
work of American institutions. Again and again we have
found leadership strong enough to mark the path of our
destiny, without subjecting ourselves blindly to the im-
perial will of a dictator. At each great crisis of the past,
there was a possibility of failure, but the event proved that

373

there was also a righting chance of success. Today there
is a possibility of failure. The great depression of 1929
may have marked the end of American greatness. But we
may draw from the past the assurance that what we have
done before we may hope to do again. Against whatever
the odds may be, Americans can hope to find a way to
strength and unity with democracy and freedom.

IN THE GREAT CRISIS OF 1787, WHEN THE "FATHERS" WERE

desperately struggling to put together the Constitution
amid the turmoil and confusion of the shipwreck of the
first United States, the chance of success was small in-
deed. Those men called on every resource at their com-
mand. They combed the history of democracies in Greece
and Rome, in Holland and England, for lessons on the
success and failure of the institutions that were proposed
for the United States. They fought the battle of the new
Constitution in every state, against petty local interests
and distorted ideas of liberty. Their language sounds
stilted and pompous now, but their ideal of national
strength and unity is as fresh today as the day it was
painted.

Those Americans who aspire in these days to help in
building once more the strength and unity of the United
States cannot expect an easy success. The men of 1787
wrought mightily to give form to a more perfect union to
which the three million citizens of the Republic could
give their allegiance. The central problem is the same
today, but the sheer bulk of the nation and the intricate
relations of its hundred and thirty million inhabitants
warn us to approach the destiny of our nation in the fear
of God. The task of leadership in America for a genera-
tion to come will take some of the hardest thinking that
has ever been done on this continent, and some providen-
tial good fortune to piece out our own shortcomings. No
one person can hope to find, between midnight and dawn,
the patent cure for all our national ills. But by the patient
labor of many the fabric of the nation may be built and
strengthened so that it can stand firm.

The first line of action in a national disaster like the
Great Depression must of course be to rescue the victims,
shore up the tottering buildings, and save as much as
possible from the wreck. But when it comes to rebuilding,
we need something better than a formless patchwork that
will tumble down again as soon as the shoring is taken
out. The nation needs to decide what sort of a structure
it wants, and those who superintend the building had bet-
ter know what happened to the old structure and how to
make the new one stay up. Leadership in this country has
therefore a double task. First, the leaders must devise a
framework for the nation that will be able to stand up
and that will be acceptable to the sovereign people. Sec-
ond, they must find a way of stating their proposals so
that the people can understand and accept them.

The confusion of political argument since 1929 has been
chiefly caused by the fact that no clear national ideals were
visible except Democracy, Liberty, and Justice, which
were floating so high among the clouds that no measure-
ments could be taken from them. They served as starting
points for hot arguments, but not for practical discussion
of how to get from point A to point B. In the absence of
any accepted ideal more definite than a general desire for
prosperity, the New Deal was deprived of the advantage
of constructive opposition, with great detriment to its
efficiency.

374

The American purpose may perhaps some day be ei
pressed in a single potent phrase, but in the early stagt
of discussion and definition it will have to be describe
more at length under its various aspects. The too-vagi
ideals of liberty, democracy and justice need to be brougl
down closer to the earth where their practical meanin
and their relation to everyday problems can be more clea
ly seen. The desire for security and permanence and tr
national obligation to posterity must be expressed in sue
a form as to be acceptable to all parties, so that politic
argument about the policies to be adopted will serve
useful purpose.

The exact point where the universally agreed objectivi
leave off and the controversial measures begin cannot t
located in the preliminary stages of discussion. These vit,
matters cannot be defined by any one person, but wi
require hammering into shape by many minds. The ol
jective of the hammering, however, should be clear. Tr
American people want some clearly agreed practical ol
jective to use as a basis for action. They want not a "tot;
war" between parties, but a large area of general agre>
ment. The first objective should be to bring the part
differences down to clear-cut disagreements as to methoc<
for attaining ends common to all parties. While this ol
jective is no doubt impossible of perfect attainment,
can be more closely approached than it has been sine
1918.

No EXCUSE IS NECESSARY FOR APPROACHING THE NATIONS

purposes from the economic side. It is true that natioi
do not live by bread alone. Above the economic life of tH
people is a vast cultural development, existing or possibl
But the present crisis is economic. The sickness of Amer
ca colors all aspects of national life. A scale of value
suited to the tense atmosphere of the sickroom will n<
fit the life of a restored nation rejoicing in health an
vigor. True, but we have to start from where we an
Some years hence, we hope, we may be less worried aboi
what we shall eat and wherewithal we shall be clothe
In that day our national desires and hopes can be lifte
to a higher level.

There is also no need to make excuses for taking tr
economic situation as center of the picture rather tha
war. Whatever fate may have in store for the Unite
States, our long term objective lies along the paths c
peace. As between butter and guns, we want only gur
enough to keep from losing our butter. If circumstance
force us to fight, we want to be strong enough so that 01
losses will be as small as possible. But in war or peaci
we want a strong, smoothly running, healthy countr
secure enough to be generous and too firmly rooted to t
overthrown. Whatever of good or evil fortune may li
ahead, every consideration of -public interest focuses o
the need for keeping our house in order, so that dv
American nation may stand firm and secure in ever
wind that blows.

IN APPROACHING THE JOB OF CLARIFYING OUR POLITICAL CO1>'

fusion, several lines of work need to be pursued at thi
same time by honest leaders of opinion. The grand m1
tional ideals need to be freed of the dirt and rubbish thai
always accumulate in the temples of the gods. Democracy
Liberty, Justice, and Patriotism, the shadowy refuge o !
scoundrels, need to be scrubbed, restored and floodlighted
Then a frank examination of economic factors should b

SURVEY GRAPHI*

ilin\ied rather to isolating the inescapable facts than to
:; moral judgments on erring men. Finally we may

well sc.iuli diligently for that ideal under heaven on

whkh \\v can .ill turn our eyes whether we stand on the
• r the lelt. For at the moment our unhappy state

is perhaps best described by the words of an old college

song:

I was a rhizopod,
A protoplasmic cell;
I hud a little nucleus,
The same I loved so well.

But now I am a man,
By evolution's power;
And O my little nucleus,
I miss thee every hour.

. as to our grand ideals. Democracy is commonly
taken to be anything that suits our own side of a contro-
versy. Actually, if the word is to have any useful meaning,
ild mean a form of government so organized that,
in the words of the Declaration of Independence, "the
Right of the People to alter or abolish it" shall be regu-
larly established in the election machinery. We need also
:<> free ourselves of the notion that this country must
choose between absolute democracy and some other abso-
vstem. We have a partially effective democratic
system, that may be considerably improved but will never
.ipproach perfection. Let us avoid arguments as to whether
i; is or is not democracy, and devote ourselves to improv-
ing its democracy.

Liberty also needs to come down off her pedestal and

learn to drive a car, sew on buttons, and make someone

1 wife. We need liberty right down in the streets

i the farms. If liberty means anything to you or me,

• means that we are not trapped by circumstances, that

tlon't like the job (or the lack of one) we can go

^omcwhere and find a new job without losing our shirt

md most of our skin on the way. Men who know they

:an get away have also at least the elements of free

-peech and free thought. If this kind of common liberty is

ncompatible with the liberty of the Liberty League, some-

hiiii; may need to be done to restrict the Liberty League.

Here, again, we need waste no time arguing about abso-

ute liberty, or about whether we are free or slaves. At

>est, we may have a little freedom among the inexorable

'f nature that hem us in, provided we keep our eye

>n the ball, make sure of what kind of freedom we most

. and sensibly sacrifice lesser liberties to that.
Justice, for literate peoples or peoples given to oratory,
N a dangerous rationalization that must be watched. In
ommon speech "justice" is a cry emitted by an angry per-
on \vho wants help in crushing his enemy. The extreme
\ample of justice and of its devastating results is the
outhcrn mountain feud. Let us recognize that all men
re born carrying the privileges or the debts of long dead
nccstors, and of long forgotten chances and fortunes.
Mio are we to say a family is worthy or unworthy of
.; milk for its children? The future is ours, not the
ud we shall have plenty to do to make a future in
vhich human suffering and human breakdown will be
cquent. If justice has any useful meaning, it means
harmonious relation between the institutions and actions
•I men and the unfeeling and unchanging laws of nature;
' means a well designed balance of desire and self-re-
paint, to attain to objects that are most satisfying in

their realization. Especially in time of crisis and strain,
let us forego moral judgments on any but ourselves, and
concentrate on how to relax the tension of angry people
and how to establish institutions and relationships that
will make for prosperity and peace.

WHERE CAN WE FIND THE NUCLEUS IN WHICH THE DESIRE OF
America can focus? How can our principles of democracy,
liberty, and justice find a place to work — in modern lan-
guage, a job? Somewhere in the picture there must be a
central point.

The focus of our desires is not realized but it must be
familiar to us. No genius is going to arise and invent a
new thingumbob on which we will fix our eyes and our
hearts, and to which we will gladly devote our lives, our
fortunes and our sacred honor. National ideals do not
spring full grown from the head even of a Hitler. Our
American ideal is with us, often in our minds, often in
the newspapers, but still inert, still untouched by the sacred
fire.

The first glimpse, in our generation, came with the
national effort to help the unemployed, an effort that was
crude, often blind, but based on a feeling of national
unity. Second glimpse was the dust storm, the banner of
the desert marching across our land, the first outward
and visible symbol of the intangible enemy that eats up
our flesh. Soil erosion became a common word. Then, as
business revived and personnel departments reported
thousands of applicants and a scarcity of employable work-
ers, the idea began to spread that our people are a sick
people in body or mind. Men spoke of human erosion,
and alongside the thousands of farmers now awakened
to the danger of loss of the land were ranged thoughtful
citizens who pondered on the loss of human strength
and skill.

Finally came the growing tension in world affairs and
the realization by some conservative patriots that the
elements of national strength are now weakened, and that
a sudden strain might develop serious weaknesses at home.
The liberal, the conservative, the reactionary for diverse
reasons must agree on the upbuilding of our land and
our people, but they do not yet know it. As the world
pressure grows and our sense of danger increases, the
interest in national soundness will develop. On that point
the flag will be seen flying. At that point we shall gather
to pledge our allegiance to a united nation, either at the
sacrifice of our liberties or for the preservation of our lib-
erties, according as our national genius fails to rise to the
occasion or rises once more to meet the crisis with a new
vitality. This crisis we cannot avoid. It must be met.

In the strength of the nation will be the focus of our
patriotism. It is as yet unseen, waiting for the pressure of
events. In our own minds and hearts is whatever genius
America may have, to meet the test of crisis once more,
and once more to come through as a nation with powers
renewed and liberty reestablished.

The basic trouble is that we do not know where we are
or what we want to do next. Our first job is to agree on
what we want to do for the service of our country. When
we shall once clearly see the service of our country shin-
ing before us, our patriotism will be released from dark-
ness and confusion. From that point on we can argue
about the details, knowing that at least we arc sure
of our united strength and of our determination to
succeed.

ULY 1938

375

Who Pays the Pensions?

by FARNSWORTH CROWDED

The firsthand story of a little Townsend plan in action. How Colorado'
pensions for everyone over sixty give the lion's share of public money i
the old folks at the expense of the unemployed, the children, the
and the handicapped.

Flash! Nov. 3, 1936 — Colorado voters authorize $45-a-month
pensions for all qualified citizens over sixty. Opponents pre-
dict measure will disrupt state finances and services. . . .

Feb. 27, 1937 — Colorado legislature stalemated by pension
amendment. . . . Impounding of welfare funds for pension
payments cripples relief. Destitution becoming acute among
unemployables. . . .

DENVER. Mar. 1— Disappointed relief applicant shoots down
four social workers, fatally wounding three. . . .

April 10—$100,000 "gift out of the sky" from Workmen's
Compensation Fund saves Governor Ammons the necessity of
declaring a statewide emergency. . . . Oldsters, crowding pen-
sion rolls at the rate of 1000 a month. . . .

May 6— Revenue program at last completed by legislature.
Doubtful if new taxes will provide the additional $15,000,000
needed for the next biennium. . . .

June 20 — Service tax, backbone of the new revenue pro-
gram, fails to yield as expected. Many state departments
threatened with closing for want of funds, including State
Historical Society, State Library, Bureau of Home and School
Service, Bureau of Child and Animal Protection, Bureau of
Mines, Adams Normal School. . . .

Aug. 4 — Not half the amount needed to carry relief for the
rest of the year anywhere in sight. Relief rolls up 6000. . . .

October 4 — Board of Equalization raises property valuation
of all utilities and ups the mill levy, sending Colorado to an
all time high in amount of taxes collectable. Thirty thousand
old age pensioners to draw million and quarter for October. . . .

November 25 — Governor orders "drastic" economies in all
departments.

Jan. 4, 1938— Payroll of Adams Normal School held up.
Financial situation throws Colorado off a cash basis for first
time in years. . . . Pensioners to draw bonus of $27.77 each in
addition to regular monthly payments totaling $1,383,000. . . .

Feb. 2 — Tax strike threatened.

Feb. 20 — Railroads refuse to pay taxes: will enter
courts to challenge tax boosts resulting from old
age pension system. . . .

March 23 — Governor Ammons compelled by
fiscal crisis to put eleven state institutions on a
credit basis. . . . Pensioners draft petition for meas-
ure to raise more taxes. . . .

April 26 — Powerful state group organizes and in-
corporates for war on $45 pensions.

May 23 — Colorado unable for fourth successive
month to pay full pension awards.

THUS HAVE RUN THE UNHAPPY HEADLINES OUT OF

the Centennial State. The argument implicit
in them is obvious. In January 1937, at the be-
hest of the sovereign people, the state treasurer
started impounding 85 percent of all excise taxes
(except gasoline) as a fund to pay qualified old
people over sixty an unprecedented minimum
monthly pension of $45, less net income, if any.
In January 1937, the state found itself in finan-

376

cial difficulties which have persisted, forced new taxe
raised property assessments and the mill levy, thrown th
treasury off a cash basis, pushed the railroads to tax defei
ment, angered hundreds of citizens into a tax-strike mooc
damaged relief work and threatened to paralyze stat
institutions. Ergo: the old age pension amendment is
blame.

Stuff and nonsense! shouts the pension apologist. A[
worst, the amendment has been only an irritant bringin
to a head a sick financial system that was destined to stai
festering sooner or later, pensions or no pensions. Th
press, the state officials, and the "interests" have been m;
liciously exaggerating the seriousness of the situation sirr
ply to discredit the pension movement.

Nonsense yourself! the pension critic fires back,
state executives are not trying to run the commonwea
on the rocks and commit political suicide just to sp
you and discredit your movement. There is no real op
sition to reasonable benefits for needy elders. The op
sition is to your trying to hog the welfare dollar. Ther
such a thing as a man giving so extravagantly to his ir
gent old parents that he stints his own children, has
a pittance for his invalid brother and can no longer
the household bills.

Relative to other needy and worthy groups in Colora
the critic continues, the old age pensioner is living the .
of Reilly. Here is an accountant refmishing school desl
tops on a WPA project; he gets $44 a month to suppor
his family of five. He has a bachelor neighbor, just turn
sixty who has quit his job and "retired" on a $45
annuity. . . . Here are three old folks, a son in his
ties, his parents in their eighties, sharing expenses und

They listen intently to a folksy defense of their old age pension plan —

SURVEY GRAPHIC

one roof on the $135 due them monthly from the govern-
ment. Across the street lives an invalid father who, with
a wile- .mil two small children, must make out on a direct
relief allowance of $22.

vuch stuff, the pension apologist has his replies.
What would you do? Drag the pensioners back down to
the $22 level of direct relief? Why not rejoice that a frac-
; our people, in one state, has achieved a fairly de-
cent mc.isurc of security? Why not dream, of boosting
the other uncmployables toward the higher goal?

And the critic replies: It isn't a question of splendid
dreams hut of what we can pay for and how we should
justly allocate our relief money. Can Colorado pay $45 a
month to some 35,000 aged citizens? (The state's popu-
lation is only a million.) Have the pensioners appropri-
lion's share of the welfare dollar? And even if they
have, can their grip upon that dollar ever be broken?

These are momentous questions, not only for Colorado
but for the whole social security movement. Is this state
indeed taking a daring lead in the right direction? Is a
sound progressive idea being advanced, or is it being mis-
used by powerful pressure blocs for their own selfish
benefit ?

COLORADO WAS ONE OF THE FIRST SEVEN STATES TO ADOPT
) an optional old age assistance measure. But only
one county exercised the right given to pension its old
people and the law ran into difficulties in the courts. It
was not until 1933-34 that the plan began really to help
many people. At the end of 1934, 10,000 were drawing an
average monthly allowance of $9.74. Within the following
year and a half, rolls and payments almost exactly doubled
and the coverage (29.1 percent of all pensionable citi-
zens) indicated that the program was extending its bene-
fits to most of the dependent aged.

Colorado's Old Age Pension Plan

— It written into the Mate constitution

—Provide! up to £45 a month for qualified elder*

— Hat brought the age limit down to 60 year*

— A*»ume*, without federal aid, the full burden of all

pensioner! aged 60 to 65

—Give* assistance to over a third of th« Mate'* aged
— Requires the largeM expenditure, per capita of population,

for pensions of any Mate
— Pay* double benefit* to married couple*
— Promi*e* a full pension income of $540 a year to qualified

old people who have no other source of income a* againtt

an average per capita earned income of £491
— Can be legally changed only by a majority vote of the

people

— by their hero, O. Otto Moore, father of the Colorado law
JULY 19J8

And then came the Townsend Plan, Mclntosh and
Moore.

O. Otto Moore is a husky, bushy-haired assistant dis-
trict attorney of Denver with a hearty, folksy platform
manner. His good friend, Oliver Mclntosh, is the head of
a successful Denver realty firm. Neither of these men is
likely ever to be dependent on the state, neither receives
any compensation for his services to Colorado pensioners.

In 1934, they became active in the Townsend move-
ment. But after attending the historic Washington D. C.
convention of the old people, they repudiated the plan
and came home to criticize. Their former pension col-
leagues in Denver denounced them as traitors to a noble
cause.

Not at all. Mclntosh and Moore had a hand in organiz-
ing a national association of pension groups, still active
as the Social Security Improvement League. The Colo-
rado unit of this association was incorporated May 3,
1935, as the National Annuity League. Purpose: to secure
an improved pension for the aged.

To this end, volunteer organizers started raising locals
from the very grassroots and Mr. Moore busied himself
with writing the constitutional amendment that has since
become the law. A shrewd document, its rationale is
worth examining in some detail.

In the first place, why an amendment; why not a stat-
ute as in all the other states? Because, said Mr. Moore,
a pension plan riveted into the constitution will be safer
from tampering; only a majority vote of the people can
make a single change. There is no record that Mr. Moore
ever said so — but it is a fact that persuading the people to
vote grand expenditures is often far easier than dragging
appropriations out of the people's legislative representa-
tives.

Why the record high of $45 a month to people over
sixty? Mclntosh and Moore argued simply that the need
existed and that it became serious, certainly at sixty and
probably even before. They concluded, further, that $45
was the minimum on which an oldster, sans resources,
could be expected decently to live. And they determined,
to their own satisfaction, that, assuming federal aid up to
$15 a month for all over sixty-five, the state had the tax
resources to provide that payment.

What tax resources? Mr. Moore's amendment was ex-
plicit: <S5 percent of the sales tax, plus 85 percent of all
liquor taxes and license fees, plus 10 percent of inherit-
ance taxes and incorporation fees, plus such appropriations
as the legislature might be kind enough to make. Of

377

these, the sales tax would provide far and away the largest
share.

As originally created, Mr. Moore pointed out, the sales
tax was intended for relief and welfare. But it was some-
thing of a State House scandal that the poor man's tax
dollar was being used to give relief, not to the needy but
to real estate owners, absentee landlords, corporations and
recipients of handsome incomes. If there must be a poor
man's tax, then, in all justice let the poor be its benefi-
ciaries!

This whole grievance of "replacements," of using excise
taxes to ease the load on real property, has been smartly
exploited by the Moore-ites. They have pounded away at
the fact that for years big property valuation reductions
have been going on; that since 1931 reductions have
amounted to over $355 million, resulting in an annual
revenue loss to Colorado and its subdivisions of $10 mil-
lion a year. Losses have been "replaced" by "broadening
the tax base," by going into the pockets of the masses with
new excise levies.

And who has benefited by these "replacements"; who
but the big property owners — the railroad, utilities, mines,
mills and manufacturers? And not only have they enjoyed
valuation reductions, they have to a large extent escaped
the new taxes. How? By sending their earnings to out-
of-state residents. As much as half, perhaps as much as
three quarters of Colorado's corporate wealth is held by
absentee owners. In 1916, these non-residents paid 40 per-
cent of the total taxes for state purposes. Today, they pay
5 percent, and it is left to the residents with modest hold-
ings and small incomes to make up the difference.

This situation, argued Mr. Moore, is vicious and one
way to change it is by constitutional mandate, to earmark
the excise pennies for definite social purposes, to protect
them from being used for "replacement."

Accordingly, Mr. Moore's amendment not only ear-
marked 85 percent of sales and liquor taxes, it ear-
marked 85 percent of all future excise taxes for old age
pensions. Legislators, lobbyists and state executives would
be compelled to look elsewhere than 'in the common man's

Old Age Pensions Going Up

1935 1937

Cost per capita of population $2.46 $11.00

Number of pensioners . 19,000 34,000 (Dec.)

Average allowance $12.23 $39.00 (Scpt.-De

Average monthly cost . .$217,000.00 $1,200,000.00 (Scft.-Dcc.)
% of welfare dollar to pensions 50% 73%

Eligible age 65 years 60 years

Dr. C. A. Ellis, president of the National Annuity League
378

pocket for new funds; they would have to start restorir
property valuations to old levels, boosting the mill lev
taxing incomes and intangibles and effecting economi
and reorganizations in state departments. It was, strategi
ally, a brilliant stroke and has, to date, tended to work 01
just as Mr. Moore predicted.

In asking 85 percent of excises for pensions, on tl;
grounds that 85 percent of the relief problem was amor
the aged, Mr. Moore was less fortunate. As we shall se;
the facts then and now have not borne him out.

THE INITIATIVE PETITION WAS CIRCULATED (LARGELY IN A>

about Denver) by the National Annuity League, w!
motto, looking to a $45 millennium, was "God's R
does not come in talk but in power." The "power"
evident when the petition reached the secretary of s
with 115,000 signatures instead of the 35,000 requiri

It was evident again when the two political parties
sembled in Denver to select nominees and draft platformn
Whatever the delegates may have thought privately aboi'i
the pension amendment, they were politically awed bt
the old people's mobilization of noses. Republicans ann
Democrats adopted identical planks endorsing old a£.
pensions. As one Annuity League official gleefully e:
plained, "We just simply had 'em both over a barrel

The amendment went over by a margin of nearly .
to-1, despite the almost unanimous opposition of
press and all conservative elements. "For the first tinr
history," cheered the victorious Annuity League,
underpriviliged class has been given constitutional
ognition."

But breaking into the constitution was only a bin
the bush; it was to be ten months before the pensioi
would draw a dime under the new dispensation. Th
amendment, by its own language, was to become open
live with the new year (1937). But the attorney, gem
ruled it ineffective until the legislature had passed enab'
statutes. Otto Moore instantly popped up with a ma
mus suit requiring the state treasurer to start impoun
the pension fund as specified. To clear things up, Govei
nor Ammons submitted a series of interrogations to th
state supreme court. Attorneys for the Annuity Leagu
prepared briefs setting forth the pensioners' position fo
the court. The result was a ruling that that part of th
amendment which provided for segregating a pensio
fund was self-enacting and in force on January first,
yond that, the legislature must pass enabling laws.

This ruling had the effect of cutting off 85 percent o
the usual revenue for relief, without, at the same timtil
insuring pensions. Eligibility qualifications had to be del
fined; the approval of the Social Security Board must hi,
obtained to insure federal grants; and- — toughest of all-!
the legislature must find the money to replace thai,;

SURVEY GRAPHIC

ilO

., kin}; .sluiced away into the pension fund.
Tin problem w.i.s complicated by Colo-
rado's uirious system of continuing appro-
priations .iiu! cash funds. It has. in effect,
i 2(HI separate jealously guarded money
drawers. Into these go fixed airtight conduits
;n fixed sources of revenue, as provided
iier by the constitution or by previous leg-
:u>n. Continuing appropriations are al-
isi impossible to change, either because a
change would involve amending the con-
iition or because the guardians of any
i drawer will battle to the death to keep
the money coming as of yore. The result
:liat the state has over 200 budgets in-
il ot one; that a drawer stuffed with mil-
. .111 not come to the rescue of one that
lung for nickels; that of every $5
which Colorado receives $4.50 is already ear-
marked for some one of the 200 accounts.
The remaining half dollar is all that the

aure and state officers directly control. It is called

•eneral Fund. Colorado can have — in fact, recently

did have — $40 million in various cash drawers, while the

ral fund must go begging from the banks.
It was the general fund that the pension amendment
had raided, cutting into the money for relief, for the three
•<>p departments of the government and for certain state
institutions. The extent of the raid was estimated, for the
hiennium, to be at least $8 million. Whence $8 million?
The legislature spent over four months trying to find
.in answer. Of every tax proposal this had to be asked:
iii excise levy? Because if it is, the general fund will
nly 15 percent of it, the pensioners the rest. Extraor-
dinary were the shifts and stratagems and battles. The
Annuity League complained that the legislators were
stalling and play-acting in order to bring a fatal public
ion against the pension amendment. So exasperating
did the struggle become that the assemblymen consid-

•aking a month's vacation to calm down.

Meantime, with the bulk of the excise levies going

into the pension fund, there was little money for relief,

and the state government was temporarily withholding

1 security payments, pending study of the situation

c state supreme court. Aid to 26,000 aged and 12,000

relief cases was halted. The determination of many

tors to (nit direct relief back on the counties started

What the Amendment Has Done to the Welfare Dollar

Allocation of the 1935-36 Colorado
Stale Welfare Department Dollar

Old age assistance 50 cents

Unemployment relief 37.3

Aid to dependent children 5
Administrative expense 3

Aid to blind 1.25 "

All other services 3.45

(Ckild wrlfarr. maternal aid, public
health, crifpled children, vocational
rrhahititat •

All other services

While its proponents look on, Governor Ammons signs the pension measure

a rain of protesting letters and wires, and' put alarmed
county commissioners on the long distance telephone to
Denver. Old people who had expected to get $45 and
were suddenly getting nothing, could be found, angry or
bewildered, wandering helplessly about the State House
corridors. Welfare workers everywhere were reporting
acute distress. Hungry people were clamoring and storm-
ing county courthouses for help.

The legislature, in early March, voted $900,000 for
emergency relief without knowing where more than a
third of that amount could be found. April dawned with
only $50,000 in the welfare fund. Governor Ammons was
ready to declare an emergency and issue $125,000 worth
of certificates of indebtedness, when a surprise check for
$100,000 fell on his desk — dividend from the Workmen's
Compensation Fund.

As the legislature swung into the fifth month of its
long pull, the pensioners were becoming more restless.
And then, in a May rush, the revenue program and pen-
sion act went through. The Annuity League charged the
homing legislators with insincerity; for had they not
capped the long struggle to adjust finances to the pension
measure by authorizing a $5 million building program,
fixing a .2 mill levy for police pensions and creating nine
new commissions, boards and bureaus?
And $45 pensions were not yet. The Social Security
Board in Washington had to act. Otto
Moore drafted a masterly brief, defending
the amendment and setting forth the
compatibility of the new law and the
social security act. Approval was an-
nounced in August, though it was Sep-
tember before the new state set-up was
ready to function and the first $45 old
age pension check was issued, to Nina
M. Abbott of Denver.

The Annuity League assured its mem-
bers that money was in sight for at least
a year. Herbert Fairall, chairman of the
State Board of Public Welfare, admitted
that, "We can pay the $45 for a few
months, because we have been gaining
in the volume of cash on hand. But,"
he added in warning, "with this new

Distribution of the 1937 Colorado
State Welfare Department Dollar
(after the new pensions had been
paid only four months)

Old age pensions 73.45 cents

Unemployment relief ....16.33
Aid to dependent children 5.01
Administrative expense ... 3.22
Aid to blind 15 "

1.04

JULY 1938

379

By bazaars and [below] theatricals, members of the Annuity League raise funds for the campaign to keep the pension meas

law in force, the surplus will go like a $10 bill at a circus."
For the next three months, the pensions were indeed
paid in full and on the dot; and the year ended with over
$800,000 in the pension kitty. According to the amend-
ment, surpluses must be split up annually among the
pensioners; but the enabling statute said nothing about it.
The Annuity League went to court to ask for a judg-.
ment "settling and removing the uncertainty." The court
declared that distribution of the "jack-pot" was both
"legal" and "mandatory." In January, therefore, 34,800
old people received not only their regular checks but a
bonus of $27.77 each.

"The circus," as Mr. Fairall might have remarked, was
over. In February, the fund was short $8 per pensioner,
in March $13, and in April about the same amount. What
the payments will be during the
summer is, at this writing, prob-
lematical. Certain sales tax cases
now pending will, if decided in
favor of the state, bring in some
very handsome back payments. The
Annuity League, impatient with
the falling off, threatens to enter
the courts to contend that the con-
stitution must be observed and $45
grants be paid; and further, to com-
pel the immediate collection of an
alleged one million dollars in de-
linquent sales taxes.

But whatever Colorado pays will
be at the continued embarrassment
of the general fund. When the leg-
islature adjourned, estimated de-
mands on the fund for the bien-
nium were $12,600,000. Hoped for
revenues were $10 million on the

rosy assumption that the new service tax would yield a
least $6,500,000.

The service tax, however, simply has not come through
From the first it was resisted. Professional men failed tc
add the required 2 percent to their bills. Customers
sented paying a premium on haircuts and half-soles,
its first weeks, the service tax failed to yield even the
of collection. The result has been a chronic fiscal str
gency.

To keep things going, the governor demanded of
departments a 10 percent cut in expenditures. He sus
pended the tax commission for three months. He got th<
loan of an economist from the State Agricultural Collegi
to make studies and recommendations. He called for i
complete balance sheet of the state's finances— something
that had never been compiled. Ht
sought a legal loophole that wouk
permit him to tap some of the fai
cash funds. He appointed a citizens
committee to make a complett
study of the state government: tht
committee in turn employed Gr
fenhagen and Associates of
cago to do the work and they
today established in the Capit
building, spreading questionnaire;
and fright among state employes
As a member" of the Board ol
Equalization, the governor had a
hand in boosting the tax valuation
of railroad, telegraph and telephone
companies 20 percent, of all other
utilities 10 percent, and raising the-1
levy for the general fund 1.5 mills.-
But the general fund continued
(Continued on page 397)

380

SURVEY GRAPHIC

Theirs to Reason Why

AN ADVENTURE IN INDUSTRIAL COOPERATION

by JAMES MYERS

THE TECHNICAL DIRECTOR OF A PULP MILL SPREAD OUT A SET

of charts before a group of machine tenders. "I thought you
might be interested," he said, "to see these results of some tests
we have been making."

The charts showed clearly that by operating the new equip-
ment, recently installed, under 26.5 inches of vacuum instead
ill JS.5 inches, which had been established custom with the
old equipment, the boiling point could be lowered by ten
s. The men understood that the lower the temperature
at which pulp can be boiled and dried, the better the results
in color and quality of the product. No orders were issued.
In fact, the foreman was not even present, being away on vaca-
tion. Yet the technical director told me that within a few days
the operating charts showed that the machine tenders had
attained over 26 inches of vacuum in operation, although the
attainment of these results entailed increased vigilance and
IT supervision on their part.

"Men will use their brains as well as their hands if manage-
ment gives them the facts," declares Robert B. Wolf, engineer
and manager of the Pulp Division of the Weyerhaeuser Tim-
ber Company, Longview, Washington, where the above inci-
dent took place. Theirs to reason why! Such a technique of
management should prove useful in all kinds of employer-
employe relations.

I HAVE LONG BEEN IMPRESSED WITH THE ENORMOUS WASTES THAT

occur in American industry because of the failure of manage-
ment to take workers into their confidence on problems of
operation. No amount of supervision, orders, or driving men
in speed-up programs is as effective in the long run as appeal-
ing to their intelligence and to the creative instinct which is
a part of the human equipment that distinguishes men from
the animals.

A policy such as Mr. Wolf has adopted would help to elimi-
nate another cause of inefficiency in industry. For example,
some years ago, when I was personnel director in a factory, I
was deeply impressed with the lowering of efficiency and
effort on the part of employes when they lacked confidence in
the ability of the management — either their immediate boss,
or, as one of the men put it, "the whole works." Perhaps most
of us at times have had such an experience. It is almost impos-
sible to give one's best when one feels that his superior who
gives the orders is himself inefficient. "What's the use of killing
ourselves," workers have said to me, "when the company
wastes more money in a minute than we could save in a
year?"

Sometimes bosses and higher-ups are inefficient, and there
is no cure for that but training or readjustments in personnel,
sometimes as far back as the president and the board of direc-
tors. But often workers, because they do not know all the
facts, misjudge the management. "The company spends more
money patching up this old machine than it would cost to
buy a new one," a machinist once said to me. He did not
know that the manager was well aware of the fact, and
planned new machinery and layout of the whole department
at the right time.

THE PULP DIVISION OF THE WEYERHAEUSER COMPANY USES A
systematic plan for getting the facts before its workers and
inviting suggestions from them. Useful ideas often thus
originate from the men themselves. Group meetings arc held
every three months, on company time, for machine and
process operators in each department. Usually a group consists
of ten or twelve men. At these meetings the superintendent,
the technical director, and the foreman arc also present. Each
employe is asked directly for any suggestions to improve qual-
ity or reduce costs of manufacture. Discussion follows. Pros
and cons are brought up, and often constructive and practical
ideas emerge. "It is better than the old suggestion box into
which men might drop their suggestions," says the manager,
"because brand-new ideas often result from the mental stimu-
lation of mutual discussion."

The management also announces, a week in advance, some
special problem of operation, quality, sales, or market condi-
tions, which will be discussed so that the group can give
thought to it for some time before a meeting is held. Letters
are read from company salesmen at distant points bringing
their problems "right back home" — gearing to the way men
run their machines and do their work in every department
the very ability of the company to keep the plant running.
Success means work for everyone. Because of this, no addi-
tional financial rewards are offered for suggestions that are
adopted. However, in the group discussions the men with
keen interest in their work who use their brains and are alert
and able naturally stand out, and when opportunities for
promotion come along, they get the jobs. Progress charts are
kept so that a man can watch his score from week to week.
The standards are set after consultation with the men.

The company has a signed agreement with the International
Brotherhood of Pulp, Sulphite and Paper Mill Workers,
affiliated with the American Federation of Labor. Seniority
rights of workers are recognized in the contract with the
union, men with longest terms of service being given first
preference for both work and promotion, but in the latter
instance the management has the final decision. If in some
case a worker with fewer years of service is promoted over
one with seniority standing, the latter is told where he has
failed to measure up, before the successful appointee is noti-
fied of his promotion. The union may file a brief in behalf
of the senior worker, if it so desires. Thus the difficult combi-
nation of proper regard for seniority and proper regard for
efficiency in the organization is safeguarded.

Minutes of all group meetings are posted in the department
involved so that he who runs may read. The following inci-
dent strikingly illustrates the value of giving the workers the
facts. On one occasion the results of certain laboratory experi-
ments showing greatly improved results from a new method
were charted and posted. After the men had studied the chart
one of them exclaimed, "Why the devil don't we do it that
way?" And they did. The transition to new and better meth-
ods (often a difficult matter with humans in all ranks of
society) was made on the initiative of the workers themselves
— when they were given the facts.

WHEN ROBERT VALENTINE TWENTY YEARS AGO FIRST VENTURED HIS CRITICISM THAT THE SCIENTIFIC MAN-
agement of that day left out of consideration the element of consent of the worker, he was a "voice
crying in the wilderness." Yet his recommendation came to be regarded as a necessary condition of its
success. But today we must take a step beyond Valentine's vision. As he foreshadowed the transforma-
tion of industry from the doctrine of compulsion to the doctrine of consent, so today we must fore-
shadow the new discipline of co-partnership not in control of industry but in the assumption of man-
agerial responsibility. — From an address on Labor's Attitude Toward Time and Motion Study by Spen-
cer Miller, Jr., delivered before the Society for the Advancement of Management, and the management
section of the American Society of Mechanical Engineers, December 6, 1937.

JULY 1938

381

Roads Ahead in Health Security

by I. S. FALK*

STRIPPED OF LEGAL FORMALITIES AND TECHNICAL DETAILS, THE
social security act is found to rest on simple principles whose
truth acquired compelling force in the years following 1929.
The first principle is self-evident, for this nation learned from
an economic holocaust that ours is something more than a
society of "the economic man." Neither a man's prudence nor
the benericence of his neighbors can any longer assure social
or economic security to him and his family. Widespread un-
certainty and dependency are calamitous alike to him and to
the nation. Through new methods of cooperation between
the individual and society, the nation committed itself to the
principles of assuring some continuity of income, of distribut-
ing widely the costs of such assurance, and of preserving the
dignity and independence of the individual.

No one appreciates the limitations of the social security act
more clearly than those who are charged with its administra-
tion. The act does not cover all who are in need of its pro-
tection. Some of the intended benefits are meager, and others
will not be substantial until many years have passed. Of the
five major threats to security (sickness, accident, unemploy-
ment, old age and death), its provisions for social insurance
apply only to old age and unemployment — and, in a minor
sense, against death.

Administration of the act has already raised important ques-
tions concerning health security. Three specific examples may
be cited.

Iln unemployment compensation, eligibility to benefits re-
• quires that the worker must be able to work and avail-
able for work. What is to become of the worker so doubly
unfortunate as to be unemployed and unable to work? This
question did not receive much public attention when unem-
ployment compensation was being designed. Now it is being
asked in many states where benefit payment has begun.

2 In old age assistance, federal grants-in-aid assist in pro-
• viding money payments to the needy aged. When such
persons are sick or disabled, the medical care which they need
cannot, however, be financed with the help of federal money
except through expenditures by the aided persons themselves.
The states cannot use federal aid provided under the social
security act toward any program, however logical, for state
or local governmental provision of treatment service. The
same situation obtains with minor exceptions in respect to
assistance for dependent children or the blind. Federal money
may help to support the needy aged but it cannot contribute
directly to their medical needs when they have expensive ill-
ness. Federal money may be used to make a diagnosis of the
disability of a parent and may help to support children made
dependent by the disablement of the parent, but cannot be
used to rehabilitate the parent so as to abolish the dependency
of the children. Federal money may be used in a diagnosis of
blindness but not in its treatment.

5 In old age insurance, annuities will be payable for those
• who become permanently unemployable by reason of
age. There is no provision, however, for the support of those
who become permanently unemployable through premature
old age caused by sickness, non-industrial accident or disabil-
ity. Though there is some provision for the vocational rehabili-
tation of disabled persons, there is none for their care. The
sick and disabled, deprived of means of support, who do not
have dependent children and who are under age sixty-five,

*See page 371.

382

fall upon the charity of relatives, friends, neighbors, organized
philanthropy, or general relief. These are three among many
problems which could be cited.

SICKNESS is ONE OF THE PRINCIPAL CAUSES OF INSECURIT
Sickness reaches into every home. Though its social and ec
nomic effects may be casual for one family, they may
catastrophic for another. The costs and the burdens whic
result from sickness may be forecast for the entire populatio
or for a large group, but they cannot be predicted for th
individual.

The logical first step in dealing with sickness is to begi
by preventing it so far as is possible. This viewpoint is alread
embodied in the social security act. A beginning was madi
toward a national health program through grants to states for
maternal and child welfare, administered by the Children's
Bureau; for public health work, administered by the Public
Health Service; and for vocational rehabilitation, administered
by the Office of Education.

When taking account of contributions to the public health
made possible by the social security act, it is not sufficient to
consider only those provisions which deal directly with health,
sickness, disability, or premature death; such an account is far
from complete. The roster of health measures in the act m
include the programs for public assistance, old age insurano
and unemployment compensation. At one time or anothe
these provisions will enable millions of persons to maintain
higher standard of living than would otherwise be their lot
and will relieve their minds of fear and worry, and thei
bodies of deprivation. If the assistance and insurance system
will accomplish these ends even in small measure, they wil
serve to prevent sickness as surely as will sanitary or medica
services. Though the sequence of influences is more difficul
to follow and though the precise effects are more difficult t
isolate and measure, security of income, provision of food
shelter and clothing, and relief of distress contribute to thi
conservation of both physical and mental health.

The new sums authorized for health activities under th
social security act are small by comparison with the aggregat
health expenditures of states, cities and other local govern-
ments, or by comparison with the new sums really needed.
Ten or twenty times as much would be necessary if a national
health program were to undertake what we know how to do
through measures of tested and proven value. Yet, in spite of
their small amount, these recently authorized sums have had
large effect. They have brought about a broadening of health
services generally; they have given a stimulus to good admin-
istration; they have accelerated needful expansion far out of
proportion to the amounts made available.

A strengthened and enlarged program of prevention is the
sound first step toward security against sickness, but it is not
enough. Only a fraction of all disease is preventable through
present-day knowledge and skill. If all were done to prevent
disease that we know how to do, disease would still be widely
prevalent and would still continue to bring great burdens.
Illness would still hang as a major threat over the security of
tens of millions of people who are unable, through their own
unaided resources, to protect themselves against its effects.

The economic problems created by sickness are of two
kinds. There is, on the one hand, loss of wages due to dis-
ability, and, on the other, the need for some method of meet-
ing the costs of medical services. Illness may deprive wage
earners of efficiency, of health, and of the capacity to work.
Disabling illness deprives the worker of income, creates fear

SURVEY GRAPHIC

and uncertainty, and, when savings arc exhausted, leads to
dependency. In addition, illness among workers and the mem-
bers of their families brings costs for medical and other ser-
I'hoc costs are burdensome to a large proportion of the
population and calamitous to some.

Temporary disability precipitates unemployment similar to
th.u caused by lack of a job. The worker stands in need of
income assurance that will carry him from one work period
to another through intervals of temporary disability, just as
be needs income assurance from one period of employment
to .mother through intervals of unemployment.

Permanent disability, or invalidity, precipitates a risk which
is similar to that created by old age. It removes the worker
from the labor market; it renders him permanently unable to
earn an income and incapable of supporting himself and his
dependents as surely as does old age itself. The problem of
providing income protection for the worker and his depen-
dents is similar to that created by old age.

LlKI WAGE LOSS, MEDICAL COSTS INCLUDING IN THIS PHRASE

the cost of services furnished by physicians, dentists, nurses,
hospitals, laboratories, and so on — are predictable for the
statistical group, but are uncertain and unpredictable for the
individual. Though each of these sickness costs can be
budgeted by the large group, none can be budgeted confi-
dently or effectively by the individual. The variability of medi-
cal costs is all the more serious because the earnings of the
earner must meet the sickness costs of the entire family.
Lirgc costs fall on small, as well as on large, purses.

The linkage of cash and service sickness benefits is tradi-
tional in social insurance, but it has rarely led to altogether
happy results. There is a fundamental logic in the adminis-
trative union of the several benefits concerned with sickness,
but there are many administrative incompatibilities between
cash benefits and service benefits. Workmen's compensation,
at home as well as abroad, offers some additional illustrations
of these incompatibilities.

There is now a tendency to look toward two objectives in
the design of health security measures within a general pro-
gram of social insurance: first, consistency among all social
insurances which furnisk money benefits in partial replace-
ment of income, whether the loss of income is due to old age,
lack of a job, death of the wage earner, or disability of the
worker; and, second, coordination among all provisions for
health services and medical care. If careful exploration should
prove that this approach is sound, disability insurance (for
temporary or for permanent disability) should find its place
adjacent to other cash benefit insurances — unemployment com-
pensation and old age insurance; medical care provisions
should be closely related to public medical services for the
indigent, public health activities, services furnished by public
or \oluntary hospitals and other agencies, and to services
from private practitioners and institutions.

IT II \s lovo BEEN RESPECTABLE TO GIVE LIP SERVICE TO THE

dictum that the public health is of first importance for the
national welfare. Today, there are signs of an awakened con-
scioiMK-ss not only to the truth of the dictum but to the impor-
tance of action. The need for a national health program has
recently been documented in a report issued by the President's
Interdepartmental Committee to Coordinate Health and Wel-
fare- \ctivities, of which Josephine Roche is chairman. That
report shows clearly that some action and financial support
from the federal government is essential if a sound and com-
prehensive program is to develop.

What kind of action is needed? It would be presumptuous

for an individual to answer this question explicitly, and only

a vcrv wise or a very foolish person would assume the burden.

One can. however, discern a few major objectives that arc

!li/ing out of current discussions.

Without implying which objective is the most urgent or

JULY 19J8

the most important (and only to choose a starting point), it
is clear:

IThat social insurance needs to be expanded to give pro-
• tection of income against loss of wages in periods of tem-
porary or permanent disability. Insurance against temporary
disability invites correlation with insurance against temporary
unemployment. Correspondingly, insurance against permanent
disability invites correlation with old age insurance. Rational
relationships must be maintained between these two social
insurance programs, and also between them and workmen's
compensation and the public assistance programs.

2 What has already been accomplished through the health
. measures of the social security act shows that a founda-
tion has been laid for a national health program. The further
expansion of services for maternal and child health and wel-
fare and for public health can pay large social dividends. The
Interdepartmental Committee has pointed out that the health
needs of the nation also require increase and improvement of
personnel and facilities, better geographic distribution, and
larger financial support.

3 Widespread public discussion indicates a demand for
, arrangements through which people can obtain the
medical services they need. If the press and the public forum
are safe guides, they tell us that self-supporting people of
modest means want a program through which these services
can become available without excessive financial burdens;
they tell us that otherwise self-supporting people — in need of
neither assistance nor charity for food, shelter, and clothing —
demand protection against the risk of medical indigency; they
tell us that needy people demand these services as co-equal
with other necessities of life. The standards of indigency
applicable to public assistance or relief are not applicable to
medical care. In states or cities where one sixth of the popu-
lation may need help in obtaining food, shelter, and clothing,
more than one half the sick requiring hospitalization cannot
at present pay for this care. New arrangements must, apparent-
ly, take account of widespread objection to a means test as a
prerequisite for medical services, whether this means test is
administered by a government agency, a social worker, or by
a private medical practitioner.

4 If the expressions of many distinguished physicians and
• surgeons are taken into account, a further objective
must be added: the quality of sickness services must be levelled
upwards where now it is below the standards which profes-
sional leaders declare are practical and attainable. It is un-
thinkable that as a nation we can afTord less than adequate
health and medical care for all citizens, rich and poor alike.
Health service is an investment in the most valuable of all
the nation's assets, the people themselves.

To what extent expanded and improved services for people
of small means shall be financed through general taxation or
through insurance contributions or through other methods —
old or new — or through combinations must be regarded as a
question of ways and means. Each of many methods may
have advantages for particular areas, for parts of the program,
or for certain fractions of the population.

The social security act, with all its limitations, has enabled
the American people and their government to take imme-
diate and practical steps toward developing an effective social
security program. The act has met urgent, present needs. It
has established a solid foundation for the future, providing a
new instrument for social control in the cause of social justice.
Health security is still largely in the future and must be con-
ceived against the framework of an evolving program. It needs
no gift of prophecy to say that history will know our present
act not as the social security act, but as the first social security
act.

383

A New Approach to an Old Plague

by EMORY ROSS

Death before death is what the ancient Egyptians called leprosy. In March
of this year modern King Farouk invited all countries concerned to send |
delegates to an international congress on leprosy at Cairo. The conferenc
lifted this ancient plague from the pages of the Bible to the front page
the world's newspapers.

"DON'T TELEPHONE ME DURING OFFICE HOURS," SAID THE

doctor to an inquisitive journalist. "If it should leak out
that I was receiving lepers in this office, I could say good-
bye to my practice."

Boarding a Fifth Avenue bus, the young man began
to wonder why an eminent specialist in skin diseases found
it necessary to treat one class of patients with such secrecy.
For he knew that leprosy is not highly contagious; that,
if caught at an early stage, its symptoms may be perman-
ently arrested; that it is, in fact, as "curable" as tuber-
culosis.

But the fact is that the American public, educated with
regard to the other great world scourges, still retains a
superstitious abhorrence of the least infectious of them all.

The recent Fourth International Leprosy Congress, to
which twelve delegates appointed by Secretary of State
Cordell Hull went from the United States, brought lep-
rosy into the news. It brought to those most concerned
the hope that an informed public opinion, liberated from
traditional prejudices, may arise to support the campaign
against this world-encircling plague. Organized by the
International Leprosy Association, this conference of sci-
entists and others interested in the problem, representing
forty-five different countries, gave expert study to the
classification, treatment and control of the disease.

Leprosy is no longer a remote legend of biblical history,
nor is it a foreign disease of no concern to us. In the
United States are more than a thousand lepers. New York
City has thirty. In the territorial dependencies of the Uni-
ted States — the Philippine Islands, Hawaii, and the West
Indies — leprosy has for generations constituted a serious
health problem. Americans can no longer apply a laissez-
faire policy to the foreign incidence of this disease.

It is a world scourge. No continent is untouched. In
South America, particularly Colombia and Brazil, it is a
major plague. In certain sections of Nigeria, the Cameroons
and Belgian Congo, one out of every twenty persons is
infected. India and China have more than two million
lepers. Central America, Japan, Australia, East Africa
and the Balkan states have large numbers of lepers. Al-
though no adequate census has yet been taken, it is con-
servatively estimated that there are five million scattered
throughout the world.

Now, if the Curse of Naaman were evenly distributed,
as it is not, one leper would walk among every five hun-
dred people. To bring the figures down to our own back-
yard, there would have been among the throngs that
packed the Rose Bowl last January about two hundred.
The United States, however, does not have its "fair" pro-
portion of lepers, so undoubtedly there were not two hun-

384

dred at the Rose Bowl; football fans may comfortably
relax.

Let us return to the doctor's office. The hushed warning,
which closed an unsatisfactory interview, only half tells
the story. The inquisitive journalist telephoned that eve
ning. He was given the name of the only gentleman it
New York authorized to tell the truth about the city's
lepers.

Full of questions, he went next day to the doctor in
charge of leprosy at the Department of Public Health.

"Public opinion," said the doctor, "regarding leprosy is
about where it was in the Middle Ages. It may prove
dangerous to awaken popular prejudices and arouse fea
by broadcasting the facts."

The unsensational facts, which finally broke throug
the doctor's natural professional reticence, are as follows

In New York City, twenty-three men, six women and
a boy of seventeen, all of whom contracted leprosy in some
other locality, are free to lead normal lives except fo
periodic check-ups by the Department of Health. Four
teen of the men and all of the women are married. One
of the women works as a dressmaker; the seventeen-year
old boy has a job; and the men follow all sorts of calling
— clerking, elevator operating, mechanics. One is a mus
cian, another a broker. None of them is allowed to work
in a place where food is handled. Each reports to th
Department of Health, and should there be any indication
that the condition is becoming worse, he would be sent
the Federal Hospital for Lepers at Carville, Louisiana.

It is perhaps not surprising that the foregoing facts
should bring the uneasy inquiry, "If I sat in a streetcar
or a subway next to a leper, would I catch his disease?"

There is no case on record of leprosy ever having been
acquired in New York City.

The Mystery of Infection

ALTHOUGH MEDICAL SCIENCE HAS NOT YET DISCOVERED Ex-
actly how and under what conditions leprosy is commu-
nicated, many laymen have their own decided notions.
An old wives' tale still circulating around the suburbs of
New York embodies one commonly accepted belief. The
story is generally about the fiancee of a friend of a friend
of the speaker. The lovely young girl went to an amuse-
ment park with the young man to whom she was en-
gaged. Among other death-teasing adventures they slid
down a precarious shoot-the-shoot. The girl scratched her
wrist on the railing at the bottom. The boy chivalrously
tied up the abrasion in a clean white handkerchief, and
they thought nothing more of it that day. A few weeks
later the young girl had leprosy. How did she get it? Her

SURVEY GRAPHIC

frantic parents traced every possible clue
and finally discovered that the young
man's handkerchief had been washed in
.1 C Chinese laundry where a leper was
employed.

The absurdity of this story is apparent
iipun its face. Scientists now agree that
leprosy is contagious only by direct and
prolonged contact with lepers in the
"open" stage of the disease. The myco-

cternun lepres. isolated in 1874 by the
Norwegian scientist, Hansen, does not
Jucc sudden or immediate symptoms

the host. It may be contracted twenty

ars before climatic conditions, weaken-
diseases or unbalanced diet give it
opportunity to develop.

One unfortunate superstition in regard

the contagion of leprosy, widespread
Highout tropical countries, is that it is usually acquired
venereal infection. As a corollary to this, the leprous

in is believed to be able to cure himself by intercourse
?ith a virgin, thus transmitting the disease to her.

This idea, obviously false, may arise from the fact that

few of the symptoms of leprosy are similar to those of

philis. Leprosy, however, has no relation to the social
diseases and is not congenitally communicable. Leprous
mothers bear children free from the disease and even can
nurse their babies without infecting them.

Leprosy is not hereditary, but its etiology and its spe-
cific mode of infection are still problems which baffle sci-
entists. Leprosy recognizes no geographical boundaries; it
admits also no class distinctions.

The tragic case of Senator O. G. Willett demonstrates
how this disease may permeate all classes. A soldier in
the Spanish-American war, Mr. Willett contracted leprosy
while serving in the Philippine Islands. For thirty years,
after the doctors studying his steadily declining health
pronounced the verdict, leprosy, he lived in an isolated
cottage far up in the Rocky Mountains of Montana. His
wife, who alone among his friends and former associates
stayed by him until his death, did not contract the disease.

Leonard Wood Memorial
Dr. H. W. Wade, at Culion, P. I., a leader in leprosy research

American Mission to Lepers
The federal leprosarium at Carville, I. a., only leper hospital in continental U.S.

If there had been a well equipped federal hospital such
as now exists at Carville, where he might have secured
the best medical skill attainable, the case of this outstand-
ing American might have been arrested.

Raymond P. Currier, for ten years an educational mis-
sionary in Burma, tells from his personal knowledge the
story of a cultured young Burmese girl which suggests
the new attitude with which leprosy should be regarded.

Ma Eh Tin (which translated would be Miss Cool and
Lovely!) held in her slender brown hands all the things
a girl of twenty-two lives for. She had brains, popularity,
a promising career. She had love. She had been picked
from the senior class of a Burmese Christian College to
teach in a great highschool of a thousand girls. She was
engaged to an equally brilliant and interesting young
man in her own class who was to go to London for his
doctor's degree and return to teach in his own college.

Three years passed, and on the rising curve of her
career, Ma Eh Tin was found to have leprosy.

"That girl is done for. It is all over with her," we has-
tily agree. But such was not the case. Four years from
the. day when Ma Eh Tin stood at the hospital door with
her life broken in her hands, she was sent back to her
girls, symptom-free, blood-test clear, with a certificate
from the government laboratory in her possession. She
has married her fiance. He is now dean of their college.
She is somewhere in that white shining school, today, in
some classroom, or study, or lounge, or play field, or
chapel, going on with life substantially as she was going
on with it before.

To the ancient Hebrews, a leprous person was unclean;
the ancient Egyptians called leprosy the "death before
death." What discoveries of modern science have taken
the sting from this living death? How was the case of
Ma Eh Tin arrested?

Modern Methods of Treatment

No SPECIFIC CURE HAS YET BEEN FOUND FOR LEPROSY, BUT,

given proper physical and psychological conditions, it
may be permanently checked. Unfortunately, leprosy con-
jures up in most minds the picture of a face covered with
large and often ulcerated nodules, cars with enormous
and irregular lobes, feet and hands deficient in digits, and
paralysis of the extremities. Such a picture is true only
in the most advanced cases, and, of course, it is these
cases which color the picture in popular imagination and

JULY 19*8

385

which are largely responsible for the superstitious hatred
of the disease. Such extreme symptoms are found only in
the final ravages of leprosy, and many of these cases are
not strictly lepers, the disease having burnt itself out.
"At any»one time," writes Editor James L. Maxwell of the
International Journal of Leprosy, "the number of early
cases exhibiting few if any of these symptoms are in
the very large majority, though in the nature of the case
far less easily recognized, not in any way repulsive, and
therefore passing unnoticed.

"It is, and should be so considered, a slur on the medi-
cal profession," Dr. Maxwell continues, "that advanced
cases exist, not of course as individual patients who may
never have offered themselves for treatment, but on the
general principle that such an advanced condition is pre-
ventable and therefore should be prevented."

With regard to the treatment of leprosy, leading scien-
tists now agree that no more than 25 percent of the credit,
where the disease has been arrested, is due to direct medi-
cation. The broad claims made for chaulmoogra oil and
its derivatives about fifteen years ago are now greatly
discounted. From 25 to 35 percent of the improvement in
arrested cases may be attributed to the care of some other
disease, such as malaria or yaws. Nutrition, exercise and
fresh air are important factors in the care of lepra patients.

Psychology plays a more important part in the treat-
ment of leprosy than in that of any other physical, ail-
ment. Between 40 and 50 percent of the progress in all
arrested cases is due to restoring the patient's sense of
human worth. In the words of one medical missionary,
an authority on leprosy, the patient must be made "to
feel that he is somebody, that leprosy has not removed
and shall not remove his identify from the world."

The word leprosy is not used in leper colonies. It is
"the disease" or more lately, "Hansen's disease." Indeed,
the name "leper" for the person afflicted with this disease
should be dropped from common usage. It is only in case
studies that we call those suffering from tuberculosis,
tuberculars, or individuals with syphilis, syphilitics. Why
should we categorize and so set apart the victims of a
disease which is far less infectious than tuberculosis or
syphilis under a term which through the passing centu-
ries has become symbolic for the unclean, hideous and
repulsive? The psychological effects upon the
victims of the disease are terrible. The accumu-
lated weight of horror associated with leprosy
drives early cases into hiding at the time when
the symptoms might most readily be arrested.
The attitude of fear and loathing induced by the
term "leper" favors the spread of leprosy. For
before the disease can be indubitably recognized
as such, the worst period of infectiousness is over,
and infection, as far as it can be carried to others,
has already done its work.

Since the historical proclamation of sanitarian
Moses, "Without the camp shall his habitation
be," segregation has been believed the best means
of checking the spread of leprosy. Today, leprolo-
gists agree that that clinical treatment is the best
measure for public health control. In the ideal
sense leprosy clinics are public health centers
where patients can go for diagnosis, treatment,
and instruction in proper hygienic measures to
protect the non-infected population, and still re-
main at home. Dr. Lee S. Huizenga, world re-

nowned leprologist, points out three reasons for the suc-
cess of such a program : "It aims primarily at general pub-
lic health control along the most up-to-date theories of
the prevention of other contagious diseases, is the cheapest
method for the wholesale treatment of leprosy patients,
and brings the greatest number of patients to the small
number of fully qualified specialists that is available in
the fight against this baffling disease."

Within the twentieth century advanced cases, whicr
have so colored the picture in the popular imaginatior
may become so rare as to be nonexistent.

The work now being done to combat leprosy is still
pioneer work.

According to the Leonard Wood Memorial (Americar
Leprosy Foundation), a conservative estimate of the suf-
ferers now receiving any medical treatment is about
percent of the total number. However, the research anc
relief organizations, represented by the anti-leprosy front
line which reconnoitered at Cairo, are supported by a
growing body of enlightened public interest.

Agencies Now Tackling the Problem

THE FIRST SERIOUS EFFORTS TO COMBAT LEPROSY BEGAN WITH

the Christian faith. Today most leper relief work is car-
ried on by religious agencies.

In modern times, the leper work of the Roman Catho-
lic Church began with the ministry of Father Damier
to the outcast lepers of Molokai. The biography of the
gian Catholic martyr has been strikingly portrayed in the
novel, Damien the Leper, by John Farrow. A recent re
port from the Society for the Propagation of the Faitr
states that the Catholic Church now aids 108 leper cole
nies with 12,800 patients. National Director Thomas
McDonnell, author of the report, remarks further that
"Wherever leprosy exists in the mission field, both pi
and sisters are endeavoring, by proper medication cor
bined with Christian charity, to alleviate the sufferings of
these unfortunate people."

The Salvation Army entered the fight against leprosy
in 1909 with the inauguration of leper work in Java,
now has six colonies situated in Africa, China, India anc
the East and West Indies.

The Mission to Lepers, an evangelical organization

Amer

386

Patients harvesting the barley crop in the colony at Taikyu, Korea

SURVEY GRAPHIC

Cebu, in the Philippines, has a new center for the treatment of early cases. Medication, nutrition and exercise are important

founded in 1874 by a Scotsman, Wellesley C. Bailey, car-
ries by far the most extensive anti-leprosy relief program.
In 1906, the American Committee of the Mission was
formed, and later incorporated as the American Mission
to Lepers. These two branches work together as one mis-
sion. Other cooperating branches are located in France,
China, Brazil and Japan. Two hundred stations in forty-
five different countries receive financial support or aid
through some branch of the society. These colonies are
supervised by missionaries of the denominational foreign
boards, generally in addition to their other duties.

Recognizing the fact that the final eradication of lep-
rosy now or ever is beyond its own capacities to carry to
effective conclusion, the Mission to Lepers has led in the
task of stimulating governments to assume responsibility
for control of the disease in the respective areas under
their jurisdiction. A striking example of this occurred in
1936. Leprosy is endemic in Northern Nigeria. This Afri-
can country equal in size to the southern central states of
the United States, had been entirely closed to Christian
missionaries. During 1935, Dr. Albert D. Helser, West
African representative of the American Mission to Lep-
ers, made a leprosy survey of this area which revealed
among other facts the growing dissatisfaction on the part
of the government with its own efforts in dealing with
leprosy. In Sokoto, where a sultan is the head, the gov-
ernment doctor had become so discouraged that the leper
camp had been closed. Resulting from Dr. Hclser's sur-
vey, in 1936 the Nigerian government, upon the recom-
mendation of Dr. Ernest Muir of the British Empire Lep-
i"sy Relief Association, made the Sudan Interior Mission
a definite proposal : to supply at once buildings, medicines
.md full maintenance for five leper colonies, if the mission
would supply the staffs. This proposal is an ideal method
lor governments throughout the world. Financially aided
by the American Mission to Lepers, the Sudan Interior
Mission has now begun to create five such stations.

Religious institutions, in alleviating the suffering of

JULY 1938

human beings who have contracted leprosy, comprise
one large sector of the anti-leprosy front line. However,
the eradication of leprosy rests finally with the work of
the scientists. Research is now at the heart of the entire
problem.

The Leonard Wood Memorial (American Leprosy
Foundation) leads in the field of leprosy research through-
out the world. Dr. H. W. Wade, its medical director for
the past twenty-five years, has devoted his life to the study
of leprosy and is considered one of the outstanding lead-
ers in this field today. At Culion in the Philippines, where
is located the largest leper colony, with more than
seven thousand patients, the memorial financially supports
a laboratory and research wards for scientific study. In
Cebu, also in the Philippines, it built a new leprosarium
comprising fifty-five buildings as a center for the treat-
ment of early cases and for epidemiological study. The
International Journal of Leprosy, published by the memo-
rial, is the authoritative periodical on this disease and
renders an important service in spreading to doctors and
scientists the latest developments in scientific attack on
leprosy. By fellowship and grants the memorial has given
impetus to leprosy research in nine of America's leading
universities. Under the direction of Dr. George M. Saun-
ders, a special world-wide study of the environmental
factors that affect the lives of lepers and might assist in
the treatment of the disease is now being made. Nothing
that has ever been done in the campaign against leprosy
holds more promise of fruitful results.

American religious, scientific and governmental insti-
tutions are vigorously and effectively pioneering at the
anti-leprosy frontier. It is time that the American public
awakened to the revolution which is occurring through a
modern approach to an ancient plague. Leprosy need no
longer be a living death for millions of sufferers. In thou-
sands of specific cases it is being permanently arrested.
Informed public opinion reaching out through the world
gives promise of wiping out the Curse of Naaman.

387

Ambassador Extraordinary

A CLOSE-UP PORTRAIT OF WILLIAM E. DODD

by L. F. GITTLER

FlVE YEARS AGO WlLLIAM E. DoDD, PROFESSOR OF HISTORY AT

the University of Chicago, was in the midst of recapitulating
his life's work, summing up in a trilogy on the Old South
the lessons American and world history had taught him. At
sixty-four he had behind him a solid record of scholarly
achievement, almost a dozen books, and a professional career
that, with the single exception of a brief period during the
World War, had been comparatively uneventful. With one
eye fixed on retirement and complete devotion to his monu-
mental work, he did not foresee that New Deal Washington
would ensnare him as it finally ensnared many of his univer-
sity colleagues. After pondering for three months the selection
of an ambassador to Germany, the President's decision was
not a random selection, but was evidently based upon a special
affinity the President felt for Dodd the historian, and Dodd
the man.

After the appointment was announced the press pictured
Dodd as a dry-as-dust professor who had suddenly become a
vital figure in the world spotlight. Newspapermen liked his
informal manner, his way of speaking his mind to pertinent
and impertinent questions. Here was a diplomat who did not
say he had "nothing to say."

A Chicago reporter asked him: "You speak German flu-
ently?" Professor Dodd drawled back in good humor: "... I
guess that's what got me into this trouble in the first
place "

Another reporter asked him his views and Dodd professed
his faith in free trade, freedom of conscience, speech, assem-
bly, and so on. The New Yor^ Times editorialized that it
hoped Dodd "would learn more about diplomacy and politics
. . . which have at least one thing in common. It is to keep
one's opinions to one's self at certain times and in certain
circumstances. . . ." Dodd was not the man to heed such
sly advice.

Arriving in Berlin, Ambassador Dodd was hailed by the
German press as a Gelehrte, a scholar, conversant with the
German soul and idea, who would surely understand Hitler-
ism, its historical implications, its mission and destiny for the
fatherland. Calm, sober, kindly, when the ambassador greeted
the German and foreign newspapermen in Berlin, they
thought him mild-mannered and quaintly anachronistic. They
completely overlooked his intellectual stubbornness, his forth-
right courage, his integrity, that for him transcended all the
tabu and ritual of diplomacy.

What ensued in the following five years is already history.
William E. Dodd became our most unique ambassador, one
who simultaneously remained a citizen and a representative
of a democratic country. He brought to mind the Benjamin
Franklin who astounded the powdered and perfumed courts
of Europe by dressing and behaving with colonial simplicity.
In diplomatic usage, an ambassador personally represents his
own sovereign in person to the sovereign in person; as dis-
tinguished from a minister who is representative of his gov-
ernment to a government. The distinction is fundamental; in
most European countries they view with a certain contempt
an ambassador who eschews the quasi-royal dignity and
panoplies and airs thereof.

A diplomat spiritually in mufti, Dodd's ambassadorial uni-
form never seemed quite to fit his scholarly figure. He believes

to this day that the facades of the various foreign ministrii
should be stripped away and the most intimate diplomat!
conversations broadcast for all to hear and discuss. By his
actions in Germany he surprised all but those who knew thai
Dodd could have acted in but one way. Around his heai
raged one of the fiercest of diplomatic storms, but in the midst
of it he would not budge one step from his convictions. Com-
pletely naive of publicity, he never did anything for effect,
but rather from some perverse impulse that told him to
believe in democracy and to tell it to anybody who cared
whether the time was opportune or not opportune.

BACKGROUND WAS SOBER AND CONSCIENTIOUS. HE WAS

born at Clayton, N. C., in 1869, in the Old South he has made
the subject of his historical research. His father, John Daniel
Dodd, was a poor farmer continually struggling with the soil,
who felt that some day he could count on his son to help him
with the chores. But young Dodd grew up with other ambi-
tions. He wanted to go to highschool, to college. The elder
Dodd hoped that he would stop all that foolishness and settle
down on the farm. But the young man's mother intervened
and Dodd worked his way through highschool, then throug
Virginia Polytechnic Institute where he took his degree i
1895. His student days were hard and lonely. While to hi
his mother stood for progress, his father was a symbol of th
Old South, unchangeable, suspicious of innovation.

Dodd went on to Leipzig to study, stayed three years, fo
the first time made and kept friends, wrote his doctoral thesi
in German on Jefferson, then came back to become profes:
of history at Randolph-Macon College. There, in Virginia, h<
was considered pro-North. In 1901 he married Miss Matti
Johns of his home state. They have two children, Willia
Jr., and Martha.

In 1909 the fast-growing University of Chicago called Dod
to the Midway. He became especially popular with gradual
students who admired him for his honesty and impartiality
To undergraduates his kindly manner, informality and pa
sion for instruction at first marked him as a "snap." But man
were jolted at the end of a term when they discovered that
he based promotion purely on work done.

By the time the World War broke out Dodd had already
made a reputation for himself as an incorruptible Jeffersonian
who would brook no "ifs" and "wherefores" to the doctrine
based on the Bill of Rights. Upon these tenets and these solely
you could begin constructing a particular civilization.

In Wilson and His Work, Dodd wrote: ". . . Imperial Ger-
many in 1914 led a long and terrific assault upon the rest of
mankind ... if victorious, the Germans will set up the worst
tyranny since the days of Napoleon I ... the Prussian ideal
has been governed by force and war since the time of Fred-
erick the Great." But in post-war France, after witnessing the
procedure of the Versailles Peace Conference, he was disgusted
and depressed. He considered the Versailles Treaty and the form
the League of Nations eventually took as a disastrous failure
for the world and a terrible tragedy for the people of Ger-
many. Thus he became one of the first publicly to declare to
a world drunk with victory that the war-guilt did not lie
solely with Germany. In those days the statement was con-
sidered heretic.

388

SURVEY GRAPHIC

\ Ic deplored our country's grotesquely false post-war propa-
ganda, the suppression of free speech, and the growth of
irresponsible vigilantism. This disciple and biographer of Jef-
ferson, collaborator and spiritual brother of Wilson, saw the
last of all that he considered worthwhile in international
affairs wiped out when Senators Borah and Lodge and their
fellow-irreconcilables defeated our entry into the Council of
the League of Nations and the World Court.

Professor Dodd went back to the University of Chicago,
became chairman of the department of history, continued his
research on the old and the modern South.

The Cotton Kingdom told the story of how Virginia and
the South were kept from reform by politicians and land-
owners. Statesmen of the Old South recounted the lives of the
men who kept it from reform and those who strove to plant
democracy there. Expansion and Conflict reviewed anti-slavery
Citation in the South during the 1830-60 period and how the
3ivil War eventually brought a worse slavery to America, in
his opinion the worst slavery of all time— industrial slavery.

When Dodd's major work on the South was interrupted
1933 he went to Berlin open-minded but with a reserve of

spicion. The Nazis were eager to foster his friendship.
Prom the boat-train he was rushed to the imperial suite at
Esplanade Hotel. There the foreign and domestic news-
paper corps came to chat with him.

THE TIME, I, WHO HAD RECENTLY SAT IN DoDD's CLASSES IN

Chicago, was editing an American weekly in Berlin. After the
last reporter had left, I knocked on one of the doors, walked
through a scries of gilt-paneled rooms with immense cut-
chandeliers, finally stumbled into the salon where Am-
bassador and Mrs. Dodd were resting. At first the ambassador
did not recognize me as one of his former students, but,
nevertheless, we talked of the weather, of politics, of econom-
ics, of America, until he sat up and pointedly asked me if I
didn't know how he could get out of this imperial suite and
into an apartment, not too large, where they could live at a
ent rental.

As ambassador, Dodd created a sensation forthwith. He
came to his office in the embassy every morning at nine-thirty,
stayed until noon, had lunch, then actually came back to stay
until six. He continued that schedule thereafter.

Two days before Germany withdrew from the League of
Nations he spoke before the American Chamber of Commerce
in Berlin, which is not unlike the chambers in New York,
New Orleans, or Kansas City. You never heard anything
startling; usually a pleasant speech to go with the after-
luncheon cigar. You heard Count von Luckner, or a passing
Wall Street columnist, or a business man just back from
America, lecturing on fear and its consequences. This is where
Ambassador Dodd calmly and quietly delivered his famous
speech intended to warn Hitler and his aides of the ill-
destined course his politics were taking. The banquet room
was filled with state officials, Hjalmar Schacht, Alfred Rosen-
berg, newspaper correspondents, diplomats, businessmen. Few
realized at the time how sensational the ambassador's non-
sensational deliverance was. In his easy-going, academic, ex-
pository style he reaffirmed once and for all that the "control
of society by privilege seekers ends in collapse." He traced
the failures of autocratic administrations throughout history, in
ancient Rome, France, Great Britain, America. He cited the
careers of the Caesars, the suicide of economic nationalism,
the crazy course of a world heading right into war.

As the cleavage between him and orthodox Nazis became
deeper, Ambassador Dodd told his family that he considered

Hitler, Gocbbels and (Joe-ring criminals, and after the purge
of 1934 he would never allow them to enter his home as per-
sonal guests. It was proper to meet such men only on the
looting of diplomacy.

In his private speech in the German capital Dodd continued
to stand up to his convictions. At an American church social
he was introduced by a high ranking police official who once
had been military attache in the German embassy in Wash-
ington. This militarist ended his introduction with the flat
statement that Adolf Hitler was the greatest German who
ever lived. Immediately on rising, Dodd, half-smiling and
once again the lecturing professor, opened with the announce-
ment that he believed "Luther was the greatest German who
ever lived."

Ambassador Dodd's vigorous protests when Americans
were beaten by Nazi fanatics were not backed by the State
Department. Dodd made the embassy a gathering place for
German scholars. Confidentially they told him that the only
way out for both Europe and Germany was to act within the
framework of the League of Nations. Dodd was a willing
listener to hundreds of Americans and Germans who visited
him in the unheard-of simplicity he maintained at the U.S.
Embassy on Bendlerstrasse. When college graduates or be-
mused tourists stood in the immense room outside the am-
bassador's reception room they would feel a hand on their
shoulder and then look at the gray-eyed ambassador with
sun-tanned face asking with professorial good nature, "Wait-
ing to see me"?

From his visitors and by direct communication he learned
of the temper of public opinion in America. At the time of
the President's plan to enlarge the Supreme Court he wrote to
several prominent senators a letter in which he charged that
minorities working through the Supreme Court and Senate
filibusterers had frustrated the people's will. Dodd pleaded
with refractory senators to stand by the President and his
court plan. Near the end of his letter he wrote a line that
was packed with dynamite. He said information had come to
him that a man "who owns nearly a billion dollars" was
favorably disposed toward dictatorship in America.

Some months later the letter was allowed to be published
in the press. Some newspapers garbled the whole thing, called
the anonymous billionaire "Dodd's Dictator" and virtually
ignored the ambassador's historical allusions and argument.

All this did not help Dodd's position with the State Depart-
ment. The situation came to a head during the Nazi Party
Congress in September. Ambassador Dodd refused to send a
delegate to a purely political congress. The State Department
ignored him and sent the Berlin charge d'affaires to Nurem-
berg. Dodd prpmptly resigned. When he came back to this
country he was hailed by thousands of admirers thankful for
his diplomatic shortcomings and foibles. He was sought every-
where as a lecturer, and gladly accepted serious requests.

Now, interspersed with lecturing, he has established himself
in Virginia and Washington, D. C., to finish his trilogy on
the Old South, tracing the continuous struggle democracy has
had to keep alive in the South.

Thus this academician is back at his original work after
another brief dramatic episode in a storm center of world
politics, finishing with painstaking research and cautious
analysis the work that has been his life. In our time and place
no man in America's universities is more representative of
academic and personal integrity than William E. Dodd. That
he was able to exhibit such candid honesty during a diplo-
matic mission extending over five years is something like a
minor miracle.

JULY 1938

389

THROUGH NEIGHBORS' DOORWAYS

Straws in the Prevailing Wind

by JOHN PALMER GAVIT

REMEMBER THE DOC WE USED TO HAVE . . . YOU KNOW THE
kind, almost every family has had one at one time or another
— and for that matter most people are like that . . . the dog
that would chase furiously any kind of a cat, as long as
the cat was running away? That particular kind of dog-
temperament came to mind the other day when Czecho-
slovakia suddenly called out its bristling army, right up against
the German-Austrian frontier, osten-
sibly to "preserve order in the munici-
pal elections." So loudly that all the
world heard it, the gesture said to the
German dictatorship, fresh from its
unresisted kidnaping of Austria:

"All right, if you want war, come
and get it."

You could fairly hear the squeal of
the brakes and the skid of the tires.
Or, to preserve the other figure, you
could see the dachshund fairly tele-
scope himself, his tail almost coming
through his slavering jaws. Instantly
there was a notable soft-pedaling of
the Nazi tune. Up to that moment
vociferating bombastic threats and big
talk generally, the German oratory
and the robot German press changed
tempo and tone.

There was another dog in the neigh-
borhood where I lived as a boy, with
a very bad record of cat-killing. A
big bulldog that would do the busi-
ness of a cat with one backbreaking
crunch. The butcher down at the cor-
ner had a cat. I was in the butcher
shop one morning when that dog,
sighting that cat upon the counter,
came in with a rush. The cat leaped
in the air and came down — on the dog's back, clawing out
fistfuls of hair, and flesh, and at the last one perfectly good
dog's eye. The cat got pretty well chawed, to be sure; but
survived that famous scrap; and the dog thereafter used to
pass that butcher shop in the middle of the street, and his lust
for cats sensibly diminished. Just that sort of a dog-cat fight
is on in China. May it end a la the butcher shop!

In that case at least we (meaning the United States of
America) are not deliberately handicapping the Chinese cat.
Insofar as our people and our government have displayed their
sympathies, we are rooting for the cat, but legally "letting
nature take her course." Not so with the horrible business in
Spain. There — my admired friend Secretary Hull to the con-
trary notwithstanding — by an embargo ostensibly neutral but
in fact operating notoriously in favor of one side, we are
definitely assisting in the effort to destroy a democratic gov-
ernment. In time to come we shall be bitterly ashamed of it.
Like thousands of other Americans I personally am ashamed
of it now. But then, I am getting used to being ashamed of
the official behavior of my country as a member of the family
of nations. I cannot forget that, as Edwin L. James wrote the
other day in the New Yor^ Times, the United States "played
a large part in wrecking the League of Nations ... at its
inception offering the greatest occasion for international co-
operation the world has seen."

To my friends and others who think they believe in a
policy of isolation and self-sufficiency, including the virtual
abandonment on our part of international commerce, I sub-
mit for prayerful consideration this excerpt from a letter which
I recently received from an American friend engaged in
building a great steel plant in Australia:

"More and more the people in these foreign lands are
demanding American products. In South America, here in
Australia, and, I am told, in England (and elsewhere abroad)
the great proportion of the motion pictures are American;
people do not patronize theaters where they are not shown. . . .
Here in Australia at least 75 percent of the automobiles are
American. True, they are assembled here and some of the
minor parts are manufactured here,
but the engines, chassis and all the
important elements come from the
United States. They carry American
names and are spoken of as Ameri-
can cars. On the newsstands you
find all the American popular maga-
zines and they constitute a very
large percentage of the magazines
available. . . . All the dance music is
American; of the better music, or-
chestral and vocal, the vast majority
is American. . . . America is making
things of every kind that the people
want. America is making better
things than are made anywhere else
in the world; the really cheap and
shoddy types of things are not made
in America; they come for the most
part from Japan and Germany."

This is what the isolationists scorn
and would throw away. And the
stupidity of it reaches its apex in
such expressions as that quoted as
from an American army officer re-
cently, advocating the physical
sterilization of all exiles from other
lands. I suppose he would have be-
gun— taking names at random — with
such emigres as Miles Standish, John
Alden and his Priscilla Mullens, William Penn, Roger Wil-
liams, et al.; continued with the ancestors of George Washing-
ton and most of the Sons and Daughters of the American
Revolution; with Carl Schurz and Andreas Hofer; with
Andrew Carnegie, Anna Howard Shaw, Ernestine Schumann-
Heink, Walter Damrosch, Michael Pupin, Jacob Riis, Alexis
Carrel, Angelo Patri, William Allan Neilson . . . and right
now with Thomas Mann and Albert Einstein. Phooey! We
can sterilize bodies, but we haven't yet learned how to steri-
lize the brains in which germinate wicked and damphool ideas.
Or good ones. To this general — and all the rest of us for that
matter — I commend again Allen H. Eaton's enlightening and
inspiring Immigrant Gifts to American Life, published by the
Russell Sage Foundation. In the face of the prevailing spirit
it were well that, as Isaiah said, we should "look unto the rock
whence ye are hewn, and to the hole of the pit whence ye
are digged."

As for contributions, the other way about — back to the
motherlands — take notice that an American, of our own best,
John G. Winant, has just been elected with the known appro-
val of the American government, director of the International
Labor Bureau, of which, be it not forgotten, the United States
of America is a member in full standing. Thus far at least
have we gone on the road the construction of which we have
shamefully retarded.

From The Birmingham Age-Herald
Did you call?

390

SURVEY GRAPHIC

LETTERS AND LIFE

No More Horizons

by LEON WHIPPLE

TH r\ 1S10N by Frank Waldrop and Joseph Borkin. Morrow. 299 pp.

Price $2.75.

IIFI10 \MERICA, by Cesar Saerchinger. Houghton, Mifflin. 393 pp.
$3.50.

Prices postpaid of Survey Graphic

TELEVISION is NO TOY. IT WILL BE THE CLIMAX OF THE REVOLU-
tion in social communication that began with the printing
press in 1450. It will include all the other forms. The miracle
will be elemental: we shall see at a distance by mechanical
clairvoyance. The word has been made flesh, now the image
will be made flesh. First, whatever the sound cinema offers
will appear on the home screen; then we shall see-hear cere-
monials and meetings; finally we shall witness news events in
being — sports, natural phenomena, even war. The world will
be cast on the sitting room walls. Here is a gift, like fire, both
terrible and glorious.

Into our lives slips a mode of experience that will change
our habits and institutions, upset political processes, and re-
mold both social morals and the human spirit, yet we sit un-
witting and incurious while the magic carpet is being woven.
We do little to study portents or anticipate challenges. Science
conquers each new field because it has invented invention;
there has been no parallel invention of invention in psychol-
ogy or social science to overcome the lag in the use and con-
irol of the gifts of science. Our social scientists should have
learned from the past impacts on life of the printing press,
automobile, radio and cinema, certain principles that could
now direct television toward social ends. But we seem to
wan until the event is finished, and then collect tomes of data,
record the effects and evils, and at last seek curbs. Cannot we
summon foresight enough now to channel this imperial force
before it gains a wild momentum?

The authors of Television, A Struggle for Power, offer a
profoundly useful and significant endeavor to apply foresight.
They bring us up-to-date on the status of television, and de-
mand we do some difficult thinking on its future. They ask:
"Who shall and who ought to control television; what ideas
and whose shall it convey; what will be its effect on human
institutions?" To the first they answer that it can be a pri-
vate profit institution, and there will be great profits; or a
public utility under state control; or an entirely governmental
enterprise. Of its effects they declare it "presses change" on
every agency of information and entertainment — the press,
the cinema, the radio — each scarcely yet conscious of the
threat.

The technological story of the domestication of the wild
electron by cathode tube scanning is clear and fascinating,
with important implications about how the air must be
divided under some authority. But the people do not care how
science works its miracles — the cinema and radio are still
mysteries. They take them and use them, and science makes
no proviso as to what they shall be used for. The titanic
struggle of corporations for the "ethereal Klondike" with
RCA, the Bell system, the broadcasters, the holders of patents,
publishers, and even Hollywood, using their foresight in a
battle-royal for control, will enlighten the layman on modern
finance and intrigue. The goals are first to gain a monopoly
on making the telecasters and receivers that will emerge as
the standard. We cannot have several kinds for they must fit
as lock and key. Second is the design to control privately

what message shall be given to the public. How the state can
be set aside as the final authority is hard to see.

Remains the program: what shall it be and how paid for?
Many will be vastly expensive, as would a Hollywood movie
for one showing. The advertiser may be unable to pay for
them; and nobody knows whether the public will refuse to
accept televised advertisements as they have movie ads. This
book considers these manifold angles, with scope, grave earn-
estness and constant emphasis on the social problem — how
can television serve democracy. You need to know these
tokens of the future.

CESAR SAERCHINGER HAD THE RARE FORTUNE OF HAVING A NEW
world swim into his ken. As our first foreign radio representa-
tive, he brought Europe to the American audience, and here
is the brilliant, gay, and often ironical inside story of a com-
bined diplomat, reporter, engineer and showman. He brought
the great to the microphone — Wells, Shaw, the Pope, Gandhi,
the exile of Doom; he covered events — Viennese rebellion,
the abdication of Edward VIII, even wars, in Abyssinia and
Spain; and atmospheres with English bird songs, Jean Patou
on styles, and the Bells of Bethlehem. It is all very amusing,
but he gives, too, light on history and on the censorship and
propaganda conflicts, and ends with the fine hope that our
people will become, in time, world-conscious.

The thought that remains is that we may be on the verge
of some new consciousness. These strange extensions of ex-
perience over the world may open up new avenues for the
spirit for which our machines are providing preliminary dis-
ciplines. Television seems to close the circle. We should per-
haps begin to ask: What comes after television?

Democracy's Semi-Articulateness

SOCIAL PHILOSOPHIES IN CONFLICT, by Joseph A. Leighton.
App^eton-Century. 546 pp. Price $4 postpaid of Survey Grafkic.

PROFESSOR LEIGHTON STATES HIS THEORY CLEARLY IN THE
preface in these words: "How, in the face of an increasing
concentration of economic control, can economic justice for
the common man be secured without the sacrifice of civil and
spiritual liberties?" He writes as an "unrepentant liberal" who
eschews the coercive methods of fascism (with which Nazism
is identified) and of the Russian variety of communism. He
rejects Marxism, not primarily on economic or social grounds
but rather on philosophic ones. But the instruments of criti-
cism with which he dissects our existing capitalist economy
are, patently, derived from Marxism.

Part I, dealing with the dictatorships of fascism, Nazism
and communism, seems to me well informed. Part II which
analyzes our own situation in terms of our traditional democ-
racy, the machine and laissez-faire economics is written also
in the best tradition of American liberalism. The reader's in-
terest will center, I believe, on Part III in which Professor
I.eighton speaks in his academic role of social philosopher;
in the eleven chapters which comprise this section he discusses
the principles of democracy under the aegis of such terms as
the good life, social morality, life, liberty, the pursuit of happi-
ness, the ethics of property, social motivations, and so forth.
Having thus buttressed his convictions he proceeds in Part IV
to outline a program for social change in the United States
and finally in the world of international relations, a program
which might be designated as a compound of Christian hu-
manism and democratic socialism, although his own title is
Cooperative Democracy. There are finally four appendices
which might easily have been incorporated within the text
and seem to be added, not primarily as clarifiers but as at-
tempts to cover certain misgivings which arose in his mind
after he had completed the book. The writing is uneven and

JULY 1938

391

seems to flow easily only when Professor Leighton deals with
ideas made too familiar to us in his earlier works.

I am unable to say why this essay leaves me so dissatisfied
in spite of the fact that so large a portion of its thesis is con-
genial to my own manner of thought. Perhaps the answer lies
in the very first sentence of the introduction in which Pro-
fessor Leighton writes: "Social philosophy is the doctrine of
the ends or values and aims of social organizations." The mo-
ment one begins to construct a philosophy of ends there arises
the temptation to find these ends or values as already given.
To accept such a philosophy requires faith, not intelligence.
It is my presumption that faith thus born and thus attached
to ends precipitates most of the mischief in the world. Re-
ligiously minded persons will agree, for the most part, with
Professor Leighton's categories of value, but I do not believe
that this belief will carry them towards appropriate action. A
humanistic approach to the problems of society must, so I
believe, concern itself with means and methods as well as with
ends and values. Valid faith does not come from ends
but rather from the experience of discovering means which are
consonant with aims. I also believe in the democratic approach
to our economic and political dilemmas but it seems to me
that what is needed is a reconstruction of democratic theory
in terms of a new kind of psychology, namely a motivational
psychology which places human needs alongside scientific
functionalist!!. But I must not belabor my dissatisfactions,
especially since the distinctions which I make tend to become
technical and theoretical. A fairer attitude would be, I pre-
sume, one of extreme gratitude for the many brave words
spoken by a fellow philosopher who strives so patiently and
so persistently to make philosophy a living discipline.
Professor of Social Philosophy EDUARD C. LINDEMAN

New Yor^ School of Social

. . . Another Man's Poison

ALCOHOL— ONE MAN'S MEAT, by Edward A. Strecker and Francis T.
Chambers. Macmillan. 230 pp. Price $2.50 postpaid of Survey Graphic.

THIS IS REALLY A PRECIOUS BOOK, WHICH WILL BE DEAR TO THE

heart of the physician and infinitely helpful to all who wish
to achieve an adult level of personality.

The first half and more of the volume deals with the psy-
chology of those who cannot use alcohol with safety, and the
rest of the chapters present the most understanding descrip-
tion of a method of treating the alcoholic so far to be found
in print in any language, whether intended for the practitioner
or the patient.

One gladly accepts wholeheartedly the personal and social
philosophy, the normal and abnormal psychology, the physi-
ology and toxicology on which are built the appreciation of
the patient's problems, his relation to family and friends,
and the paths he will have to tread on his journey ro self-
development and attainment of permanent independence.
There is expressed a gentleness of deep human affection, a
wisdom of that finest product of the medical profession, the
psychiatrist, the specialist in the vagaries of men's spirits, the
soul of their beings. There is, too, a firmness of purpose and
a simplicity of method in the treatment advised which com-
bine to give a strong sense of the Tightness and fitness of the
authors and an enduring belief in their results.

There are gems in every chapter, flashing jewels of insight,
with penetrating beams illuminating the caverns of rationali-
zation, of fear, of escape fantasies, of make-believes.

"One sees the alcoholic stripping off the veneer of adult-
hood and returning to a childish level of conduct."

"Perhaps the most apt summary of the psychological reason
for the intoxication impulse was made by a medical student
who defined the ego-ideal as being 'something that was soluble
in alcohol.' "

"Man by the toxic narcotic effect of alcohol on his mind is
permitted to regress by an easy and more or less socially ac-
ceptable method. It is true we have climbed higher but the

path has been left open and alcohol provides a dizzily rapid
means of descent."

The distinction made by the authors between their patients
and so-called normal or acceptable users of alcohol is to be
read in the following quotations:

"The abnormal drinker is one who cannot face reality with-
out alcohol, and whose adequate adjustment to reality is
impossible as long as he uses alcohol."

"Normal drinking is social drinking, and is moderate in
character. Alcohol has a social usage which is to make reality
more enjoyable."

Their four rules by which a safe and sane use of alcohol
may be tested and the danger or pre-clinical signs of abnormal
drinking can be detected, might some day be hung over each
public bar, as we now warn of early signs of cancer and
tuberculosis and itemize the manifestations of syphilis in the
public press.

Sound sense is also expressed in the following:

"The people who have most to gain from moderate indul-
gence in alcohol are the very ones who have every right to
fear an abnormal dependency on it."

"When all is said and done, you have not much time to do
constructive thinking while your mind is looking for an
excuse to take a drink."

"Truly alcoholism needs another Pinel to free it from its
chains. In a sense alcoholics are still, too often, as badly treat-
ed as were the insane, hundreds of years ago when their
symptoms were thought to be due to demoniacal possession."

"It may be generally considered that a day in the life of
an alcoholic is a series of inefficient attempts to live twenty-
four hours."

The alcoholic patient under treatment "begins to under-
stand that he has been drinking unwisely because he has
been thinking crookedly."

The lay reader may think the treatment so reasonable and
apparently so simple to apply that he or she may safely try
the role of therapeutist, only to realize too late how great is
their lack of the disciplines, the long experience, the infinite
patience of the authors.

This document of human experience out of the consultant's
office should prove an invaluable addition to the pleasure
reading of the professions of medicine, nursing and social
work, and an open sesame for the laity into a wonder house
of everyday medicine. HAVEN EMERSON, M.D.

Anarchy and Inanity

MICHAEL BAKUNIN, by E. H. Carr. Macmillan. 501 pp. Price $6.50
postpaid of Survey Graphic.

HERE WE SEE THE FOUNDER OF MODERN ANARCHISM FLOUNDER-
ing noisily through the shabby confusions of his absurd
career. The very man himself — child, barbarian and scholar
all at once as Pederzolli put it — steps out alive before the read-
er from Mr. Carr's fascinating, authoritative and clear-cut
pages. Anarchy was not just Bakunin's theory but rather his
practice, his whole way of life, his personality, indeed his very
being.

This jealously passionate and impotent elder son tyrannized
over his Tory father's nine other children, dictating their tastes
and beliefs, their loves and marriages. Their freedom lay in
obeying him; he regimented them because he loved them! As
became the heir of a landowning reactionary Czarist noble he
spent five years in the army and five years studying philosophy
in Moscow until at twenty-six he left Russia, July 1, 1840, in
pursuit of metaphysical vagaries. His first essays had been or-
thodox and conservative, though fantastical, but the Hegelian
circles of Berlin soon developed his true character — an ex-
tremely quarrelsome and domineering radicalism flavored with
cheap melodrama.

Philosophy then led easily along to political intrigue, and
Bakunin's "studies" tangled him up in all the obscurely con-
spiratorial Central European revolts to 1848. Then eight years

392

in prison and four years in Siberia wncncx nc craped to San
Francisco, New York and London.

Plotting, pontificating and posing through the revolutionary
'sixties he beat about Europe borrowing money elaborately in
five languages and repaying in none, while his young Polish
wife had three children by another man. Toothless, dirty and
preposterously whiskered, this 300-pound anarchist, light-
hearted and light-headed, "would write a letter in code, and
enclose the code in the letter." But nothing checked the head-
long energy with which he agitated and organized and orated,
driven by some inner need to dominate his polyglot fellow
radicals. Working with all and quarrelling with all, his
creed was pan-destruction: "The social question takes the
form primarily of the overthrow of society." We need "a
new lawless and therefore free world." Yet his successive
alliances, brotherhoods, groups, leagues, etc., were invariably
pyramided along authoritarian lines so that "himself and one
or two close associates would remain in ultimate control of the
whole revolutionary movement" (whatever that was!).

So far as Bakunin left any political theory it is scattered
through his printed tirades against Karl Marx, the hated rival.
Our author sums the two up thus: "Marx believed in organ-
ized revolution led by a trained and disciplined class-conscious
proletariat; Bakunin pinned his faith to a peasant jacquerie or
the spontaneous uprising of an infuriated town mob." Yet
he was "ruthless only in speech," and wrote at last to Reclus
that "there is in the masses no revolutionary idea or hope or
passion." Since his final pose was as an estate owner, the Swiss
police records noted the death on July 1, 1876 of "Michel de
Bakounine, render."
Princeton University W. L. WHITTLESEY

Time and the Chinese

THE CHINESE PEOPLE— NEW PIOILEMS AMD OLD BACKCIOUNDS, by
George H. Danton. Marshall Jones. 312 pp. Price $3.50.

CHINA FIGHTS FOR HER LIFE, by H. R. Ekins and Theon Wright.
Whinloey House, 335 pp. Price $2.75.

Prices postpaid of Survey Graphic

PREOCCUPIED MAINLY WITH THINGS OF THE MIND, PROFESSOR
Oanton has devoted ten years of study in China largely to
observation of that country's cultural life and the tracing of
its roots in tradition. The book which has resulted from his
notes retains the flavor of their original use in a series of lec-
tures given at the University of Leipzig: it is studded with
erudite references to European history and literature which
add to the lucidity of the interpretations offered but which
often arc beyond the range of even fairly well read Americans.
The author's views on some matters differ from those gen-
erally accepted but are well worked out and deserve the at-
tention of specialists, especially in the fields of philology,
psychology and education. They are not linked to any central
thesis concerning China's social structure; nor are the particu-
lar cultural traits which he notes always related to a core of
continuing social and economic experience. As a result, the
book is rich in interesting suggestions but not in explanations
of a sort which the social scientist can accept without further
proof. That, however, will not detract from the appeal of the
work for those who appreciate originality of thought — the
more so as the author, with a modesty rather rare in these
days, abstains from prescribing for all the ills of China.

WHATEVER MAY BE THE FAULTS OF AMERICA'S CORPS OF FOREIGN
correspondents, it can no longer be said that their exertions
are limited to gathering news in the barrooms of the world's
leading hotels. Among many books which of late have shown
foreign press representatives as industrious and skilled his-
torians of current events, the one before us is one of the most
excellent, and this perhaps because the authors keep close to
the special techniques of their craft: the story of China's recent
history is told with emphasis on its major conflicts and on the
personalities involved.. This characteristic treatment keeps up

(In answering adrrrtitemtnti please

393

A Social Worker, Turned

Relief Administrator, Tells

an Astounding Story of

Backwoods America When the Wood
Goes — and Daily Bread Goes With It.

WE TOO ARE
THE PEOPLE

By Louise V. Armstrong

"Within the pages of this volume one
comes face to face with hundreds of
men and women who have their pro-
totypes throughout the country. The
astounding and shocking fact is that
they are not products of the depres-
sion but rather products of the normal
American scene ... It is personal, it is
colorful, it is human."— Rose C. Peld,
N. Y. Herald Tribune "Books." $3.00

LITHE, BROWN t CO

UBLISHERS, BOSTON

GUIDING HUMAN MISFITS

A Practical Application
of Individual Psychology

By ALEXANDRA ADLER, M.D.

An invaluable book for those who are
in close contact with personalities at
odds with reality. Dr. Alexandra Adler
has here followed the principles laid
down by her eminent father, in the
light of her many years of study and
experience in psychotherapy, and her
own clinical experience. Though she
has taken pains to state the facts and
cases simply, in terms that are com-
prehensible to the layman, her book
has not suffered in scientific value,
and should be of interest to social
workers, practitioner* of medicine,
students and educators.

To be published August 30
Probably $1.75

I'ubliNhed by
BO Fifth Avenue

>l \< Mil I \>
New York, N. Y.

mention SfnvtY GRAPHIC

the reader's interest from start to finish. Fortunately, the
authors' bias is not linked to any very definite policy, Chinese
or American, but reflects an admirable blend of a thoroughly
American humanitarian and progressive sentiment with a
mild dose of that cynicism which comes to every foreigner
who has lived for any length of time in the Far East.

Few recent books have described as vividly China's inner
politics since the death of Sun Yat-sen. There are still many
blanks which possibly will be filled in later years by memoirs
of Chinese politicians but which now are unavoidable. Many
judgments are expressed that will have to be revised as new
facts become known, and the perspective of the writers is
necessarily influenced by the great events they have watched
these last few months. Incidentally, among the many current
pen portraits of China's great leader, Generalissimo Chiang
Kai-shek, those which, like the present, are not too certain in
their outlines or too definitive in their explanations are much
the more convincing.

In short, China Fights for Her Life is recommended to
those who want to gain a more coherent picture of what is
going on in China than they can get from the newspaper and
who want that picture to be both true and colorful. Naturally,
they must not expect from these newspapermen the niceties
of either the diplomat or the social scientist. What this book
offers them is an impressionistic approximation to truth in
bold, exciting strokes. BRUNO LASKER

New Yorl(

Europe's Middle Age

ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL EUROPE,

by Henri Pirenne. Harcourt, Brace. 243 pp. Price $2 postpaid of
Survey Graphic.

HENRI PIRENNE is A GREAT SCHOLAR. HE is ALSO A GREAT
writer. The combination is rare in the field of historical lit-
erature so the appearance of this book, translated from the
French, is a cause for rejoicing.

It is a noticeable fact that the men who thoroughly under-
stand their subject are most able to write about it in simple
fashion. It is an indication of the extent to which Professor
Pirenne has mastered his material that his book can be read
without any difficulty by an intelligent highschool child.

In the short space of 223 pages Professor Pirenne sketches
the economic and social evolution of Western Europe from
the end of the Roman Empire to the middle of the fifteenth
century. Beginning with a description of the break-up of the
economic equilibrium of the ancient world, he traces the re-
vival of commerce, the growth of the towns (on this subject
he is perhaps the world's outstanding authority), the changes
in rural life, the character of international trade, and the
economic changes of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries
up to the onset of mercantilism.

Numerous bulkier and more ambitious tomes covering this
same period have long been inflicted on us. It is the peculiar
merit of Professor Pirenne's book that unlike these more pre-
tentious volumes, it does not "cover" the period, but rather
uncovers it. For students of the subject there is a bibliography
as excellent as the text it accompanies. LEO HUBERMAN

Copper and Corruption

THE DEVIL LEARNS TO VOTE: THE STORY OF MONTANA, by C. P.
Connolly. Covici-Friede. 310 pp. Price $2.50 postpaid of Survey Graphic.

As EACH MONTANA LEGISLATOR ROSE IN HIS PLACE TO CAST HIS
vote for William A. Clark, copper baron, for the United
States Senate, ribald onlookers in the gallery called out the
legislator's price. Clark's son, according to a Montana legend
Mr. Connolly did not use in his book, had vowed "we'll either
send the old man to the Senate or to the poorhouse."

The Devil Learns to Vote is an account of Montana's
stirring days written by a man who as newspaperman and
lawyer participated in many of the events he describes. Later,
as a McClure's Magazine journalist of the muckraking era,
he presented much of this material to an earlier generation.

Mr. Connolly died shortly before the manuscript of this
book reached the publishers. A reviewer thus may hope that
had he lived the book would have been much better. In the
second half of the narrative the drama of the events themselves
is sufficient to provide impetus to carry the work along
logically and swiftly; but until this point is reached, and
occasionally thereafter, the book is disjointed, overly anecdotal,
and — sometimes — distressingly inaccurate. One such inaccu-
racy is in the caption of a photograph of Anaconda, a smelter
town, as "Butte hill," which is thirty miles away. The writing
is slipshod and the book unattractively bound and printed;
one suspects that it may have been a volume of memoirs
hurriedly thrown together and inadequately edited.

Nevertheless, the book has much value for students of an
incredible era in the West's brief history. It contains much
startling material on the struggle of the copper titans for the
treasure trove of "the richest hill on earth." Its account of
Fred Whiteside's heroic exposure of the Clark election frauds
agrees substantially with Whiteside's own account in his un-
published autobiography. It creates vivid portraits of its prin-
cipals, especially F. Augustus Heinze, by the device of anec-
dote. And by implication it brings out that the social conse-
quence of the copper war — corporate control of Montana
which endures to this day — was the result not of deliberate
grasping for power but of the necessity of defense against an
industrial buccaneer of heroic stature and demagogic genius.

Though Heinze, the "heavy" of the piece, actually emerges
as its "hero" because of the power of his character, the book
has its genuine heroes. And despite its flaws, it wins this
reviewer's loyalty because of its sympathetic story of just one
of these heroes, one of the handful of men who would not
sell their votes, though forty-seven did. Twenty-four years
after he turned down Clark's offers ranging from a $2500-a-
year job to $20,000 in cash, Ed Cooney became this reviewer's
first newspaper boss. He was a gallant and an honest man.
Great Falls, Mont. K.INSEY HOWARD

A Pamphleteer for Freedom

YOU CAN'T DO THAT, by George Seldes. Modern Age Books. 307 pp.
Price SO cents postpaid of Survey Graphic.

GEORGE SELDES HAS DISTINGUISHED HIMSELF NOT ONLY AS
foreign correspondent for American newspapers but as a
champion of democracy and civil liberty in his books attacking
fascism and repression. Author of You Can't Print That and
Sawdust Caesar, he has established a reputation as a passion-
ate opponent of all that fascism stands for.

Tackling the same theme in the United States, Mr. Seldes
has produced what the subtitle calls a "survey of the forces
attempting in the name of patriotism to make a desert of the
Bill of Rights." "Survey" is too academic a word for Mr.
Seldes' exposures. In lively journalistic style he portrays the
factual record of who violates civil liberties and how, with a
wealth of verified fact. From all over the rich field of attack
he has counter-attacked in swift vivid chapters loaded with
indignation and caustic conclusion. His is a book of black
and white, not grays.

On the other side of the picture, which Mr. Seldes does not
pretend to cover, stands much more hopeful evidence of sup-
port of the Bill of Rights in recent years through the labor
relations act, court decisions and the pressure of the growing
trade unions. But for an analysis of the contrary forces of
repression, naming names, describing organizations, relating
incidents, Mr. Seldes' three hundred pages constitutes the up-
to-the-minute account.

Mr. Seldes, who has reported Loyalist Spain during the civil
war, cannot resist winding up with a piece of legitimate moral-
izing on the universal struggle between fascism and democ-
racy. He adds a valuable appendix defining civil liberties and
some of the organizations defending them. The book con-
cludes with the most complete bibliography on every phase of
civil liberties in the United States yet compiled.
American Civil Liberties Union ROGER N. BALDWIN

394

Frog Shakers and Hot-Stuff Men

by ROY L. PEPPERBURG

li Mil UIRI A-.K11) rn KICATE A "FROG SHAKER*' OR SOME-

OIH- requested you to recommend a good "hot-stufT man," or
u anted to know where he could find a "snow man" or a
"lif.nl snootcr," you would probably wonder whether he was
•y or you. Yet "frog shakers," "hot-stuff men," "snow
MH-ii." and "head snooters" — not to mention "tack spittcrs,''
"hot-out men," and "gambrelers" — are perfectly normal indi-
\iduals whose special jobs have taken on peculiar titles in
this age of machines and specialization.

Thousands of names like these confront placement people
seeking to find openings for their applicants. A "tack spit-
tcr" in the upholstery trade might be fitted to do the work
of carpet layer in the house furnishing field, but there is no
u ay for a personnel man to know this. Neither is there any
rce to which he may turn to learn what other jobs might
fit the experience of a tack spitter.

To classify, group, and define every job in the United

Slates according to the actual work done and the experience

needed to do it, is the tough assignment of the Division of

idards and Research of the United States Employment

;ce.

Whether you are the manager of a button factory, a
slaughter house or a department store, a young man may
visit you if he has not already done so, and introduce him-
self as one of the 250 field analysts of the Division of Stand-
ards and Research. He will want a list of the different jobs
in your plant, and the qualifications you require of the peo-
ple who hold these jobs.

The analyst will then ask permission to speak to your
men, and last of all to watch a worker perform each job
MI your shop. If your plant is a large one, three or four
analysts may visit it together and spend from two to eight
weeks studying its different occupations. These analysts are
the first line of attack in a campaign to put placement on a
scientific footing.

Changing employment needs — whole industries shifting
from one part of the country to another, the vanishing of
many occupations in the face of technical change and the
appearance of new jobs in new industries — demand a new
approach to the problem of employment. Adding to the
problem is the urgent need of the newly created state un-
employment compensation boards for accurate information on
employment in order to keep from paying benefits to a
worker for whom a possible job exists.

Without any fanfare, a group of men in the Division of
Standards and Research began three years ago to learn exactly
what Brown, Smith and Jones are doing today at their work
benches in all parts of the country. They wished to know
what Brown, a die sinker, does in an auto plant in Detroit;
what Smith, a slasher tender, does in a cotton textile mill
in Durham; and what Jones, a stripping machine operator,
docs in a tobacco factory in Tampa. From this information
they hoped to be able to tell what else Brown, Smith or Jones
would be fitted to do if he lost his present job.

Frog shaker," "snow man," and "head snooter" arc just
s<> much jargon to persons outside the special fields in which
the work is done. Personnel men, normally familiar with
their own employment needs, often cannot explain the skills
that jobs in their own plant actually require.

Industry has long recognized a growing need for this in-
formation. A few of the more progressive personnel depart-
nu-nts in large plants have tried to gather the material for
their own special fields. But the name of a job frequently
changes from plant to plant, from one part of the country
to another. If the survey is to carry weight it must be in-
clusive. The government project offers this coverage.

(In answering advertisements

It's July
in "Tenement-Town

Summer beats down. Sticky, sweltering heat. More dirty clothes.
Bigger washes. Yes, it's July in "Tenement-Town."

If life there were a little easier, you'd find the housewives more
willing to better their home conditions. And that's where Fels-Naptha
can often lend a hand. For Fels-Naptha brings extra help to do more
washing and cleaning with less work and effort.

Fels-Naptha brings the extra help of good golden soap and plenty
of naptha. Two lively cleaners working briskly together — loosening
stubborn grime without hard rubbing — getting things fresh and clean
even in cool water. And that's important in "Tenement-Town."

Write Fels & Company, Philadelphia, Pa., for a sample bar of
Fels-Naptha Soap, mentioning the Survey Graphic.

FELS-NAPTHA

The Golden Bar with the Clean Naptha Odor

ELEANOR MORTON

Programming Literature

For Educational, Social, Civic, Agencies and Institution*.

Twenty years experience u social worker, advisor to organizations.
Editor, radio speaker, writer, organizer.

SOCIAL SERVICE BUILDING.

PHILADELPHIA, PENNA.

COMING...

STEPCHILD OF REFORM

In the first of two Survey Graphic articles on county
government, Webb Waldron writes of St. Louis County,
Missouri, and of what a citizens' committee did to
modernize it. In the second article Martha Collins
Bayne dissects a county in transition — Dutchess Coun-
ty, New York, home of more prominent national fig-
ures than any other county in America.

COMPASSION FOR SPAIN

With the conviction of a liberal who puts human values
above all others, William Allen White poses some em-
barrassing questions to Americans who believe they
have troubles enough without getting excited about
the helpless victims of the Spanish revolution. .

WHEN PHYSICIANS DISAGREE

In Milwaukee another group-practice medical center
finds itself in hot water with a medical society. In an
early issue Andrew and Hannah Biemiller present this
dramatic chapter in the story of today's pioneers in
medical cooperation.

please mention SURVKV GRAPHIC;

395

"THIS FOLDER SHOWED US HOW
TO SAVE ON TIME PURCHASES"

How much are you paying
for installment credit?

Free Folder Tells Simple Way
to Figure True Interest Rates

Do you know how much you pay
for credit when you buy a car,
radio, refrigerator or other mer-
chandise on the installment plan —
or when you get an installment
loan? You can often save money by
comparing the various plans offered
and selecting the lowest cost credit
adapted to your needs.

How to compare
installment plans

Many different credit and loan plans
are offered today. They differ in
method and amount of charge, also
in size, number and time of install-
ment payments. Many plans in-
volve discounts, "service fees,"
and "carrying charges." Unless you
are a mathematician you probably
have trouble comparing different
plans offered you. To compare them
it is necessary to calculate the true

rates of interest charged. The true
rate of interest tells you the price
you pay for credit whatever the
payment plan.

As part of its consumer educa-
tion program Household Finance
has just published a quick, easy
method for figuring true interest
rates. With the "Consumer Credit
Cost Calculator" you can deter-
mine the credit cost of any plan in
just a few moments.

"Credit cost calculator"
sent free

In addition to comparing prices on
an article or service, you can now
compare credit plans and choose
the most economical for your pur-
pose. You are invited to send for
this helpful calculator. Mail the
coupon below and you will receive
a copy without obligation.

HOUSEHOLD FINANCE

CORPORATION and subsidiaries
Headquarters: 919 N. Michigan Avenue, Chicago

"Doctor of Family Finances"

. . .on* of America's leading family finance organizations, with 233 branches in 150 cities
1878 * Completing sixty years of service to the American Family * 1938

HOUSEHOLD FINANCE CORPORATION, Dept. SG-G,
919 North Michigan Avenue, Chicago

Please send without obligation a copy of your new "Consumer Credit
Cost Calculator."

Name

Address. .

City..

...Stute.

(In answering advertisements

At THE OUTSET THE DIVISION OF STANDARDS AND RESEARCH

mapped out a five-fold plan, The first stage is to compile
job analyses of some 20,000 jobs in the United States —
jobs that travel under three times that many names in vari-
ous industries from coast to coast. From these will be written
detailed descriptions of each job, printed separately for each
industry, and a "Dictionary of Occupations" briefly defining
each job in all industries.

Later will come a series of trade questions and tests to aid
employment interviewers in selecting applicants for specific
jobs. Finally, all jobs will be classified, grouped, and assigned
code numbers. On the unromantic phrase, job analysis, hangs
the success or failure of the entire scheme.

The analyst's direct contact with the worker at his job
is the focal point of the study. In each case the analyst notes
successive operations of the worker, the tools and materials
he uses, and asks about any aspects of his job not performed
on the day of the analysis.

The rough draft of the job description is submitted to trade
associations, labor unions, trade schools, employment services,
compensation boards, and special experts in the field. Care-
fully checked and corrected, the description is printed, 'dis-
tributed to personnel men in private business and employ-
ment services in the local area, and forwarded to Washington.

In Washington a staff of description writers classifies jobs
by industry and subdivisions, grouping descriptions that have
different names but appear to fit identical jobs. For example,
one worker in the automobile industry is variously called
"knockout man," "flask man," "flask handler," "foundry
laborer," and "shake-out man," in different plants. The final
description is a composite picture of the job.

Over 50,000 analyses from the field offices have been filed
in Washington. They represent complete or partial coverage
of seventy-five industries — the work of the field centers over
a period of about three years.

As soon as the study of an industry is completed, the books
for that industry are published. Ten volumes, covering all
jobs in the automobile construction, cotton textile, and
laundry industries have already been issued.

The next major part of the project to be released will be
the first Occupational Dictionary ever written in this coun-
try. It will become the personnel man's first line of attack
in his battle to find a job to fit a man, or a man to fit a job.
The dictionary will define jobs briefly in terms of what the
worker does. For example:

TACK SPITTER (auto, mfg.) A general term for any worker
who tacks fabric to wood or performs a similar operation
requiring one hand to hold the tack hammer and the other
to hold the fabric in place: places a handful of sterilized
tacks in his mouth; spits them out one by one as needed
into the palm of his hand; may raise the head of a mag-
netized tack hammer to his lips and eject a tack head first
onto the head of the hammer, which holds it firmly
through magnetism, ref. ARM-REST TRIMMER.

Since these definitions require less detailed information
than the job descriptions, the complete dictionary is expected
to be available this summer.

The Occupational Dictionary will be the basis for the next
important part of the work of the Division of Standards and
Research — the coding of occupations by a numerical system
somewhat similar to the Dewey-decimal system of library
indexing. Occupational code numbers will appear on the
cards of all persons registered with affiliated state employment
offices of the USES. These code numbers in time will make
for much greater accuracy in unemployment statistics -gath-
ered through public employment offices.

When the Division of Standards and Research completes
the study, the personnel man in a private plant or public
employment office will have at his finger tips the data he
needs to select accurately the right man for any position.
please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC)

396

WHO PAYS THE PENSIONS?

(Continued from page 380)

thin and emasculated. As 1937 ended, it went off a cash basis.
A DCS Moines investment firm was persuaded to take up to
$1.2^(1,000 of Colorado warrants. Institutions and departments
dependent on the general fund for payrolls and supplies were
threatened with curtailment. Beginning in April, eleven of
them were compelled to start buying on credit.

A real blow was struck when the railroads announced — as
a protest against the boost in valuation — that they would
withhold taxes and go to court for succor; they did go to
court, using the Denver and Rio Grande as a test case, and
[hey paid nothing. As I write, there is a prospect that some of
the lines at least will offer to pay their taxes on the basis of
the old valuations.

( )n April 22, a fresh threat loomed on the horizon. J. C.
Frisbce, a pensioner, had filed suit in Denver County Court
demanding the difference between the $45 promised by the
amendment and the amounts he actually received during the
nine months' delay from January to September 1937. Judge
H. G. Preston upheld Frisbee's claim. If Judge Preston's ruling
stands, all the old folks on the rolls in January 1937, when the
amendment became law, will be entitled to file claims which,
in total, will amount to over two million dollars.

If, on top of this, the courts should continue to follow the
course they have taken in declaring the amendment superior
to the legislature's statute, if they should decide that the $45
minimum (less net income) provided by the amendment
must be paid rather than the $45 maximum permitted by the
statute, the 35,000 pensioners will be entitled to make addi-
tional claims on the welfare department.

Taxpayer indignation is mounting. Petitions to repeal or
modify the amendment are going the rounds. The Colorado
Business Men's Association has hired a publicity agent to dis-
credit the pension measure. The press, with few exceptions,
is bitter with ridicule and delights in stories of fraud uncov-
'ered among the pensioners. The most formidable modifica-
tionist group is the "non-partisan" Federation for Workable
Old Age Pensions, whose object is to sponsor a constitutional
amendment which will abolish the present plan and return
the pension problem to the legislature.

But the National Annuity League is no trifling adversary.
With over eighty local units, it constitutes a formidable
minority bloc. The league has had to make six moves of its
Denver offices to larger and larger quarters. It employs a
salaried executive secretary, and publishes a militant eight-
page weekly. Its leaders arc clever strategists and vigorous
platform personalities.

In 1937 the league collected $13,300 for its work. And the
money must keep coming because the fight to retain the pen-
sion measure is going to be harder than the fight to get it. So the
Ladies' Auxiliary sponsors "pension night," twice a week, at
five of Denver's leading cinema palaces. Towel sales and
needlework bazaars bring funds. A "mile of pennies" is being
collected. Dances, vaudeville shows. White King soap demon-
stations and passing-the-hat are good revenue devices.

The Annuity League has been astute in cultivating the
friendship of other groups — the Pensioners' League, the
Worker's Alliance and the labor unions. It has broadened its
conception of its own mission to include agitation for "ade-
quate provision for the disabled, unemployed and all other
classes needing aid."

It has been sensitive to the charge that the pensioners have
hogged the welfare dollar. Its answer is another smart stroke
from the pen of O. Otto Moore — a proposed constitutional
amendment irrevocably repealing the hated service tax and
imposing a graduated ad valorem levy of 5 to 15 mills on the
estimated billion and a half of intangible property in Colorado
— the revenue to be divided between relief and the general

fund. The sponsors, it they decide to circulate their petition
to place this measure on the ballot, will have no difficulty in
getting the necessary signatures. But they have been showing
a disposition to hold oil. This may be due in part to the fact
that the plan, while it would help relief and the general fund,
would provide no new money for the pensioners themselves;
in part to the vociferous reaction against the pension.

To the charge that the pensioners have cornered the basic
tax assets of the state and thrown its finances all out of joint,
the league makes angry reply: Did the pension law create
Colorado's 237 spending agencies, its highway 'debt, its sys-
tem of gas-tax rebates, its costly new building program? The
pension amendment simply took a share of taxes which did
not even exist a few years ago and asked that it be used for
the state's worthy old folks. What is atrocious about that?

But in addition to the problem of ability to pay, Colorado
raises other alarming corollary issues:

1. Should any state, as Abraham Epstein has it, "set up a
system which obliges the poor to share their poverty in order
to maintain the impoverished?" If the pensioners were being
supplied from sources in the higher tax brackets, they could,
at worst, be called non-productive charges on the fat of the
land. As it is, they are drawing sustenance from the lean tis-
sues of that hard working social mass which has the mini-
mum of reserves to spare.

2. Are there not threats of selfish and intemperate use of
power on the part of such a pressure bloc as has rallied
behind the pension amendment? O. Otto Moore has been
reported as saying, "What the hell do we care about econom-
ics? We have the votes." He probably never said it and he
has repeatedly denied having political ambitions. But he is a
hero to the old people, he does "have the votes" and his
photograph has recently been appearing in the Annuity
League Bulletin under the caption — U.S. SENATOR?

3. The pensioners have complained endlessly of "interests"
seeking to discredit their movement. Is it not possible that,
with their resistance to modification and their greediness in
pressing their claims on the state's welfare dollar, the pen-
sioners are discrediting themselves and inviting public an-
tipathy to all kinds of social security advancement? Colorado
has committed itself to care for destitute unemployed, de-
pendent and crippled children, sick mothers, the blind and
indigent tuberculars. How can it really do these jobs with the
old people taking three quarters of the available funds?

Let it be admitted, however, that in Colorado's case there
is this consideration modifying all criticisms — that the pen-
sion situation may be the occasion for a woefully needed
overhauling of state and county government and finances,
that it may result eventually in absentee owners, recipients of
large incomes and holders of intangible wealth, making a
fairer contribution to state expenses and the terrific burden
of welfare and indigency.

Already in addition to the Griffenhagen study mentioned
above, other surveys are under way. The City Club of Denver
has had the Bureau of Business Research of the University of
Denver prepare a report on the financing of state govern-
ment during the past ten years. Frank Arnold, noted for his
tax reduction activities in Nebraska, has been engaged to
conduct a survey of county affairs. A newly formed Consti-
tutional League has come out with a seven-point program for
drastic tax and government reform. The Denver County
grand jury, dismayed to find that no independent audit of the
state's accounts has ever been made, has called for a survey
of the treasurer's office. The Young Democrats are advocat-
ing a constitutional convention. Measures now destined to go
on the November ballot will, if adopted, effect sweeping reor-
ganizations in public finances. The immediate irritant, though
by no means the underlying cause, of all this agitation, schem-
ing and viewing with alarm, is the old age pension amend-
ment. It may turn out to be the straw that compels the
straining camel to readjust his burden.

397

T F, A

CONNECTICUT

Silvermine
Tavern

THE OLD MILL
THE GALLERIES

The Tavern: A quiet country inn
with an old time atmosphere and all
modern facilities . . . spacious rooms
each with private bath . . . excellent
fare . . . outdoor dining terraces at the
water's edge . . . old country bar, fine
wines and liqueurs.

The Old Mill: A charming place set
by a mill dam . . . high breakfasts . . .
luncheons . . . afternoon tea . . . buffet
suppers . . . and light service.

The Galleries: Just across the way
from the Tavern . . . choice collections
of antiques, rugs, china, glass, pottery,
prints and decorations ; also rare ex-
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culled from early homes and attics . . .
always at attractive prices.

Telephone Norwalk 88
SILVERMINE

NORWALK
CONNECTICUT

UNCAS LODGE combines the beauty of a mod-
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VERMONT

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Also

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For Booklets and Information Write:

Mr. or Mr«. H. W. Lorenz
P. O. Box 424 Bennington, Vt.

FREE to Motor Vacationists

A reprint of a Survey Graphic article by R. W.
Tupper, which shows how you can reduce your
vacation costs. Send to

Travel Department, Survey Graphic
112 East 19 Street New York City

JB C O

New England Summer

ALTHOUGH NEW ENGLAND'S FAMED COL-
leges and schools need no fanfare, the
world is not yet as well acquainted with
the scope of opportunities for summer
study that abound in that area. New Eng-
land has on schedule this summer an
educational program of social studies
that is decidedly unusual.

Among the most interesting of New
England's unique schools that flourish
during the vacation season is the Sum-
mer Institute for Social Progress. Theme
of this year's institute will be The Amer-
ican Citizen: What Part Can He Play
in the World Situation? The project is
held at Wellesley College Campus,
Wellesley, Mass.— a delightful town —
and the dates are July 9 to July 23, with
a special weekend for business men, July
15 to 17. Procedure at the institute is
informal but serious. Some of the lead-
ing economists, sociologists and political
science teachers of our day will lecture
and lead discussion groups.

The Wellesley campus will be the
scene of another summer school a bit
earlier in the season. The New Eng-
land Institute of International Relations
will take place at the lovely grounds on
Lake Waban between June 28 and July
8. This institute is sponsored by the
American Friends Service Committee
and is designed to encourage study of
world affairs and to promote the cause
of peace through creating a better un-
derstanding of the domestic and interna-
tional problems which endanger it.

In New Hampshire, the Deering
Community Center in the village of
Deering, near Hillsboro, is operated as a
summer school of the Boston University
School of Religious and Social Work.
Courses are offered in professional and
pre-professional training. The session
runs all summer long from June 25 to
September 1. The Maine Institute of
World Affairs is a part of the summer
curriculum at the University of Maine in
Orono. Separate courses in social sci-
ences and allied subjects are, of course,
included in the regular summer session.

Among the other New England sum-
mer schools which present courses in so-
cial studies, according to the New Eng-
land Council, are: Bates College, Lewis-
ton, Me., specializing in graduate work
for teachers; Plymouth Normal School,
Plymouth, N. H.; University of New
Hampshire, Durham; University of Ver-
mont, Burlington; Boston College, Chest-

MAINE

RESTFUL ISLAND HOME AT WATER'S EDGE

Modern improvements. Excellent table,
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NEW JERSEY

THE PERFECT VACATION OR WEEK-END

on a lake in the mountains. Swimming, tennis,
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NEW YORK

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35 minutes from South Ferry. Call or write:
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LOS CABIN TO RENT

ON OCEAN BOOTHBAY REGION

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HOUSE AND CAMP FOR RENT

Seven room house on fifty acres of meadow
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month.

A. W. Hitchcock, R. D. 1, Southbridge, Ma
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LET ME SHOW YOU NEW
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By Ella S. Bowles

All you want to know about the
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501 Madison Avenue, New York, N. Y.

Have you property to
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Advertise in the special real estate and

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of SURVEY GRAPHIC

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398

nut Hill, Mass.; Boston University, Bos-
ion, Mass.; Clark University, Worces-
ter. Mass.; Harvard University (coeduca-
tional in summer), Cambridge, Mass.;
Massachusetts State College, Amherst;
Springfield College, Springfield, Mass.;
S-iint Joseph College, West Hartford,
('onn.; Teachers College at Yale Untver-
Xew Haven, Conn., and Trinity
College, Hartford, Conn.

A booklet called Summer Study in
New England that is published and dis-
tributed free by the New England Coun-
cil, Statler Building, Boston, lists sixty of
the summer schools in the section. In
addition to those already mentioned, the
booklet contains data about art classes,
nature study camps, dramatic colonies,
music and writing schools, and curricu-
lunis devoted to the dance, arts and
. engineering and many more.

One advantage of summer study in
New England lies in the fact that recre-
ational facilities are all so nearby. Dis-
•. are so short in New England and
the section is so compact that the sea-
shore is within an hour's ride from gor-
geous mountain scenery; cool lakes for
bathing, boating and fishing lie right in
the mountain regions; and the quiet
countryside is easily accessible from busy
urban centers.

An excellent system of roads laces the
whole region together and overnight ac-
commodations, ranging from tourist
homes and camps to luxurious hotels,
are found all along, the way. Railroads,
boats and airplanes provide quick trans-
portation. There are plenty of good
places to eat, places with elastic price
scales that will serve you famous New
England dishes.

The New England Council will be
glad to help you with arrangements for
•w England vacation regardless of
the amount of time or money you have
to spend. A postcard brings a quick
answer.

New England has unequalled sports
facilities: excellent golfing greens, fine
tennis courts, trails to hike and moun-
tains to climb, wild forests for hunting
and fast flowing streams for fishing, shel-
tered harbors for boating and sandy
beaches for lolling or swimming. On
the aesthetic side, there are summer the-
aters with performances that feature Hol-
lywood stars, dance and music festivals,
art exhibits and museums, historical and
literary shrines, garden shows.

And lest you gain the impression that
nust be always "on the go" in New
England, it should be mentioned here
that New England is also the place to
spend a vacation of real quiet, comfort
and rest. You can loaf and whittle, loll
and daydream all you want. You will
return to your job, if you can tear your-
self away from the charm that is New
England, refreshed in body and reborn
pirit.

Your Own Agency

This i« the counseling and placement agency
sponsored jointly by the American Associa-
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National, Non-Profit making.

(Agency)
122 East 22nd Street. 7th floor. New York

WORKERS WANTED

WANTED: Experienced resident director for
girls. Jewish Settlement near New York.
Apply 7510 Survey.

WANTED: Caseworker with training and some
experience for Child Guidance Agency in Chi-
cago. State age, qualifications and give refer-
ences. 7611 Survey.

Woman 30 to 40 as assistant director children's
recreational organization camp, year round
job, 6 months residence Chicago. Required:
executive experience, college education, or
equivalent in professional training, with
majors in two or more of the following : group
work, case work, or medical social work, nurs-
ing, home economics, institutional manage-
ment. 7512 Survey.

SITUATIONS WANTED

Man age 50 years. Assistant Director: Ex-Army
Officer: Administrative Routine: Supervisor
Carpentry. Plumbing. Electrical Work. Farms.
Gardens. Wife age 32 years. Housekeeper,
Practical Nurse, Dietitian. 7508 Survey.

SECRETARY-STENOr.RAPER. cultured. re-
sourceful, adaptable : capable assuming respon-
sibility, routine : college graduate : writing
ability : attractive personality ; thorough, varied
experience : social service, industrial, publish-
inE. liternry. 7504 Survey.

Social Worker. Graduate S. S. training, mem-
ber of A.A.S.W. Family Welfare experience
and four years in public agency. First class
references. Desires work in private agency or
institution. 7514 Survey.

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399

(Continued from page 371)

cians, and those with more material things
to sell, that we must all accustom ourselves
to living in 'the American way." Regardless
of condition, color, creed, or pocketbook, not
to say intelligence, training, education or
what-not, we must ape the rich. The high
pressure salesmen of home developments,
automobiles, electric refrigerators, radios,
vacuum cleaners, electric washers and iron-
ers, furniture, drapery, clothing, and so on,
do the rest.

When the time comes, as it does inevita-
bly, that we are over-extended in our instal-
ment buying, the "lower-half" do not suffer
alone. The consequent depression hits the
real estate broker, manufacturer, industrial-
ist, capitalist, etc., by shaking out their stock
market investments and commitments. If
somebody would change that slogan of "the
American standard of living" to the more
honest one of "the instalment plan of near-
living," and get down to brass tacks, this'd
be a pretty good old world with maybe
fewer foreclosures in more simply furnished
homes. CHARLES L. COOK

Real Estate, Westwood, N. ].

From a rural villager

UNDER CONDITIONS PREVAILING IN LARGE
cities undoubtedly it is a waste of effort "for
families with incomes of less than $3000 a
year to attempt home ownership there. Some
responsibility for this must be shouldered by
the building trades and labor unions, as well
as by firms which sell building materials.

Inflation is a worse threat to the savings
of people with limited income than is in-
vestment in real estate. A house is worth
having because you can live in it and have
some shelter. Taxes are never as high as
rent. Homes can be bought in small towns
for $500 up. If you become bed-fast in your
old age. there are human beings who will
give you care if you agree to deed them the
property.

While much of this small town property is
not modern, improvements can be made for
a few hundred dollars. A house plus a gar-
den means occupation and low living costs.
For the future it may be better security than
pensions or government bonds.
Hastings, Neb. CAROLINE BENGTSON

From a building trades worker

IN ALL THE ROSEATE EVANGELISM OF THE

own-your-home publicity to me the first com-
mon sense article on housing is the one by
Stuart Chase in your May issue. This may
sound like rank heresy coming from a build-
ing trades mechanic, but I have been trying
to hammer home this view for the past seven
years. As a canvasser on a university research
project in 1931, I interviewed over 1000
workers as to whether or not it was cheaper
or wiser to own or rent. I found most of
the so-called satisfied home owners paying
a tremendous price in taxes and general up-
keep trying to conform to tradition and cus-
tom rather than to recognize that as renters
they'd get a far better break.

While my view appears unorthodox, I
firmly believe that we building trades work-
ers would benefit in the long run by manager-
operated property, wherein more of us me-
chanics would get work, rather than bv the
pathetic attempts of distraught householders
trying to do their own painting, carpentry
and general repairing.

Mr. Chase's article should clear up much
false assumption that in order to maintain a
civic and responsible population we must
saddle every family with a home — even
though foreclosure piles up on foreclosure
Please tell Mr. Chase he ought to go in and
wake up some of our leaders in the con-
struction industry, including the leaders of
our unions. WILLIAM ABSOLON

Bohemian Local No. 273
Brotherhood oj Painters, Decorators and
Paperhangers oj America

From an industrial designer

I HAVE NO QUARREL WITH STUART CHASE'S

excellent article, The Case Against Home
Ownership, in the May issue of the Survey
Graphic. His case is against the average
man's attempting to own homes of the pres-
ent hand-built, land-bound, speculative type
that allow so many substantial "service"-
mongers to climb on the owners' backs for a
free ride. But I am wondering who is to hold
the bag during cycles of depression when all
these families turn renters. How is the in-
vestor to know where to build fixed homes
so that they will be, five years from now,
where the employed workers are? Large cor-
porations are getting sentimental, you know,
in this matter of moving huge plants with-
out thirty years' notice. Mr. Chase does not
ask who is to finance the home owner. As
an economist and statistician, he knows that
life insurance at present is practically equal
to a $1000 policy on every man, woman
and child in the country. Premiums pour in
and have to be invested. Are the life in-
surance companies wisely investing these
funds? Not according to Mr. Chase. Actu-
ally their money would be a lot safer and
more liquid if invested in trailers — and they
will rue the day when they laughed at thi*
"absurdity." In this connection I might call
Mr. Chase's attention to facts I observe at
my elbow. My own workmen who are at
present unemployed are composed of a few
who built themselves modest little homes on
low cost land and quickly amortized the
mortgages. Most of them, however, rent or
own houses carrying heavy mortgages. Nearly
all of this latter group are now on welfare.
Those who had the foresight to limit their
needs and get out of debt, today are still
standing on their own legs — and they seem
to find what little work there is more easily
than those who never had the gumption to
attempt to own something, however modest,
free and clear. CORWIN WILLSON

Director of Research
Integ Corporation

From a real estate spokesman

THERE MAY BE SOME PEOPLE WHO SHOULD
not undertake home ownership. Only recent-
ly, however, have I begun to understand
something of the attitude of mind of large
numbers of people, apparently including Mr.
Chase, who quite generally argue against
home ownership. The labor leaders are unan-
imous— they don't want it. Most people of a
socialistic turn of mind seem to agree with
them. Not until I spent some time in Aus-
tria did I fully understand why. It is because
the homeless and landless men can be ma-
nipulated. Footless he had nothing to lose.
When the socialist government came into
power in Vienna it abolished all efforts that
had been started for small subsistence home-

steads that were to be sold, and embarked
instead on building huge barracks of apart-
ments including the Karl Marx, Nicolai Len-
in, and George Washington buildings. Some
labor leaders as well as some party leaders
told me it was much more difficult to get
men to meetings or to take an interest in
unions or party affairs if they owned homes
and gardens, where they often preferred tu
work in their leisure time.

Of course, home ownership in the United
States has been dreadfully penalized by un-
controlled and bad city planning, unjust zon-
ing, high interest rates and ridiculously high
taxes on shelter. Even so, it has well justi-
fied itself, and I am inclined to believe that
within the next few years many of these
handicaps will be toned down and eliminated.
We are getting lower interest rates through
federal action; in eleven states we already
have some form of homestead tax exemption.

In the big cities the problem is tough.
The big city is an inhuman, impersonal mon-
strosity, which cannot command the loyalty
or interest of its citizens. But it can and
must be broken up into neighborhoods-
neighborhoods which should consist, in large
degree, of owned homes. The neighborhood
unit still has all of the fundamentals of real
community life.

This statement of course is not a rounde
criticism of Mr. Chase's article. It merely
relieves my feelings regarding an attitude
which I consider one-sided, short-sighted and
harmful. HERBERT U. NELSON

National Association oj
Real Estate Boards

From a real estate merchandiser

I READ THE CASE AGAINST HOME OWNER-
ship by Stuart Chase with considerable ic
terest and concur with it fully. Frankly I
have always felt Stuart Chase held just a lit-
tle too radical views and, consequently, I
am pleasantly surprised to find myself so
fully agreeing with him.

Personally, I feel that instalment buying
has been overemphasized in this country for
many years. Naturally, this applies to the
purchase of homes among working men and
women with moderate incomes and I accept
the figure mentioned in the article of $5000.
Consequently I am strongly opposed to the
government practically urging this class to
obligate themselves for a period of twenty
years which carries over too long a cycle in
the swing of business, real estate, etc. The
new owner has not an even chance to gain
clear title and a real asset at the end of
that time.

On the other hand, I am sympathetic to
the "Rent-A-Home Idea" provided the gov-
ernment or its agencies keep out of the ac-
tual building or management of such prop-
erties. In my own opinion such projects are
built and operated more efficiently and with
less cost by private enterprises. It is perhaps
well within the province of a state to make
funds available for such work under proper
safeguards.

I wish this particular article could have
a wide circulation among real estate brokers
as I believe it might change their approach
to a possible sale in the interest of a po-
tential buyer. MORGAN A. JONES
Formerly vice-president oj
Previews Incorporated. "The
National Real Estate Clearing House"

400

WILLIAM B. FEAKINS

offers

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402

The Gist of It

OF THE LAST THINGS THAT LoRAIX)

Taft worked on before he died in 1936 was

I medal on peace, which is reproduced as

the frontispiece of this issue. The sculp-

purpose in the design for this medal

is described by Emily Taft Douglas, daugh-

: the sculptor and the wife of Paul H.

Douglas of the University of Chicago.

i AM ALLEN WHITE. ON THE SECOND
tragic anniversary of the war in Spain,
writes as a member of the national com-
mittee of The Spanish Child Welfare As-
sociation (9 E. 46 St., New York, N. Y.),
an organization formed to support the im-
partial child relief work of the American
Friends Service Committee behind the lines
of both sides. (Page 405.) The dean of
American editors reminds Americans (who
in the world the Great War shaped for
us .ire prone to be preoccupied with our
own troubles) that world peace and world
humanity can only be striven for by exam-
ple. His plea for a response to the cry of
stricken childhood is seconded by Ambas-
sador Claude G. Bowers, honorary chairman
of the Spanish Child Welfare Association.

FROM FIRST-HAND OBSERVATION IN ST.
Louis County, Webb Waldron, frequent
contributor to SURVEY GRAPHIC, writes
(page 408) on the transformation of a
county government.

HILDA WORTHINGTON SMITH. WHOSE
lints on the Garment Workers' lively but
outspoken revue appear on page 410, has
long been active in workers' education. She
is now with the WPA in Washington as
specialist in workers' education.

SOME AMERICAN CORPORATIONS ARE NOW

mg to jobholders as well as to stock-

hi'Mrrs on the condition of their compa-

i trend which is reported (page 411)

by Robert Littell, well known writer, for-

j merly on the staff of the New Republic

| and now an associate editor of Reader's

Digest.

As AUSTRALIA CELEBRATES ITS 150TH
t birthday, C. Hartley Grattan, studying so-
cial and economic conditions there on a
grant from the Carnegie Foundation, gives
us a glimpse down under (page 413). The
author of several volumes on foreign af-
fairs. Mr. Grattan wrote for SURVEY
GRAPHIC a study of academic freedom in
three universities in March 1936.

IN MILWAUKEE ANOTHER GROUP-PRACTICE
medical center is in hot water with a medi-
al society. The situation back of the con-
troversy is described by Andrew and Han-
nah Biemiller. Mr. Biemiller, a state as-
semblyman in Wisconsin, formerly taught
M the University of Pennsylvania; and Mrs.
Biemiller, after graduation from Vassar,
h»s devoted much of her time to research,
writing and political work. (Page 418).

JUNE LUCAS. TWO OF WHOSE POEMS AP-
pear on page 420, is a Californian. recent-
ly returned from an extended European
visit.

AUGUST 1938

CONTENTS

VOL. xxvn No. 8

Lorado Taft's Peace Medal FRONTISPIECE 404

Caring in a Nightmare WILLIAM ALLEN WHITE 405

"Our Country" DRAWINGS BY SPANISH CHILDREN 406

The County That Saved Itself WEBB WALDRON 408

Labor Stage, a Poem HILDA WORTHINGTON SMITH 410

Reports to Jobholders ROBERT LITTELL 41 1

Dominion Down Under C. HARTLEY GRATTAN 413

Medical Rift in Milwaukee ANDREW AND HANNAH BIEMILLER 418

Poems .JUNE LUCAS 420

Prison Idleness — a Crime Behind Bars STEPHEN E. FITZGERALD 421

Through Neighbors' Doorways

Of Poison in the Well-Springs JOHN PALMER GAVIT 425

Justice Benjamin N. Cardozo 426

Letters and Life

Merrie England LEON WHIPPLE 427

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AS A REPORTER ON THE STAFF OF THE BAL-

timore Sunpapers Stephen F.. Fitzgerald cov-
ered the work of the commission which got
Maryland's prison employment program un-
der way. His article (page 421) is a story
of progress in which, throughout Maryland,
he and his newspaper were an educational
force.

"ALTHOUGH RECORDS HAVE LONG BEEN
made by the camera, only recently has a
conscious esthetic been based on the photo-
graph's value as a sociological document.

Lewis Hine studied child-labor exploitation
with the camera as early as 1908; since then
Berenice Abbott, Walker Evans, Dorothea
Lange, Ben Shahn and others have photo-
graphed America from this point of view
for government agencies or for newly
founded picture magazines — two forces which
have fostered the remarkable popularity of
photography during the past few years." So
writes Beaumont Newhall, of the Museum
of Modern An in New York about men and
women whom our readers will remember.
They are Abou ben Adhems of the camera.

403

UN tl\

More monuments have been dedicated to war than to any other subject.
From the days of Samothrace, which produced the Winged Victory,
to those of Belleau Woods, which gave us the "doughboy" rising above
barbed wire entanglements, men have glorified their battles. In his
youth Lorado Taft followed the tradition with several military monu-
ments, but after the World War he was through with such heroics. In
1935 when the Medallic Art Society invited him to choose a subject
for its annual medal, he decided to tell his thoughts on war. He did
so starkly.

Instead of the usual fanfare we find on one side of the medal two
young men facing each other with aimed pistols. They are so alike in
feature and attitude that the duel suggests suicide. Behind each stands
a middle-aged man. They are urging the lads towards the slaughter.
Above the group rises the cloaked figure of Death with a cross on his
chest. This is the capitalists' struggle fought by youth for the benefit
of the few, blessed by the church and dignified by brave slogans.
One of the slogans is printed at the foot of the medal. Above the
whole is emblazoned ironically: "On earth Peace, Good Will toward
men."

The other side of the medal is simpler. The words which encircle the
design tell the theme. Christ is suggested in the shrouded figure.

It is only fair to say that the sculptor was not satisfied with certain
details. He had meant to strengthen the modeling of the two young
men, but this design was never used. The society which commissioned
the medal found the subject controversial and asked him to submit
another. And yet in sculptural treatment, where the problem of
filling a circular space is met in an architectural way as well as with
emotional vigor, the medal remains one of the sculptor's important
works.— EMILY TAFT DOUGLAS.

Lorado Taft's Peace Medal

i -us

VOL. XXVII NO. 8

SURVEY GRAPHIC

Caring in a Nightmare

The Children of Spain Are Calling
by WILLIAM ALLEN WHITE

TlIE WORLD IS IN A NIGHTMARE. IN THAT NIGHTMARE WE

Americans seem to be paralyzed with fear. Natural emo-
tions that should well up in our hearts in the presence of
injustice, in the presence of suffering, in the presence of
danger, seem to be paralyzed. We hear calamity stalk
across the world with earthquake feet and stand again
with terror clutching at our hearts.

One thing we can do: At least a few of us may arouse
from this lethargy of horror and open our ears and hearts
to the cry of children, Spanish war victims, children of
our own race who through no fault of their own are suf-
fering untold agony. Here are children who are cold and
hungry; children who are wounded and in pain, orphan
children cast adrift upon the world, children who live in
misery with parents unable to soothe their wounds. These
Spanish children on both sides of the trenches of war pre-
sent a tragedy so poignant that it seems as if their cries
must break a thrall that has bound us. The very neu-
tr.ility law which kept us out of the Spanish conflict
to be acting now as a chloroform to hold us from
the call for mercy. Here the call for mercy is a call for
justice. For after all, it is justice that is crying out!

These children are of our race. In this modern world
ire physically so near to us that if we turn our
hearts from them, we ourselves shall suffer. For when
these children grow into maturity our neglect, our hard-
ened hearts will have poisoned them. Our children will
have to live with these maladjusted people. Our cowardice
.ind callousness will surely bring into the world of to-
morrow the inherited bitterness of our heedless attitude.
Th.it bitterness will spoil our own children, who must live
with these poor refugees in the next three decades. There-
fore, for our own good, for our country's welfare, we can-
not remain deaf to this cry of the children.

There must be, according to the nearest estimates,
nearly a million of these children. It is the most conser-
vative guess that at least three quarters of a million chil-
dren on both sides of the line are in dire and aching need
of help. We Americans of all of the people on earth have
the greatest duty to help them. For despite our terrible
economic disturbance here, three quarters of our people
are prosperous. A vast majority of citizens of the United
States have some economic surplus — enough to share. We
can help if only we can break this chain of fear, if only
we can awaken from this nightmare thrall.

So far as the children of Spain go, the outcome of the
war will make no difference. Whoever wins, these chil-
dren will still be in a land devastated by the conflict. They
will still be hungry and cold. They will still be in pain.
They will still be wards of the world, our world — wards
of our America!

It is no time to assess the blame, here is no occasion to
hold balance. Who cares for the historical view! The
children of Spain are calling. If we turn the other way,
if we march by on the other side with the priests and
the Levites, we shall have committed the unpardonable
sin. For these children's cause is ours. We are indeed
members one of another, and if these children grow up
with bitterness in their hearts, they will meet our own
children in a world of hate! The sins of the fathers, our
own sins of neglect, will be visited upon us in the next
generation.

It is no casual kindness that inspires us to give these
children their rights of childhood; it is one of the things
America can do to help the world. We can do this ser-
vice in all neutrality. We can do it in hard common sense.
Here at our hands is the best service we can do for our
day and time.

405

Bombardment

Scenes at Home

"W(y house destroyed — the bricks are flying"

"Our Country"

Drawings by Spanish Children

Evacuation

Off by train to the colony

In a Children's Colony

The child's autobiography is let down in pictures,
not words. What is in a Spanish child's mind alter
two years of civil war is revealed in hundreds of
drawings sent from Spain to the Spanish Child Wei.
fare Association, some showing real artistic merit,
some being the characteristic drawings of children
everywhere. All are revelatory of the disturbed
world in which the children live. Bombings,
wounded, devastation on the one hand; security far
from home on the other. This is what life means to
little Carmen, who is nine, lldefonso, who is eleven,
and Fernando, who is twelve, our artists.

Mickey and Minnie for the playroom

Outside the colony theater

The County That Saved Itself

by WEBB WALDRON

Political reform, like charity, begins at home — in the county, which is
the root of political power and the ultimate index of American politics
morality. Consider, for example, St. Louis County, Missouri. . . .

WE AMERICANS DON'T ANGER EASILY — AND WE GET OVER
being angry too easily. If we discover waste and thievery
in our local politics, we hold our patience a long time.
Then we explode. We rush together into committees, whip
up popular indignation with the fighting slogan: "Throw
the rascals out!" Often we do throw them out. Then our
group of well-meaning citizens, confident that all will be
Utopia henceforth, disbands — and leaves the field to poli-
ticians, who never disband.

But it didn't happen that way in St. Louis County,
Missouri. There a voluntary unpaid group of men who
wrought a revolution in local affairs has been on the job
for almost four years. The group hasn't stayed angry for
four years, but it has stayed tough-minded. It is incessantly
studying how to better the ways of local government. Its
members find this avocation more fascinating than golf or
poker. And they will tell you that officials elected to carry
on our public affairs need the constant help and coopera-
tion of the citizenry to do the job right.

Another thing: the achievement of these Missourians is
meaningful beyond the average because they have regen-
erated a county. You often hear of municipal clean-ups,
but not of a county clean-up. There's a reason. The coun-
ty, being the most important unit of government in most
of our states, is the ultimate root of power of both political
parties. Bitterly as politicians fight municipal reform, more
bitterly still they fight county reform. Good county govern-
ment endangers traditional political control of the states.
The success of state political machines in staving off county
reform is one reason why the average county in America
is a beautiful example of waste, inefficiency and petty
graft.

Still another striking thing about the work of these men
of St. Louis County is that their campaign has been not
primarily against individuals but against the vicious politi-
cal system and tradition that produce bad government.
The group has always been quite willing that the men in
office take credit for the reforms which the committee
itself initiated. In this it differs sharply from many "good
government" groups and offers an illuminating example
to other communities.

Finally, these citizens of St. Louis County have come to
the definite belief that every community should possess a
good government committee, not an emergency group but
a permanent voluntary group working with the elected
officers to guarantee good government. Here, truly, is a
conception of the democratic system of government and of
the duty of the citizen in a democracy that may startle you.

The Job Done

To UNDERSTAND THE CHARACTER AND TEMPER OF THE GROUP,

one explanation is necessary. In the 70's, the city of St.
Louis cut itself off politically from St. Louis County and

408

set up an independent government. But although St. Louis
County is thus politically distinct from the city, it is tied
intimately to it. In the past twenty years a tremendous
influx of people from the city has trebled its population
and increased its assessed valuations to $250,000,000. Today,
the majority of its 275,000 people work in the city or get
their income from it in one way or another.

Despite its increase of wealth and tax return, the county
even before the worst of the depression was failing to break
even. Repeatedly it borrowed money to meet running ex-
penses. Soon the banks would not cash the salary warrants
of county employes, and they had to take them to local
merchants who accepted them at 20 percent discount.
There were rumors of even worse things than failing to
meet bills — tales, for instance, of outrageous mismanage-
ment at the county hospital. But in the community then
was a group of energetic business and professional me
whose business was in the city, but who lived in the coun
and who in their own affairs in the city took solvency
good management so much for granted that they wer<
shocked into action. That action started in the fall of 193'

The governing body in Missouri counties is the coun
court, composed of three judges, a presiding judge electe
for four years and two associates elected for two yea:
These judges have no judicial functions; they correspond
to county commissioners or supervisors in other states.
After the 1934 elections, the county chamber of commerce
went to the newly elected court and announced that it
wished to appoint a committee to cooperate in improvin:
local government. The court agreed. In fact, one of tb
new judges, catching the rumors in the air, had declarei
in his campaign that he favored this cooperation of the
public in running the county. The chamber of commerce
named a committee of twelve men. It included a realtor,
a research man, the vice-president of a smelting company,
a banker, a drygoods man, the dean of the Washington
University law school, a farmer, the head of a transporta-
tion company, an executive in a stove factory. Its chairman
was the president of a lumber company.

"I grabbed the chance to head the committee," said the
lumber merchant, Mansfield C. Bay, a round-faced man of
sixty, "and I'll tell you why. About a year earlier the
sheriff of this county had called me up one evening. 'Mr.
Bay,' he said, 'will you do something for me as a favor?
I want you to serve on the grand jury. I'm on the spot.
We've got to indict kidnapers. I've got to have a good
grand jury.' Well, sir," Bay went on, "that hit me right
between the eyes. For years I had been getting the benefits
and privileges of a so-called civilized community and I
had never lifted a finger to help it or to express apprecia-
tion of it. If I was called on jury duty, I asked some politi-
cian to get me off. I had never attended a caucus or any
kind of political meeting or taken part in any gathering

SURVEY GRAPHIC

a civic purpose. And here was an elected officer of
my county asking me us ti faror to do my duty! Well, sir,
I served on that grand jury ami the rottenness we turned
up in this county shocked me. We hail to do something
t it."

Vest-Pocket Banks

Ii\1 i \LLED HIS COMMITTEE TOGETHER. SPEEDY INVESTIGATION

showed that the county was $1,250,000 in the red, that it
was getting in deeper all the time.

\ next move was dramatic. He asked the twenty-five
elected officers of the county to meet his group at the
county court house. "Gentlemen," he said, "many of you
\presscd your willingness to work with this commit-
tee in putting the county on a sound financial basis, but
ue would like to have it more definite. We have drawn up
a written pledge of cooperation which we would like you
all to sign." Trie officials were aghast. Most of them had
assumed that this citizens' committee was just another of
futile bubblings of public dissatisfaction that had
occurred before, that it would soon subside as others had
done. This looked serious. The officials sensed that public
opinion was behind the committee. They all signed.

Amazing to the business men were their next discov-
The county had no accounting system, no auditing,
no budget. Every department bought what it pleased, at
what price it pleased. (Your county may have an account-
ing system, and its different departments may be audited
occasionally. But the chances are that it hasn't a budget
system, or central purchasing. Few of the 3000 counties in
the United States have either.) An auditor got busy and
the story became a drama tinged with farce. The county
clerk, confronted with a shortage, vanished. The auditor
sealed the safe and waited. A few days later the clerk
turned up and said: "Haven't you found the money? Here
it is!" He went to an unlocked filing case and produced
the missing amount. "But why do you keep the money
there?" asked the auditor. "Oh," said the clerk, "I decided
during the bank moratorium that banks weren't safe."
Curious, the auditor checked the numbers of the bills and
later found that many of them had been issued months
after the bank holiday. Obviously someone had produced
the money after the audit began.

When the investigation switched to the tax collector's

department, it was found that the collector had just banked

$164,000 of public money. "He was carrying it around in

his vest pocket," his attorney stated. "He had a perfect

1 right to do so."

The sheriff hadn't any books, either, but he did have an
agreement with the county by which he got 75 cents a day
for feeding prisoners. "What do you base that on?" the
county court asked. The sheriff rushed to the grocery
Stores and came back with invoices of goods he said he
had bought. The auditor went to the same grocers. One
store from which the sheriff claimed to have purchased
$2500 worth of stuff testified that he had really spent only
$7.50 there. The county court cut the sheriff down to 40
cents a day for prisoners.

State law limited the income of public employes to
$10,000 a year, yet county clerk, tax collector and sheriff
were pocketing several times that amount in fees.

"The interesting point to me," Girard Varnum, a mem-
ber of the committee, said to me, "was the psychology of
these men. I knew them. They weren't naturally dishonest.
They wouldn't have done any of these things in their

private business. But you take a grocery clerk or a
man who suddenly finds himself by the democratic \»
elected to an office where thousands of dollars in fees are
rolling in. 'What do I do with this money?' The answer
was, 'Everybody always has kept it.' And the more money
rolled in, the more his conscience got twisted. The same
was true of lending public money out to friends and sneak-
ing it back. These things had been done for years. They
were all in the vicious political tradition. Nobody before
had made a serious attempt to smash that tradition."

They Discovered . . .

DURING 1935 THE COMMITTEE HELD OVER ONE HUNDRED
meetings — many of which lasted from dinner time to mid-
night. They discovered that not one out of twenty county
saloons and taverns was paying a license fee. The county
court put on two inspectors and increased liquor revenue
from $6000 to $36,000 a year.

The committee discovered that $330,000 of county school
money had been lent out on real estate mortgages but that
for years neither the taxes on much of this property nor
the interest on the loans had been paid. By vigorous work
the committee recovered practically all of it.

They discovered that the county had placed many
charity patients in private institutions at so much per
month, but there was no check on what had been paid or
was being paid. The committee sent a man to look into
things. "Where's Bill Smith? Where's Tom Jones?" he
would ask when he got to a certain institution and con-
sulted his list. It came out that Bill and Tom and a lot of
others had been dead for years, but the county was still
paying for them by the month.

They discovered, too, how profit from all this waste and
wilful carelessness and graft had spread out from the
courthouse, so that there were hundreds of men in the
community who fought to keep things as they were.

Bay began to get threatening letters. His family begged
him to quit. But the lumber dealer's dander was up.

"It was curious," he remarked to me, "how the attitude
of these fellows over at the courthouse changed as we went
on. First, they thought we had political ambitions. But not
one of us would take a political office on a bet. We hadn't
any other ambitions either, except to give this county a
decent government. It was hard for the courthouse gang
to believe that."

The Hospital Diagnosis

PERHAPS THE MOST STRIKING INSTANCE OF THE ATTITUDE OF
this group of citizens toward their local government was
the battle over the county hospital. That institution was a
scandal. Its staff was full of politicians with no training for
their jobs. Self-respecting doctors refused to work there.
Graduates of reputable medical schools refused to serve as
internes. Everybody bought supplies recklessly. Silverware
and napkins vanished. Employes handed out roast chicken
to friends at the back door. Tons of food went out with the
garbage. The institution had been blacklisted by the Amer-
ican Medical Association and the College of Surgeons.

For two years the committee fought to get a change. By
the fall of 1936 public opinion was so aroused that one of
the two county judges who had stubbornly defended the
status quo went down to defeat before a vigorous ex-
sergeant of marines who gave the committee a majority
on the county court. The inefficient head of the hospital
went out and a new man in. The new director cut the

AUGUST 1938

409

operating cost $22,000 a year, though he handled more
patients and spent $6000 on new equipment. He cut the
average hospitalization by two and a half days, yet his
mortality rate decreased. Within a few months the hos-
pital went back on the OK list of the American Medical
Association and the American College of Surgeons.

News came that at the October 1937 meeting of the
American College of Surgeons at Chicago an announce-
ment would be made of the restoration of the hospital to
the approved list, with high praise of its new management.
At Bay's suggestion, the new director asked the A.C.S. to
invite the three county judges up to Chicago. There, in an
important session of several hundred physicians and sur-
geons from all parts of the country, the chairman called
the three laymen up to the platform and made an impres-
sive speech lauding them for making the St. Louis County
Hospital one of the best public institutions in the United
States. And one of the three had fought tooth and nail
against the reform!

Those county officials came back home with a tre-
mendous story that spread all around the community.
"Never henceforth, I think," said Bay, "will this county
forget the importance of a high standard at the hospital."

Today the county has a budget and is living within it.
It has a strict accounting system. It has central purchasing.
No one can buy a lead pencil without the OK of the
comptroller, a new officer. It has cut costs $200,000 a year,
though its service to the people is far better. Last election,
the people approved by a four-to-one vote a bond issue of
$800,000 to pay off debts piled up by former administra-
tions. A few years ago such a vote would have been impos-
sible, because the people would have been afraid this
money, too, would be wasted or stolen. The citizens' com-
mittee has given them new confidence in their government.

At the last session of the state legislature, the committee
tried to get through a law which would give the county
the right to cut away a labyrinth of outworn laws and
adopt a new charter, with either a county manager, elected
executive or commission form of government. The meas-
ure was defeated. However, the committee is going to
try again at the next session.

For it's still going strong. That's really the most sig-
nificant and human thing about this group of citizens of
St. Louis County. A few weeks ago I sat in at one of their
meetings. Here were these twelve busy men, after three
and a half years of hard work for the welfare of their com-
munity for which not one of them had received a cent or
wanted a cent, gathered together as keen as at the begin-
ning in pushing on toward better and better government.
Several county officers were there and there was a lively
good natured set-to between them and the committee on

the question of milk inspection. Then a new project the
committee has in mind — an expert survey of the county
schools, similar to that just put through in New York
State, with the idea of radical consolidation of its ninety-
seven school districts in order to eliminate the one-room
school and get fewer and better rural teachers.

"How long is this committee going to go on?" I asked.

"I guess it's a permanent institution," said Bay.

"We hope so," spoke up a county officer. "It keeps us
alive to the people's point of view. Helps us do a good
job."

A set of men elected to run our affairs in town, county,
or city, is not like a machine which, once started, will go
on turning out the desired product automatically. These
men we elect to office are like the rest of us, handicapped
by human frailty and ignorance, and probably bedevilled
by more temptations than the average of us meet. Even
with the best of intentions, they need the help of the com-
munity to do their job right. A good man will be thwartec
and a weak man corrupted by a bad system. But even
mediocre man can do good work with a good system anc
cooperation from the public.

Democracy is under fire. It has even begun to have
doubts of itself. Would a citizens' committee in every com-
munity restore the vigor of democracy? It depends on the
committee. In Cincinnati the citizens' organization whict
put over the new charter and the city manager plan ha
developed into "the charter party," and goes to the polls
at every election to fight for councilmen who will suppor
the letter and spirit of the charter. In Massachusetts citi-
zens' committees are successfully working for reorganiza-
tion of government and lower taxes. In Toledo a citizens'
committee has put through a new charter and solved in-
dustrial strife. In several counties of Virginia, citizens'
committees have worked for and got the budget syster
and the county manager plan. One county has even adopt-
ed the merit system for county employes.

"But," says Professor A. R. Hatton of Northwestern
University, veteran fighter for good government, "look at
Chicago. It has probably had more good government com-
mittees and civic associations and clean-up movement
than any other American city, yet today it has one of the
worst municipal governments in the world."

Citizens' committees are too often beset by the reforr
er's complex. Too much indignation and not enough facts
Too many headlines and not enough hard work. They
blaze hot, then fizzle out. Politicians count on that. To me
this group of men of St. Louis County in their self-sacrifice
their intelligence, and above all their persistence is one of
the best examples I have met of civic interest translate
into action.

Labor Stage

HILDA WORTHINGTON SMITH
(After seeing Pins and Needles given by the Ladies' Garment Workers)

Out of the shops where swift machines are whirring,
Out of your bitter, undefeated youth,
From years of basting, stitching, tucking, shirring,
Speak, garment workers! Dramatize the truth.

Speak for those others, those whose voices mumble-
Too tired to hope, too dauntless to despair —
As amateurs in half-learned parts they stumble.
Rehearse these others. Make them, too, aware.

Let daily bread be salted with your laughter;
Reality made pungent in a jest.
Let gay and bubbling music follow after—
The sober facts in melody compressed.

An audience beyond these doors is seated.
Stretch your dramatic fabric, pricked with pins.
Let Labor speak its lines ; truth undeleted.
Ring up the curtain! Now the play begins.

410

SURVEY GRAPHIC

Courtesy Sears News-Graphic
Employes of Sears, Roebuck study the financial statement as the president reports to his "second board of directors"

Reports to Jobholders

by ROBERT LITTELL

TllF. OLD-FASHIONED CAPTAIN OF INDUSTRY WHO USED TO

boast that no employe could tell him how to run his busi-
ness would have snorted at the idea of telling his employes
how he was running it. But today an increasing number
of companies are giving their employes facts and figures
once reserved for the eyes of stockholders alone. The in-
novation, be it noted, is quite independent of union-
rrKin.igement agreements. This effort in the direction of
better understanding is being tried by concerns which have
well established contractual relationships with organized
labor, and those which are traditionally "agin the unions"
in principle and, so far as possible, in practice. It is a sig-
nificant development, and may in time give some meaning
to the saying that labor and capital are partners.

It you hold stock in a company, you duly receive an
annual report which — provided you understand the lan-
guage of balance sheets or profit and loss statements better
than most laymen — gives you a good estimate of the com-
pany's financial health. But, until very recently, if all you
held in that company was a job, your knowledge of its
alT.iirs was often limited to rumors picked up in the wash-
room or from the second cousin of the head bookkeeper.
In other words, if you had invested your money in a com-
p.uiy. frequently at a great distance, you were copiously
informed, but if you had invested your hands, your brain,
your body and your life's labor you were not deemed
worthy of receiving any official information whatsoever.

This contrast truly reflected what were, until recently,
the relative positions of the stockholder and the employe
in American industry. Today those positions have
dianged. Let us look at some of the cases collected in the
course of several weeks' investigation:

The kind of industrialist who regards- labor as a com-
modity would have shuddered had he been present in
Bridgeport, Conn., on a certain evening last April, and not

AUGUST 1938

only because it was cold. Here, in an auditorium hired by
the management, sat employes of one of the subsidiary
plants of Manning Maxwell and Moore, manufacturers of
railroad and other industrial equipment. For some hours
they listened while R. R. Wason, president of the company,
explained in detail and with the help of lantern slides ex-
actly where the company's income dollar comes from, and
where it goes. Mr. Wason showed how approximately 64
cents went for manufacturing costs, 13 cents for selling,
y/2 cents for management's salaries, 5 cents for taxes, 4
cents for reserves and 9 cents for profit, most of which last
two items were reinvested in the company. He gave figures
for recent months in Bridgeport and for the company as a
whole, he told how 84 percent of its total business came
from products developed within the last five years. Busi-
ness would be better, he argued, if it weren't for taxes —
how can new products be further developed when the gov-
ernment gets so much of what ought to be working capi-
tal? When Mr. Wason had finished his "animated annual
report," the employes were invited to ask questions. They
wanted to know why their products weren't nationally
advertised, why shares weren't sold to them instead of
borrowing from the bank, what effect the European crisis
had on business conditions. The keenness of their interest
is further proved by the fact that 750 out of a total payroll
of 1000 turned up for the meeting — in spite of a snowstorm.

THIS YEAR JOHNS-MANVILLE MADE ITS FIRST SPECIAL REPORT
to its jobholders in terms which all of them could under-
stand. It is an attractively printed booklet, plentifully illus-
trated with clear pictorial symbols — a dome for federal
taxes, Father Time with a scythe for depreciation, a micro-
scope for money spent on research, an expense dollar neatly
cut up into slices of pie. With its help any employe can
see how the millions which customers paid for Johns-

411

Manville products were whittled down— by payrolls, cost
of materials, transportation, taxes and so forth — to the
amount left for dividends, which this report calls "wages
paid to stockholders for the use of their money." On an-
other page is a streamlined balance sheet, with words of
one syllable substituted for the terminology of accountants.
Professional accountants object that the greater the simpli-
fication of a financial report, the less its accuracy — inten-
tional or otherwise. But the common man may well object
that accountancy is a priestcraft, open only to the under-
standing of the priests themselves.

Here is a handsome blue and white brochure. It is the
employes edition of the report of the Monsanto Chemical
Company. On the first page is the picture of an energetic
young man sitting at a desk. He is Edgar M. Queeny, the
company's president. His first words to his employes are,
"Let us sit down together and talk for a little while about
our business." He says the employe will probably ask who
the stockholders are, why it is necessary to report to them
every year, and why they exist anyhow. He explains and
admits flatly that the employe has an even greater stake
in the business than the stockholder. Then follow pages
of figures, diagrams, carried on the clear current of a crisp
monologue by a man who means to be understood.

The practice of International Harvester is unlike that of
most companies which avoid a touchy subject these days
when the salaries of industrial executives are often pub-
lished. In its persuasive Annual Report to Employes,
President McAllister calls attention to the fact that four-
teen officers of the company received, during 1937, salaries
totaling $719,000, and adds that "employes may properly
inquire as to this managerial expense." Then he goes on
to show that if these men had worked for nothing, their
pay, spread thin over the 100,000 employes and stock-
holders, would have yielded less than $7 per person.

Harvester's report also shows the investment behind each
man's job. Before he can tighten a nut or turn a wheel,
someone has spent $6000 on his "tool kit." Other com-
panies, in similar reports, emphasize the value of this tool
kit, which may be anywhere from $3000 to $30,000 per
employe according to the industry.

E. J. Barcalo, a Buffalo manufacturer, has put into prac-
tice his belief that management should discuss its problems
with employes "freely, frankly and without reservation."
For over two years, the Barcalo Workshop Bulletin has
openly discussed topics which many other business men
regard as office secrets, such as the company's bank bal-
ance and what happens to it, the ups and downs of orders
and profits, the meaning of surplus and how it is invested.

On all bulletin boards of the American Rolling Mill
Company are posted weekly reports of business conditions,
particularly as they affect steel. Says Armco's management,
"Workers should have full confidence that we are securing
our share of the available business." As far back as 1922
Armco's president, C. R. Hook, argued that industry could
win over its employes by "taking the mystery out of
business."

Sears News-Graphic (sixth largest tabloid circulation
in the U.S.) prints candid camera shots of employes study-
ing the annual Sears, Roebuck report at a mass meeting
addressed by their president, General R. E. Wood.

H. L. Nunn, president of the Nunn-Bush Shoe Com-
pany, talks to all its 1200 employes in groups of seventy-
five at a time, discussing, among other things, financial
details and the distribution of the sales dollar.

Separate statements to employes are made by Cluett Pea-
body, the Fifth Avenue Coach Company, the Illinois Cen-
tral Railroad, and by Westinghouse in its Annual Review
of Industrial Relations.

The Elgin Watch Company and the Jewel Tea Com-
pany present to employes the balance sheet's items eluci-
dated and translated into terms of dollars per employe.
General Foods and the Caterpillar Tractor Company ad-
dress their illustrated annual reports to employes as well as
to stockholders. The Mead Corporation sends its annual
report to all employes, with a letter urging them to ask for
further information. Financial facts or reports, with vary-
ing amounts of simplification and comment, can be read
in the employe publications of General Electric, Metro-
politan Life, Armstrong Cork, Armour, Western Electric,
Continental Oil, the Standard Oil Companies of Indiana
and New Jersey, and U.S. Steel. Employe magazines of the
subsidiary telephone companies regularly publish their
own and the parent company's reports, with charts and
explanations.

While these companies, and others which have an em-
bryonic program of facts for employes, are still a very
small minority of industry's total, the number is rapidly
increasing. Those who were doing something of this sort
reported a favorable reaction from employes.

THE MOVEMENT TO MAKE SUCH INFORMATION AVAILABLE TO

jobholders as well as to stockholders has taken a firm hold
on industry. The belief is growing that straightforward
exposition of financial facts is a valuable part of any sound
industrial relations policy. The mysteries of business are
being hauled out of ledgers and exposed on blackboards
for all to see. There are dangers and pitfalls, of course.
Some companies are tempted to use the "report to em-
ployes" as a soapbox from which the president may
expound his views on the horrors of federal taxation,
regulation, the national labor relations act, and other semi-
political subjects. Some of the explanatory literature passed
out to employes is so plain an attempt to "sell them the
company" as to arouse only incredulity and contempt. In
other instances, management is patently offering sugar-
coated propaganda against labor organization and collec-
tive bargaining. If management's performance doesn't
measure up to its words, the employe will regard the ex-
planations and financial statements offered him as just
another gadget for "buttering him up." One observer has
suggested that if a management isn't trusted by the em-
ployes, full financial reports to them won't do any good,
and if it is trusted, such reports won't be necessary.

Nevertheless, when sincerely and intelligently done, the
sharing of financial facts with employes has tremendous
advantages for all concerned. The employe is enabled to
grasp the relationship of his own job to the fortunes of the
company as a whole, and the relationship of his company's
fortunes to those of the nation's economy. He respects
management for considering him intelligent and responsi-
ble enough to be given the facts. Management, in turn,
should find its attempts at this kind of education repaid
by increased reasonableness on the part of the employe.
Demands for more wages than the business can pay are
less likely to be made, and fair demands more likely to be
met, when both sides have studied the arithmetic.

If capital and. labor are partners, then labor, in justice
as well as common sense, should be given such knowledge
as a partner is entitled to.

412

SURVEY GRAPHIC

Dominion Down Under

by C. HARTLEY GRATTAN

The saga of Australia — from its discovery 1 50 years ago to its position
today in an uneasy world, thousands of miles away from the sun of its
economic life, a frontier of the British Empire.

AFTER 150 YEARS OF HISTORY, AUSTRALIA STANDS BEFORE THE
work! .is the greatest producer and exporter of fine me-
rino wool, as one of the Big 4 wheat exporters, and as
one of the outstanding exponents of social democracy.
Those who know Australia more intimately take heed of
the fact that it is also of basic importance in the British
Empire trade as a supplier of mutton and lamb, butter,
fruit and other food products, and as a receiver of manu-
factures and loan money. Australia today has, in terms
of the producers' interests, "recovered."

Australian liberals, and a large segment of the working
class, arc advancing many ideas for improving the well-
being of the masses, from free public libraries with which
the Australians are the poorest supplied today of all
English-speaking peoples, to the forty-hour week and
National Insurance. When all is said and done, however,
150 years after Captain Phillip landed his thousand ill-
assorted souls at Sydney, the Commonwealth may widi
more truth than irony be described as a conservative,
protected, subsidized, social democratic capitalism. But
Australia in 1938 can be clearly seen only against the back-
ground of its 150 years.

In 1786, with the American outlet blocked, British au-
thorities decided, after considerable discussion, to follow
die advice of Sir Joseph Banks, first proffered in 1779,
and establish a new penal colony in the almost unknown
continent then called New Holland, along the eastern
coast of which Banks had sailed in 1770 with Captain
James Cook. On January 20, 1788, a fleet of six transports
and three supply ships, Captain Arthur Phillip in com-
mand, was assembled in Botany Bay after a voyage of
eight months and one week from England. Captain
Phillip ordered explorations to be undertaken, and what
a member of the party called a "noble and capacious har-
bour" was found — Port Jackson — on the shores of which
the company was landed and the foundations of the city
of Sydney laid. Exactly how many individuals thus took
part in establishing the first English settlement in New
South Wales is a matter of dispute, but it is certain that
they barely exceeded one thousand, half of them military
men assigned to guard the other half who were still tech-
nically in jail, many of them old and sick, so carelessly
had they been assembled by the prison authorities.

A more unfavorable beginning for a colony can scarce-
ly be imagined and many years elapsed before it could
stand on its own feet. The growth of the population
was spasmodic. In 1815, after over a quarter century of
existence, there were but 15,000 individuals in the settle-
ment. It was not until 1835 that the numbers rose to above
100,000 by which time there were other settlements in
addition to that at Sydney, and not until sometime be-
tween 1850 and 1855 were as many as 500,000 white per-
sons to be found in Australia. After that the rate of growth

increased, the million mark being passed by 1860, the
two million twenty years later, the five million during
the World War. The current population is 6,800,000.
These bare figures conceal a good deal of history.

Land of Mystery

THE CONTINENT ON WHICH CAPTAIN PHILLIP LANDED HIS

small company was an unknown quantity. The unveil-
ing of that mystery could best be illustrated by one of
those animated maps with which news is sometimes illu-
minated in the movies. Briefly, until 1813, when the in-
credible jumble of mountains back of Sydney was crossed,
very little progress was made in continental exploration,
though a good deal was done by sea. Between 1813 and
1875 practically the whole of the interior was traversed,
but even today there are minor isolated areas still to be
trodden by white men.

The continent thus revealed was, from the point of
view of Europeans, far more strange and baffling than
North America. In modern terms — those of Professor
Griffith Taylor — it was gradually discovered that of the
2,974,600 square miles it contains (almost exactly the
same area as continental U.S.A.) :

About 42 percent is arid; 20 percent almost useless for stock,
and 22 percent fair pastoral country except in bad droughts.

About 34 percent is good pastoral country.

About 21 percent is fair temperate farming country, suitable
for close settlement, 13 percent receiving over 20 inches of
rain per annum and 8 percent less than 20 inches. It is in this
area, chiefly in southeastern Australia, that the bulk of the
population probably always will be found.

About 3 percent in tropical Queensland has a uniform rain-
fall through most of the year.

There was no native population sufficiently powerful to
offer an organized opposition to the white occupation of
the continent.

In the original instance, the Imperial authorities, apart
from the primary purpose of establishing a jail, appar-
ently planned the development of Australia on the basis
of a small-holding peasantry recruited from time-expired
or freed convicts. This program was rudely shattered dur-
ing the period of the Napoleonic Wars which prevented
the Imperial authorities from taking much interest in it.
The military contrived to gain economic control of the
community by establishing a trading monopoly which
enabled them mercilessly to exploit the entire population.
The few small holders were almost all driven into debt,
bankruptcy and servitude, and the settlement was milked
for the benefit of a tiny minority.

Wool and Wages

JOHN MACARTHUR, WHO HAD ORIGINALLY ARRIVED IN NEW
South Wales in 1790 as a member of the military, was a

AUGUST 1938

413

Photographs, Official Secretary for Australia in U.S.A.
Bringing out the valuable merino wool by team. Since early in the nineteenth century wool has been the chief Australian export

prime mover in establishing the military monopoly, and
he early engaged in experiments in sheep breeding de-
signed to improve the quality of wool produced. He was
thus bringing the wealth he had wrung from the com-
munity to the service of the community (and of course
himself as well) by feeling his way toward what was
to become the basic industry of the continent, wool grow-
ing. The monopoly was a retrogressive economic step,
but the experiments in wool growing proved to be as-
toundingly dynamic.

As early as 1804 Macarthur was able to engage the in-
terest of the English wool dealers and manufacturers in
the Australian product, though they did not agree with
his optimistic forecast that Australian wools would free
England from dependence upon Spanish and German
supplies. In any case he was able to induce the Imperial
authorities to change their land policy to the extent of
making grants sufficiently large for sheep runs, and when
the Napoleonic Wars were concluded, English capitalists
began to appear in Australia to engage in the new indus-
try. By 1847 the graziers had achieved the land policy
they wanted, and since wool had then been the chief
Australian export for almost twenty years, they were
unquestionably the most powerful group in the country.

Between 1840 and 1868 the traders of the towns, the
free laborers whose wages were depressed by convict
competition, and the philanthropic of all groups, forced
the abolition of transportation to Australia, thus cutting
off the supply of cheap, servile, virtually slave labor, on
which the graziers had come to depend. This move forced
the working of the sheep stations (not ranches) with
free laborers, a class that had begun to appear in the Aus-
tralian colonies as immigrants in the twenties, and in in-
creasing numbers from the early thirties on. Most of
these immigrants were brought out with government aid,
and the question of immigration, assisted and otherwise,
has been one of Australia's problems from that day.

The exploitation of the continent on a pastoral basis, a
system so admirably adapted to the natural conditions re-
vealed by the explorers, necessarily made for a widely
scattered population in the grazing areas, coupled with
the rise of sizable towns at the ports which served as
export and import centers. When in due time Australian
manufacturing began to assume importance, it further
accentuated the concentration of population in the cities.
Thus early it was determined that in spite of its small
population Australia was to have cities of considerable
size. Today Sydney is a city of one million and a quarter
persons, while Melbourne contains a million. Altogether
about two thirds of the Australians of today are urban
residents, and almost half of them live in the great met-
ropolitan centers. This marked tendency toward excep-
tional urbanization early precipitated that struggle between
the towns and the countryside which is a persistent fea-
ture of Australian political life.

Australia was "precipitated into nationhood" by the
discovery of gold. From 1850 to 1860 adventurous men
from all over the world flocked to the gold fields of New
South Wales and Victoria. When the tumult and the
shouting died down and people turned to more routine
economic activities, the great issue quickly became the
provision of land for farming. By one means or another,
the graziers maintained their ascendancy on the land.
Nevertheless a tendency in the direction of extending the
cultivated area was established and when railways, the
dry farming technique, and wheats suitable to Australian
conditions were brought together, Australia started down
the road which led to a place as one of the Big 4 wheat
exporters. The rise of farming has not meant, however,
the decline of grazing and wool growing still remains
the basic Australian industry.

Three other policies growing out of the gold rush days
were also to have high importance: the White Australia
policy, founded on the conflicts between white and

414

SURVEY GRAPHIC

Chinese miners (in the gold fields; the protective tariff,
established first in the colony of Victoria in the late sixties
ihitiiin tor unemployment; and the working class
|x>lk\ of Iniilding trade unions. In the early seventies,
another policy destined to have a wide influence was
addal, that of heavy governmental borrowing overseas
for developmental public works.

The Commonwealth Emerges

TlIF ArSTRAl I V\ sTORY RISES TO A CLIMAX IN THE EIGHTEEN-

ninetics. The unions and the employers had jockeyed for
n for some years and early in the decade fought a
scries of bitter strikes, from which the unions emerged
considerably damaged. The workers, in addition to set-
:x)ut the rebuilding of their unions, turned to poli-
effect their aims through legislation, and in that
:ielped write into the law of the land the social
rion for which Australia became world famous.
Much of this legislation, including compulsory arbitra-
tion of labor disputes and wages fixation, was wrung
from liberal and even conservative governments through
labour's holding the balance of power, and most of the
ideas it reflected were derived from the liberal and radical
of Great Britain.

In 1893, the inflationary policy of the governments, plus
an even more reckless inflationary speculative policy in
private business, especially land-trading, led to a tremen-
dous financial panic which brought economic life to a
halt. On top of that came a devastating drought which,
when combined with falling wool prices, put the pas-
tor.ilists on their backs. The reorganization of forces by
all the several groups in the population sufficiently occu-
pied the Australians for some years. It is a tribute to their
energy that it was during this decade that the long-mooted
plan for federating the several colonies was brought to
fruition, and in 1901 the Commonwealth of Australia
proclaimed.

Many of the characteristic Australian policies
have largely remained in the hands of the states:
encouragement of agriculture, heavy borrow-
ing for public works, social legislation. Two of
outstanding significance were given over to the
Commonwealth: the White Australia policy
was incorporated into the Commonwealth im-
migration laws; and the protective tariff was
extended from the colony of Victoria to all
Australia. Federation also made possible a na-
tional defense policy, and indeed the felt need
for such a policy played a large part in bring-
ing about federation. But by and large the pat-
tern of contemporary Australian life was appar-
ent by the nineties.

After the original outburst of ameliorative
legislation during which Australia fixed itself
in the world's mind as a pioneer in this field,
the task has been conceived as one of strength-
ening existing measures rather than continued
pioneering. Differently put, Australia's experi-
mental impulse exhausted itself, the experiments
won the acceptance of the conservatives, and a
social democratic conservatism emerged. The
fundamental conservatism of Australia has
been further fixed by the agreement of all par-
ties on the policy of protection. Today Labour
is more protectionist than the opposing parties,

thus of necessity bringing its support to the section of the
urban community which is naturally most conservative,
the manufacturers.

The World War did not fundamentally change the
Australian economy. It did, of course, cost the country a
tremendous price in men and money, but it can hardly
be alleged to have deflected the course of its appointed
evolution. Indeed the most spectacular phase of post-
war policy goes back to the eightecn-seventies: the policy
of heavy overseas borrowing for developmental public
works. The most marked change was psychological. In
the eighteen-nineties and early nineteen hundreds, Aus-
tralia seemed to be emerging culturally as a nation, but
since the war it has tended more and more to take up a
colonial status intellectually. In marked contrast to its
sister dominion, New Zealand, where the experimental
impulse is very much alive, Australia's deeper trends have
continued unbroken: support of the manufacturing in-
terest, the farming interest, the producers generally, as
contrasted with the workers and the consumers.

Australia's Situation Today

CONFRONTED WITH THE PROBLEMS OP THE PRESENT-DAY
world, how does Australia react? First of all, it is well
to recall that it is still an underdeveloped country. On the
basis of its own needs and aspirations, Australia finds
Paul Valery's celebrated remark— "The time of the fin-
ished world has commenced" — entirely senseless. It is not
overpopulation that worries Australia, but underpopula-
tion and how to remedy it. It is not overcapacity in in-
dustry that agitates its leaders, but how to expand indus-
try. And yet because Australia is, as an exporter of pri-
mary produce, deeply involved in the older world, espe-
cially Great Britain, she is prevented from dealing with
her problems as they seem to require.

It is obviously useless to go on blindly expanding
agriculture when so much difficulty is experienced in

A large part of Melbourne'! million people turn out for the annual Cup race

AUGUST 1938

415

sustaining existing producers and marketing their goods.
Similarly, Australia feels that its population should be
larger — much larger, perhaps twenty million — chiefly so
that its economic development may continue, secondarily
that its capacity to defend itself may be strengthened.
There are, however, few signs of a large scale resumption
of migration, partly because labor resists the introduction
of new people while unemployment continues to badger
the workers and the governments, partly because' the
economic differential between England (from whence it
is desired that most of the migrants come) and Australia
is not great enough to induce voluntary transfer, partly
because England is beginning to suffer a depopulation
malaise, and partly because Australia is beginning to
emphasize the absorption of migrants into secondary
industries and that may make migration decidedly dis-
advantageous to British industry. In short, Australia des-
perately desires to resume development, after the tempo-
rary halt dictated by the depression, according to the old
established pattern, and the old ideas don't work too well.
Whether one turns to the problem of extending agricul-
ture, to the task of marketing primary products, to de-
velopmental public works, to finance, population, or
wherever, the difficulties and confusions are patent. Aus-
tralia's needs remain the same, but the world economic
system has so changed that it is increasingly difficult
to satisfy those needs in the traditional way.

Willy-Nilly British

IF, AS ANDRE SIEGFRIED WAS LATELY CONTENDING, CANADA
is a British Empire country that has become, willy-nilly,
American, then Australia is a British Empire country
that tried to be itself but remained, willy-nilly, British.
This is a somewhat amusing result when you consider
that forty-odd years ago there was a good deal of repub-
lican sentiment in Australia. At that period when the La-
bour Party, full of pristine vigor, was forcing through
ameliorative social legislation, most of the Australian
writers and artists were "offensively Australian." They
produced on the assumption that they were the pioneers
of an Australian culture, that they would have succes-
sors to carry on and refine the tradition, and that Aus-
tralia would rapidly develop a cultural personality of its
own. They do have successors, some of whom have
achieved wide fame, but their Australian-ness is cherished
by a minority.

Why the cultural impulse that found such admirable
expression forty years ago failed to mature in any proper
fashion is difficult to say. Two points must, however, be
made: first, that the World War was a disaster to Aus-
tralian culture, and second, that the triumph of conser-
vatism also had a bad effect.

While the World War did not fundamentally alter
the general lines of Australian economic development, it
did have a profound, and as yet unanalyzed, psycho-
cultural effect. Whatever else happened it is apparent that
Australia was deluged with war propaganda. Though
Prime Minister Hughes and his cohorts failed on two
occasions to get a warrant, through referenda, to apply
conscription for overseas service, voluntary enlistments
continued in volume to the end of the war, and the
glorification of the war continued to this day. Australia
is one of the few victorious countries of the world where
the debunked version of the war has failed to gain wide-
spread respectability.

After the war the situation with regard to the dom
inance of the Imperial note, as contrasted with a distinct!
ively Australian note, continued. In times of peace it hsu
drawn its strength from the economic needs of Australia
which have required that Australian policy, especially ii
trade, be guided by reference to Imperial needs; and, o
course, Australia's quid pro quo for directing her import
to Britain has been special consideration for primar
products in the markets of Great Britain. A bill intro
duced into the federal Parliament in 1937 to accept th<
Statute of Westminster, can hardly be interpreted as at
effort to "cut the painter." Australia's Britishness is Aus
tralia's proudest boast.

What currents of opinion are running beneath thi
surface? While it is hazardous to answer such a ques
tion dogmatically, the evidence seems to indicate that
obscurely, there is a "gathering of the forces." On th«
one hand, there are the tiny, isolated, pro-Australiar
groups that are ignored by the dominant official press
and on the other hand there are left-wing labor groups
controlling certain unions like coal and railways. These
latter are far less pro-Labour Party, though they pla)
along with it, than pro-labor. They are also of necessity
pro-Australian, which is to say, non-Imperialists.

Today Australia is involved in an uneasy stalemate
Capital cannot ignore labor because it is too powerful
Labor cannot ignore capital because it is too powerful
Neither side can assume open command and mold the
country to its desires, so both pretend they don't want to
Yet a stalemate of this character does not mean peace
The pulling and hauling inseparable from modern eco-
nomic life goes on constantly in Australia. In spite of
the best-intentioned efforts to "solve" the labor problem
through the use of compulsory arbitration and wages
fixation courts, strikes are constantly being threatened,
carried on, and settled by half-hearted compromises. How
long this can go on no one knows, but it seems to me that
if Australian history is not to be more of the same on a
constantly increasing scale, it will be because of dramatic

From the Argus, Melbourne, April 18.
Faith!

416

SURVEY GRAPHIC

Canberra, the new federal capital not far from Sydney, Australia's largest city. Parliament met here for the first time in 1927

changes overseas which will release the world from the
difficulties currently distorting its activities. Certainly
there is not, short of the sudden assertion by the masses
of opinions at present obscure to the foreign observer,
much chance of resolving the stalemate within Australia
itself. At present, the situation forces labor to be almost
as conservative as the conservatives, and quite impotent to
make a break to the left; and the conservatives to be al-
most as liberal as labor, and quite unable to make a
break to the right.

Thus it comes about that the war question dominates
Australian domestic politics today. Out of current press
discussion points of primary importance to a reasonably
grounded speculation on the future of Australia can be
drawn: (1) that Australia is an economically vulnerable
country today; (2) that it feels itself menaced by ene-
mies usually unnamed; (3) that it feels incapable of de-
fending itself out of its own resources; and (4) thai
therefore it must rely on the Imperial power for defense
in the ultimate issue.

The first of these propositions is indisputable. Australia
is economically an extremely vulnerable country. Its vul-
nerability arises from its position as a heavy exporter of
primary products which arc subject to the price move-
ments of the international market; from the fact that
an astonishing proportion of its production goes to one
market, Great Britain; and, finally, that it is inextricably
tied with one financial center, the City of London. These
.ire patent to all but the irresponsible and they play
a central role in keeping all political parties to a line that
is, on the one hand, dictated by them, and on the other
hand, confirms them.

As to the second point, it is far more debatable inso-
far as it involves direct invasion of Australia for purposes
of conquest. Analysis of the point makes clear, however,
that the Australians fear invasion only as a phase of a
world war during which England would be preoccupied
on the continent of Europe, a move that would be ac-
companied by or would be a phase of, a move to cut

the lines of trade between Australia and Europe during
such a war. During the first World War Australia took
a large part in clearing the Pacific of German raiders, but
Japan was then a friendly power. If Japan were opposed
to England in a great struggle of the future, what could
Australia hope to accomplish on her own? That is really
what worries the Australians and is the more realistic
version of their asserted military and naval vulnerability.

The third and fourth points run together. Obviously
Australia cannot hope to resist an untrammeled major
power if it stands alone, especially in the matter of main-
taining trade routes inviolate. It dicrcforc appears to the
conservatives the better part of wisdom to maintain close
relations as to defense with Great Britain, making Aus-
tralian defense policy an integral part of imperial policy.
The opposition, on the other hand, insists that the chances
and changes are so uncertain that Australia should plan
its defense so as to be able to defend itself out of its own
resources, insofar as this may be possible. In this fashion,
they argue, Australia will make the very best contribu-
tion to Imperial defense, for it will remove a heavy bur-
den from the shoulders of Great Britain. Thus it is clear
that both sides agree on the need for a vigorous defense
policy, and that, under modern conditions, means bending
industrial development to defense needs.

From this I deduce that the Australian domestic stale-
mate is unlikely to be resolved as long as the incubus of
armament and war-fear continues to dominate the world.
In its Australian expression it leads to the expenditure of
vast sums of money on unproductive works rather than
on projects of immediate benefit to the people; and the
fear of what may happen if war preparations arc not
made, prevents all but the most rash from demanding
an abrupt departure from the present-day conservative
line. If the world is freed from the fears now riding it,
the way will be cleared for the much needed redefinition
of Australian policy. For this reason, opinion about Aus-
tralia's tomorrow hinges upon the world's tomorrow, and
only the clairvoyant know exactly what that is to be.

AUGUST 1938

417

Medical Rift in Milwaukee

by ANDREW AND HANNAH BIEMILLER

When a group of physicians contracted to furnish medical attention to a
group of Milwaukee citizens, the local medical society expelled them and a
number of the hospitals refused to handle their cases. This story of the
Medical Center is of national significance — to sick and well, and to doctors.

YOU WALK INTO THE MAIN WAITING ROOM OF THE MlL-

waukee Medical Center to face the always unpleasant
prospect of a visit to the doctor.

"Mrs. Jones to see Dr. Sullivan," you say to the cheerful
young woman in nurse's uniform at the desk. She verifies
your appointment, checks you in, and asks you with a
smile to be seated until the doctor calls you. You sit down
in the airy, spacious room and look around you, your re-
assurance growing. There in the corner is the little phar-
macy where a registered pharmacist is preparing the pre-
scriptions given by staff doctors. In the opposite corner is
the registration desk and switchboard, with two girls busy
all day taking calls, checking records, or welcoming new-
comers. A white-coated doctor casually calls to a small boy,
"Hi Johnny, how's the ear?" The boy, cheerful and un-
afraid, leaves his mother to answer, "O.K., Doctor." The
girl at the desk says, "Mrs. Jones, please," and you go in to
face the bad or not-so-bad news. You will find the doctor
pleasant, unhurried, competent.

Since this is your first visit, you may ask to see the Cen-
ter, and an attendant will conduct you on a tour of the
well equipped clinic, a cross between an up-to-date doc-
tor's office and a first class hospital. The clinic occupies
one floor of an office building within a few blocks of Mil-
waukee's downtown section. A corridor runs around two
large waiting rooms, and from it open the offices of the
seven staff physicians, an X-ray room, laboratory, library,
surgery, and various other rooms for special purposes.
Everything needed for out-patient treatment is there; at
present there are seven doctors, assisted by a pharmacist,
two laboratory technicians, two nurses, an office manager,
secretary and office assistant, a night phone operator and
an assistant.

The Milwaukee Medical Center was formed in April
1936, at the request of the employes of the International
Harvester Company. Many industrial medical plans of
various sorts were in operation at that time in several plants
in Milwaukee. Cutler Hammer, Inc., the Allis Chalmers
Company, the Electric Company and other organizations
had plans for medical care of their employes under flat
rate prepayment arrangements. The workers of the Har-
vester Company had something a little more ambitious in
mind, some system which would provide for more com-
plete care and cover their families as well as themselves.
One of them approached a doctor of his acquaintance and
asked him to work out a plan. As a result five doctors
organized a co-partnership to provide medical care for the
Harvester workers and other wage earning groups in
Milwaukee. Those five doctors are still the main staff of
the Center. They now employ two additional doctors. In
1936 the original five were at the top of their profession.

418

Four were members in good standing of the County Med-
ical Society and all were staff physicians in the city's lead-
ing hospitals, teachers in local medical schools, and pro-
ficient in specific lines. There had never been a whisper of
complaint against the professional skill or private conduct
of any of them.

DR. B. H. OBEREMBT WAS CHIEF OF STAFF AT MISERICORDIA
Hospital; Dr. Gerald A. Sullivan was secretary of the
staff at St. Joseph's and a recognized specialist in obstet-
rics and gynecology; Dr. J. E. Reuth was a member of the
staff at St. Joseph's and the Milwaukee County Hospital,
in charge of the department of physical and fever therapy;
Dr. A. L. Curtin was chief of surgical service at Mt. Sinai
Hospital and on the staff of the Milwaukee County Hos-
pital, City Emergency Hospital, and Misericordia; Dr. H.
C. Dallwig was recognized as an outstanding X-ray spe-
cialist and was in charge of this service at the County
Dispensary, Muirdale Hospital, and the City Emergency
Hospital.

When the five doctors discussed their plans with the
leaders of the County Medical Society they were met with
blank and uncompromising hostility. They explained that
a unified medical service for wage earners would secure
an adequate income for the doctors through a modest
monthly charge to subscribers; that such an association
would in no way change their relation with individual
patients, but would assure the patients of each doctor a
chance to avail themselves of the special skills of all and
of the complete equipment. They estimated that the up-
per 15 percent of the population of Milwaukee were able
to afford excellent care from private physicians and the
lower 20 percent received more or less adequate care
from public and charitable sources, but that the middle
65 percent often could not afford needed medical assist-
ance under the present fee system.

Backed by the strong organization of the State Medical
Society, the County Medical Society decreed that the pro-
posed medical center was a menace to the profession.
About eight weeks before the Center was scheduled to
open, the doctors were ordered to present a more specific
plan before a meeting of the board of directors of the
County Medical Society to be held in two days. They re-
plied that they had already presented their plans and ar-
guments and had nothing more to add. Shortly thereafter
the board requested their resignations from the society.
The request was refused. Charges were then preferred by
the board, which later sat as accuser, judge and jury, and
expelled the doctors.

The Medical Society charged that the doctors were pro-
ceeding to violate each of the following:

SURVEY GRAPHIC

Chapter XI, Section 3 of the By-Laws of the State Medical
Society of Wisconsin, disqualifying for membership by rea-
son of conduct tending to defeat the purposes of the County
Society.

Chapter II. Article I, Section 4 of the Principles of Medical
Ethics of the American Medical Association, declaring solici-
tation and advertising to be unprofessional.

Chapter III, Article XI, Section 2 of the Principles of Medi-
cal Ethics of the American Medical Association, declaring con-
tract practice contrary to a sound public policy to be unpro-
mal.

There were six other counts in the original charges, but
these were the three on which the doctors were found
guilty and expelled. The evidence of "advertising and
solicitation" was a leaflet prepared by a group of the In-
ternational Harvester employes without the knowledge of
the doctors, describing the plan to all their employes.

Dr. H. F. Wolters, an eye, ear, nose and throat special-
ist who later joined the Medical Center staff, was subse-
quently expelled from the Medical Society on the first
and third charges.

The five doctors took an appeal to the council of the
Slate Medical Society of Wisconsin, and meanwhile opened
the Center unperturbed. At first the patients of the Medi-
cal Center doctors were received in practically all the hos-
pitals in the city; but soon the pressure of the medical

:eties, county, state and national, forced the hospitals
to refuse admittance to their patients. At the present time
the patients of these capable physicians are barred from
all except Mount Sinai and Mercy Hospitals.

WHILE THE APPEAL TO THE STATE SOCIETY WAS WAITING TO

be heard, the Medical Center grew in strength and repu-
tation. The original block of 600 members from the Inter-
national Harvester Company was supplemented by em-
ploye groups from the Postal Clerks' Union, the DuPont
Company, Barnsdall Oil Company, Stroh Die Casting
npany, a group of teachers from the Milwaukee State
Teachers' College, and others. Not all the employes in
each group joined at first, but the membership soon in-
creased within units. There were also many individual
members. Today there are 2000 individual or family mem-
berships, covering about 6500 people.

What do the patients think of the Milwaukee Medical
Center? One of them writes in his factory house organ:

When I joined the Center, I was in good health. On June
27, 1937 I had an accident. I suffered fractures of the right
leg, left ankle, the pelvis and several ribs when struck by an
automobile. I was in a critical condition when I was taken to
Mt. Sinai Hospital. Besides my fractures I was stricken with
pneumonia which made it impossible for the doctors to set
my bones for nine days. The fracture in my right leg was not
a clean break— it was splintered five ways which shows you
that the doctors had a hard case to set the bone in my right
leg. The pictures show that the setting has been a success.
In a case like mine it shows that you need more than one
doctor. This gives you an idea of what the clinic is made out
of. They don't have to go outside and call in different doctors
for a consultation which you would have to pay for — they
have them in their clinic. Being a member of this organiza-
tion has saved me quite a sum of money. An estimated cost
of my case would be between $1200 and $1500 for doctors'
bills alone.

The Milwaukee Medical Center differs from the Ross-
Li K is Clinic of Los Angeles in accepting individual as well
as group members, and in making special family rates.

For all types of membership the rate is $1 a month tor
one person, $2 for a couple, and $3 for a family regardless
of size. There are certain restrictions on individual mem-
bers, however. They must pay six months in advance, to
simplify bookkeeping and collection, while group mem-
bers pay monthly to a collector appointed by their own
group. They must undergo physical examinations, and if
they are found to be suffering from any chronic disease,
in need of an operation, or pregnant, they are charged
extra for treatments or operations. This is to protect other
physicians and the clinic from an influx of members who
want a cheap operation but will not be long term mem-
bers of the Center. A complete medical service is extended
to group members, however, no matter what physical con-
dition they are in when they join. This care covers home
and office visits, operations and surgical work, X-ray and
laboratory service, special diagnosis and treatment, and
obstetrical care. It does not cover ambulance, nursing, or
hospital costs. Glasses and drugs are supplied at a reason-
able cost. At present the facilities of the Center are limited
to those people making $2400 a year or less.

As THE CENTER GREW, THE LABOR UNION MOVEMENT, WHICH
is a powerful factor in Milwaukee, became interested in it.
The State Federation of Labor had gone on record in its
1935 and 1936 conventions in favor of a health insurance
bill, and had drafted one and introduced it in the 1937
session of the state legislature. They did not expect to pass
such a bill immediately, but in the meanwhile the Medi-
cal Center offered good care to Milwaukee union men on
a prepayment plan which they could afford.

Without the Center's knowledge the Cooperative Com-
mittee of the Milwaukee Federated Trades Council (AF
of L) was instructed to make a survey, which they did,
and the findings were printed in a leaflet which was wide-
ly distributed in all AF of L unions. The leaflet urged
unions to enter into group membership at the Center.
The Industrial Union Council, city-central body of the
CIO, also endorsed this type of medical care, and many
unions of both organizations are working toward group
membership.

As the State Medical Society had affirmed the decision
of the County Society in expelling the doctors, many peo-
ple were worried about the future status of Medical Cen-
ter patients in hospitals. A bill was prepared, with the
support of the labor movement and organized farmers,
which would prohibit hospitals from barring the use of
their facilities to doctors on the sole grounds that they
were engaged in contract practice, and would protect such
hospitals against discrimination. This bill the State Medi-
cal Society fought with vigor. It is the boast of this group
that their lobby has never lost a fight in the Wisconsin
legislature since the society was founded over ninety years
ago. The burden of their argument in public hearings on
the bill was that it would throw the hospitals open to
chiropractors and faith healers. There was no possibility
of so construing the bill, but an amendment to give dou-
ble protection was proposed. Still the Medical Society
refused to sanction it. By working on the legislators in
their home bailiwicks, bringing down carloads of doctors
and organizing floods of telegrams and letters, they per-
suaded a sufficient majority to vote against it, and the
bill was indefinitely postponed by a vote of 62 to 24.

On March 28, 1938, the judicial council of the American
Medical Association handed down its decision upholding

AUGUST 1938

419

the action of the County and State Medical Societies in
expelling the Medical Center doctors. Since the Milwau-
kee Medical Center has been constantly growing in mem-
bership and prestige during the two years of its life, the
decision of the A.M.A. created considerable furor in the
papers. The Milwaukee Leader, Progressive-Socialist or-
gan, devoted a good deal of front page and editorial space
to the case. The Leader editorial said in part: "Consider-
ing that the American Medical Society is still controlled
by the anti-health insurance and anti-socialized medicine
element, it was to be expected that its judicial council
would sustain the expulsion of the able doctors of the staff
of the Milwaukee Medical Center. These doctors may
rest assured that the laity does not care whether they are
members of the association or not. In the minds of some,
expulsion lifts them into higher esteem." The editorial
went on to suggest a petition campaign asking the hospi-
tals to open their doors to Medical Center doctors, men-
tioning the fact that as semi-public tax exempt organiza-
tions the hospitals have no right to bar doctors licensed
to practice in the state, if they are professionally qualified.

The Leader has always backed progressive medical
legislation and plans, but it was a considerable surprise to
find the conservative Milwaukee Journal of April 7, 1938
too attacking the medical societies. Their editorial men-
tioned the widespread public interest in health problems
and then questioned the wisdom of the medical societies,
county, state and national, in expelling the Medical Cen-
ter doctors. The Journal asked: "Will this but increase
the force of the charge, made by public groups, that the
practice of medicine is a closed professional organization ?
. . . And we ask whether it is possible for the medical
profession in the future, with all these perplexing prob-
lems before it, to make professionalism, as the organized
doctors see it, the one yardstick?"

The Federated Trades Council at its meeting on April
6, 1938 named a committee to meet with the Medical So-
ciety officials and "try to convince them they are on the
wrong track."

The Trades Council also wrote to William Green ask-
ing him to bring pressure to bear on the A.M.A. to change
its attitude. Other possible steps discussed were agitation
to have all hospitals placed on the tax rolls, and a boycott
of all drives for hospital donations so long as the hospitals
refused to admit Medical Center patients.

And so the matter stands at present. Although the offi-
cial stand of the County and State Medical Societies is
adamant, a number of doctors are beginning to admit in
private that they have made a mistake. A group of stu-
dents at the medical school of the University of Wiscon-
sin have shown a friendly attitude toward group medical
practice, admitting that they see little hope of establishing
themselves in private practice without either influence or
money.

The only factor that is now holding back prospective
members is the hospital agitation, still a powerful weapon
held by the medical societies. It is no longer a disgrace to
be thrown out of the American Medical Association. Ex-
pulsion no longer carries with it a serious professional
stigma. Nevertheless, it is to be hoped that wiser councils
will prevail in the A.M.A., and that organized medicine
will welcome back into membership those physicians of
high reputation who have banded together to serve the
public. Maintenance of professional standards demands a
strong professional organization; but as long as that or-

420

ganization uses its power to oppose the inevitable next
steps in the better distribution of medical care, it cannot
serve the best interests of all. Group-practice will grow
outside the A.M.A. if it cannot grow inside. It is the logi-
cal and reasonable way to bring modern medical care to
people in a way so that most of them can pay for it. The
Milwaukee Medical Center is proving this every day.

Poems

By JUNE LUCAS
Spain

Weep bitterly, Oh, Spain,

Your security does not lie in amethyst seas,

Freedom seemed beyond your ken,

Nor in the armed boast of greedy men.

So long you slept in shadowed warmth

Of false saints and arrogant kings

Men cannot love.

Royalty is in your blood, deep stained,

Not of person or of place,

But Royalty of spirit bold, and generous mind,

To bear poverty with a proudful look,

Unbending, fearless — this your breed;

And men betrayed your bitter need!

Watching, the foolish world mistook

Your courage for a lesser thing.

God grant your anguished sacrificial deed

May give our timid world the needful sting!

Weep bitterly, Oh, Spain.

China

Wait patiently, Oh, China,

Your security does not lie in feeble protests

Nor in imitative patterns on our weary earth.

Slowly through centuries of calm you have moved,

Discarding false Gods.

Peace is in your soul, baked as by fire —

The peace of eternal patience

Which the world cannot give to greedy lands.

Your cross is older than Calvary grim,

Before Pilate spoke, you knew the way,

The truth and the life. God's day

Dawned early on your eastern rim.

Now the West casts its shadows on your head,

In civilization's name you are asked to die!

On your cross of peace you will live instead.

Wait patiently, Oh, China.

Nanking

A father looks at smoke filled skies

With barely opened flattened eyes,

From whose beady depths

Terror gleams.

And all the erupting earth seems

Dead as his first born son,

Whose little legs are straight and stiff,

His round cheeks grimy with earth and tears —

Just a shriek of fire — the end of mirth,

The end of life as well as fears.

No Gods to answer as he held

That precious body to his pounding breast,

And through the broken archways fled

Fearing to look lest

His clutching hands be red.

SURVEY GRAPHIC

Prison Idleness-a crime behind bars

by STEPHEN E. FITZGERALD

Maryland is a conservative state, but when Marylanders were aroused
to the crime of having prisons crowded with idle men — most of
them young and in for short terms — they did something about it.

TlIE SCENE IS ANY BIG PRISON IN THE UNITED STATES. THE

time, mid-depression. Hundreds of men walk stolidly
around the dreary, barn-like rectangle known euphemis-
tically as the recreation hall. Hundreds sit silently in their
cells. Under the shadows of poised guns they exist, doing
nothing. Dreams of escape and the world outside whirl
through their minds. But they are doing nothing. There
is nothing to do. The big prison shops, where once ma-
chines whirred busily, are stilled. Tension and hatred per-
vade the bleakness of the prison corridors.

Nothing to do — a bitter phrase! The blight of prison
idleness has given prison administrators more headaches
than any other problem. In 1929 Congress passed the
Hawes-Cooper act giving states the right to ban or con-
trol prison-made goods from other states. Many prison
officials failed to act in time to avert an approaching prob-
lem; others found themselves balked by legislatures that
refused to act. Wardens faced a situation packed with
dynamite — prisons full of idle men, doing nothing, sitting
still, brooding, wondering, hating, plotting. The harvest
was a series of murders, stabbings, jail breaks and arson.

Today, more than nine years after the Hawes-Cooper
act was signed, and more than four years after it went into
effect, scores of state prisons still are overcrowded with
idle men. The problem isn't simple; it's complicated, tied
up with tax rates and politics and labor unions and paroles
and pardons. What goes on inside prison walls has a lot
to do with what goes on outside. And thereby hangs a
story.

A story — because one state, Maryland, has made new
strides toward a solution of its problem, and is now one
of that small number of commonwealths which do have
modern penal systems. Maryland prisoners are going back
to work. The danger of riots has waned. A committee,
appointed to solve the problem, found the job a heart-
brcakingly painful task. It reached conclusions that seemed
revolutionary in Maryland, but it got those conclusions
generally accepted. From all parts of the nation, prison
administrators, public officials and social agencies have
directed attention to the program.

In 1936, when it was estimated that state prisons from
co.ist to coast housed some 150,000 men, and that at least
100,000 of these men were wholly or partly unemployed,
Maryland, the Free State, was no exception. Her prison
shops were also closed. Her prisoners, too, were locked up.

Maryland Was in a Jam

STATISTICS ARE POPULARLY SUPPOSED TO BE DULL, BUT THE
Maryland statistics are especially interesting because they
accurately reflect conditions in almost all other parts of
the country. Fortunately for Maryland, it had the advan-
tages of a detailed survey made by the Prison Industries
Reorganization Administration, a federal body set up by
President Roosevelt and headed by Judge Joseph N. Ul-

AUGUST 1938

man of the supreme bench of Baltimore City. Their find-
ings gave Maryland a picture of a depressingly difficult
problem.

Maryland's first state prison , the Penitentiary, was
started in 1804 and finally completed in 1811. At that time
the prison dedicated its shops to the "State Account"
plan, a system under which the state actually engaged in
manufacture and sold its products in the open market.
The returns were small, however, and in 1845, Maryland
adopted the contract system on a small scale. In 1888 the
system was expanded, and from 1890 to 1911 prison con-
tracts completely wiped out the deficits from 1811 to 1890,
and even contributed a $200,000 surplus to the state
treasury.

After adoption of the Hawes-Cooper act prison con-
tractors throughout the country, including those in Mary-
land, hurried to close up their shops, knowing that soon
their markets would be greatly restricted. Prison ma-
chinery began to gather cobwebs. A system which had
helped to mold prison policy for more than a half a cen-
tury was doomed.

Congress had foreseen the effect of the law; wisely, it
had granted a five-year period of grace. But this did not
help very much. The men in responsible positions in pris-
ons and industry were the very ones who wasted time
making fruitless court attacks on the measure, the con-
stitutionality of which was ultimately upheld.

The fight has been a long one, but its central theme
was not complicated. Labor leaders contended, and the
thesis was sound, that the use of cheap and unskilled
convict labor made it possible for prison contractors to
produce some kinds of goods at very low cost. Even igno-
rant and illiterate prisoners could learn to run a sewing
machine well enough to produce rough clothing.

Good, solid, hard working men and women found this
situation almost intolerable. Their employers had to cut
costs to meet the prices of their prison competitors. Fixed
charges could not be reduced appreciably; so the cuts
were wage cuts. Ruinous competition existed in many
of the occupations which have been so mechanized that
even untrained workers can be used productively. Some
manufacturers, themselves hurt by prison factories, had
joined in the fight for the Hawes-Cooper act.

Under the act, prison-made goods produced in one
state cannot be taken into another state without being sub-
ject to the laws of that other commonwealth; so if one
state bans the sale of prison-made goods in the open mar-
ket, then no prison-made goods from another state can
be brought in for sale. Contractors in Maryland knew that
their prison-made goods could no longer be sold in an-
other state which chose to enact suitable legislation to im-
plement the federal act. It was apparent, moreover, that
a number of states were ready to pass such legislation.
Prison industries might still exist in some states, but they

421

Just sittin'. Cell block at the Maryland House of Correction

Afternoon drill gave these first offenders something to do

Just milling about, "brooding, wondering, hating, plotting"

Some wore paths in endless walking while others did fancy work

could not be operated very efficiently.

Overcrowding was another dark side
of the picture in Maryland. The prison
unemployment record had reached a
shocking, all-time high. Back in 1923,
out of 1495 prisoners, only six were
classed as idle. In 1933, as the idleness increased, Maryland
was forced to cut its prison wages, once the highest in
the nation. By 1935, investigators discovered, the problem
had grown much more severe. The prison population was
2814. Of that total 1522 were wholly idle and 468 were on
maintenance. It was found, in short, that prison idleness
in Maryland had risen from a low point of only a frac-
tion of one percent in 1923 to a high of 54 percent in 1935.
And it kept on going up. During the very depth of the
prison depression, which lasted up to the beginning of
1937, there were 3000 men in Maryland prisons and 2200
were idle — an idleness rate of more than 73 percent.

The State Penitentiary, an old institution in a decaying
part of Baltimore, had cells for 950 men, and a total popu-
lation of 1296 prisoners at the end of 1936. The House of
Correction, a medium-security institution close to Balti-
more, had quarters for 1050 men but a population of 1477.
Only the State Penal Farm, a minimum-security institu-
tion near Hagerstown, built to house "safe" prisoners,
was free from overcrowding. It held 197 prisoners, with
accommodations for 220. Unfortunately this farm could
not be used to relieve the jam at the other prisons. The
farm was unfinished, its capacity was small, and it could
be used only for prisoners who could be trusted not to

422

The scenes on these two pages are
from Idle Hands, a motion picture
filmed in Maryland prisons for the
state campaign to improve prison
conditions and abolish idleness

run away. Besides, there was no money
in the state treasury to complete the
farm buildings.

Most of the men in the Maryland
prisons were sentenced to short terms,
and would eventually be turned back
to society. Instead of being rehabilitated, the victims of
this enforced idleness were being made less and less capa-
ble of returning to productive normal life.

Still worse, most of the prisoners were young. At the
State Penitentiary the average age was twenty-three.
Most of them had quit school early. Few of the men had
any personal resources of comfort or amusement; they
had no special interests, no capacity for entertaining them-
selves or even for accepting their plight philosophically.
Disease and vice could almost be classed as occupational
diseases among them.

There were other troubles. The parole system, for
example, was working honestly enough, but not very
efficiently. The staff of supervisors was small. Many pris-
oners eligible for parole were found to be non-applicants;
many first offenders in their early years, ready material
for reformation, were being sent to prisons when they
might have been more wisely handled through the tried
methods of probation. There has never been any tendency
in Maryland to parole gangsters or known hoodlums;
there have been no scandals. But it was discovered that
even the deserving parole cases were often being retained
in prison cells, thereby hurting their chances of rehabili-
tation and contributing to overcrowding.

SURVEY GRAPHIC

These men at the House of Correction were "on maintenance"

"Safe" prisoners were put to work at the State Penal Farm

In short, Maryland was in a jam. What was done to
put these men and women back to work, to make them
productive instead of destructive? There was a solution,
and means of solving the problems were discov-
ered, though not without the concentrated efforts of many
men.

A Committee That Did Something

LlKE MANY SIGNIFICANT STEPS, THIS BUSINESS OF SOLVING

prison idleness in Maryland began quietly, with the ap-
pointment of a commission by Gov. Harry W. Nice and
officers of the legislature in 1935. Although prison prob-
lems were demanding instant remedies, the commission
was told to report back to the legislature in 1937. Thus
the buck was passed for two years.

Often the appointment of a body to investigate a prob-
lem merely postpones action. But in this case the commit-
tee showed unusual activity. It included Judge Ulman
who was already familiar with the problem and eager to
see a new program evolved. The chairman was Robert
E. Vining, a Baltimore employe of Western Electric, a
youthful executive who "used to be a newspaperman him-
self," and who had a lively interest in social problems. It
also included W. Raymond Moody, who became the co-
ordinator of the committee's work and who contributed
much valuable labor to the task.

They started at the beginning, by considering the data
collected by the Ulman survey commission, under the
PIRA. This group, they found, had made a number of
specific recommendations. Using them as a basis, the new

Making state automobile license plates kept a few men busy

The shoemaker was a lucky man in the Maryland Penitentiary

Maryland commission went over the same ground once
more. It was necessary not only to work out a solution
but to see that Marylanders would be ready to accept the
solution. Any program was going to cost money, and
Maryland taxpayers, like taxpayers everywhere else, do not
like to spend tax funds unless they believe the money is
to be used wisely. Vining had not held down a publicity
job for years without learning the value of a coordinated
educational campaign. So he and the others gave them-
selves two jobs: first, to work out a program; second, to
sell the program to Maryland.

One of the earliest and most effective steps in this cam-
paign was the filming of a motion picture, Idle Hands.
Made in Maryland prisons it is a factual but poignant pic-
torial record of what idleness really means to men con-
fined, and what it means, indirectly, to the taxpayers who
must support them. The picture contained no propaganda
for any special idea; the whole campaign, in fact, was
aimed primarily at the goal of making the public ac-
quainted with the problem itself, in the belief that famil-
iarity with the situation would improve the chances of
the program. So far as is known, the production of the
picture marked the first time that any state investigating
body resorted to the movies to sell a program which had
not yet been worked out.

In schools and libraries, at business men's clubs and at
meetings of workingmcn, even in the sewing circles, the
movie was shown. Few organizations escaped.

Behind the scenes other commission members were
steadily at work, constantly reading, writing, correspond-

AUGUST 1938

423

ing, studying, planning. At last the program was com-
pleted. When the legislature was called into session at
the beginning of 1937, the prison commission had com-
pleted its survey trips, had sifted the recommendations
of experts from the Johns Hopkins University, and had
taken advantage of the recommendations made by mem-
bers of the Engineers Club of Baltimore, who had been
called in to suggest ways and means of developing in-
dustrial programs in the prisons.

The entire plan was embodied in a slender, blue-cov-
ered pamphlet. A copy was sent to all the legislators and
scores of other men in public life. Its findings were printed
in condensed form in the newspapers. Those who read
the program, a job that took scarcely half an hour, found
that the commission wanted Maryland to do these things:

1. Set up a real state-use system, one that would include
many diversified shops and supply equipment for idle men,
some of them on road work. To aid in this, the committee
submitted a complete legislative bill which, if adopted, would
ban the sale of all prison-made goods in the open market and
require the purchase of prison-made goods by all public and
semi-public institutions receiving 50 percent or more of their
funds from the public till.

2. Grant prisoners additional time off for diligence at
state-use jobs.

3. Permit the State Board of Welfare, which controls the
prisons, to accept any federal money made available for
prison programs.

4. Authorize a bond issue of $2,302,500 for essential prison
reconstruction and equipment.

5. Establish an adequate prison library with a trained staff.

6. Establish a proper classification system, with a re-
ceiving and classification building to be erected at the House
of Correction.

7. Improve and elaborate the state system of parole and
probation.

Getting the Program Accepted

THESE RECOMMENDATIONS WERE NOT FUNDAMENTALLY DIF-
ferent from those made in the report of the PIRA. And
yet there was a tremendous difference. The publicity
campaign had paved the way for the Vining report. It
was presented to the state on the heels of a concentrated
fanfare that compelled attention.

The most debatable point in the whole program seemed
to be the recommendation that prisoners should be used
on road work. Marylanders are proud of their "Free
State," and visions of chain gangs floated through their
minds as they considered what this new legislation might
lead to. Besides, the State Road Commission, interested
more in its own budgets than in welfare, maintained
that if road work alone is considered it is more costly
to use prisoners than trained or at least semi-skilled free
workers. Since the legislation pertaining to road gangs
was permissive, not mandatory, the roads officials would
have a perfect legal right to refuse to employ them. But
this obstacle was not insuperable. A bill bluntly ordering
the commission to use prisoners on road work became an
essential part of the prison plan.

Drafting a program and getting it passed, of course, are
two different things. Most of the legislators had seen the
bills, but that was as much as many of them knew of the
measures' actual details. So, as time grew short, as the
end of the session neared, the assembly found itself face
to face with a complicated set of bills, bills which they
knew to be important but which, they feared, involved

some pretty radical changes and some pretty large out-
lays of money.

During the final days of the session several labor lead-
ers charged that the bills would permit the prisons to set
up huge shops, such as printing establishments, and there-
by injure the trade of free printers outside the prisons.
It was the old argument, with a slight variation on the
central theme. A critical examination of the bills showed
that the labor leaders were partly right; the bills did give
the welfare board extraordinary powers.

Finally the whole matter was settled by a sensible com-
promise. The welfare board pledged itself to diversify
the prison industries. And after this, the legislature capit-
ulated and adopted almost every reform called for in the
report of the Vining commission.

Busy Hands

ALREADY THE PRISON SHOPS ARE BUSY. PRISONERS ARE PRO-
ducing woodwork, automobile tags, shoes, printing, sewec
articles and brushes. Plans are being worked out for
metal work department, a mattress factory and a soap
plant. Others are to be added from time to time. A laun-
dry is being expanded at the House of Correction and
the quantity of farm products being canned at this insti-
tution is being increased. The roads program is under
way.

The important job of running the new system is pri-
marily in the hands of Harold E. Donnell, superintend-
ent of prisons, who has gained a reputation as a quie
but wonderfully efficient worker. His is the job of keep
ing things going; his is the job of seeing to it that the
road gangs, for example, are operated efficiently, without
brutality.

Because Maryland was one of the first states to adopt
comprehensive program for prison labor after the Su-
preme Court's validation of the Hawes-Cooper and the
Sumners-Ashurst acts, other states are interested. Vining
the commission chairman, has received inquiries and re
quests for information from twenty-seven states, fron
more than one hundred colleges and universities, fror
fifty-two crime prevention bureaus and insurance cor
panics, and from more than two hundred libraries.

Marylanders responsible for the program are remaining
rather cautious about their claims to fame. What is there
in the program, after all, that is new or notable? Certainly
not road work by prisoners or state-use; both schemes are
well known. But there are some new elements and some
notable elements in the program. The comprehensive-
ness of the state-use plan is valuable; the cohesive qualit
of the whole program, its dovetailing features, is a valu-
able lesson in legislative technique; the idea of the indus
trial "good time" law is a novel way of shortening prisor
terms automatically for deserving prisoners.

And the very audacity of putting over such a scheme
in a conservative state, is of great importance. Impor-
tant, because it shows that it is possible to evoke indigna-
tion over a serious social problem and effect changes in
a short time if a few men with sufficient steam behind
them get to work.

In 1938, while a few states can boast of good, up-to
date penal systems, many others still struggle with serious
prison problems. Marylanders are hoping that they have
found a prison system that will work. Only experience
will tell. But most Marylanders are awaiting the tests of
time with optimism.

424

SURVEY GRAPHIC

THROUGH NEIGHBORS' DOORWAYS

Of Poison in the Well-Springs

by JOHN PALMER GAVIT

OITSTANIIIM; IN MY MEMORIES OF THE GERMANY OF TEN

is .igo is the fact that the German children did not

laugh. Hours at a time I watched them playing in the

p.irks <>l Berlin and other cities, unsmiling with an un-

n.itural quiet, a tense solemnity, a strained, anxious Ux>k.

: quarreling notably, simply dull, preternaturally

grave. To one of the leading psychiatrists of Berlin (a

in.m of international reputation who must of course be

nameless here) I remarked upon this impression, asking

if it might not be on my part imaginary. Did I imagine

> that these children were below average stature and

lacking in vitality?

"You do not imagine it," he replied, "for it is true.
These German children, from babyhood up to fifteen
rs of age, bear the marks of inadequate prenatal metab-
olism of their mothers during the course of the World
\V.ir; especially of that of the 'starvation period,' in the
war and the subsequent inflation; of long continuance of
under-nourishment. They bear also the marks of the at-
mosphere in which they have grown up — the atmosphere
of anxiety and uncertainty saturating their home life.
Children are unconsciously very sensitive to the spiritual
nuances of their surroundings. Physically, too, they em-
body the consequence of what Germany has suffered. It
will be a long, long time undoing. I would not say it pub-
licly, but I fear this growing generation of Germans, ten
years and more from now, may be a major problem for
the world which has abused them."

On the battlefields, Germany's best of physical man-
hood was killed or crippled; but at home the generation
depended upon to replace it suffered irremediably in body
and spirit. It was not confined to the poor; no home es-
caped. A very rich German told me that he saw the effects
upon his own children, physically deteriorating before his
eyes.

"I had money enough," he said, "but there was no good
food to buy with it."

This is what the conquerors of Germany sought to
continue and did continue by the so-called "peace treaties"
designed to perpetuate her economic ruin. And now those
children — not only in Germany but in all the countries in
which they starved physically and were poisoned spiritu-
ally— ire wreaking their vengeance upon the world. To-
gether with the vestiges of the generation which fought
and was ruined by the war, they constitute the nations
which, under blind, misguided and misguiding leadership,
confront the future with menace. Of old it was said that
the iniquities of the fathers are visited upon the children
"unto the third and fourth generation." It works also the
oilier way about; the children already are punishing the
fathers.

THIS IS NOT ALL. WE MIGHT PHILOSOPHICALLY WAIT

for the subsidence of this condition with the gradual dis-
appearance of those who directly suffered in that evil

AUGUST 1938

time; hoping for the fading-out of that state of mind . . .
were it not that deliberately, as a matter of national pol-
icy, the new generation is being perverted by meticulous
training to perpetuate and exacerbate the emotions which
have turned great regions of the earth into shambles. In
Germany, Italy, Spain, Japan and China — not to mention
more prosperous lands increasingly infected, including
our own — human bodies grow thin as armament grows
fat. The fatter the guns, the thinner the people — especially
the children.

Even were some miracle tomorrow to terminate open
hostilities and give way to nominal "peace," we should
have still to reckon with the echelon of generations al-
ready in being, profoundly "conditioned" by atmosphere
and painstaking instruction against anything worthy of
the name of peace. Leaving aside the question, of and
the stupendous problems involved in the slow restoration
of economic treasure and commercial relationships, in-
ternal and international, destroyed and disorganized dur-
ing the past quarter-century and to this day; how long
will it take to absorb and antidote the miasma of fear
and hate, of vengeance and blood-lust, which the children
have been breathing in their daily air, are breathing now
and have still to breathe; wrested almost from mother's
breast for military training in the technique of hate and
butchery ?

THE PERSECUTION OF THE JEWS IN GERMANY IS IN ITSELF A

horrible thing, based upon an "ideology" complex of ig-
norance, malice and lies; it will smear the face of history
with its obscenities for a thousand years. But worse than
all is its perversion of the hearts of the German children,
taught that it is a righteous thing to do. Those who re-
member Hawthorne's immortal story of Ethan Brand
will recall how that wretched man searched the world for
the Unpardonable Sin, and found it at last in his own
heart, because he had cast off his faith in brotherhood
and trampled under foot the great heart of humanity.

Speaking the other day at Temple University, Secretary
Morganthau apostrophized the youth before him as to be
known in history as "the generation which found itself,"
and turned to its great task of restoration and right rela-
tionships. Fine words no doubt; but almost everywhere in
the world false and wicked teachings beset that genera-
tion, and the next, and those barely out of the cradle. The
veterans of Gettysburg just now clasped hands in the
Bloody Angle where they fought 75 years ago; but for
a long time yet the teachings bred into their children and
grandchildren will embitter the intercourse between North
and South. In my own case it took many years to dispel
the so-called "patriotic" teachings of my post-civil-war
schooling. The Polish and German governments lately
agreed to a mutual revision of mutually distasteful expres-
sions in school textbooks — with any fidelity to truth, a
large order!

There can be no sin less pardonable than that of mis-
guiding children — the sole hope of the future. As for him,
nation or individual, who commits it ... again on an-
cient authority . . . "it were better for him that a millstone
were hanged about his neck and he cast into the sea."

425

Pirie MacDonald

JUSTICE BENJAMIN N. CARDOZO

1870 — 1938

"I know," Justice Cardozo said in an address to the New York
State Bar Association in January, 1933, "that it has been an in-
teresting time to live in, an interesting time in which to do my
little share in translating into law the social and economic forces
that throb and clamor for expression." This could have been
that modest man's last comment on his life and his period. The
law was his work, his family, his recreation. But the law lived.
Appointed to the Supreme Court of the United States by
President Hoover just before the Roosevelt administration came
in, Justice Cardozo showed in his opinions on New Deal legis-
lation that he was ever sensitive to the workings of social forces.
In delivering in 1937 the Court's majority decision on the old
age and unemployment provisions of the social security act, he
wrote: "It is too late for the argument to be heard with toler-
ance, that in a crisis so extreme the use of the moneys of the
nation to relieve the unemployed and their dependents is a
use for any purpose narrower than the general welfare. Nor is

the concept of the general welfare static." To Justice Cardozo
in particular is credited the broadening of the interpretation of
the welfare clause of the Constitution by the Supreme Court.

Justice Cardozo practiced law in New York for twenty-two
years before he was elected in turn to the New York Supreme
Court, the Court of Appeals of New York, and as chief judge
of the Court of Appeals. He was the author of The Nature of
the Judicial Process, The Growth of the Law, and a volume
of discussions, The Paradoxes of Legal Science. In these as in
his addresses and decisions his clarity and felicity of expression
won a wide audience. The style was truly the man, simple,
reflective, unassuming. He described the judicial process in
terms laymen could comprehend. It is, said he, "one of com-
promise between paradoxes, between certainty and uncertainty,
between the literalism that is exaltation of the written word and
the nihilism that is destructive of regularity and order." He
paid honor to mankind as a devoted custodian of man's laws.

LETTERS AND LIFE

Merrie England

by LEON WHIPPLE

MIIPKK.N >• M.I.AXP, by Cicely Hamilton. Dutton. 224 pp. Fries $275.

PARK WK U'OK AHEAD? by Bertrand Russell, Harold Laski «nd others.
•Milan. 190 pp. Price $2.

T1IK HIC CITY, by Robert Sinclair. Reynal & Hitchcock. 419 pp. Price *3.
Prices postpaid of Surrey Graphic

HAT OF ENGLAND? THE ENGLISHMAN HAS RARELY ASKED
that question. In spite of all temptation to national introspec-
tion, he remained satisfied and secure on his tight little island.
He would challenge a king, a movement, an institution, but
not England as a thing-in-itself. Not even silly-ass reformers
attacked the metaphysical concept of England, perfect and
unchanging.

That splendid faith is shaken. The story of the London
newspaper that headed its report of an Atlantic hurricane:
utincnt Cut Off from England!" has become a poor joke.
The airplane has annexed England to the continent; while
within, the tight island grows tighter with mass-men pres-
sures that crack the strata of the old culture. New cleavages
thlinc a new England that demands self-criticism. The titles
ol these books reveal a novel uncertainty. Dare We Look
Ahead? is a timid decline from the old Go Ahead! The Big
is a demeaning nickname for imperial London. Modern
iand recognizes some kind of metamorphosis of old
England.

England changes: and the rest of us — especially Americans —
must pay heed to these Englishmen talking to themselves. For
Great Britain has been a king-pin of civilization: Mother of
Parliaments and so Democracy; banker whose pound sterling
provided a kind of world currency; sea-master whose ships
were the only (if not disinterested) international policemen;
creator of literature that still directs our thought. The United
States, moreover, is responsible for some of the forces that
remold England. Our exported native inventions — machines,
amusements, slang, belt production, chain distribution — have
an elemental appeal to mass-men everywhere. But their use-
fulness in a continental area of vast resources may not be
duplicated on a congested island with a declining technology.
We have a wider margin for error.

Finally, we have drawn inspiration and models from Eng-
land too long to stop imitating her now. Consider settlement
houses, city planning, civil liberty. Whatever England docs,
we shall, in part, do too. We have a stake in what her gift
for social invention discovers as a solution for her problems.
They are the problems of western civilization. England and
the English character are of root significance to modern men.
\Vc need to watch, and pray — for the preservation of her peo-
ple and her spirit.

Miss Hamilton's book offers the level-eyed insights of a
woman on the object she loves, sidelighted as often toward the
lure of high heels and beauty shops as toward the "hard core"
of unemployment or the menace of London. Miss Hamilton
loves England, but she is too honest, too splendid a reporter
to accept a rural tradition for today's urbanized reality. The
population figures do not disturb her, for a smaller England
may be finer. "Agglomerations of people are not favorable to
intellectual growth." But she is deeply concerned about youth
that is menaced by propaganda and lack of background and
turned out into the educated proletariat without adequate
op|>ortunity. She is ironically realistic on air-raid training and
blind pacifism; regretful at the passing of the country house;

pertinent on the theater, her own field; gay about advertising
and the need for old-fashioned songs people can whistle. Her
social vision makes the sections on institutions for girls, on
farm experiments, on the good housing ventures of Liverpool
solidly instructive. While English women write such brave
books, the land is rich for the future.

THE six FABIAN LECTURES FOR 1937 MAKE A KIND OF BOOK RARE
in the United States: it digests years of experience into general
principles and long views, offered with a decent humility. Its
theme is, naturally, how a socialized democracy can replace
class rule and avoid war. The threat of war conditions all
English thought. Vernon Bartlett concludes that war is not
inevitable, but can be finally avoided only by a return to an
international institution for collective security. G. D. H. Cole
points out that the economic consequences of war preparations
arc a distorted economy, with vested interests, while general
business takes short time views and cannot prepare to employ
the workers when munition-makers ultimately discharge them.
This penetrant analysis of the misuse of capital and the psy-
chological consequences offers lessons for the United States.
Sir Stafford Cripps says that war cannot be prevented by
moral pacifism but by the coming into power of the working
class. Bertrand Russell agrees that only if democracy controls
the gifts of science can we avoid their seizure by an oligarchy
that will disintegrate because of its dwindling intelligence,
even for war making. Laski declares that civil liberty is pro-
portionate to the sense of insecurity in the ruling class; and
that in England it has created three statutes that can be mis-
directed against labor. Both courts and administrators show
less regard for English justice. So the Fabians look ahead with
grave questioning, but with faith in democracy.

OF ROBERT SINCLAIR'S SAVAGE INDICTMENT OF LONDON AS A
social failure in providing its masses with health, decent
houses, transportation and recreation we can say it is instruc-
tive with its bludgeons of statistics that require twenty pages
of annotation. But it is all black, and offers no clear remedy.
London has not been completely indifferent to these evils.
You will be informed and aroused by the angry idealist, but
Lewis Mumford's diagnosis of Mcgapolis hits closer to the
root causes.

The new England grows clearer in these courageous home
criticisms. They still personify the nation, classes, guilts and
plans, seeming a bit aloof from the giant forces on the march.
But we shall be ungrateful fools not to learn from these over-
heard confessions.

Looking Backward for Today's News

EfROPKAN HISTORY SINCE 1870, by F. Lee Benm. Crofts. 925 pp.
Price $6 postpaid of Surrey Crafkic.

THE RECENT STIRRING EVENTS IN Et'ROPE WILL IMPEL MANY

persons to scan the pages of history in order to understand the
background of the Rome-Berlin axis and of Hitler's absorp-
tion of Austria. This is preeminently a period when, as we
say, "history is being made."

For the purpose of getting a proper orientation amid the
swiftly moving historical events of our time, one could not
find a better work than Professor Benns' manual. The author
is already well known for his excellent book on Europe Since
1914, and a good deal of the earlier work is incorporated in
the present volume. The latter is characterized by the same
clarity, good organization and moderation of tone which were
evident in the earlier book.

Professor Benns renders crystal-clear the fateful trend of
events which brought about the World War, and makes it
equally evident that the so-called settlement which followed

427

the first World War made a second all but inevitable. He
details the stupidity of Franco-British diplomacy which de-
stroyed the German Republic and made somebody like Hitler
a "natural" for an impoverished and resentful Germany.

About all the satisfaction a realistic person can get out of
Hitler's recent triumph in Austria is the memory of the fact
that the Allies opposed to the bitter end even a customs-union
between a Republican Germany and a Republican Austria,
which might have done a great deal to preserve both. France
and Britain richly deserve the "sock on the nose" which Hitler
administered by taking over Austria. The trouble is that the
innocent suffer with the guilty.

There is an excellent account of the development of the
present world crisis, including the growing strength of fasc-
ism, the new armament race, the Spanish Civil War, the col-
lapse of the League of Nations and the Kellogg Pact, and the
outbreak of the fateful war in the Far East. As we move closer
each day to the second World War, Professor Benns' book will
become an ever more indispensable item for all literate
Americans. HARRY ELMER BARNES

Auburn, N. Y.

Social Prospecting

THE NATURE OF HUMAN NATURE— AND OTHER ESSAYS IN SOCIAL
PSYCHOLOGY — by Ellsworth Faris, McGraw-Hill. 370 pp. Price $3.50 post-
paid of Survey Graphic.

THIS IS A MODEST BOOK. ACCORDING TO THE AUTHOR, IT HAS TO

be. "Social psychology is not a mature science nor a secure one;
a scientific social psychology seems at times little more than a
program and a hope." And yet there was never a time when
such a science was more needed.

The sciences, the author reminds us, take time to grow. It
required one hundred and forty-four years for celestial me-
chanics to formulate the law of gravitation. Perhaps by 2050
social psychology may have something of definite importance
to say.

This book is an example of how a social psychologist goes
about his work in the period of his science's infancy. Science
comes to its maturity when, as the author says, "it has a sound
method of isolating problems, seeking facts, inventing expla-
nations, and testing them objectively." What strikes the reader,
as he glances over the long and somewhat heterogeneous list
of topics treated is that the social psychologist is in much the
position of a lone prospector. He is in a wilderness hunting
for gold. He finds an outcropping ledge, digs away with pick
and shovel, and takes specimens. So he sets up a marker and
goes on. He finds another promising spot; digs away and goes
on. After a while he will get back to civilization, organize a
company, and trace all those outcroppings to a central deposit.

It is the lack of clearly defined objective and widely or-
ganized effort that makes all books on social psychology seem
fragmentary. Each makes brave beginnings, but when we have
read one book we have to start all over again with the next.
This is said not in criticism but in warning, lest the reader
cast aside the penetrating researches and observations of this
book for the reason that it leads to no single, cumulative con-
clusion that resolves once and for all the enigmas of human
nature. If the reader will be satisfied to approach human
nature as he approaches a fairly unknown territory, seeing this
spot here and that spot there, willing to let the wholeness of
it break in upon him slowly, he will find these chapters in-
tensely interesting and greatly rewarding.

Dr. Faris has been out prospecting in a wilderness of human
nature for many years. This book is a kind of bagful of the
specimens he has found. Those of us who have followed him
know him to be an honest observer and a resourceful thinker.
He has produced no psychological or sociological isms, but he
has cast light upon many of the puzzles of our human nature.
The reviewer is particularly happy to see preserved in book
form the epoch-making paper, Are Instincts Data or Hypo-
theses? At the time the paper appeared, most of us were
enthusiastically at the job of creating an instinct mythology. I

can myself remember the sudden illumination which I received
from Dr. Paris' keen analysis. Nor, apparently, was I the only
one. For since that time, it has become increasingly bad scien-
tific form to conjure in the name of instinct. Dr. Faris did a
masterful piece of work whfch deserves recording.

For the reader who would know what social psychologists
are puzzled about and how far their puzzles are in process of
being resolved, this book is of signal importance.
New York H. A. OVERSTREET

Neighbors in Greenwich Village

NEIGHBORHOOD— MY STORY OF GREENWICH HOUSE, by Mary K.
Simkhovitch. Norton. 301 pp. Price $2.50 postpaid of Survey Graphic,

FROM THE BEGINNING, NEIGHBORHOOD HAS IN IT THE SPIRIT OF

a good neighbor — little Mary Kingsbury walking with a big
Newfoundland dog on the way to her grandmother's in
Chestnut Hill. The story of the book is largely told in pic-
tures, neighborhood scenes in many streets, cities and coun-
tries, and the impression suddenly becomes dominant that if
Mary had been Little Red Riding Hood going to walk with
the wolf, she would have gotten the best of him. Back of
every locality described there is the strong feeling of America.
Implicit everywhere is the sense of personality and of person-
ality becoming explicit through community life, and this is
the spirit and purpose of the settlement.

Probably one of the best places in which to get the elements
of a formal education was Boston and its environs, and the
earlier pages deal largely with the kind of development to be
achieved in schools, colleges and cities, and the personalities
of fine teachers. The record of the following years is one of
travel and study in European countries and then the sudden
appearance in the story of life on the East Side. There is no
part of the book more vivid than that, the pictures of the
children, workmen, janitors, cafes, clubs and political parties,
and before all things, there is the admiration of East Side
youth. There are many tributes in the book but nothing more
living than those to Henry Moskowitz and the other boys
and young men whom Mrs. Simkhovitch came to know early
in her work.

Her understanding of the West Side problems is deeper and
more significant but not more stirring. Warren Goddard
House and, especially, Greenwich House make up the main
story of the book. Here new personalities appear but you see
them more in groups: the neighbors, those from other parts of
the city who gave support and guidance and, with great clear-
ness, the friendships, chiefly with the staff, that came from
work in common. And besides the feelings and emotions that
come with human contacts, there is the sense of craftsmanship.
It is clearly shown when the subject of art in any form, music,
visual arts, drama, are dealt with. But in an even more sig-
nificant sense, craftsmanship from the settlement point of
view is revealed in the description of organizing the three
groups necessary to the settlement house, the neighbors, the
backers and the staff in their distinctiveness and in their rela-
tionships with each other. There will be for the settlement
people themselves, perhaps especially for the work in the
future, no more significant part of Neighborhood than is con-
tained in these suggestions of organization and technique.

The portraits in the book prove that Mrs. Simkhovitch
was at the beginning, is now, and ever shall be good looking.
Hudson Guild JOHN L. ELLIOTT

The Letter of the Promise

THE PROMISES MEN LIVE BY: A NEW APPROACH TO ECONOMICS, by
Harry Scherman. Random House. 492 pp. Price $3 postpaid of Sumy
Graphic.

ACCORDING TO MR. SCHERMAN THE ECONOMIC WORLD is A VAST
network of contractual relationships based on promises. He is
greatly impressed by the fact that men tend to fulfill their eco-
nomic pledges. But his brilliant description of recurrent pat-
tern without regard to interrelation does not in itself provide
understanding of the economic process. It is well enough to

428

lli.it tin- promise1 Ixr kept hut the problem is what promise
ami how the network of promises can be consciously intcr-
n-l.iti-il to keep productive capacity fully employed with some
reference to social need and economic welfare. This essential
area is neglected. The entire volume rests on the premise of
laissez.-fairc retained without reference to its dismal inadequa-
urs. (Jovernment interference is rejected but no substitute is
offered.

In a world where private enterprise can be trusted, Mr.
Schcrman is distressed by what he declares to be the arbitrary
and dishonest action of government with respect to monetary
affairs. He is horrified by an inconvertible standard — for a
promise is being broken and may bring disaster. Devaluation
is a flagrant breach of contract. Gold is assumed to be the only
rc.il measure of value. It is apparently more important that the
letter of the promise be kept than that one recognize, for in-
stance, the complaint of the debtor that after a period of rapid
price decline he is asked to return more than value received.
The author is bitter in his attack on government spending and
taxation without consideration of service rendered or alterna-
tive methods of facing current emergency effectively.

When Mr. Schcrman declares that the volume of promises
made determines the well being of society he fails to appreciate
that the wheels of industry may turn rapidly only to produce
war materials or roads to nowhere, while the standard of liv-
ing of the masses of the people constantly declines. It is not
volume of promises which determines welfare but the charac-
ter of distribution.

No one would refute Mr. Scherman's claim that the survival
of democracy and, in fact, civilization rests on the development
of a functioning understanding of the economic process on the
part of a growing proportion of the world's citizens. The
average reader will find in his book more excuses for inaction
than preparation to help stave off the troubles of the modern
world. MARY DUBLIN

National Consumers' League

Analysis of a French Family

THK PASQUIER CHRONICLES, by Georges Duhamel. Holt. 848 pp.
Price $'3.50 postpaid of Survey Graphic.

THE PASQUIER CHRONICLES REPRESENT A DEPARTURE, MORE
apparent than real, in the renunciations of Georges Duhamel,
self-appointed surgeon to our sick social order. In this instance,
the crise de civilisation which we are experiencing is personi-
fied in a family group, representing the modern society over
which Duhamel broods with sorrowful benevolence.

The Pasquiers come from that small bourgeoisie which
makes the strength of France. The father seeks to escape his
humble origins, chiefly through the medium of a fertile imagi-
nation which is never satisfied, however, by the reality of his
accomplishments, or even by the world itself. For years he
stimulates himself and his family on the possibilities of an
illusory inheritance, then on a medical degree which he sacri-
fices everything to attain, and finally on a thousand and one
inventions which he never perfects or utilizes. For his family
he remains a glamorous and vital figure. The mother is more
a type character in the international tradition. She expends all
her sweet strength to keep her family together and is ap-
parently dazed by what she has almost inadvertently accom-
plished, when they have become strong enough to leave her
roof. Her five children run the gamut of materialism and pet-
tiness to artistic and intellectual genius — the narrator being
one of the two sympathetic characters. From a melancholy
albeit successful middle age, he reflects in a strictly objective
way on the strength of the centripetal forces in his family life,
which reaffirm their ties more strongly than ever after the
family has broken up.

Perhaps it is too early in this series as yet to judge Duhamel's

project. The strength of his conception is dissipated by a lack

of concentration. Jules Remains and Rene Behaine have set

(Continued on page 432)

M. JjL

Mrs. Milano's garden
is perched on her window-sill

Their they »it -thrcr br»vr littlr (HUH in a row! Happy reminder* of
the "olil country"! \nil lichiiiil thrill. other rriniinlrrx mil ipiilr -<i
happy. Mildly rornrrn . . . spoiled Mom- . . . <Iin<;v lint n- . . . Irll-tttlc
nign» of "<ilil i-i>iiiilry" liniinrki-fpiiif;!

Inyoiiratlrinpl- tnincxIiTiii/.i' Mr-. \I ilanci's living idiviU, ri-mrmlx-r
I i-l-- Vi|iili.i. For 1'i-U- \.ipih.i givm rxlra lu'lp thai u II make it
easier for Mrs. Mihino to .;«•( inon- rlr;iiiiii<; uml cashing cl >ne.

FeU-Naptha hringft the rxtni help of two hu.*% rh-.i HT-. Good
^olili-n soap .in. I plrnly of naptha ill • .,, I, I.JM |,.,r I'.,,, id, i. they
coax dirt IOOMT without h.ml mbblaM* Thev get tilings lean more
UNI. kl\. more eanily even in c<x)l water. And ili.it'- exlr i help that
\1 r*. \l il.ni. > needs!

For a sample har of FeU-Naptha, write Fels & Co., I'hiladelphia,
I'a., mentioniii); the Sur\e\ l^

FELS-NAPTHA

THE GOLDEN BAR WITH THE CLEAN NAPTHA ODOR

wii/^w 4£»iik4kjni

| ENJOY SUMMER

i ivi ^nup

I
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IN THE CITY

The friendliness of a club with hotel comforts . . .
Large, airy, outside rooms; semi-private bath . . . Swim-
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dining room with river views — Breakfast 25c, dinner 55c
up. No tipping.

$7-$10 weekly $1.50 daily

Write for folder Reservations by mail

CHRISTODORA HOUSE CLUB RESIDENCE

\
\

^ 601 E. 9th St. (Tompkins Square). Tel. ALgonquin 4-8400

Presented

FEDERAL

THEATRE

for

N. Y. C.

A Division
of the
WPA

E. P. CONKLE'S

PROLOGUE TO GLORY

MAXINE ELLIOTT'S THEATRE
39th Street, Eatt of Broadway

Evening 8:40, 25c to $1.10

ONE THIRD of a NATION

ADELPHI THEATRE
54th Street, Eait of Seventh Avenue

Evening* 8:40, 25c to 83e

HAITI

DU 1:0 is- nt\m I I

DALY'S THEATRE

63rd Street, East of Broadway

Eveninfi 8:40. Prieci 2Sc to 55c

(In aniu/erinf oJverluemenlt please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC)

429

CTS B C C

CONNECTICUT

Silvermine Tavern

THE OLD MILL . . . THE GALLERIES

A quiet country inn with an old-time atmosphere
and all modern facilities . . . spacious rooms with
private baths . . . outdoor dining terraces at the
water's edge . . . teas, buffets and light service at
The Old Mill. Antiques and Americana at The
Galleries.

Telephone Norwalk 88
SILVERMINE . NORWALK . CONN.

THE BLUE DOOR. Bakerville — in Connecticut's
lovely Litchfleld Hills — offers quiet and rest —
good food, good beds, an open fire. Ideal for
writers and others seeking comfortable and
serene living. Minimum weekly rate $20.
Mabel S. Bartlett, Route One, New Hartford,
Conn.

UNCAS LODGE combines the beauty of a mod-
ern adult camp and 165 acre rustic farm.
Private lake. Three Tennis Courts. $21
weekly to July 15. Booklet.

I'nras Lodge, Uncasville, Conn.

VERMONT

THE GREEN MOUNTAIN CAMPS

KAMP KAATERSKILL— (for Boys), Pownal,

Vermont
CAMP WOODLAND — (For Girls), Londonderry,

Vermont
For Christian boys and girls — 5 to 19.

Kindergarten Camps for Little Tots

Rate $18.50 per week.

Also

GARDEN ISLAND CAMP— (For Adults)

Charlotte, Vt. On Lake Champlain

Rate $20.00 a week — $4.00 a day

For Booklets and Information Write:

Mr. or Mrs. H. W. Lorenz
P. O. Box 424 Bennington, Vt.

FREE to Motor Vacationists

A reprint of a Survey Graphic article by R. W.
Tupper, which shows how you can reduce your
vacation costs. Send to

Travel Department, Survey Graphic
112 East 19 Street New York City

, Hew 23-Story Club Hotel

• (entially Located

• Fiee Swimming Pool, <3ym

• Enjoy Genial Social lite

. Separate Floors loi Men,
Women and Families
si 50 &OOO

SINGLE I UP *f DOUBLE
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* 5 "AS "Td STREET, NEW

GEORGE A. TUR«l.MGR_

The Empire State

NEW YORK STATE HAS WITHIN ITS BOUN-
daries numerous world famous sights to
lure the traveler, and offers virtually
every form of recreation and vacation
attraction that could be desired. These
range from seashore to mountain wilder-
ness, and include rolling countryside, in-
land lakes and dells. Scattered through-
out the state there are many renowned
resort areas.

The people of New York State proud-
ly call it "the State That Has Every-
thing." Visitors usually find it true, if
they take advantage of the opportunity
to see America's greatest city, Niagara
Falls, West Point and the Saratoga bat-
tlefield as well as New York's variety of
mountains and seashore, lakes and rivers,
farms and forests.

For the assistance of the traveler, tour-
ist and vacationist in the state, a wealth
of data has been gathered by the Bureau
of State Publicity, Conservation Depart-
ment, Albany, N. Y., which may be had
free upon request. Under the guidance
of Conservation Commissioner Lithgow
Osborne, and Allan Reagan, director of
the bureau, informative literature has
been issued under the titles of "Vaca-
tion in New York State," "Vacation
Facts About New York State," and "If
You Love the Sea." These may also be
obtained from the bureau without cost.

It should be noted that at New York
City's front door lies the majestic Hud-
son River with its incomparable valley
offering magnificent views of the Pali-
sades, the Highlands and the Catskill
Mountains on the west and the Taconic
Range on the east, running from beau-
tiful Westchester to historic Albany, the
capital district and seat of the state gov-
ernment— a practical base for further
exploration of the state's attractions.

Northward from Albany, the great
Adirondack area beckons the visitor to
the state's vast forest preserve — more
than two million acres of primitive wil-
derness, high mountain peaks, lakes,
tumbling streams and other allurements.
In the north country also lies the inter-
nationally known Thousand Islands-St.
Lawrence region, favorite alike of the
lovers of the picturesque and devotees
of the rod and gun. There are also Lake
Champlain, Lake George, "the Como of
America," Saranac Lake, and Lake
Placid with both summer and winter
reputations.

Westward the historic and scenic Mo-

NEW YORK

FAIR MAUPKJ B'>nr Mt- S"'10" "' tlM
r H i n n H v c. n Rarnapos_i hr. N. v. c.

All outdoor sports — tennis, nearby coif. Private
concrete pool. Interesting camp activities tinder
competent direction — aru and cratts, nature-study,
wood' raft, fishing, photography, dramatics, campflreH.
Children's day activities under counselor supervision.
Choice of homelike rooms or modetnly equipped
bungalows and bunks. Write or phone

JOS. ROSMAN, GARNERVILLE. N. Y.
Hnverstraw 9879 N. Y. Phone BE. 6-3522

THE TULIP TREES— The American Riviera.

35 minutes from South Ferry. Call or write:
45 Chicago Avenue, Arrochar Park, Staten
Island. N. Y. Gibraltar 7-5628.

MAINE

RESTFUL ISLAND HOME AT WATER'S EDGE.

Modern improvements. Excellent table. Sea
foods fresh daily. Fresh vegetables. Boating,
bathing, fishing. Free row boats. Beautiful
drives and walks. Two mails daily.

E. F. Roberts, Vinal Haven, Maine.

NEW JERSEY

THE PERFECT VACATION OR WEEK-END

on a lake in the mountains. Swimming, tennis,
boating, croquet, riding. Recreation hall.
Delicious meals. Rates $20 weekly.

Beecher Lodge, Budd Lake, New Jersey

hawk River winds through the Iroquois-
Mohawk country, rich in beauty and
legend. Further west, the lovely Finger
Lakes region presents many glens and
waterfalls. Just beyond is the Genesee
country with countryside farms, streams
and small lakes. On the western fron-
tier lies the Niagara-Chautauqua region.
The New York World's Fair next
year will draw millions of visitors to
Long Island, another of the great vaca-
tionlands of the Empire State stretching
127 miles or so eastward into the Atlan-
tic Ocean toward Europe. Here one finds
Jones Beach State Park, one of the
world's finest seashore developments.
There are a number of other attractive
parks on the island, some of New York's
seventy state parks. All of these are thor-
oughly equipped for the enjoyment of
the vacation camper, picnicker and wood-
land lover. Most of these parks have
facilities for the angler and golfer. Some
have boating, swimming pools, children's
playgrounds, roller skating rinks, and
bridle paths as well as alluring trails for
the hiking enthusiast. Altogether, the
state park system offers unusual vacation
opportunities, with a choice of parks dif-
ficult to make.

(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC)
430

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WORKERS WANTED

•Hi

Experienced woman, beginning September, as
'iborhood Visitor for Settlement House
in N»'W York City. Some knowledge of
man or Yiddish needed. 7521 Survey.

Your Own Agency

This is the counseling and placement agency
sponsored jointly by the American Associa-
tion of Social Workers and the National
Organization for Public Health Nursing.
National, Non-Profit making.

J^I {4c*/^^Cw«e_

(Agency)
122 East 22nd Street. 7th Boor, New York

Psychiatric Social Worker experienced in child
Jewish ; woman. Jewish Child
•:•••• Bureau. 118 Clinton Avenue. Newark.
New Jersey.

SITUATIONS WANTED

Successful Kxeeutive. unusual merit and experi-
ni.'r available for the superintendence of an
Institution or Director of Community Center.
7515 Survey.

Man age 50 yean. Assistant Director : Ex-Army
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Carpentry. Plumbing, Electrical Work, Farms.
Gardens. Wife age 82 years. Housekeeper.
Practical Nurse. Dietitian. 7008 Survey.

PUBLICITY SERVICES

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Social Service Building Philadelphia. IVnna.

Man. 47, M.A. degree, experience in high school
and college teaching, desires suitable position.
Salary of secondary importance. 7520 Survey.

Male worker — four years experience as Relief
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Interested in Delinquency and Family Case
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LITERARY SERVICE

SECRETARY-STENOGRAPHER — Experience
social welfare publication, responsible, excel-
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WOMAN. School of Social Work graduate, mem-
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family agency in large city, also experience
as executive in private family agency in small
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SCHOENHOF BOOK CO.
387 Washington Street Boston, Maaa.

Is it wise to buy a home today ?

For thousands of families the appeal of home ownership has hitherto been other than
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But now. rising rents are throwing into sharp focus the economies of owning your home.

These rising rents are not caused by avaricious landlords. They result from an increased
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Finally, rising construction costs indicate a corning rent-level — and building cost level —
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But now in time* like these when the costly influence of these economic laws is only
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LONG ISLAND

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BKekman 3-9260

THE BOOK SHELF

PETTING: WISE OR OTHERWISE?

by Dr. Edwin 1 CUrke

A doctor and his wife talk with two young people
about those questions of sex on which young
people must make intelligent decisions. Friendly
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32 pat'* Pattr IS cents

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PAMPHLETS AND PERIODICALS

The American Journal of Nursing shows the part
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LET ME SHOW YOU NEW
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By Ella S. Bowlet

All you want to know about the
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368 pp. 44 illus. 2 maps $3.50

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(In answering advertisement! ftease mention Suaviv GRAPHIC)

431

LETTERS AND LIFE

(Continued jrom page 429)

the fashion of writing the roman fleuve, but their canvases are
bigger and their time element more three-dimensional. Du-
hamel takes 850 pages for an over-leisurely setting of the stage
• — even if this assemblage of characters is to serve as dissection
material for analyzing the motive forces behind a pre-war
society which transcends the national character of the group
depicted. VIRGINIA THOMPSON

New

The Pan-America of Carleton Beats

AMERICA SOUTH, by Carleton Beals. Lippincott. 339 pp. Price $3.50
postpaid of Survey Graphic.

MR. BEALS HAS ATTEMPTED MUCH IN THIS BOOK. STARTING WITH
general descriptions of the lands and peoples that constitute
Latin America, he takes us through the pre-Columbian era,
the conquest, colonial times and independence to a graphic
portrayal of some of the forces at work today — generals, dic-
tators, landlords, priests, educators, students, revolutionaries,
idealists. We are shown the complex, often confused, currents
that swirl over the continent; remnants of colonialism in
administrative, military and clerical institutions; the surge
of technological advance, building up great modern cities,
fostering industrial progress; the stagnation in countries of
large Indian population, awaiting the liberating explosions
that brought about Mexico's great social revolution; the Apra,
that idealistic youth movement aspiring to build a brave new
world; the imported fascist and communist ideologies seeking
to impose their program of regeneration; the resurgence of
dictators after the democratic trends of the Wilsonian era; the
competition between the United States and Europe for Latin
American support of programs of peace or war.

The final chapters are on the relations of Latin America and
the United States. Never sympathetic to the aims and proce-
dures of the official or semi-official bodies charged with the
promotion of Pan-Americanism, Mr. Beals uses no kid gloves
in his consideration of their work. He would prefer to see
Pan-Americanism working through peoples, not officialdom.
His regret is that while with the coming of Franklin D.
Roosevelt the "old vision of Bolivar" for a closely-knit con-
tinent "stirs faintly from the dusty pages of history," this new
development finds that the Latin-American world is ruled by
a "cutthroat set of military pseudo-fascist dictators, devoid of
respect for their own peoples, derisive of all serious obliga-
tions." It is not, in Mr. Beals' opinion, "a particularly happy
moment for such a brave understanding among Latin-
American governments, for with such rulers at the helm,
such understanding has little relation to the peoples of the
continent."

As a strong independent thinker, Mr. Beals expresses his
convictions forcefully and positively. We cannot always agree
with him. Nevertheless, his book is to be welcomed for its
provocativeness, and because it views the continent through
the eyes of a realist.
New Yorl( EARLE K. JAMES

What Americans Earn

THE INCOME STRUCTURE OF THE UNITED STATES, by Maurice
Leven. The Brookings Institution. 177 pp. Price $1.50 postpaid of Survey
Graphic.

THOSE WHO ATTEMPT TO FOLLOW THE COURSE OF PUBLIC EVENTS
in America with more than a superficial acquaintance with
the facts are once more indebted to The Brookings Institution
for a first rate presentation of up-to-date data on a significant
economic question. In the volume at hand Mr. Leven reviews
with care and judgment the facts gathered in many studies,
large and small, on the distribution of income. The book is,
as the author indicates, a work of clarification. The data
assembled are not original but their presentation in this com-
pact form is a work of great value.

The material falls into three main divisions. First, the author
presents detailed statistics on the differences in individual in-
comes associated with differences in occupation, type and loca-
tion of employment, age, sex and color. The facts are pre-
sented clearly and throw a good deal of light on the important
problem of wage and earnings differentials. Some such data
are necessary as a factual basis for any kind of social action
aimed at wage or income control. On this ground it com-
mands the attention of those, both in and out of the legis-
lative houses of America, who want to act intelligently in
matters of income control. The second division of the material
concerns a question of great importance: the influence of
group action on income. At this point Mr. Leven is on less
secure factual footing but, nevertheless, advocates of farm
relief and of the wage raising policies of labor organizations
will do well to give serious thought to the author's point of
view. Briefly his position is that labor's chance to increase
its share of real income by raisJng money wages will decrease
as unionization becomes more widespread. As he puts it, "The
betterment of the incomes of the masses must come mainly
from production rather than from bargaining, from increased
output rather than restriction." The third division has to do
with income changes since 1929 and is of particular interest
in the light it throws on the changing lot of the farm and
the urban sections of the population.
Columbia University R. J. SAULNIER

The World We Live On

THIS IS OUR WORLD, by Paul B. Sears. University of Oklahoma Press.
292 pp. Price $2.50 postpaid of Survey Graphic.

PROFESSOR SEARS is A BOTANIST WHO HAS JUMPED THE NARROW
bounds of his science to become a human being and a citizen
of the world, interested in the future of the human race. It is
but natural that Oklahomans should write of conservation, for
any citizen of Oklahoma above the grade of moron should be
alarmed about the future of his state. In the short space since
1892, when the white man entered as a landowner, it has
become one of our most completely eroded states.

This book brings out in many forms the vital fact that
nature makes a balance which results in soil and a natural
vegetation, and that we in this country have broken that
balance, and that therefore our days of riches, plenty, and
great numbers will be short unless we mend our ways and do
it quickly. He points out that we are suffering from one of the
universal delusions — that our culture is permanent.

The book is interestingly written, in popular style, by a
philosophic naturalist. It is illustrated by the author, somewhat
in the style of Van Loon. The book is for the citizen and
town dweller. Its aim is to propagate an idea. For technical
advice the farmer will go to the Soil Conservation Service.
Swarthmore, Pa. ]. RUSSELL SMITH

AMERICANS IN PROCESS, by William C. Smith. Edward Bros., Ann
Arbor. 359 pp. Price $3 postpaid of Survey Graphic.

THIS "STUDY OF OUR CITIZENS OF ORIENTAL ANCESTRY" HAS
been in the making for almost ten years. Into it has gone a
voluminous documentation from that most reliable of sources,
the subjects of the study themselves. It gains special value
from having been conducted in part on the Pacific Coast
and in part in Hawaii: this circumstance enables the author,
by a number of sharply drawn contrasts, to show the rela-
tive importance of the factors that shape the character, the
tastes, the ideas, and the conduct of the American-born
children of Orientals. In both cases, innate traits account for
little. In Hawaii the conditioning force of home influences
seems to be stronger than on the Coast; on the Coast, the
diverse discriminations which tend to depress the status of
these Americans to that of an alien or marginal minority are
the determining elements. Dr. Smith provides a sympathetic
introduction to this important group of citizens and to a con-
sideration of their special problems. B. L.

432

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BEHIND YOUR GOOD TELEPHONE SERVICE is THE

THE VOICE WITH A SMILE

THE MAN ON THE JOB

THE MEN AND WOMEN IN THE TELEPHONE OFFICE

434

The Gist of It

1 AOING ARTICLE THIS MONTH IS A

ollaboration of ihe editor, Paul Kellogg, re-
lently named president of the National Con-
nf Social Work, and his wife, Helen
Hall president of the National Federation of
icttlcments. Participants in the National
Health Conference at Washington in mid-
luly, at which a National Health Program
«ras announced, they now turn reporters and
merpru what has already been described as
i tmtoric event in American medical history.

D. SMITH, PROVOST OF NEW YORK

ity, follows the population curve into

be American school system (page 443) and

{escribes the amazing changes that the drop

in the birth rate is bringing about. The long

delayed National Resources Committee Report

30 The Problems of a Changing Population

(U.S. Government Printing Office; 75 cents),

;o which Mr. Smith refers, was released in

though, according to Frank W. Note-

Jitor of Population Index, the report

deleted the section of Clyde V. Riser's chapter

which stated that group differences in fertility

?Ktly through difference in the accept-

L| practice of contraception, it is other-

thoroughly comprehensive document.

It will repay study not only by educators,

legislators, insurance executives and commu-

riity planners, but by business men in every

-ort of enterprise in every part of the nation.

FRIEDRICH BLACH, FOR FIFTEEN YEARS, UN-
il 1933, managing director of one of the
argest German public utilities, was a mem-
>er of the Chamber of Commerce of Berlin
or the private electricity, gas and water
ompanies, and chairman of its city plan-
mmittee. A member of the Supreme
joun of Economics and the Cartel Court, he
i Iso wrote for many technical and theoretical
Publications and studied the public utilities
i other European countries, especially in
ireat Britain. His summary (page 450) of
'ie role of semi-independent authorities in
ic principal industrial nations of Europe is
ic first article he has written in America.

ORWIN WllLSON, TECHNICAL DIRECTOR OF

iteg Corporation, Flint, Mich., is a well
nown industrial designer. To Stuart Chase,
athor of the Case Against Home Owner-
lip (Surrey Graf hie, May 1938) and to
ewis Mumford, author of the Culture of
ides (reviewed in the same issue) he offers
i alternative to mortgage and metropolis
Mge 456) — freedom through mobility.

'HAT DO MOST PEOPLE KNOW ABOUT THEIR

>unty? Not much, if the response to, and

•prints ordered of, Webb Waldron's recent

on St. Louis County, Missouri, are

Now comes Martha Collins Bayne,

c least known county of all — home of

ninent statesmen, nationally known writers,

I iscure vacationists, farmers, factory workers,

•rangers to each other. (Page 458.) Now on

arch staff of McCall's Magazine, Mrs.

vyoe, after her graduation from Vassar,

•Me a complete social and economic study

« Dutchess County, New York, under the

^^Hji of the Norrie Fellowship Committee.

(Continued on page 480)

SEPTEMBER 1938

CONTENTS

VOL. XXVH No. 9

Frontispiece

436

The Unserved Millions HELEN HALL AND PAUL KELLOGG 437

The National Health Conference and Program

New Mexican Portraits LITHOGRAPHS BY NICOLAI FECHIN 442

The Population Curve Hits the Schools RUFUS D. SMITH 445

"Women and Children First" — A Poem CATHERINE PARMENTER NEWELL 449

Semi-Independent Authorities FRIEDRICH BLACH 450

Class Production vs. Mass Shelter — On Wheels CORWIN WILLSON 456

Middle County MARTHA COLLINS BAYNE 458

Dying Is a Luxury KATHRYN CLOSE 463

Through Neighbors' Doorways

Safety First, alias "Neutrality" JOHN PALMER GAVIT 465

Letters and Life

Interrogation Southward LEON WHIPPLE 467

Internes in Government WEBB WALDRON 475

Among Ourselves 480

Adjustment by TV A — A Poem CAROL M. RITCHIE 480

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Editor: PAUL KELLOGG.

Contributing editors: HELEN CODY BAKER, JOANNA C. COLCORD. EDWARD T. DEVINE,
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435

Harris & Ewing

Active in forwarding the long range National Health Program were Josephine Roche, chairman of the President's Interdepartmental
Committee to Coordinate Health and Welfare Activities; Arthur J. Altmeyer (standing), chairman of the Social Security Board;
Katharine F. Lenroot, chief of U.S. Children's Bureau; Dr. Thomas Par ran, surgeon general of the U.S. Public Health Service

Wide World

Dr. Irvin Abell, president of AMA,
assured "whole hearted cooperation"
in efforts to better health care

Harris & Ewing

Dr. Morris Fishbein, editor of the AMA
Journal, intimated that doctors were being
asked to prescribe Radway's Ready Relief

International

Dr. Martha Eliot, (assistant chief,
U.S. Children's Bureau) chairman of
Technical Committee on Medical Care

SEPTEMBER 1938

VOL. XXVII NO. 9

SURVEY GRAPHIC

The Unserved Millions

by HELEN HALL and PAUL KELLOGG

"Preventive health services for the nation as a whole are grossly
insufficient. Hospital and other institutional facilities are in-
adequate in many communities, especially in rural areas. . . .
One third of the population, including persons with or without
income, is receiving inadequate or no medical service. An even
larger fraction of the population suffers from economic burdens
created by illness." — The quintessence of the findings of the
Technical Committee on Medical Care.

FOR THE FIRST TIME, WE HAVE A NATIONAL HEALTH PRO-

grarn definitely on the order of business of the United
States— a plan with national length and breadth to it,
human depth and warmth.

over, the plan has taken on drive as well as di-

»ns. The public discussion that was set going at
the- National Health Conference in Washington in mid-
July was invited "as a preliminary to practical action by

>ible governmental agencies." And the conference
itsclt revealed, as never before, that "people in general
are beginning to take it for granted that an equal op-
tiort unity tor health is a basic American right." We have

•>rd of the surgeon general of the United States for
loth these things. Also the Hotel Mayflower has him to
hank for the historic aura he cast about an everyday, if
•mate and air-conditioned, room in which the sessions
vvere held — a room of ten thousand banquets and dinners
hat have lapsed into the limbo of forgotten headlines.
Said Dr. Thomas Parran over a national hook-up:

of us who are concerned with the progress of med-
cal science usually think that the great events of medicine
•ccur only in the research laboratory or the operating room.
iVe arc witnessing here in Washington another kind of prog-
'ess in medicine — an effort to put medical science to work.
The National Health Conference may well be the greatest
•vent in medical science in our time.

That gauge of what was afoot, as the doctors present
might see it, brings us to another gauge: what it meant to
the laymen present — and because they were present. Two
hardened conference-goers can testify that they never
took part in a more exciting gathering. It was shot
through with clashes in personality and approach. Hut
underneath this by-play, it is hard to see how anyone
could have gone unmoved by the preventable miseries
laid bare; could have gone unstirred by inequalities in
medical service that showed up whenever income groups,
races and regions, urban and rural areas, were compared.
The statistical evidence was massed and massed again in
establishing the existence of a "great national need" and
in pointing out steps that can be taken to meet it.

Nonetheless, however impressive this evidence, it was
the people who came together to consider these facts, add
to them, underline them out of their own experience,
that made the conference memorable and put reality be-
hind the figures.

Alongside physicians, surgeons, dentists, nurses, hos-
pital managers and public health men, ranged representa-
tives of labor, industrial and farm organizations; of
women's clubs, bodies of consumers, parent-teachers as-
sociations, youth organizations, cooperatives; social work-
ers, educators, public welfare administrators and their
kin. Here were the patients, if you will: consumers, and

437

Associated Press Photo
Two distinguished insurgent physicians: Dr. Hugh Cabot of
the Mayo Clinic and Dr. John P. Peters of Yale University

spokesmen for would-be-consumers. They had come to
say in no uncertain terms that they and their fellows
believed in medical care and wanted more of it for every-
body. They drove home that, because of locality or income,
such care was simply unavailable or inadequate for
great numbers of the people they represented; and that
those numbers ran into millions. In equally outspoken
terms, they believed such care could and should be
brought within reach of those millions.

Toward the close of the conference, Prof. C. E.-A.
Winslow of Yale University School of Medicine recalled
that Dr. X had suggested they were dealing with a
premature infant in the plans under consideration.

It would be very presumptuous (he said) for me to differ
on a point of diagnosis with a professor of pediatrics, but I
hope he will take the subject back to his clinic and consider
very carefully whether it may not be malnutrition, instead
of prematurity. I think this infant is older than he thinks.
I suspect that all it needs is a little administration of vitamins
CIO and AFL and whatever kind of vitamin they make in
the Farm Bureau, to turn it into a pretty husky child.

Significance

PROFESSOR WINSLOW REVIEWED THE DISCUSSIONS FROM THE
angle of public health. Time and again, over the last ten
and twenty years, he had met with groups to take up
these very problems. In the back of their minds all that
time was "the dream and the hope that something might
happen like this conference." It had extraordinary sig-
nificance, he felt, for three major reasons:

1. "In the first place, we have five independent government
departments working in cooperation." Professor Winslow's
reference was to the President's Interdepartmental Committee
on Health and Welfare Activities, under which the confer-
ence met, made up of representatives of the Treasury, Agri-
culture, Interior and Labor; and the Social Security Board.
And especially he paid tribute, as the conference did when-
ever the occasion offered, to the debt we all owed to the
chairman, at once of committee and conference — Josephine
Roche, president of the Rocky Mountain Fuel Company and
former Assistant Secretary of the Treasury.

2. "The excellence of the program that the staff has been
working on so long . . . notable for the care with which it
has been prepared, for its soundness and its balance." His
reference here was to a Technical Committee on Medical
Care, commissioned by the Interdepartmental Committee.
Under the chairmanship of Dr. Martha Eliot, assistant chief
of the U. S. Children's Bureau, these technicians had brought

438

out findings on the health needs of the nation, in March.
They put before the July conference their recommendations
on the factors entering into a National Health Program.
Professor Winslow warned against losing sight of the inter-
relationship which was so skillfully woven through the re-
port: "This is not a program of health insurance; it is not a
program for the extension of medical service; it is not a pro-
gram for hospital construction; it is a coordinated, com-
plete, interlocking, dovetailing health program for the nation
in which all of these things have their just and proper part."
3. "The overwhelming preponderance of opinion in favor
of the report . . . the astounding and thrilling support that
has come from the groups represented here." Hitherto, Pro-
fessor Winslow pointed out, these problems had never been
discussed by leaders of the medical profession "face to face
with those great agencies that really represent the American
people."

The five-point program charted by the Technical Com-
mittee on Medical Care was first put before the confer-
ence in a blue-covered, 75-page, multigraphed report that
was at everyone's place on Monday; and then in a series
of oral interpretations by its members on Tuesday — by
Dr. Eliot of the Children's Bureau; by Dr. Clifford E.
Waller, Dr. Joseph W. Mountin, and George St. John
Perrott, all of the U. S. Public Health Service and the
last named, director of the National Health Survey; and
by I. S. Falk, chief of the health studies division of the
Bureau of Research and Statistics, Social Security Board
Members of the Interdepartmental Committee presided
at these sessions — Milburn L. Wilson, Under Secretary of
Agriculture; Dr. E. L. Bishop, director of health, TVA;
Oscar L. Chapman, Assistant Secretary of the Interior;
and Arthur J. Altmeyer, chairman of the Social Security
Board.

At the threshold of the work of the Technical Com-
mittee the results of the National Health Survey became
available — a project carried out by the U. S. Public Health
Service through the cooperation of the Works Progress
Administration. This covered some 800,000 families, If
800,000 persons. Never before in the history of the world,
perhaps, has there been such a wide gathering of key
facts as to individual experience with disabling illness,
as well as medical, nursing and hospital facilities avail-
able to these sick.

The Technical Committee drew upon this survey, on
other research, on its own studies and on experience to
date under the social security act. It was these facts on
which it grounded its recommendations. Some of the

Richards M. Bradley of the Thomas Thompson Foundation and
Fred Hoehler, director of American Public Welfare Association

SURVEY GRAPHIC

State of the Union
FACTS AS TO HEALTH AND SICKNESS

— Fifty million American! are in fam-
• receiving less than JiliXH) income
a year. Illness and death increase their
toll as income goes down; medical care
decreases sharply as need for it mounts.
— For the ten most deadly diseases, the
deathrate is almost twice as high among
unskilled workers as among professional
u,.r leers. For seven of these, there is a
steady increase in deathrates as income
goes down.

—The gross sickness and mortality rates
of the poor of our large cities are as
high today as they were for the nation
as a whole half a century ago.
— No physician's care is received in 28
percent of seriously disabling illness
among the belt of normally self-sus-
taining families just above the relief
level.

— In the case of disabling illness lasting
a week or more, one out of four receive*
no medical care whatever among 20
million people in the relief groups, or
among the 20 million people above that
level who can purchase it only at risk
of curtailing food, clothing, shelter or
other essentials of health and decency.

» * *

— Over 40 percent (1338) of the coun-
ties in the United States do not contain
a registered general hospital to serve
their total of 17 million people.
— People of low income obtain little
hospital service except in areas having
a reasonable proportion of tax sup-
ported or endowed beds.
— Only five states have two or more
beds per annual death from tubercu-
losis—the ratio required by clinical ex-
perience.

— Only one quarter of the states meet
a reasonable standard in providing for
mental cases.

"This staggering aggregate of suf-
fering and death can and must be
lightened." — Josephine Roche.

— There are counties in the United
States where for a five-year period there
were no maternal deaths; there are
others where the maternal deathrate is
more than 200 for each 10,000 children
born.

— Forty out of forty-nine health officers
of states and territories recently reported
that facilities for maternal care are
definitely inadequate.
— In 1936, nearly a quarter of a million
women did not have the advantage of
a physician's care at the time of de-
livery.

— For the great majority of the million
births attended each year in the home
by a physician, there is no qualified
nurse to aid in caring for mother and
baby.

— In 84 cities, 28 percent of children
had neither physician nor hospital care
in illnesses disabling them seven days
or more.

— One third of the 35 million children
under fifteen years of age in the United
States belong in families able to pay
but little for medical care.
— Two thirds of our rural areas are
without child health centers or clinics.
— One half to two thirds of maternal
deaths are preventable.
— The deathrate of infants in the first
month of life could be cut in two.
— Our gross pneumonia mortality could
easily be reduced by more than 25 per-
cent by the use of serum. Not one out
of twenty now receives it.
— An annual saving of 30,000 lives
could be effected by more widespread

use of surgery and radiation in the
treatment of cancer.

* * *

— Every year 70 million sick persons
lose more than one billion days from
work.

— Workers in industry have a life ex-
pectancy approximately eight years lets
than non-industrial workers.
— For respiratory tuberculosis, the
deathrate among unskilled workers is
seven times as high as for professional
workers.

— In twenty-seven iron and steel towns,
the deathrate from pneumonia is two
thirds greater than in the United States
as a whole.

— A million workers are exposed to the
hazards of silicosis.

— Health supervision is inadequate in
most industrial plants employing 300
or less workers; representing some 62
percent of the working population.

* * *

— On the average day of the year, there
are four or more million persons who
are temporarily or permanently dis-
abled by illness — unable to work, at-
tend school, or pursue their customary
activities.

— Among gainful workers, there are on
the average probably seven to ten
days of sickness disability — in the
course of a year — but these disabil-
ities range from a day, a month, a
year, to a lifetime.

— Self-supporting families with incomes
up to jCiOOO spend on an average from
4 to 5 percent of their budgets on
medical care; but unpredictable serious
illness may descend upon them with
catastrophic force and wipe out their
earnings and savings — the economic
independence of the family itself.

I more outstanding findings arc printed in the above
I panel so that you may get in lesser measure the weight of
i the story as it bore down on the conference that hot mid-
July d.iy i m which it opened. We had a morning of evi-
dence, an afternoon of discussion, and in a way the most
significant speech of all was a two-minute silence at the
close of the day which came after a question from the
floor: "Does anyone seriously challenge the statements
of need that were made in the papers this morning and
were amplified this afternoon?" The ensuing silence
freed the next two days for a consideration of the ways
and means put forward for dealing with them.

Spirit

MEANWHILE, IN BROACHING THE GENERAL PROBLEM AT THE
opening session, Miss Roche welcomed first of all the

members of that profession — "greatest because it is dedi-
cated to saving and improving human life and health."
In following her, Dr. Parran pointed out that:

Economics is still in the Hippocratic stage of development.
Ft has not yet had its Pasteur, its Koch, its Lister. Medicine
and public health, therefore, should lead economics rather
than follow it. The application of preventive medicine offers
the best opportunity to tear out the roots of poverty and the
consequences of ignorance.

And Katharine Lenroot, chief of the U. S. Children s
Bureau, made clear that in planning the extended services:

Just conditions of professional service and fair remunera-
tion to those who serve on an individual basis or in programs
of agencies supported by private contributions or by public
funds, must be encouraged. Opportunity to receive the ser-
vice which individual needs require must be extended to

SEPTEMBER 1938

439

The Ten- Year Program

Freely put, the Technical Committee on Medical
Care recommends that we —

la — Public Health

1. Extend and modernize our basic health services. As
things stand, half of the state departments are lame in staff
and equipment. Only a third of the counties and even a
smaller fraction of the cities employ full time professional
health officers.

2. Come to grips with four great threats to life which
can be practically eradicated by programs of proper mag-
nitude— tuberculosis, venereal diseases, malaria and certain
occupational hazards. Cut down deaths from pneumonia
and cancer; and reduce morbidity from mental disorders.

Ib — Maternal and Child Welfare

Get help through to the homes of America, with the
prospect that 70,000 mothers and babies might be saved
each year if we seriously set out to save them. There are
90,000 deaths a year under fifteen years of age. With these
as spurs to our efforts, build on the gains already made
under the social security act and expand our services for
mothers, children and crippled children.

II — Hospitals

Cover the country for the first time with these workshops
for medical practice; and meet half the maintenance charges
the first three years for the new construction. Today we
have "insufficient institutions and beds, improper location,
incomplete services and inadequate financial support." Pro-
vide 180,000 new beds in general hospitals (including 500
hospital, health and diagnostic centers in rural districts) ;
5000 new beds in tuberculosis sanatoria; 130,000 new beds
in mental hospitals. Make these hospitals agencies for case
finding, centers for diagnosis and treatment to be used
jointly by physicians and public health agencies.

(The committee urged that I and II be given priority in any
national program more limited in scope than that outlined in
the entire series of recommendations.)

Ill— The Medically Needy

Project a program of federal-state cooperation to pro-
vide minimum medical services to twenty million people
without private income, already receiving public assistance
in one form or another; and to twenty million more, so
close to the emergency level that they can purchase med-
ical care only at the risk of curtailing food, clothing, shelter
and other essentials of life. Among these forty million
people, eight million may be expected in the course of a
year to experience disabling illness of at least a week's dura-
tion. Without such a program two million of these cases
will go unattended. Many communities and some whole
states are unable to support such minimum medical ser-
vices. The charity of private physicians and the resources of
voluntary institutions is inadequate to meet the need.

* * * *

Under each of these heads, the committee suggests a ten-
year program, decentralized, with the states responsible for
administration and with federal grants meeting 50 percent
of the cost on the average; operations to begin in a small
way and to reach a peak of maximum annual expenditures
as follows:

Millions Millions

la —Public Health #200

Ib —Maternal and Child Health 165 365

II —Hospitals 146.05

IU_Medically Needy 400

(Less duplication with Ib) 60 340

085145

all. The greatest possible freedom in the relationships be-
tween those served and those giving service must be pre-
served.

And in kindred spirit, Dr. Irvin Abell, president of
the American Medical Association, led off the discussion
that first day:

The medical profession (he said) would be the last to
deny the existence of medical needs in the United States.
Its whole mission has been to fulfill those needs, and it has
always sought to meet every need as it arises by the develop-
ment of appropriate medical services. . . .

There can be little disagreement on certain fundamental
objectives . . . the provision of good medical care for all the
people; the development of comprehensive preventive and pub-
lic health services; the development of appropriate measures
to combat specific health problems; and a continuous, orderly
improvement of the distribution of medical services and hos-
pital facilities, both by geographic and economic divisions. .

There can be no acceptance by the medical profession of
any system of medical care which is based on the idea that
the well-to-do shall receive one quality of medical care while
the farmer, the laborer, the white collar worker are to be
placated with a wider distribution of an inferior service.

In every part of the proposed program, decentralized
responsibility and action through grants-in-aid by the
states were recommended in the report. Yet in telling
of the county-by-county survey of medical needs in-
augurated recently by the AMA, Dr. Abell felt he must
warn that:

Those people who think they can devise a centrally con-
trolled medical service plan, which can be fitted to the varying
conditions of the states, counties, and cities of this country are
discussing theories which no practical health administrator can
possibly approve.

Clash

THIS RIFT WITHIN THE LUTE WAS WIDENED BY THE FIRM

fingers of a distinguished American surgeon who was
the last of the slated speakers, as Dr. Abell had been the
first. Dr. Hugh Cabot, one of the leading spirits of those
insurgents who make up the American Committee of
Physicians "took the liberty of suggesting" that "we get
over the survey business and get on with the war." Facts,
like fish, he remarked, won't keep. He did not feel much
confidence in the result of the survey the American Med-
ical Association is now carrying on:

I am not clear by precisely what method physicians are to
know about the people whom they never see. The people
who get no medical care obviously don't crowd the doctors'
offices. . . .

. . . We should proceed not by the method of doing noth-
ing, but by the method of doing a variety of things which
will give us knowledge of where we may throw our whole
weight and where we must proceed more cautiously.

With whimsical and searching strokes he explored the
cavity of the problem and plunged into the conference
itself, and its bearing on the issues of planning and con-
trol.

. . . The day is not so very long ago — I well remember
it — when the medical profession of not only this but every
other country took the general and very benign view that
all medical problems were their problems. . . . There has
been accumulative evidence that the consumer, known to the
profession as the patient, when he sees him, is beginning to
wake up to the fact that he has a collateral interest in this
problem, that he is the boy who is paying the bill or is going to

440

SURVEY GRAPHIC

pay it, and that he has a right to a very large word in what
ionc and in how it is done. But here, as far as I am con-
cerned, For the first time I hear clearly and boldly and bravely
and gallantly stated the problem of the consumer. . . .

Obviously as I sec it from the whole trend of the discus-
sion here today, the government is more and more going to
concern itself with the provision of medical care. I care not
whether it be grants-in-aid, whether it be, as much of it must
be, taken directly from taxes, or whether in certain fields it
may be better dealt with by the application of the principle
lit insurance.

The minute the government begins to suggest the method
and to provide the funds, it assumes responsibility for the
product, at once; it must assume a responsibility for the main-
tenance and improvements of standards, not only in medical
care but in medical education and in research. . . . There
are very large areas in this country where the practice of
medicine as at present carried on is medieval. The physicians
practicing there are members, properly so, of their county
societies and therefore necessarily of the American Medical
Association, but who says whether or not the article which
they are selling is a first-class article or ... one which is
expensive at any price? . . .

Now I suggest to you that as government intrudes itself —
and I use the word advisedly — into the question of medical
care, it must set up machinery for oversight which will advise
the government whether the article which they are furnish-
ing to the people is a good article or a shoddy article. And
I suggest to you that any extension paid for by the govern-
ment is going to require training of a group of paid govern-
ment administrators, a group for which at the present time
this government has made no provision. The relative success
of the Insurance Act in Great Britain is largely due to the
fact that they have there and have had for nearly a century,
a trained group of civil servants upon whom depends the
government of the British Empire. . . .

Finally, I raise with you the question which has been on
my mind for many years. . . . How is it possible in a highly
commercialized environment to maintain a service organiza-
tion on a competitive basis? If someone will answer me that
one, I will be his slave for life.

Dr. Arthur T. McCormack, health commissioner of
Kentucky, secretary of its State Medical Association and
president of the American Public Health Association, was
at once on his feet. "The American Medical Association
is the Family Doctor of America," and he did not want
his listeners to get the idea from anything that had been
said that it "is insensible to its responsibility in any respect
as the guardian of the health and lives of the people of the
United States. . . ." And before the session adjourned,
Dr. Olin West, secretary and general manager of the
association, rose to the. . . .

defense of the medical profession of the United States which
one member of that profession has seen fit to hold up to
ridicule to a certain extent; which seemed to be very greatly
enjoyed by this conference. . . . There has been a veritable
flood of unfounded criticism and even vilification within the
j last few years but in spite of that fact it marches steadily

Dr. West recounted the unpaid services he had seen the
members of the AMA give in the public interest in his
fifteen years as secretary; its discussion of the problems
before the conference, its efforts to raise the standards of
medical education, the thousands of communications
responded to from every sort of person in every rank;
I and the hundreds of thousands of dollars of its own
money spent in protecting the public health of the nation.
And, said Dr. West: (Continued on page 470)

The Proposed Insurances

In two concluding recommendations, (he Technical Com-
mittee on Medical Care gets down to our primary concern
with (he care and the consequences of the everyday diseases
responsible in large part, every day of the year, for the
disabling illness of from four to six million persons. In
1929 the total expenditures in the United State* for all
kinds of health and sickness services are estimated at $},-
700,000. Of this national bill, philanthropy and industry
met 7 percent, the government 14 percent, and patients 79
percent — or four fifths of the total.

IV — A General Program of Medical Care

The committee here centers especially on the broad belt
of the population which is self-sustaining — but self-sustaining
only up to the point where a serious operation or long con-
tinued illness puts them on the shelf.

Food, shelter, clothing can be budgeted by the individual
family; but medical care will never be made available to
all families with small or modest incomes at costs they can
afford, unlen ihoie costi are spread among groups of people
and over periods of lime.

Three ways are open to redistribute the costs— through
the use of taxation, insurance or a combination of the two.
"Experience in many countries suggests health insurance for
urban and industrial areas, and public medical services for
rural and agricultural areas."

Insurance would call for total funds equal to 4 or 4'/2
percent of income of the covered population — obtained from
the insured persons with assistance from employers and the
government. So far as patients go, this would not represent
new expenditures but the substitution of average for variable
and unpredictable costs. At the same time the principle of
group risk and group payment operates also to stabilize and
increase the incomes of those who furnish the service.

In the opinion of the Technical Committee, the federal
government should principally give financial and technical
aid to the states in their development of sound programs;
the choice of method, or combination of methods, should
be made by the states.

I' — Disability Compensation

The wage loss each year due to sickness disability amounts
to from one to two billion dollars. The worker "does not
know whether an illness will be mild and non-disabling, or
severe and disabling; whether disability will last a day, a
week, a month, a year or the remainder of the individual's
lifetime." If he is unemployed because he is out of a job,
a wage earner can look to unemployment compensation;
but there is no protection of that sort if he is unable to
work through illness.

The committee strongly recommends that we close in on
this gap and develop programs of disability compensation.
For roughly one percent of wages, temporary sickness could
be covered up to twenty-six weeks and patterned after un-
employment compensation. For a somewhat similar per-
centage, permanent disability compensation, patterned after
old age insurance, could pick up where the other leaves off.

In conclusion, the committee states:

"In good times and in bad time*, sickness is a major
cause of poverty, destitution and a large part of all depen-
dency. ... It occurs more frequently and for longer periods
among the unemployed than among the employed, among
the poor than among the rich. It is associated with various
other manifestations of social disorganization such as un-
employment, low income, poor housing, and inadequate
food. If we are to lessen destitution and poverty, if we are
to penetrate to the causes of dependency, we must strike
simultaneously at this whole plexus of social evils within
our society. ..."

SEPTEMBER 1938

441

jr.

Left, El Pescadero
Below, Indian Girl

Courtesy Grand Central Art Galleries

New Mexican Portraits

Lithographs by
Nicolai Fechin

Since coming to this country from Russia in the early
nineteen-twenties, Nicolai Fechin has painted the por-
traits of many leading Americans. In these lithographs,
his first work in the medium, he has turned to his
picturesque neighbors in Santa Fe. Lithographs must
lack, of course, the glowing, splendid colors for which
Fechin is famous. But he is also a master of the swift,
sure sketch, the keen characterization, which makes each
of these New Mexican portraits vivid and unforgettable.

Yr.

THE PHILOSOPHER

MEXICAN WOMAN

The Population Curve
Hits the Schools

by RUFUS D. SMITH

The provost of New York University discusses the effects of our
declining population growth upon the first social institution to feel
its effects — the American educational system.

National Resources Committee

Children under 18 per 1000 adults
age 20-69 — 1850 to 1970 (estimated)

EVIHKNCE FROM ALL DIRECTIONS POINTS TO A STARTLING SLOW-
ing up in population growth, to the possibility of a sta-
tionary America within a very few years and to the
likelihood of declining numbers within a few decades.
As the recent National Resources Committee report on
the problems of a changing population indicates, the
social history of the United States will be profoundly
affected. The 1940 census will begin the story of the shift
from youth toward middle age. Barring unforeseen fac-
•his revolutionary reversal in population trends will
continue. As a result, America will be a different place
for our children and our grandchildren. Indeed, it is al-
ready noticeably changing in the first great social institu-
tion to be affected by it — the school.

Sir William Beveridge, director of the London School
of Economics, makes this comment on the decline in
births. "The fall of the birth rate in Britain, Europe,
America, Australia, wherever the European races have
spread, remains one of the most important events of the
century. With all that lies behind it and all that it may
, portend, I am inclined to reckon it a turning point in
human history."

It is possible now to mark out quite clearly, and in
advance of the 1940 census, the general trends this turn
in population is taking. Prediction has passed from a basis
of conjecture to that of statistical evidence. Detailed facts
can be found in the National Resources Committee re-
(x>rt which was released on July 6. That report deals
with the human resources of the nation, and estimates,
on the maximum side, a population of 158 million within
fifty years or, on the minimum side, 139 million in 1955,
with a decrease of 10 million during the following quar-
ter century. Other expert estimates place the ultimate
population of the United States between these two esti-
mates with a decided tendency to concentrate somewhat
'o the lower figure. The report mentions that the
total number of births reached a peak in the years 1921-
)25, that there will be a peak in the number of young
persons of marriageable age about 1945, and that after
i. '.he middle of the century further decreases must be ex-
jpccted in the number of births each year unless present
rends in fertility are reversed or unless the population

^rnented by heavy immigration.

Since the first consequences of the decline in births are
ilready being felt in the American schools, the facts here
'resented are confined largely to its effects on the educa-
ional institutions of the United States. A recent study on
chool trends, prepared by Eugene A. Nifenecker, director
>f the Bureau of Reference, Research and Statistics, City
w York, indicates a decline in the total school en-

rollment of that city of 4818 for the year 1936-1937, the
first in twenty years. Of course, it must be kept in mind
that this is a large country and that no single generaliza-
tion will cover all of it. Some areas still show increases in
number of births. Agricultural states hold up well in
contrast to the great eastern centers, where losses are
staggering.

Nevertheless, it is a fact that the great rise in elemen-
tary school population has been followed by a decline.
Few dreamed that we would see this dramatic reversal
in our times. It is probably the most profound phenome-
non of this era. The school administrator — elementary,
high school, college and university — must be prepared to
meet the challenge of the drastic decline in school popu-
lations. No social, economic, or political institution will
escape its impact.

ELEMENTARY SCHOOL ENROLLMENTS ARE DECLINING AND WILL
continue to do so for a number of years; increases in
high school enrollments are now entering a stationary
period; in a few years the gross losses of secondary
schools will reach the colleges and universities of the
United States.

In 1932, Recent Social Trends in the United States,
an exhaustive federal government report, gave advance
warning to the American public of what might be ex-
pected:

An influence affecting the status of children is their diminish-
ing proportion in society. In 1930 for the first time there were
fewer children under five years of age in one census year
than in the one preceding. For the first time also there were
fewer children under five years of age than from five to
ten years of age. In some cities already there are not enough
children to occupy the dest(s in the earlier grades. This de-
creasing enrollment has not yet reached the high schools, but
it is only a question of time, unless a larger proportion of
those out of school arc continued in school. . . . The conse-
quences of recent trends in age composition are already no-
ticeable and will become more pronounced in the future,
since they are almost certain to continue. . . . There were
fewer children under five years of age in 1930 than in 1920,
hence there will be a smaller number to enter the first grade
during 1930-1935 than during 1920-1925. By 1940 or 1945
there will be a smaller number for each grade up to senior
high school, for most of the children who will be in these
grades in 1940 were born during 1924-1931, just as most
children in these grades in 1930 were born during 1914-1921.
The number of births in the later period was nearly 1,200,000
less than the number in the earlier period, so that there
will be about 1,000,000 fewer children aged 9-16 in 1940
than in 1930, making a liberal allowance for falling death
rates.

445

In 1921, the American birth rate
turned downward. In 1924, the Immi-
gration Quota Act went into effect and
the losses were greatly accelerated, since
heavy immigration over many decades
had given a fictitious aspect to the ac-
tual native American birth rate. In 1929,
the depression made marriage finan-
cially hazardous, and the number of
births declined even more abruptly.
Temporarily a return to prosperity, co-
inciding with the large class of 1921
now reaching into the marriageable
years, may cushion the decline, even
give a slight movement upward in
births for a few years, but so far this
increase in marriages has not resulted
in enough additional births to offset to
any marked degree other factors bring-
ing about a further decline. Once the
smaller numbers of children born an-
nually since 1921 reach the ages of
marriage, the losses in births again
will begin to pile up. "They are not being born." In the
meantime the death rates of the future will climb slowly
due to the rapidly increasing numbers of people over
sixty-five. A stationary population will be the outcome of
these combined movements. Birth and school statistics
already tell part of the story.

IN 1924 AMERICAN POPULATION WAS INCREASING AS MUCH AS
1,800,000 a year; in 1934, the excess number had dropped to
800,000. Now a number of reliable population statisticians
predict a stationary population between 1950-1955, with
the peak placed between 140,000,000 and 150,000,000 people
unless a decided reversal in the meantime takes place in
American thought — and there are no indications of any
such change. According to the statisticians of the Metro-
politan Life Insurance Company, the population of the
United States will decline unless the average size of the
American family increases. The statisticians report that
"the birth rate will in time fall below the death rate and
give a rate of natural decrease instead of increase." Signs
rather point to further losses. Any prolongation of the
1937-1938 depression will accentuate the continuous decline
since 1921. The East and Middlewest, with their great
immigrant centers, are the hardest hit by these epochal
changes, as is shown by the following tabulated figures
from various parts of the United States:

States

Gross

Place

Year

Births

Year

Births

Loss

Percent

United States

1921

2,950,000

1936

2,330,000

620,000

21.

Pennsylvania

1921

229,952

1936

159,427

70,025

30.5

Massachusetts

1921

92,207

1936

61,903

30,304

33.

Connecticut

1921

34,152

1936

21,799

12,355

36.

New Jersey

1921

78,172

1936

54,145

24,166

30.

Ohio

1924

132,048

1936

104,042

28,006

22.

New York

1921

240,210

1936

181,920

58,290

24.3

Cities

New York City

1921

134,241

1936

98,507

35,734

26.

Trenton

1921

3,413

1936

2,429

984

29.

Chicago

1924

60,888

1936

47,939

12,099

20.

Hartford

1920

3,607

1936

2,417

1,190

33.

Providence

1920

6,586

1935

5,192

1,394

21.

Kansas City

1925

7,423

1936

5,711

1,712

23.

Cleveland

1924

21,007

1936

14,354

6,653

31.6

San Francisco

1921

9,167

1936

7,285

1,882

20.5

Portland, Oregon

1921

5,310

1936

4,388

922

17.4

Minneapolis

1924

9,751

1936

7,768

1,983

20.5

Milwaukee

1929

12,599

1936

9,735

2,864

22.9

Brown Brothers
Young immigrants once gave a fictitious aspect to the actual American birth rate

These declines in births have been recovered in part by
infant mortality decreases. A larger proportion of children
born move on into adult life now than fifteen years ago,
but not nearly enough to match these astounding initial
losses.

Losses in children born are felt six years later, in the first
grade. As the losses in the lower grades push up and the
large upper grades push out, the two work together to
produce, first, a total stationary secondary school popula-
tion and, finally, combined losses in both grammar and
high school enrollments. School statistics indicate that in-
creasing enrollments are giving way to a stationary school
population; in some places the latter has given way to a
total loss. It is like the turning of a tide, first a slowing up
followed by a period of stillness, then a turn downward;
in some places, the stream runs out more swiftly than in
others.

For example, in the United States public elementary
school enrollments dropped from 21,278,593 in 1930 to 20,
391, 639 in 1936. The decline throughout the United States
has probably reached the seventh grade this year. In cities
of over 100,000 population in 1930, the ninth grade con-
tained a larger enrollment in 1936 than any grade except
the first.

To take a few typical examples, the City of New York
with 803,824 elementary children in 1930 dropped to 753,-
035 in 1936; Cleveland, Ohio, from 85,796 in 1924-25 to
65,242 in 1936-37 in the first six grades alone; Portland,
Oregon, from 36,494 in 1928 to 30,099 in 1936; Ohio
dropped from 999,465 in 1926-27 to 809,301 in 1935-36,
and Washington from 257,991, in 1929 to 228,993 in 1936.

High school enrollments are slowing up. In the State
and City of New York senior academic enrollments arc
about stationary. The same is true in Ohio, Washington,
Minneapolis, and Portland, Oregon, to take just a few
scattered examples.

In the States of New York, Washington, and Ohio;
in Cleveland, in Minneapolis, in Portland, Oregon, in
San Francisco and in New York City, losses in the lower
grades have overtaken the slight gains in the upper grades,
resulting in losses within the total school population.

These losses will pile up for at least another ten years.

446

SURVEY GRAPHIC

The largest losses in numbers of births are still to be felt
in elementary school figures, since there is a gap of six
years between first grade enrollment? and birth statistics.
The heavy losses in births between 1'HO and l(>v arc still
to come. In the meantime the large increases due to the
|x-ak number of births Irom 1(*21 to l'>24 are now begin-
ning io p.isx through and out of the high schools into
the marriageable years to be replaced by a succession ol
smaller classes.

Figures such as these tax the imagination. The United
States during three hundred years of history has been a
tcrment of dynamics, of expansion, of speculation, of
vitality. A psychology of movement still persists as an
American habit of mind. Yet one underlying fact upon
which this psychology has been built, rapid increase in
population, is disappearing from the American scene.
The apparently sudden outcropping of demands for social
security, for increased care of the aged, for the curtail-
ment of crops, has its being in this still little understood
shift from youth to middle age and from a rapidly ex-
panding to a stationary population. The change has crept
upon us so quietly that few in the American school sys-
tem, to say nothing of the general public, as yet appreci-
ate the profound adjustments awaiting this most dynamic-
manifestation of American life.

Facing the Facts of an Aging Population

To THE SOCIAL SCIENCE STUDENT FEWER CHILDREN AND MORE

old people open up vast problems of speculation. One
may center his thought around the effects upon the
American family. Will the shift make America conserva-
tive rather than radical? What changes will take place
in American labor? Will it force a shift in occupational
interests? Will a wider use of machines replace the loss
in youthful man power? What effect will it have upon
manufacturing? Will the shift call for a greater use of
luxuries and a lessening demand for necessities?

The present generation is piling up an enormous heri-
tage of debt to be paid by future generations. Is it fair to
turn this burden over to a smaller group of children?
Will they be justified in repudiating the prodigality of this
generation, unloaded on their working backs instead of
being paid through present day sacrifices and increased

Resettlement Administration Photograph by Shahn
The schools face a competitor — the increasing elder portion of the population

SEPTEMBER 1938

taxation? The politician would probably answer by say-
ing that these children do not vote now. Must cities be
planned differently? How can dynamic economic Amer-
ica be maintained in the face of static social trends? Do
western European and American civilizations face the
laic ol ancient Koine3

Bl>T LET US CONFINE OUR SPECULATION TO THE SCHOOLS. TlIEY

must readjust in a thousand different directions. Tremen-
dous expansion in enrollments in elementary schools dur-
ing the last fifty years was followed by even more spec-
tacular increases in high school enrollments; these ex-
pansions were followed by stupendous increases in col-
leges and institutions of higher education. Now, after con-
tinuous expansion, losses in the elementary schools are
reaching the high schools. Schools of higher education
and colleges have a few years of grace before the sec-
ondary losses reach them.

In the East, Middlewest, and Far West, compulsory
school laws cover at least the elementary grades and
junior high. Losses in births minus the savings of lowered
infant mortality rates will be felt from the kindergarten
through the junior high. These losses will continue for
another ten years at least. There will be about 20 percent
fewer children under ten in 1940 in the United States
than there were in that age group in 1930.

The losses will be even heavier in some regions, since
certain areas of the United States, the Southeast, for ex-
ample, are still increasing their number of births. In
many communities the size of elementary classes are
being sharply reduced. New York City reports the low-
est average elementary class size in several decades.
Overcrowding will be automatically eliminated through
substantial enrollment reductions. In many counties, classes
will have to be consolidated instead of expanded, as has
been the case in late years. One fifth fewer elementary
teachers will be needed proportionately once the loss of
twenty percent reaches the grades. Young women for-
merly interested in elementary teaching must turn to civil
service or to business or to a host of other newer occu-
pations. In Philadelphia there are fewer teachers in the
elementary schools than five years ago. Since 1929 Cleve-
land reports a loss of 623 teachers and administrators.
The only exception to this general situ-
ation will be in those localities which
have had an influx of families from
other districts, since communities gain-
ing in children will do so at the ex-
pense of others.

What of the High Schools?

TlIE MATHEMATICAL EFFECT OF THE DROP

in the birth rate on the high schools is
not so clear as in the case of the ele-
mentary schools. A still larger propor-
tion of elementary pupils may complete
high school. (See chart page 449) Com-
pulsory school laws may still be raised
in many states so as to force a larger
number forward. On the other hand,
the depression kept many children in
school for a much longer period of
time than normally. It is worth noting
that the depression of 1929-1934 coin-
cided with the largest number of chil-

447

dren ever to be thrown on the American labor market,
the crop of 1918, 1919, 1920 and 1921. Without opportuni-
ties for employment, the pressure on the upper grades
and high schools was tremendous. The depression of

1937 may continue this situation. A return to prosperity
with better work possibilities might combine, however,
with a smaller and smaller annual number of children
to offer more effective competition to the schools.

Small families with better incomes may shift an appre-
ciable number of students from public to private insti-
tutions. Actual figures indicate that high schools in the
East, Middle and Far West have about reached the limit
of their rapid expansion and are approaching a station-
ary or declining period. In New York City senior high
school enrollments are increasing very slowly. In New
Jersey high school enrollments are increasing but at a
slower rate. The same is true of Ohio. High school en-
rollments in Boston are nearly stationary. Minneapolis
increases only a few hundred a year. In Newark, in 1936,
the senior high schools moved down slightly for the first
time. Portland, Oregon, levels off. The United States
Office of Education, after a survey of the entire high
school enrollment of the United States, predicts that "by

1938 ... the nation's high schools are likely to reach
an all-time high registration of 6,135,000 students. From
then on, it appears likely, a recession of figures may come
about." Statistical straws therefore point quite generally
to a stationary high school population within a few years
and losses from then on, since there are not enough chil-
dren coming up from the elementary grades to maintain
present enrollments even though compulsory school reg-
ulations are lifted to higher levels.

Tremendous high school increases have overtaxed physi-
cal facilities. There is still a great deal of overcrowding.
There have been countless shifts in population. It will be
necessary to modernize many buildings and reorganize
equipment. Certain cities will find it financially wise to
abandon schools in some sections, while overcrowding
is still prevalent in outlying districts. Nevertheless, any
expansion based on old trends and "booster" psychology
is out of date. School planning must now be based more
than ever before upon a thorough study
of population trends as evidenced by
the figures of the last fifteen years. Oth-
erwise, waste — in some cases, impover-
ishment— may result.

Furthermore, the schools now face a
sentimental competitor. Taxes must be
shared with the elders; they are the
rapidly increasing portion of the Amer-
ican population. The social security
act has as much importance for the
youth of sixteen now moving out into
the labor world and the schools as it
has for the pensioner of sixty-five.

Higher Learning in the Future

STILL GREATER UNCERTAINTY CLOUDS ANY
forecast as to the effects of declining
numbers on the colleges and universi-
ties of America. In any case, they have
a few years of grace in which to re-
shape policies and to readjust curricula,
since the heavy crop of children born
between 1920 and 1924 is still passing

m 6.000
2

«GE
6TO9

through the upper years of high school or crowding the
entrance doors of admission offices. These conditions
should continue for three to five years longer, when sta-
tionary or declining high school enrollments may curtail
future college expansion.

America boasts a great variety of institutions of higher
learning, some of which will be much more affected than
others by the shortage of American children. Will an
increasing urge to go to college overcome the absolute
loss in numbers? Will small families with higher stand-
ards of living make it possible for a larger proportion
of children to continue on through? Will a complex, me-
chanistic America make necessary a broader and longer
schooling for the mass of American children? These are
questions that only the future will answer.

The heavy absolute losses in numbers of children will
be felt in institutions of higher education in countless
ways, and many adjustments must be faced. For example,
America is geared educationally to turn out a prodigious
number of teachers. During the last twenty years, teacher
training agencies have been greatly expanded and aug-
mented to meet the enormous demand for teachers caused
by the overwhelming expansion in elementary grades
and high schools. How far will these facilities be needed
once the full effect of the decline in births is felt? Should
a step be taken to turn a portion of this large, eager group
of future teachers into other pursuits? Should schools of
education be planning to shift their product to newer
teaching demands, vocational and adult education?

Are there enough strictly traditional liberal arts col-
leges and academic junior colleges? Should there be shifts
made in curricula to provide training for the host of
newer vocations requiring college preparation? To what
extent could a trained, college, civil service personnel be
substituted for the loss in demand for teachers? In view
of a possible stationary population some fifteen years
hence, would it be wise to curtail the numbers and to
bring about a greater selection of those entering highly
specialized professions such as law, engineering and archi-
tecture ?

How far can America go in absorbing an expanding

.AGE

OTOI3

AGE
4TQI7

From the Problems of a Changing Population, National Resources CommittC'
Estimated number of children age 6-9; 10-13; 14-17 from 1920 to 1940

448

SURVEY GRAPHIC

academic, white-collar, professionally
trained group of workers with a sta-
tionary population just around the cor-
ner? America, with its declining num-
ber of young people and its rapidly
increasing number of old people, pre-
sents many problems to higher educa-
tion in this country entirely apart from
that of whether increased numbers go
on to college or not.

Higher education in America is a
huge, highly competitive, largely unor-
ganized industry. Only a slight ac-
quaintanceship with scholarship offer-
ings and athletic recruiting will testify
to this fact. If future decreases in high
school enrollments are later transferred
to the field of higher education, com-
petition for enrollments will increase;
some types of institutions will suffer
much more than others. Heavily endowed private insti-
tutions with a high degree of student selectivity will need
to make few adjustments; they have a wide margin of
safety both in numbers of applicants and in resources.
In contrast to these well buttressed institutions are a large
number of great urban universities which have indulged
recently in heavy and almost unlimited expansion. Many
of these institutions are inadequately financed and de-
pend very largely on tuition for support. Many arc the
product of that great upward surge of masses of immi-
grant children from 1915 on. Confronted by unusual de-
mands, it appeared to those in charge that expansion
would be permanent. But in the very midst of expansion
the American birth rate began to fall, and the Immigra-
tion Quota Act of 1924 went into effect. City population
began to lose at the center. Aliens ceased to crowd
in. Rapid transit carried more and more people to the
suburbs. It is possible also that decentralization of indus-
try is still another factor affecting the slowing up of the
beat of the city heart.

Because of their dependency on huge enrollments, the
great urban educational institutions will be forced to
new policies, far-reaching adjustments, and new avenues
of service. Many of the social trends that made them as
they are now move downward and outward. Educational
statesmanship of a high order will be needed in order to
face successfully these newer conditions now confronting
the modern urban university, whether it be public or
private.

The necessity of readjustment reaches every social in-
stitution located in the midst of these basic reversals of
social trends. The Board of Education of the City of
New York, for example, moves its headquarters to Brook-
lyn, away from Manhattan, with its rapidly declining
child population. The future of urban social institutions
is inextricably tied closely to the whole conception of city
planning, which must be changed radically in aims if it is
to meet these new conditions. American city planning
has been motivated and dominated by the idea of mov-
ing out. This central dominant planning note arose nat-
urally because of an influx of immigrants, of high birth
rates, and of congested areas. Millions, therefore, have
been spent in moving people from the center to the peri-
phery. But these conditions have changed. Now mere
moving out may leave blighted areas with steadily de-

SEPTEMBER 1938

National Resources Committee
Percentage children high school age
in public and private schools

clining values, with properties in de-
t.mli, with mass shifts in occupancy,
and a tremendous resulting loss in pub-
lic assets.

New York's Lower East Side had
531,615 people in 1910; today it has only
220,000. In Philadelphia the annual
school census of pupils enrolled shows
shifts in the ten school districts of from
34.9 percent loss to 15 percent gain dur-
ing a period of ten years.

No one, of course, favors congested
population areas. Yet city planning
should now include the rehabilitation
of blighted depressed areas so numer-
ous, for example, in Manhattan and
other congested portions of New York
City and of every large city in the East.
It is wasteful and depressing to allow
the corrosion of entire areas to go un-
checked, especially when social facilities in such neigh-
borhoods, upon which millions of taxpayers' money have
been spent, are pushed aside, unused and unneeded. In
the past, public officials have been much more interested
in expenditures than in the preservation of assets. But
rapid shifts within a stationary population will mean a
tremendous shrinkage in values in some sections, with
gains in others. To the country as a whole it spells waste.
Social institutions must concern themselves as never
before with the interrelationship of these newer social
trends, with the whole conception of city planning. Their
very existence is inextricably woven into the plans for
the future of the city in which they exist. They must be
alert to these profound changes in American society; be
prepared to reshape policies, even to adopt new locations,
since they, more than other institutions, will feel the full
effect of what may be a turning point in human history.

"Women and Children First"

by Catherine Parmenter Newell

Now is this old, heroic maxim come
On evil days: the ancient chivalry
Has fled ... no longer can a people be
Inspired by bugle call, by flag or drum;
And songs arc lost amid the motors' roar
Speeding those winged instruments of death
To hurl their flame and steel — to stifle breath —
And with such ease to loose the dogs of war
Upon the frightened, the defenseless ones:
Yea, first upon the piteous who must bear
New ravages from earth and sea and air —
The ominous, enduring sound of guns —
The wrench of hunger — and the smart of thirst . . .
Yea, upon these: "Women and children first."

449

Semi-Independent Authorities

by FRIEDRICH BLACH

Housing, dams, bridges, regional planning, these and other economic activi-
ties with enormous social bearings are often administered by authorities.
To give Americans a better understanding of these semi-autonomous cor-
porate bodies which are neither strictly governmental nor private enterprises
— but which take over features of both — we present a summary of Euro-
pean experience with similar institutions by a man who has studied foreign
public utilities, and was himself a leading utility executive for many years.

Op MANY POSSIBLE MEANS OF GOVERNMENT INFLUENCE ON

economic and social institutions, one of the most popular
is the semi-independent authority. Its scope may be local
and specific, it may be created to fill a gap, to reform
existing undertakings or to strike a balance between gov-
ernment and private capital in the solution of manifold
metropolitan problems — such as the orderly development
of a seaport, the New York Port Authority for example;
or it may encompass the unified planning of an entire
region, such as the Tennessee Valley Authority, the pro-
gram of which covers activities in a watershed spread
over seven Southeastern states.

It is instructive to consider European experience with
similar devices. Western Europe has passed the stage of
economic development of which the TVA controversy is
an outer expression in America — the struggle between
government and private companies. It was only natural
that Europe too used as a medium for finishing this strug-
gle and performing vast, interrelated and essential com-
munity services, the semi-independent authorities, since
these organizations existed early in its history. Oddly
enough, the oldest European independent authority was
concerned with flood regulation. In the eleventh and
twelfth centuries dyke cooperatives took care of protec-
tion against high water in France, Germany and the
Netherlands. Another early example is the famous
League of German Towns during the Middle Ages,
Hansa. For a time Hansa was a semi-official representa-
tive of the Empire — actually a powerful semi-independent
authority.

Restricting ourselves to the three most important Euro-
pean industrial countries — France, Germany and Great
Britain — we find that intellectual, historical and eco-
nomic patterns have accounted for great variations in the
modern form of their quasi-public institutions.

Mixed Companies Preferred in France

FRANCE HAS NO OUTSTANDING EXAMPLE OF AN AUTHORITY
as Americans understand the word. Rather, the govern-
ment has tended to influence mixed companies, in which
government representation on the board does not neces-
sarily represent the ratio of government financial partici-
pation.

Last year the company founded for the administration
of all French railroads was a mixed company, with a
government majority on the board and a government

majority of shares. But the older Compagnie Nationale
du Rhone, in charge of flood regulation, irrigation and
power production, is merely reinforced financially by a
government guarantee of the bonds which provide nine
tenths of the necessary investment. One tenth is secured
by the stocks of the company, and the French govern-
ment is not a stockholder. But the government reserved
for itself the right to appoint two fifths of the members
of the board and to share the profits. French municipali-
ties are restricted in economic activities by a special law
for mixed companies. While the national government
and the municipalities of other countries usually acquire
as much stock of a mixed company as possible, French
municipalities may acquire only 40 percent. This regula-
tion is explained by a desire to prevent the municipalities
from escaping rigid supervision by the French prefects.

An inclination to uphold the existing industrial and
bureaucratic hierarchy prevails in the domestic French
oil business. The Office Nationale des Combustibles
Liquides, in charge of research work, business control
and regulations, and cooperation with Parliament, has
its own budget, revenues and managing director. Its
board of 31 members includes deputies, representatives
of the ministries, of the import business and of consum-
ers. But the board serves only in an advisory capacity;
indeed, the managing director and the board are under
the strictest supervision of the minister of commerce who
also appoints the majority of the board members, espe-
cially the representatives of importers and consumers.
Although the Office Nationale is exempt from permanent
and direct parliamentary control, the budget must be
approved annually by Parliament. On the whole, the
office is only an organization for ministerial activity, not
an independent authority. In the Compagnie Franchise
des Petroles, a mixed company which cooperates with
British oil companies in the international business, the
government, with only a minority on the board, has ex-
tensive supervisory rights and approves the appointment
of chairman, vice-chairman and the managing directors.

Obviously the conservative French are eager to secure
great influence for the government but avoid shaping any
organizations which are not identical with the admin-
istrative procedure of the last century. In England and
Germany, the two most thoroughly industrialized Euro-
pean countries, a rather different attitude exists toward
independent authorities.

450

SURVEY GRAPHIC

The Example of Frederick the Great

K (iHOMNI, \VIIKRF. THE NATIONAL CHARACTER IS LESS 1N-

dividu.ilistic than that of the French, genuine semi-inde-
pendent authorities have had a long tradition, locally and
nationally. Frederick the Great founded I.andschaften to
agriculture hy financing farm mortgages, and also
the Prussian Hank which was hegun as a private corpora-
tion but later became an independent authority.

Many of the independent authorities of Germany to-
da\. however, date back to beginnings as early as the
Middle Ages — for instance, miners' insurance (Knapp-
schaft) was formed about 1300. This organization is now
a comprehensive social insurance agency, dealing with
nts, illness, age, disablement, besides care of wid-
ows and orphans.

In the field of physical resources, notably the control
of water, a number of independent German authorities
long ago initiated developments similar to today's con-
servation, harbor and flood control activities in the United
States. Following the general outline of the ancient dyke
cooperatives, many German authorities deal with water
treatment, irrigation, flood regulation and other pur-
poses connected with water. Ruhrtalsperrenverein, Ruhr-
verband and Emschergenossenschaft are all great and
powerful authorities of this description. Such organiza-
tions are usually formed by a majority resolution of the
.landowners concerned, but may be formed by govern-
ment decree at the suggestion of a minority. In either
case, membership is compulsory. Under government su-
pervision, these cooperatives are administered by man-
agement and members' meetings. The latter may appoint
an advisory committee whose activity is similar to the

d of directors of a private corporation.
Authorities have long been established to handle fire-
.nsurance, which in Germany is partly municipal or pro-
vincial. These organizations, which deal only with the
i nsurance of buildings, have a monopoly in several dis-
ricts.

The most important authorities of all are those active

in the field of social insurance. In industries other than

nining, social insurance was begun about fifty years ago.

^are of old and disabled workers is connected with the

dministration of provinces. Industrial accident insur-

> nee, maintained solely by employers, is entrusted to

elf-governed cooperatives. Sickness insurance is han-

!led by associations which receive two-thirds of their

cvenues from employes who elect the majority in the

dministration. All three of these organizations, with

Cement and advisory committees composed of rep-

esentativcs of the employers and employes, are under

• ic supervision of a special authority, Reichsversicherung-

lumt, which has judiciary functions as well.

Old age pensions and unemployment assistance arc

Jministered by semi-independent authorities founded in

Ml .ind 1927 respectively. Both have a president who

j'eads the management as well as the board of governors.

oth also include an equal number of representatives

I ected by employers and employes. In the case of un-

nployment insurance, a third group of delegates is

1 Ided for the representation of states and municipalities

i the board. These authorities work under supervision

• the central government.

All forms of insurance must carry their own finances,
«;cept unemployment insurance which may obtain gov-

• nment loans if revenues do not cover expenditures.

During pronounced unemployment, this has proved a
heavy burden on the government.

The activity of the Prussian Bank, which is an inde-
pendent authority, is not very important. Formerly, an-
other hank, tin- central institution for financing of
cooperatives, w.is an independent authority similar to the
Prussian Bank, but in 1924 ihc cooperative bank became
.1 mixed company. Municipal banking activities, restricted
mostly to savings institutions, are generally municipal
departments, but linked with the Giro-Zentrale, a com-
mon financing institution which is an independent
authority.

Perhaps the most important investments of the savings
banks are mortgages, and thus they represent a connec-
tion with the numerous public mortgage banks. These
independent authorities work under government super-
vision. Joint responsibility of all mortgage debtors in-
creases the value of the bonds of these organizations.
In urban districts this responsibility is restricted to 10
percent.

Whether the Rcichsbahn can be considered as an in-
dependent authority is doubtful. Formerly it was more a
mixed company, now it is only a governmental instru-
ment with limited administrative independence.

German authorities having identical aims may form
an independent authority for the purpose of carrying on
a joint activity — the so-called Zweckverbaendc.

To ALMOST THE SAME EXTENT AS SEMI-INDEPENDENT AU-

thorities, private corporations wholly owned by the gov-
ernment or other administrative bodies, are active in the
German economy. Created by private contract under the
corporation law they also tend to combine governmental
and private qualities. This type produces a conflict be-
tween two different legal influences: corporation law and
administrative structure. This conflict disappears if com-
petence in both spheres coincides — as in the case of the
Reich — and was without great damage if, as in the care
of the states, supervision in economic matters scarcely
existed. A conflict may also arise in either case as a result
of changes in political majority, if the board of directors
of the corporation is not adapted to the new political situ-
ation.

In the case of lower authorities, such as the municipali-
ties, the form of private corporations is sometimes used
to escape supervision by higher authorities, to raise loans
without the approval of the supervisory authority, to fix
high utility rates as indirect taxes or to make investments
not justified from a planning viewpoint. These reasons
have led to suggestions — in 1929 by myself; in 1933 by an
outstanding expert, Dr. Victor von Leyden — to replace
such corporations by semi-independent authorities.

Since these corporations are normal private companies,
their organization is regulated by the corporation law.
Each has a board of directors and a separate manage-
ment. The most important such private corporations are
Reichskreditgesellschaft, Elektrowerke, the Viag and
Vereinigte Aluminiumwerke, all owned by the Reich.
In all four corporations about half the members of the
board are outstanding men in private business. Other
members often are prominent in the administration of
the other Reich companies. If these members are also
deemed active in private interests, then the majority is
private. The smaller the authority owning the stock of
the corporation, the more this private influence vanishes

EPTEMBER 1938

451

THE TASKS OF PUBLICLY OWNED CORPORATIONS — BESIDES SUCH

incidental industrial undertakings as the mining com-
pany of Prussia, which evolved from historical preferen-
tial rights — include public utilities and housing.

Public utilities concern particularly power supply, of
which there are four different types. The Elektrowerke
of the Reich restrict themselves to bulk supply. Orig-
inally the Reich took them over because of war neces-
sity. The second kind was created by the states of South
Germany, especially Bavaria, for the exploitation of
water power at a time when the task appeared too great
financially for private capital. The third arose from the
wish of other states to attain influence over this impor-
tant field, as in Prussia and Saxony. Companies owned
by the Reich and states made pacts with other power
supply undertakings, including private companies, de-
fining their spheres of interest. This cooperation is work-
ing smoothly. The fourth type is municipal. Agricultural
provinces were forced to make great sacrifices for rural
electrification, which did not promise private capital a
sufficient return on the investment. For this purpose they
generally used the publicly owned corporation.

The Deutsche Bau-und Bodenbank was formed by the
Reich to promote housing: 85 percent of the stock is
owned by the Reich, the rest by states and housing or-
ganizations. Restricting itself to purely financial activi-
ties, the corporation makes loans to start buildings until
construction has reached a point where it is possible to
secure mortgages from other institutions. It also acts as
trustee for the Reich in the interest of the housing
program.

A degree of decentralization was effected by entrusting
municipalities to grant second mortgages up to 90 per-
cent of building costs. Until 1932, the funds for these
mortgages were derived from a tax on the inflation prof-
its of building owners. Interest on such mortgages was
very low. For this activity big cities often used private
corporations wholly owned by the city. These companies
partly had their own subsidiaries for the ownership and
management of the new housing projects; partly they
worked closely with independent private companies. These
were mixed companies, cooperatives or private companies
with restricted profits. The last type is often owned by
trade unions — now Deutsche Arbeitsfront — or by other
professional associations. The capital of these companies
is small compared with the work to be done. But obvi-
ously such companies are really managing institutions
representing great experience, but which exist only by
virtue of the whole national housing organization.

Britain's Few But Powerful Authorities

BRITISH EXPERIENCE is MORE PERTINENT TO THE AMERICAN
scene for a variety of. reasons, one of them being that the
Briton, like the American, is essentially individualistic —
but nevertheless willing to compromise for a strong
practical purpose. Thus, while British authorities are few
in number, the outstanding ones perform important local
and national tasks. By comparison with German au-
thorities, they are comparatively free of governmental
influence.

The earliest to be founded was the Mersey Dock and
Harbour Board, for the Port of Liverpool, in 1858. The
city of Liverpool, owner of the port up to that time, by
using the rates for indirect taxation, had damaged the
competitive efficiency of the port. The statute creating the

452

board has not changed since 1858. The board consists ol
28 members. Four are appointed by the government
Twenty-four are elected from different groups, 12
from the steamship business, and 12 from other business
groups. This apportionment is not part of the statute
but old practice. Members receive no salary, but the board
maintains a large paid staff, and the division of board
and management resembles that under the German law,
Parliament must authorize each loan, which is guaran-
teed only by rates and dues.

Despite the efficiency of this board half a century
passed before a similar organization was created in Eng-
land. Then, in 1902, by Parliamentary enactment the
Metropolitan Water Board for London's water supply
was founded. Its investments are over 60 million pounds;
its jurisdiction transgresses the city's boundaries. The
board has 66 members, generally representative of inter1
ested municipal districts. Only the chairman and vice-
chairman receive salaries. Their managerial activity is
controlled by the majority of the board, and the Min-
ister of Health has supervisory powers over the authority.
The board's loans are indirectly warranted by the duty
of the largest part of the municipalities to cover any def-
icit of the board.

From the administrative viewpoint this organization is
not as interesting as the adaptation of its principles to
another water authority, the Rand Water Board,
Johannesburg, South Africa, created in 1903. It has but
30 members, including the government appointed chair-
man. As in the case of London's Metropolitan Water
Board, there is the same responsibility of member organ-
izations— municipalities and mining companies — for a
deficit. The interesting feature is that, corresponding with
this guarantee by the private companies, the Chamber
of Mines, representing them, appoints 14 members—
nearly the majority. Since private capital certainly has
influence in municipal administrations too, which also
delegate 14 members, we may assume that private inter-
ests are indeed in the majority. This regulation demon-
strates the neutrality of British legislation to public and
private administration.

SOME YEARS AFTER THESE WATER BOARDS WERE ORGANIZED,

the Port of London Authority was founded. Until then
several private companies owned the port facilities. Com-
petition was keen; only one company prospered; the
others were needy despite amalgamation. As the port
facilities deteriorated, London was in danger of losing
an important part of the trade to other, more efficient,
ports, and sustained efforts to change the situation were
of no avail. Finally in 1908 Lloyd George privately con-
cluded an agreement with the stockholders of the pri-
vate companies to exchange stock with a new authority.
Parliament created the new semi-independent authority
with a board of 28 members. Eighteen are elected by pri-
vate business and ten appointed by different agencies,
two of whom the Minister of Transport, the supervisory
government officer, appoints. The members may elect the
chairman and vice-chairman from outside the board.
Chairman, vice-chairman and the chairmen of eight com-
mittees receive a salary; the others work without remu-
neration. The investments of over 40 million pounds were
raised by stock without voting right. Financial super-
vision is close. The Minister of Transport, who appoints
an auditor for the annual report, may make an examina-

SURVEY GRAPHIC"

turn at any time. The authority may borrow up to 2
million pounds besides the stock authorized by Parlia-
ment, but on loans over a million pounds only with the
Minister's permission. As in Liverpool, the private ma-
jority of the board are elected by the rate-payers.

IN THE HELD OF ELECTRIC POWER THE CENTRAL ELECTRICITY

Board influences all English economics. Created by Par-
liament in 1926, the C.E.B. provides a Grid of trans-
mission lines, coordinates power production and selects
generating stations. The board has the right to expand
these stations, to buy their power and to dispose of it to
distribution enterprises. Another task of the C.E.B. is
the standardization of frequency, which previously had
varied widely throughout the country.

The board consists of a chairman and seven members
appointed by the Minister of Transport, who is author-
ized to supervise the board. Before appointing the mem-
bers, the Minister is required to consult with representa-
tives of local government, the electrical industry,
commerce, industry, transport, agriculture and labor for
their advice, although he is not bound by their opinions.
The present composition of the board is as follows: four
electrical engineers, a barrister, a working miner and
trade union secretary, a railroad manager and a banker.
Only the chairman is a full-time working member of the
administration. He receives a high salary and works with
the administrative staff which is headed by a general
manager and which is subordinate to the board. The
importance of the general manager's position is indi-
cated by the fact that at the end of 1934 that executive
became chairman, when the former chairman resigned.

The board is financed by non-voting stock and present
investments arc more than 50 million pounds. The board
may charge interest on loans to capital account as long
as expenditures remain unremunerative. A similar reg-
ulation exists in German corporation law and in the
case of the London Port Authority. The financial ac-
tivity of the board is sometimes criticized because of is-
sues floated at a high interest rate.

The creation of a Grid system was facilitated by the
neutral position of the new authority. It was impossible
to amalgamate under private leadership the divergent in-
terests of all the authorized electric supply undertakings,
many of them municipal. A mixed company or compul-
sory cooperation under public leadership could have ac-
complished the same result. But the independent author-
ity has been successful. Its policy has been distinguished
by neutrality toward public and private interests.

In the standardization of frequency the utilities have
the joint responsibility to reimburse the C.E.B. for inter-
est and amortization on necessary equipment — a burden
of almost 1 percent of the gross earnings of all enter-
prises.

The Central Electricity Board is assisted by the ac-
tivity of the electricity commissioners who have advisory,
supervisory and quasi-judiciary functions. The five com-
missioners, three of whom must be technical experts, are
appointed by the Minister of Transport with concurrence
of the Board of Trade.

In 1935 the MacGowan Report, outlining future Brit-
ish policy in power supply, suggested entrusting the
commissioners with further duties and responsibilities.
It recommended that future distribution — as distin-

BUck Sur
Victoria Dock, London Harbor. The Port of London Authority wa§ created thirty yean ago under Lloyd George'i (poiuonhip

SEPTEMBER 1938

453

The highest structure in England carries transmission lines of Britain's Grid 3060 feet across the Thames at Dagenham, near London

guished from production and transmission of power-
be planned for the highest efficiency in every district of
the country, and that amalgamation of units should be
accomplished by the condemnation of smaller undertak-
ings if necessary. This would favor private companies if
they were the most efficient in the district — an interest-
ing peculiarity, since this right would be also directed
against smaller municipal works. On the other hand, the
report recommended enactment of ultimate public own-
ership after a period not exceeding fifty years. The report
has not yet come before Parliament.

THE YOUNGEST SISTER INDUSTRY OF POWER SUPPLY IS BROAD-

casting. It also is organized as an independent authority
— the British Broadcasting Corporation, everywhere
known as B.B.C. It was not founded by legislation but
by Royal Charter in 1926. The government adopted this
device in order to avoid the impression that the B.B.C.
might be a creature of Parliament and connected with
political activity. The Charter was granted only four
years after the first private broadcasting company had
started. Public interest was accentuated by events during
the general strike in May 1926; and at about the same
time the private company's rights expired. Despite consid-
erable expenditures for experiments, especially in tele-
vision, B.B.C. finances its investments from revenues.
Up to the end of 1936 capital expenditures amounted to
only 3.4 million pounds. The first board of five members
was appointed by Charter. New members must be rec-
ommended by the Prime Minister to the Crown. In this
corporation, unlike the C.E.B., M.P.'s are not excluded
from membership.

The composition of the B.B.C. Board has been criti-
cized more than that of other British authorities because
it has sometimes been felt that the members were too old
and did not represent the general outlook of the com-
munity. When the number of members was increased to
seven, suggestions for bringing B.B.C. into closer rela-
tionship with Parliament were not successful. This rela-
tion already exists in the responsibility of the Postmaster
General who is empowered by Charter to fix the condi-
tions for granting the license to B.B.C. But exempt from
normal legislative proceeding, the deciding influence in
B.B.C. policy rests with the management, which has been
experienced in wireless technique from the start.

Independent authorities benefit from a balance of in-
fluence. Their connections with constitutional bodies,
from the supervision of which they are removed, and
with the community, toward which they represent gov-
ernmental power, must be regarded; therefore, Parlia-
ment's wish to enlarge its influence is understandable.

THE LONDON PASSENGER TRANSPORT BOARD, ANOTHER OUT-
standing British authority, was founded by an act of
1933. It took over all transport enterprises, private and
municipal, in an area of about 2000 square miles with
a population of 9,500,000. Now in charge of all transport
services except taxicabs and railroads, it enjoys a mo-
nopoly of passenger service in about three fourths of its
area. The seven members of the board are appointed by a
group of five trustees who hold certain high offices — two
representatives of municipal interests, 1 banker, 1 char-
tered accountant, 1 legal expert. After the first constitu-
tion of the board, its chairman became the sixth trustee.
Two members of the board must have municipal ex-
perience. The other members are the chairman and vice-
chairman, both former managing directors of the largest
of the amalgamated undertakings, and a trade union
executive, a banker, an engineer and road expert. The
chairman and vice-chairman, who is general manager,
receive large salaries. The total number of employes is
79,000. Its capital is about 112 million pounds. In 1935
the board and two railroad companies founded a finance
corporation, for improving facilities and linking the three
systems. The Treasury guaranteed loans up to 40 million
pounds. The cooperation of the board and private rail-
roads was carefully considered from the very start. A
special tribunal had to confirm a pool distributing com-
mon revenues among the board and four railroads. To
prepare this pool and insure lasting cooperation among
the parties, a joint committee was created, composed of
four members appointed by the board and one member
by each railroad.

The pool later provided the board with 62 percent of
the revenues and lj/3 percent, 5 percent, 6 percent and
25j/2 percent for each of the four railroads. Despite these
different percentages, participation in the committee was
equal for private and public enterprises as well as for
the four private partners, which is indicative of the aim
of the legislation toward cooperation.

454

SURVEY GRAPHIC

Due to the almost annual applications of the board
for new capital, Parliament has considerable opportunity
to discuss the activity of the board. But, since the Min-
ister's rights are limited — besides the restrictions by the
trustees, tribunal and joint committee, by two other au-
thorities, created by former public acts, who are in charge
of special matters — the original control by Parliament is
not particularly efficient, since ministerial responsibility
is the primary basis of this control. The cooperative
bodies outside the board are perhaps too complicated but
the principle of the assistance by a neutral factor seems
to be sound. The same principle is represented by the
influence of the commissioners in the case of the C.E.B.

The L.P.T.B. is only a small consumer of the Grid
system. Its own production of power is cheaper. But the
necessity to limit the cooperation with C.E.B. hints that
the transport board is financially facing problems similar
to those of the transport undertakings of other large
cities. Perhaps the scope of these vast metropolitan enter-
prises goes beyond the point, important in all public utili-
ties, when concentration becomes too great and begins
to damage organic efficiency. That is all the more im-
portant, since transport is only part of city planning.
A study should be made to determine whether economic
realism would indicate that a special city planning budget
assume the burden of paying subsidies to a transport
enterprise insofar as the investments, only necessary for
city planning, surmount normal risks.

THE ORGANIZATION OF THESE PRINCIPAL BRITISH INDE-

pendent authorities is still in an experimental stage. Brit-
ish social service for the unemployed, regulated by act of
1934, has two institutions which are related to independent
authorities. The Statutory Unemployment Insurance
Committee must watch over the finances of the insurance
fund and make recommendations to the Minister of
Labour concerning contributions, benefits and other
special questions. This committee has only advisory ca-
pacity and is not an independent authority.

The unemployed, whose rights to insurance benefits
have expired, are aided by the Unemployment Assistance
Board. Its six members are chosen by the Minister of
Labour and appointed by the Crown. This board also
is not an independent authority. Its day-to-day work and
its handling of individual cases are independent but only
along lines approved by Parliament. When the board's
first set of regulations failed to meet with approval
in 1935, Parliament resolved a stand-still order which
was in operation until the end of 1936, forcing the
board to fix other standards. In this body the positions
of Minister and Parliament are stronger than in
independent authorities. Thus, the board can be

described only as an independent managing department.

The British housing act of 1935 provides a central
housing advisory committee which has only advisory ca-
pacity and is not an authority. But the act empowers
local authorities to set up housing management com-
missions. Municipalities may not only transfer the man-
agement but also the property of its housing estates to
the commission. Its organization plan must be submitted
for ministerial approval. After organization, the commis-
sion could have been an independent authority, but the
municipalities apparently felt no inclination to use this
method.

Joint boards are often used in Great Britain. They are
a form of semi-independent authority. Each is founded
by a separate act, or by special order, regulating its in-
dividual case.

IN REVIEWING VARIOUS FOREIGN EXPERIENCE, WE FIND MANY

reasons for independent authorities:

a. Political and social — such as broadcasting; army
needs; and social insurance;

b. Public emergency activity if returns do not justify
private investments — as for port administration,
flood regulation, navigation, water treatment, rural
electrification (also when authorities take over
needy private companies which fulfill indispensable
tasks) ;

c. Economic or technical regulations, such as housing
and the British Grid system.

Each of these reasons might possibly involve competi-
tion with existing enterprises. Then advantages must be
cautiously weighed against disadvantages. The economy
of the community is an entity; gains in one part may be
balanced by losses in another.

Semi-independent authorities, although often approved
in European practice, are but one of the many means of
government participation in socially essential enterprises.
The problems of planning for convenience and efficiency
are manifold. Their solutions must be made to measure.

Against a background of European experience, but with
a different set of questions the United States, too, is fac-
ing many problems for which solutions must be made
to measure. The problems are not created by political
factions; they are a natural consequence of modern tech-
niques and of human settlement. American communi-
ties, and the nation as a whole, cannot borrow the devices
which have been developed in France, Germany or Eng-
land; but perhaps they can profit from a study of Euro-
pean successes, and European failures, as they attempt
to perfect the independent authorities and other instru-
ments of government made necessary by the interrela-
tions of the Industrial Age.

In forthcoming issues Surrey Graphic will publish an important series of articles,
written for laymen by well known experts and journalists, on various instruments of
government which have come to have enormous social implications. Among them —
Congressional Inquiries, a behind-che-headlines glimpse of their current development.
Legislative Committees, federal and state, with special reference to the effect of
seniority selection of members. Quasi-Judicial Agencies, including the NI.RB
and the newer regulatory bodies. Grants-in-Aid — bounties and penalties as devices
for insuring compliance with federal standards and policy.

SEPTEMBER 1938

455

TOUR CAR envisioned for motor age
has rear engine. Though car is only
15 ft. long, 4 passengers may sleep
in berths while fifth drives and sixth
prepares breakfast in miniature galley.

CRUISER, same length as tour car,
in which special springing eliminates
fenders. Central galley-wardrobe di-
vides body-space into fore and aft
compartments, each with double berth.

Class Production vs. M

By CORWIN WILLSON (Designs and mechanica

PORTABLE HOUSE with complete accommodations, including
oil furnace, can be shipped on flat car, furnished and ready to live in.

HOUSE CAR, in which a man can
stand up, has no chassis; contains its
power plant boat-style. 2 front driving
seats, 4 chairs, complete galley. At night
becomes three double compartments.

CONSIDER THE MOTOR CAR. THE MASS CONSUMER CAN'T AFFORD
a car except at third-hand. Yet the automobile industry has
gone in for class production — an appeal to many times aver-
age income. Salesmanship, as directed by $100,000 a year sales
managers and advertising experts, concentrates on the apex
instead of the broad base of the population pyramid. Yet the
fact that average family income sags around $1000 a year is
the one reality we have to build on today. The millennium of
higher income is still around the corner. Of this average in-
come of $1000, how much should be paid out for a new re-
frigerator that now sells for $160 but that could be made to
do its job for a factory cost of $30? And of this average in-
come of $1000, what proportion should go for an electric
range that sells for $150, for a washing-machine that sells for
$80, for a sewing machine that sells for $45, for a motorcar that
sells for $699 or for a house that sells unfurnished for $4999?

We hear a great deal about the greed of the American
business man. This is not greed. It is lack of imagination, an
inability to think in terms of plain simple arithmetic — more
abstractly, an inability to grasp the meaning of democracy in
terms of effective, year-round, decade-round salesmanship, a
tossing away of millions of pounds of milk to skim off a few
tons of cream.

How shall we achieve any real integration of sales policy
so that the proper proportion shall enter into the costs of the
various products now considered essential to an American
standard of living, as these relate to existing levels of mass
income, so that these periodic interludes of stagnation will
occur with less regularity and violence? While we are learn-
ing that wealth must constantly be destroyed by some agency

more intelligent than war or floods in order to make room
for new, better, cheaper products — while the masses are learn-
ing NOT to assume the burden of obsolescence in order that
the few may encourage class production — we can still take a
few steps toward the amelioration of national suffering by a
change in existing sales policies.

AGAIN CONSIDER THE MOTOR CAR. As YET IT is LITTLE MORE
than a mechanical substitute for the old horse and buggy,
with twice as much power, speed, presumption and upkeep
as present levels of income can amortize. Car salesmanship
has run to refinement, to chromium and to gadgets. It has
ignored radical changes in American habits which, for a
decade, have been calling for a revolution in motor car design.
Six hundred thousand miles of highways and a multiplication
of hours of leisure have enormously stimulated long distance
touring, during which the passengers must shift their posi-
tions and eat and lie as well as sit. How have motor car
makers met this new need? They have not met it. The trailer
makers have made the attempt.

Imagine transcontinental airplanes attempting to haul
trailer-sleepers behind them! If airplanes can sleep their pas-
sengers, why not motor cars? As now built of die-formed
metal sheets, motor car bodies are small and costly, whereas
they might be larger and cheap. In fact, while actually de-
creasing the manufacturing cost of stock cars, they can be
designed to feed and sleep all their occupants in comfort and
decency. Here the process of integration begins. Refrigeration
can be fitted into such a "house-car" and subordinated to its
relative function and proportional cost of the unit.

456

SURVEY GRAPHIC

Shelter-On Wheels

:ions by author; drawings by Ralph Henderson)

'•* -'

TRIMMINGS can tie mobile structure! to the landscape, enhance
floor space, and achieve permanence without sacrificing portability.

MOBILE STORE. Self-service; customers enter
both floors from front, depart at rear. Designed to
display and sell all sorts of goods and services di-
rect to the consumer with minimum of overhead.
More space and shelving than small fixed shop.

BUS, with two decks, seals 72 passengers. Two feet
less in height than existing units, lower center of
gravity, much lighter weight due to novel construc-
tion. Adaptable to military use, can be designed as
12-bed field hospital or communications center.

n o

TRAILER RESTAURANT, containing 8 booths
for 4 customers each on second floor. Counter
service for eight, complete kitchen, toilet; can be
attached to public utilities at remote resorts and in
country or can be served by mobile utility tenders.

From this seed, the process of integration can develop. The
crystallization of creative effort that has produced the present
stagnation of the automobile industry, rooted as it is in class
production, can be broken. Many kinds of motor vehicles are
badly needed; not only light, less speedy, cheap small units
to be used primarily for short-distance touring; but much
larger, slow "land-cruisers" which provide an entire family
cheaply with all the necessities and many of the luxuries of
living year-round in any climate.

Even today when only on the threshold of its potential de-
velopment, the motor car is the most popular, most widely
owned form of mass shelter in this country. Most of the other
mechanical essentials to home comfort may be made a part of
its design, integrated functionally and economically to a form
of home life adapted to the American love of freedom, a
home life that is dynamic and healthy because it makes a
clean break with the stultifying indoor culture encouraged by
handicraft-types of fixed shelter.

FROM THE LAND-CRUISER ACCOMMODATING SIX PASSENGERS, IT IS

but a step to the portable house having 500 to 800 sq. ft.
of floor space and every convenience for living where and as
its owner, without any investment in land or a thousand
senseless chattels, wishes to enjoy his growing leisure.

From portable or fully mobile homes it is but another step
to the production of a host of "commercial" shelter units for
highly specialized uses — stores, salesrooms, restaurants, pro-
fessional offices, clubs, libraries, utility-service units, ad in-
finitum. This technique, free from the costly chaos of the
present construction industry, can produce industrialized shel-

SEPTEMBER 1938

ter that can be paid for by existing levels of average income.
In an industrial nation that has shown a genius for inven-
tion and manufacturing, it is just too bad that the aristocratic
tastes fostered chiefly by castle-imitating architecture have so
infected our sales managers, advertising agency experts, and
executives who persist in their feudal land-money-powcr utili-
zation policies, that we are welded to class production.

SINCE MOST OF THE MANUFACTURED PRODUCTS ESSENTIAL TO
American standards of living and to the economic health of
our industries are designed for the buyer who enjoys much
above average consumer income, it would matter little if, by
a miracle, this average could be whisked to twice its present
monetary level; sales policy would push the class design of its
products to trebly high price levels. Hence the average mass
consumer finds the goods he needs and wants always held
some distance ahead of his economic status like that bundle
of oats held before the nose of the mule. This is supposed to
stimulate some sort of working incentive. Actually it runs our
industries at quarter efficiency, produces long periods of de-
pression and threatens, unless soon changed utterly, to destroy
our present economy.

Our machines are hungry for mass production. Running at
the pace of the speed-up, they upset class production sched-
ules, then produce recurring periods of glut, stagnation and
unemployment.

The type of integration I have suggested is all too slowly
forcing its way into our national economy. It needs and will
receive the cooperation of those who understand the implica-
tions of technics and democracy.

457

One of the county's large successful farms

Middle County

by MARTHA COLLINS BAYNE

Halfway between city and farm, twenty to seventy miles outside of every city
in America, is Middle County. Here, in a vivid portrait of Dutchess County,
New York, Mrs. Bayne goes behind the rustic sanctuaries of famous residents,
beyond old farms and new roadhouses, to show what happens in such a com-
munity when town and country, meeting, fail to blend.

"MIDDLE COUNTIES," FROM MAINE TO CALIFORNIA, HAD
better watch out, or the goblins will get them. The goblins
in this case are the neighboring cities — whose shadows are
becoming longer and longer, until they are gradually
obscuring the formerly crisp outlines of bustling towns,
small self-sufficient villages and contented farms, leaving
in their path a sort of no-man's land of communities ad-
justed to neither urban nor rural life. The results are two-
fold: a vague resentment on the part of the natives, cre-
ated by ignorance or inability to meet new conditions of
an industrial age with new social and civic tools; the city
folk usually interested in their new habitat merely as a
source of income, a place where living costs are compar-
atively low or simply as a delightful rural atmosphere.
They rarely identify themselves with local affairs.

Some semi-rural districts have already been swallowed
whole. Some, like Westchester, just north of New York
City, have become Suburbia overnight after a fairly suc-
cessful digestive process. But others have not been so
happily adjusted. Today scores are lying unnoticed, them-
selves unaware of the approaching wave of suburbanism.
But if you know what has happened to Bucks County,
Pa., Fairfield County, Conn., Norfork County, Mass., or
any other new suburban centers, you know that what
happens in the next decade to hundreds of other semi-
rural areas is as important to the whole country as to these

458

counties themselves. Though counties as well as cities
vary in many respects, on the basis of present experi-
ence in outstanding transition areas we can tentatively
predict the future of semi-rural America. Such a one is
Dutchess County. An understanding of this single case
still in flux will indicate what some of the problems are
and what should be done about them. Dutchess County
is only 60 miles from New York — the home of President
Roosevelt, Secretary of the Treasury Henry Morgenthau,
Lowell Thomas, Margaret Sanger, to mention but a few
of the country's leaders whose homes are there. Typical
of hundreds of other counties, the county, so to speak, is
content to stick its head in the sand and not recognize
that its cities and farms are being revolutionized by New
York City people and New York City factories. But the
process goes on just the same. Already eight out of every
ten dwellings in its rural townships are occupied by non-
farm families. Its citizens wonder vaguely what is hap-
pening, and blame the federal government, the milk dis-
tributors, "amateur reformers from Vassar College," or
just plain hard times for its adolescent growing pains —
while the relentless force which has its farms and cities
in its grasp marches on.

Dutchess County personifies changing America — chang-
ing from the ever increasing pressure of metropolitan
growth. Once the most prosperous dairy county in the

SURVEY GRAPHIC

Poughkeepsie on the Hudson, the county'i hub

litt-il States, with a population larger than New York
ty of the same era, it is now known chiefly for its in-
strial Poughkeepsie and Beacon, for its lush scenery
d for Vassar College.

JTCHESS STILL THINKS OF ITSELF AS A UNIT, IGNORING

: developments that are sweeping it into a sort of non-
tity. Little by little changes in industrial development,
health and welfare services are gradually taking place,
it no effort is being made to meet effects of suburban-
n in a way that will preserve some of the old values
d adequately provide for the demands of a new era.
My friend, Ed Cobb, whom 1 got to know one spring
y when I was wandering around the county, uncon-
ously expressed what is happening to the unprepared
ighborhood. We sat on an applecrate in front of his
rn door.

'Shucks, lady," Ed said. "Living on a farm isn't any
i any more. On this road there used to be a whole row
farms, and we all used to feel like one family, sort of.
IT kids all went to the same school we had gone to,
J had the same teacher, too. We all went to church
;ether, and spent Sunday afternoons visiting around,
ing on people's front porches talking politics. But now
• Cartwright farm is boarded up, and the one below be-
gs to some summer folks we don't ever see except to
I eggs to. The farm up the road that's for sale, it hasn't
n farmed for years. When my father ran this place,
i had five hired men. Of course, I've got a milking
i chine, but the price of help has gone up so I can't
;>rd to farm all the pastures. I sold one off to some city
>iple for a camp, and turned the corn fields into pas-
te."

•Id blames his "hard luck" on the government, and
ncfully votes the Republican ticket. He knows little
(the upstate farmers' unions, and doesn't see why he
5't get a better price for his milk without all this talk
I ut AAA and cooperation. Ed mistrusts cooperation
<ause he distrusts the Dairymen's League. He doesn't
tize that he and his dairymen neighbors must com-
»: in the New York market with upstate farmers
rue taxes, labor costs and feed prices arc much less.

UTEMBER 1938

In upstate counties a hired man usually gets $22 a month
and board, in Dutchess County the "hand" gets $30 — or
he walks out to the nearest factory. It's not surprising
that with increased labor costs much land profitable fifty
years ago has become submarginal.

When a Dutchess farmer like Ed Cobb can no longer
afford to compete with nearby factories for labor nor pay
taxes for new cement roads, he can attempt to meet his
problem in one of several ways. He can sell off part of
his farm to city people, capitalizing on the trend which
caused his difficulties. Ed tried that first. When he sold
off the old pasture he was part of a movement which has
steadily decreased the size of Dutchess farms. But even
with that sacrifice Ed failed to make both ends meet.

The second alternative (which few but the old consider)
is to abandon the farm entirely, taking refuge with rela-
tives, or to go on relief. In one township, every tenth farm
is abandoned or closed. Deserted roads lined with barren
houses and decrepit barns are mute testimony of a relent-
less economic transition.

Some farmers return to self-sufficient general farming.
They try to raise enough pork and potatoes to last through
the winter, in addition to eggs, chickens, cows and apples,
partly for barter or sale. But with the high cost of
clothes, taxes, gasoline and staples they cannot afford the
best stock or the best care. Their cows are runty, apples
wormy; without "a spell of luck" their children will soon
be going hungry to school.

The last alternative is one which Ed Cobb and many
of his neighbors consider the only way out. Ed thinks if
he "gets rid of this place, even though my great-grand-
father did build it, I'll be able to get a job that pays for
a change." And so he has decided to sell to a city man for
$20,000. What will happen to him and his family when
they drive off in his old truck with a little hard cash and
a big mortgage has not been realistically considered. Ed
and the other Dutchess County ex-farmers hope (just as
others did in Bucks County, near Philadelphia) to get a
job with the new owner. But Ed and they will be sur-
prised to find that few places are large enough to need
full time help. And if he does get a job on one of the large
hobby farms, his family will find a draughty tenant house

459

a bit tawdry after living in their great-grandfather's pil-
lared homestead at the forks of the Salt Point Road. So
the Cobbs will probably drift into the village, or Pough-
keepsie, and the children will work in garages or button
factories.

Those Who Can Hang On

ED'S DIFFICULTIES WOULD LEAD ONE TO SUPPOSE THAT ALL

Dutchess County agriculture is being abandoned as a
result of suburban growth. That's not so. Many farms
are still as prosperous as in the days when Poughkeepsie
was a tiny village with muddy streets and busy wharves,
proud of its whaling industry and the new county court-
house. There are today families of English and Dutch
descent living as snugly as their ancestors who planted
the elms and larches in a long sweep from the front door.
Their low-roofed Dutch manors, or graceful Greek re-
vival houses, seem to represent an imperturbable pros-
perity. Their small cash income is spent for a new truck,
mail order clothes, or a radio. The oldest son may be sent
to college, or the daughter to normal school. Through
good luck or good management such families may have
saved enough money to invest in high class dairy cows,
whose milk brings nearly two cents a quart more than the
ordinary Grade B. Or they may specialize in breeding
poultry, or in high grade apples for export. But the march
of suburbanism has not passed over them either. Acre-
age in Dutchess County is now valued not according to
its fertility, but to its appeal to New Yorkers. Townships
adapted to non-farm development have an average value
per farm of $15,000 above rural areas. Such a sharp rise
in land values is followed by a rise in taxes. Newcomers
accustomed to city ways demand new services — good

INFANT MORTALITY RATES

(In New York State, 1936)

POUGHKEEPSIE

BEACON

WHITE PLAINS

NEW YORK CITY

Each grave represents 10 deaths per 1,000 live births

roads for instance. Taxes go up and the devil take t
tax delinquent!

Social contacts between suburban newcomers and r
tives are few. Even when the newcomers want to
friendly with the farmers, there is little understandir
As Ed pointed out to me, "They don't seem to think tt
us farmers are real people."

And I couldn't help but agree with him one mornii
when we were waiting at the post office for the mail
be sorted. In came the New York shoe merchant wl
had just bought the Marshall place. Slapping the elder
storekeeper on the back he shouted, "How are yi
Enoch, old man? How's big business today, hah?" Eno
Johnson just smiled and handed him his mail. The fan
ers will never imitate the newcomer's way of living
they can help it.

Poughkeepsie — Satellite City

DUTCHESS COUNTY HAS FELT THREE WAVES OF SUBURB/
growth. In the early nineteenth century, many Ne
Yorkers established estates on the county's western be
der, prompted by the current fashion for Hudson Riv
"retreats," coupled with a devastating series of yello
fever epidemics in the city. Their spacious mansions ai
parks still line the river highlands from Beacon to R<
Hook, giving America its own Rhine castles. The secor
wave came about twenty years ago. Again New Yorkci
who began to discover that fine old Dutchess farms wi
colonial houses and rolling fields were a satisfying i
vestment.

But these earlier invasions had little importance fi
the county at large, compared to the huge "immigratioi
of the last decade attracted by cheap land, old hous

and comparatively low taxes. '.
this group were 280 non-far
residents picked at rando
whom I interviewed in 19:
They had lived in the coun
an average of 8.75 years. Mo
than half had come from Nfr
York. Unlike their predeo
sors, this latest group is ri
looking for large farms i
which to raise prize cattle
to dig a private lake. Th
want old houses on five to t
acres of land and a vie
Cheapness of land occasiona
is more influential than its :
cessibility to New York. Ma
are depression victims. In th<
attempt to "go back to t
land," they often buy worn-o
farms at $20 to $30 an ao
hoping to raise vegetabl
chickens and cows, enough I
least to keep them off relief.
The attitude of Poughket
sie and the rural cour.
toward the new suburbanism >\
a strange paradox. The Poti£
keepsie business man sits in 1
office at the corner of Main a I
Market Streets and reads will
hopeful pride the illustrai I

PICTOdlAl STATISTICS. INC

460

SURVEY GRAPHi

Chamber

urging new

of Commerce booklet,
industries to take ad-
v .image of this Utopian city's clean
air, fine schools, railroad sidings,
and beautiful surroundings. He
would keenly resent it if you told
him Poughkeepsie must supply
more free clinics to care for moth-
ud their babies, and more wel-
l.i re funds to feed school children
whose fathers' $H a week provide
only culTee for breakfast. He only
sees the abstract "prosperity" which
new dress factories on Mill Street,
a block away, will bring and not the
effects of such factories on the well-
being of families on Cascade and
Front Streets, along the river. Prob-
ably he has never seen Front Street.
The farmer too is glad to have New
Yorkers move up to his neighbor-
hood, bringing market for his milk
and eggs, employment for his wife
and maybe his children. He does not
realize the very ground under his
feet is being eaten away by this
peaceful invasion.

Farm economy may be forced to fall in line with
changes caused by city growth. But ideas are notoriously
slower to change. Rural culture has been little influenced
by city refinements. In Dutchess County, only a couple
of hours from New York City, fifteen of every hundred
farms have no "modern improvements" whatever. The
suburban newcomer's wife probably has an electric re-
frigerator, a telephone, running water in kitchen and
bathroom, and electric gadgets for every need; the farm-
er's wife next door is lucky if she has electricity for light-
ing. Why waste it on refrigeration when the cold cellar
or the spring house do just as well! While half the thou-
sand farms I visited had telephones, three of every ten
had no water in the house.

Yet living on good roads, nine tenths of these farmers
have automobiles. Their patronage of the Poughkeepsie
markets is helping to speed the passing of the small vil-
lages and hamlets; at the same time they are grieved by
the disappearance of neighborhood unity, and hate to
see their children spend their Saturday nights in Albany
Post Road hot spots instead of at Grange meetings and
church socials. But the very existence of the Albany Post
Road may save them from disaster by producing a city
buyer when their farms become liabilities. Thus time
marches on while the contradictions grow and multiply.

This adherence to rural conservatism is not only the
result of stubbornness or distrust, but is partly a legacy
from the days when New York was a day's journey
away, and city folks were as another race. You begin to
understand the contradictions produced by a transition
era if you consider that although New York's newspa-
pers have invaded the county — the local papers have be-
come practically local gossip sheets — comparatively few
Dutchess farmers have ever been to New York, though
most of them buy their clothing and equipment by mail
order.

Since 1900, the county's industrial development has be-
come concentrated in Poughkeepsie, the county scat,

One-room school: grades 1 to 8; twenty-nine children, ages 6 to 17

and Beacon, a little Main Street on the southern border.
During the 1870's and 80's, stimulated by the railroad
boom which swept the state, each small village had be-
come the site of a pushing young factory but they have
long since disappeared. Within Poughkeepsie and Bea-
con lives the recurring question of our generation: Can
we under our industrial set-up still foster the right of
every man to live in a decent house, eat three meals a
day, to say nothing of having spare time and opportuni-
ties for leisure activities?

OVER THE YEARS POUCH KEEPSIE HAS ATTRACTED STABLE, CON-

servative industries, which have employed its supply of
semi-skilled second generation foreign born in year-round
production. DeLaval Separators, Smith Brothers Cough
Drops, and Federal Bearings are all old timers there.
Beacon was once a competitor of Danbury in the manu-
facture of hats. Men and women worked in the straw
hat factories in the winter and the felt hat factories in
the summer, and built two muddy little villages into a
single city of 10,000 inhabitants. But, since 1920 when the
bottom dropped out of the hat industry, Beacon's pros-
perity has been a thing of the past. The old brick fac-
tory, once the home of a company that led in cotton-
textile manufacturing, and of other thriving industries
during the last 125 years, is now spasmodically used by
ready-made clothing factories, or piece-dyeing works.

Like thousands of other small American cities, Dutch-
ess' cities feel that they have a great industrial future and
are eager to encourage new enterprises. But little thought
is given to discriminating between industries which raise
community standards and those which after draining its
resources move on to another feeding ground. Until a
few years ago, Dutchess County residents read of strikes
and lockouts with a feeling of security, sure that such
trouble would never knock at their door. Local workers
arc not yet truly "union conscious." To illustrate: In June
1937, the National Labor Relations Board held a hearing
in Poughkeepsie, on the complaint that the Federal Bear-

SEPTEMBER 1938

461

ings Company and the Schatz Manufacturing Company
(owned by the same man) and employing between seven
and eight hundred workers dominated the company
union and discharged workers because they joined the
CIO. The usual competition between the company union
and the national union for right to bargain for the em-
ployes was the cause of the dispute, but most employes
did not seem to care which won.

Economically, Poughkeepsie is the hub of the county.
One of every six of its inhabitants is employed in indus-
try, yet they are greatly outnumbered by the farmers and
village dwellers in the remainder of the county, and dairy-
ing and farming are still the county's foundation. Its
cities are still dependent for a profitable retail market
on the rural population as they were a hundred years
ago, when the plank roads were jammed with heavy
farm wagons on their way to town to barter wheat for
hardware and poke bonnets from New York.

With industrial expansion, overcrowding in rural and
urban areas increases and health and relief problems mul-
tiply. Yet there has been little attempt to coordinate the
various welfare and health departments dealing with sim-
ilar tasks. Overlapping and duplication often occur be-
tween the three types of welfare agencies dealing with
indigents — the local, the county and the state. From 1931
to 1933, when relief costs were at their peak, there was
little opportunity to reorganize the various agencies. In
1937 the State Temporary Emergency Relief Adminis-
tration was reorganized into the Department of Social
Welfare, and it was hoped that the local public agencies
would follow the state's lead in re-planning their joint
responsibilities. But to date the county welfare adminis-
tration had done little to reduce the duplications, for in-
stance in case investigations made by the old age pension
system, the county nurses, and the Child Welfare Board.

The absence, too, of a central county health department
has appalling results. With only nine public health nurses
caring for a rural population of 50,000, each responsible
in a vague way to a local "nursing committee" and a lo-
cal board of supervisors, with direst poverty and tenant
farmers who can afford neither medicine nor proper food,
their efforts are like attempting to bail water out of a
leaky boat.

While Poughkeepsie and Beacon spend $1.75 and $2
for school health work (three or four times more than
the rural districts) their health problems are inadequate-
ly met. Poughkeepsie's three public health nurses are
literally swamped. In 1936 that city had the highest in-
fant mortality rate of any in the state, and only two cities
over 10,000 population had a higher puerperal septicemia
rate. The number of still-born babies would indicate the
amount of syphilis is much greater than clinical records
show. Remember we are talking of the "enlightened"
eastern seaboard. The masses cannot take advantage of
the city's two hospitals where a flat rate including care
before and after the baby arrives insures that "you can
have your baby for $35." Yet the City Board of Health
does not operate a single prenatal clinic.

County Government, a Clue to Chaos

THE SYSTEM OF GOVERNMENT UNDER WHICH DuTCHESS

County operates was organized in the 18th century, when
life was very simple and the main jobs were to insure
protection against Indians, lay plank roads, suppress the
traveling bands of robbers, and provide for the poor and

462

the orphans. Dutchess is governed by a board of 32 super-
visors composed of representatives of each of its 20 town-
ships or "towns" and 8 and 4 from Poughkeepsie and
Beacon respectively. Thirty-two hard-headed county poli-
ticians, few, if any, aware that Dutchess has changed in
the past decade or even in the past century, they are not
trained administrators, but for the most part successful
village lawyers, bankers, and occasionally farmers. Each is
elected "town supervisor" by his own local constituents,
automatically becoming a member of the county Board
of Supervisors. The fate of all public activities depends
on their decisions, for theirs is the power to appropriate
moneys for highways, and the so-called "charities and
corrections." Since the members are responsible only to
the voters of their home communities, it is not surprising
that instead of directing the county budget on the basis
of centrally controlled policies, the Board arranges mat-
ters after devious compromises — better termed "swops"-
among its members. Needless to say, the yearly division
of the highway fund is an occasion of vital importance
to each member since highway jobs are a way of reward-
ing the faithful in an election year. Despite a constantly
increasing highway budget, however, only 22.7 percent
of the county roads are paved, as compared to 100 percent
in Orange County across the river.

While the Board has been successful in keeping the
county's finances on a sound footing during the depres-
sion, until the form of county government is changed—
following one of the alternate patterns set down by the
state legislatures — this Board will naturally continue to
adjust its finances to accomplished changes rather than
intelligently to direct such changes while they are oc-
curring.

Despite a general vague awareness among civic leaders
that their county is changing, the fundamental indiffer-
ence on the part of the "leaders" to the effects and needs
of suburbanism persists. Like "Middletown," the control
of the leaders is at many points unconscious and where
conscious it usually operates to identify public welfare
with business class welfare. As in "Middletown," Dutchess
County has no leading industry — nor one leading family.
Unlike the old days, there is present no leadership from
the farmers despite the semi-rural characteristics of the
county. Nor as a matter of fact from the industrialists,
despite the county's growing industrialization. Although
the owners of the larger Poughkeepsie stores and facto-
ries have an undeniable influence on such matters as
newspaper and Chamber of Commerce politics the "lead-
ine families" (divided in ancestry between the Irish who
built the Hudson River Railroad in the 1870's and the
early Dutch and English settlers) are headed by lawyers,
bankers and doctors, whose interest or vision do not
seem to encompass the problems of a 20th century transi-
tion period.

Weak, too, is the leadership coming from the Grange,
the oldest and most important organization in the county
— those "patrons of Husbandry" who originally banded
farmers together to fight voracious railroads. Though
nearly every farmer belongs to his local Grange, many
Granges are dominated by their non-farm members. The
influence of the second most important and much more
progressive community organization, the women's clubs,
is even less. Often working at cross purposes with the
Grange in an attempt to affect governmental problems in
the field of taxation, child (Continued on page 478)

SURVEY GRAPHIC

Dying Is a Luxury

by KATHRYN CLOSE

Does the cost of decent burial — especially in low income and relief
families — need to be as high as it now is?

ll> \s \\F. ARE WITH THE HK;II COST OF LIVING. FEW

•f us, unless already faced with the facts, have much

ime to worry about how expensive it may be to die.

)eath, of course, we accept in some remote corner of our

ninds as inevitable, but because it is inevitable, we are

nclined to forget that it is not free. Although the insur-

nce underwriters have kept that little corner of our minds

rom utter neglect, the provisions made through them we

onsider an aid for those left living rather than a prepay-

icnt for dying. We should be concerned then to learn

costs relatively more to die in this country than in

'lace on either side of the Atlantic.

The American twins, commercial enterprise and love of

.. have in the last forty years expanded the indus-

"iicerned with death 200 to 250 percent in the face

I a t airly constant demand. This would be merely an

ucrcsting fact if somebody did not have to pay. As usual

is the consumer (the corpse or his relatives) and as

sual it is the consumer with the smallest income that lets

0 the largest percentage of cash.

Nolx)dy quarrels with the fact that somebody has to

ire of the dead. This is required in the minimum

HWS of health and decency. Of every insurance policy

<ndcr $1000, over half is used for this expense. Although

1 reality the primary purpose of industrial insurance is
: i meet burial expenses, the average of death benefits has

icreased 200 percent since 1900 while funeral costs have
•sen 500 percent. To all appearances the premium payer
.is been running a losing race.

The average funeral cost is an elusive figure as the
•suits of surveys, even among those made within the in-
ustry, widely vary. Recent figures based on 131,856
jrials throughout the country between 1932 and 1936

I low a median of |250. Fifty-two percent of the entire
• funerals were from $175 to $400; approximately 18

\ :rcent were below $175; 30 percent were above $400.
Funeral directors insist upon using the cost of "service
id merchandise" rathar than the total funeral costs as
ie fairer figure for discussion. The former excludes
ineral and flower cars, flowers and palms, death notices,
anscripts, cemetery and crematory charges, church ser-
ce and clergy, tips and other "cash advances." The latest
ailable figures — 1938 — show that the average cost of
ervicc and merchandise" in the New York metropolitan
ea is $317. While 20 percent of the funerals tabulated
ere $150 or under, 47 percent were above $300, 36 per-

0-nt being above $350.

\ urvey of funerals in medium sized cities shows one
urth under $200, one half under $300 and three fourths
ider $400. Here the median was $300.
Many factors enter into the high cost of funerals in this
••untry — not all of them in any one funeral perhaps; at
jst one in every funeral — keeping up with the Joneses,

5PTEMBER 1938

the desire to do one last thing for the deceased, and the
deplorable state of the undertaking industry. Compare
the average cost of a New York funeral, $317, with the top
price (except for state funerals) in the European cities of
Munich, $176, or Frankfort, $57. In this country the
universal use of embalming (except among orthodox
Jews), which allows the body to lie in state for several
days, has brought about a demand for elaborate caskets;
while in Europe embalming is rare, and the old wedge-
shaped coffin is traditional. The luxurious American mor-
tuary establishment has no counterpart in Europe. Un-
fortunately the American custom of lavish funerals im-
poses a hardship on low income groups out of all propor-
tion to that levied against the well-to-do, since burial ex-
penses in small estates are relatively higher than in larger.
Veterans are allowed $100 toward funeral expenses plus
$7 for a flag. Federal employes whose deaths are incurred
in discharging their duties receive $200 towards burial
expenses. Evidently vanity tends to turn these prices into
a hopeless minimum for decency, through the very hu-
man desire to have just a little better than the other fel-
low— in this case every other veteran or government em-
ploye— for the average funeral cost of a veteran who has
been receiving compensation is over $300, though the
family must pay the difference between the cost and the
government allowance.

NATURALLY THERE ARE ALL TYPES OF FUNERAL DIRECTORS
just as there are all types of business men. Therefore, to
suggest that exploitation of the bereaved exists is not to
throw a stone at all funeral directors. Its existence was
admitted by the members of the Funeral Service Bureau
of America which banded together several years ago to
launch a movement for better business within the indus-
try. But this bureau lasted less than two years. In prac-
tically every city in the United States except New York
and Chicago, complete funerals with chapel free are
advertised for as low as $100. The comparative rareness of
a contract for such a funeral where resources arc available
is perhaps attributable to the fact that those overcome by
grief are scarcely likely to quibble about price when some-
thing a little better (and more expensive) is available.
Social welfare organizations have reported that many
funeral directors ascertain the amount of insurance left
by the deceased and extract all they can, regardless of the
need of the family or the services rendered. "Body-snatch-
ing," a method whereby unethical funeral directors "scoop"
a death, has been a special target of funeral directors'
associations.

The statistics gathered by funeral directors make no
distinction between funerals of the insured or non-insured,
so that there is no evidence to show what percentage of
the low cost funerals (those below $175 — top price in

463

some European cities) were those of policy holders.

In one of the country's great cities, relief recipients are
permitted to carry up to $500 insurance on each member
of the family. In two months in 1937, the death claims
and burial costs of 948 cases were reported. Of these the
average burial cost was $308. Some funeral directors, like
the families that they serve, look on industrial insurance
purely as burial insurance no matter what the financial
condition of the bereaved family, and sometimes take
over the premium paying of policies about to lapse. Often
this is a boon to the family as well as to the funeral
director.

However, weak customers and weak ethics are hardly
so universal or so new as to be responsible for the great
percentage in increased costs in the funeral business since
the turn of the century. The rise in overhead for the
amenities includes death as well as life. There has been
a huge expansion in an industry where there has been
no increase in demand. Since 1900 the number of deaths
per year in the United States has remained practically the
same while the number of funeral directors has increased
over 100 percent. Of course, population trends have re-
sulted in more adult and fewer inexpensive infant funer-
als. In New York State there is one funeral establish-
ment for every 4154 persons, which means an average
of less than one funeral a week for each place — just forty-
seven per year. Twenty-four percent of these establish-
ments handle less than twenty cases a year.

THE ONLY WAY POSSIBLE FOR A SWOLLEN INDUSTRY WITHOUT

a compensatory swollen demand to exist is by "mer-
chandising upward." The competition in ordinary ex-
panded industries weeds out superfluous units and low-
ers prices, but in the burial industry price-shopping is
practically non-existent because of the conditions sur-
rounding death which modify ordinary trading motives.
Costly caskets are in particular pressed forward because
it is to the price of the casket that the overhead of the
establishment is attached. Caskets are often itemized on
the bill, including service charges, at an increase of 300
to 500 percent of their wholesale price.

Indignant flames over the cost of dying have risen spas-
modically for over a decade. In 1926 the Metropolitan Life
Insurance Company, concerned over the relation between
industrial insurance and burial costs, appropriated $25,000
for a two-year impartial fact-finding survey conducted by
forty prominent citizens including clergymen, physicians,
lawyers, social workers, journalists and funeral directors.
The resulting report made no recommendations but clear-
ly showed the need of house cleaning within the indus-
try. Shortly after its publication the Funeral Service Bu-
reau sputtered and died.

During the depression funeral costs were reduced only
slightly. In 1934 the City Affairs Committee of New York
City published a bulletin recommending the establishment
of a municipal funeral authority which would bring
reasonably priced funerals within reach of families with
low or average income. With some changes this plan was
recently presented to the legislature at Albany in the form
of a bill. Last year the members of the Ministers Associ-
ation of Middletown, N. Y., who unanimously came
out for less lavish funerals, were greeted with a storm of
protest from the business men of the community hardly
less clamorous than the howl made by the funeral
directors.

Last spring the City Affairs Committee of New York'
City, with a bill before the state legislature, was the first*
citizens group in this country to recognize (beyond the;
necessity of pauper burials) the disposal of the dead
as a public utility. This view, however, has long been
taken by almost every large city on the European conti-
nent where funerals, if not municipally run, are munici-
pally controlled. Definite cost arrangements preclude the
overcrowding of the undertaking industry. In Switzer-
land the social viewpoint is carried even further with
theory that a citizen's death is primarily an affair of
ety and his burial a public necessity and obligation,
sequently only the religious rites of a funeral are
vately conducted, and the expenses are borne partly
the commune and partly by the state, with the exception
of nominal charges — a little more than two dollars for a
coffin with other equipment priced correspondingly.

No attempt to place another burden on a tax-ridden
people, the City Affairs Committee plan called for the
erection of a municipal funeral plant with equipment at
a total cost of $920,000 on a self -liquidating basis, funeral-
fees to be based upon cost, including overhead. The con-;
centration of volume in one establishment was expected;
to make funerals of $60 or $70 possible, funerals that to-
day would cost at least $300. Since these low priced
funerals are to be available to all residents, it was hoped
that the stigma of "pauper" burials would not be attach
to them.

However, a glance at Parisian funeral customs is on
nous. In Paris, France, funeral service is compulsory,
extra merchandise and service may be purchased from a
private funeral director. Unhappily, it is not fashionable
to employ the city service directly (although eight classes
of service are available) and consequently, except in die
poorest groups, both the city and a private establishment
must be paid. Are New Yorkers any less than Parisians
imbued with false pride?

The menace of "pauper" stigma is perhaps a real stum-
bling block in the way to the success of a municipal
funeral plan. But the funeral directors' cry that the pro-
posed prices are impossible may be dimmed with the
example of Chicago where funerals were furnished at a
top price of $75 to relief recipients.

Conscious of the rising storm against funeral costs,
the Metropolitan Funeral Directors Association in New
York City, an organization of 600 members who conduct
75 percent of the funerals in the city, has offered funerals
for $85 and less to clients of social work agencies. In
two years, however, only twelve such funerals have been
conducted, possibly because many hard pressed families
do not become social agency clients until after the
funeral. This organization recently voted its approval of
a "funeral service clinic" to meet the needs of "the class
which needs extra special financial consideration." The
definite plans for operation of this clinic have not been
announced but it is at least a step on an unblazed trail,
though, like all clinics, it may leave the not-quite-poor-
enough out in the cold.

THUS WITH THE HIGH COST OF DYING AGAIN ARISES THE QUES-

tion of whether a public or a private remedy can best- 1
cure a widespread evil. New York City, always a pio-
neer in social reform, proposes both medicines at once.'
Perhaps together they will effect a cure. Other cities please- ]
take notice.

464

SURVEY GRAPHIC

THROUGH NEIGHBORS' DOORWAYS

Safety First, alias "Neutrality"

by JOHN PALMER GAVIT

WllhTIIER OR NOT THE GROWLING THUNDER CLOUDS NOW

darkening the sky in all directions with pitifully few and
small glints of sunlight visible anywhere, converge in a
tornado of general war, the subject of neutrality on the
part of the United States certainly will be again to the fore
in the impending session of Congress. Presumably it cen-
ters about two separate but interlocking questions : one the
proposal for an amendment of the federal Constitution so
as to require a general popular plebiscite before the declar-
ation of war by the United States or any use of the national
forces in hostilities beyond the limits of the national terri-
tories. The other, the substantial amendment or repeal of
the neutrality act of May 1, 1937. Already there is active
propaganda on both of these subjects, wide discussion and
radical differences of opinion.

The truth is that these opinions and discussions are for
the most part futile if not mischievous, based as they are
on emotion fed by ignorance. The Committees on the
Universe which gather round the town pump and the
cracker-barrel, the audiences regarding themselves as "in-
telligent," and most of those who address them, are about
as well equipped to discuss the cosmic rays or the Einstein
Special Theory of Relativity. For no subject within the
compass of international history, law and practices consti-
tuting law, is more intricate, or requires more special tech-
nical knowledge, than this problem of neutrality. Last
evening, meeting an experienced, well-informed member
of the diplomatic staff of the State Department, I brought
up the subject and in the end found myself, net, with the
unanswered question asked by him at the outset:

"Yes. but what is neutrality?"

The World War, by the hands especially of Germany
and Great Britain in the situation created by the develop-
ment of the submarine and the consequent arming of
merchant ships, along with the violation of the neutrality
of Belgium, destroyed the reasonably workable definition
that we used to have, and since then it has been ignored
or flouted at convenience. A year or more ago we threw
our hats at the problem, enacting in haste an ill-considered
and impracticable statute whose inadequacies and poten-
tialities for mischief already exhibited have left it with
few friends of any stripe of opinion. If it be not repealed
altogether, its amendment will provide one of the major
tasks of the next Congress ... all the more if in the mean-
time the war-pot has boiled over, to scald us as well as the
immediate participants.

EVEN WERE I COMPETENT TO DO SO, I HAVE NOT SPACE HERE

to do more than indicate the high spots of the problem.
The essential fact is that whatever may have been the
possibilities of real neutrality in former times when the
world was a large place, they no longer exist. We know
what happened yesterday in that hot spot at the junction
of Siberia, Manchukuo and Korea where Japan and Soviet
Russia snarl at each other across a disputed borderline;
it took a month for General Jackson to learn that he had

SEPTEMBER 1938

won the battle of New Orleans after the War of 1812 with
England had ended.

Were there nothing else, the whole picture of orderly
international relations has been wrecked by the rule of
paranoiacs and ruthless militarists under whose hands
solemn treaties, established boundaries of independent
states and time-honored international laws have become
less than imaginary scrawls on scraps of paper. Without
declaration or any of the old formalities which gave mean-
ing to the word "neutral," without respect for the rights
or lives of non-combatants or foreigners of any age or
either sex, full-sized war can begin overnight without
rules, no holds barred. Mussolini's Italians ravishing Ethi-
opia and invading Spain, Hitler's Nazis in Austria and
perhaps at any moment in Czechoslovakia; Japan wreck-
ing both herself and China . . . these have destroyed all
possibility of acting as if we had to deal with responsible
governments whose word is worth its breath.

FROM ITS BEGINNING THE ATTITUDE OF THE UNITED STATES

toward wars abroad has been traditionally that of what
might be called aggressive neutrality, incarnating the ad-
monition of Washington's Farewell Address against "per-
manent alliances" calculated to embroil us in the "ordinary
vicissitudes" of European politics; especially to the end of
gaining "time to our country to settle and mature its yet
recent institutions." While as a matter of fact during its
comparatively brief existence the United States has fought
about as many wars as any other country, until the last
part of the World War it has remained in all the great
historic conflicts technically neutral. As a neutral, its policy
has been to insure and broaden so far as possible the scope
of trade and intercourse for all neutrals and to limit the
war operations of belligerents.

Hence the once sacred doctrine of freedom of the seas,
which means in a word that any neutral may trade with
any other neutral or with either belligerent. Subject, how-
ever, to the limitations of contraband and blockade. Under
these, a belligerent may seize (if he can) shipments of sup-
plies destined for the enemy; also he may blockade (with
due notice) the enemy's ports — provided he can make that
blockade effective. In seizing or destroying vessels carry-
ing contraband, a belligerent must safeguard human life.
The submarine cannot do that, and dare not risk standing-
by if the vessel be armed. The Germans abandoned all pre-
tense of doing so. The British seized all manner of vessels,
on the theory that cargoes of food for neutrals might
eventually find their way to the enemy. There were times
when this strained almost to the breaking point our rela-
tions with Great Britain, and it gravely embittered against
the Allies the emotions of the neutral Scandinavian na-
tions, Holland and Switzerland.

The American naval policy always has centered upon
this doctrine of the freedom of the seas; liberty for Ameri-
can trade and intercourse to pursue lawful occupations
unhampered by other people's quarrels. Its chief aim has
been to ensure that liberty, as well as to safeguard our
coasts and protect our vital lines of communication. The
big-navy enthusiasts have blathered about "naval superi-
ority," but it never has been in peacetime the considered
intent of either our people or the government. Yet up to

465

now we never have allowed ourselves to be chased off the
seas by fear of pirates . . . not, that is, since for a little
while (1787-1815) we actually paid tribute to them!

THE SO-CALLED "NEUTRALITY ACT" OF 19.57* DEFINITELY
abandons the freedom of the seas and turns the highways
of the world over to the gunmen. At the first sign of a
fight in the neighborhood Uncle Sam is to crawl under
the bed and order all the family indoors. Such of our ships
as leave port with however innocent lading must be
painted conspicuously (as the Germans tried to require
during the World War) in naive hope that belligerent sub-
marines will respect them. They may not be armed for
self-defense. They may not carry war munitions or contra-
band. We may still sell munitions to belligerents, but they
must go in foreign ships, our profits being ensured by the
good old Yankee cash-in-advance!

Temperamentally we are not a neutral people — com-
posed as our population is of ethnologic and nationality
groups incurably interested in the affairs of the old home-
lands and saturated with their propaganda. Nothing inter-
ests us more than a fight — anywhere. We are congenitally
side-takers. Woodrow Wilson committed a mere rhetor-
ical silliness in his neutrality proclamation of August 18,
1914, required of him as a matter of routine by the then
existing international law, with his obiter dictum that we
must be "impartial in thought as well as in action." If
there was anybody in the United States — including Mr.
Wilson himself — "impartial in thought" during that part
of the war before we went into it with both feet, I do
not recall meeting him. When the President abandoned
even the pretense of neutrality and called for war to the
knife and the knife to the hilt ... the country as a whole
was there in spirit before him. Never mind just now that
we ran away from our obligations in the consequences,
deserting the Real Job of pacification just as it was begin-
ning. That's another story ... or is it? Anyhow, the coun-
try never had been neutral. Nor is it neutral now toward
any of the hostilities threatening another conflagration.

The existing legislation in operation accomplishes any-
thing but neutrality. In a bungling manner it puts us auto-
matically on the side of the strong against the weak, in-
suring only ill-feeling against us by both. Under its terms
and intent we are forestalled against any assistance to
revolutionaries seeking to free themselves from however
brutal or detestable a tyranny, to self-defenders against
however scandalous an onslaught. International burglars,
kidnapers, pirates — it's just too bad! Let the poor devils
stew in their own juice! Our phoney "neutrality" defi-
nitely assisted in the rape of Ethiopia, and operates in aid
of the Spanish Nationalists and the lawless Italian support
of them. On the other hand, evasion of it by the Admin-
istration (unquestionably with general public approval)
allies us on the side of the Chinese in their resistance to
the Japanese invasion. In other words, the so-called neu-
trality act, whatever its merits in intent, is in operation a
ghastly farce.

THREE GROUPS, THREE POINTS OF VIEW, THREE STATES OF EMO-
tion (for at bottom this business is largely a matter of
emotion) roughly speaking and with doubtful consistency

* The.,text of thc neutrality act, with highly intelligent discussion o

and stability, are distinguishable in this controversy:

1. The uncompromising "mandatory" group, favoring ab-
solute isolation from every form of conflict; not only as to par-
ticipation but as to traffic with belligerents in any materials
conceivably useful in war. These demand instant imposition
of embargoes against all belligerents, regardless of the merits
or purposes of thc conflict.

2. The group recognizing that merits ought to be a moral
factor, and believing that the President should have a wide
discretionary power to discriminate against aggressors.

3. Those who believe that we should resume our trad
tional position and demand and protect the freedom of
seas, and the right to trade with belligerents and neutral:
subject to the ancient limitations and risks of contraband ar
blockade. These shade into each other, all the way from
treme pacifism to extreme reaction.

The business is greatly complicated by the fact that the
United States is party to numerous treaties with which the
neutrality act and intent are in conflict — treaties not only
with the Latin-American states but as for instance in the
Nine-Power Agreement of 1922 (to which, by the way,
Japan was a party) vaguely guaranteeing the integrity and
independence of China, and providing for united consul-
tation and by inference for action, among the parties to it
in such a case especially as the Japanese assault up
China. The situation is beset with incongruities.

War is as useful and respectable as that other "king
evil," syphilis, and not a whit more so. Both are ancier
enemies of mankind and must be eradicated as sue
along with the poisonous "ideologies," practices and huma
vermin that encourage and spread them, by the unite
effort of the nations. It cannot be done in either case,
these days of universal communication and interdepen
dence, by any local legislation, however ostensibly piou
its intent — much less by ostrich-like head-hiding or isoL
tion. As the late Senator Robinson, Chairman McReynold
of the House Committee on Foreign Affairs and othe
said during the debate on the neutrality bill: "There is
way in which we can make it impossible for our peopli
to be drawn into war." And Congressman Eaton of Ne
Jersey described to the life the lamentable and fallaciou
idea underlying the whole project: "We propose to Ic
our doors and turn our backs upon the distracted worl
and refuse to face the moral obligations that inhere in oil
supreme greatness, our widespread knowledge, our eno
mous wealth and our free institutions. . . . This legislatic
is a symptom of a moral sterilization of the America
people in connection with our tremendous, inescapab
obligations to the rest of the world."

Inescapable is right. Soon or late, we shall face the
obligations. Admiral Richard E. Byrd, who has pledge
the rest of his life to the cause of world peace, in a spec
a few weeks ago in Baltimore, called upon his own COUB
try to take "an aggressive part" in international cooperatiti
to restore the authority of international law. We have, said
he, "such a tremendous stake in the well-being of the other
nations." He deplored the "peace-at-any-price" propaganc
flooding this country, which has encouraged the militar
istic nations "to take by force whatever they think the
need, counting upon the love of peace in the democracie
to save them from punishment."

From where I sit, to desire isolation is at once blind,
cowardly and contemptible; to accomplish it by whatever
tinkering with safety-first legislation is both undesirable
and actually impossible. We are shirking the Real Job.

466

SURVEY GRAPHIC

LETTERS AND LIFE

Interrogation Southward

by LEON WHIPPLE

-iMTHKKXER DISCOVERS THE SOUTH, by Jonathan Daniel..
Macmillan. J46 pp. Price $J.

KORTY ACRES AXD STEEL MULES, hy Herman Clarence Nixon,
tth Carolina Press. 98 pp. Price $2.50.

ril\V.\\S. by Erskine Caldwell. Viking. 206 pp. Price $2.30.
Prices postpaid of Survey Grtfkic.

TllE Sol'TH IS THE FOCUS. THERE WE ARE LIKELY TO DISCOVER

whether we have the national will to make a continental
democracy work. If we have brotherly good sense enough to
answer the interrogations of this region, where for decades
the most bitter reality has been obscured by the abstractions
of a myth, we shall learn the principles to use in other places.
For here the problems are elemental: climate, land conserva-
tion and tenure, mixed races, inrushing machines, labor
gropings, international marketing, ingrained folkways and
stubborn individualism. The wise national plan might well be
to hold things level in other regions for a decade while we
spend our best thought — and a lot of money — on helping the
South toward the self-realization of its vast promise in land
and people.

The South is voicing its interrogations with a movingly
sincere self-scrutiny. We arc getting the precise apprehcn-

:is of southern authors on their own situation, and we
should listen to them with taut ears — for the things uttered
and the unuttered things. We must be grateful to (onathan
Daniels, editor of the Raleigh News and Observer, for his
keen, gay, and constantly interesting, because vividly human,
report of a trip by car to the southern grassroots. Herman
on, plantation-reared and expert on rural life, gives in a
scant 100 pages the best broad picture of the economic and
social structure of the agricultural South I know of. You can
read this syllabus for statesmen (and how eager the South is
for true statemanship!) and learn enough about this way of
life to be ready to help change its evils. The photographs he
offers are enough to arouse a tempered determination. "The
t nited States cannot waste such people." The camera is the
South's best propagandist.

THESE BOOKS ARE NOT PROPAGANDA UNLESS IT is PROPAGANDA

to define a problem so nobody can escape responsibility

through ignorance. They arc not compact of hearsay, apol-

.. Rebel sentiment, indictments, or panaceas; they record

facts, old, harsh, often bitter facts, and try to decipher trends

and define causes. There are no final answers though many

principles by which the answers must be sought, especially

in Nixon. To ask these participants in a regime, caught in

daily tasks of experimental first aid, to answer their own

1 questions is as stupid as to try to impose ready-made plans

I from the outside on a people whose root ideal is the right of

choice. Nobody anywhere \nows the answer for the South;

.irch for it is a national duty.

The focus grows sharper: it centers not on the historic
I South, but on the southeastern states; not on all classes or
I industries, but on the rural economy of sharecropping and
1 tenant farming based on the cotton that is the life-way of
I millions of whites and Negroes. Mr. Daniels neglects, I think,
|i much of the economic and cultural progress in the South In

I cause he is so deeply concerned for the farmer, on whom
|< both he and Nixon agree will swing the future of the whole
• society. In the national pattern of progress the question is:

II shall we, who demand the cotton, help devise a system for

growing cotton that will spare us the guilty feeling that our
shirts and sheets arc partly stolen fertility of the land, and
woven of the sweat and blood of fellow citizens with sub-
peasant standards of living? If we quiet our consciences by
plain humaneness, we shall also win two rich practical re-
wards: the protection of every standard of living, and the
creation of a market that will bring dead factories to life.

That's why these are primers for Americans. They ask the
sacrifice of privileges — the revision of the tariff, say, and of
discriminatory freight rates about which lots of southerners
arc real angry. For protection we keep the stepchild South at
the second table. Tax money will have to be spent on the
"little rivers" to keep floods from the South. The great diffi-
culty finally may be letting the South accept or reject plans
and aid, or even go ahead in its own way. It will never accept
a guinea pig role.

THIS IDEA OF SELF-DETERMINATION BV THE PLAIN PEOPLE ABOUT

their own affairs is the heart of the Daniels plea . . . "the
newly exciting question of the possibility of democracy." He
slates his thesis in one crisp report of breakfast with David
Lilienthal, democrat: "Must the good life be imposed on the
Tennessee Valley or people in general from above, or are the
people, freed from improper restraint and overwhelming han-
dicap, entirely capable of providing the good life for them-
selves?" He is dead certain and convincing that the southern
folks are good material for democracy. So is Nixon and every
honest man. No biological inferiority exists, in white or black
people, to prevent them from doing good work or making
sound judgments — if given education and a chance. They will
demand both, says Daniels, because docility is being replaced
by desire; tow-heads and burr-heads are both beginning to
want nice things. The advertisers arc the most effective for-
eign agitators in the South.

Democrat Daniels hates planned collectivism whether be-
cause he is a born individualist, or just distrusts plans not
rooted in people, or resents plans that arc exported by still
symbolic Yankees. "I hate model towns," is his acid com-
ment on Norris. "Too many of us will prefer a sloppy South
to a South planned in perfection by outlanders." Yet he
hails cheap power as a blessing from TV A — and electricity
has to be planned. Elsewhere he affirms that he, with 25 mil-
lion others, wants a new plan to replace the old plan of "do
without." That must mean a made-in-the-South plan if out-
land plans are barred.

Dyess, the federal plan in Arkansas, he dubs "a toytown
cut out of a jungle" where 500 colonists have been subsidized
by about $6000 each. That bears no relation to reality in the
cotton South, and points no way for tenant farmers to become
free yeomen. The Delta Cooperative at Hillhouse is based on
Christian enthusiasm and contributed leadership — "the one
dependable cash crop is the rich Yankees of soft heart" — yet
it is a "natural collective" as a cotton plantation must be, and
it experiments with tractors and even the Rust cotton picker.
The big English-owned Delta Pine plantation is doing won-
derful things with just men and mules — using big market-
methods, dusting by airplane, setting up syphilis control, un-
der the wise direction of Oscar Johnson — but, says Daniels,
how many such wise directors can be found?

Mr. Daniels leaves the reader confused; we face confusion
as a main element in this difficult equation. Surely some
choices have to be made between the cake and the eating:
small yeomen or large collectives; man-rum-mule or ma-
chines; pure agrarianism or the right sort of industrialism;
federal money and outside capital or bootstrap lifting; im-
ported models (valuable even because they will not work) or

SEPTEMBER 1938

467

homemade devices. Let the South itself choose, but it cannot
stand still — the rest of us have too much at stake.

Mr. Daniels's great, warm, earthy, freshly observed book,
graphic in image and anecdote and vivid style, may be in
parts confusing because he is so honest and cuts so deep, as
in the sentence: "The South is a sensitive region, more ro-
mantic than idealistic, and one which is expiating for more
sins than its own, though there are enough of them." It
takes courage to say to the Bourbons and Brigadiers that the
Civil War did not change the intrinsic destiny of the South
and today plays little part in its thinking, being outworn as
a do-nothing alibi, although useful to some for ancestor-
whooping or a bit of souvenir business. Savor this brave and
useful book for yourself. Its flavor of folks and folkways
(Coca-cola is one) and its rich characters and flow of talk —
by governor or hitchhiker — have the effect of colored sound-
recordings of which the rare quality cannot be caught second-
hand.

This is true, too, of Erskine Caldwell's vignettes of the
folks in the hill coves and flatlands that reveal the emotions
and quirks of the people Daniels deals with in the large.
These crafty and restrained short stories are often amusing,
sometimes fantastic, never without a covert implication that
is not a moral. Their entire moral is that queer things can
happen to people who are steeped in the monotony of one
crop, in a climate that is sub-tropic, where the skins are vari-
colored. If they had a better life, maybe exactly this kind of
story could no longer be written.

Nobody would dare sum up Mr. Nixon's summary of the
elements and problems of the rural South. His rich expe-
rience, deep wisdom, temperance and wide scope of back-
ground knowledge have been distilled into a clear statement
of the questions, and of the principles that may guide just
answers. It is a sober, thought-out book, without drama or
human interest other than the cause itself. I like his digest of
land experiments throughout the world for the South's
guidance; his blunt declaration: "The South must be region-
al, national and international because it sells in world mar-
kets"; and such sly remarks as "the leisure loving southerner
should intuitively appreciate mechanical slaves." He hooks up
the farmer with village and town, merchant and market sys-
tem, newspapers and health in enlightening ways, and esti-
mates hopefully the chance for local workshops and indus-
tries. He lists the next steps in Social Planning and Action.
Nixon is a critical realist who loves his land and is not dis-
couraged and so is willing to offer what the South needs now
— some unprejudiced thinking on the plain facts of men on
the land.

The way to help the South is by understanding the peo-
ple. These interpreters are at bottom talking about people —
American people — people under a load. The load will be
lighter if we do something about the tariff and the freight
rates. We also might stop talking about The South and be-
gin boasting about our South. We can — when the pictures
look happier.

Human Affairs — The Long View

A PHILOSOPHY FOR A MODERN MAN', by H. Levy. Knopf. 336 pp.
Price $2.50 postpaid of Survey Graphic.

IT WOULD HAVE BEEN FAIRER TO THE READER TO HAVE CALLED

this book a philosophy of history — indeed a socialist philoso-
phy of history. Not that the author professes to write de-
ductively— quite the contrary. But the preface is explicit as to
the intent.

What we find here is a modern natural scientist concerned
with the causes of change, first in the realm of nature and
derivatively in the realm of human affairs. With a consistent
naturalistic approach, he finds common laws at work through-
out all the processes of the known universe. These laws have
to do, at the human level, for example, with the interactions of

large forces such as typical methods of securing livelihood,
with the more particular forces of conscious human effort as
shown in technology, in physiological influences and in cul-
tural achievement. And the theme is, briefly, that human his-
tory has shown continuously the fact of groups which labored
and groups which controlled, with the interests of those in
control forced gradually by the nature of advancing tech-
nology to become inevitably more and more concerned with
and affected by the interests and status of those who labor.
The historic process is thus conceived to be a process toward
a classless but functionalized society. Professor Levy follows
Spencer in seeing increasing individualization (heterogeneity)
embraced within highly articulated social structures. He fol-
lows Taney in his firm grasp of function as the basis for
social status.

This is a hard book to classify. The Marxian influence is
obvious. The most recent physical and mathematical scientists
are reckoned with. The philosophers with their technical
epistemological problems are repudiated in the interest of a
humanistic naturalism. The controls that man exercises are
real controls, the possibilities of melioration are genuine, the
trends arc broadly predictable if mankind continues to carry
along with the impulses and motives now at work.

Whether, in order to establish its case, the book needs to
devote a full half of its discussion to the realm of natural sci-
ence, I doubt. But the analysis of individualized personal influ-
ences at work to interpenetrate with the working of gross
forces is excellent as moving beyond the familiar materialistic
dialectic.

In short, this treatise will repay careful study if the reader
is not led by the title to expect too much, or to look for some-
thing that is not here. It should, as I have tried to intimate,
make disturbing and wholesome reading for the party com-
munist and doctrinaire socialist. And for the liberal reformist
it should suggest clues to undercurrents of permanent trend
which should give point and meaning to a more virile stand
for an outlook beyond preoccupation solely with minor
reforms.

The author is tough-minded, realistic, disciplined to scien-
tific thinking, unconventional in mental slant. He is, finally,
attuned to the conditions of the British scene. Nevertheless,
he merits more widespread study than the American intel-
lectual audience is likely to accord him at this moment in its
thinking career. ORDWAY TEAD

Backbone of America — a Cross-Section

WHAT PEOPLE SAID, by W. L. White. Viking. 614 pp. Price $2.75
postpaid of Survey Graphic.

IN A FOREWORD TO THIS, HIS FIRST NOVEL, MR. WHITE INSISTS

that the people of his state of "Oklarado" must not be iden-
tified with any persons "living or dead." But he doesn't fool
an old Oklarado girl, one who danced in that three-story
fraternity house of the late General Grant period, who chased
newspaper assignments and learned about "the delicate horse-
trading" of practical politics in the "long marble lobbies" of
the state capital building. An old Oklarado girl knows her
folks when she meets them, let Mr. White protest as he may.

Indeed, Mr. White doesn't fool anyone who remembers
back five years or so when his native state of Kansas was
ripped wide open by a scandal which disposed summarily
of some of its leading financial, political and social lights.
Mr. White has taken that scandal and made a novel of it,
weaving into the stuff of headlines, the aspirations and pride,
the pressures and perplexities, the jealousies and the ration-
alizations of the people of Athens, "a quiet country town on
the plains, working and growing placidly in the shade of
her elms whose branches reached trustingly up to an inscrut-
able sky."

Mr. White's way of telling his story makes for length.
You get an incident from the talk around Davie Hughes'
soda fountain, again from the merchants' round table at

468

SURVEY GRAPHIC

Ti (lord's Tea Room, again in Mrs. Norsscx' valuable confi-
dences to Mrs. Carrough. But it all fits together into a pat-
tern of the way different people think and act and react un-
der the same set of circumstances. The device shows the
v perhaps, but it constitutes the framework for a search-
analysis of the social, political and ethical motivation
.1 whole community, one of those communities that we call
"the backbone of America." And for sheer drama there are
the last half dozen chapters when the Norssexes go on trial.
Mr. White has not written "the" great American novel,
but he has written an important one, redolent of American
life, crowded with the people who make it.

GERTRUDE SPRINGER

The Paramount Concern of the State

IAI.IZED MEDIl INK IN THE SOVIET UNION, by Henry E.
Siieritt, M.D. Norton. 378 pp. Price $3.50.

-SIAN MEDICINE, by W. Horsley Gantt. M.D. Harper. 2H pp.
Price $2.50.

THK ROMANCE OF RUSSIAN MEDICINE, by Michael L Ravitch,

M. I). Liveright. 352 pp. Price $3.

Prices postpaid of Survey Graphic.

MAY DIFFER ABOUT WHAT IS HAPPENING POLITICALLY IN

the Soviet Union. The conflicting and confusing interpreta-
' of the recent trials and purges may leave the casual stu-
dent of foreign affairs bewildered. But all competent students
of the health services of the Soviet Union appear to agree with
Paul de Kruif that Dr. Sigerist's book on Soviet medicine is
"a record of the boldest mass fight for life ever attempted by
any part of mankind." It is unquestionably the most compre-
hensive book on the most inclusive system of medicine which
•s anywhere in the world. I doubt if any competent ob-
r who has visited the U.S.S.R. to study its health service
will challenge that statement, regardless of how he may feel
about the political and economic system.

Dr. Sigerist gives a clear and convincing exposition of a

m of socialized medicine which he assures us has wiped

out the distinctions between preventive and curative medicine.

It has brought an increasingly high standard of free medical

service within the reach of all the people, as complete and

free to the citizens of the Soviet Union as education is to us —

freer, in fact, for it is available to all, not only to those in

need of the primary and elementary services, but also to those

who need the services of the higher specialists, including hos-

; pitals, convalescent homes and institutions of research.

Dr. Sigerist is the foremost scholar in the field of the his-
tory of medicine. Successor to the late Dr. William H. Welch
as director of the Institute of the History of Medicine of Johns
Hopkins University, his distinction as a scientist is universally
recognized. Therefore, one is bound to respect his conclusion
that "what is being done in the Soviet Union today is the
beginning of a new period in the history of medicine."

Statesmen from Disraeli to Roosevelt have said that the
health of the people is the paramount concern of the state,
but it has remained for the Soviet Union to make the first
real attempt to translate that fundamental proposition into
effective government policy. While Dr. Sigerist has given us
the most exhaustive study of this government policy, there
have been two other important recent studies which admirably
supplement, and, in the main, confirm his conclusions. I refer
to Russian Medicine by Dr. W. Horsley Gantt, and The
Romance of Russian Medicine by Dr. Michael L. Ravitch.

A member of the American Relief Administration in Russia
m 1922 and 1923, a student of the great Pavlov in Leningrad
^me years following the revolution and the civil war, Dr.
Gantt is uniquely qualified to give the history and the early
beginnings of Soviet medicine, the record of which Harold
Ward has called "one of the epics of mankind: that, parallel
with the day-to-day problems involving literally millions of
starving and homeless people, the infant Soviets could lay the
groundwork of an elaborate long term research development
in all the sciences, is little short of a miracle." But they did it,

SEPTEMBER 1938

and laid the foundation for a new period in the history of
medicine. Dr. Gamt's vivid summary of this story should not
be missed by any student of Soviet medicine.

Dr. Ravitch's book completes a fine triptych on Soviet
medicine, for it lives up to its title. It is a veritable encyclo-
pedia of eminent men of medicine, from the court medicine
of the Tsars, down to the great Pavlov and his contemporaries
in the Soviet Union today. While the author's most exciting
romance is the story of the inoculation of Catherine the Sec-
ond by a distinguished English physician, Dr. Thomas
Dimsdlae, whom the Empress with difficulty persuaded to
come to Russia in order that she might, by her example,
introduce inoculations into Russia where "it is said that in one
year the number of persons who perished from the disease
(smallpox) approached two million," his grand romance be-
gins with the Soviet government, under which "science and
medicine began to make enormous strides."

Dr. Ravitch tells us that Pavlov's pre-revolutionary labora-
tory was wretchedly amateurish in comparison with the facili-
ties placed at his disposal by the Soviet government, despite
his outspoken opposition to the Soviet regime. "From its very
first days, when the young republic was fighting against
counter-revolutions and foreign intervention, funds were
found to maintain and develop scientific work and Pavlov's
laboratory was encouraged in this way from the beginning."

It is a happy coincidence that three such students as Drs.
Sigerist, Gantt and Ravitch have given us such comprehen-
sive and complementary accounts of Soviet medicine. No one
who is at all interested in the social implications of medical
practice can afford to miss any one of these books. They
should be required reading, not only for students of medicine
and of social work, but also for budding statesmen who really
want to find out how to translate great pronouncements into
government policy.
New Yorl( JOHN A. KINCSBURY

Saga of a Soldier

PETER CRABTREE — A TALE OF Two COHTIHEMTS, by Oscar R. Zipf.
Ralph Fletcher Seymour. 3M pp. Price $2.50 postpaid of Survey
Graphic.

WHETHER OR NOT THE ADVENTURES OF PETER CRABTREE ARE
autobiographical or accurate in historical detail is unimpor-
tant. Here is a vivid picture of the emotional reactions of an
American soldier in the Archangel campaign in Russia. Mr.
Zipf tells the story of an American college boy turned soldier
in spite of his own wishes, caught up in a campaign and
fighting under acute hardships, and without rhyme or reason
so far as he can see. Although the book is not a literary
masterpiece, the story is carried along both by the extraor-
dinary series of adventures which the chief character under-
goes and by the author's shrewd recognition that the seeds
of the next war were planted in the last.
Brooklyn College THERESA WOLFSON

Racialism — The Great Plague

INTERNATIONAL ASPECTS OF GERMAN RACIAL POLICIES, by
Oscar I. Janowsky and Melvin M. Fagen. With a preface by James
Brown Scott and postscript by Josiah C. Wedgwood, M.P. Oxford. 266
pp. Price $2 postpaid of Survey Graphic.

IN THESE DARK TIMES WHEN THE RUTHLESS NAZI DOMINATION

is being imposed full-fledged on one of the most mellowed
cultures of Europe, this documentation of Hitler's racial poli-
cies will be welcome to students. The substance of this book
was submitted to the League of Nations by a wide range of
organizations and individuals of all countries opposed to
Nazi violations of human rights. It is one thing to deplore
sentimentally the ravages of racialism. It is another and more
appropriate attitude to give careful thought to all legal and
philosophical aspects of Hitler's anti-Christian creed and acts.
This carefully prepared study of German racial laws and
practice, supplemented by documents on opposing interna-
tional views and measures, affords the opportunity of a close
scrutiny into the Great Plague of our times. TONI STOLPER

469

GUIDES

FOR ADULT STUDY

Outlines with brief text, selected references, provocative
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Scientific Consumer Purchasing

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Emphasizes tests and standard specifications for particular
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Economics in a Changing World
By GRAHAM A. LAING

Fundamental questions on the coming of industrialism and
its effects on our ways of life. 1936. 60 cents.

Fair Labor Standards — What Are They?

By JEAN A. FLEXNER and
ESTHER COLE FRANKLIN

Analyzes hours, wages, and working conditions in various
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The Modern Economy in Action
By CAROLINE F. WARE

Presents relations between the "old economy" and the new,
with emphasis on centralization of control in the corporation •
evaluates contemporary industrial policy. 1936. 50 cents.

Government, Business, and the Individual

By ELIZABETH S. MAY

Developments in government in relation to some major
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A.A.U.W. study guides include some SO subjects in the
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AMERICAN ASSOCIATION
of UNIVERSITY WOMEN

1634 I Street, N.W.

Washington, D. C

THE UNSERVED MILLIONS

(Continued ]rom page 441)

"... I want to extend an invitation to each and every on
of you, whenever you come to the City of Chicago. We woul<
be honored at the offices of the national organization of phys:
cians of this country to have you come in to see for yourselve
at firsthand something of the nature and the scope of th
work that it is attempting to do for the benefit of every humai
being that resides under the United States flag or, for tha
matter, anywhere in the wide, wide world."

Labor

SPEAKING THE FOLLOWING MORNING, FLORENCE GREENBURG,
small guileless looking but incisive young woman who is edc
cational and legislative chairman of the Council of Auxiliaric
of the Steel Workers Organizing Committee, also invited th
conference to visit Chicago. She began:

"I, too, want to extend an invitation to the delegates presen
here — but I want to show them another picture. I want t
show them a sick Chicago, a Chicago of dirt and filth and tern
ments. The people I represent live in this part of Chicago. . .

"I speak to this Health Conference as the representativ
of the organized wives of workers. My people are asking tha
our government take health from the list of luxuries to bi
bought only by money, and add it to the list containing th
'inalienable rights' of every citizen. . . .

"Only a few years ago, my people — the steel workers, th
packing house workers, the harvester workers — did not knov
what it meant to demand that their needs, their lives, the!
happiness be considered. They were only half-Americans wit!
no voice in the government, with no part in planning thi
democracy. But now these men and women are organize(
and they have learned how to ask for what they want, hov
to demand what they need. It was not for nothing that the;
battled to get the Wagner labor relations act. It was not fo;
nothing that ten men in Chicago died on Memorial Day, t<
make that act live."

Miss Greenburg told of pneumonia among the men whc
sweat at the steel furnaces and go out into the cold; of dus
diseases in grinding departments and sand blast rooms; o
the tuberculosis that got Aggie in a "damp room" at th<
stockyards and other hazards. She told of the little Mexicar
girl who knew what lack of hospital facilities for the poo)
means. The relief authorities would not pay for her hospita
care any more and she finally died of an abscessed lung aftei
three years of suffering. "I attended her wake and remember
very well the hopeless look on the father's and mother's faces.''
Of the old man who can't see without glasses but has no fare
to go to the clinic for eye treatment or lenses. Of the woman
who used her insulin money to pay rent.

"You can easily see why sickness is such a major catas-
trophe to a working man's family, especially if the wage
earner is unable to work through sickness, because then who
is to earn the money to take care of the family, let alone
buy the medical treatment so that he can get his health back?

"Many sick workers are condemned to become permanent
invalids because medical services are so beyond their reach
that they either do not get them at all or not until it is too
late. Certainly these life-long invalids are a much greater
drain on the community than free health service would be.

"Although the health status of all workers in Chicago is
very poor, that of the Negro worker is especially bad. There
is only one overcrowded private hospital to serve the Negro
community. It is disgraceful that in our city of four and a
half million people there is only one general public hospital,!
only one public tuberculosis sanitarium, only one public hos-i
pital for contagious diseases. . . . Life, it seems, is cheaper
in Chicago than hospital beds. . . .

(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC)

470

"I want to leave with you the knowledge that directly after
this conference we are hoping to initiate one locally to bring
the Technical Committee's recommendations for a national
health program to Chicago people so they can act."

What she wanted — adequate hospitalization, medical care
in the home, preventive medicine, health insurance — was close
to what was urged by William (irci-n, president of the
American Federation of Labor; by Ixx- Pressman, general
counsel for the Committee for Industrial Organization; Dor-
othy Bellanca, vice-president of the Amalgamated Clothing
Workers of America; Harriet Silverman, executive secretary,
People's National Health Committee of the Workers' Alli-
ance; and by a number of representatives of labor organiza-
tions, including Frederick C. Lendrum, director, Medical
Research Institute, United Automobile Workers of America;
Leonard Gross, chairman, Waterfront Research Committee,
New York; Walter Polakov, director of engineering, United
Mine Workers of America; Joseph A. Padway, general coun-
sel, American Federation of Labor.

The Farm

NOR WAS IT FAR APART FROM WHAT WAS URGED BY FARM LEAD-

ers, such as Mrs. H. W. Ahart, president of the Associated
Women of the American Farm Bureau Federation. Mrs.
Ahart's testimony concerned a "health picture of rural Amer-

which she called "neither sensible nor satisfactory."
"Throughout the land many a rural community has poorer
medical facilities at its disposal today than it had a generation
ago. Even at the peak of agricultural and national prosperity,
four fifths of the rural areas of the United States lacked any
organized health service. ... By and large the farm people
of the nation comprise that intermediate stratum of our pop-
ulation, represented by millions of persons, to which even
the aid to indigents is not available. Yet, the large urban
centers must depend on human replacement from the farms
of America. . . .

"Our organization, the Associated Women of the Amer-
ican Farm Bureau Federation, and the Farm Bureau itself,
representing 40 states, 2000 counties, and an individual mem-
bership of more than 3,000,000 persons, knows that it is fun-
damentally correct that the medical profession should admin-
ister the service it gives, but we want that service planned
for the benefit of the people. . . . The ideal of group medi-
cine or health insurance is built on cooperation between those
who give aid and those who receive it. Properly carried out,
it i» mutually beneficial to both. It is a practical ideal which
•ppeals to common sense and common reason. . . .

"Today the demand for health insurance and for adequate
medical care for our entire population, both urban and rural,
.1 force that must be recognized, despite any objections
expressed by individuals within the medical profession. . . ."
After her speech, Mrs. Ahart was told that a story which
questioned her sincerity was being spread about her. Being
K a lady of decision, she refuted it very briskly the next morn-
ing before giving some further testimony. Her first visit to
I Washington, she said, had been two years ago when, with
I some seven thousand other delegates, she attended a conven-
I tion of the Associated Country Women of the World. In
I reporting it, Time said that "The bumpkins had come to
Washington." She looked the word up in the dictionary and
'saw that a bumpkin is an "awkward country lout." She just
didn't think that applied to the rural women of America
and wrote Time accordingly. Time published her letter, but
I to her discomfiture — she confessed that her skin is rather
thin — the heading they put over it was "A Bumpkin Protests."
"Now, this morning a bumpkin is going to protest again,"
said Mrs. Ahart. She disliked bringing personalities into this
• convention, but it had come to her on good authority that,
•as she put it, a certain paid employe of the American Med-
ical Association has circulated the report that she is a paid
(Continued on page 472)

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471

THE UNSERVED MILLIONS

(Continued from page 471)

employe of a certain well-known medical group in California
(evidently the Ross-Loos Clinic of Los Angeles was meant).
"Now, I protest [said Mrs. Ahart] and I ask this gentleman
to please take this back. The American Farm Bureau Fed-
eration is paying my expenses to this convention. I have never
received one cent, nor one bit of service, from that California
medical group. I am not a paid employe of anybody except
Henry W. Ahart, a sheepman of northern California, who

provides me with my clothes and food. So, Dr. , how

about apologizing?"

Criticism

SPEAKING THE FOLLOWING DAY, DR. MORRIS FISHBEIN, EDITOR
of the Journal of the American Medical Association, expressed
amazement at the peculiar arrangements that had been made
in order to elicit opinions in regard to a "far-reaching, econ-
omy-shaking, tremendous national program." "You are essen-
tially a healthy people. Your deathrates and your sickness
rates compare favorably with those of any nation in the
world, regimented or unregimented." He challenged any
attempt to place the problem of medical care in the forefront
as an issue before the American people as out of perspective.
"We should concern ourselves first with food, fuel, clothing,
shelter and a job with adequate wages."

He knew Chicago conditions that are far worse, he said,
than Miss Greenburg described; he had used a case of needless
death from exposure in a Negro childbirth as a leverage for
getting three public agenices to work out a rational plan for
responding to emergency calls. And, in contrast, he told of
a visit to Hot Springs, N. M., where two and a half million
dollars in government money has recently been spent in con-
structing a hospital for ninety crippled children; with an
orthopedic surgeon — there is none in the state — imported
from El Paso two days a week at a salary larger than that
paid the governor.

"You must have education of your public as to the facilities
already available in most of our large communities, or you
will not get utilization of those facilities. We cannot promise
you a complete and satisfactory and 100 percent medical care
because we don't know enough and nobody else knows
enough. . . . Neither Dr. Thomas Parran nor anybody else
can promise you on the basis of the knowledge we have now,
that he is going to eliminate gonorrhea among steel workers
or any other employes in this country, because you have got
to have knowledge first. . . .

"And so we come here — the medical profession — called to
a conference on a national health program, and I leave it
to you whether or not we have been called to a conference or
whether the patient whom you represent has not asked the
medical profession to write a prescription for Radway's Ready
Relief, which the patient has written and wants the medical
profession to sign so they can get the prescription filled. That
is not scientific medicine, and that is not scientific eco-
nomics. . . .

"I know, and the medical profession knows, that there are
unsatisfied needs among the American people, but I know
that only by the kind of development that is taking place in
this country will we in the future be able to answer those
needs. ... I could tear to pieces many of these things and
these figures. It is not the thing to do. We are not here to
tear to pieces this program. We ... are here to find out if
we can depend upon it in charting our progress for the future,
and if we cannot . . . then it is our business to get one that
we can depend on, and go forward with a safe map. . . ."

From the President's letter of welcome on, there had been
stress on the cooperative relationships and the reinforcement
which the projected public developments might bring to ex-

isting private and voluntary organizations; but in conclud-
ing, Dr. Fishbein called a roll in such a way as to imply that
their vested interests would put them in opposition to the
program proposed:

"What is to happen to our insurance companies which
we have already established?

"What is to happen to the sickness plans of the Moose
and the Eagles and the Masons and the Odd Fellows and the
Elks and all of those people who have put a great deal of
money into their own institutions and into their own sana-
toria ?

"What is to happen to hospitalization plans. . . ?

"What is to happen to the non-profit voluntary hospitals
built by the Catholics and Jews and Methodists and Presby-
terians and all of the other religions. . .?"

Highlights

So MUCH FOR THE FRICTION WHICH, HOWEVER MUCH HEAT

it contributed to the conference, nonetheless illuminated
points of view which will play their part as national con-
sideration of the program goes forward. As a matter of fact,
divergencies were understandable; what was outstanding was
the extent of common agreement. The main body of testimony
and comment will be available in published proceedings and
the Interdepartmental Committee is bringing out a summary
of findings, recommendations and discussions. Yet certain
highlights must be mentioned; such as:

— The sober caution of Dr. Sigismund S. Goldwater, com-
missioner, Department of Hospitals, New York City, that
"neglected illness is not always convertible by means of
money grants or administrative measures into illness ef-
fectively prevented or cared for"; and as to the dangers of
unwise government spending, and the losses to be expected
if paid medical care is substituted for voluntary service.

— The rejoinder of Abraham Epstein, executive secretary of
the American Association for Social Security, that a pro-
gram of health insurance would counteract the trends
Dr. Goldwater feared; and that we must assume that it
will be a coordinated one instead of piecemeal.

— The refreshing assurance given by Dr. Louis I. Dublin,
statistician and vice-president of the Metropolitan Life
Insurance Company, that as a sound investment over a
period of thirty years it had spent 120 million dollars in
nursing care, health education and general disease pre-
vention; and that the proposals for general, maternal and
child health were moderately scheduled. "The stakes are
enormous" and he was there "to urge on your courage
to see that program through."

— The downrightness of Charles W. Taussig, president of
the American Molasses Company, that "business bears a
far greater financial burden now, due to our neglect of
adequate health control, than its share of the tax burden
will be under the proposed plan. . . . Progressive busi-
ness will regard adequate health service as a subsidy to
industry, not a burden."

— Such varied and characteristic contributions as those of a
great nursing pioneer, Annie W. Goodrich; Michael M.
Davis, chairman, Committee on Research in Medical Eco-
nomics; Charles W. Eliot II, secretary of the National Re-
sources Committee; Dexter Masters of the Consumers
Union; Neville Miller, president of the National Associa-
tion of Broadcasters; the Rev. Alphonse M. Schwitalla,
S.J., editor of Hospital Progress; John Middleton, secretary,
International Workers Order; Watson B. Miller, national
director, National Rehabilitation Committee of the Amer-
ican Legion; also such journalists as Fulton Oursler, Lib-
erty; Myron Weiss, Time; such social workers as Dorothy
Kahn, Philadelphia; M. Antoinette Cannon, New York;
and Dr. Ellen Potter, director of medicine, New Jersey
State Department of Institutions and Agencies.

472

—The greetings of Senator Robert F. Wagner of New York.
— The extraordinary muster of presidents in the health field,

including: Dr. Frederick A. Besley, American College of

Surgeons; Robert E. Ncff, American Hospital Association;

Dr. William J. Kerr, American College of Physicians; Dr.

George Bowles, National Medical Association; Dr. C.

Willard Camalicr, American Dental Association; Charles F.

l-'.rnst, American Public Welfare Association; Dr. Arthur T.

McCormack, American Public Health Association.

—Edith M. Gates, National Board YWCA, spoke for its
constituency of a "million of the rank and file, young
unemployed or young married girls or women"; Mrs.
Saidie Orr Dunbar, president of the General Federation of
Women's Clubs, for the "largest group of organized
women in the world" which "will offer our best lay par-
ticipation"; and Mrs. J. K. Pettengill, president of the
National Congress of Parents and Teachers, who, in repre-
senting a group of "over two million interested individuals,"
confessed that, "We are awfully anxious that something
happen soon, because as parents we notice that these chil-
dren grow up so fast. We are afraid that they will grow up
into unhealthy adulthood before many more researches are
completed."

Arthur J. Altmeyer, chairman of the Social Security Board,
in opening the session at which plans for health insurance
were brought up, recapitulated the very considerable body
of experience in allied fields which could be brought to bear —
state systems of workmen's compensation for industrial acci-
dents that go back for twenty-seven years; the new federal-
state unemployment compensation acts covering fifty-one
separate jurisdictions; the federally administered old age insur-
ance with its 42 million policy holders. "With courage in
the objectives, with caution in achieving those objectives, in a
spirit of cooperation between those within the government
and those without the government whose interests are vitally
affected, we can and will work out a reasonable, practical,
workable system."

The drafting of the social security act was the backdrop for
two other speakers. One was Frank Graham, president of the
University of North Carolina and chairman of the Presi-
dent's Advisory Council on Economic Security, who warmly
summed up the discussion from the lay angle. The other
was Edwin E. Witte, professor of economics, University of
Wisconsin, and secretary of the Cabinet Committee on Eco-
nomic Security, who placed Wisconsin, New York and
California in the running as likely first states to enact
health insurance legislation. As his zero, in noting progress,
he recalled the "one little line" in the original social security
bill to the effect that the Social Security Board should study
the problem of health insurance and make a report back
to Congress. This led to such a barrage of telegrams from
interested sources that, to save the bill, the line was deleted.

Group Experiments

Till V(>l 1NTARY PROJECTS IN CROUP FACILITIES, PRACTICE AND

payment which have sprung up were canvassed affirmatively
from various angles by Dr. Kingsley Roberts, medical direc-
tor of the Bureau of Cooperative Medicine; David H.
McAlpin Pyle, president of the United Hospital Fund of New
York; and Dr. C. Rufus Rorem, director of the Committee
on Hospital Service of the American Hospital Association.
To date, said Dr. Rorcm, there are some two million mem-
bers of non-profit hospital care insurance plans — double the
number of a year ago, and likely to reach ten million in the
next four years. "It is not a panacea; it does not pay the
doctors' bills; it docs not restore lost income either from sick-
or from unemployment; but it has been able to enable
substantial number of patients to pay their hospital bills;
has tended to stabilize income; it has facilitated the col-
(Continued on page 474)

(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC)
473

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THE UNSERVED MILLIONS

(Continued from page 473)

lection of doctors' bills, and has minimized to a certain ex-
tent the load of private charity and taxation."

He saw the development not only as good in itself, but
as accumulating actuarial and administrative data "useful for
a comprehensive plan of hospitalization and medical service."

IN PHILADELPHIA, UNDER THE LEAD OF ROENTGENOLOGISTS, Doc-
tors have carried into the courts their fight against a group
hospitalization plan similar to those which already have
taken root in sixty American cities. But even more over-all
group schemes of medical care and payment are on the
firing line. In San Francisco, for example, an attempt is be-
ing made through the courts to stave off such a plan for
municipal employes. In Washington, the American Medical
Association has been linked with the District association
in efforts to squelch a going project of the sort among HOLC
employes. Doctors taking part in it have been expelled, hos-
pital facilities refused. The week after the National Health
Conference, a decision, handed down by a federal district
judge, roundly sustained the group plan, its patients and its
doctors. As a countermove the District medical society has
since filed suit in the federal courts on further grounds to
restrain the employes' association, stating that they themselves
have in mind a scheme free from lay or government taint.

Meanwhile, came moves on the part of the assistant at-
torney general, Thurman Arnold, looking toward resorting
to the anti-trust laws to prevent further suppressive action
emanating from the American Medical Association against
such experiments to lower sickness costs. That put the shoe
on the other foot. Any presumption that this was part of the
planning that entered into the initiation of the National
Health Conference is flatly denied. What both the health
agencies of the administration and its legal arm had in com-
mon may be said to have been put in the President's letter
to the conference: that health problems are in a "real sense
public problems"; "ways and means of dealing with them
must be determined with a view to the best interests of all
our citizens."

Social advances have come in the law when doctors have
bestirred themselves to change outmoded legal practices.
Now public attention has been focused on medical impinge-
ment on a legal principle and lawyers bestir themselves.
There is an innate professional penchant on all hands to
overlook the neighbor's backyard and overhaul it. More than
once this process has wrought mightily for good.

The Incoming Tide

MORE SIGNIFICANT ARE THE RECENT FORCES AT WORK IN THE

medical profession itself. The National Health Conference
afforded a new perspective in somewhat the same way that
historical criticism treats old traditions. As children, we
thought of King Canute as the greatest bonehead who ever
wore a crown: he thought he could tell the ocean when to
stop. The historical critics correct us to the contrary. Rather
he was a very canny and sage old king, beset by difficult and
blind advisors who told him he was monarch of all he sur-
veyed; that it didn't matter what other people thought or
wanted; he had only to say the word and it would go. So
Canute took his court and his scepter out on to the beach
to give them an object lesson in limited sovereignty and in
statesmanship.

Some of us have been troubled by the picture which seems
to have been drawn in recent years of the American doctor
as, also, a sort of "lord of all he surveys," who has only
to swing the rod of Aesculapius across the troubled waters of
sickness or discontent and presto, they are bound to subside.

The salty success of the American Medical Association in
combatting quacks and fraudulent patent medicines seems
to have been unhappily adapted to constraints on the social,
as distinct from the scientific, aspects of experimentation in
the field of medical care.

This was the stereotype of the American doctor which was
exploded at the Washington Conference. Here was Dr. Abell,
president of the American Medical Association, reassuring
his fellow participants that the cooperation of the profes-
sion would be given to its deliberations and to the hard
thinking that must go into any program of this sort. Here
was Dr. Borden S. Veeder, editor of the Journal of Pediatrics,
disavowing any illusions that the problem of medical care
is one that belongs purely to the medical profession and can
be settled by it alone. Here was Dr. Adolph Meyer, direc-
tor of the Psychiatric Clinic of Johns Hopkins Hospital,
pointing out that however staggering such a problem is,
merely to have the whole thing set before us so that we can
look at it is a great advance. We should have courage, and not
be inhibited by all the paralyzing considerations. Here was
Dr. Allan M. Butler, Harvard Medical School, thanking
heaven that the conference had already outlined a program
that will assure us that we are not going to stick further
to diagnosis of details. In the last two days of the confer-
ence, there was a veritable panel of physicians of standing,
who came forward to voice their constructive outlook on
the rising tides of public interest and demand. Let us single
out Dr. Alice Hamilton, professor emeritus, Harvard Med-
ical School and consultant, U. S. Department of Labor:

"I think that we are all left with two impressions: One
of a very great need; and the other of a body of people, the
physicians of the country, who have striven hard to meet that
need, but now are suddenly faced by an increased demand
which they themselves cannot meet. The problem as it has
been laid before us here is one that takes all of the forces of
the 'country to meet, all of the groups; the medical group
is not enough. After all, what we confront is so largely an
economic problem. We can't ask the American Medical
Association to build us rural hospitals. We certainly can't
ask the ordinary practitioner to take upon himself more of
the burden of medical charity than he has already assumed.
In common decency we ought to take a great deal of it off
his shoulders. We have asked him to do infinitely more
than we have ever thought of asking the lawyers to do,
although perhaps the need is just as great with the lawyers.

"If all of the groups of the country must help in solving this
great problem, that means the government will have to do it,
doesn't it? And really the federal government is not an in-
vading hostile power that knows nothing about the needs
of this country. After all, what is it? It is ourselves — our-
selves organized. And surely it is more or less susceptible to
our influence."

No RESOLUTIONS WERE ADOPTED. As MlSS RoCHE PUT IT, THE

five recommendations represented "no final delineation of
ways and means to meet a great national need, but rather
the earnest, carefully weighed conclusions of technical ex-
perts in positions of public responsibility." There was more
work to be done in the months ahead to meet the President's
call to chart a course of action. The whole procedure of the
conference was as far from bureaucracy and regimentation
as human society gets.

If we are to judge by the past, what comes of it de-
pends more upon the strength and depth of the urge from
the farmers, the workers, the parents, all the insistent con-
sumers, than upon experts or government. Ten years ago the
nation-wide Study of the Cost of Medical Care gave to expert
and government facts of magnitude upon which to base ac-
tion; but these facts didn't reach down to the unserved mil-
lions in America. Today to some degree they have, and
therein lies strength.

474

Internes in Government

by WEBB WALDRON

NOT LONG AGO AN AMB1TIOI S YOUNG COLLEGE CRAD HITCHIIIKM)

400 miles from his home town in the Texas Panhandle to the
state capital to interview a man who might give him a job.
He got the job. And what do you imagine it was? A chance
to work in a federal bureau in Washington for one year with-
out pay! What's more, the people of that boy's home town,
proud of the youngster's success in landing the salaryless post,
arc chipping together to pay his living expenses in Washing-
ton for the coming year.

Fifty college graduates arc in Washington this autumn doing
the same thing. Working in government bureaus and agencies
without salary. They were rigidly chosen out of 250 who
wanted to go. They are called "internes." Like medical in-
ternes in hospitals, they learn by watching and doing. They
have taken courses in public administration in college and
they arc intent on careers in public service. Some of them arc
paying their own expenses in Washington. Some arc there
on fellowships from their colleges. Some, like the lad from
Texas, are financed by the hometown folks. A Toledo girl,
lor example, a brilliant graduate of the municipal university
there, is having her expenses paid by a group of Toledo
clubwomen.

Internes are busy, too, in many state and city governments.
They are put in the field, in the TVA and in the Indian ser-
vice in the Southwest. Learning by watching and doing.

Yet it was only 20 years ago that the president of a large
university, answering an inquiry from a member of the U.S.
Civil Service Commission as to whether any of his graduates
were interested in careers in government service, said flatly:
"Don't be silly!"

Youth itself gave the primary impulse toward the system
of internes in government. Four years ago, at a meeting of
the National Student Federation in Washington, a discus-
sion arose of the need of young blood in public service. A
committee of student delegates got together and asked them-
selves whether something practical could not be done to open
government careers to youth. The student committee sought
help from a number of distinguished citizens, who became its
board of advisers. This was the germ of the National Insti-
tute of Public Affairs. The Institute took as its aim the tie-up
of college and government by a system of federal internes.
The first year's experiment with internships was so successful
that the Institute obtained a grant from the Rockefeller
Foundation for carrying the idea on in larger scope.

The Institute is a non-profit organization with headquar-
ters in Washington. Constantly it keeps in touch with those
colleges which arc giving the best courses in public adminis-
tration. Each spring these colleges send in a list of their most
promising students who hope to get into public service. The
director of the Institute, Frederick M. Davenport, then makes
journeys through the country interviewing these hopefuls at
strategic points.

"It is not only prime scholarship we demand," said. Dr.
Davenport. "We arc almost as keenly concerned in knowing
what the student has done outside of class. Has he taken a
prominent part in the student council, athletics, journalism.9
We demand that he has shown first-rate qualities of leader-
ship in college. We want the type that makes things happen."

The Institute undertakes to place these picked young men
and women as unpaid internes in federal bureaus and agen-
cies. The internship usually lasts one year.

SKTTINC our ON A VOYAGE OF DISCOVERY THROUGH THE INTRICA-

cies of governmental Washington, I found the youngsters at

work on an astonishing variety of jobs. Here was a lad who

(Continued on page 476)

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475

INTERNES IN GOVERNMENT

(Continued from page 475)

captained the Wisconsin crew for two years, was president of
the student athletic board, went to Minnesota on a fellowship
in public administration. He's in the public utilities division
of the Securities and Exchange Commission. Next year he
returns to Minnesota and takes his M.A. His ambition is to
get into some administrative post that has to do with govern-
ment regulation of utilities. Here was a gentlemanly fellow
from Pomona College, where he got his letter in tennis and
basketball. He has had various research jobs with the Social
Security Board; now he is an observer in the administrator's
office. His ambition is some job that has to do with the rela-
tions of the federal government to the states.

In the Department of Commerce, I found a dark pretty
girl, daughter of a Florida fruitgrower, A. B., Bryn Mawr,
M. A., Radcliffe, answering inquiries from business men on
foreign trade. She tells me she may go into a business office
next year, to get its point of view, then return to a govern-
ment job. At the Census I found a girl from the University
of Oregon who had analyzed the flow of work through cer-
tain divisions of the Bureau so that it could be made mark-
edly more efficient. Over in the Bureau of Prisons I dis-
covered another Radcliffe girl working on the classification of
federal prisoners. She had just got back from six months at
the Federal Prison for Women in West Virginia, where she
had a variety of jobs, among them the matronship of a
prisoners' cottage.

One of the internes from Harvard, a Tennesseean, now
with TV A, is getting an over-all view of that vast experi-
ment. He will return to Harvard next year for further study,
then possibly go back to a permanent job at the TVA.

One of last year's internes from Harvard spent part of his
time with the Interstate Commerce Commission, part with
the American Association of Railroads, part with a trucking
company association. Now he is back at Harvard working
for his advanced degree. He is training himself for an impor-
tant ICC job or for the secretaryship of a big trade association.

Dr. Davenport told me that he was glad to have some of
his internes go into industrial or commercial life. It is in-
valuable to get men into key positions in industry or trade
who have some understanding of governmental problems.
This indicates that the National Institute of Public Affairs
has a refreshingly broad and national point of view.

JOHN COLLIER, COMMISSIONER OF INDIAN AFFAIRS, DESCRIBED
to me the special system of internes with which he is experi-
menting.

"It has been thought in the past," said Collier, "that honesty
and a good heart were all that were needed in handling
Indians. But of late we in the Indian service have begun to
realize that academic background and training are desirable
in a good Indian administrator. He may not be an expert in
all the sciences involved in Indian work but he must be able
to appreciate their bearing each on the other, and he must be
a handler of men, too."

With a special Rockefeller Foundation grant, Collier is
trying out in the Southwest a dozen young men from the
Institute of Public Affairs. One, for example, is analyzing the
standards which should control Indian traders. Another is
working on the grazing problem, studying the conflicting
claims of white man and Indian.

And so forth. Those who show they have the stuff will be
in an excellent position to qualify for permanent and im-
portant jobs in the Indian service.

EXPLORING AROUND THE NEW YORK STATE CAPITAL AT ALBANY,
I encountered another set of lively young internes on the job,
and I found out how they got there.

One day about a year and a half ago, William E. Mosher,
director of the School of Citizenship and Public Affairs at
Syracuse University, appeared in the office of Mark Graves,
New York State Tax Commissioner.

Mosher had just extended his course in public administra-
tion from one to two years. He had the idea that the student
in his second year might be assigned by the head of a state
bureau to do a special piece of investigating. He asked
whether Graves would like to take on some of the Syracuse
students as internes.

Graves, a man distinguished for his work for the improve-
ment of government personnel, was so excited by Mosher's
proposal that he called together the chiefs of several other
bureaus and asked Mosher to tell the story to them. Graves
then went to the New York Civil Service Commission and
persuaded the commission to allow the state departments to
take on a certain number of young men as junior clerks at
$75 a month, outside the civil service, each to be employed
for a limited period.

The internes at Albany have more than justified the
scheme. With fresh keen youthful minds, trained in the latest
angles of government practice, they sometimes hit upon im-
proved ways of governmental procedure. "The old point of
view," said Graves, "is that public administration must be
learned on the job. That may be all right if your mind is
open constantly to new ideas. But there are men in the gov-
ernment of this state who entered as pages or clerks and have
worked up by seniority to quite responsible jobs, but never
had a new idea in their lives. That's why I welcome these
young fellows. They see things we old-timers can't see."

The University of California has a program by which a
certain number of students, chosen on competitive examina-
tion, combine graduate study in public administration at the
university with work in the personnel office at the state capi-
tal. They have one-year appointments on the state payroll at
a nominal salary.

Los Angeles County operates a plan of its own. Each year
it holds examinations for student investigators and re-
searchers. These examinations are open to all college gradu-
ates. They appeal especially to those who have majored in
public administration. Internes receive $50 a month for one
year. At the end of the year's internship, the student is quali-
fied to compete in an open examination for administrative
assistant. All the internes thus far who have taken the exami-
nation have qualified. The majority are landing permanent
jobs in the Los Angeles County civil service.

At the University of Cincinnati, graduate students in public
service operate on the same cooperative plan, alternation of
study and practical work, which this university has for many
years practiced so successfully in the departments of engineer-
ing and commerce. Students spend half their time in study
at the university, half as employes of the city of Cincinnati
or Hamilton County. They get the same salaries earned by
regular employes on the same work. Cincinnati, probably the
most civic-conscious city in the United States, distinguished
for its successful fight for a modern charter and the city man-
ager plan, is an admirable living laboratory for these students.
Heacls of city and county departments like the co-op's breadth
of view and quickness to grasp essentials. Of 34 students who
have completed the co-op plan, 24 now have permanent jobs
with the city, state or federal government. Eight are in col-
lege teaching, two in research.

In Wisconsin an agreement has just come about between
the state and the university by which students of exceptional
ability are picked for public service scholarships. To these
students the university lends not over $400 in their senior
year. In return, the student agrees to serve the state after
graduation for a period of one to two years as an apprentice
in a job assigned to him by the state personnel director. These
apprentices get $125 a month. Deductions are made from the
apprentice's salary till the loan is repaid. Twenty-five began

476

work July 1 and more will be added. During the apprentice
period, the students carry a certain amount of graduate work
in public administration at the University. At the end of the
apprenticeship, they will be trained and ready to take an
(\.unination for a permanent civil service position. Thus a
progressive commonwealth moves to bring some of its best
young blood into its government — brilliant students who ordi-
narily are enticed into private industry.

THESE ARE ONLY A FEW OF THE STATES AND CITIES WHERE COL-
lege youth is interning in government.

The growth of academic courses designed to train students
for public service is amazing. Today 130 American colleges
are giving courses of this sort. Sixty-one colleges have actually
up separate schools or special programs in public admin-
istration. Half of these have sprung up in the past four years.
The leading schools arc beset by far more applicants than
they can handle. Syracuse University, for instance, had ten
times as many applicants this year for its graduate school of
public afTairs as it could admit.

These schools are all a part of a general awakening to an
interest in public afTairs.

"Why are you fellows interested in getting internships in
Washington?" I asked a group of graduate students at Har-
vard. "Well," said one of them hesitantly, a tall yellow-
haired lad from Minnesota, "I think the New Deal has given
a glamor to public life." "That's right," several others con-
firmed.

I have found students on other campuses venturing the
same opinion. This belief does not necessarily involve an
approval of all of the objectives of the New Deal. Nor an
admiration for its personalities. It does recognize that gov-
ernment in America in the past five years has gained a power
and a drama it has never had before and that government
is likely to continue to possess both, no matter what the fate
of the New Deal. And that therefore public life and public
service carry an adventure which once was found in explora-
tion when there were new lands and seas to seek, or in busi-
ness when it boasted more of the aspects of pioneering and
empire-building.

Along with this, the elders of our generation are beginning
to realize that since government is interpenetrating our lives
as never before, and is likely to go on doing so, whether we
like it or not, we ought to look sharply to the quality of
people who administer our laws.

The schools, the teachers, the temper of the students, the
public interest, all this means that there will be a greater
and greater contingent of eager hopefuls looking for careers
in city, state and federal government. More, certainly, than
there are places for just now. But a stream of able enthusi-
astic youth seeking a try-out in government will undoubtedly
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WHAT OF THE INTERNE AFTER HIS INTERNSHIP? MANY ARE
stepping straight into permanent jobs. Sometimes the work
these youngsters get into proves unexpectedly important and
exciting. A student from Syracuse went as interne with the
revenue department of Kentucky a year or so ago. Now he's
mt director of the department, fighting with a reform
group for the abolition of the fee system in county govern-
ment. A Minnesota graduate got taken on as interne with
the city manager of Austin, Texas, and did such a good job
on a housing survey that the city of Houston asked to borrow
him for a similar survey.

True, the depression brought about drastic residence re-
struiions for municipal employment in many places, but the
fact remains that the 450 American cities now possessing the
merit system probably offer the biggest single opportunity
for the college graduate bent on a career in public adminis-
tration.

In Washington, the more enterprising and progressive fed-
(Continued on page 478)

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477

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INTERNES IN GOVERNMENT

(Continued from page 477)

eral bureaus are becoming very much alive to the value of
the college people who interne under the Institute of Public
Affairs. As a result, many of these young people have a
choice of several federal jobs when they finish their intern-
ship.

Fortunately for the young aspirant to public service, our
federal government is really beginning officially to recognize
the job of administrator. In England, such recognition has
long been given. There, the government regularly picks a
number of exceptional university men on a general intelli-
gence examination and systematically trains them for top
policy-determining jobs. In America, if a filing-clerk, stenog-
rapher or botanist stays at his desk or in his laboratory long
enough and is reasonably diligent, competent and sober, he
may rise by the slow momentum of seniority to an adminis-
trative post, though he may have none of the qualifications
for a managerial job. But things are changing. The need is
now for men who can plan, coordinate and direct the work

of scientists though not scientists themselves. Here is an
opportunity for the hopeful interne.

At the present time would-be administrative civil servants
are seldom encouraged by the rules. Volunteer internes,
almost without exception, go through the regular civil ser-
vice procedure; as a result too many of them are still assigned
to routine clerical work, and their presence is occasionally
resented by their co-workers and even by their supervisors.
Government has never really recognized that an adminis-
trator, trained to execute and coordinate government activity,
is a professional person.

To make a real opportunity, our civil service rules should
be liberalized. In my opinion the U.S. Civil Service Commis-
sion should set up an examination for Junior Administrative
Assistant. This would be designed especially for college
graduates who have specialized in public administration, par-
ticularly those who have spent an internship in city, state or
federal government. Such an examination would attract the
exceptional student, and draw increased attention of govern-
ment chiefs to these potential young administrators.

If government were opened to this stream of youth, they
would give government a new efficiency and a new tone.
And certainly with their zeal and talent, they would give
our people a higher respect for government.

MIDDLE COUNTY by Martha Collins Bayne

(Continued from page 462)

welfare, public health, and so forth, the latter organization
is usually more successful in affecting the decisions of the
boards of supervisors.

While the influence of Vassar College, on the outskirts of
the city, on the social, cultural and economic life of the city
is not a major force, it should not be overlooked despite the
fact that the "reformers from Vassar" are often derided or
blamed individually and collectively by the native population
— another evidence of the remote hostility toward a transi-
tion period and toward the means necessary to cope with its
attendant problems.

Is IT POSSIBLE THAT THESE CONTRADICTIONS ARE TEMPORARY,

and that with the passing of the older generation, the tran-
sition period will be over? Following this thought I won-
dered whether city ideas and city living habits were being
introduced to the younger generation via the rural schools.
But my expectations received a rude shock when I visited
these isolated "little red school houses" as well as the more
modern brick high schools in the villages. I found that gen-
erally rural schools in Dutchess County (divided into four
supervisory districts) are untouched by the most obvious
educational developments of the past twenty years. Three
quarters are the old-fashioned one-room, one-teacher variety.
The school where I interviewed the teacher of Ed Cobb's
little girls, like the majority of these one-room schools, has
no running water nor plumbing, and relies on a pot-bellied
stove for heat. Some have no electricity. Children of all ages
were jammed together in one small room, and recited by
groups at the teacher's desk. The average number of pupils
in these schools range from two or three of varying age to
30. Small wonder that few teachers attempt more than the
most elementary subjects. As Mary Cobb's teacher said,
"How can I let the sixth and seventh grades make a cliff-
dwellers project when there isn't enough room between the
desks and the wall to put a bookcase, much less a work table,
and when the desks are all screwed to the floor?"

The actual control of the schools lies in the hands of each
of the 30 or 40 school districts, small strongholds of democ-
racy controlled by school trustees whose power over the des-
tinies of their neighbors' children is supreme. State officials

and local superintendents eager to consolidate districts and
build larger, more economical schools, are powerless against
them. The trustee hires and fires the teacher, and inciden-
tally often sees that she boards at his house. He buys all the
books, handles all the finances, and starts the fire in the pot-
bellied stove. He cleans the school privies, takes the children
on the annual picnic in his truck, and prescribes the studies.
Of course, he must stay within the provisions of the state
education law as to basic subjects, but by refusing funds for
low tables, a current events magazine, library books, or a
radio, his is the power to veto such additions as project work,
music, and current events.

Although the situation in the larger elementary and high
schools is considerably better, there is great need for improve-
ment. The new central school in the northern part of the
county is a model of modern school administration, justly
proud of teaching farmers' sons how to test milk for butter-
fat content, mend harness, and manage dairy farms, and the
girls houshold management in addition to the business and
college preparatory courses. But this school is the only one
which offers instruction in agriculture, and one of but three
teaching homemaking.

In short, New York might be thousands of miles away
for all its emphasis on suiting the curriculum to the indi-
vidual. If a Dutchess County child does not fit into the
courses, he simply drops out. Less than half of the youngsters
who hopefully began high school in 1933 reached the 1937
graduating classes. It doesn't look as if their assimilation of
city ideas — their adjustment to the swiftly changing social
and economic life — will be much easier than their fathers'.
Take Young Jim, the oldest Cobb boy, now eighteen. He at-
tended high school in the nearby town for one year. Latin
and business methods poured into his unwilling and unpre-
pared mind (made no more docile by eight years rote learn-
ing under a superannuated teacher in a one-room school!)
made little impression on him. I was not surprised to hear
Jim echo the words of his elders. "Why, this zoning business
is all wrong. It seems that a farmer won't even be able to
build a chicken coop where he wants to!" Obviously the
school's success toward creating understanding of a transition
county's problems is small indeed.

478

RESORTS & REAL ESTATE

NEW YORK

W4TKINS GLEN* NEW YORK

Largest hotel in the Finger Lakes
region. Accommodations for 200
on 1000-acre estate overlooking
Seneca Lake and adjoining Wat-
kins Glen State Park. All sports.
Vegetables, poultry, dairy prod-
ucts from our farms. Nauheim
Baths that are world famous.
Rates, $7 to $10 daily including
meals. Open the year 'round.
Selected clientele. 49th Season.

Ha, Yak Oft*: iOO Fi/lA A*. U E 3-5195
W.lLL+*mSrmU*t

A Resort Hotel As Well As A Health Resort

. K«w 73-Story Club Hotel

• (enmity Lotated

• Free Swimminj Pool, <JY"«

• Enjoy <*»«> Soa*l We

. Sepiute Floors loi Men.
Women «K) Families

SINClil u» WDOUBlt

>• ,o -14 WEEKLY

WORKERS WANTED

\ \ Case Supervisor with family agency experi-

ence. a working knowledge of psycho-analytic

•pis. an enquiring mind and a wish for

» position in large Eastern city. Must also be
an Episcopalian who views religion neither aa
a crutch, a panacea or a refuge of senti-
mentalists. Age limit SO to 45 years, no others
need apply. In application please give specific

i data aa to age, education, training, supervisory
experience, references. 7526 Survey.

VANTED — Well-trained psychologist with

teaching background to help launch new Child

Guidance Clinic in connection with two claaa

A medical schools : venture well-backed by

private funds : salary $3000-*S500, increasing :

-r 1. No. BO-SM. Medical Bureau, M.

Burneice Larson. Director, Pittsfleld Building,

• Chicago.

M> - Graduate nurses with college de-
• grees to serve as dormitory counselors in
exclusive college for women ; should be 26-35
years of age and interested in dealing with
problems of adolescent girls : unusual oppor-
tunity. No. 51-SM. Medical Bureau, M.
Burneice Larson, Director. PittsAeld Building.
Chicago.

ANTED — Psychiatric social worker, prefer-
' ably Catholic: Child Guidance Clinic being
organised October 1 ; degree woman, trained
nd experienced in social service Held, re-
abed ; 1180042200. No. S2-SM. Medical
tosmu, M. Hurneice Larson. Director. Pitts-
eld Building, Chicago.

CONNECTICUT

Silvermine Tavern

THE oil) MILL . . . THE GALLERIES

A quiet country inn with sn old-time atmosphere
and all modern facilities . . . spacious rooms with
private bsths . . . outdoor dining terrsces at the
water's edge . . . teas, buffets snd light service st
The Old Mill. Antiques snd Americana at The
Galleries.

Telephone Norwalk 88
SILVERMINE NORWALK . CONN.

THE BLUE DOOR. Bakerville— in Connecticut's
lovely Litchfield Hills— offers quiet and rest —
good food, good beds, an open fire. Ideal for
writers and others seeking comfortable and
serene living. Minimum weekly rate $20.
Mabel S. Bartlett. Rants One, New Hartford.
Conn.

NEW YORK

Peaceful Seclusion. Dutch farmstead beside a
brook in beautiful foothills on untravelled
road. Interesting abundant food. Comfort,
convenience, congenial guest*. Six rooms only.

' Twenty-one dollars weekly. The Farm on the
Hill. R.R. 3. Box 315G., Kingston. New York.

FOR RENT — Charming remodeled Colonial farm-
house (furnished), on 3-acre restricted plot.
All yemr commuting about hour to N. Y. 8
rooms, 2-car, 8% baths, laundry, oilburner,
automatic hot water. On secluded, well kept
road ; schools, shopping convenient. Easy as
an apt. to manage. Concessions to prospective
buyer. $80.00 month. H. F., care of Survey
Graphic.

FLORIDA

Newly decorated and renovated home on corner
lot, in Seminole Heights. Tampa. Florida. Five
large live oak trees, porches. Near new school
development. Priced to settle estate. Write
Dr. Wm. C. Wells. McKnight Bldg., Medina.
N. Y.

FREE to Motor Vacationists

A reprint of a Survey Graphic article by R. W.
Tupper. which shows how you can reduce your
vacation, costs. Send to

Travel Department, Survey Graphic

11J Eaat IS Street

New York City

Your Own Agency

This is the counseling and placement agency
sponsored jointly by the American Associa-
tion of Social Workers and the National
Organization for Public Health Nursing,
National, Non-Profit making.

(Agency)
122 East 22nd Street. 7th floor, New York

SITUATIONS WANTED

Successful Executive, unusual merit and experi-
ence available for the superintendency of an
Institution or Director of Community Center.
7616 Survey.

Man. 47. M.A. degree, experience in high school
and college teaching, desires suitable position.
Salary of secondary importance. 7620 Survey.

Woman Case Worker, experienced in family and
children's field, also wish group and recrea-
tional work, desires position in girls' institu-
tion. 7626 Survey.

THE IOOK SHELF

PETTING: WISE OR OTHERWISE?

by Dr. Edwin L. Clark*

A doctor and his wife talk with two young people
about thoM questions of MX on which young
people mint make intelligent deciilonl. Friendly
and informal, but authoritative.

32 pant Ptp*r 25 ctmls

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PAMPHLETS AND PERIODICALS

The American Journal of Nuning showi the part
which professional nurses take in the better-
ment of the world. Put it in your library. S3. 00
s> year. 50 West 60 Street. New York. N. Y.

PROFESSIONAL SERVICES

Manuscripts intelligently typed. 6000 words $1..
poetry page 6c, revision page 25c. Elizabeth
Urmancy. 1133 Broadway, New York. N. Y.

Special article*, theaea. speeches, papers. Re-
search, revision, bibliographies, etc. Over
twenty years' experience serving busy pro-
fessional persons. Prompt service extended.
AUTHORS RESEARCH BUREAU. 618
Fifth Avenue. New York. N. Y.

PUBLICITY SERVICES

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Programming — Literature

For Educational, Social. Civic. Agencies and
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APPLICANTS for positions are sincerely
urged by the Advertising Department to
send copies of letters of references rather
than originals, as there is great danger of
originals being lost or mislaid.

LETTER SERVICES

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(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC)

479

(Continued from page 435)

Published as County at Large, that volume
was preceded by a special study embodied in
a report, The Dutchess County Farmer.

KATHRYN CLOSE, WHO HAS DONE SPECIAL
research on the high cost of dying (page
463), was generously given access to the
recent study made by the New York State
Funeral Directors and Embalmers Association
and the Metropolitan Funeral Directors'
Association of New York City. The industry
is now attempting to remedy some of its own
shortcomings, and also to tackle some of the
costs, such as funeral cars, flowers, cemetery
and church charges, at present beyond its con-
trol. Miss Close writes of the situation as
she found it in midsummer of this year.

WEBB WALDRON, AFTER BECOMING Ac-
quainted with some of the internes in govern-
ment whom he describes (page 475), looked
into the origin of an interesting way of
acquainting bright college graduates with
government, and vice versa.

Among Ourselves

Editor into Administrator

ROBERT W. BRUERE, FORMERLY INDUSTRY
editor of Survey Associates, has been named
head of the Maritime Labor Relations Board,
set up under a recent amendment to the
merchant marine act. The job of the new
agency is to help establish and maintain col-
lective bargaining and industrial peace on
shipboard and along the waterfront. The
other two members of the board are Louis
Bloch and Claude Seehorn. Early in August
the board reported that hundreds of agree-
ments, signed by employers and unions, had
already been filed.

Correction

THROUGH A PRINTER'S ERROR TWO LINES OF
the poem, Spain, by June Lucas, in the August
issue, were transposed. The correct version
is given below:

Weep bitterly, Oh, Spain,

Your security does not lie in amethyst seas,

Nor in the armed boast of greedy men.

Freedom seemed beyond your ken,

So long you slept in shadowed warmth

Of false saints and arrogant kings

Men cannot love.

Royalty is in your blood, deep stained,

Not of person or of place,

But Royalty of spirit bold, and generous mind,

To bear poverty with a proudful look,

Unbending, fearless — this your breed;

And men betrayed your bitter need!

Watching, the foolish world mistook

Your courage for a lesser thing.

God grant your anguished sacrificial deed

May give our timid world the needful sting!

Weep bitterly, Oh, Spain.

On Colorado's Old Age Pensions

To THE EDITOR: I congratulate Survey
Graphic on the well written article in the
July 1938, issue, on the old age pensions situ-
ation in Colorado, by Farnsworth Crowder.
It clearly and fairly sets forth the financial
muddle of state government in Colorado,
caused by the adoption of an initiated con-
stitutional amendment which not only stale-

Adjustment by TVA

by CAROL M. RITCHIE

106 cemeteries with 4553 graves, in the Norris reservoir, had to be re-
located by the TVA. Many bodies of slaves, Indians, etc. were uniden-
tified and were not moved to new locations. — From TVA report.

"De Lawd '11 come on Judgment Day
An' make it right," old Sam would say,
While cooling aching welts with mud
When whipped by Colonel Harris Judd.

When Colonel Harris Judd was dead,
A grave beside a hill his bed,
They reared a shaft of marble there,
And old black Sam would stand and stare

And wish that he might sometime rest
With such a stone above his breast
Until the bugles of the Lard
Would sound the resurrection chord.

But when death claimed the aged slave,
They put him in an unmarked grave. . . .

Then, after eighty years, one day
The workmen of the TVA

Dug up the bones of Judd and Sam;
And though there was a diagram
To show them where the Colonel slept
And nothing told where Sam was kept,

They erred and left the master's bones
And moved old Sam's less haughty ones
For recommittal underneath
The Colonel's stone and flag and wreath.

And when the stone was put in place,
Securely planted on its base,
The men declared that from the ground
There rose a happy chuckling sound. . . .

Below where Sam for years had lain,
A cursing ghost rebelled in vain —
And every night, the darkies say,
It shouts and damns the TVA.

mated the legislature, as Mr. Crowder says,
by trapping 85 percent of nearly every pos-
sible source of state revenue into old age
pensions only, to the curtailment and pro-
hibition of all other state services and relief
purposes, but which has also discredited old
age pensions and made the movement for
such pensions very odious.

I was one of the original advocates of
old age pensions in Colorado, as a member
of the legislature in 1927, when it was con-
sidered radical to favor such pensions; and
1 still advocate old age "assistance," based
upon need of the recipient and upon the
ability of the state to pay and to take care
of all other necessary relief purposes and
other state services and activities. These others
are now effectively stifled in Colorado.

An initiated amendment to modify the con-
stitutional amendment adopted in 1936 was
started by the Colorado Businessmen's As-

sociation, and the work was later taken over
by the Federation for Workable Old Age
Pensions, of which I am president. Petitions
were circulated and signatures secured and
duly filed, which were protested by the pro-
moters of the $45 a month old age pensions
which tied up all state finances. Hearings
have been held before the secretary of state
on the sufficiency of the signatures, and a
decision has not yet been rendered. The pro-
posed amendment removes all the traps and
restrictions from the constitution and places
the matter in the hands of the legislature,
so as to enable the state to govern itself
again.

I have been a subscriber of Survey Graphic
for many years, finding this magazine very
valuable in my duties as director of public
welfare of the City of Boulder and as a
legislator.
Boulder, Colo. RUDOLPH JOHNSON

480

New FEATURES!

New WRITERS!

New DRESS!

First . . . An entirely new department of informal
but needle-sharp comment by E. B. WHITE whose pen
pricks the balloons of America's pretensions and ab-
surdities with a deftness that will delight the readers of
Harpers with every resounding pop. E. B. WHITE'S
leading paragraphs in The New Yorker's "Talk of the
Town" have made it the talk of the nation.

and next . . .

... an exciting new editorial program richer than ever
in substance and variety. Designed in scope and author-
ii v 10 keep the readers of Harpers the best informed
section of the American reading public today. These
series will include:

Cross-examining
the Legal Profession

Ferdinand Lundberg, author of "America's Sixty
Families," will swing a revealing searchlight over our
American lawyers, in a series of illuminating articles.

Exciting News of Medicine

Medicine's new discovery, sulfanilamide, is a miraculoiu
remedy — and yet is feared as a dangerous drug. Harpers
brings you the complete story about this and other
medical topics in layman's language by such authorities
as George W. Gray, author of The Advancing Front of
Science, and others.

American Cities Turned Inside Out

In addition to George R. Leighton, whose articles about
American cities have aroused such national interest,
other skilled observers will conduct their unique examina-
tion of our famous cities and their fantastic histories.

Everyone Knows Their Names But . . .

. . . few know what manner of men America's "men of
thr hour" actually are — famous Americans and Ameri-
cans who have not achieved the fame they deserve.
Harpers will present many of them in brilliant biograph-
ical portraits.

and much more . . .

Foretastes of important books to come . . . key problems
of the United States and the world discussed and
analyzed by authorities . . . exciting personal adventure
articles . . . these are just a few of the riches that will
be spread before the readers of Harpers in the month'.
to come.

Exciting New Program!

Harpers

MAG A^Z I N E

ALWAYS alive, vigorous and modern, Harpers Magazine,
beginning with the October issue, steps up its tempo
sharply. More than ever before Harpers becomes the "must"
magazine for the intelligent reader — plenty to think about,
plenty to entertain you, inspire you, inform you. Because the
new program is so exciting, we are sure you will want to con-
tinue reading Harpers regularly after you have discovered it
for yourself. So, for new subscribers only, we are making this
very attractive introductory offer — which is subject to imme-
diate withdrawal —

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for New Subscribers Only

To be sure you receive the important October issue, send the
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year) is made possible only because we are confident you will
want Harpers long after the six months trial period. You
will enjoy:

COMING ARTICLES

TWELVK NEW POEMS, by Edna St.
Vincent Millay

TOWARD A NEW DESIGN IN Fin
CATION, by Gove Hambid«e

CHICAGO: TIME FOR ANOTHER
FIRE, hv Milton S. Miyer

SEATTLE. WASHINGTON, by Georje
R. Leiithton

IM ANT INDUSTRY: THE QUIN-
TUPLETS, by Merrill Deniton

WHAT THE AMERICAN PEOP1.E
WANT, by F. S. Wickwarc

BARNUM IN MODERN DRESS, by

Klmrr Davit
SULFANILAMIDE THE NEW DRUG.

by Ralph R. Mellon. M.D.. and John

Ptciffer

KING OF KINGS, by John Gunlher
\\ I NFCDN'T GO TO WAR. by Nor-

men Thomas
THE WHITE COLLAR CHOKES, by

Grace Adams
OUR LAWYERS, by Ferdinand Lund.

ber«
LOOK AT ROCKEFELLER CENTER,

hv Frederick Lewis Allen

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SITRVEY GRAPHIC, publnhrd monthly and copyright 19S8 by SURVEY ASSOCIATES. Inc. Publication and Executive office,
112 East 19 Street. New York, N. Y. Price: this issue (October 19S8. Vol. XXVII. No. 101 SO eta. : $3 a year : foreign pontage. 60 eta. extra :
Canadian SO ctv Entered as second clus matter January 28. 19S8, at the po«t office at New York, N. Y.. under thr act of March X.
1879. Acceptance of mailing at a special rate of pontage provided for in Section 110S, Act of October S. 1917: authoriied Dec. 21. 1921.

( «cieot' . r at wo

°£ ' s a« constant « oties

Your good telephone service is made possible by the constant research of Bell Telephone Laboratories

The Gist of It

... ARTICLE THIS MONTH.

hrul.ih Anudon, associate editor, describes

:he ri: ^.mizcd labor to achieve a

c pl.icr in politics (page 48)). Miss

'»•$ upon developments up to the

^eptember in the primary cam-

f this historic election year.

KETl'RNF.D FROM REVISITING JAPAN.

O. Mauser, author of The Rest of the

(Stackpole 1938), and a former staff

•nember of the Institute of Pacific Relations,

describes conditions in the island at war

(page 489). On this special assignment for

Graphic, Mr. Hauser covered most of

he area of Japan proper, and made several

mensive field surveys of working-class dis-

WE CALL SPECIAL ATTENTION TO Surrey

jrjphic'i series of articles on the Anatomy
>f Government, represented in this issue
page -194) by a discussion of the so-called
idicial functions of agencies and de-
triment heads. This is a highly controversial
ubitct. and considerable fuel was added to
he fiery discussion of it during the recent
nnual meeting of the American Bar Asso-
.ation. Arthur T. Vanderbilt, retiring presi-

voiced his fear of the despotism of
idministrative agencies, and Dean Emeritus
ioscoe Pound of the Harvard Law School.

rman of the committee on administra-
te law, submitted a report listing ten ten-

^ toward "absolutism." Sharp issue

-.en with the Pound report; and Jerome

member of the Securities and Ex-

iinge Commission, asked a challenging ques-

Did the committee observe the very

:andards of fairness it purports to find ab-

-•nt in the SEC?" Mr. Feller, author of our

rticle, has been on the faculties of both

1 and Yale and is the author of a

idely discussed article in the Yale Law

. (February 4, 1938): Prospectus for
ie Further Study of Federal Administrative

ARNSWORTH CROWDER WRITES AN ARTICLE
page 497) which we recommend especially
) the audiences of two of our esteemed con-
mporaries, Time and Harpers. Time read-
's, familiar with Nebraska's advertising cam-
.1.1:11 in that publication, now have an
iportunity to see Nebraska whole. Harpers'
•aders will be interested in what turns out
' be a natural sequel to George Leighton's
• o brilliant articles on Omaha. Mr. Crow-
•r, a resident of Colorado, spent much time
raska, seeing for himself some of the
ttle-tale gray on Americas White Spot.
For the title, he acknowledges his indebted-
ess to the advertisement? of Fels Naptha
up.)

HIRTY YrARS BEFORE THE PICTURE MAGA-

nes (with their sequences of pictorial docu-

ents of our time) appeared on the news-

ands, Lew Hine. pioneer social sharpshooter

ith the camera, embellished our pages with

jls photographs. The story of his pioneering

told with candid appreciation of the man

- philosophy by Elizabeth McCausland.

ic and former editor of the art pages

I tfie Springfield Republic jn (page 502).

OCTOBER 1938

CONTENTS

VOL. xxvu No. 10

Worker

Labor at the Ballot-Box

Japan's Silent Masses

Administrative Justice

Tattle-Tale Gray on America's White Spot

Portrait of a Photographer

Steel Workers Go to Summer School .
The Woman in Blue. .

PHOTOGRAPH BY LEWIS W. HINE 484

BEULAH AMIDON 485

ERNEST O. HAUSER 489

A. H. FELLER 494

FARNSWORTH CROWDER 497

ELIZABETH McCAUsLAND 502

FREDERICK H. HARBISON 506

MAXINE DAVIS 508

Through Neighbors' Doorways

Of Savages, Science and Imaginary Lines

Letters and Life

On Understanding Europe

Youth in Session

JOHN PALMER GAVIT 511

LEON WHIPPLE 513
GEORGE C. STONEY 520

SURVEY ASSOCIATES, INC.

Publication and Editorial Office: 112 East 19 Street, New York, N. Y.

Chairman of the Board, JULIAN W. MACK; president, RICHARD B. SCANDRETT. JR.; lice-
presidents, JOSEPH P. CHAMBERLAIN, JOHN PALMER GAVIT; secretary, ANN REED BRENNER.

Editor: PAUL KELLOGG.

Associate editors: BEULAH AMIDON. ANN REED BRENNER, JOHN PALMER GAVIT,
FLORENCE LOEB KELLOGG, LOULA D. LASKER, GERTRUDE SPRINGER, VICTOR WEYBRIGHT
(managing), LEON WHIPPLE. Assistant editor: HELEN CHAMBERLAIN.

Contributing editors: HELEN CODY BAKER. JOANNA C. COLCORD, EDWARD T. DEVINB,
HAVEN EMERSON, M.D., RUSSELL H. KURTZ, MARY Ross, GRAHAM TAYLOR.

Business manager, WALTER F. GRUENINGER; Circulation manager, MOLLIE CONDON;
Advertising manager, MARY R. ANDERSON.

Survey Graphic published on the 1st of the month. Price of single copies of this issue,
30c. a copy. By subscription — Domestic: 1 year $3; 2 years $5. Additional postage per yeat —
Foreign 50c. ; Canadian 30c. Indexed in Reader's Guide, Book Review Digest, Index to Labor
Articles, Public Affairs Information Service, Quarterly Cumulative Index Medicus.

FREDERICK H. HARBISON, WHO WAS A GUEST
n the SWOC summer camp which he de-
scribes (page 506), is a graduate of Prince-
ton, for whose Industrial Relations Section he
has written a report on collective bargaining
in the steel industry.

MAXINE DAVIS. WELL-KNOWN JOURNALIST,
visits some public health nurses (page 508)
and reports on the job they are doing in
country districts.

AS AN OBSERVER REPRESENTING THE HENRY

Street Settlement at the Second World Youth

Congress last month. George C. Stoney had
a unique opportunity to become acquainted
with youth from fifty countries in and out of
session. His report on their objectives in the
world of today appears on page 520.

PICTORIAL STATISTICS, INC. (RUDOLF MOD-
ley, director), who produce the cover designs
for Surrey Graphic, announce that they can
furnish special charts or symbol-sheets to
schools which wish to use charts more freely.
Since March the organization has syndicated
a daily newspaper feature. Telefact, to a
growing national audience.

483

WORKER

by LEWIS W. HINE

(See page 502)

OCTOBER 19J8

VOL. XXVII NO. 10

SURVEY GRAPHIC

Labor at the Ballot- Box

by BEULAH AMIDON

As organized workers go to the polls under labor labels, are they
taking the first steps toward a new political alignment, or are
they merely adding a tassel to the tail of the familiar elephant
or the donkey?

As THE NOVEMBER ELECTIONS APPROACH, ORGANIZED LABOR
is playing a new political part. The only thing that is
clear about today's situation is that it represents a sharp
change in the familiar American scene — the years when
craft unions carried on a non-partisan political program
shaped by Samuel Gompers' policy of "rewarding our
friends, punishing our enemies"; and unskilled and semi-
skilled labor was without political identity, their voting
|x>wer manipulated by whichever political machine dom-
inated the locality.

All that the change portends is not yet apparent. If
you travel in a commuters' club car on the 8:45 which
takes business executives and syndicated columnists from
plc.is.mt Connecticut country homes to New York City,
you will hear a lot of condemnation of "that devil,
," "labor trying to play the hog in the trough,"
"these wild Communists taking advantage of the work-
ing man. . . ."

But if you set your alarm early and catch the 7:13,
from which a surprising number of workers, dinner pail
or paper bag in hand, drop off at the factory towns (East
N'orwalk, South Norwalk, Stamford, Port Chester)
which arc as frequent along the line of the New York,
New Haven and Hartford as the colonies of "city peo-
ple." you will hear a different sort of talk — less positive,
frightened, more hopeful.

Here one finds the growing conviction that many ob-
stacles to the progress of the labor movement can be re-
moved by government, and that through the agency of
the Mate, labor can find a direct route to its chief goals:
a higher standard of living with a measure of security
for the wage earner and his family, safeguards for civil

liberties, unemployment compensation, old age insur-
ance, fair labor standards.

A hat factory employe put it thus: "Workers are begin-
ning to get it through their heads that there's things you
can't get by arguing or by striking tJiat maybe you can
get by voting."

LABOR'S PARTICIPATION IN THE CURRENT SCENE is CONFUSED
by the conflict within the ranks of organized labor itself.
It is also complicated by the growing tensions between
Right and Left, or between Haves and Have-nots within
the tanks of the old-line political parties. Yet if we are
to disentangle the implications of Labor's Non-Partisan
League, the political arm of the Committee for Industrial
Organization, and of the non-partisan political committee
of the American Federation of Labor, we must go back
to the tradition of the older body.

Literally interpreted, the Gompers policy obligates
trade unionists in national, state and local elections to
support candidates with a "good labor record," to oppose
candidates who fail to uphold the interests of the worker.
In actual practice, state federations of labor have in the
main been content with a half-hearted adherence to the
policy. Again and again a legislative program has sagged
when a "good union man" was put on the prison board,
made deputy highway commissioner or poor law ad-
ministrator. In cities, large and small, the building trades
have an unsavory record of "playing politics" with the
contractors. The labor bodies which have been most
faithful to the "reward our friends, punish our enemies"
policy have not been Gompers' own followers but the
standard railroad unions, most of them independents, not

485

affiliated with the AF of L. Theirs may be considered a
narrow policy, but with it they have won conspicuous
legislative success. Their argument in support of their
tactics is politically unanswerable, "We got what we
went after." That state federations and central trades
bodies in the cities have not equal results to show is
probably due to the way they have carried it out rather
than to the policy itself.

Like so many new factors in the American labor move-
ment, labor's current political activity stems from the
drive to organize the unskilled and the semi-skilled, the
emergence of the Committee for Industrial Organization
in 1935, the widening breach between John L. Lewis,
head of the CIO, and William Green, the AF of L
president.

Long before the organization of the CIO, an AF of L
minority favored independent political action. In the
1936 presidential campaign, the spokesmen of this mi-
nority took the lead in organizing Labor's Non-Partisan
League, which included members (individual and group)
from both labor factions. The purpose of the league was
to mobilize the voting strength of workers and farmers
to secure President Roosevelt's reelection and to support
state and local candidates acceptable to labor. The prac-
tical effect of this program was that the league upheld
for the most part the candidates of the Democratic Party
which had not yet developed its present cleavage between
New Deal and anti-New Deal adherents. The unions not
only "turned out the vote," but also made substantial
contributions to the party "war chest." The activity of
organized labor in the 1936 campaign was admittedly re-
sponsible in part for the impressive Democratic majority.

MANY OBSERVERS SAW LABOR'S NON-PARTISAN LEAGUE AS
"a campaign tactic" of the Democratic Party, holding
that the new organization had no vitality of its own and
that, having served its election purposes, it would quietly
fade away. This was not the intention or the temper of
those labor leaders who threw the league into the 1936
situation. As the campaign reverberations died away,
they continued the quiet undramatic drudgery by which
political organization is extended and consolidated. Labor
parties, or farmer-labor parties, were set up in most of
the industrial states, or existing bodies were affiliated
with the league. In some places these still exist largely
on paper. In many places they have shown impressive
political strength. The American Labor Party, the league's
wing in New York State, polled 250,000 votes in 1936.
In the mayoralty campaign the next fall, it polled almost
500,000 votes and was an important, perhaps a decisive,
factor in the reelection of Mayor La Guardia in a coalition
in which the Republicans were dominant.

In Pennsylvania, the vote of organized labor, under
the leadership of the league, brought the election of
Governor Earle in 1936. The year following, the united
support of AF of L and CIO members of the league
swung a dozen or more local elections in the coal and
steel areas.

In Detroit, in the fall of 1937, the Labor Party put up
its own slate in the mayoralty campaign. But the split be-
tween Green and Lewis was widening and its candidate
was knifed by the AF of L unions. The result was a
defeat which underscored the high cost of disunity in the
labor movement.

In this fall's campaigns, Labor's Non-Partisan League

and its state affiliates are definitely aligned with the CI1
The AF of L announces that it has not deviated from
its traditional policy, which will in the main be carried'
out by a national and a number of state and local non-i
partisan political committees. The function of these com-i
mittees is not very clearly defined at this writing (mid-!
September) but their purpose appears to be to determine
the stand on labor issues of the party candidates and tc
line up AF of L support for those who are acceptable
These fall weeks will show how far endorsement by
Labor's Non-Partisan League will be regarded as primi
facie evidence that a candidate is unacceptable to thi
AF of L.

MEANWHILE, THERE ARE MANY INDICATIONS OF DIVIDE;
councils in the CIO itself. The three men generally re
garded as the source of the policy and strategy of th
CIO and of Labor's Non-Partisan League are John L
Lewis, head of the United Mine Workers of Americ |
and chairman of the CIO; Sidney Hillman, president o
the Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America; am.
David Dubinsky, president of the International Ladie:
Garment Workers' Union. However insurgent Lewi
may have been as a labor leader, he is, like his unior
essentially conservative in his economic views. He prol:
ably is not far from Myron Taylor in his faith in th
capitalist system, his distrust of experiment, his belief tht
in the end it will pay the employer as well as the employ
for industry to bargain with labor.

Hillman and Dubinsky represent a broader socia.i
economic philosophy, as do their unions composed not c
coal miners in isolated rural communities but of largi •
compact and fairly homogeneous urban groups. Bi
Hillman and Dubinsky differ from one another i
method. Dubinsky, holding that two big labor mov*i
ments cannot function successfully in this country, dii<
plores the sight of John P. Frey of the AF of L testifyin
before the Dies Committee (on questionable evidence
later turned out) that scores of CIO leaders are Conn
munists, and by his testimony weakening the whole labc
movement and lending aid and comfort to "the conn
mon enemy." But Dubinksy also appears to deplore trl
attitudes of Lewis which seem to him to widen tH
breach between CIO and AF of L; his own influence
constantly on the side of conciliation. Sidney Hillman
both an able strategist and a dynamic leader. As preside!
of the Amalgamated, he sometimes sees further and
prepared to move more rapidly than his followers, bi»
he is able to sweep his organization forward, sometimi
by sheer faith. His cool, subtle mind and statesmanlil"
grasp of practical essentials, his vision and broad humai
ity, have been invaluable to Lewis and to the CIO, ,
they have been to his own union. But the direction <
Hillman's drive seems to be toward a CIO irresisti
strong and influential, rather than toward compromi
and conciliation.

The resulting differences between Dubinsky on o:
side, Lewis and Hillman on the other, are, for the
part, behind-the-scene differences. Only occasionally
incident such as the refusal of Dubinsky's organizati
to participate in the New York State convention of
CIO reveals the opposing viewpoints in the CIO
command.

A description of Labor's Non-Partisan League is di
cult because it is many things in many places, its strm

486

SURVEY GRAPH I

turc and methods shaped to local needs and possibilities.
John L. Lewis is chairman of the board, Sidney Hillman
treasurer. E. L. Oliver, its executive vice-president, runs
the n.nit.ii.il headquarters in the Willard Hotel, Wash-
ington, and also is a sort of traveling missionary among
te and local branches.

The league includes groups of "white collar" workers,
affiliated with the CIO (clerical workers, teachers, the
Newspaper Guild and so on); many craft unionists,
farmers and farm laborers; and a fringe of liberals. But
the backbone of league membership is in the CIO unions
— largely the semi-skilled and unskilled workers in the
mass production industries.

The activities of the league are variously financed. The
bulk of the funds comes from labor organizations on a
definite per capita affiliation basis. However, other or-
ganizations affiliate, individuals join and pay member-
ship fees, and some supporters make contributions well
in excess of their dues. While the league is now working
in practically every state in the Union, it is most active
in northern industrial areas.

From the headquarters those interested may obtain
without charge a number of simple, practical publica-
tions on such topics as How to Organize a Unit of
Labor's Non-Partisan League, How to Organize a Local
Political Campaign, How to Organize a Ward Club,
How Congressmen Voted on Wages and Hours Bill, A
Labor Message to Farmers.

In mid-July, Mr. Oliver put out a list of congressmen
who are candidates to succeed themselves, rating them
from "A" to "D." The rating was based on "a careful
study of how the congressmen voted on crucial legisla-
tion." Among the items on which the rating rested were:
the wages and hours bill, the relief and recovery bills,
housing legislation, the bituminous coal bill, low farm
interest rates. Here is a realistic adaptation of the
Gompers policy to the LNPL program.

A spokesman for the league writes:

We do not cooperate with either of the major political
parties, but make our own campaigns for the election of
candidates we endorse. This coordination of league and par-
11 activities naturally occurs, but our organization is
strictly independent. We have not endorsed candidates on
the basis of party acceptance of the league objectives. Since
we do not usually function as an independent party, we
do not put up a "ticket," but in every section of the United
States we are entering labor candidates for local, congres-
sional, state and other offices.

This is perhaps as accurately as the present league pro-
gram can be formulated, but even within the limitations
of this careful statement there is room for almost endless
exceptions, local adaptations and unexpected moves in
response to sudden turns in the campaign situation. And
it must constantly be borne in mind that both AF of L
and CIO activities are determined not only by the tactics
of political opponents, but by the activities of the other
wing of the labor movement. Something of the relation-
ship and the confusion of these wheels within wheels
appears in considering specific situations.

M.wry Maverick, Texas member of the "liberal bloc"
in the House, was a candidate for the Democratic nomi-
nation (tantamount to reelection) in the primaries. He
had the active support of the league, the active opposition
of a well-oiled local political machine and of William
Green of the AF of L. He polled 23,584 votes, 475 less

OCTOBER 1938

than his opponent. President Green, in a press statement,
hailed the Texas primary as an AF of L victory, though
it meant an anti-union Congressman in the place of Mave-
rick, an effective supporter of labor measures. "The Texas
results," he said, "add another notable victory to the
impressive list of primary successes already scored by the
AF of L this year." He added that the defeat of Maverick
should serve as a warning to Congress that the people do
not want representatives who espouse the CIO.

IN OHIO GOVERNOR DAVEY HAD WON THE WHOLE-HEARTED
hatred of the CIO by his use of the National Guard
during the strike in "Little Steel." [See Survey Graphic,
November 1937.] The campaign to defeat him in the
primaries had been carefully organized by LNPL, espe-
cially in the industrial cities of Cleveland, Akron, Toledo,
Cincinnati and Columbus where such important CIO
affiliates as the rubber, auto, glass, steel, machine and
clothing unions have strong locals. Governor Davey,
hammered from many directions because of widespread
dissatisfaction with his administration, chose the CIO as
his campaign issue. His supporters claimed that his de-
feat was a victory for "Reds, Communists and other anti-
American forces." To Davey opponents his defeat was
not only "a good-government victory" but also "a labor
victory," a public denunciation of anti-union policies and
the use of police power to forestall labor organization.
There were similar divisions of sentiment over the defeat
in the primaries of Governor Martin of Oregon, the vic-
tory of Senator Bulkley in Ohio and of Senator Barklcy
in Kentucky, and the outcome of the senatorial campaign
in Maryland. In the Kentucky primaries, the AF of L
joined with the Railway Labor Executives Organization
and Labor's Non-Partisan League in support of Barkley;
in Montana, Jerry O'Connell had similar backing. In
Ohio, AF of L leaders supported Davey in order to
oppose the CIO. The vote indicates that AF of L rank
and file nevertheless voted for Davey 's opponent, in spite
of his CIO endorsement. In fact, a study of primary re-
turns in many states gives evidence of a gap between
federation leadership and rank and file voting on cam-
paign issues. Here, rather than in the Washington head-
quarters of the rival factions, may be the real basis for
hope of peace within the labor movement.

In Texas and Ohio, the communist issue seems to have
been the usual "red herring" dragged out for anti-union
purposes. In Michigan, communism is the issue between
the leaders of the two warring factions of the United
Automobile Workers, CIO affiliate. There is not space
here to go into the long and complex history of the UAW
difficulties, which reached a fresh crisis in mid-summer
with the expulsion of four officers by Homer Martin,
president of the union, on charges of "union wrecking
activities" and communist sympathies. After a gesture
of friendship toward the expelled officers by John L.
Lewis, Martin admitted that his relations with the CIO
chief were "thoroughly strained." Both the CIO and the
AF of L unions in Michigan have been active in their
support of Governor Frank Murphy, a candidate for re-
election. But the end result of the present difficulties, close
students of the situation hold, might be to split labor's
vote and pave the way for the defeat of Governor
Murphy, despite his forthright pro-labor record.

The American Labor Party, the New York State branch
of LNPL, played a significant part in the 1936 presiden-

487

tial election and in the reelection of Mayor La Guardia,
the only reform candidate who has ever won out against
Tammany a second time. In addition to supporting
La Guardia and the Fusion slate in 1937, the ALP won
seats for six of its nominees in the city council. During
the past year, it has developed and strengthened its or-
ganization through the state. Alex Rose, the executive
secretary, has repeatedly shown adroit political ability.
But many observers see in the party's campaign tactics
the able hand of Sidney Hillman — chief strategist of
the CIO.

The ALP makes no secret of the fact that it hoped and
worked for a campaign partnership with the state Demo-
cratic organization, but in spite of the 1936 experience,
New York Democrats were coldly unreceptive. This was
possibly a repercussion from some of the shifts and new
alignments within the national Democratic Party dur-
ing the last two years — the increasingly broad fissure be-
tween New Deal and anti-New Deal Democrats.

The first move of the ALP was the announcement of
a complete "labor ticket" and the threat of a three-cornered
state race. The somewhat startling result — after a com-
plicated series of backs and fills — was a coalition with
the Republicans on local candidates for the state assembly
and state senate. Under this arrangement, the ALP will
run its own candidates for Congress and for the state
legislature in certain districts; in some it has endorsed
the candidates of the Republican Party, in others, the Re-
publicans have endorsed ALP candidates.

On congressional positions and the state-wide ticket, the
ALP has made no coalition arrangements with Republi-
cans except in giving its support to a progressive Republi-
can, Gustave Drews, who will oppose an anti-New Deal
Democrat for Congress in a Brooklyn district, the ALP
receiving in return a Republican endorsement for Dorothy
Bellanca, vice-president of the Amalgamated Clothing
Workers, who is the ALP candidate in another district in
which she is held to have a good chance of election. As
to the state-wide offices, Mr. Rose states:

. . . the Labor Party will make every effort to support pro-
gressives who are pledged to support the New Deal. By the
time the entire slate is completed, it will be decidedly evident
that the ALP made certain not to compromise its principles,
and at the same time retained for itself the organizational
opportunities to remain and to grow as an important political
factor in the affairs of the Empire State.

These are fair words. What they mean, translated into
the practical political terms to which the ALP seems com-
mitted, remains to be seen. Before this article is in print,
the New York party slates will be complete, and the ALP
will probably have made clear its position in regard to the
state-wide and the remaining congressional positions. But
at this writing what some people call "political strategy"
and others wearily describe as "the same old horse trading"
is the order of the day.

Within the state Republican organization there is sharp
resentment over the ALP alignment, and at this writing
a movement looking toward the state convention to
"punish" Kenneth L. Simpson, New York County chair-
man, who engineered the coalition for the Republicans.

On the other hand, there are Labor Party adherents
who profess themselves completely disillusioned by the
present strategy of the ALP, and bitter in behind-the-
scenes comment. Thus I heard from one liberal laborite:
"A dicker is a dicker. I don't question the good faith of

Rose and the executive committee. But I don't see how the
end justifies the means. It's just the sort of compromising
and sidestepping we've always condemned the politicians
for. And here we're in it up to our necks."

Another critic called my attention to the development of
the British Labour Party: "They were content to start
slowly," he pointed out. "Year after year they put up
their own candidates, running on their own platform.
They knew they hadn't a chance, but they were educating
the workers, getting political experience and building an
organization. They kept their goal in sight, and they
didn't give an inch. It took time and patience. But it built
a labor party, not a tassel on the tail of an elephant or
a donkey."

A Labor Party spokesman cheerfully admitted that the
Republican coalition is "a campaign expedient," its objec-
tive to secure in the legislature and in Congress a bloc
of representatives sympathetic with labor's aims, pledged
to support labor legislation, responsive to labor influence.
He defined it as a balance of power strategy — the logical
first step of a group not yet strong enough to put its own
slate in the field but with sufficient strength to carry out
one of the objectives of Labor's Non-Partisan League: "to
influence the results of primary and general elections."

As to the Labour Party in England, he argued that it
is dangerous for Americans to put much dependence on
British precedent. Labor there tried a somewhat senti-
mental cooperation with liberals with disappointing results
before attempting an independent party. When nearly a
half century ago the first three labor candidates were seated
in Parliament, a large proportion of British workers were
already unionized, and had served a sort of political ap-
prenticeship in the Trades Union Congress. Here, or-
ganized labor takes off into political activity from a very
different footing. It might be urged, he conceded, that
American labor is not yet ready for direct political partici-
pation, but he rejected the British pattern as a reliable
guide for labor in this country.

WHEN THE RADIO HAS BLARED ITS LAST ELECTION BULLETIN
it will be worth the while of all thoughtful Americans to
look back over these months and to try to trace the
strength and direction of the currents that have swept us.
Certain trends are already apparent and election returns
will not affect essentially the accuracy with which we
mark them now.

In this country, labor's direct participation in politics is
a factor that goes back only two years and that seems des-
tined to wax rather than to wane in importance. It is
rooted in labor's conviction that unions must make use of
government machinery if they are to achieve their goal of
social-economic betterment for the workers. The confusion
brought into the picture by CIO-AF of L animosities,
jealousies and struggle for power, and by communist
propaganda and the fear of communist propaganda
should not be permitted to blind us to the primary signifi-
cance of the LNPL drive and the AF of L activity it has
stimulated. For fundamentally this is a movement which,
if it continues, will transform an economic organization
of labor into effective political organizations responsible
to labor and to closely related groups. Meanwhile it is an
important element in defining the issue as between the
right and left wings of the major political parties, and
clearing the way for new and more logical alignments in
the whole political scene.

488

SURVEY GRAPHIC

Japan's Silent Masses

by ERNEST O. HAUSER

What is the state of affairs in this island at war? In farm and factory,
far from the battlefront where Japan attempts to become mistress of
Asia, Mr. Mauser seeks clues to the future of the Far East.

JIK JAPANESE HAD WINGS INSTEAD OF ARMS, OR FISH TAILS
ad of legs, it might be easier to understand them. In
•ving people who read newspapers, smoke cigarettes,
D the movies and ride street cars, we are naturally
inclined to conclude that they are like us. And we are
baffled, if not disappointed, when we realize that they
are quite different underneath. This fundamental differ-
ence in social inheritance is recognized by practically all
Westerners in Japan, including diplomats and press cor-
respondents. Western writers who have attempted to
jn.ily/.e Japan strictly after Western patterns, have made
elementary mistakes; commentators who predicted Japan's
lapse after a few months of warfare are now busily ex-
ining why this collapse has not taken place.
The just indignation of all free nations has been evoked
by Japan's ruthless aggression in China. But inside Japan
there is depressing evidence that few of the people know
why the war is being fought. They simply accept it as
they have always accepted earthquakes, fires and ty-
phoons. After revisiting the country and making several
intensive studies of both city and rural areas, I cannot
within the scope of an article make a profound analysis
of the structure of Japanese society. But to give some
understanding of what the war means to the Japanese
people, an effort will be made to emphasize the difference
in background wherever necessary for a comprehension
of surface phenomena.

When I left, the editors
of Survey Graphic

asked me to review social conditions prevailing in Japan
after the first year of the war. Consider, for example,
one of the most discussed subjects — labor conditions.
Wages in Japan are extremely low. By Western stand-
ards they are not only low, they are simply ridiculous.
Most explanations and attempted justifications have cen-
tered around the low living costs in Japan, the different
diet, inexpensive housing, and so on. These explanations
are not altogether satisfactory. It seems to me that we do
more justice to the Japanese set-up if we assume that
Japanese wages actually are not wages.

While the idea of selling commodities is familiar to
the Japanese mind and, indeed, a quasi-capitalistic system
had developed around this idea long before the country
was opened to the West, the idea of selling one's labor
has never really been accepted. The system under which
work was done in ancient Japan consisted of mighty
lords and obedient subjects. The obedient subjects were
given protection, food and shelter by their lords, and
they, in turn, were expected to show their appreciation
by doing the necessary work, mostly field work and
handicraft. A semi-family relationship prevailed, and
work was never given in exchange for money.

This system, which may be called feudal because it
shows certain important similarities to the feudal system
prevailing in medieval Europe, has not been abandoned.
When Japan imported the bricks of industrial production
from the West, she never took the trouble to adjust her
labor system to the Western idea of give and take. The
feudal concept carried over, the only difference being
that money is given by the modern lords instead of
protection and shelter. This money is paid
for the sole purpose of assur-
ing the life of those

Far from the autumn puih of the army in China, the Japanese farmer harvests his ri
OCTOBER 1958

(iendrean
fatalist in the face of all catastrophes

489

who work. It is not meant to represent the equivalent
of a certain amount of labor; and labor, in turn, is never
given in exchange for a certain amount of money. In
other words, there is no relationship between the two fac-
tors, and, accordingly, no proportion.

While this helps to explain the low level of Japanese
wages — which is more or less accidental — it offers no jus-
tification. When Japan underwent the great change from
an isolated paddy field to a highly industrialized nation,
she could and should have adjusted the feudal protec-
tion system to the Western style of pay. But the momen-
tum of tradition was too great. The result has never been
pleasant for the poor and silent millions in the fields and
factories of Japan.

NOW, WITH WARTIME CONDITIONS STRAINING HUMAN EN-

durance, the Japanese Welfare Ministry (whose recent
establishment was meant as a sop to incipient malcon-
tents) has promulgated a decree ordering all shops and
stores to close at 10 P.M. Despite a desire on the part of
some responsible officials to improve Japanese living con-
ditions, it is difficult to combat bad conditions without
altering the system which causes them. The decree, clos-
ing shops at 10 P.M., is a war measure. It goes into effect
on October 1. Certainly it will bring more sleep to the
clerk and to the salesgirl. Commenting on it, a represen-
tative of the Ministry stated that women are now working
thirteen to fifteen hours a day in most shops. This will
be cut down to a maximum of eleven hours in shops with
more than fifty employes. The same regulation applies
to boys under sixteen years of age who hitherto were
on call day and night. To make it easier for the work-
ingman to quit at ten o'clock, brass bands will march
through the streets, luring him away with drums and
pipes and trumpets. That is the way things are now being
done in Japan.

These new regulations, unfortunately, affect only larger
establishments. Conditions in the small and most miser-
able places will be dealt with later by the authorities.

War and Poverty

THE INFLUENCE OF THE WAR UPON ALL THE SMALL AND

medium-size establishments has not been very noticeable
thus far. Especially in the home industries, the situation
is pretty much as it was a year ago. But the shortage of
certain raw materials and the constant shrinking of
Japan's export business are increasing misery ' all along
the line as there are fewer orders from big business. The
middlemen shift the burden to those who do the work,
and, thanks to their monopolistic position, will be able
to exploit their helpless victims in even more drastic
ways. With the steady rise of commodity prices, the fee-
ble dam that stands between life and starvation may soon
collapse.

In Japan's large industrial enterprises the war has
wrought more considerable changes. As increasing num-
bers of factory workers have been called to the colors,
their replacement by women has become widespread.
In Tokyo alone, 150,000 women are working in the
factories. Their wages average between 15 and 40 yen a
month ($4.05 to $10.80), the pre-war level. Because of
the wartime strain, their income is sometimes higher
than under ordinary circumstances because of overtime
work.

The recruiting of these women workers is interesting.

490

Many of them are said to be former waitresses or sales-
girls who are attracted by the higher degree of social
protection in the factories. There is, however, a large
percentage of girls who have just graduated from high-
school, and who have started at once to do a heavy day's
work. According to recently collected figures, the turn-
over is more rapid than it used to be; women workers
quit their jobs sooner to get married, and fewer women
continue to work after their marriage. The reason for
the latter phenomenon is the higher pay their husbands
receive, especially skilled workers whose wages have
gone up.

Much has been said and written about the Japanese
factory girl. But every visit to a Japanese factory is, for
an American, a new and shocking experience. To know
the gay and playful nature of Japanese girls is to appre-
ciate what these serious little workers are missing. They
stand, in neat uniforms, unreeling silk cocoons or ser-
vicing cotton spindles, incredibly quick and efficient.
They seldom lift their eyes; a supervisor is always nearby.
In the large machine halls, the huge banner with the
Rising Sun offers the only spiritual elevation.

Most of the factories shown to visitors are so-called
model factories. They are not erected to impress foreign-
ers— too few foreigners are around, and the impression
created abroad is not particularly important. Model fac-
tories evidently serve to relieve the consciences of those
who run them; the owners often print pamphlets to tell
the public how extremely pleasant it is to work in their
factories. While this desire to improve labor conditions
is laudable, it must be said that even these model plants
are bad enough. The dormitories for the girls, although
equipped with libraries and gyms, are sadly crowded lit-
tle prisons, smelling of disinfectants.

With the continuation of the war and with the grow-
ing need for more men in the trenches, the recruiting of
women for factory work is bound to increase. Certain
enterprises which used to employ girls for non-industrial
purposes, such as bus and street car companies, com-
plain already of an acute shortage of applications fi
work. The girls prefer the factories.

The tangible remnants of the feudal system are
noticeable in the field of salaries as they are in the field
of wages. Eighty percent of Tokyo's salaried men have
to be satisfied with less than a hundred yen ($27) a
month — and they are. In the provinces where there are
fewer top salaries, the percentage is even higher. The
overwhelming majority of these less-than-hundred-yen
people receive a salary somewhere between forty and a
hundred yen ($10.80— $27).

How do these people manage to live, to keep their
collars white and their coats black? It is almost a miracle.
Housing expenses are low, to be sure, and a great num-
ber of young people live with their families. Food ex-
penses are also low; at least two meals are taken at home.
The mid-day meal is usually eaten in a restaurant. But
belts are now being tightened to the limit.

The wartime rise in commodity and food prices has had
its disastrous effect on the budget of the country's mil-
lions. But worse than this is the nearly intolerable increase
in working hours. The Japanese apparently have no idea
of the relationship between recreation and efficiency.
Since the outbreak of the war, many offices have canceled :
vacations altogether (this includes government depart-
ments such as the Foreign Office), and people are sit-

SURVEY GRAPHIC

tini; behind their desks many hours .il'ier il.irk. Office
sp.ia- is expensive and usually is frightfully crowded. On
their way home, men and women usually fall asleep in
the street car or bus. But offices are reluctant to enlarge
their working staffs; they extend the working hours in-
stead and the effect, in the form of low efficiency, is
already noticeable.

Thus, wherever one goes, hard work and extreme pov-
erty emerge as the outstanding features of wartime
Japan. Poverty is the lot of the farmers who till their
narrow strips of rice land from sunrise to sunset, and of
who manufacture, sell and buy. Poverty is the lot
of J.ipan. In fact, Japan can hardly be understood without
paying respect to her universal poverty.

The Fatalistic Unrevolutionary Poor

Is \ RECENT FIELD STVDY WHICH 1 UNDERTOOK IN THE

Mukojima and Nippon sections of Tokyo City, I found
appalling conditions. Mukojima Ward, on the left bank
of the Sumida River which carries its lazy and contam-
inated waters right through the metropolis, is inhabited
by some eighty thousand people. It is here that many
low priced commodities typical of Japan's foreign trade
expansion are manufactured. The work is not done in
factories. Mukojima is the hotbed of home industries.
Its people work in their houses and, as factory regula-

tions are not applicable, conditions can be observed at
their worst.

It is an unfriendly place in which to live. At high tide,
the waters of the river overflow, and crossing some of
the narrow streets means wading through slimy puddles.
There is no sewer system, and the smell, especially on
hot summer days, is penetrating. The houses are low
wood-and-paper structures. The work is usually done in
one badly lighted room slightly above street level. In
this room, the members of the working family sit on the
floor in a circle. Some family units make toys; others
brassware, particularly screws, pencil caps, and machine
parts; others produce salt shakers, fountain pen barrels,
aluminum cups for radio tubes, steel wire springs; others
knit cotton gloves or finish raincoats.

Apprentices of fourteen enter the "profession" and
usually stay until they reach the military age. All they
receive is food, lodging (in the crowded and vermin in-
fested family sleeping quarters above the working room)
and wages which start at three to six yen a month (81
cents — $1.62) and which may climb up to between one
yen and one yen eighty sen (27 cents — 48 cents) a day
for older men. The top wages for women workers will
be between thirty and sixty sen a day (8 cents — 16 cents).
Women constitute less than half of the apprentices. Bo-
nuses will be distributed twice a year.

Oendrean
Although more skilled than most iweauhop workers, thete makers of cloisonne are typical of the low-wage masses in Japan

OCTOBER 1938

491

While country boys, as a rule, stay a little longer than
apprentices from the city, the turnover is frequent. There
are plenty of raw apprentices. There is nowhere a chance
of their getting decent living wages. Working hours are
long, sometimes fifteen a day, and the work itself is ex-
hausting and often dangerous. Harmful acids and other
chemicals are often used in the work, and those who do
the brasswork are almost certain to develop tuberculosis.

Homework is very profitable for the middleman who
controls it. Certain articles can be manufactured at far
lower production costs in the homes of Mukojima than
in any factory, and the profit goes to the middleman or
broker who accepts orders for large quantities from for-
eign or domestic firms. He allots the work to a number
of these wretched homes, furnishes the material and col-
lects the completed articles. Here is the cheapest indus-
trial production in Japan and, probably, in the world.

While these conditions are startling, the situation is
even more desperate in nearby Nippori where rubbish
collecting is one of the main "industries." These are the
real slums of Tokyo. People with hollow cheeks and
without a smile live in huts which should have collapsed
long ago. In industrious Mukojima Ward, long working
hours bring about a certain discipline. Here work is much
more casual. Great companies send their orders to these
filthy and malodorous quarters.

Since private enterprise shows itself thus irresponsible,
city authorities and other semi-official foundations have
started some relief work, running dispensaries and em-
ployment exchanges. Excellent
work is done by foreign mis-
sionaries, and the Agricultural
Department somewhat mitigates
the situation by selling a cheap
grade B rice through its official
agents. In Nippori, as a number
of slum clearance projects have
been carried out, the slums have
been moved to other sections.
Nothing much can be done to
improve the situation.

These conditions mean a min-
imum margin for the individual
human being. Those in fair
health just manage to live. But
death and disease are fighting
them at close quarters. Fatalism
and inertia are the results. The
government has nothing revolu-
tionary to fear from these people
who are living on the dark side
of the Sumida River.

It is a curse to be born pretty
in these districts. Two or three
hundred yen ($54— $81), paid
by the houses of Yoshiwara or
the "illegal" quarters for a very
young girl, may rid the family
of its debts. The amount is paid
in cash to the head of the fam-
ily and, while it is officially an
advance on the girl's earnings,
there will be so many deduc-
tions for her cosmetics and ki-
monos that there is no hope of In wartime the daugh

492

further payments. The girl will be the property of
brothel or tea-house keeper for the rest of her life. This
may not be a very long period. An early death from
syphilis is the most probable redemption.

All this is known, and it is the clear understanding
of both parties when the deal is transacted. Yet, as a
rule, it is not done against the will of the future prosti-
tute or geisha. The career offers escape from the dep;
sing realities of a humdrum life. It means pretty gow
lipstick, music, meeting a lot of people and having a
of fun. Finally, however, and this is the typical Japan
background breaking through again, it means a supre:
sacrifice for the sake of the family. This is a very hi
honor.

Conditions in the districts mentioned above are mon
or less typical of the situation in the home industries. I
small stores and restaurants. There are sweatshops al
over Japan. While official silence shrouds the misery
occasional police reports reveal the actual state of affairs
After a very recent raid in Yokohama, the police admittec
that there were appalling cases of mistreatment of th< II
clerks and waitresses. At many of the shops along Isezaki I
cho, it was discovered that ten persons or more wen |
forced to sleep in a four and a half tatami (the Japanese!
standard size mat) room. At other places, because o:
cramped quarters, the shop owners built small boxliki
affairs on the roof for their employers. The report add:
that "the authorities were shocked that such condition. I
existed."

Gendrca:!
ters of poor families still become cabaret girls in the cities

SURVEY GRAPHUI

The Silent Seventy Million

;v is MIT \ \i-\v iMihsii.Mi-NMV iv JAPAN. PEOPLE
who first came to settle on the chain of volcanic islands
which is now the Empire of the Rising Sun did not
tiiul any riches. That was more than three thousand

ago. A hundred generations of Japanese have lived
and died since then, and all of them were poor. There is
, no other explanation for the Japanese way of living; what
else hut extreme poverty could account for the fact that
after a hundred generations, seventy million peo-
ple have nothing to sit on except the bare floor? There
is not a single Japanese who enjoys squatting on his mat.
Their legs hurt just as ours do. And there is not a single
Japanese who would not prefer a substantial steak to his

•f rice and seaweed. After a hundred generations,
have become used to poverty; but they still do not

i the world famous tea ceremony, which is said to
go back to Buddhist rites, can be best explained by the
appalling poverty of people who had to build up a struc-
ture of ceremonial jugglery around an ordinary cup of
iea because they had nothing else to offer their guests.
And the traditional hot bath, which is not so much a
^means to keep clean as to keep warm in long winter
. may go back to the same root. After a hundred
rations, it still is the only luxury.
Great catastrophes, such as earthquakes and floods, have
added their bit. They have aggravated the poverty and
reduced the populace to acute misery whenever they
came. The present war, it seems, with all its terrific ex-
penditure and useless bloodshed, is just another link in
this endless chain of catastrophes, and it is taken that

In utter resignation, people shoulder their burden, send
i heir sons and horses to the front, and keep quiet.

Feudal Lords in Modern Clothes

HlT V'lT QUITE ALL THE JAPANESE PEOPLE ARE POOR. IN

Japan, there are rich people who have money, make
money, and spend money. The layer of wealth is thinner
than in most Western countries, to be sure, and those
who have money have relatively larger chunks of it than
rn capitalists. It is interesting to see that among the
wealthy, as among the poor, the adjustment of a feudal
ny to the new state of affairs did not work. A good
members of the samurai class, who saw themselves
disinherited when knighthood no longer counted, were
unable to make their living within a new type of society.
Many of them became poor peddlers, others become army
officers. Still, the essential dignity and pride carried over,
and the remnants of the samurai class constitute the nu-
cleus of Japan's aristocracy.

Around this nucleus clusters the "new" aristocracy,
whose position is chiefly based on money. Although the
original nobility continues to consider those people as
upstarts— looking down upon them just as a Bourbon
count might lixtk down upon a Napoleonic count in
France— the original peers and the barons of finance
and industry torm a solid bloc, as seen from the outside.
They live in the hills of Tokyo Yamanote (uptown), far
removed Irom the mass of those who fill the lower
reaches ot Shitamachi (downtown). They speak a dif-
Icrcnt language, full of polite and ceremonial forms.
1 lu\ give their children a different kind of education,
and in their sheltered society they cling to differ-

OCTOBER

ent manners and also indulge in elaborate etiquette.

This docs not mean, however, that Uptown sticks to
the traditions of ancient Japan. It is the downtown people
who love the classical Kabuki drama, the classical Japa-
nese dance, movies with classical subjects, and the strictly
Japanese way of doing things. Uptown society, in spite of
its stilted ceremonial, has become "Americanized" to the
extent that girls prefer skirts to kimonos, Hollywood
movies to classical plays, and permanents to the uncom-
fortable old-fashioned hairdress. While there is still some
apprehension among downtown circles, it still remains
their ambition to move uptown, and the Shitamachi mer-
chant who has made enough money is likely to build an
uptown home and to retire to his sanctuary there after
business hours.

While uptown society thus receives a steady flow of
new blood, there is another safety valve which prevents
the nobility from becoming stale. Titles are inherited by
the eldest son to the exclusion of the rest of the family.
Younger brothers, therefore, drop back into the mass of
common people where they are forced to "make good"
or perish. Furthermore, aristocrats showing themselves
unworthy of title and privilege may be deprived of their
position.

Despite these precautions, the upper thousand of Japan
remain alarmingly aloof. The fate of the people who
surfer and die in the Chinese war seems to affect them
very little. Life goes on in Tokyo Yamanote pretty much
as usual. They go to parties, buy useless things, and read
about the war in the newspapers. Their sons, miracu-
lously, escape conscription. And although the price of
luxuries has gone up even more considerably than prices
of everyday commodities, they still can buy them. Taxes
are the only alley through which the nation's sorrow
comes home to them; and, thus far, these contributions
do not seem to have induced them to take a more serious
view of the present situation.

The Dark Future of the Far East

THUS, AFTER THE FIRST YEAR OF THE FAR EASTERN WAR,

Japan offers a bewildering variety of social problems,
standing out against the gloomy background of poverty
and despair. These irresponsible elements, both in uni-
form and morning coat, who have gone to the extreme
in their stupid quest for glory, are consolidating their
power.

Every new victory now brings Japan closer to the
totalitarian paradise which these leaders seem to envisage.
People who have done somewhat better under the normal
conditions of peace will hardly believe a propaganda
which tells them that war is the way out of misery. Yet,
criticism is made a crime, and those in power have
their way.

This way may lead to glory or to hell. Tomorrow will
see Japan as the mistress of Asia or as a hopelessly beaten
country. The idea that the defeat can be administered by
China seems to be wishful thinking on the part of op-
timistic outsiders. Nor did I discover any sign of ap-
proaching collapse, morally or economically. The chief
impression carried home is that the Far Eastern war has
just started, and that disaster on an almost unprecedented
scale is inevitably in store for the countries of the western
Pacific.

Many roads are open. None of them promises any
relief to the silent millions of Japan.

49J

Administrative Justice

by A. H. FELLER

"Quasi-judicial agencies."
One of a series of articles
on the anatomy of govern-
ment.

The NLRB, the SEC, the FTC, the ICC, and dozens of other inde-
pendent or executive boards, commissions and regulatory
entrusted with the power of deciding controversies are under at
Why — in the courts and in the press — have they and their procedi
become a political, legal, moral, social and economic issue? Here
informed expert answers that question by defining the nature, limit
tions and safeguards of administrative justice.

THE HEAVY ARTILLERY OF THE LEGAL PROFESSION, SO RE-

ccntly engaged in a battle over the Constitution, is moving
towards another engagement with the New Deal. The
objectives this time are the administrative boards and
commissions which exercise judicial powers. The brunt
of the attack is directed at the most conspicuous of the
New Deal's creations, the National Labor Relations
Board; but less publicized agencies, the Federal Commu-
nications Commission, the Securities and Exchange Com-
mission, the Bituminous Coal Commission, are also un-
der fire. Indeed, the singling out of particular agencies
may be said to be merely a tactical maneuver; the cam-
paign envisages nothing less than a transformation of the
whole system of administrative justice, which means
that institutions created by other administrations, the In-
terstate Commerce Commission, the Federal Trade Com-
mission, the Federal Power Commission and others, are
not to be spared.

This is not a new war; it has been going on intermit-
tently in the United States for half a century. The issue
was not raised by the New Deal; it is the inevitable re-
sultant of any attempt at effective governmental regula-
tion of economic activity. The ammunition of the battle
may be legal concepts and phrases, and lawyers may be
the shock troops — but it is not a lawyers' war. All of us
are in it.

Administrative Legislation

SOME FIFTY YEARS OR MORE AGO, STUDENTS OF AMERICAN

government could talk easily about a beautiful principle
called the separation of powers. Congress made the laws,
the President and the officers of the executive depart-
ments executed them, and the courts applied and inter-
preted them in the decisions of controversies between
citizens or between citizen and government. Even in those
days this neat theoretical division was not a completely
accurate description of actual governmental operations;
today the separation of powers is hardly more than an
inspirational slogan. Congress makes laws, but it does
not and cannot make all the laws. Theoretically, it can
make a law saying that the freight rates charged by rail-
roads on such and such commodities shall be so many
cents per ton when carried between these and these
points. Practically, it is impossible for Congress to fix
precisely all the thousands and thousands of rates in-
volved. The same thing is true of radio station licenses,
the prices of bituminous coal, the limits of tolerance for

494

poisonous insecticides, the rates to be charged by stock
yards, the standards for grain and cotton, the hours wher
drawbridges over navigable waters shall be opened, anc
hundreds of other matters of a like kind.

The consequence has been that ever since the eightie:
of the last century Congress has been compelled to hanc
over more and more of the law making job to adminis
trative agencies. The Supreme Court has given this dele
gation of legislative power its blessing and has asked onl;
that some intelligible standard for the guidance of admin
istrative action be laid down by Congress. The exact ex
tent to which delegation is permissible under the Coin
stitution is still unknown. Congress can go pretty far, bu
it cannot go too far (as the Supreme Court said it did ir
the NRA). Nevertheless, administrative legislation ha;
assumed a bulk and importance easily matching that o
congressional legislation.

The Trend Toward Administrative Justice

MUCH THE SAME SORT OF THING HAS HAPPENED IN THE FIELli

of interpreting and applying the law and the adjudica
tion of controversies. The trend towards administrate
legislation has been accompanied by an even more strikl
ing trend towards administrative justice, and a large par
of the job of courts has, of necessity, been given over t«i
the administrative side of the government. As the func
tions of the state continue to expand, the processes of th<
ordinary law courts are found to be inadequate to cop
with the complex problems which arise. Specialize<
knowledge, which the judges cannot possibly possess, i
needed. The common law rules of evidence, designed ti
prevent untrained jurymen from running riot, hampe
speedy determination. Nor can the judicial process dea
readily with controversies involving technical and ecc
nomic data. The mass of business under the new regu
latory statutes is such that the judicial system canno I
handle it. In the fifteen months from April 1937 to Jun>|
1938, the National Labor Relations Board handled ovf
12,000 cases. Most of these cases are disposed of quickly
informally and without the necessity of hearings. Other
require extensive hearings and result in huge record'i
running into many thousands of pages. If this busines
had been handed over to the federal courts they woulci'
have been swamped. And the labor relations act is onhi
one out of a considerable number of regulatory statute^
which the last fifty years have brought forth.
The present system of administrative justice was nw

SURVEY GRAPHIC

arefully planned by a group of brain trustcrs. It grew
p planlessly, agency by agency, forced by the pressure of
vents. As one segment of economic life after another h.is
omc under governmental supervision, Congress li.is
iund it necessary to place the enforcement of the reg-
latorv statutes in the hands of administrative agencies
,ither than the courts. Moreover, the regulatory ageiuies.
ncc established, have themselves been forced by the neces-
ities of their tasks to develop further and further. Con-
,idcr the Interstate Commerce Commission. It was first
:t up in order to prevent the imposition by the railroads
f discriminatory rates. Congress then endowed it with
lower to fix interstate railroad rates, then intrastate rates,
tien it was given jurisdiction over extensions and aban-
onments of railroad lines, over the capital structure of
ic industry, over reorganizations of bankrupt roads, in
ict, over almost every phase of the industry. Finally, the
Commission received a similar jurisdiction over motor
chicle transportation. Naive persons speak of this sort of
evelopment as if it resulted from bureaucratic lust for
ower. The true explanation lies in the drive of forces
nplicit in industrialized society — forces which condition
ic activities of government and which it must at least
ttempt to control if society is to continue to exist.

The planless nature of this development has brought
ito being a considerable variety of agencies entrusted
/ith the power of deciding controversies, agencies possess-
ig powers which lawyers have dubbed with the bar-
arous name "quasi-judicial." Under some statutes, these
owers are conferred directly on the head of one of the
xecutive departments. The most striking case is that of
ic Secretary of Agriculture who administers about forty-
)ur regulatory statutes. The most important of these
re the packers and stockyards act (fixing of rates and
barges of stockyards and commission men and preven-
on of unfair practices by packers), the commodities ex-
hange act (supervision of exchanges on which grain,
utter, eggs and potatoes are dealt in), the agricultural
larketing act (orders fixing the price of milk to be paid
irmcrs and marketing quotas for fruits and vegetables),
ic agricultural adjustment act of 1938 (marketing quotas
IT wheat, cotton, corn and tobacco), the sugar act (mar-
eting quotas for sugar), the pure foods and drugs act,
ic tobacco inspection act, the poisonous insecticides act,
nd so on. No other cabinet officer has nearly as exten-
ivc powers, but most of them exercise some quasi-judi-
ial functions, such as the Secretary of the Interior in
onncction with public lands, the Secretary of Labor in
onnection with the deportation of aliens, and the Post-
laster-General in connection with second class mailing
rivilegcs and the exclusion of fraudulent matter from the
lails.

Important as these powers of the executive departments
re, they cannot compare with the extent and impor-
mcc of the quasi-judicial powers exercised by the inde-
<ndcnt agencies. It is not easy to classify these agencies,
ut the more important of them can be grouped into two
lasses. One class comprises what may be called admin-
.trativc courts — tribunals which review the actions of
ertain administrative agencies. These tribunals are the
loard of Tax Appeals, the Customs Court, the Court of
Customs and Patent Appeals and the Court of Claims,
lere the administrative agencies appear in the capacity
f litigants, as they would in the ordinary law courts,
"he tribunals do not make original determinations but

XTTOBER

pass upon the validity of determinations made by others.

The second group comprises the independent commis-
sions, the agencies which bulk large in the public eye and
which arc the storm centers of controversy — the Inter-
state (ximmerce Commission (oldest of the independent
commissions, rich in prestige, administering the laws re-
lating to the railroads., buses .nul motor trucks); the
Federal Trade Commission (prevention of unfair meth-
ods of competition and enforcement of the Robinson-
Patman act); the Securities and Exchange Commission
(administration of the securities act of ll>33, the securities
and exchange act and the public utilities holding com-
pany act); the National Labor Relations Board; the Fed-
eral Communications Commission (radio, telegraph and
telephone); the Federal' Power Commission; the Mari-
time Commission; the Bituminous Coal Commission;
and the new Civil Aeronautics Authority.

The system of administrative justice under which these
commissions, and the executive departments as well, op-
crate, can be characterized by three fundamental traits —
the combination of investigating and adjudicating func-
tions in the same agency; the entrusting of the agency
with the exclusive fact finding power; and judicial re-
view. What these things mean can best be understood by
watching how a typical agency, the National Labor Re-
lations Board, deals with a case.

How the NLRB Works

THE LABOR RELATIONS ACT MAKES IT UNLAWFUL FOR AN

employer to interfere with or discourage the organization
of his employes for collective bargaining; if he does, he
is guilty of an unfair labor practice. The A Company
discharges a number of employes, and it is alleged that
they were discharged because they were union members.
The employes, or a labor union, then file charges against
the employer with the Board. An investigation of the
charges is conducted by an employe of the Board, and
if they appear to be justified, a complaint is issued by
the Board, setting forth in detail the unlawful acts which
the A Company is charged with committing. A hearing
is then held before a trial examiner designated by the
Board before whom witnesses are examined by an attor-
ney for the A Company and an attorney representing
the Board. At the conclusion of the hearing, the trial
examiner draws up a report in which he makes tentative
findings of fact based on the evidence in the record, and
recommends that an order should or should not be issued
commanding the company to cease and desist from its
unfair practice and to take back the discharged employes.

The company's attorney is then given an opportunity
to make exceptions to the report of the trial examiner, to
file a brief and, if he desires, to have an oral argument
before the three members of the Board. The report of
the trial examiner, the record of the hearing, the briefs
and the oral argument are then studied by the Board
with the assistance of a specialized group of lawyers
known as review attorneys. The Board then either dis-
misses the complaint or issues a cease and desist order.

This order, however, has no force in and of itself. The
employer may comply with it, but if he does not, the
Board must apply to a circuit court of appeals to enforce
the order. Similarly, the employer may himself petition
the court for a review of the order. The function of the
circuit court is limited to two things: it may determine
whether or not the order is in accordance with law,

495

i.e., whether the construction of the labor relations act
made by the Board is a proper one and whether the
hearing complied with all legal requirements; and
whether or not the record contains evidence to support
the Board's findings. The court may not itself weigh
conflicting testimony and determine which is correct.
The findings of the Board, if supported by evidence, are
conclusive. If the court affirms the Board's order, the
employer, unless he can induce the Supreme Court to
reverse, must comply with it under penalty of being held
in contempt of court.

Note again the three salient traits of this procedure—
the Board investigates, issues the complaint and decides;
its findings are conclusive if supported by evidence; it
cannot itself enforce the order but must apply to a court.
Each of these three points represents a crucial principle
in the struggle which has centered about administrative
justice ever since the establishment of the Interstate Com-
merce Commission a half century ago.

Judicial Review

THE PRINCIPLE OF JUDICIAL REVIEW REPRESENTS OUR AMERI-

can compromise between the necessity of getting things
done and distrust of government. There is nothing in the
nature of things which requires the subordination of
administration to the judiciary. In France, the ordinary
courts are expressly forbidden to interfere with admin-
istrative action, and a separate system of strong adminis-
trative courts flourishes. Here, we have always insisted
on what is grandly called the supremacy of the law. Like
most compromises, it apparently satisfies only a few peo-
ple. Those who decry government interference with busi-
ness want more judicial review or, indeed, the abolition
of the system — except for the Interstate Commerce Com-
mission which nearly everyone professes to revere. Those
who want extension of governmental activity are often
impatient at judicial restraints.

Pressed on both flanks, the courts have steered a waver-
ing, but not always wary, course. The great issue of an ear-
lier day was the scope of review, the extent to which courts
could go behind the findings of the administrative agency
and weigh the evidence themselves. Gradually the courts
have yielded before the irrefutable conclusion that the
system cannot work if administrative findings are not
accorded finality. They have been forced to realize that
the administrators are better qualified to judge the facts
than they are and that their proper function is to guard
against arbitrary and unsupported administrative action.

Statute and decision have firmly established the rule
that administrative findings of fact, if supported by evi-
dence, are conclusive. On occasion, it is true, a court while
professing adherence to the rule will, in the words of the
late Justice Cardozo, "honor it with lip service only." It
will reverse an order on the ostensible ground that there
is no evidence to support the findings, though in reality
appraising the evidence for itself and invading the func-
tion of the administrative agency. Aberrations of this kind
are hard to check. The only remedy is a high sense of
self-restraint on the part of the judges themselves.

The one area in which the courts still openly reserve
to themselves the power to pass in evidence is in the case
of so-called constitutional facts, best illustrated by the
question as to whether or not a rate is "confiscatory."
For many years Justices Holmes and Brandeis strove to
convince the Supreme Court that the scope of review

496

in such issues should be no different than in other e
Their victory is not yet won, but the temper of the timei
indicates pretty clearly that it will not be long delayed.

What Is a Fair Hearing?

THE MAIN BATTLE HAS NOW SHIFTED TO THE ISSUE OF I'KC

cedure. Obviously the procedure must be fair and no
arbitrary. Persons proceeded against must be given pro
notice and a fair hearing. The agency must act judicia
But what is "fair," "proper" and "judicial" is not alv
easy to determine, as the recent Morgan case shows. Af
a long and extensive hearing, a series of stockyard ra
was fixed by the Secretary of Agriculture and upheld
a three-judge district court. The Supreme Court sent
case back to the lower court to find out whether the Sec |
retary had considered the record and the argument o
the stockyard men. This court found that he had am
again sustained his findings and the rates which he hac
fixed. The Supreme Court then set aside the Secretary'
order chiefly on the ground that he had not issued tenta
tive findings and given the stockyard men an opportunir
to file exceptions, despite the fact that in the earlie
stage of the case the Supreme Court had said that tenta.
tive findings were not necessary. Here was a case ii
which the evidence had been twice reviewed by a couru
and the action of the administrative officer twice upheld
and yet the Supreme Court held that a "fair hearing
had not been given by the administrative officer.

There is no point in debating here the pros and con
of this decision. Its significance is that of a symptom o
continued conflict over the relations between adminis
trative action and judicial action. The Supreme Court ha
evinced a tendency to set up a detailed code of procedur
for administrative proceedings and to justify its action b1
relying on the Constitution. The Court has only recentl'
emerged from a historic battle caused in part by its at
tempt to read its own economic and social predilection
into the Constitution. Is it running into a new battle bi
commencing to do the same thing with its own procedura
predilections? If so, the consequences may be equall;
serious. It is not enough to hold a statute constitutional
if serious obstacles are placed in the path of its operation
it may turn out to be worse than if it were swept off th'
books at the beginning. No one asks the Court to rela:
its vigilance over administrative agencies; but it mus
proceed with caution, to intervene only where essentia
rights are transgressed, and not permit general principle
to impede effective enforcement of the law.

The So-Called "Judge-Prosecutor" Combination

WlTH ALL THIS PREOCCUPATION WITH THE SCOPE OF JUDI'

cial review and the procedure of administrative agencies
the courts have never seriously interfered with the com
bination of investigative and deciding functions in thi
one agency. This so-called "judge-prosecutor" combina
tion has been the chief point of attack of opponents on
the administrative system, and even friendly observer:
have been disturbed by it. The attack is usually carriec
on under high sounding slogans like "no one should b«'
judge in his own case." Actually, the significance of th«t
combination is greatly exaggerated. Opponents attempt to,
draw a picture of one man or a small group of men pen)
sonally bringing a complaint and then deciding whethei
what they have charged is true. The government jus»
does not operate in this fashion. (Continued on page 526;

SURVEY GRAPHIC',

Ewing Galloway and Farm Security Administration
"Nebraska a two things: the city of Omaha and a vast fertile farm"

rattle-Tale Gray on America's White Spot

y FARNSWORTH CROWDER

Does Nebraska's self-praise as a haven for tax-ridden industry (advertised
through movies, radio and Time magazine) stand up under scrutiny? To
the chorus of unpublicized criticism begun by native Charles Bryan and
neighbor William Allen White, by farmers who pay more than their share
of taxes, by teachers who see the school system deteriorating, by welfare
officials concerned with a scandalously inadequate institutional and relief
set-up, Mr. Crowder adds news of the state's 8538 subdivisions, and measures
the burden Nebraska has unloaded on the shoulders of her Uncle Sam.

Nebraska, the White Spot of the Nation,

Where Industry Thrives with a Will;

Where People from All o'er Creation

Find a Home and Soil They Can Till.

There's No Bonded Debt in Nebraska,

Where Nature Her Wealth Doth Unfold;

So Let's Tell the World of Nebraska;

Three Cheers for the Red, Green and Gold!
Lyric by Charles Gardner, premiered at the installation
of the Madison, Nebraska, Rotary Club.

EBRASKA IS TELLING THE WORLD. UslM; A FORTNIGHTLY

rc.ul in Time, free pages in all her daily newspapers,
•n.ikd Sunday spots on radio programs, donated space
i billboards and a mailing list of a thousand American
isincss executives, she is in the midst of one of the most
ifective campaigns of self-eulogy in the history of civic
Ivertising.

Tantalized by Nebraska jibes at their tax and govern-
iem.il systems, sister commonwealths have been stirred
ihcr to defense or self-reproach. Several eastern papers
i.d a half dozen national magazines have sent scribes
;ross the Missouri to report on this middlewest wonder

CTOBER 1938

child; and most of them, in effect, have taken up Charley
Gardner's refrain:

So Let's Tell the World of Nebraska;

Three Cheers for the Red, Green and Gold!

In this movement to go on parade before the nation,
Nebraska seems snugly united. Mace Brown, head of
Omaha labor, says, "We are wholeheartedly for it. . . ."
The Central Labor Journal of Lincoln chimes in, "We
are glad to participate." The Master Farmers and the
Farmers' Union acclaim the crusade.

Tri-State Theaters Corporation volunteers to carry
White Spot messages on the screens of all its Nebraska
theaters. The 193S program of Ak-sar-ben (Nebraska in
reverse), big fun and booster society, is keyed to the
White Spot theme. Lapel buttons in the membership
campaign bear the White Spot emblem. The organiza-
tion's annual entertainment for visitors — every Monday
through the summer — is "The White Spot," song and
dance extravaganza. James Transportation Company ac-
claims the White Spot creed on its fleet of trucks be-
tween Omaha and Chicago. Newspapers and business

497

letterheads carry the White Spot cut. White Spot bever-
ages and White Spot ice cream are on the market. The
patriotic Blair Pilot-Tribune has advocated that corn-
husker beauties elegantly tan their backs except for a
spot kept snowy under an adhesive-tape map of dear old
Nebraska.

In brief, this suddenly self-conscious prairie state, with
elaborate forethought, has stuck her neck out— a long
way. Or, as William Allen White has expressed it in an
editorial ribbing his northern neighbor, "teacher's pet"
has chosen "to stand up and show off her tax shorts, and
everything."

If now it should follow that there is an embarrassing
amount of rubbering and even a disrespectful bad-boy
raspberry from the rear row, she has only her exhibi-
tionist impulses to blame.

The tax shorts are the intriguing feature of her act.
The Time ads spotlight them in bright colors. She has
herself become entranced in admiration. And since so
many sister states are becoming enamored of them, by
contrast with their own heavy drawers,
it is timely to ask three questions,

1. How did Nebraska come by her
tax shorts?

2. Are they ample?

3. Why did she determine to pa-
rade them?

FRUGALITY IN NEBRASKA HAS BEEN Dic-
tated by raw circumstances quite as
much as by any policy of prudence.
From the days of "Old Jules" to the
summer of 1938, life in the state has
been tough. Nebraska is two things: a
vast fertile farm, and the city of Oma-
ha. Its economy — agricultural — is peril-
ously simple. It has no timber, oil, gas,
coal or metals; its tourist and cultural
attractions are meager. To the east of
it lies a fickle market, over it hangs a
temperamental climate; and in Omaha
center those friendly-enemy industrial adjuncts, the rail-
roads, the utilities and the processors (packers, millers,
creameries, etc.). Down the years, that triumverate, the
market, the climate and Omaha have dealt the farm some
merciless punishment.

An official of the State Department of Agriculture
remarked to me, "I think we — meaning we farmers — can
offer for our shortcomings the alibi of more hard luck
stories than any other section of the country, except may-
be the Dakotas."

Seventy and eighty years ago, in an excess of greedy
love, the railroads ravished their country bride; with the
help of their political stooges, they bound her to toil on
the land, saying, "My dear, the sordid cares of business
and politics are not for your fine hands and unsullied
mind. Leave such matters to us." (George H. Leighton
has told this particular hard luck story in two recent
numbers of Harpers.)

Recurrently over Nebraska comes devastating grief
from the sky — tornadoes, floods, blizzards, dust storms
and droughts. For years there was a statute requiring all
males, sixteen to sixty, to give two days a year to fighting
grasshoppers. Crop failures in the nineties required state
aid, relief commissions and heavy county indebtedness.

International

Frank G. Arnold, president of the
Federation of Taxpayers' Leagues

In good times, Nebraska is a wondrous producer, rank
ing among the first five states. But even in the fabulou
twenties, farm bankruptcy cases were averaging five an«
six hundred a year. Every year an average of about 20,00
Nebraska farmers move to try their luck in a new spo
Since 1935, over 6000 farm families have pulled out er
tirely, heading, the majority of them, into the Pacifi
West. During the single month of March 1938, the Farr
Security Administration had to extend emergency grant
to 15,000 farm families.

Harsh events and hazardous contingencies, then, hav
tended to keep the purse strings tight; and this fact mu.
be remembered during everything that remains to b
said. The state in particular has been very Scotch. Fc
seventy years she has been cautious, right up to an
over the borders of false economy, scorning any bonde
debt in excess of $100,000, running on a cash basis mo;
of the time and taking one spectacular fling — a sped;
levy for a $10 million state house.
Now one sad result of this state parsimony has bee
to leave responsibilities with the com
ties, towns and school districts. This pc
icy, coupled with the usual wasteful sii
of local autonomy, has borne painful
on hundreds of local subdivisions (<
which there are 8538). By 1928, the;
units were obligated for $113 million i
bonds. Refunding in some cases becan
so costly in interest charges as to ovc
top the face of the issues. Deficit spen
ing was putting certain counties so det
in the red that their warrants were se
ing at discounts approaching zero.

Here and there over the state vario
men started looking askance at gover
ment affairs in their own neighborhoo
There was, for instance, E. M. V<
Seggern, a Henry George disciple ai
editor of the West Point Republica
Mr. Von Seggern led off an attack <
collusive bridge bidding which discloS'
fraud and graft of fantastic proportions and reveal
county political machinery in the grip of the "brid
trust." The fraud was cleaned out, the grip was broke
the bridge combine utterly discredited — all to the en<
mous advantage of the treasury of Cuming County. AA
left over from the battle was a Taxpayers' League.

Nance County furnished another example. There,
the little town of Fullerton, Frank G. Arnold, "real est;
and farm loans," got to wondering what became of t
money collected against his own large acreages. With
few fellow citizens and the help of a local ex-banker a
accountant, C. J. McClelland, he started an inquiry ir
county business. Merely publicizing the results got t
community aroused.

Similarly, independently and almost simultaneous
through the twenties, citizen tax organizations were be
of various abuses here and there over the state. By 19
there were three sectional groups of these committees a
leagues.

On a chilly December day in 1932, in the town
Columbus, some fifty representatives met to pool thh
ideas and plans. They gave themselves the ponderc.
title, Nebraska Federation of Taxpayers' Leagues, pass-
the hat for a few dollars as expense money for

498

SURVEY GRAPH

Ewing Galloway
The $10 million state house (paid for) at Lincoln, the state's one big fling

secretary and elected Frank G. Arnold, their president.

From that day to the present, Mr. Arnold has been the
federation's leader, self-starter, idea man and mouthpiece,
and C. J. McClelland has been its behind-scenes genius
with facts and figures. It is largely on account of these
two men that Nebraska is able to assert that, "No other
state has had the benefit of the highly developed re-
search into governmental waste that has been released
through the Nebraska Federation."

Typical procedure is this: Certain citizens of, say,
Cedar County become aware of two facts: first that
nearly a half of all monies they pay in taxes (local, state
anil federal) are collected and spent under their very
noses; second, that Cedar County is spending $100,000
more a year than it did a decade back. These aroused
citizens call themselves a Taxpayers' League and, under
the direction of the Ladies' Aid, put on a membership
drive. The Laurel Messenger comes through with edi-
ttiri.il suasion.

For two cents per capita of population, this Cedar
County League can bring accountants from federation
headquarters in Fullerton. These gentlemen make an
exhaustive "audit-survey" of county finances for five
selected years— 1912, 1918, 1929, 1936 and 1937, scrutin-
izing every last budget item and voucher, whether for
a bridge or a pencil sharpener. The dynamite in this
otherwise dull report is "Mac" McClclland's "Analysis,"
wherein he lets fly with comment on unpaid bills, tax
delinquencies, extravagances, purchasing sins, absurd

accounting and, most devastating of
all, on prices paid by Cedar County as
against prices paid in certain better
governed counties.

The local league, svith the help of
the press, opens a barrage of publicity
and complaint. Mr. Arnold meets with
groups of citizens to explain the lind-
ings and to emphasize the recommen-
dations. Voters wax indignant, officials
become worried, political parties take
note. And economies result.

Certain salient features of this pro-
cedure should be noted. The object of
attention is that "greatest unexplored
continent of American politics"-
county government. The federation is
scrupulously non-partisan; it will rec-
ommend changes and reforms, but it
never backs political candidates, thus
keeping its hands untied. The keynote
of its creed is that "knowledge of facts
is the basis of all good government."
And finally, instead of concentrating on
fancy reform legislation, it rummages
in waste cans, and, having found waste,
sets up a howl. Mr. Arnold insists that,
by methods no more spectacular, "sav-
ings of 25 to 60 percent can still be
achieved in many political subdivi-
sions." And until these possible savings
have been achieved, he stands opposed
to any new forms of taxes, because, to
him, new money simply means more
money to waste. The federation, with
its friends on the press and in the legis-
lature, has stood off most of the new tax devices that
have invaded other states.

The federation registers a lobbyist during sessions of
the legislature. It presses for statutes that will simplify

Courtesy Ernest F. Witte
Shabby houses in the shadow of the capitol'i 437 fool tower

OCTOBER 1938

499

and standardize county finances. It led the fights against
threatened income and sales taxes. It issued, at the close
of the first Unicameral, an appraisal of the legislature's
work.*
And now Nebraska's record is as follows:

Ten-year decrease in general property levies, 33.1 percent.

Ten-year decrease in subdivision bonded indebtedness, 32
percent.

Total, ten-year decrease in general property levies, $139
million.

No outstanding state bonds or warrants.

State roads, State House, state institutions, bought and
paid for.

No sales or use taxes; no service, luxury, cigarette or chain
store tax; no individual or corporation income tax.

On the face of it, this is a highly attractive record. In
fact, it is so attractive that Colorado, Wyoming and
Texas are launching surveys after the Nebraska Federa-
tion pattern, and the University of Denver, under a
grant from the Sloan Foundation, is establishing a gradu-
ate course to train men in this type of tax research.

BUT OUR STORY CANNOT END HERE. As WE LOOK AT N£-

braska flaunting her tax shorts, are we to admire them
or to question their adequacy?

It might easily be inferred from her emphasis that she

*The Nebraska Federation found the Unicameral "Preeminently a suc-
cess as compared with any recent record made by a Nebraska Bicameral."
It did not shrink, however, from pointing out certain dangers: that a
small body of forty-three men is more easily got at and influenced by lobby-
ists; that swapping votes is more of a menace in a small than in a large
group; that a small membership is more nearly swamped with letters and
visitors and petty obligations than a larger body ; that there is danger in
the removal of the check furnished by a second house; that, with the mem-
bership elected tn a non-partisan basis, there is no responsible leadership
as is usual with legislatures having a frankly political complexion. In
general, it appears that the better men from the old two-house legisla-
ture were sent to the Unicameral. They were certainly conservative, cau-
tious and industrious; they held tight to the purse strings and passed
little important sccial legislation. "The old legislature in a new, cheaper
suit of clothes," is the nub of a characterization commonly heard.

INCOMf.

•onoto OUT

pays-as-she-goes, that she is indeed self-supporting. Will
this inference bear scrutiny?

Well, we must begin by reporting that, off-stage as it I
were, Nebraska has a benevolent Uncle Sam, who ha.s
not declined to put her in Woolens. Of all her forty-eight
sisters, Nebraska has stood ninth in line outside the fed-
eral treasury, receiving a total of $551 million, or $404.02
per capita. In the matter of nonrecoverable federal re-
lief funds, she has also stood ninth, receiving $205 per
capita, as against the national average of $115.18. She has
received six times as much in nonrecoverable relief as she
has contributed in federal internal revenue, although the
nation as a whole has taken back in relief almost exactly
what it has paid out as revenue ($14 billion).

The national relief bill has been met by heavy overdrafts
on the states of New England, the Northeast and the
Middle Atlantic. No one would deny that Nebraska's
needs have been desperate. But does it become her to be
putting on airs in front of those states who (again quot-
ing Editor White) "have kept this highly hypocritical
little blue-stocking huzzy off the streets?"

Not that this federal assistance has all been clear gain
either. In bearing on the claim that she pays as she goes
and has no state debt, the White Spot is a little like
the family that boasts its home is unincumbered, hoping
that you will go on to infer that it has no bills with the
butcher, the baker, the candlestick maker. But note just
a few of the debt items not mentioned (except subdivision
bonds) in White Spot propaganda:

Political subdivision bonds $74,000,000

Scottsbluff irrigation project 18,000,000

"Little TVA" irrigation & power districts 33,000,000

Home Owners Loan Corporation 25,000,000

Federal Farm Credit Administration . . . 174,000,000

The above figures do not include miscellaneous PWA

'•>• * .SAL"

,**«*.

'A.

CHAIN tTOftf

BONDfO 01 AT.

Paramount from Pictures Inc.
No income tax, no sales tax, no bonded debt. Nebraska's White Spot message as played up in a news reel made by Paramount

500

SURVEY GRAPHIC

I. ..ins and Rural Electrification obligations. They do not

I indicate that the "Little TV A" hydro-electric districts

have under serious consideration the buying out ot all

the private electric utilities in the state, at an estimated

$100 million.

Now these debt claims and those in prospect cannot be
waved away by saying that most of them are not claims
against either state or local governments as such; they
11 claims against the people of Nebraska; they rep-
credits gained through governmental agencies;
and no picture of the state's financial status is complete
ut them.

raska, in short, contrary to her claims, has not paid
.is she has gone — not by $280 million in federal hand-outs
and $300 to $400 million in debts.

It might be supposed that, given her own tax resources
plus her cautious spending policies plus all these federal
monies, the state would be functioning adequately in
sup[x>rt of the common weal. Will this supposition bear
scrutiny? How well, for instance, is she discharging her
obligations to her children; to her indigent, aged and sick;
and to her institutional wards?

Education

-. LOOK FIRST AT SOME OF THE FACTS AS THE TROUBLED

Nebraska educators bring them out.

Total expenditures for state government (1925 to 1937)
•increased 106.5 percent (largely on account of relief and
social security). Expenditures for the public schools de-
clined 342 percent. Expenditures for all other local sub-
divisions remained about the same. This is to say that
education's cut from the tax dollar has been squeezed to
.1 fraction of the former size.

It is not that Nebraska is without the resources to main-
tain better than average common schools. The President's
Advisory Committee on Education attempted to deter-
mine, as of 1935-36, the ability of the forty-eight states to
support public schools. Applying a standard tax plan,
the revenues that each state could raise were calculated.
On this basis, Nebraska's potential ability to support edu-
cation ranked sixteenth. Actual performance, however,
put her in twenty-eighth position. Her educational bill
per pupil in 1935-36 not only was far beneath her ability,
'it was $12.95 under the national average. In the impor-
tant matter of state aid given to schools, Nebraska rates
forty-third among the states.

The Nebraska constitution provides that license monies,
uid municipal, shall be appropriated exclusively to
education. At present, complains the educator, the reve-
nue, trom only four of fifty-four state license, permit and
registration fees get into the school purse.

Nine years ago, Nebraska school salaries, already lean,
started down grade until they were 28 percent under the
iigh. This was, with Oregon, the largest percentage
reduction suffered by the public educators of any state.
The average annual salary of teachers, supervisors and
principals in Nebraska (data as of November 1937) was
$772 — $511 under the national average; lower than in any
state, except the two Dakotas and seven in the Deep
South.

For 1936-37, one third of Nebraska's rural teachers re-
ceived $50 to $55 a month. At least forty-nine were work-
ing for $25 a month. Not one in 200 received as much as
$100 a month. The median rural salary for seventy-six
counties was $31.48.

OCTOBER 1938

PER

200
190
180
170
160
150
140
130
120
1 10
100
90
80
70
60

50
i

TRENDS IN EXPENDITURES OF THE STATE

GOVERNMENT AND PUBLIC SCHOOL DISTRICTS

:ENT i»Z5-i«37

GOVI
NDIT

rSj

[MNI

URE

4EN1

EXPE

•

/ .

"'^/

r ' —

•. \

•

• •

•

'•

....

FATE

EXP

EXC

END!

LUDI

ruRf

--„

>UBL
EXPE

1C S

Non

CHOI
URE

FEDERAL GRANTS

S ^

•NS

.--

-•• ^

1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 •

10 t- <o o> o — (M n <* m <o

FISCAL YEARS
1925- 1926- 100 PER CENT

Not in the White Spot campaign: less money for schools

Relatively the schedule in Omaha is just as emaciated.
A tabulation of maximum highschool salaries paid in
ninety-one cities (100,000 population and over) finds
Omaha in the cellar in eighty-ninth place. A similar tab-
ulation of elementary salaries finds Omaha still in the
cellar, in eighty-third place.

With such barren inducements the state simply cannot
compete for the most competent teachers. The offices of
a big placement agency told me they were loaded with
applications from Nebraska teachers seeking jobs in other
states. Applications to the Omaha system have fallen off
two thirds and the qualifications of those applying are of
course not of the highest.

The State University has not escaped the economy
squeeze. Many classes, laboratories and valuable libraries
must be housed in condemned structures which, even to
a casual observer, appear to have been victims of a con-
vulsion. In bidding against other universities for a first-
rate faculty, Nebraska is at a stubborn dollar-and-cents
disadvantage.

An application to all states of the revised Schrammel-
Sonnerberg scale for measuring educational performance
found Nebraska in twenty-third place in 193J34, and it
has lost much ground since then.

In Omaha the school year has been cut two weeks;
manual arts dropped from the grades; kindergartens put
on half time; nursing service cut from the highschools;
and the teaching staff reduced. Classes have increased to
cumbersome proportions; buildings and equipment can-
not be properly maintained; text books, beside being
ragged and dirty, are out-of-date as educational tools.

In the town and country districts forty-six accredited
highschools — in a farm state! — have dropped their courses
in agriculture; twenty-six their courses in domestic sci-
ence; fourteen their manual training; twenty their music.
Textbook appropriations have (Continued on page 521)

501

Portrait of a Photographer

by ELIZABETH McCAUSLAND

"!'M AFRAID, MR. HIKE, THAT YOU
haven't the broad sociological back-
ground required," said a distinguished
adviser when Lewis W. Hine announced
his decision to give up teaching at the
Ethical Culture School and set up as a
"social" photographer. "Nonsense," re-
torted Arthur Kellogg, "it's wonderful
to find a photographer who has any so-
ciological background."

So began thirty years of work which
led Lew Hine into southern cotton mills,
New York tenements and sweatshops,
West Virginia coal mines, Pittsburgh
steel workers' homes and finally out
into the perilous ether about the Empire
State Building where construction work-
ers dangled on steel chains and the pho-
tographer teetered on a girder. Today,
in the new discovery of our immediate
American past, Hine's early social pho-
tographs are recognized as vanguard
masterpieces for the contemporary doc-
umentary movement.

When he conceived his plan of being
a social photographer, Lew Hine had no
idea of being thirty years ahead of the
procession. A young man fresh from
Oshkosh, Wis., he had early known
social facts: at fifteen he had gone to
work in a "Sawdust City" furniture fac-
tory for $4 a week, sometimes thirteen
hours a day. Followed work in stores
and banks — but the road that led him
to his own pioneering in documentary
photography took a number of detours.

University extension courses, plus his
private ambition to be an artist, brought
young Hine to the notice of Frank A.
Manny, who was head of the depart-
ment of psychology and education in
the state normal school. Manny's en-
couragement of his intellectual and
artistic interests inspired Hine to go
to Chicago, the mecca of midwestern
youth at that time. In Chicago, John
Dewey, Ella Flagg Young, Col. Francis
Parker were fertile influences during the
years when Hine studied to be a nature
teacher. From Chicago to New York
was the next stage; for when Manny
was made principal of the Ethical Cul-
lure School, he brought with him a
number of promising young Wisconsin-
ites, including Hine.

Why Manny selected him to be school
photographer, Hine can't explain. "I
had never had a camera in my hand.
I went at it backwards. I was taking

502

Berenice Abbott

Lew Hine focused on social subjects thirty
years before the "picture magazines"

flashlights before I had ever taken a
snapshot. But then one of Manny's chief
jobs has always been to X-ray poten-
tialities in the rank-and-file." Certainly
the results justified the choice. And thus
it came about that after six years at the
Ethical Culture School, the last four of
which were concerned part time with
photography, Hine came to the end of
the detours. Thenceforth the road led
straight ahead.

It was not an easy road to travel, how-
ever. Flashlights first, snapshots after —
that is the clue to Hine's character.
When he became school photographer
in 1905, he didn't know anything about
cameras, lenses, technics. Even today, at
sixty-four, he will say with a naivete
both lovable and sad, "How is it that
you make so much better prints than I
do? Is it because your enlarger is better
than mine?"

Disarming is the trustfulness with
which he accepts advice. "Oh, Mr. Hine,
I wouldn't crop that picture that way.
Leave in more of the street. It tells
more, the more you have in it." "Yes,"
he will answer, "I guess you're right.
So-and-so said the same thing."

The difference between a consciously
formulated documentary system and an
earlier generation's intuitive approach
is summed up here. Yet, make no mis-
take, accident did not produce those
first child labor studies, those "human
documents" (of which Florence Kelley

wrote, "The camera is convincing.
Where records fail and parents forswear
themselves, the measuring rod and the
camera carry conviction."), those "work-
portraits," "time exposures" and "photo
stories" which The Survey published
during the decade of social and human-
itarian upsurge before the war. They
came out .of the fine sincere energies of
an age devoted to the amelioration and
improvement of human life by means of
education and legislation.

To that program Lew Hine lent his
talents and his own sincere incorrupti-
ble personality. For when he gave up
his teaching job at the Ethical Culture
School, he "was not giving up educa-
tion." It was toward visual education
that he deliberately turned, with his
5x7 view camera, his rectilinear lens
and his "barrel of flashlight powder."
The difference between his approach,
however, and that of the documentary
photographers of today is to be found
in the fact that the younger workers
consciously integrate the social and es-
thetic elements. With Hine the socio-
logical objective was paramount; the
esthetic attributes seem to have occurred
almost casually. At least, no particular
attention was paid to them by the enthu-
siastic public which studied the photo-
graphs absorbedly for their social im-
plications.

To understand the character, both of
the man and of the period, we cannot
turn to literature. The nineteenth cen-
tury American writers furnish no pro-
totype for men like Hine. Yet Hine is
as American as the "Oshkosh B'Gosh"
from which he hails. The stratagems by
which he gained access to textile mills
to photograph illegal child labor, the de-
vices by which he photographed work
certificates and birth entries in family
Bibles, the cunning he showed in per-
suading suspicious mothers in tenements,
illiterate immigrants and foreign labor-
ers to pose for him, suggest that high
ingenuity associated with the Yankee
genius. Certainly, if ever a man spoke
the American vernacular it is Lew Hine.
He looks like a wheat farmer. Despite
his Pd.M. from New York University
in 1905, he talks like one. Try to get
him to pose for a photograph. "Oh,
gosh," he says, "what shall I do with
my hurrah?" His own American lan-
guage in a wide, human and moving

SURVEY GRAPHIC

sense is what Mine's photographs speak.
In 1910 New York State was building
a new barge canal, and New York City
an aqueduct for its water supply system.
Each was spending $100 million on the
great engineering projects. And all the
day labor was being done by foreigners.
ireigners living in intolerable con-
ditions in construction camps. Condi-
tions which Hine set down in a remark-
able document to accompany a study
made by Lillian D. Wald and Frances
A. Kellor as members of the New York
State Immigration Commission. That
labor which built America was lament-
ably underpaid, ill treated and exploited.
That labor, indeed, is America.

As children, seven, eight, nine, work-
ing in cotton field and mill, are America.
As the Slovaks, Russians, Italians, Jews,
working in steel mills, coal mines, gar-
ment factories, are America. As the
children in New Jersey cranberry bogs
arc America. As Gloucester fishermen
.in America. As every man, woman and
child at work comprise the portrait —
and indeed the destiny — of the American
nation.

SlN< I IllM, MANY PHOTOGRAPHERS HAVE

recorded this ever continuing history.
Thirty years ago, however, Hine was a
pioneer, as his parents had been pio-
neers in Wisconsin. For that generation
art and social welfare were continents
apart. Edwin Abbey, Sargent and the
Boston Public Library set the cultural
standard. In another world, stern high-
minded men and women labored for the
improvement of the condition of the
poor, tor child labor legislation and for
laws controlling the hours of work for
women.

Those early backers of Hine — the Kel-
logg5. The Survey, the National Child
Labor Committee and its executive sec-
retary, Owen R. Lovejoy, Florence Kel-
ley of the National Consumers League,
the Pittsburgh Survey — were the first to
discover that photographic art had any-
thing to do with social progress. Hine's
photographs had an immediate sociolog-
ical usefulness and effect, as Owen R.
I,<>vcjoy testifies:

"In my judgment the work you did
under my direction for the National
Child Labor Committee was more re-
sponsible than any or all other efforts
to bring the facts and conditions of
child employment to public attention."

Photography was still battling for its
creative integrity. The Photo-Secession
had been formed, and Camera Worl^ had
been appearing since 1905. But the se-
cessionists, led by Alfred Stieglitz, were

not convinced that social reform was
art. though unquestionably (in their
minds) photography was.

HINE OCCUPIED AN UNENVIABLE POSITION.
On the one hand, he was told that what
he was doing was all very well, but not
art, and on the other hand, that he did
not possess a broad sociological back-
ground. Only a genuinely simple and
sturdy soul could have withstood the
pressure. If literature must supply a sym-
bol for his character, perhaps the folk-
lorists' "male Cinderella" is best. His
innocence, naivete and simplicity saved
him when a more complicated nature
might have gone under during years
of neglect and lack of recognition.

The above is not quite correct, how-
ever. Actually Hine had an extraordinary
amount of success in his pioneering. Al-
though the magazines and organiza-
tions which wanted his photographs for
social propaganda could not pay large
sums for his work, nevertheless they sup-
plied channels of publication and sup-
port which many another man has not
had. The great pioneer, Brady, sup-
ported his Civil War documentation
from money he had made in commer-
cial photography. Atget never had any
recognition or support during his life.
The drama of Hine's life is that history's
rapid tempo has carried us beyond what
he originally did and that in the haste
of living, the younger generation does
not have time even to know its spiritual
progenitors, let alone appreciate them.

Now what is the total of Hine's con-
tribution to society?

After four years as school photog-
rapher for the Ethical Culture School,
he burst into maturity. This was no pre-
cocious blooming, for Lewis W. Hine
was born in 1874 and it was not till
1908 that he began his serious documen-
tary photographing. Five years saw a
remarkable series of photographs on
child labor, sweatshops, immigrants,
slum housing conditions, construction
camps, migratory occupations. Then
the war and service with the Red Cross.

After the war, history altered. Re-
construction, yes, for war-torn Europe.
But for the United States, a new place
in world politics, a dominant financial
and economic position which shifted the
center of power to Wall Street. Slums
we still had. Child labor was still with
us; the child labor amendment was
shamelessly defeated. But we had pros-
perity; we had untouched national re-
sources; we had power; we were going
places. In such an era, muckraking was
bad taste. True, the liberals and pro-

gressives held on; the still, small voice
dl social reform went on speaking
through the same undaunted agencies.
But the direction of men's thinking had
been deflected. Great skyscrapers sprang
up; technology flourished. And — Hine
had an idea.

In his own words, the idea was: "In
Paris, after the armistice, I thought I
had done my share of negative docu-
mentation. I wanted to do something
positive. So I said to myself, 'Why not
do the worker at work? The man on
the job?' At that time, he was as under-
privileged as the kid in the mill."

And so Lew Hine struck out on a
new tack with the help of Survey
Graphic. He began to photograph rail-
road workers, power workers, men in
factories with dynamos and great levers
and gears. Ultimately this led to Men
at Work, photographically chronicling
the erection of the 1248 foot high Em-
pire State Building. Here one may point
out that the early work was by no means
"negative." It played a vital part in
educating the public about social prob-
lems. Today it is known to possess au-
thentic plastic merit. Finally, it presents
the future with an indisputable record
of our immediate American past:

Now, AT SIXTY-FOUR, LhW HlNE FACES

rediscovery. Not, of course, by readers
of Survey Graphic, but by that newer
generation of photographers — and pub-
lic— who are growing up in the docu-
mentary ideal.

In assessing his character, it is diffi-
cult to weigh precisely all the substances
and essences. Hine is like that barrel of
flashlight powder. He poured some in
his flashpan and let it off, never know-
ing if the aperture should be /.8 or /.80!
In factories where the boss would forbid
flashlights, he had to take time expo-
sures. But again, there was a lack of
precise measurement, of exact knowl-
edge. No exposure meters, fine grain
developers, costly equipment for Hine.
Neither temperament nor finances per-
mitted. So he lived and worked by in-
stinct, his own simple character the
surest aid to his objective.

Looking back over thirty years, every-
one who cares about social advance —
and art. as part of that advance — can
be thankful there was no false cstheti-
cism about the business, no preciousness
or spiritual aloofness. On the contrary,
the meaning and purpose came first,
the art after, a hopeful augury for pres-
ent day documentary photography
which looks back to Lewis W. Hine as
an essential link in its tradition.

OCTOBER 1938

503

HOME WORK, NEW YORK

MINE, 1910

. ' ••'

.
•

HINE, 1905

SLOVAKS, ELLIS ISLAND

Steel Workers Go to Summer School

"UNIONS CAN, IF PROPERLY ADMINISTERED, BE A TREMEN-
dous stabilizing force in industry." Seventy-five steel
workers, assembled for the first time in an SWOC sum-
mer school camp, looked a bit astonished. For the speak-
er was not a union man; he was not even a "theorizing"
professor; he was a representative of steel management.
The listeners who made up the "student body" were
officials and grievance committeemen of various SWOC
local lodges — Catholics and Protestants, foreign-born,
native whites and Negroes — a true cross-section of the
workers who run the unions in the steel industry. As-
sembled at the Mt. Davis Recreational Camp in south-
western Pennsylvania, these local leaders were being put
through an intensive course in the fundamentals of union
organization and collective bargaining. Clinton S. Golden,
SWOC director of the northeastern region, wanted them
to get all sides of the picture. That is why he invited a
management representative to lead one of the discussions.

THE SPEAKER WAS AN OFFICIAL OF A SMALL BUT WELL KNOWN

steel fabricating company. As an Englishman, he clearly
sees in proper perspective the place of a labor movement
in a capitalist economy. "It has been my opinion that in
the past many so-called labor leaders have neither labored
nor led, but I have a feeling that the trend is changing
— and a common understanding between labor and man-
agement is becoming increasingly apparent." He went
on to criticize the labor press for printing biased and
sometimes inaccurate news items in its columns. Although
he described the SWOC officers as fearless, honest, and
responsible, he took them to task for taking a stubborn
and arbitrary stand on many questions. He felt that most
union men were unduly suspicious of management. "It
has appeared to me," he said, "that workers need to be
awakened to the fact that union organizers and officers
are not the only ones who are filled with that zeal and
emotional stability which springs from honesty and sin-
cerity. Is it too much to presume or hope that manage-
ment and owners of business might also be imbued with
a similar spirit?"

A vague muttering greeted this: "That's old stuff, we've
heard it before!"

"But," said the speaker, "our company intends to co-

by FREDERICK H. HARBISON

operate with the union. I believe in strong unions, if they
are responsible unions, and personally I favor the CIO
type of vertical organization. We have good relations with
our employes under a union contract — and the executives
of SWOC are, in my opinion, fine gentlemen. We accept
the union as such. We are not trying to defeat it. We
try to see to it that every one of our foremen and super-
intendents carries out the letter and spirit of our contract.
I feel certain that union and management can and will
cooperate with one another. I don't like the word 'dealing'
or 'bargaining' — I prefer the term 'cooperating' or 'going-
places' with management."

The meeting was thrown open to questions from the
floor. Up popped one of the presidents of a local union
in a large steel company.

"Mr. Smith,* what stand would you take on the ques-
tion of the closed shop?"

"He's on the spot now," whispered a burly fellow who
was sitting next to me.

"The closed shop is a fair and reasonable demand of
organized labor. Personally, I have no objection to it. Hut
where labor relations are sound it shouldn't be neces-
sary."

The crowd cheered. One of the colored brothers ro.'.e
to his feet.

"Mr. Smith," he said, "you are a queer duck for man-
agement; you're more like a real union man. They don't
come like you in our plant — if they did we wouldn't be
raising hell all the time."

DICK JONES is PRESIDENT OF A LOCAL MADE UP OF EMPLOYES
of one of the three plants owned by the XYZ company
of which Mr. Smith is an officer. Tall, blond and hand-
some, Dick is an example of a forceful yet reserved leader,
who commands the respect of his fellow men by his very
appearance. Dick, I knew, would give me a frank opinion
of the XYZ company from the union point of view.

"Strange though it may sound," he said, "everything
that Mr. Smith said is true. Management is cooperating
with us 100 percent. But we still are a bit suspicious of
some of the other men in the company. It wasn't very
long ago when they seemed to be doing everything in
their power to lick the union. I sometimes wonder why
they have changed their tune."

He went on to tell me about the other side of the pic-
ture— his local union.

"Frankly, we are proud of our union. There are four
hundred wage employes at the plant; all of them belong
to the union; and all but two or three have paid their
dues in full. And they attend the meetings too, for if
they don't they get fined. We take our meetings very
seriously. We allow no swearing or profanity; in fact, we
don't even permit the brothers to smoke in the meetings.
A union meeting is a place for serious business."

"But how do you keep the workers' interest in the
union?" I asked.

"Of course," Dick went on, "the primary function of
our union is to protect and advance the economic inter-

Outside of the scheduled meetings, informal discussion went on
506

Names of persons and companies, except Clinton S. Golden, are fictitious.

SURVEY GRAPHIC

Steel workers in clan, tome of them with notebooks, listened to employers, college professors, union leaders on SWOC affairs

ests of our members. But we feel that a union must go
further than this to enlist the permanent support and in-
terest of steel workers. For instance, we now have an
eight-piece union jazz band. We're starting a glee club
anil workers' education. We're planning programs of
moving pictures and lectures for the fellows. We must
teach the boys the meaning of the word 'collective bar-
gaining'; they've got to learn what a union is for; they
should realize the necessity for a strong labor movement.
On the whole we're getting a square deal from manage-
ment and the fellows know it. But to protect our interests
we've got to have a mighty strong union nevertheless.
We're not going to build it by getting the fellows sore at
management; we're going to build it on education."

The feeling between the union and the management
of the XYZ company is exceptionally fine, better than is
general throughout the steel processing, manufacturing,
and fabricating industries where SWOC now has over
500 signed contracts. For here is a company which has
apparently accepted the status of the union as a per-
manent agency of collective bargaining. Its criticism of
the CIO and the SWOC is constructive rather than de-
structive. In short, management wants constructive and
cooperative dealings with the SWOC; it evidently has
given up the idea of defeating the CIO. Moreover, the
union leaders, in this case, are exceptionally honorable
and capable. They realize that a union must be more than
a means of promoting a worker's economic and political
interests. To command the permanent support and re-
spect of the workers, a union must cater to the social,
recreational and cultural interests of the workers as well.

('I.I\TON S. GOLDEN, ONE OF THE MOST PROGRESSIVE AND
far-sighted of CIO labor executives, recently remarked
to me: "Now that we have contractual relationships with
employers, our problem is less one of agitation and more
one of education. In fact, nine tenths of my job as a union
executive is education — education of my own staff, our
local union leaders, and last but not least, my friends on
management's side of die fence."

Management in several large companies is training its
foremen and supervisors in the technique of how to co-
operate with the union. What is SWOC doing to train
its rank-and-filc to cooperate with management ?

Admittedly, the summer training camp was an experi-
ment. In all, less" than 200 out of 13,000 lodge officials at-

tended the two sessions of one week each. But the ex-
periment was apparently successful. The steel workers
who were present took active part in discussions of the
practical problems confronting union leaders, such as the
proper selection and function of grievance committees,
contract negotiation, and dealing with management. In
the evenings they learned about some of the broader
phases of the labor movement from nationally known
economists as well as prominent labor leaders, "if we have
done nothing else, we have opened their minds; we have
started them thinking; we have instilled in them a thirst
for learning," remarked the young Wisconsin graduate
who was camp educational director. But perhaps the most
significant benefit from the social point of view was that,
strangers before they came to camp, these few local lead-
ers worked and played together for a week. A spirit of
fellowship and solidarity grew up among this hetero-
geneous group of steel workers, not unlike the "college
spirit" of our universities.

The camp program was supplemented by regional
training "clinics" for local union officials. By the end of
this year it is expected that about 1000 officers will have
been accorded an opportunity to get together with their
fellows to discuss the fundamentals of collective bargain-
ing. Curtailed financial resources — and to a degree, skep-
ticism of workers' education on the part of "old school"
unionists within the SWOC — have prevented the pro-
gram's being carried out on a larger scale.

MANY STEEL COMPANIES WHO HAVE SIGNED CONTRACTS WITH
the SWOC are still hoping that they may some day get
rid of the union. But the trend of thought of steel's more
enlightened management, like that of the XYZ company,
seems to be in the direction of cooperation with the union.
Many local union leaders are still hot-headed and inex-
perienced, and they are constantly antagonizing manage-
ment. But, on the whole, the trend is in the direction of
strong and constructive unions. Steel management, gen-
erally, has recognized that the top command of SWOC is
not only exceptionally intelligent but is also more coop-
erative and responsible than the leadership of many of
the other newly-formed CIO unions. With the spread of
workers' education by SWOC and the greater willing-
ness of management to accept the union in good faith as
a permanent agency of collective bargaining, industrial
relations in the steel industry are progressing.

OCTOBER 193«

507

The Woman in Blue

THE PUBLIC HEALTH NURSE IN RURAL AREAS

by MAXINE DAVIS

THE TRIM WOMAN IN A WHITE-COLLARED BLUE UNIFORM

who first jolted into Gilmer County, West Virginia, not
so very long ago was a pioneer in the wilderness. Gilmer
County was practically virgin territory to modern medi-
cine and hygiene. Although there are three doctors in the
county seat, beyond, within a radius of about twenty-five
miles there is no physician at all. The roads are so bad,
the distances so great, the people so poor, that no practi-
tioner, however generous and humane, can subsist in
Gilmer County.

There are hundreds of Gilmer Counties in the United
States. From coast to coast in this enlightened land there
are people living in such regions who still put a live toad
in the oven to cure diphtheria; who put cobwebs in
wounds to stop the bleeding; who blow into a jug to aid
in the delivery of the placenta; who give snuff to help
women in labor.

The woman in blue — the public health nurse — is the
hardy .crusader who journeys into such byways to teach
the true religion of health and well-being to the poor, the
superstitious, the sick.

In this country today there are about 25,000 public
health nurses, employed by county health departments, by
state boards of health, by public schools, by the U.S. In-
dian Service, by the federal government, by private nurs-
ing groups, by insurance companies, by industrial corpo-
rations, by the Red Cross, by the National Tuberculosis
Association, by the WPA and by the public health nurs-
ing departments of universities and colleges. Though the
programs of services differ, their objectives are all the
same, and their techniques are similar.

Ironically, about 17,000 of them are at work in cities
where, though the need is great, the facilities are best.
Less than a third are in rural areas where there are not
only no famous hospitals and renowned scientists but not
even the common conveniences of running water, gas
stoves, telephones, or roads.

In this article we shall see the woman in blue as she
serves in the country.

Now the public health nurse is no romantic figure who
goes to cool the brow of the fevered. "We give no bedside
care," you'll hear directors in offices state primly. "Ours
is an educational function. Our main responsibility is
protecting the family and raising the general level of
health in the community. We help to secure early medical
diagnosis and treatment of illness; assist the family in
carrying out medical, sanitary and social procedures for
the prevention of disease and the promotion of health;
aid in adjusting social conditions which affect health;
and influence the community to understand and develop
health facilities."

All of which sounds as warm, as human, as the bino-
mial theorem!

In practice, however — well, read this hasty report of one
nurse in the Virginia hills:

I was with the rural doctor when we received a maternity
call. To reach the place we had to walk one mile straight up
the mountain through a creek bed, there being no road.
Fortunately there were rocks to protect our feet from the

water. Reaching the home, a shack on a ledge, we found
thirteen women, three babies, and the husband in the room
with the patient.

The woman was in a critical condition, so I walked back
to town, got an anesthetic and other things the doctor needed,
and returned. After strenuous hours, the doctor decided at
two o'clock that it was impossible to accomplish anything
in the home. We improvised a stretcher and started with
four men to "pack" her to the main road where we could
find a motor to take her to the hospital. Before we had gone
very far the burden became too heavy for the men and an-
other woman and I had to relieve two of them. We reached
the hospital by ten in the morning, but the poor woman died
that evening.

I had to tell the husband and go with him to the company
store to arrange for a casket. The store manager gave money
to the Red Cross Committee for a shroud and one of the
committee members made it during the night. It was too far
to "pack" the casket up the mountain to the home, but it
was taken to the cabin of a friend as nearby as possible.

I left orders that the casket should not be opened until I
got there, as we had no undertaker, and later in the day I
attended to this matter.

The afternoon of the funeral I was called on to do the
only thing left which I had not done — conduct the funeral
service.

READ BETWEEN THE LINES OF THIS RECORD OF HARDSHIP AND
tragedy. You find a picture of a public servant who is
the "friend who makes salt sweet and blackness bright"
for a whole community. In the performance of her bleak-
ly prescribed duties, the public health nurse becomes the
confidante and advocate, the good neighbor of the hum-
ble folk she instructs.

Come with me. We shall see an average nurse doing
an ordinary day's work. Nothing exciting, nothing pic-
turesque. A humdrum day's occupation.

Let us join Miss Laura Burrow. Miss Burrow is a
nurse in Fayette County in central West Virginia, one of
those counties with steep wooded mountains and rushing
rivers. Miss Burrow, a young woman with a Myrna Loy
nose but with serenity and sympathy instead of laughter
in her wide-set eyes, is a native of these hills. A college
graduate, trained at a famous hospital, she brings scien-
tific skill of the first quality combined with innate knowl-
edge of the people on the harsh mountainside farms and
in the mining camps.

We drive up an apparently perpendicular red mud road
and breathe a prayer of thanksgiving when Miss Burrow
says regretfully that we'll have to get out and climb about
a quarter of a mile to the Stephens house. Miss Burrow
hasn't seen Mrs. Stephens' latest since it was born five
months ago. She's worried.

Mrs. Stephens is at home. So is Mr. Stephens, an unem-
ployed miner who retreats to the rocking chair and screens
himself with a newspaper for the period of our visit. The
five Stephens children are at home. So is the cat and
the practically-Pekingese.

"I ben comin' ter see you, Nurse, but somehow I aint
got to it." We can understand that. The. shack has only
three small rooms, all cluttered and sour-smelling. It

508

SURVEY GRAPHIC

h.is l>cen raining for days and the walls are mottled wiih
dampness. One child is curled up in a packing lx>x bed,
and .1 tow-headed lad is listless. The baby is as hright as
slu is soiled. Mrs. Stephens herself is a sallow stooped
woman, frail Inn not unintelligent.

"You lamb!" beams Miss Burrow, wasting time with
those noises and expletives peculiar to all women, even
the most efficient, when confronted with a laughing
baby. "She's lovely, Mrs. Stephens!"

"I dunno if she's pickin' up just right. Don't seem like
I kin feed her so good."

"Would you like me to weigh her?" The mother hopes
she will. Weighing the baby is a rite — and a lesson in
cleanliness. It inspires Mrs. Stephens to put some clothes
in the boiler right away.

"She's fine. She's even a little overweight. She's more
than my scales can show exactly. But if you're having
trouble feeding her, why don't you come into the clinic
and let the doctor look her over? Maybe you'd like to
have him sec you too. How are you feeling since you've
had her?"

"1 don't sleep so good. And I got a
backache all the time. Do you know
anything I kin do fer it?"

We see there is nothing of the offi-
cious intruder here; no government
worker surging in and doing good be-
cause she's paid to, whether the victim
wants her or not. Miss Burrow, who
has a gentle voice, a hesitant manner,
and the tact of an angel, and our host-
ess, Mrs. Stephens, are quite simply a
couple of women discussing children
and symptoms and housekeeping prob-
lems.

"Have you any milk, Mrs. Stephens?
I always find that a cup of warm milk
helps me to sleep. What's the matter
with Sissy? Do you think I should
take her temperature? Ninety-nine.
Not much. But I do think it would be
a good idea to bring her up to the clinic
Monday. I'm sure she's all right, but it
would be too bad to take any chances.
If you like, I'll ask the Evanses to bring
you in their car."

The tow-headed child sidles up and
plucks at his mother's skirt. "What's
the matter, brother?" inquires the
nurse.

"Sore froat."

Brother's feet are bare and his clothes
are soaking, but on the whole he looks
well enough. Miss Burrow consults a
card. "The doctor at the clinic said he
ought to have his tonsils out, didn't
he: This is a fine time of the year for
it. If you want to have it done next
week, I'll arrange with a doctor in town
to see how soon it can be done. It won't
hurt you much, darling, and you can
have some ice cream."

"I'm givin' him this for it." Mrs. Ste-
phens shows a bottle of wicked green

PUBLIC HEALTH NURSING, BORN OF THE

need for nursing care of the sick poor,
has broadened its scope of activity to in-
clude service to all individuals regard-
less of race, creed or economic status. In
home, schools and industry, the public-
health nurse renders actual nursing ser-
vice and teaches by demonstration and
explanation. She is concerned not only
with a sick baby or a tuberculous father,
but with the health of all the family. For
this enlarging scope of her work she
needs postgraduate preparation.

The National Organization for Public
Health Nursing sets standards for these
nurses and serves as a guide to health
agencies. — PURCELLE PECK. R.N.. Editor,
Public Health Nursing.

"I'm sure it's a good medicine," the nurse responds
doubtfully, "but it's about gone, and salt and hot water
is just as good, and cheaper. Oh these flies!"

"That landlord has promised us screens and promised
us. But he don't never bring 'cm. Mebbe if you was to
speak to him . . ."

We marvel at the human interpretation of the official
purpose of this visit. The early medical diagnosis, assist-
ing the family in carrying out sanitary procedures, etc.
It was all done in terms of tonsils and medical examina-
tions and weighing the baby, and screens and warm milk!
We visit another of these remote cabins. A woman is
pregnant — for the fifteenth time. Thirteen of her children
are living. She doesn't want to go to the pre-natal clinic.
Miss Burrow has been trying to convince her that she
needs it now, more than ever. None of the other children
had birth certificates, and they need them. Miss Burrow
is bringing the certificates. The mother is so delighted
that she agrees to come.

In another home, Miss Burrow makes her first visit
because the teacher reported a child's
eyes were bad. The nurse finds a
mother who says she has a tumor, a
father with heart-trouble, nobody em-
ployed. Miss Burrow arranges to have
surgical care for the mother, to find a
job for the oldest boy, to get glasses
for two other youngsters, to get milk
for the children, through the P.T.A.
and to teach the oldest girl how to care
for her mother during her conva-
lescence.
So it goes.

Not all the work of the public health
nurse is done during these home visits.
Each Saturday morning she is in the
office where she confers with families
and uses pamphlets prepared by the
state, the federal government and sev-
eral outstanding insurance companies
to aid her in teaching health. She also
talks over every conceivable problem
from Janey's adenoids to Mrs. Brophy's
husband's drinking. She discusses
clothes, divorce, church socials — every-
thing.

She organizes midwives' conferences,
calling all the licensed midwives in
from every part of the county for in-
struction and discussion.

She arranges for and serves at clin-
ics. Let us go to another state to see a
clinic. We'll visit St. Margaret's, in
Anne Arundel County, Maryland. St.
Margaret's is an aristocrat of public
health centers because it has its own
shining white Quaker style building.
Most clinics are conducted in school-
rooms, in churches, in the county build-
ing— anywhere. St. Margaret's was
given to the community by a private
donor who not only built the clean
little house but also endowed it with
funds to retain a full time public health
nurse. The center and the nurse are,

OCTOBER 1938

509

however, under the supervision of the county health
department. We journey out with one of the county's
public health nurses to a "well-baby conference." Young-
sters from diaper to school age are romping around.

The doctor's assistants are public health nurses and lay
volunteers. Like many states, Maryland has health asso-
ciations in each community. This is the new technique for
making the community health the immediate problem
of all the neighbors. The public health nurse goes out
and persuades the citizens to form an association. Some
of its members help the doctors and nurses. The associ-
ation pays their transportation. Thus community health
becomes as personal an interest as church or school. This
clinic has fine Venetian blinds and gay curtains which
the health association bought with the proceeds of a
bake-sale. The Negro health association in this center
had a Christmas tree, a party, and toys for the children
for the first time in the history of the neighborhood.

ALL SORTS OF PEOPLE ARE WAITING WITH THEIR CHILDREN
here today. One woman, an alert-faced deaf mute, com-
municates with the nurse with pad and pencil. A putteed
bus driver, off his job for the day so he could take his
two freckle-faced red-heads to the doctor, fidgets amidst
so many females. A plump woman proudly arranges the
hair ribbons on her eighth and ninth.

The volunteer worker records the height and weight
of each child. Dr. Purvis quiets the frightened ones, jokes
with the brave ones; tells the nurse this one needs her
tonsils out, that one should surely have an hour's sleep
after lunch each day, Faith Borden needs more milk, etc.

After the child is dressed, the nurse explains to the
mother in simple language exactly what the doctor has
told her. She also says if the family will wait, there'll be
a movie. About health. Everyone waits.

The public health nurse isn't through with the child
after she has interpreted the doctor's instructions. Far
from it! Presently she'll go to inquire whether little
Esther's family can' afford to have her tonsils out. If
they can't, she'll make all the arrangements.

She'll do practically anything, go anywhere. The
woman in blue uses every mode of transportation from
snowshoes, in a Maine winter, to a mule. In the Kentucky
mountain regions, the nurses go from home to home on
horseback. One nurse in New England uses a boat.

She adapts herself to the local mode of living when it
is indicated. In one Arizona district each family, regard-
less of size, gets two barrels of water a week for all pur-
poses. The two nurses announced they, too, would do
with just two barrels. So they learned to economize: use
water for a bath, and then scrub the floor with it!

These women are singularly well qualified. The public
health nurse is first of all a graduate registered nurse. In
addition, she has had training in a college or university
which has an approved public health nursing course. She
has learned how to teach complicated facts and techniques
about sanitation, nutrition, and so forth, in terms the
most ignorant can understand. She has learned to grapple
with the social and economic problems involved, and to
coordinate the facilities of the community in the interest
of family and general health.

She has learned, in theory and practice, how to work
with local doctors. First of all, she must refer all cases
of illness to the family physician. Only if the patient has
none and cannot afford one is it permissible for her to

arrange for medical care by some practitioner associated
with a private or public agency.

Most nurses in rural areas confide to us that some of
their troubles are caused by lack of competent medical
care. For instance, some old-fashioned practitioners don't
believe in the meticulous routine of modern pre-natal
care. Others think the Wasserman test for pregnant
women is a bore. One nurse got around a cantankerous
gentleman with diplomacy which would delight the
State Department: She carried a supply of tubes to his
office, remarking casually, "I thought maybe you might
be out of these, so, as I was coming this way, I just
tucked them in my car." He used them!

Public health nursing as we have observed it in these
pages is a development of this century in the United
States. In 1916 there were 5152 women in blue employed
the country over by all agencies, public and private. Then
the federal government gave impetus to the movement.
It passed the Sheppard-Towner maternity and infancy
act in 1921. This act carried an appropriation of $1,240,000
to be expended over a five-year period. It was extended
through 1929, after which it expired. Though the sum of
money involved was small, the act resulted in the devel-
opment of state and local administration of public health
nursing services to a far greater extent than before its
advent. By 1931 there were 15,865 nurses at work.

THE NEW SOCIAL SECURITY ACT APPROPRIATED $.5,800,000 FOR
maternal and child health. This fund, administered by
the Children's Bureau of the Department of Labor, must
be matched by the states. Consequently this year a total
of $7,600,000 has been made available. This is by far the
greatest sum ever spent by the federal government for
this purpose.

We can see how it affects the smallest units. For exam-
ple: Anne Arundel County in Maryland, where we
visited St. Margaret's, has seven nurses. Three are paid
by county funds, one by a private contribution, and three
from social security moneys. Or take West Virginia. Here
the state subsidizes county services to the extent of 50
percent of the cost, while they are getting started. As the
county comes to realize the value of the program and to
finance it from local taxes, the state withdraws its finan-
cial support. But the beginnings are hard. Now, with
social security funds, the state will contribute 75 percent
of the cost or even more when necessary.

This is a great advance. But it does not mean that there
are now so many women in blue that they can settle
down placidly to a thirty-hour week. Far from it! In
West Virginia there are still eleven counties so impover-
ished they have not been able to meet the minimum re-
quirement— an office for the nurse and her travel costs.

No, 180 nurses is not enough for West Virginia, and
25,000 is not enough for the United States. Although one
nurse for each 2000 people is the minimum to be desired,
in the cities we have one public health nurse per 5000.
In the rural regions one nurse serves an average of 11,000.

Consequently, after she has helped "pack" a woman in
labor down the side of the mountain, she will go over
to teach young Susy James how to make a bed with her
mother sick in it; rush over to attend the pre-school con-
ference in the little red schoolhouse; stop to pick up the
cloth for the diapers the Big Sisters have given Mrs. Jones
for her seventh; and go home to wash her stockings
and repack her little black bag for another average day.

510

SURVEY GRAPHIC

THROUGH NEIGHBORS' DOORWAYS

Of Savages, Science
and Imaginary Lines

by JOHN PALMER GAVIT

l-.\l-\ \s I WRITE THESE WORDS, SUCH "PEACE" AS THERE IS

in the world hangs by a hair. The stability of that hair
depends upon the unpredictable mentality of one man.
Hcforc this can be printed, his recklessness, driven by
dreams and divinations and wrong-headed purposes, may
have set fire to the powder lying loose all over tormented
Europe. A spark would do it, and the sparks are flying.
The happiness, the lives of millions in being and yet
unborn, the trend of human destiny in all parts of the
earth without exception and for long future time, are at
the mercy of uncontrollable decisions which none can
foresee. There are two men, one ruling Germany, the
other Italy, whose actions arc involved; but at the mo-
ment the Italian would appear to be lying low — it looks
almost as if Mussolini foresaw disadvantage and danger
for himself in the German's present "stealing of the show."
One suspects that he is remembering that the Sudeten
Germans in Czechoslovakia, about whom Hitler is just
now excited, are in much less persecuted condition than
the Germans in the formerly Austrian, now Italian,
Tyrol. Will they be next?

I shall not attempt here either diagnosis or prophecy.
The elements of the situation are common property; save
for the dark tortuous windings of that Teutonic mind
there is no mystery. One wishing to refresh his memory
about the general picture would do well to read such a
study of it as James T. Shotwell's On the Rim of the
Abyss, to whose excellence I have alluded before. I
would commend also a new book. Foreign Affairs —
1919-1937, by E. L. Hasluck, who although an English-
man with a preponderantly British point of view never-
theless writes objectively and with clear view of the whole
panorama.* Regardless of one's opinions as to details of
statement or conclusions, these books, in many ways com-
plementary of each other, serve both to inform and to
clarify. But one needs only the events from day to day
to confirm the conviction that we are desperately near
the breaking point of the forever irreconcilable conflict
between irresponsible despotism and the unquenchable
passion of mankind for liberty. Let us hope still that san-
ity, common sense, the realization out of experience that
in such a general war as threatens there can be no victor
but only new and universal ruin, setting civilization back
a thousand years, will avert it, despite the machinations
of the gods of mischief who get their fun out of human
tragedy.

ONE HEARS AND READS FREQUENTLY IN SPEECHES, SERMONS.

books and other forms of comment, mournful allusions
to the fact that the tendencies and practices of war have
been made more efficient and more dreadful by the very

•tiX THE RIM OF THE ABYSS. By Jaems T. Shotwcll. New York.
Macmillan. 400 pp. Price $3.

FOREIGN" AFFAIRS— 1919-1937. By E. L. Hasluck. New York. Mac-
millan. 347 pp. Price $2.50. Both of these books at these prices post-
paid of S*rrty Graphic.

OCTOBER 1938

progress of civilization; that technological discoveries
and devices have served to increase and intensify the sav-
agery of the savage that abides so thinly hidden under the
skins of all of us. In the material sense it is true. Science
has indeed immensely aggravated the dcstructiveness of
the machinery of war. But the savage is the same old
savage. There never was a time, I suppose there never
will be while belief persists in force as a solvent of human
problems, when this benighted fool did not and will not
misuse for his folly whatever can be turned into a weapon,
prostituting his finest gifts and treasures and destroying
himself and his neighbors under the delusion that slaugh-
ter and destruction can somehow serve his greed, his lust,
his absurd passion for owning things and dominating
other people. Since he first stood erect, discovered fire
and began to invent and adapt, he always has used in
war "the latest achievements of science." This half-divine
creature, this "forked radish with head fantastically
carved," empowered beyond all other creatures (as he flat-
ters himself) to choose between good and evil, can and
does turn into a weapon every useful thing, however in-
nocent, harmless, beneficent in itself — from the flint ar-
rowhead of the hunter to the world-encircling airship.
The World War, more than any previous one, saw the
devotion to the purposes of mass murder not only of
scientific and industrial research, but of music, art, drama,
literary accomplishments, even the instincts of philan-
thropy. One high in the councils of the American Red
Cross said to me at the time: "I see the Red Cross only as
another agency for winning the war" Shades of Clara
Barton!

FRITZ K.REISLER, GREAT-HEARTED MAN AND MUSICIAN, WIZARD
of the violin, having the misfortune to be a subject of
Austria-Hungary, was summoned home by that govern-
ment to join its army. To go to war . . . war against
the very fellowmcn whom he had been used to charm
and inspire with incomparable music, interpreting in that
universal language the emotions of great composers of
many nationalities including those of "the enemy," and
as well expressing his own radiant, loving personality.
I do not remember what they set him to do; but cer-
tainly the intent was that his ten magic fingers, his keen
intelligence, his intensity of emotion, his whole person-
ality, should be devoted to the business of killing men—
at whatever cost, even of his life, to the precious contribu-
tion he was uniquely fitted to make and all his life had
been making to the happiness and welfare of the world.
It was bull-headed luck (if there be such a thing) that he
emerged from the war "all in one piece," with those
fingers and their wizardry unscathed, whatever its hor-
rors may have done to him otherwise. Innumerable other
men of ineffable skills and profundities of soul were less
fortunate; left in fragments upon the sodden earth, the
whole world poorer for such waste of its best.

Everywhere mankind is living far below the level of
decent subsistence; millions actually starving because, in
the last analysis, the industrial and commercial organiza-
tion has been unable to produce and sensibly distribute
enough to make up for the stupendous waste of the last
great and still continuing war-debauch and at the same

511

time make ready— as we have all been doing on a pro-
digious scale — for the contemplated "next" one, now
hanging over us, as I have said, by a raveling thread. The
hungry, ragged world is more or less consciously, and for
very much the same reason, in the position of the hungry,
ragged farmhand who, met dolefully trudging and asked
why he looked so lugubrious, replied: "I'm going to town
to get drunk again, and Lord, how I dread it!" The
money with which the tattered idiot gets drunk would
nourish his family and displace his rags. The fabulous
wealth wasted on armaments worse than useless would
go far to abolish poverty. Anywhere you go and any
time you have the patience to listen, you may hear the
screams of those who deplore our vast expenditures for
the purposes of reconstruction, for roads, bridges, public
buildings, schoolhouses, parks, playgrounds, improve-
ments generally, productive wealth for the long future;
together with the employment and support of the invol-
untarily unemployed, the economically dislodged. You
will seldom hear a peep from these protesters about our
own immense expenditures for the warfare which, in
our own famous Kellogg-Briand Pact, we have solemnly
forsworn.

Figures collated by the United Press and published
recently indicate that during the 1937-38 fiscal year, ended
June 30 last, the seven major powers — United States,
Great Britain, Germany, France, Italy, Soviet Russia and
Japan — together spent for military purposes close to 14
billion dollars, with expectation of a total by several bil-
lions higher in the current year — incalculably more in
the event of a general war. This is what is beggaring the
world — this and its accompanying state of mind.

FOR THE TROUBLE IS NOT IN THE INSTRUMENTS BUT IN THE

heart of the savage. Those five smooth stones lay in the
brook-bed, harmless in themselves; suitable as playthings
for children or mayhap to be built into a structure for
shelter of man or beast . . . until the hand of that other
famous musician, singer and harpist, David son of Jesse,
put them in his scrip and with his sling, his skill, his
stance rightly gripping the foothold, and most of all his
intent to kill, sunk one of the stones into the forehead of
the giant champion of the Philistines. No matter that our
sympathies traditionally are with David; let professions
be never so benevolent; as Pascal somewhere says: "Men
never do evil so completely and cheerfully as when they
do it from religious conviction." At the last of it, the most
potent weapon of Japan in its present suicidal invasion of
China is the utter inbred patriotism of the Japanese peo-
ple— that will be available for the continuance of the
outrage long after everything else has failed. It all de-
pends upon how and why and by whom these wondrous
implements of today, material and spiritual, are used. Raw
muscle, skill, education, scientific wizardry, money, organ-
izing ability — every good and useful attribute and pos-
session— enhance potentialities for evil in a bad or mis-
guided person, as they magnify the beneficent power of
wisdom and good will. It is the will to use it so that
makes science deadly in the hands of malevolence.

Consider, for example, the scandal of Japanese delib-
erate encouragement in the conquered areas of China of
the distribution of raw opium, morphine, heroin and
other narcotic drugs. Of all the diabolical things that have
characterized the Japanese raids upon her neighbor,
none is more studied in its malevolence than this. At the

512

recent meeting in Geneva of the League of Nations Cortl-
mission on Opium and Other Dangerous Drugs, Stuart J.
Fuller, representing the United States, categorically
charged without substantial contradiction that, for exam-
ple, on April 3 last a Japanese armed vessel landed at
Macao for account of Japanese consignees in Shanghai
1100 chests of Persian raw opium — sufficient for the man-
ufacture of 8000 kilograms of morphine or heroin; at
least a year's supply for 164,000 addicts. It was charged
at that meeting and has not been seriously denied that
wherever the Japanese control in China, in puppet Man-
chukuo and other conquered provinces (I quote a sum-
mary of the conclusions drawn from the discussion by the
Geneva special correspondent of Headway, the organ of
the British League of Nations Union) :

(1) The Chinese anti-opium agencies have been systemat-
ically paralyzed by the Japanese;

(2) The import of opium and other narcotics has become
virtually unrestricted;

(3) The business is in the hands of a number of Japanese
and Korean "rings" in intimate relation with the Japanese
and other authorities;

(4) Opium and other narcotics are being forced upon non-
addicts, and Chinese workers are frequently forced to re-
ceive part of their wages in the form of narcotics.

The policy would appear to be twofold: namely, to
promote the distribution of and profiteering in illicit
drug traffic all over the world, under cover of the chaos
in China, and at the same time to aggravate the degra-
dation and brutalization of the people of China. At the
same time the Japanese are merciless in suppressing any
distribution or use of these narcotics among their own
fighting forces, as they are in excluding both from their
homeland. Meanwhile, the British North Borneo Com-
pany announces the closing of its list of "registered smok-
ers" of "prepared" opium as of the end of 1939, ex-
pressing the hope and belief that within ten years opium-
smoking will have been virtually abolished in North
Borneo. All of which is gratifying — on paper. But of what
use when the Japanese are flooding the Far East with
the vastly more deadly manufactured drugs, the smug-
gling of which is almost impossible to prevent? It
seeps across all the borders — beneficent anodynes of medi-
cine turned in the hands of perverted people into one of
the great curses of the world.

Speaking of leaky borders ... I have before me a pub-
lished letter (New Yor{ Times, August 14) of Andrue
Berding, recently chief of the Associated Press bureau in
Rome, commenting upon his emotions as, fresh from the
borders-bristling conditions in Europe, he traveled hun-
dreds of miles along the Great Lakes-St. Lawrence proj-
ect between the United States and Canada, eastern end
of the 5526-mile imaginary line demarking the interna-
tional boundary. No Maginot Line, no Siegfried Line,
behind which armed men grimly await murderous con-
flict. No soldiers, no warships, no fortifications guard
this symbolic division between great nations of mutually
friendly folk. Sanity and right relations govern the going
back and forth across it. No megalomaniacs rule these
peoples to their hurt, crazily imagining mutual mischief
by the use of the wonderful gifts of modern scientific
achievement. The plotting on either side has to do with
the ways in which these peoples may best use the re-
sources owned in common, of which they cannot avail
themselves otherwise than by cooperative effort.

SURVEY GRAPHIC

LETTERS AND LIFE

On Understanding Europe

by LEON WHIPPLE

\SCRIPT El'ROPE. by Randolph Leigh. Putnam. 308 pp. Prior $3.

ACROSS THE FRONTIERS, by Phillip Gibbs. Doubleday-Doran. 309
pp. Price $3.

I'KACK WITH THE DICTATORS, by Norman Angell. Harpers. 291
P!'. Price $3.

C.VTO CAESAR, by F. A. Voight. Putnam. 303 pp. Price V3.
Prices postpaid of Sunry Graphic.

'I'll REVIEW BOOKS ON EUROPE IS AT THE MOMENT A LITERARY

;ure. But suppose the plain American, turning in fear
trom the headlines on Czechoslovakia that hail the twen-
tieth anniversary of the Armistice, declares "Europe is mad";
yet, driven by a sense of justice, seeks in these volumes to
discover what curse has befallen these peoples and what
cure for this madness can be conceived — how will he profit
in understanding or guidance for his own acts? I shall
understudy this plain American, for I share his remoteness,
his ignorance, and his blundering good intentions. I differ
in that I have read the books whereas few plain Americans
will read any one of them.

That is a tragic pity. The distinguished authors are in-
formed, experienced in affairs, deeply devoted to peace and
good will, and have labored in desperate earnest to convey
the meaning of our life-and-death crisis. The publishers offer
the books as a service without expectation of profits. The
studies in themselves are treasuries of little known facts,
often profound in thought, brilliant in thrusts of irony and
satire, and challenging to mind and heart. Yet the plain man
who votes and fights will lay them aside for the misleading
drama of the headlines. Why?

He will feel (as I do) that they are too long, bulky with
the involutions of a thesis, not focused on main themes:
that they are difficult, for close-thinking on essences is diffi-
cult; that they presuppose a knowledge of geography, races,
economics, and the psychology of nations that most of us
do not possess. Little use is made of our modern devices for
clarity and interest. No map, photograph, or graphic aid
is offered save the cartoon-pictures in Angell. Consider, by
contrast, how photographs have taught our people of the
sharecropper's tragedy.

Finally, these are not happy books, but ominous and dis-
couraging, for these honest men have been disillusioned by
twenty years' events out of any faith in panaceas. They must
register forces that all agree may end in catastrophe; they
likewise agree the only way out is through a long period of
conciliation by a unity of sacrifice, education and discipline.
This is a harsh prospect to Americans who think they re-
solve problems by passing a law or electing a reform admin-
istration. There is no administration in Europe, and no law.

THESE JUDGMENTS ON THE INERTIA AND IGNORANCE OF PLAIN
Americans are in no wise a disparagement of the intrinsic
importance of the books. Doubtless they were not intended
for plain people, but for those elite intelligences — statesmen,
editors, publicists — who can translate in simple forms for the
people what of truth and stern hope the pages reveal. They
are challenges to such interpreters, for until the people gain
some understanding and knowledge of peoples, not one step
can be taken toward the single way out. Our very modes of
communication are challenged: print-symbolism is inade-
quate to convey a true realization of how other people feel
and will, yet feelings below consciousness and will without
reason are the essences of our present conflicts. Action and
suffering may yet be the final interpreters. That is why, pcr-

OCTOBER 1938

li.ips, I'.iris »l tlu-sf lxx>ks seem iwrrly talk alxmt reality,
|iisi .is ilns review may seem talk about reality.

NtVKRTIII-.l.KSS, LET I'S Ml. WHAT OCR IDEAL PLAIN AMERICAN

may get from these authors. He will understand and perhaps
endorse Randolph Leigh's advocacy of isolation from the
tribe of predatory Europeans who cannot be "re-rescued"
from the chaos their own lust for power and pelf creates.
He ticks off the reasons for each nation. We cannot cooperate
with a democratic England because it is a fading empire
under an oligarchy, buttressed by the powers of the Prime
Minister, the Church, and the Lords. Germany is a breeding
ground where population is swamping her proposed eco-
nomic self-sufficiency; she must expand — and can only be-
hind her bayonets. France is a "Gimmeland" that might
"cooperate in the hope of more money from us." Our past
gifts are massed in evidence. Her legislators have hamstrung
the executive and in turn submit to rule by party committees
that may become the Revolutionary Committee. Europe is
bankrupt because the dividends of imperialism on which she
has lived are dwindling under competition and the resistance
of the exploited peoples.

The indictment is familiar, and one-sided. The value is
in the mass of little known facts that often produce an effect
of humor; such as the list of English sovereigns with their
"domestic virtues"; that Queen Mary costs £70,000 a year;
that the Lords are the judge-makers; that the Bishops' honor-
aria run from $75,000 for Canterbury to $10,000 for Sodor,
for serving 3,142,943 communicants in about 40,000,000
people. Our American can get instruction from this fellow-
American's blast, but we think he would reject the conclu-
sion that even if Europe achieved a union for peace, it would
mean a new license for freebooting at home and abroad.

PHILLIP GIBBS OFFERS A BRILLIANT JOURNALIST'S CLEAR RESUME
of the past twenty years, the causes of present passion, of the
stricken League of Nations in which he passionately be-
lieved, and of the resurgence of Germany. His last chapters
are really questions. Cannot an understanding between the
honest liberals of England and the best traditions of Ger-
many save Europe? Cannot a reasonable and civilized per-
suasion end the torture of the Jews? Will the American illu-
sion of possible isolation change to a policy of world coopera-
tion? These very days may answer his questions. His last
hopes are for friendships between England and Germany and
the slow creation of spirit of conciliation and good will in
Europe. Yet this is a fine offering to our American reader:
it will challenge his idealism, and provide an intelligent
humanitarian's interpretation of these sad twenty years.

No other of these authors seems to agree with Norman
Angell's detailed argument that peace can be guaranteed by
an instrument of collective security that will limit aggression,
if necessary, by joint use of armed police power. They con-
tend that this would divide Europe (where unity of spirit
is the paramount need) into two armed camps with war in-
evitable. But Norman Angell, who exposed the futility of
war in The Great Illusion, and won a Nobel Peace award,
has not turned militarist. He holds that with the present
forces for violence abroad in Europe the pacifist position is
untenable. Non-resistance would simply mean the seizure of
power by fascists within or without. The dilemma is not
between the use of arms or conciliation, but between the
use of arms by selfish coalitions for their own ends, and
their use by a union of nations that will defend each other
against fascist aggression. The union must not "crystallize
inequality of right, but offer its opponents the same freedom
and economic opportunity it defends." (Cont. on page 514)

513

Clearly this reveals the crux of such programs: Is there
enough unity of spirit and purpose among the democracies,
enough of abnegation and sacrifice, to make them join the
union and pay the price? The answer might be to try. Nor-
man Angell s faith that the aggressor nations would not risk
war, but ultimately enter a union that promised justice for
their needs, may be the doubtful alternative to war by de-
fault. It is proposed as an experimental transition to some-
thing better. Democracy must sometime risk proving its
virtue.

To STATE BRIEFLY THE THESES ADVANCED IN UNTO CAESAR IS

false emphasis. The thinking is profound and original, and
not to be understood vicariously. The book should be read
because it deals with the deep springs of national psychology
behind the drama of events and so may orient our concept
of the roots of the present confusions. Voight declares that
the evil in both Marxism and National Socialism is that they
set up a subjectively derived myth of the Millennium. The
curse of our age is that we think we can realize heaven on
earth. He even includes the militant pacifists as victims of the
myth that they can enforce their vision of a peaceful age
by sanctions. Therefore, the justification in Russia and
Germany of any means of realizing the mythological Para-
dise— in Germany by hatred of the Jews, coercive propa-
ganda, the rise of the divinely inspired leader, the inquisi-
tion against the heretic — the deification of class or state. But
the human race can reach no Millennium; sin will invade
the Paradise; the evidence is before us. The men Messiahs
have failed.

On this provocative theme, the foreign affairs editor of
The Manchester Guardian bases his views of recent history
with especial emphasis on the need for England to keep
armed to protect her vital interests and feel secure enough
to show at times "a certain bias in favor of an ideal policy." .
This is a disappointing come-out for a view that might have
closed with an adjuration to repent our sins and seek a new
faith in God's heaven.

OUR PLAIN AMERICAN MIGHT FIND HIS CONFUSION WORSE CON-
founded by these books. He would be understandably human
if he repeated: "Europe is crazy. We have to remain aloof
for there is nothing to join. When Europe finds some unity
of her own, we can help." But we cannot wait. Humanity
together must confront confusion or give up the hope that
man can share in forming his own destiny.

The Case for Pacifism

THE CONQUEST OF VIOLENCE, by Bart DeLigt. With introduction
by Aldous Huxley. Dutton. 306 pp. Price $3 postpaid of Survey
Graphic.

THE PACIFIST LITERATURE OF OUR TIME IS IMPRESSIVE. ITS

rapid growth is matched by its uncompromising character.
It is adorned also by an increasing number of great names- —
as witness, among recent pacifist writers, such distinguished
men as Bertrand Russell, A. A. Milne, H. M. Tomlinson,
Beverly Nichols, and Aldous Huxley. Not only the preachers
but the authors and scholars of our day are turning in revolt
against militarism to the means as well as the end of peace.
And the means, let me say, are the important thing! Only
the way of peace can lead to the goal of peace.

Baron DeLigt is a Dutch sociologist. He is a pacifist of
the absolutist type — one, that is, who repudiates the use of
force and violence for any reason to any end. He is as much
concerned with getting rid of violence in the revolutionary
struggle against capitalism inside the nations as in the fear-
ful struggles between nations known as war. In the one case
as in the other, he believes violence to be fatal to any good
cause, and in the end destructive of civilization itself. As a
sociologist, DeLigt is interested more in the practical than
in the idealistic aspects of the problem. He knows what his-

tory has recorded in the past and therefore is now prophecy-
ing infallibly for the future. Original and emphatic is his
denunciation of what he calls "the absurdity of bourgeois
pacifism." It is his conviction that "war, capitalism, and
imperialism are co-substantial one with another" and there-
fore must be eliminated together.

This book is one of the most important contributions to
the pacifist literature of our time. It is contemporary, like
good journalism, in fronting right up to the baffling prob-
lems presented by Russia, Spain, Japan, the League of Na-
tions and the Kellogg Pact. But it has the qualities of a
profound philosophy. In its closing challenge, "Don't wait
for the eleventh hour," and in its "plan of campaign" for
action now, it adds leadership to thought.
New Yori{ JOHN HAYNES HOLMI-S

We and They

OUR COUNTRY, OUR PEOPLE, AND THEIRS, by M. E. Tracy.
Macmillan. 120 pp. Price $1.7'5 postpaid of Survey Graphic.

THE EDITOR OF Current History, EVIDENTLY AWARE OF THE
fact that the democracies of the world are in retreat, wishes
to restore our faith in our nation, its traditions and its capa-
cities. He does not believe that the one-party totalitarian
dictatorships are superior in any respect to our democracy, in
spite of the fact that these states have been aggressively
successful while the democracies have faltered and failed.
"Without belittling their achievements," writes Mr. Tracy,
"fascism, nazism, and Russian socialism have a long way
to go before they can show results comparable to those of
the United States." The factual basis of such comparisons
as seem to him appropriate, constitute the bulk of this un-
usual volume. But, before the author proceeds with this
ambitious project of comparison, he supplies a simple defini-
tion of democracy which is summarized thus:

"Dictatorship rests on the assumption that the people as a
whole cannot think intelligently, and that they are better
off when a few rulers or leaders do their thinking for them.
Democracy, on the other hand, rests on the assumption that
the primary objective of government is not to acquire and
exercise unlimited power, but to promote human progress,
and that this can best be accomplished by releasing the mind,
imagination and ingenuity of men through the greatest pos-
sible degree of liberty. To sum up, dictatorship looks upon
men as made for government, while democracy looks upon
government as made for men."

As is customary with those who believe that democracy should
be defended, as contrasted with those who wish to refurbish
democracy and bring it to a state of compatibility with science
and technology, Mr. Tracy seems to identify democracy pri-
marily with liberty which, to most people, means individu-
alism. What the totalitarian states have taught us is that in
extremities the people will trade off their liberty for security.
The perplexing task of democracy is, thus, to find a way of
harmonizing liberty with security. This is a complicated and
difficult undertaking because it involves some basic reorien-
tations of thought and behavior. The most significant les-
son which is to be learned from science and technology is
that these instruments tend to diminish the functional effi-
ciency of so-called natural controls. If we are to continue
to utilize science and technology in creating an increasingly
artificial environment, we must also learn how to expand
our consciousness and the sphere of social control. To as-
sume that such extensions of conscious control are at vari-
ance with the essential qualities of freedom is to reduce
freedom to a form of negativism. I say all of this as an in-
troduction to Mr. Tracy's fascinating book because I too
want Americans to be proud of their country, but I gravely
mistrust a pride which looks to the past and not to the fu-
ture. A healthy variety of national self-respect seems to be

514

» prerequisite to a wholesome internationalism, but self-re-
spect has as much to do with where the nation is going as
with the place from which it has come.

The scope of Mr. Tracy's comparisons between the so-
c.illcd totalitarian states and our country is, indeed, generous
and transcends the specialized knowledge of a person like
myself. He compares the areas, the natural resources, popu-
lations, agriculture, mining, manufacturing, labor, business,
n.ule, finance, living conditions, transportation, communica-
tion, education, culture, recreation, the family, health, gov-
ernment, national defense, law enforcement, crime and penol-
ogy, and the human rights of Italy, Germany, Russia and
the United States. The above list of categories may lead the
reader to suspect a long and tedious set of statistical tables
accompanied by equally tedious interpretations, but this is
not the case. The book is wide and long and thin and on
each page of the main text there are four columns, one for
each country; in these columns are given the relevant facts,
all presented in terms of excellent prose.

IT W1I.I., I HOPE, GIVE YOU SOME REASSURANCE AND PROMISE FOR

the future of our Democracy. If the dose is too heavy and
your pride goes to your head, may I suggest that you read
as an antidote another small volume designed to further
our patriotism, namely, I Like America by Granvillc Hicks,
and read especially Chapter V which is entitled Nobody
Starves — Much. In fact, it seems to me that these two vol-
umes might be regarded as suitable companions for the
autumn reading of those who (a) may allow the United
States to lose its democratic tradition because they have suc-
cumbed to the diseases of frustration and inferiority, or (b)
those who may allow our democracy to decay from within
by reason of that sort of uncritical pride which invariably
precedes a fall.
New Yori[ School of Social Worl( EDUARD C. LINDEMAN

South America — A Round-up of Recent Literature

REPUBLICAN HISPANIC AMERICA. A HISTOKY, by Charles E. Chap.

man. Macmillan. 463 pp. Price $4.
A HISTORY OF LATIX AMERICA, by David R. Moore. Prentice-Hall.

826 pp. Price $5.
A HISTORY OF ARGENTINA, by Ricardo Levene. Translated and

edited by VV. T. Robertson. University of North Carolina Press. 565

pp. Price »4-
THE INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC POSITION OF ARGENTINA.

bv Vernon Lovell Phelps. University of Pennsylvania Press. 276 pp

Price $3.

LATIN AMERICA: ITS PLACE IK WORLD Lire, by Samuel Guy Inman.
Willett. Clark. 462 pp. Pi ice $3.75.

Prices postpaid of Survey Graphic.

OfH M \MIIST DESTINY STILL POINTS SOUTHWARD. NoT NOW

towards conquest but towards unity. And as governmental
policies emphasize good-neighborliness, as tourists increas-
ingly throng southward by sea and air, the demand grows
for more books about Latin America. These new handy,
authoritative histories are most welcome.

The Spaniards and the Portuguese came just as did our
forefathers — to explore and exploit a virgin continent, to sub-
jugate or eliminate the aborigines, to win political indepen-
dence and at last to produce the American phase of western
civilization. In parallel lines run their history and ours, with
the hardships and heroism of pioneering, the savage butch-
eries of Indian wars, successful rebellion against the mother-
land, importation and enslavement of African Negroes, civil
wars, development and wasteful use of rich natural resources
and the ultimate attainment of national personality. All Ameri-
can nations have experienced the same conflict between the
seaboard cities with their transplanted culture and the crude
virile frontier, between the trends toward centralization and
toward local autonomy.

The splitting up of Hispanic America into a score of
republics makes the historian's task harder. Probably the sim-
plcst way is to write a general story of the colonial and inde-
pendence period and then take up each country in turn.
Professor Chapman has done this. His new book should be

(In aniu/ering adrrrtiirments

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As a guide to current affairs it is a book you cannot afford

to ignore.

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GRAPHIC may be obtained by arrangement
with the publishers. Prices on application.

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three weeks' notice and the old address as well as the new. Write
to the Circulation Department, Survey Graphic, 112 Eatt 19 Street,
New York City.

please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC)

515

read along with his earlier Colonial Hispanic America [Mac-
millan, 405 pp. Price $3] as a complete two-volume history.
In the new volume the dramatic stories of the great libera-
tors are behind us, and we see the new nations working out
their several destinies. To enable us to understand the anarchic
post-independence period everywhere, Dr. Chapman devotes
three long chapters to a detailed account of the decade 1810-
1821 in Argentina. During these dreary years 49 revolutions
or civil wars are important enough to be mentioned. There
follows an important chapter on the "Age of the Caudillos,"
an attempt to explain that most striking phenomenon of
Hispanic American history, the "dictator," "general," "caci-
que," "caudillo," as he is variously termed. In the beginning
simply a transplanted feudal baron or a Spaniard playing the
role of Indian chief, he has developed in modern times into
a political boss ruling nation or province, very much as our
Huey Long ruled Louisiana, or Frank Hague rules Jersey
City. Understand the caudillo, and you understand Latin
American politics. The persistence of the type is explained in
part by the illiteracy and poverty of populations incapable of
working elaborate constitutions set up by idealistic theorists
of the past; in part by " personalismo ," the Latin, and par-
ticularly Spanish, tendency to form political groups around
persons rather than programs.

SOMEWHAT LESS INTERESTINGLY WRITTEN, BUT MORE COMPRE-
hensive, is Dr. Moore's solid 800-page volume. Part I covers
the Colonial period and the wars of independence; Part II,
the nineteenth century; Part III, Latin America today. In
each part different countries or groups are taken up in turn.
The final chapter is an excellent summing-up of foreign rela-
tions, including the Monroe Doctrine, Pan-Americanism (with
due credit to Bolivar), the "Good Neighbor" doctrine, and
Pan-American Congresses, including the latest at Buenos
Aires. In view of Argentina's increasing importance, the ab-
sence of Argentine history and biography in English is most
regrettable. Argentina, with its wealth of picturesque person-
alities, its complicated and dramatic history, is an unworked
gold mine for historians, biographers, novelists and dramatists.

DR. LEVENE STANDS AT THE HEAD OF ARGENTINA'S CONTEMPO-
rary historians. In spite of minor defects of style and arrange-
ment this book is notable from every angle. We are equally
fortunate in having such a work as Dr. Levene's for transla-
tion, and in having such a scholar as W. T. Robertson to do
the translating.

In 1516, ten years after the death of Columbus, the Rio
de la Plata was discovered, and on its banks Buenos Aires
was founded temporarily in 1536, permanently in 1580. In
1776, what is now Argentina, Bolivia, Uruguay and Para-
guay was taken from Peru and made a separate vice-royalty
under the Spanish crown. Spain had aroused bitter resent-
ment in Buenos Aires by her repressive economic policies.
The French wars kept her too busy at home to suppress rebel-
lion in the colonies. An impetus was given the independence
movement by the success of the citizens of Buenos Aires,
unaided by the mother country, in defeating powerful British
invading forces in 1806 and 1807. Here were the beginnings
of a national consciousness and a national army. A declaration
of independence, July 9, 1816, ended nominal allegiance to
exiled King Ferdinand.

In 1812, Jose de San Martin, Argentine born, after a nota-
ble military career in Spain, made his classic crossing of the
Andes, cleared the Spanish armies out of Chile, created a fleet,
and took an allied army to Peru by sea as the only way to
put a definite end to Spanish power. Lima was taken and
Peru declared free. Meanwhile, Simon Bolivar had vanquished
the Spanish armies in Venezuela and Colombia. The two
liberators met. San Martin saw that to wipe out the remain-
ing Spanish force in Peru was a one-man job. And in a mag-
nanimous gesture of renunciation he left that job to Bolivar,
whose lieutenant, Sucre, won the final triumph at Ayacucho

in 1824. Meanwhile, San Martin, ignored and calumniated,
went into voluntary exile in France, steadfastly refusing to
take any part in Argentina's ceaseless civil wars. After his
death, his genius was recognized, and he stands today as the
national hero of Argentina.

In Argentina, abortive constitution making, dictatorships,
and civil wars continued in bewildering fashion. The existing
Federalist constitution was adopted in 1853, but a bitter strug-
gle for supremacy between Buenos Aires and the provinces
was not finally settled until 1880 when the city was set apart
as the capital in a federal district. Since then, with one ex-
ception, presidents have succeeded one another in peaceful
constitutional manner, and the country has become the most
orderly, progressive, and highly developed economically in all
Latin America.

JUST NOW OUR TRADE RELATIONS WITH ARGENTINA ARE TO THE

front. Worth study, therefore, is the Phelps monograph on
that country's economic position. The chapter on Argentina's
foreign commercial policy indicates the basis of a satisfactory
bilateral trade pact. Both countries are exporters of farm
products. We desire to sell to the Argentines automobiles,
farm machinery, electrical machinery and the like. But the
Argentines like the idea of "buy from those who buy from
us." Mr. Phelps shows that we can buy much more from
them without hurting the interests of our farmers, that we
can well afford to let down the tariff bars on flax, canned
meat, hides, quebracho extract (used in tanning), fruits and

RATHER LOOSELY AND SKETCHILY DR. INMAN DRAWS ON HIS
long study of Latin America to show us how the peoples to
the south of us feel today. Dr. Inman is sympathetic and has
had unusually close contacts with intellectuals and students,
classes generally unfamiliar to tourists and business men from
the United States. His most interesting chapter, Poets versus
Engineers, notes that the Iberian conception of the funda-
mentals of life is different from that of the Anglo-Saxon. It
is to be hoped that Dr. Inman is correct in thinking that, in
spite of the impact of the machine age and the new political
ideologies, "there is a tendency in the South to be more inter-
ested in becoming itself than in following Europe or North
America."
New Yor/t BENJAMIN P. ADAMS

Japan Over Asia

JAPAN IN CHINA, by T. A. Bisson. Macmillan. 417 pp. Price $3 post-
paid of Survey Graphic.

THROUGH HIS RESEARCH WORK, THE AUTHOR is KNOWN AS
meticulous in the assembly of information on difficult inter-
national situations and an objective interpreter of the issues
at stake. Because it exemplifies these qualities, the present
book, the result of a year's study in the Far East, belongs in
the front rank of the publications designed to supply reliable
facts on the present war in China. It is a selective survey of
recent events which lays more stress on what is significant
than on a minute adherence to chronology. It includes a good
deal about internal changes in China and Japan which may
not, at first glance, seem to be related to the present war but
which, skillfully displayed, are seen to be factors of the first
importance. Thus we see in a new light, for example, the
Chinese government's dealings with the patriotic student
movement, and learn why the struggle for political leadership
in Japan was bound to lead to risky foreign adventure.

The author is particularly well informed about the former
Soviet region in the northwest of China, which he has visited,
and gives some clues to the probable outcome of the some-
what one-sided attitude of "forget and forgive" which closed
the era of bitter strife between reactionaries and liberals in
Chinese politics.

The attentive reader will come to the conclusion from this

516

survey that Japan has overreached itself and will have to ac-
cept something less than its declared aims of policy in China.
He will also finish the book with much greater optimism
than was warranted in the past that China will ere long
achieve real unity as a progressive modern nation. The book
does not, however, contain many generalizations but is a
careful chronicle of events permitting of more than one
interpretation. BRUNO LASKER

Little Caesar

KKMAI. ATATURK, by Hannj Frormbgcn. Hillman Curl. 285 pp. Price
$3 postpaid of Surify Graphic.

It MAS BKCOMh AN ESTABLISHED CUSTOM TO LOOK UPON LITTLE

dictators with more benevolence and respect than upon big
ones. Those men who arc directing the policies of more or
less insignificant backward nations are widely credited and
praised for what they have done for their people. In the face
of the fact that they actually have introduced Western stand-
ards, the emancipation of women, Western legislation and
Western dress, it may be hard for Westerners to see what is
wrong with their rule.

That something is wrong, and that the shortcomings of
little dictatorships are pretty much the same as the short-
comings of big ones, is evident from the volume under re-
view, which appears to present the case for dictatorship as
such. Relating the dramatic story of Mustafa Retrial's rise,
Mr. Froembgen does not trouble to criticize the Turkish dic-
tator's methods of obtaining and preserving totalitarian
powers. There is nothing sarcastic about his presentation
ot Kemal's recent decision "to create an opposition party,
which was to perform the function of a logical antithcsis"-
a move which seemed wise "on propaganda grounds, too."
When talking about the obvious strides of modern Turkey
as a westernized power, Mr. Froembgen exclaims, "All this
had been achieved without foreign money!" — a rather start-
ling statement in the face of the heavy financial assistance on
the part of Soviet Russia.

ERNEST O. HAUSER

Whither Go We?

rnviMfxiSM. FASCISM OR DEMOCRACY, by Eduard Htimann
ii. 288 pp. Price $2.50 postpaid of Survey Cnfkic.

A M>RMIR PROFESSOR AT THE UNIVERSITY OF HAMBURG HAS

written a theoretical analysis of the three great movements
which are competing for supremacy in the world today.

His main thesis is that we should have democracy in a di-
versified world. This means that within each nation we should
ha\c neither a collective nor an individualistic property sys-
tem, but rather both. In other words there would be a com-
munal system for workers in the factories since today the
latter are no longer individually owned and operated. For
rural workers who desire to own and work their land, private
ownership would still be retained.

Each group of workers would thus have the right to choose
between a communal or an individualistic organization. "Each
is to confine its particular program to its particular field with-
out encroaching upon the others . . . this is the equality and
the peace that come through justice." He believes that this
solution has the natural force of history behind it since the
pattern ot property organization would then correspond to
the pattern of work.

It .ill sounds very simple and beautiful and it is certainly
plausible, but between these two systems of organized life
there would inevitably be innumerable conflicts.

The author condemns the Communists for having forced
Collectivization in Russia. Here the question ic-aso to IK- aca
drum and the issues arc clouded by actualities ot various
kinds. The program of communism and industriali/cd pro
duction, the survival of the people as a whole, depended on
food from the land. An illiterate peasantry, ignorant of the

(In anturrrinii adfertuetnenis please

517

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Their book is a fascinating, objective ac-
count of one of the most important
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upon an exhaustive survey by the authors of the
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Publication late September

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mention SCRXI.Y GRAPHIC)

"For everybody who thinks, talks, or writes about
these United States'— CHARLES A. BEARD

American Regionalism

By HOWARD W. ODUM

and HARRY ESTILL MOORE

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needs of the people as a whole, their eyes on their own little
plots, refused to gear into the whole program. Small holdings
were found to be inefficient and uneconomical; the peasant
could not possibly have a tractor and other aids for himself,
nor was scientific farming possible for him. The collective
farm movement in the Soviet Union has apparently proved
itself to be more economical and productive than the old way.
The author admits the possibility of this but holds that even
so the peasant preferred his own individual action. Probably
so, but with the threat of fascism overshadowing the young
Soviet Union the hazards of permitting the ignorant individ-
ual to imperil the safety of the state are apparent to all those
who saw at close range the many factors and forces of the
revolution. More time might have been taken in educating
for collectivism had not the threats of war loomed always on
the horizon.

Can one group of workers be permitted to follow their
own desires in the matter of technical ownership while penal-
izing another group of workers and the state? The author
seems to feel that because we have always had individual
ownership of the land it is therefore desirable, a strange argu-
ment for the student of the historical process. Perhaps we are
even now on the threshold of a new era where collectivization
of land may prove its superiority.

A discussion of this subject must of course proceed from
theory but the actual and concrete are equally important.
This volume fails to provide compelling illustrations which
would grip one's interest and add lucidity to the section on

communism.

The best treatment is the analysis of fascism with which
the author has had firsthand contact. Here adequate illustra-
tive material is used. When he tackles communism, on the
other hand, the reader feels a lack of familiarity with the sit-
uation in Russia.

The decision which Mr. Heimann arrives at, that "no inter-
national social-economic pattern can ever secure peace," is also
open to question. It is true that at the present moment we
have not reached such a goal, but how can anyone dogmati-
cally assert that we can never secure peace by this means?

After all, mankind is still very young — only a few minutes
old if we were to divide all human history into a twelve-hour
day. What the future may hold for the human race, none of
us would have the temerity to predict, least of all can we be
sure that "it is only as an independent state" that any people
may hope to have a planned basis for its life.

Although many additional questions might be raised, on
the whole we are grateful to Mr. Heimann for his searching
analysis of these great modern social movements.
West Haven, Conn. JEROME DAVIS

Seabrook Visits Foreign Home Folks

THESE FOREIGNERS, by William Seabrook. Harcourt. Brace. .158
pp. Price $2.50 postpaid of Survey Graphic.

AN ENTERTAINING, JOURNALISTIC DESCRIPTION Op ScANDI-

navian, Italian, Polish, German and Russian groups in Amer-
ica— this book is a sympathetic presentation addressed to a
thoroughly lay audience. Mr. Seabrook clearly was dissatis-
fied with shadowy outlines and vague specters labelled "the
alien menace" and realistically set out by land and by air to
see just what "these foreigners" actually look like in flesh
and blood. He talked with intellectual leaders, owners of
"big business," small traders and simple workmen.

The conclusion of the whole matter is that "these foreign-
ers" are solid, stable, substantial people presenting neither a
"red menace" on the one hand nor a "Hitler menace" on
the other. They are a very real part of our national life and
a decided asset to the communities in which they reside.

The book has the faults as well as the virtues of a rapid

(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC)

518

The first thoroughly up-to-date, authoritative book for the
training and guidance of social welfare administrative workers

PUBLIC

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ADMINISTRATION

By Marietta Stevenson, Assistant Director of the American Public
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Based on the actual experience of the men and women in charge of welfare work throughout the country during
the last six years and on recent data from a wide variety of sources, this book presents a clear, comprehensive survey
of present practices in the administration of public welfare and formulates for the first time the general principles of
organization, management, personnel administration, financing, etc. A unique book for the training of all social service
workers and an excellent guide for those already in administrative positions.

To be published this fall. $2.50 (probable). The Macmillan Co., N. Y.

journalistic style. There is no time or space for details. Clear
bold lines do not permit of those gradations in shading which
a subtle portrait demands. There is little insight into the
deep feelings and emotions of "these foreigners."

In weighing its merits the balance, however, tips far to
the favorable side. A book such as this, written with sanity,
'directness and humor, should do much to dispel prejudice
and fanaticism.
Detroit. Mich. FLORENCE G. CASSIDY

Academic Interpretation of Class Consciousness

PROLETARIAT: A CHALLENGE TO WESTERN CIVILIZA-
by Goctz A. Briefs. McGraw-Hill. 297 pp. Price S3 postpaid of
Sun-ty Graphic.

FORMERLY PROFESSOR OF ECONOMICS AT THE Technische Hoch-
ic/iule in Berlin, now professor of labor economics at
Georgetown University, Mr. Briefs' book, according to the
foreword, is "based upon a searching inductive study of the
trends of proletarian organization and action in the principal
industrial countries of Europe and in the United States." It
explores such matters as the prospect of agreement as to
objectives and methods among members of the proletariat,
the strength of the tendencies toward international proletarian
organization as against the present clearly marked tendencies
lou.ird national working class organization, and how strong
a motive class consciousness is in proletarian movements.

The book bristles with citations from all the savants since
the classicists who even mentioned the wage earner or the
i laboring poor. He has evolved a very clear notion of the char-
acteristics and of the social function of the proletariat as the
strongest force opposed to the propertied ruling class. His
conclusions are not cheerful: the proletariat lacks property,
the "fundamental prerequisite for personal rights," the "basis
for man's independence, for his personal responsibility." Pro-
letarian class consciousness does not necessarily lead to belief.

in socialism (though that is of course one of the chief possi-
bilities), therefore the proletariat has little chance of concerted
action on an agreed policy. Finally, Western civilization and
the existence of a proletariat do not fit together, but "the
Western world has not found a way out of this problem, just
as the proletariat has not found its place within the Western
civilization."

That may be all very well for the scholar bound by the four
walls of his study. For the person interested in the here and
now, it is not enough; it offers neither advice nor guidepost.
A great deal of material is brought together and given critical
analysis, but it is hard to see that there has been a significant
new contribution. A subject human in its very essence be-
comes here book-learning as remote as relativity.

Some of the statements made will fall strangely on the ear.
The reader may be surprised to find that communism "is the
philosophy of those who cannot have private property," or to
see social legislation, communism, and the totalitarian state
lumped together as the major approaches to the solution ol
the problem raised by free men who are property-less. The
book suffers from the occasional use of jargon-words like
"mediatization" and "machinoclasm," and it probably lost a
good deal in translation from the German.
Baltimore, Md. LOUISE PEARSON MITCHELL

SCIENCE IN OUR LIVES, by Benjamin C. Gruenberg and Samuel
P. Unzicker. World Book Co. 750 pp. Price $1.76 postpaid of Survry
Graphic.

PRIMARILY DESIGNED AS A TEXTBOOK FOR. SECONDARY SCHOOLS,
this book about chemistry, physics, biology has much to rec-
ommend it to the general reader. The explanations are clear
and simple, with many drawings, charts, maps and photo-
graphs to help carry the meaning, and the relationship of
the traditional scientific fields to one another and to life
today is made plain. This is a stimulating first look at the
essentials of modern science. — B. A.

(In

advertisements please mention Si KM v

519

Youth in Session

by GEORGE C. STONEY

WHEN FIVE HUNDRED DELEGATES MET AT THE SECOND WORLD
Youth Congress at Vassar College in August, they spoke
out their grievances and demands without patriotic oratory
but certainly with as much determination as their elders,
more accustomed to diplomatic language, have ever dis-
played. "And now I will tell you of the terrible conditions
that exist among the youth of my country," was the cus-
tomary opening line at the "mutual information sessions"
at which someone from each delegation told of his country's
problems, what the young people were doing for themselves,
what they wanted other countries to do for them, and how
they could help others in return.

The discussion was divided among four commissions on
the political and economic organization for peace, the eco-
nomic and cultural status of youth, the religious and philo-
sophical basis of peace, and the international role of youth.

Each delegation brought proposals worked out by its
country's youth assemblies. Then, with the aid of an expert
provided by the League of Nations, the commissions tried to
formulate an inclusive program.

DELEGATIONS VARIED CONSIDERABLY, AS DO THE CHARACTER OF
the youth organizations of each country. From England
came university-trained men twenty-eight or thirty years old.
The French and Belgians were farmers or factory workers
in their early twenties. Scandinavia's churches and coopera-
tives sent quiet country boys and girls, rather dumbfounded
by all the talk of war and colonies. From Czechoslovakia
and the Danubian countries, where the youth movement is
chiefly intellectual, came junior professors. The best educated
seemed to be those from Iraq, India, Palestine, and these
European-trained "natives" voiced the feelings of their own
people. Youngest of all were the Latin Americans, noisiest
and most exuberant. Forthright, often reckless in speech,
these boys told of the fascist propaganda and the suppression
of civil liberties in their countries.

We have been told repeatedly what youth is doing in the
fascist countries. The Congress gave us a chance to hear of
youth's influence in the democracies. Organized youth in
Canada has twice persuaded the government to make its
Youth Charter (corresponding to the defeated American
Youth Bill) into law. In Britain, Belgium, Scandinavia —
wherever youth is free to organize — similar charters are being
pressed.

Colonials and political or racial minorities were directly
represented. Youth from England met with youth from the
dominions and colonies and, as equals, worked put a pro-
gram for peaceful change within the Empire. Puerto Rican
students asked that our own Bill of Rights as well as our
naval protection be extended to the people of their island.

Perhaps for the first time, there was a meeting of the
democratic peoples of Latin America. Praising the spirit of
the good neighbor policy, they asked that its benefits be
directed to the people rather than their rulers — a significant
request.

Women, though still in the minority, played a much
greater role at this conference than is usual at the "official"
ones. The leader was Betty Shields-Collins, international
secretary of the World Youth Congress, a sturdy English girl
of twenty-three.

DESPITE THE CHURCH'S OFFICIAL BOYCOTT, RANK AND FILE
Roman Catholics were present as delegates from non-
religious groups. While there were no official delegates from

520

Japan, Russia, Germany or Italy, Japan sent as observers
some rather wistful young ladies in their native costumes
who talked in private of Japan's "mission" but refused tcl
take the floor.

However, the pro-dictatorship viewpoint did not go un-
heard. The spokesman from Bulgaria defended the right cf
any nationality to physical and cultural expansion. A nation-
alist from Czechoslovakia declared that the only hope of
saving his country from Germany lay in a parallel dictator-
ship. An Irishman and a Young Phalanx cadet from Chile
talked of "benevolent dictatorships."

There were communists at the conference — from Eng-
land, Spain, France, Cuba, Canada, the U.S. — some twenty-
five in all. A talented group, they might have had a con-
siderable part in the control of the Congress, but actually
they had none. Perhaps it was their "line"; their best talent
stayed in the commission discussing the religious and philo-
sophical basis for peace.

Lack of money made things difficult. News releases,
handled by volunteers, were so inadequate as to bring charges
of censorship. Translators, too, were amateurs. Each person
in the main hall had an earphone and a dial. As the speaker
talked, translators speaking into telephones off stage followed
him line for line. This called for speed and accuracy in
translation of which few volunteers were capable.

After conference hours the delegates let no language bar-
riers limit their fun in "Commission E" — the ice-cream cone
and dancing parties that followed each night's session.

THE AMERICAN DELEGATION BROKE UP INTO FACTIONS THAT
puzzled and amused the foreigners. The unanimity of other
delegations, or their willingness to disagree peacefully, en-
couraged our own group to cooperate, however, and to every-
one's surprise, by the end of the week they had worked out
in a seven point program the American position on collective
security with only one point upon which there was dis-
agreement.

On the surface the United States seemed to have a fairly
representative group. There were delegations from a dozen
religious organizations, another dozen from trade unions,
eight from peace and five from student groups. Political
organizations, farm, cooperative and recreational associations
sent others. The small cities and rural areas had few spokes-
men, however, and the Young Democrats and Young Re-
publicans took no active part, but merely sent observers.

Despite all the diverse interests, the four commissions
worked out plans to bring peace and security to the world's
youth. They signed the "Vassar Peace Pact," calling for re-
vision of the Versailles treaty, self-determination of nationali-
ties and concerted action for peace, to be carried out through
regional pacts. Youth Charter movements are to be spon-
sored in each country. The principle of supremacy of the
individual over the state and of internationalism over nation-
alism was reaffirmed. International friendship will be en-
couraged by the agreements made to create more youth
hostels, and by helping farm, labor and cultural groups to
exchange information and visits.

The spokesmen were young voters or young soldiers who
are coming into power the world over. John G. Winant, new
head of the ILO, caught the spirit of the Congress in his
telegram of greeting. "Rather than speak of the glorious
role of youth," he wrote, "I pay tribute to its power." These
young people have been told that the world is theirs. They
have set out to claim it.

SURVEY GRAPHIC

TATTLE-TALE GRAY ON AMERICA'S WHITE SPOT

(Continued ]rom page 501)

4 dished in sonic districts. Shop, laboratory and library facili-

|s have not been maintained.

rj.Vow, this is no place to discuss the contentions of many

1-braskans that the American people spend a lot more for
>n than they can afford, or that they are buying their

jildren too much education, or that they are buying them
>ng kind. What we can say is that, relative to other
;\d relative to certain other governmental services with-

I her own borders (roads, for instance), Nebraska is skimp-
I; on her education budgets, if indeed she is not using her

.is the scapegoat to satisfy the insistent demands for
Ic reduction.

•lief and Assistance

:'l'CATOR IS BY NO MEANS ALONE IN HIS COMPLAINTS OF

$ x economy. If schools can be slighted over the protests of
l: teachers, it is even easier to slight indigents, unemploy-
jles and oldsters over the protests of social workers. The
.•Anting has been done with a calculated nicety in the state's
pulous county.

cbruary 2, 1938, E. F. Margaret, director of the Doug-

^nty Assistance Bureau, wrote a letter to the Hon. Dan

'. Butler, mayor of Omaha, explaining how, in eighteen

i >nths, he had dressed the city's relief case load down from

|HX) to 825 and cut the monthly expense from $100,000 to

"We first started to bear down on our relief expense by re-
sing to pay rents. This brought a great deal of heat on us,
i we stood by our guns. We saw that no one was evicted
thout being cared for. Now no one expects us to pay rents,
icn we attacked utilities. We refused to pay for lights,
aer and gas. Again much heat, but no one expects us to pay
cir utilities. They are paying them themselves. We next re-
sed to assist able-bodied men and women who are living
• m the theory that there were enough odd jobs to be

i id so that these people could get along. Two able-bodied peo-

ng together can get along even better, so we refused to

ve relief to two able-bodied people living togther. We final-

rrfuscd relief to any able-bodied person capable of working.

hesc severe retrenchments on our part brought our load

Iliwn to the present status."

M> May 25, proceeding on this basis, Mr. Margaret had re-

I 1 iced the case load another 125. "Douglas County and Oma-
i." he told Mayor Butler, "have only done what others will
ive to do. . . . We are just a few laps ahead of other cities."
ow far "ahead" may be judged from the fact that cities of
•mparable size — Denver, St. Paul, Akron, Dayton, Oakland,

etc. — find it necessary to carry 2000 to 4000 direct re-

^es. After paying the expenses of the "Shelter" for

families, a sewing center and two commissaries, Mr.

•ret has left around $6000 a month. Groceries are sup-

>n the munificent basis of $1 a week to single persons —

ss than a nickel a meal — and so on down an ever tightcn-

ig scale to $4.30 a week for a family of eight — less than 3

,-nts per meal per person.

Private welfare agencies in Omaha are so deluged with

>pcals for bread and shelter as to be distracted from their

us of constructive and preventive work. The care of

ss men, legally a county responsibility, is left to the

ilvation Army and to the police who handle the problem by

floating" the transients out of town. Douglas County Hos-

lital, retreat of the sick poor, has been virtually closed.

1 Apologists for Douglas County relief policies have a de-

fense that seems thoroughly to satisfy them — "There have
been no riots."

AND WHAT ABOUT THE REST OF THE STATE? UNDER THE PRO-

gram of direct federal relief aid, which expired in 1936, relief
grants over Nebraska averaged $24 to $26 per case, per
month. Not much margin for jam on one's bread even in
that, but grants have since been dieted down to around $12.
The responsibility having settled back on the ninety-three
counties, service given is of ninety-three varieties. Case rec-
ords are fair to non-existent. Administration has been inexpert
tragi-comedy. The Nebraska Survey of Social Resources found
the job being done in thirty counties directly by county com-
missioners, clerks and treasurers. Of fifty-six administrators
employed in other counties, only nine had both training and
experience in social work.

The Nebraska Survey reported further that grants, with
few exceptions, cover only food and fuel and have no bud-
getary basis. . . . That inequality is common — a family of
nine and a family of four, in equal need, being allowed the
same amount; employables, the single man and the father of
ten, being granted the same money. . . . That officials in many
counties state frankly that they endeavor to make relief so
humiliating and degrading that no one will have the face to
ask for it.

Such conditions reach even to the State House steps. Late
in April, Mayor Copeland of Lincoln released a report on
Lancaster County relief made by a qualified investigator from
outside. The lengthy report, underlaid with a stack of affi-
davits (the county commissioners refused to open the case
files), found the complaints not far wrong, even to the scav-
engering.

Nebraska's social security program, under pressure from
the federal Social Security Board, is undergoing important
and needed administrative changes. But since, by state law,
funds are allotted on a basis of noses rather than needs, the
money is not doing equitable duty. Thus, in June, Douglas
County (Omaha) could pay only 30 cents on the dollar to its
dependent children and 80 cents on the dollar to its aged.
Lancaster County (Lincoln) was receiving only enough money
to pay 66 percent to its aged, 56 percent to its dependent
children and 71 percent to its blind. It should be understood
that these percentages are of the absolute minimum budget
determined for subsistence in each case.

Institutions

A COMMON EXCUSE THE COUNTRY OVER, WHEREVER CROSSLY IN-

adequate relief provisions are made, is that the problem is
new, overwhelming and cannot be adjusted to in a day. You
hear it in Nebraska. But it can hardly be polished up as a
defense of antiquated and incompetent institutional care,
much of which was provided for in the original state con-
stitution.

One day this summer, a Paramount camera crew was in
and about Lincoln shooting pictures of Governor Cochran,
of the magnificent paid-for State House, of a housewife in a
market making purchases without sales tokens, and of the
surfaced roads free of debt. At the time I heard about it, I
happened to be with a dissenting Nebraska attorney. "I wish,"
he snorted, "that these cameramen would follow some of
these paid-for highways to some of our paid-for state institu-
tions— paid for in 1880 — and photograph what they found
there. The White Spot would have a reel of publicity it
couldn't laugh off." (Continued on page 523)

•CTOBER 1938

521

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If you are Interested in a trip to Mexico or

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Visiting African Natives

AN OPPORTUNITY TO OBSERVE AFRICAN NATIVE LIFE IS A Dis-
tinguishing feature of a 12,000 mile Cairo-to-Capetown safari
which Captain Shearwood will conduct in 1939 for Thos.
Cook & Son. Limited to a membership of eleven persons,
this trip has been a unique experience in organized travel
ever since its pioneering inception by Cook's in 1921. The
safari combines a remarkable standard of comfort with an
insight into the real heart of the African continent such as
only an expert with long experience and intimate knowl-
edge could give.

"In a transplanted African of the Western world," says
Captain Shearwood, "you will find little or no hint of his
forbears. And yet those ancestors will have had a highly
individual tradition, setting them apart sharply from other
tribes. For example, I'm thinking of a young man I saw re-
cently, in Harlem — trying to visualize him back in Karamojo
where I 'native-commissionered' for some time. Perhaps that
young man would have been a young Karamojan tribesman,
tall and straight, with a chignon of his dead father's hair
tacked on to his own. He carried a seven-foot spear and a
small oblong hide shield; wore rough skin hanging down
his back from shoulders to waist, a pair of iron cowbells
around his calves, a bracelet that was a circular knife.

"Or he might have been — this transplanted African — a Ma-
sai such as I meet on my trips from Cairo to the Cape.
Emerging from his low hut, wearing a sacklike headdress
of lion's mane, the Masai has many striking customs. For
example, he often forms, with other warriors, a wide circle
around a lion that has just killed a prize bull. The circle
narrows around the snarling animal, spears flash in the bright
sun of the plains, the lion springs at the wall of men sur-
rounding him and before the spears have killed him he is
only too likely to have claimed a victim."

But not all sides of the native life are so grim.

Memorable experiences of Cook's 1939 Cairo-to-Capetown
safari, according to Captain Shearwood, will be special and
rarely-seen dances by such tribes as the Shilluk, Dinka, Baam-
ba, Pygmy, Bahutu, Watusi, Baluba or Zulu, and observa-
tion at firsthand of the daily life of such peoples as the Nu-
bian, Nuer, Banyoro, Baganda, Banyankoli, Kavirondo,
Nandi, Wakikuyu, Masai, Wanyamwezi, Matabele, Tambu,
Pondo and Basuto.

THE SAFARI WILL LEAVE CAIRO JANUARY 17, TRAVELING UP THE

Nile, past Luxor and through the Sudan to the river's source,
into Uganda, the Congo, Kenya and Tanganyika. It will in-
clude a week's photographic expedition into the game-teem-
ing Serengetti Plains, in collaboration with Ray Ulyate, Af-
rica's foremost authority on lions. The tour continues on, via
the Mountains of the Moon, the great lakes and the Great
Rift Valley, to Victoria Falls, Bulawayo, the mysterious Zim-
babwe ruins, Johannesburg, Drakensburg National Park,
Durban, Valley of a Thousand Hills, Port Elizabeth, the
Wilderness and Cape Town — where, on April 14, the sa-
fari ends, the members returning or continuing their travels
by any of a number of routes. With usual direct steamship
connections to Cairo and from Capetown, the entire trip
takes about four months.

Anyone who can travel anywhere can make this trip and
be sure that no unusual discomforts will be encountered.

(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC)
522

TATTLE-TALE GRAY ON AMERICA'S
WHITE SPOT

(Continued from page 521)

To inquire into Nebraska's institutions would require a
book-length compilation of data. Such a compilation, detailed
and dismal, has in fact been made— the two bulky volumes
of the Nebraska Survey of Social Resources (1936). I sug-
gest it in evidence to the curious, together with the more re-
cent report of the Osborne Association (National Society of
Penal Information), and set down here no more than three
generalizations derived therefrom:

1. Nebraska institutions are, for the most part, housed in
antique or inadequate buildings, ill-adapted to their uses.

2. Salaries and wages paid are so low, hours so long and
the work so heavy that Nebraska cannot staff her institutions
with a modern, highly-trained personnel.

3. Nebraska institutions can give little more than custodial
care.

The story of the state's juvenile courts is heartbreaking;
the story of its poorhouses pitiful and infuriating.

It must not be supposed that there is no awareness of these
inadequacies in Nebraska. An institutional building program
failed by only a few votes at the last legislature. But the state's
children, indigents, oldsters and wards are without voice; its
educators and social workers are without effective leadership.
To the challenge constantly being flung at them: "What is
there in the way of governmental services that could possibly
have been worth as much to our citizens as the $139 million
reduction in general property levies achieved since 1927?"
they have the counter-challenge: "Can the adequacy of gov-
ernmental services be measured only in terms of dollars
saved?" A man may save by never visiting a dentist, but he
may also die of an abscess infection.

Self-Praise vs. Self-Examination

h NEBRASKA'S RECORD IN THE MATTER OF GOVERNMENTAL PER-
formancc is so vulnerable, why has she been so venturesome
as to call attention to herself with a nation-wide publicity
campaign? This is an inquiry which discovers some amaz-
ing answers.

Let us begin with a Platte Valley farmer. I met him this
June, wearing denim trousers washed almost white. A won-
derful clear morning after rain lay over his abundant fields.
I remarked on the scene.

"Yep, she looks fine. There's a fine stand of wheat, all
right, but, by golly, it looks now like the price is going to be
way off. . . . Besides, my friend, we have taxes. Hereabouts,
taxes run higher to the quarter section than they have been
yielding the past five, six years. . . . Look, I've a brother-in-
law in Omaha, on salary — one hundred dollars a week. He
rents. Owns nothing but a Buick and some furniture. He
pays a few dollars income tax to Washington, and I don't
say he doesn't pay plenty of indirect taxes. But take me now,
I've got mortgages and debts hotter than firecrackers around
my neck. I'm lucky to have kept my family off relief. But
who do they ask to pay the government bills in Nebraska?
My brother-in-law and the big outfit he works for? Nope!
They ask me, the land and all of us that owns it. We're the
goats."

And yet, when Frank Arnold or Governor Cochran or
Henry Doorly of the Omaha World-Herald shakes a scolding
finger at this man on the land and says, "Look at the record
and thank your stars you live in Nebraska," the man looks,
thanks and hopes these gentlemen are right when they tell
him that: "The state's tax system is not outmoded, only ovcr-
(Continued on page 524)

cue out i

SOUTH

The Beach Front
at Durban

Native War Dance K
Johannesburg /"

• Few lands present such striking con-
trasts as South Africa. You may enjoy
modern luxury at the coast resorts of
Natal, and a few hours by motor takes
you to Zululand, where the natives live
in their primitive kraals according to
the customs of their ancestors.
There's less than a day between the gay
social life of Johannesburg and Kruger
Park's vast game reserve, where you can
sleep in a rest camp amid the eerie
sounds of an African night.
You can ride in a speedy Airways liner,
or a de luxe S.A.R. train, with modern
dining, observation and club cars, and
see below you the farmer's plodding
ox trains. In Durban motor car and
ricksha run side by side, and even the
population of the larger cities presents
interesting variety — Europeans, Malays,
Hottentots, Bantu and Indians. Inter-
esting also is the contrast between the
rich historical associations and the
sprightly modern development of cities
like Capetown, Pretoria, Bloemfontein,
and Port Elizabeth.

South Africa is truly a land of thrilling
contrast — of breath-taking sights. The
splendid climate, fine transportation
facilities and comfortable hotels make
travel a pleasure!

SEE SOUTH AFRICA

The Most Interesting Travel Land

Full information about independent or conducted
tours from any leading travel or tourist agency

(In answering adt'erniementi pleaie

523

mention SUBVEY GRAPHIC)

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TATTLE-TALE GRAY ON AMERICA'S
WHITE SPOT

(Continued from page 523)

loaded"; that there is "no such thing as a replacement tax";
that "new taxes are always added taxes."

On the other hand, when these same gentlemen address the
$5000 a year brother-in-law and his employer, using exactly
the same words, they look at the record, thank their stars and
scoff at "replacement taxes," and hope the load will remain
just where it is.

But there have been others — heretics and ferrets of contra-
dictions— not so readily soothed. Realtors stung by tax Hens
on non-productive property, demanding that the property tax
be supplemented with an income schedule. Malcontents try-
ing to tell the farmer that over a third of the gross value of
his crops is absorbed by taxes. Teachers pointing out the de-
terioration of school support to cotton-belt lows. Social work-
ers and medical societies despairing over the pauperizing
quality of relief, welfare and public health service. Voices
calling for a sales tax, an improved old age assistance pro-
gram, a corporation income tax. And, perhaps most alarming
of all, ex-Governor Charley Bryan plumping for a $5000
homestead exemption measure, and shouting, "Nebraska is
the . . . place where the big boy can compel the little boy to
pay his taxes for him."

DURING A LUNCHEON HOUR LAST OCTOBER, A DOZEN OR MORE
of Omaha's business leaders were discussing Nebraska over
their coffee cups — its favorable tax set-up and the threats to
that set-up then in the wind. Before adjournment the germi-
nal idea that was to hatch into the White Spot campaign had
been laid. Nursing it along from the first have been these
potent men: Dale Clark, president, Omaha National Bank;
J. E. Davidson, president, Nebraska Power Company; Henry
Doorly, publisher, the Omaha World-Herald.

You can hear three motives ascribed to these men and their
associates. The first, taken up and now widely shared over
the state, was the desire to lure decentralizing, tax-burdened,
labor-harassed industry out of the East.

Second, there was the desire to outcry and discredit alarm-
ist, defeatist and reformer elements — including Charley Bryan
and homestead exemption — who were criticizing the status
quo and shouting for changes.

And third, there was the determination to freeze the state's
highly favorable tax structure by emotionally conditioning
the people to believe it the best on earth.

Those who hold to Machiavellian motive number three
assert that it should be first, that motive number one is an
enormously convenient rationalization which diverts and
pleases the people. You are told, which is true, that the or-
ganization purported to be sponsoring the campaign (Asso-
ciated Industries of Nebraska) is merely a revamping of the
Nebraska Manufacturers' Association. You are told, further,
that the bulk of the $69,000 to finance the advertising was
contributed by a handful of corporations — Nebraska Power,
the telephone company, the railroads and the packers. You
are told that the identity of these big contributors has been
kept rather dark, that it has been the policy of Mr. Doorly's
paper to finesse the inquisitive correspondent by saying, "Be-
cause many of them do not want public credit for their con-
tributions, it would be a breach of confidence to publish the
list of donors." (Omaha World-Herald, Jan. 30, 1938.) Why,
you are asked, is the campaign so intensive in Nebraska it-
self, if the aim is to bring industry and money from the out-
side? And then you are told that it is for the purpose of per-
suading the people that theirs is an ideal tax system (ideal,
that is, for industry, intangible wealth and big incomes).
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC)

524

Some White Spot leaders brand such reports "perfectly
ridiculous." Others give you a shrewd look and say, "Well,
><-.. we're selling Nebraska on itself — and why not? We've a
good thing here and can hang onto it so long as we keep the
tax-equity boys piped down. And there's this about it — this
is a prime field for industries that process farm products."

Another White Spot leader said to me, "We're going to
commit the State of Nebraska clean up to its ears. Before ever
we started this thing out in the open, we lined up the farm-
ers, the press, labor, the chambers of commerce, everyone.
They're in so deep, there will never be anybody — not even
Charley Bryan — who'll be able to wiggle them out. And that's
as it should be. We have the best tax and government set-up
in the country, and an inviting labor picture. It's something
worth going to bat for and advertising to the world."

What appears then is that Nebraska is advertising, not only
her products and industrial attractions, but her virtues. Now
self-righteousness is a dangerous pose. It invites attack and it
is suspect as hypocrisy. It can, under criticism, so easily shade
off into truculent self-defense. Contrariwise, it can engender
self-doubt. Both of these reactions are already evident in Ne-
braska. There arc the people who flare up emotionally at any
fault finding. There are others who assert they never heard
so much criticism as has resulted since the White Spot cam-
paign. There is a bare chance that the kick-back will empha-
size Nebraska's shortcomings even more than its excellencies.

The feeling of many Cornhuskers might be paraphrased
as follows: "We should have been left in our obscurity. We
were making some commendable advances and experiments.
For example, trying a unicameral legislature. Giving Mr.
Arnold a field for his exposes of tax waste in the counties.
Using special mill levies instead of bond issues for big con-
struction projects. Enacting a county budget law (thanks to
Mr. Arnold's Federation) that might well be a national
model. Daring to push ahead with our 'Little TVA' hydro-
electric districts, which may result in Nebraska becoming the
first state publicly to own its entire electric power system.

"But suddenly to set ourselves up as a paragon of civic vir-
tues is unwarranted. We're not that good. With incomes and
intangibles going free and real property overburdened, can
we boast an equitable tax structure? With a 5-cent gasoline
tax, just what do we mean when we say we have no sales
i.i\; With poll taxes, bank stock and insurance premium
taxes, with dozens of petty fees and licenses, what do we
mean when we say we have no nuisance levies? With over
8000 government units for only one and a third million peo-
ple, just where is that Nebraska efficiency we hear about?
With our educational, public health, relief and institutional
standards beginning to keep company with cotton-belt per-
formances, does our parsimony look so attractive?

"We say that unwise spending is not the antidote for ex-
cessive economy, but maybe we should add that wise spend-
ing is an antidote. We say that public services should be lim-
ited to the ability of the people to pay, but maybe we should
add that we have underestimated our ability.

"While folks in other states are staring at us and asking
how in the world we do things, it might be to our benefit
quietly to dispatch some Cornhuskers to Denver to learn how
to establish and operate a first class psychopathic hospital; to
Virginia to learn how to operate an economical and humane
system of poor farms; to Ohio to study the benefits of city-
manager administration; to California to examine the mean-
ing of state aid for education; to New York to learn some-
thing about penal institutions and parole; to St. Louis to see
the operation of a superior county hospital; to DCS Moincs to
compare its schools and Omaha's. ... It could be a long and
salutary itinerary. We in Nebraska have some fine things to
demonstrate, no doubt. But we have a whale of a lot to learn
and we ought quietly to learn it before nominating ourselves
for sum ma cum laude honors."

little Graziella
wants a gold star

MONTH AFTER MONTH, she hope* to sec that star "for neatness"
shining on her report card. It's never there.

// ihould be! And one way to help put it there is to give Craziella's
mother some extra help to keep her children and home cleaner.

Fels-Naptha will give her extra help. For two busy cleaners work
side by side in this friendly golden bar. Unusually good soap and
plenty of naptha. They loosen dirt quicker — even in cool water. They
make it easier to get more washing and cleaning done.

Write Fels& Co., Philadelphia, Pa., for a sample bar of Fels-Naptha.
mentioning the Survey Graphic.

Fels-Naptha

THE GOLDEN BAR WITH THE CLEAN NAPTHA ODOR

AUTUMN BOOKS

The December issue of SURVEY GRAPHIC
will include a special section devoted to
authoritative reviews of the season's new
books — principally those concerned with
social problems and public affairs.

DON'T MISS IT!

MUSICAL REVUE

The most amusing review of this or any other season

within the recent memory oj man. — -He/wood Broun.

"Pic"

Pins and Needles — a flay I liked and all other critics

did. — George Jean Nathan. "Esquire"

NEW YORK'S HIT MUSICAL REVUE

PINS and NEEDLES

Lyrics and music by Harold J. Rome. Staged by Charles
Friedman.

11TH CAPACITY MONTH. Seats Now for All
Performance*— Mail Order> Promptly Filled

Mat*.: Wed. £ Sat. at 2:40, 55c to $2.20; Eves, at
8:40, 55c to |2.75

LABOR STAGE, 39th 8i 6th. BR. 9-1163.

AIR-CONDITIONED THEATRE

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525

ADMINISTRATIVE JUSTICE by A. H. Feller

(Continued from page 496)

Administrative agencies are large affairs. Investigation and
prosecution are in the hands of groups of subordinates with
only the most general guidance from the men at the top who
decide the litigated issues. To take the Labor Relations Board
as an example: investigations are made, complaints drawn,
and prosecution of cases handled by persons under regional
directors in charge of the several offices throughout the coun-
try. The hearing is held before a trial examiner who is sent
from Washington and is under the direction of a chief trial
examiner. The records are reviewed by a separate division
headed by an assistant general counsel. The Board does not
see the trial attorney or the trial examiner in connection
with a particular case. Rivalries develop between different
sections of one agency just as they do between different agen-
cies. The structure of organization is such that the judgment
of deciding officers can hardly be warped by the influence of
prosecuting officers.

Nonetheless, agitation for the elimination of the "judge-
prosecutor" combination continues. A number of recent pro-
posals have received extensive discussion. A few years ago
Senator Logan, with the support of a committee of the Amer-
ican Bar Association, introduced a bill to set up an adminis-
trative court. This was to be a huge affair with more than
forty judges appointed for life. It was to have jurisdiction to
review the action of administrative agencies both as to fact
and law. It was quickly pointed out that such a system would
slow up the operations of government to an intolerable de-
gree. After a heated discussion, the proposal was more or
less discarded.

THE SECOND IMPORTANT PROPOSAL WAS MADE BY THE PRESI-

dent's Committee on Administrative Management. It was
proposed that each of the independent commissions be split
into two sections. One section — to be called the administra-
tive section — was to be incorporated bodily into one of the
executive departments. This section was to handle all the
rule-making functions of the commission and was also to
issue complaints, hear evidence and make findings of fact.
The other section — the judicial section — was to have only
the function of deciding whether or not the record in a case
tried before the administrative section established a viola-
tion of the law, and if so, to issue an order. The judicial
section was to be in an executive department for bookkeep-
ing purposes but was to be otherwise independent.

The sponsors of this proposal justified it not only on the
ground that it would eliminate the "judge-prosecutor" com-
bination but also on the ground of administrative efficiency.
As to the first justification, it is not difficult to see that the
retention of the fact-finding function in the administrative
section would leave the most important part of the deciding
function with the agency having control of the prosecution.
The ultimate decision would, it is true, be made by the judi-
cial section; but it is the finder of the facts who in reality
determines what the final decision should be. Under this
arrangement, it is probable that the function of the judicial
section, in many cases, would be only the mechanical one of
handing down an order.

Administrative Efficiency

THE OTHER JUSTIFICATION, THAT OF ADMINISTRATIVE EFFICI-

ency, raises an issue which, in the minds of many people,
transcends in importance all other problems of administrative
justice. We have seen that the quasi-judicial power is divided
between executive departments and independent commissions.
The executive departments are subject to the control of the

President through his power over the head of the depart-
ment. The independent commissions are not subject to presi-
dential direction at all. The President may be given power
to remove a member of such a commission, but under exist-
ing statutes such removal may take place only for neglect,
inefficiency or misfeasance in office. While Congress may
not restrict the President's power to remove officers of the
executive departments, the Supreme Court has held, in the
famous Humphreys case, that it is constitutional to restrict
the power to remove a member of a quasi-judicial commis-
sion.

The issue now is: shall the President's control over quasi-
judicial agencies be extended or further restricted? Those
who desire restriction or elimination of the presidential con-
trol argue that such control endangers the independence of
judgment of agencies which in all essential respects are like
courts. Those who desire extension of control point out that
quasi-judicial functions are only a part of the activities of in-
dependent commissions and that governmental efficiency re-
quires coordination and elimination of overlapping functions
which can only be done through the President. In answer to
the charge of possible executive domination, they say that
they do not advocate any presidential interference in the judg-
ment of individual cases, but that it is essential that general
lines of policy set by the administration in power be followed
by independent commissions as well as by executive depart-
ments.

The debate between these two schools is not likely to end
soon. The independent commission presents a dilemma. In-
dependence of judgment in specific cases must be preserved.
Yet it would not be desirable to permit a commission to
pursue a general policy counter to that set by the voters,
by Congress and by the President. The history of the Federal
Trade Commission is a case in point. It was created in the
hope that it would serve as an effective anti-monopoly instru-
ment. During the Coolidge administration, it dame under the
control of commissioners who were said to believe that the
Commission should be used not to break up combinations
but to make it easier for business men to get together on
trade practices. Is there any way in which the President
could be given power to prevent such radical departures from
policy without opening the door to interference in specific
cases? A practical answer to this question will go a long way
towards solving the central problems of administration.

THE TWO PROPOSALS WHICH HAVE BEEN DISCUSSED INVOLVES

considerable reorganization of existing administrative ma-
chinery. More modest proposals are also before the country.
A committee of the American Bar Association proposes that
intradepartmental boards of review be created to review
quasi-judicial determinations of officers in the executive de-
partments. The proposal has merit, but its exact application
does not appear to have been worked out. A new bill intro-
duced by Senator Logan proposes the creation of a United
States court of appeals for administration. This bill would in-
troduce no changes into the existing structure of administra-
tive agencies. It is concerned only with more expeditious
judicial review. A proposed single court of eleven members
is to have the review jurisdiction now exercised by the eleven
circuit courts of appeals (including the court of appeals for
the District of Columbia) and, in the case of some agencies,
by the federal district courts. With a more careful considera-
tion of the scope of jurisdiction of the proposed court, the
new Logan bill may be well worth adoption.
(Continued on page 528)

526

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FOR RENT — Charming remodeled Colonial farm-
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an apt. to manage. Concessions to prospective
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Newly decorated and renovated home on corner
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PUBLICITY SERVICES

ELEANOR MORTON

Programming — Literature
For Educational. Social. Civic. Agencies and

Institutions.

Twenty yesri eiperlenc* si social worker, sdrlior to
orisnlutloni. Editor, radio speaker, wrlur, organiser.

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LANGUAGES

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WORKERS WANTED

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EDUCATIONAL TRAINING

The Walden School offers teacher training;
to volunteer assistants in classrooms, arts,
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and practical work. If interested tele-
phone for interview. Sc 4-1208.

SITUATIONS WANTED

Settlement boys' worker desires position in boys'
work. Seven years in Settlement*, twelve
summers in Boys' Camps. 7627 Survey.

TO LOVERS OF THE SEA AND SHIPS
An Original Signed Etching of a Famous Ship

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A Reminder of That Immortal Saga of the Sea
Framing Size 12" x 15"

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Box 346 Amityville, Long Island New York

THE BOOK SHELF

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or Delinquency *• • Community Problem
Kdited by Paul W. Gmrrett

A program of •ocitl education for norlal action, prepared
primarily for eilitlni community oritanlzatlom that art
roncerned with the welfare of children and youth. Pro-
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SO pagis Paptr, 2Sc; 12 for S2.SO

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PROFESSIONAL SERVICES

Special articles, these*, speeches, papers. Re-
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twenty years' experience serving busy pro-
fessional persons. Prompt service extended.
AUTHORS RESEARCH BUREAU. 5U
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200 Letters mimeographed, fl. 500 — (2. 500
multigraphed S3. 500 letterheads— $3. Send
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ST. JOSEPH, MO.

PAMPHLETS AND PERIODICALS

The American Journal of Nursing shows the part
which professional nurses take in the better-
ment of the world. Put it in your library, 13.00
a, year. 50 West 50 Street. New York. N. Y.

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AS PROGRAM FEATURES

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Pres.. Dept. J, Fork Union. Virginia.

ADMINISTRATIVE JUSTICE by A. H. Feller

(Continued from page 526)

As these proposals indicate, the quasi-judicial agencies are
the subject of spirited controversy. Whether all this contro-
versy is justified is a matter of some doubt. There are those
who believe that on the whole these agencies are doing an ex-
cellent job. The National Labor Relations Board has been
raked fore and aft in the press, but it has an exceptional
record in the courts. As a whimsical observer has said, it has
a batting average of .500 — it always loses in the newspapers
and always wins in the Supreme Court. The Federal Trade
Commission had a most difficult time in the courts during
the first twenty years of its existence, but latterly it has found
itself with a freer hand. The Interstate Commerce Commis-
sion has long since been removed from public controversy.
Some of the newer agencies have had their difficulties, but
there is no reason to believe that the passage of time will not
cure these.

It must not be forgotten that all of these agencies operate
under specific statutes, that their powers are sharply cir-
cumscribed— directed to defined problems and subject to re-
view by the courts. They have "no roving commission to in-
quire into evils and upon discovery, correct them." To regard
such agencies as instruments of power which threaten our
democracy is an hyperbole too crass for serious argument.

THE QUASI-JUDICIAL AGENCIES, VIEWED AS A WHOLE, DO NOT

present a particularly neat picture of administrative sym-

metry. But if they do not satisfy the eye of the efficiency t
pert, they do represent an organic growth. They came foi
out of necessity and they bear marks of improvisation ai
passing accidents of political exigency. No one denies tli
there is much room for improvement. We should only assu
ourselves that suggested improvements will not interfere wi
the essentially good things in the system. These agencies car
into being because it was hoped that they would be mo
expert and more expeditious than the courts. They can i
main more expert only if the personnel is competent. The
is little that legislation can do about this. Legislation ai
administrative reorganization can render them more expec
tious. It can also slow them up so seriously as to render the
useless.

This much is clear — we shall continue to have more rath
than less administrative justice. The few voices calling for
return to law enforcement through the common law com
are indeed crying in the wilderness. So long as we remain :
industrial civilization, governmental regulation will be wi
us. Governmental regulation and administrative justice im
accompany each other. It has yet to be demonstrated th
either of these is incompatible with a democratic form
government. From our own experience one can draw u
lesson that essential liberties can be preserved and gover
ment rendered more efficient at the same time. Judges a
not the only men with capacity for appreciating what is ju:

The next article in this series will be Cooperative Federalism by Arthur W. Macmahon

(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC)

528

Why read a quarterly?

BECAUSE YOU NEED IT TO BALANCE YOUR
reading diet. Because only a quarterly can
be edited and written leisurely enough to
be at once "timely" and permanent in in-
terest. Because it is the function of a quar-
terly to give you more than facts, more than
"roiiimoiit." Because only a quarterly can
fii\f you the rounded discussion which you
nerd to complement your necessary reading
in the daily paper, the weekly journal, the
monthly magazine.

THE VIRGINIA

QUARTERLY

REVIEW

$3.00 a Year

75 Cents a Copy

ONE WEST RANGE
CHARLOTTESVILLE - VIRGINIA

Why Read the Virginia Quarterly?

IJECAL'SE IT IS PUBLISHED FOR READERS WHOSE

mi ml- are active and not for those looking for a
sedative and an escape. Because it- treatment
of important and interesting subjects is
thorough but never dull. Because you will find
in its pages authors who are known all over the
world and many "discoveries" just beginning
thrir careers. Because its fiction and poetry,
carefully selected, show a higher percentage
picked from its pages for inclusion in an-
thologies than other magazines can show. Be-
ciin-e its book reviews are not "guides" or
blurbs, but incisive criticism. Because it is
timely enough to make you read it eagerly on
publication day - - and yet worthy of a per-
manent place in your library. And because it is
a beautifully printed magazine that make* read-
ing a delight. . . .

This advprtisempnt, *?nt ti'ith your name and addrt'^^ li>
ihr Virginia Quarterly, uill hrinp you a sample ropy.

SURVEY

GRAPHIC

announces for
early publication . . .

IS BUSINESS BETTER?

As times get better, to what extent does industry accept
collective bargaining? favor high wages? attempt to lower
consumer prices? reveal new attitudes toward social respon-
sibility? Victor Weybright, managing editor of Survey
Graphic, reports straws in the wind during these blustery
autumn months.

RELIEF: A PERMANENT PROGRAM

William Haber, formerly director of the Michigan relief
administration, presents a practical permanent program for
relief which takes into account human aspects, administra-
tion, and the budget.

NORTHWEST DYNAMO

One of the most important men in this country today is
J. D. Ross who plans for the not far distant time when super-
power will be transmitted from the giant dams in the
Northwest to the eastern seaboard. Richard L. Neuberger
presents a close-up word picture of the administrator of the
Bonneville Dam project.

BOOK NUMBER

The December issue of
enlarged literary section in
books will be discussed by
Jr., Phillips Bradley, Dr.
David Cushman Coyle, A.
Hans Kahn, Harry Laidler
Perkins, Harlow S. Person,
Ordway Tead and others.

Suney Graphic will include an

which the seasons' outstanding

George W. Alger, A. A. Berle,

Richard Cabot, John Daniels,

H. Feller, Benjamin Gruenberg,

, Eduard C. Lindeman, Frances

Eleanor Roosevelt, Jessica Smith,

SURVEY GRAPHIC, 112 E. 19 STREET, NEW YORK CITY

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THE VOICE WITH

NORTH

It may carry the salty twang of
New England or the soft accents
of the South.

It may be swift and crisp in
the New York manner or full of
the pleasant rolling r's in the
style of the West.

But wherever you hear it, it
will be friendly, courteous, and
efficient.

It's the all-American voice of
the Bell Telephone operator —
"The Voice with a Smile."

The entire Bell System seeks to
serve you quickly, capably and in
the spirit of a friend.

WEST

BELL TELEPHONE SYSTEM

530

The Gist of It

.NO CLAPPER, POLITICAL INTERPRJTFR
for the Scripps- Howard newspapers, is a
of progressive social legislation in
of the insecure aged. In his report
on the Townsendite schemes at present ex-
•Mted by vote-hungry politicians, Demo-
•ibc and Republican, he does not discount
. ute problem of which the current
cl»mor is a symptom. (Page 533.) The details
of the Ham and Fggs proposition in Cali-
fornia alone make it clear that a fair and
^^^•ble system of old age security cannot
be based upon crackpot schemes for "funny
pensions payable to all individuals
over fifty.

. THIS issl F RKACIIES OUR READERS

the fair labor standards act will have gone
into effect, a national experiment that Beulah
Amidon. industrial editor, describes in an
^formative article of timely value to em-
labor and the public. (Page 538.)
Amidon has closely followed the trend
.;es and hours since the days of NRA
•ben she made several special studies of
die effects of the codes on employment in
iustries most affected by the new legis-

lN THE THIRD OF Survey Graphic's SERIES

^ !es on the Anatomy of Government,
I^Messor Arthur W. Macmahon of the de-
partment of public law and government,
G'liiiT'hia University, deals with one of the

widely discussed features of federal
grants, ofts and loans to states, cities
ind localities. ( Page 5-42.)

•.O ABRFAST OF SIGNIFICANT DEVELOP-
ments in the field of group plans for medi-
cal care, on page V17 we present a Cali-
fornia chapter that has not been generally
^^^•j>ed. Dr. Philip King Brown, who was
^^Hted with the dramatic victory which
he reports, is medical supervisor of the
n Pacific Hospital in San Francisco.

A HI ARTBRFAKING INTERLUDE IN A SUM-
mer holiday brought Jane Perry Clark, assist-
ant professor of government at Barnard Col-
lege, face to face with the plight of the
refugees from Nazi Germany who had fled
verland for temporary sanctuary. Her
picture (page 550) of people without a
country, without funds, is a challenging
annotation on present headlines from Europe.

CHARLES R. WALKFR. AUTHOR OF AMF.R-
ican f-ity, a study of Minneapolis, three
chapters of which appeared in Surrey
i. has also explored Akron, the capi-
tal of the rubber industry. Viewing the
IBited Rubber Workers of America as a
fairly typical industrial union, he charts its
course- from 1936 to the present. (Page 554.)
Mr. Walker is at present on a Guggenheim
fellowship, living in New England.

AS WITH AS ANY MAN IN AMERICA JOHN

''>•' r Gavit, associate editor of Survey

^^•Fr, is entitled to speak authoritatively

rchoslovakia. He knew Masaryk,

knows Benes. and edited Surrey Graphic's

special issue on Czechoslovakia in March

XOVIMBIR 1938

CONTENTS

VOL. xxvn No. 1 1

Wounded

Middle Age Money-Go-Round

New Metes and Bounds in Industry

Public Spending — With Strings

By Six-to-One in California

"Watchman: What of the Night?"

"Down Here"

Life Curve of a CIO Union

Through Neighbors' Doorways

Victory — By Whom and for What?

A People's University

Letters and Life
Memory Books

Shawneetown Climbs a Hill
We Can Banish Gonorrhea

SCULPTI-RE BY JAN STURSA 532

RAYMOND CLAPPER 533

BEULAH AMIDON 538

AKTIU-R W. MACMAHON 542

PHILIP KING BROWN, M.D. 547

JANE PERRY CLARK 550

PAINTINGS BY CHARLES SHANNON 552

CHARLES R. WALKER 554

JOHN PALMER GAVIT 560
ALVIN JOHNSON 562

LEON WHIPPLE 564
. . HELEN CODY BAKER 570
J. BAYARD CLARK, M.D. 572

Survey Associates, Inc.

SURVEY ASSOCIATES, INC.

Publication and Editorial Office: 112 East 19 Street, New York, N. Y.

Chairman of the Board, JULIAN W. MACK; president, RICHARD B. SCANDRETT, JR.; vice-
presidents, JOSEPH P. CHAMBERLAIN. JOHN PALMER GAVIT; secretary, ANN REED BRENNER.

Editor: PAUL KELLOGG.

Associate editors: BEULAH AMIDON, ANN RF.F.D BRENNER, JOHN PALMER GAVIT,
FLORENCE LOEB KELLOGG, LOULA D. LASKER, GERTRUDE SPRINGER, VICTOR WEYBRIGHT
(managing), LEON WHIPPLE. Assistant editor: HELEN CHAMBERLAIN.

Contributing editors'- HELEN CODY BAKER, JOANNA C. COLCORD, EDWARD T. DEVINE,
RUSSELL H. KURTZ, MARY Ross.

Business manager, WALTER F. GRUENINGER; Circulation manager, MOLLIE CONDON;
Advertising manager, MARY R. ANDERSON.

Surtey Graphic published on the 1st of the month. Price of single copies of this issue,
30c. a copy. By subscription — Domestic: 1 year $3; 2 years $5. Additional postage per yeat —
Foreign 50c. ; Canadian 30c. Indexed in Reader's Guide, Book Review Digest, Index to Labor
Articles, Public Affairs Information Service, Quarterly Cumulative Index Medicus.

Survey Midmonthly published on the 15th of the month. Single copies 30c. By subscrip-
tion— Domestic: 1 year $3; 2 years $5. Additional postage per yeai — Foreign 50c.; Cana-
dian 30c. Joint annual subscription to Survey Graphic and Survey Midmonthly $5. Coopera-
tive Membership in Survey Associates, including a joint subscription, $10.

1930. To his departmental pages (560-61)
in this issue, he brings mature reflection as
well as firsthand information.

ALVIN JOHNSON, DIRECTOR OF THE NEW
School for Social Research, has completed a
study of public libraries for the Adult Edu-
cation Association. His article (page 562) is
an especially important chapter of the vol-
ume containing his findings and recommen-
dations.

HELEN CODY BAKER, WHO SHARES HFR
glimpse of Shawneetown with us, is a con-
tributing editor of Survey Associates, and a
member of the staff of the Council of Social
Agencies in Chicago. (Page 570.)

J. BAYARD CLARK, M.D., WHO WAS ACTIVE
in educational work in the field of social
hygiene during the war, and who is a
frequent contributor to scientific publications,
is a practising physician. (Page 572.)

531

WOUNDED by Jan Stursa

Modern Gallery in Prague

The Czech sculptor's Wounded (1920) "stands now, in a peculiar-
ly eloquent fashion, as a symbol for the tragic blow that has
just been struck, crippling the independence, menacing the very
life, of a brave little republic — that 'last outpost of democracy,'
it has been called, 'between the Rhine-Baltic frontier and
Australia.' " — Edward Alden Jewell, art critic, New York Times.

NOVEMBER 1938

VOL. XXVII NO. 11

SURVEY GRAPHIC

Middle Age Money-Go-Round

by RAYMOND CLAPPER

With "scrip tease" promises of "funny-money" pensions the
politicians are exploiting the widespread insecurity not only of
the aged, but of the middle aged as well. What effect will these
runaway little Townsend schemes have upon immediate and
orderly development of fair and workable old age security?

Ih VOTERS OF CALIFORNIA APPROVE THE "$30-EvERY-THURs-
d.iy" plan which is now proposed in a constitutional
amendment — and only energetic effort can defeat it since
petitions placing it on the regular November ballot were
signed by about a million persons — there will soon take
place in that state scenes worthy of the most fantastic im-
aginations among Hollywood movie directors.

Each Thursday morning, for instance, at designated
bank or state agency paying windows, qualified Cali-
fornia residents fifty years old or over, numbering 500,000
to HQO,000 persons according to sponsors of the plan, would
stand in line and receive their $30.

These privileged recipients would be handed not regular
currency but special state scrip or warrants, in denomina-
tions of $1, $5 or $10 as they preferred. This scrip would
be considerably larger in size than ordinary paper money.
As specified in the constitutional amendment which is
drawn with the elaborate detail of a statute, the scrip must
be in size not larger than 8f£ by 3^4 inches nor smaller
than 8 by 3 inches. Even the smaller size would not fit
into the ordinary pocket billfold and would barely squeeze
into the compartments of the regular cash register drawer.
Only by folding twice could the larger size be placed in
standard-sized bill compartments. Folding this scrip would
be difficult because each week a redemption stamp must
be pasted on the reverse side by whoever holds it at the
moment until a year has expired, when the scrip would
become redeemable. The smallest sized scrip would accom-
modate only thirty regular sized postage stamps. There-
fore the special warrant stamps must be made considerably

smaller so that fifty-two may be placed on the back of each
piece of scrip.

Thousands of Californians would be compelled to go
about their daily life with pockets crammed with this un-
wieldy wild-cat currency. Garages, markets, bakeries,
laundries, clothing stores and theaters would have to
wrestle with bales of these large, thick, stamp-pasted mod-
ern shinplasters, some $15 million of them coming into
circulation every week at the lowest estimate, or a mini-
mum total of about $780 million worth a year. No wonder
they call this "funny money."

Then there would be the Thursday stamp rush. Every
dollar of scrip must have a 2-cent redemption stamp pasted
on its back each Thursday night. If Californians should
prove to be as improvident about supplying themselves in
advance with redemption stamps as most people are
about keeping postage stamps on hand, the frantic Thurs-
day night rush for scrip stamps would add one more hor-
ror, if only a superficial one, to the fantastic dream which
a large number of Californians fear, or hope, is about to
come true.

In California, at last, they are almost within reaching
distance of Utopia, for better or for worse. California has
been threatened before, but never so seriously. Upton
Sinclair frightened California conservatives with his EPIC
plan four years ago. Dr. Townsend had enough votes
probably to put his plan into effect in California, but he
was seeking national action. Huey Long with his Share
the Wealth plan, Father Coughlin, the Utopians and
other less widely advertised crackpots have been tilling

533

the warm, tertile California soil and now it seems the
harvest is near, or nearer than it has ever been.

Through all of these agitations, the old folks have been
learning how to get things done politically and their
power at the ballot box has accordingly increased rapidly.
Probably it is no exaggeration to say that now the old
folks constitute the most powerful bloc of voters and the
group most feared by politicians. Time was when politi-
cians, out canvassing for votes, used to kiss the babies.
Now they don't waste their time on the voteless infants
but lavish their cam-
paigning affections on
the old folks who vote.

Baby-kissing was a
harmless activity for
there was nothing the
infants wanted except
to get back into moth-
er's arms. But the old
folks are vocal. They
are organized into
pressure groups. They
know their power and
they are not hesitant
about using it. Politi-
cians have learned,
some of them to their
sorrow, that the old
folks cannot be ig-
nored with safety.
Whatever they ask will
be promised, if not
granted.

Why do you sup-
pose the three Repub-
lican representatives in Maine endorsed the Townsend
plan? Why did that sound young conservative, Senator
Henry Cabot Lodge of Massachusetts, spread honeyed
words about the Townsend plan along his campaign
trail? Why did the conservative Democrat, Representa-
tive D. Worth Clark of Idaho, in obtaining the Demo-
cratic senatorial nomination, tell his constituents that the
Townsend plan was the only recovery plan not based on
debt and that while he wasn't sure it would work, he was
ready to give it a trial? Why do politicians who are hor-
rified at President Roosevelt's monetary policies, flirt with
the fantastic Townsend plan? They fear the punitive
power of these old folks, just like the merchants who sign
Townsend petitions and "$30-Every-Thursday" petitions
to escape having the old folks boycott them. I am confident
that a careful compilation of successful candidates in this
fall's congressional election would disclose that an amaz-
ing proportion of them had been cornered by these old
folks and had pretended to be in sympathy with one or
more of the current schemes. Veterans, reliefers, prohibi-
tionists, pacifists, labor, farm organizations, all of the
pressure groups are weak compared with the aggressive,
determined and commanding old folks. They are our real
political go-getters.

IT WAS THROUGH THE NOMINATION OF SHERIDAN DoWNEY,

who defeated Senator William G. McAdoo for the Demo-
cratic senatorial nomination in California, that the nation
became conscious of this latest and most spectacular reach
for Utopia. Mr. Downey endorsed the "$30-Every-Thurs-

Sheridan Downey, fellow traveler; Dr.

day" plan and it is universally agreed that the votes
which this endorsement brought him decided the nomina-
tion. Mr. Downey, forty-two years old, was born in Wyo-
ming, attended the University of Michigan, passed the
Wyoming state bar examination with the highest grade
ever given an applicant, practiced law there for a time
and finally migrated to California, where he ran for Con-
gress in 1932, ran for lieutenant-governor on Upton Sin-
clair's EPIC ticket in 1934, and became an influential figure
in the Townsend movement which supported him for

Congress in 1936. Al-
though he always was
defeated, his vote pull-
ing power was demon-
strated when he ran
about 125,000 votes
ahead of the head of
the Upton Sinclair tick-
et in 1934. He sup-
ported Franklin D.
Roosevelt in 1932 and
1936.

His heart had been
in the Townsend move-
ment but he saw the
possibilities in the "$30-
Every-Thursday" plan

.'\ „ and while he was not

one of its originators,
he has become an en-
thusiastic "fellow-trav-
eler," and the means
by which it has been
Townsend, revolving fund prophet brought to national at-
tention.

"Ham and Eggs for Californians"

THE "$30-EvERY-THURSDAY" SCHEME, LIKE SO MANY OTHERS,

began in southern California and spread quickly through
the state. Literally thousands of old folks are campaign-
ing, working every precinct with the thoroughness that
Mayor Frank Hague strives for but seldom achieves with
his machine. They have a plausible story to tell, and have
written it out in a booklet called "Ham and Eggs for
Californians" which, with its handsome cover showing a
plate of these victuals in colors that will make your mouth
water, has circulated into hundreds of thousands of homes,
bearing its persuasive appeal.

One thing that the old folks have learned by bitter ex-
perience is not to trust the politicians too much. In Cali-
fornia, they are taking no chances with the legislature.
They have drafted their statute, in complete detail, and
under the California initiative law they have proposed it
as a constitutional amendment, so that once adopted by a
majority of the voters the plan goes into effect automatic-
ally. No chances were taken on the possible appointment
of an administrator who might sabotage the plan, so the
constitutional amendment itself, in the text, lists three
men by name, one of whom in the order of preference
stated the governor must appoint as administrator to
serve until a successor is elected in 1940. If none of the
three accepts, then the governor may make his own selec-
tion but the three men listed are strong friends of the
plan and one of them would be certain to qualify.

Brief newspaper summaries of the "$30-Every-Thursday"

International

534

SURVEY GRAPHIC

pl.ni tail to give an adequate idea of it, .nul a more com-
plete description is justified here of this unique amend-
ment which is .is long as the Constitution of the United

Tin- official title is the California state retirement life
payments act — $.50 a week for life. A preamble stales that
the |uir|X)se of the amendment is to insure "that a proper
>iition of existent or producible goods, services, con-
veimiKcs and comforts shall be accomplished without det-
riment to any persons and without taking away, confis-
,> or otherwise subtracting from the economic status
'.y person or group of persons."

An administrator must be appointed within five days

adoption of the amendment and if the governor

fails to do so, then the first man listed in the amendment

automatically becomes administrator, or if he declines,

cond man inherits the place. The administrator is

ed in full command of the operation of the plan.

First of all, he is directed to prepare the scrip, to be ,
officially known as retirement compensation warrants,
ami the warrant redemption stamps. The warrants are
to be non-interest bearing, self-liquidating, negotiable and
transferable without endorsement. They are to be in (1
denominations at first and warrant stamps will be in 2-cent
denominations, one to be affixed each week for fifty-two
weeks. Four months after the first issue, scrip in $5 and
$10 denominations with warrant stamps in proportionate
values will be available. For the scrip, it is specified thai
the best quality of bank check paper must be used and
the maximum and minimum sizes are stated as previously
explained. Spaces must be provided on the back of the
scrip for the affixing of warrant stamps each Thursday,
AO in all, and the amendment specifics that in each
space, the day of the month and year on which the stamp
must be affixed shall be set forth, as for example, to quote
the amendment literally, "Affix stamp here — Thursday,
October 27, 1938."

These warrants will be accepted, the amendment stipu-
lates, by the State of California for payment of any licenses,
taxis or fees and for debts or obligations of any kind, due
not only to the state but to any county or city or to any
board, district, commission or other political subdivision.
All state, city or other local official salaries shall be paid
one half in scrip if available but only scrip received in the

regular course of business shall be used for this puqxise.
In other words, no scrip is to be issued directly to pay
state and other local governmental employes. All state
purchases and those of local governmental bodies, arc
payable half in scrip.

Scrip, with the weekly warrant sumps affixed, must be
presented within five weeks after its maturity date of one
year for redemption in regular currency.

TllE $30 PAYMENTS GO INTO EFFECT ON A SPECIFIED SCHEDt l.E

as follows: on a Thursday twelve weeks after adoption ol
the amendment, weekly payments to qualified recipients
will begin, at the rate of not less than $15 a week. Six
weeks later the weekly payment is increased to a minimum
of $20 and six weeks later, $25, and then at the beginning
of the thirty-first week, the full minimum of $30 a week is
to be paid every Thursday.

These are minimums. Hut the plan takes into account
the possibility of price inflation and attempts to safeguard
recipients against sharply rising prices. The price level of
consumer goods in Los Angeles and San Francisco for 1937
is the base line. Any increase in this price level shall be
reflected proportionately in the weekly pension payments.
Details concerning how this is to be calculated are set
lorth in the amendment.

To be eligible for pensions, one must be a registered
qualified elector of California, fifty years old or over, and
not engaged in any gainful occupation. Applicants are to
be accepted on their own affidavit to this effect. To qualify
one must have been a legal resident of California for one
year immediately prior to adoption of the amendment and
if he becomes a resident after adoption, he must reside in
the state for five years before becoming eligible. Legal
residence only is required and a recipient may leave the
state for travel or vacation. There is no means test and
it is required only that the recipient alone be not gain-
fully employed. A wife whose husband works may qualify,
or the husband may qualify while the wife works, or both
may qualify if neither works. Upon qualifying, the pros-
pective recipient is given a combination "letter of credit,
payment record and identification." He is assigned to the
most convenient bank, agency or branch retirement pay-
ments office and is thus ready to begin the weekly call for
his thirty dollars.

Warrants
RETIREMENT LIFE

A plumber lolicits peniioner patronage
NOVEMBER 1938

Acme Acme

Sound wagon ballyhoo advertise* the Ham and Egg campaign in California

535

Acme
$1500 a day pours into the Hollywood headquarters of the California campaign

Hot Money to Go Round and Round

THE TAX FEATURES, GENERALLY OVERLOOKED IN BRIEF DE-

scriptions of the plan, are regarded by its sponsors as of
great importance. When buying merchandise with scrip,
no sales tax can be collected. In California a $1 purchase
usually carries a 3-cent sales tax. Exemption from this tax
is expected to make the scrip more desirable and to over-
come the disadvantage of the Thursday night 2-cent war-
rant stamp tax. The holder, caught with his week-old
scrip on a Thursday night, will have to put a 2-cent stamp
on each dollar but the next day he can make a purchase
and escape the 3-cent sales tax. Gasoline taxes are not
exempted. But no state income tax is payable on income
received in scrip. Business men and corporations will be
exempt from state income taxes on that portion of their
annual income which is equal to that percent of the scrip
which they have taken in. To quote the amendment: "For
example: if a taxpayer has accepted 35 percent of his total
gross receipts for the year in retirement compensation
warrants at their face value, then 35 percent of his total
taxable income shall be exempt from state income tax."
That provision is expected to make the scrip more accept-
able to business men.

Banks are given preference as agencies for paying out
the scrip and, where a bank refuses, a merchant in the
same locality will be offered the opportunity. Failing to
obtain the services of either, a state agency will be set up
in the neighborhood of the bank. A commission of 10
cents a week for each retired person assigned to the paying
agency is allowed by the state, as well as a commission of
2 percent of all warrant redemption stamps sold. These
commissions, it is hoped, will induce banks and business
men to serve as agencies. Banks receiving scrip as deposits
may make a service charge of 2 cents for each warrant
deposited.

Whenever the money collected from the sale of warrant
stamps shall exceed by 20 percent the amount needed to
redeem all outstanding warrants, this cash shall be used
in place of scrip for the regular weekly pensions.

That is the blueprint of what President Roosevelt calls
a short cut to Utopia, built around the simple idea of
issuing scrip to be redeemed dollar for dollar by collection
of 2 percent a week for a year, the surplus 4 percent to be
used for administrative expense.

There must have been a faint suspicion among the

drafters of this hot money plan that it
might need some tinkering to make it
work for they provided that the amend-
ment could be amended by direct vote of
the people at elections which the admin-
istrator is authorized to call and at which
he may submit amendments to be voted
upon. The administrator, incidentally,
would be endowed with enormous pat-
ronage and would be subject, in appoint-
ments and in his interpretation of the act,
to no interference from anyone.

California's idea is not new. Hot money
of this kind, with weekly stamp taxes im-
posed to force fast circulation and to pro-
vide for redemption, have been proposed
throughout the last ten years. In 1933 a
bill providing for issue of one billion
dollars of this stamp tax money was in-
troduced in Congress by Senator Bankhead of Alabama
and Representative Pettengill of Indiana, the latter a
Democrat who thinks Roosevelt's ideas are unsound. A
plan, somewhat similar in principle, was tried out in
Alberta, Canada, recently, with disastrous results. Mer-
chants refused to accept this trick money at face value and
the scheme collapsed. But a little unfortunate experience
like that doesn't discourage the California old folks.

President Roosevelt and other federal officials have indi-
cated doubts as to the constitutionality of California's scrip,
on the ground that only the federal government may issue
money. However the amendment was carefully drafted to
sidestep that objection as completely as possible. Undesir-
able as the Supreme Court might regard the scheme, it
might hesitate to declare it unconstitutional.

Workers to Be Taxed #625 a Year

MEANTIME THERE ARE VITAL OBJECTIONS TO BE OFFERED
about which there is no doubt.

First of all the California plan, like so many of the easy
money pension schemes, is thoroughly unjust to the re-
mainder of the population not sharing the gratuities.

California proposes to pay for enforced idleness to
persons over fifty years old, $30 a week or $1560 a year. For
husband and wife, provided they don't work, this provides
an income for life of $60 a week or $3120 a year. That is
too much to give anybody for not working. In our most
prosperous year, 1929, three fourths of the families in the
United States earned less than $2500 a year, according to
studies by the Brookings Institution. Forty-two percent of
the families had less than $1500 a year income. And Cali-
fornia would give its old folks $1560 a year each! Thus its
scheme is entirely out of proportion to the average income.

Not only that, but the working population would be
paying the bill to support the idle population in com-
parative ease. None of the pension recipients is permitted
to engage in gainful occupations. None may produce.
Therefore, by no magic of words or trick money, can they
themselves pay into the state treasury the $1560 a year
which each would receive. The money to redeem the scrip
must go into the treasury from some other source. Pen-
sioners, it is assumed, will spend their $30 as soon as they
receive it. In that case they would not pay into the state
fund a single cent toward redemption of the scrip in
which they had received their pensions. Yet when the
scheme is in full swing, the state will have to raise a mini-

536

SURVEY GRAPHIC

mum of $780 million a year plus administrative expense,
truin the sale of weekly tax stamps to finance redemption
of c.ich year's issue of scrip. That is using the minimum
•• as to the probable number of pensioners. Most of
this money obviously will come from the warrant stamps,
which merchants and others who have received scrip in
payment from pensioners will affix to it each Thursday
night. The productive people of California paying $780
million a year to support idle persons with incomes far
' above what most of the wage earners themselves receive.

That is enough to condemn the plan. It probably is
unworkable. It is certain to create confusion and possibly
It will load a heavy tax burden upon the rest of the
population. But pass over those arguments. Give the "Ham
and Eggs" advocates the benefit of the doubt. Still the plan
stands condemned by every standard of justice as a hold-
up by the old folks; a gigantic and disproportionate sub-
sidy to them by the active portion of the community,
without any regard to need; a proposal to create a privi-
leged class, based on age and idleness.

And the tax burden! The 2 percent stamp tax, probably
the most haphazard, accidental, and unfair tax ever to be
seriously considered. It has no relation to income, to ability
to pay, to the use of the money which is taxed, or to any-
thing else except that whoever happens to have a piece of
icrip in his pocket on Thursday night pays a 2 percent tax
—2 percent a week, 104 percent a year. A disproportion-
ate, indiscriminate subsidy financed by a blindman's buff
tax. I have used the most conservative figures offered,
those of the pension scheme people. Arthur J. Altmeyer,
chairman of the federal Social Security Board, uses larger
estimates and calculates that the annual tax bill to finance
this California scheme will be about $1,560,000,000, and
will mean a tax of about $625 a year on every gainfully
employed person in the state. Such is the price of "Ham
and Eggs." No wonder the motto of this plan is Life
Begins at Fifty. Life before fifty will be harder than ever.

Will Demagogues Smash Practical Social Security?

CALIFORNIA ONLY HAS THE FEVER MORE ACUTELY THAN THE
rest of the country. In milder form, rosy pension schemes
are being advocated in many states. They have become
the common coin with which frightened politicians bid for
votes, corrupting our political standards to a degree never
before seen on a mass scale. You can tap political cam-
paigns in almost any state and find this degradation of
political standards going on. Alabama has copied the Cali-
fornia scheme, advertising "Life begins at Fifty with $30
a week for life — without added taxes." Fortunately, Ala-
bama has no initiative law so the scheme, if it ever goes
through, must pass the legislature, and that is not likely
to happen soon. In Tennessee one of the candidates for
governor is offering $20 a week. In Pennsylvania a pro-
posal promises "$60 after Sixty."

Various forms of the Townsend plan arc gathering
strength in Florida, Georgia, North Carolina and even in
conservative New England. Oklahoma and Louisiana poli-
ticians are playing with the lure of pensions. In Oklahoma,
a $30 a week plan is competing with one offering $100 a
month for all over sixty years old. Washington State is
agitating a scheme and the only question is how much will
be promised. Fifteen thousand North Dakota voters, three
times the required number, have signed petitions placing
on the November ballot a $40 a month offer. Texas is
being treated not only to the clowning of W. Lee O'Daniel,

the candidate for governor whose slogan is "Pass the Bis-
cuits, Pappy," but to his promise of $35 a month to all
over sixty, for which he says the money will be raised
"somehow." Arkansas has a proposal on its November
ballot, put there by more than 15,000 signatures, for $50 a
month to all over sixty who do not have an income of
that amount. Colorado already has its plan, and a large
headache along with it. A constitutional amendment prom-
ising $45 a month was adopted but the state has been
unable to meet the full payments continuously and the
pensions are sapping revenues from other necessary state
activities. The scandalous effect of Colorado's pension plan
was described in the July 1938 issue of Survey Graphic.

These pension mongers, not content with their work in
the states, are preparing to move on Congress again in
another attempt to obtain something equivalent to the
discredited Townsend plan. Their bill contains a sug-
gestion that monthly pensions "shall not exceed $200 a
month," which is put in as bait to get popular support
although backers of the bill estimate that the pensions
would not be more than perhaps $75 a month. More than
100 members of Congress already have endorsed the bill
and an intensive drive for it is in preparation.

Such is the kind of runaway pension politics being
played by capitalizing upon the plight of many elderly
persons and the justifiable concern with which they view
the increasing tendency of industry to employ only young-
er workers. The proportion of aged in our population is
steadily rising. This, together with employment policies in
industry and the reduced payrolls of the last ten years,
makes the problem of security for the aged a real one. A
beginning toward orderly and manageable handling of
this problem has been made in the social security act and
more will be done. That is, it will be done unless it is made
impossible by reckless pcnsion-mongering politicians who
pander in fear to the crackpots and encourage the delusions
of earnest victims who deserve more faithful treatment.

Shoemaker in tht Ckicago Daily Xrwi
Look What California Started

NOVEMBER 1938

337

New Metes and Bounds in Industry

by BEULAH AMIDON

Now the floor under wages and ceiling over hours begin to take shape.
A Survey Graphic editor here describes the parts played by industry,
labor and the wage-hour administration in lifting the employment stand-
ards of the nation.

ON OCTOBER 24 A NEW FEDERAL LAW WENT INTO EFFECT,
setting a bottom level for wages in interstate industry, a
top limit to the number of hours in a week's work, and
outlawing child labor.

Responsibility for the enforcement of the wage and hour
provisions rests with an administrator appointed by the
President and confirmed by the Senate. "And may the
Lord have mercy on your soul!" exclaimed Chief Clerk
Gompers of the U.S. Department of Labor as he admin-
istered the oath of office in mid-July to Elmer F. Andrews,
for five years industrial commissioner of New York.

Men and women seeking jobs, employers seeking defini-
tions and reassurance, reporters seeking interviews, union
officials seeking information, assistants seeking instructions
milled through the makeshift headquarters of the new ad-
ministration in the weeks that followed. With meager
funds, and less than three months in which to build up a
staff and develop procedures, Mr. Andrews faced a diffi-
cult task, all the more so because labor was disappointed
in many provisions of the new law and a number of em-
ploying groups were openly skeptical or resentful. He pro-
ceeded without fanfare. Washington was impressed by his
disarming quietness and common sense, and most of all,
perhaps, by his resistance to many and diverse pressures
in his appointments.

As deputy administrator he named Paul Sifton, his as-
sistant commissioner in New York; as chief of the legal
section, Professor Calvert Magruder of Harvard Law
School; and to head the cooperation and enforcement sec-
tion, Major A. L. Fletcher, who as labor commissioner in
North Carolina has been one of the South 's most effective
advocates of progressive labor legislation. Accounting and
information sections are included.

Research and service activities will be handled by the
third main section in cooperation with the U.S. Bureau of
Labor Statistics. One of its chief responsibilities will be the
preparatory work for the industry committees, and its
cooperation with those important bodies. Here New York
procedure will be followed, where the division of women
in industry and minimum wage clears the ground for
each minimum wage board by making a study of the
industry in question. When the wage board meets, it has
before it data on wages, hours and working conditions,
number and location of establishments, number and type
of employes. Eventually, the wage and hour division hopes
to offer comparable assistance to the industry committees
as they are called to Washington.

For the time being, the Washington office is limited by
its acute shortage of funds — only $400,000 to start its work
of nation-wide enforcement. The first step, a plan of or-
ganization and appointments to key positions, has been

538

taken. The next task, to lay down tentative rules covering
the points which the law leaves to the discretion of the
administrator and to offer experimental definitions and in-
terpretations, was well along before the zero hour on
October 24. A beginning has also been made in the
planned decentralization of administration on a regional
basis. Until Congress passes a deficiency appropriation, the
wage and hour division cannot go far beyond receiving
and investigating complaints, and developing plans and
procedures.

At the start, the wage and hour law sets a minimum
wage of 25 cents an hour for all workers "in industries
engaged in commerce or in the production of goods for
commerce." It sets a maximum work week of 44 hours.
It provides for a gradual increase in the basic wage to 40
cents, a gradual lowering of the maximum hours to 40.
It provides for industry committees which may hasten the
adoption of the higher standards. It includes definitions,
exceptions, penalties for infringement.

Who Gets a Raise?

IF YOU PICK UP YOUR PENCIL AND DO A LITTLE FIGURING, YOU

will see that the wage and hour provisions now in opera-
tion mean an income of $11 a week, $572 for an unbroken
fiftv-two weeks of work. This is a long way from the
"health and decency" levels set by the cost of living ex-
perts. But think of it in terms of Jenny Dawson, with her
textile mill job at $8.25 a week; Jud Jones, working in a
turpentine camp for 10 cents an hour, sun-up to sun-down;
Mame Smith, who pastes paper boxes and finds $6 to $8
$8 is a "big week") in her pay envelope Saturday night.

Statisticians cannot tell us how many of them there are
— these men and women who work in the substandard
areas of American industry. Isador Lubin, U.S. commis-
sioner of labor statistics, finds that a 25-cent minimum
wage will affect a larger proportion of the workers in
southern textiles, lumber, fertilizers, cotton garments and
men's furnishings than in any other industries. He esti-
mates that some 750,000 men and women will work fewer
hours for more money with the floor and ceiling set by the
law, though he warns that this may be "50 percent off
either way." But the statistics seem less important than the
fact that, however limited the initial undertaking may be,
at last we have standards set for the whole nation and for
men as well as women. Hitherto most of our minimum
wage experience has been limited to state laws and to
women. Only one state, Oklahoma, has enacted a mini-
mum wage law applying equally to men, but that law is
not yet in operation.

The new legislation resumes the two-fold effort made
under NRA. It sets out to increase employment and pur-

SURVEY GRAPHIC

chasing power by an increase in wages and a shortened
work week; and at the same time, it sets out to protect
states with sound labor laws and employers with high
labor standards from the cutthroat competition of less en-
lightened areas and less conscientious industrialists. The
code regulations were wiped out by the Schcchter decision
in May 1935, in which the U.S. Supreme Court declared
NRA unconstitutional. A subsequent federal study of six-
teen important industries showed that hours had risen and
wages sagged in the twelve months succeeding. Thus, Mr.
Lubin told a congressional committee that 177 establish-
ments in the cotton garment industry reported to the
Bureau of Labor Statistics an increase of man-hours from
938,000 in May 1935 to 1,068,000 in May 1936. This was a
gain of 13.9 percent. But the number of people employed
rose only about 2.5 percent. At the same time hourly earn-
ings were cut, with the result that "despite the fact that
the men in the plants worked 13.9 percent more hours, the
actual payroll fell \2 percent."

The erosion of standards was accelerated by the recur-
rence of depression which became acute a year ago. Many
large employers and several trade associations joined or-
jj.ini/.cd labor in demanding new legislation which would
shore up both the worker's standard of living and his pur-
chasing power. The measure finally passed in June was a
compromise of many viewpoints in standards and in meth-
ods of administration.

What the Law Provides

SIM K CONGRESS HAS AUTHORITY ONLY OVER COMMERCE
among the states, the act's protection is limited to workers
employed in industry "engaged in commerce or in the
production of goods for commerce." In addition to the
large body of workers automatically excluded from its pro-
visions by this fact — retail employes, farm labor, domestic
and service workers, and so on — the law specifically ex-
cludes a number of groups: seamen, fishermen, bus and
street railway employes, employes of weekly and semi-

Fitzpatrick in the Si. Louis Potl-Ditfalcn
Ready to Try Out a New Machine

NOVEMBER 1938

weekly papers, outside salesmen, food packers and pro-
cessors.

The minimum wage of 25 cents an hour increases to 30
cents the second year, and by the end of seven years must
have reached 40 cents. Similarly, on this "escalator plan,"
hours of work, set at 44 for the first year, are cut to 42
on October 24, 1939, and the following year to 40. For
work beyond these hour limits, the worker must be paid
time and a half.

The rate at which these higher levels are reached is to
be settled, industry by industry, through committees made
up of an equal representation of employers, employes and
the public. The first of these industry committees was ap-
pointed early in September to deal with textiles, and has
jurisdiction over cotton, rayon and silk. It held its first
meeting on October 11. Each committee is responsible for
recommending within the limits of the law, "the highest
minimum wage rates for the industry which it determines
. . . will not substantially curtail employment in the in-
dustry." A committee may recommend classifications with-
in an industry, and fix varying rates based on competitive
conditions of transportation, living and production costs,
and prevailing wage rates. The law expressly forbids classi-
fications based on age or sex, or solely on geography.

The recommendations of the industry committees are
not binding on the administrator. If he finds them in
accord with the law and with evidence presented to him
at public hearings, he may proceed to put them into effect.
Otherwise he must refer them back to the committee, or
to a new committee for the industry. The administrator
himself may not modify the recommendations. Through
the industry committees it is thus possible — indeed, prob-
able— that in large areas of production, minimum wage
standards will reach a 40-cent minimum level at a much
more rapid rate than if left to the law's escalator.

The Ban on Child Labor

THE NEW LAW, LIKE NRA, SEEKS TO ELIMINATE CHILD LABOR

from the fields in which it operates. The present measure
forbids the interstate shipment of goods produced in any
plant in which "oppressive child labor" has been employed
within thirty days prior to the removal of the goods. "Op-
pressive child labor" is defined as the employment of any
child under the age of sixteen; and the employment of
young persons between the ages of sixteen and eighteen
in any occupation found by the chief of the Children's
Bureau to be "hazardous" for children, or "detrimental to
their health and well being."

In exemptions from the child labor provision and in the
definition, there are several loopholes which many students
of the question regret. Child labor provisions do not apply
to children employed in agriculture when they are not
legally required to attend school, to actors in motion pic-
tures or theatrical productions, or to children employed by
a parent or guardian in any occupation except mining and
manufacturing. It will not reach mercantile establish-
ments, hotels, restaurants, beauty parlors, offices, street
trades in which many of the child workers are employed.

The act places responsibility for enforcing its child labor
provisions with the U.S. Children's Bureau. The task, ac-
cording to Beatrice McConncll who has it in charge, falls
into two main divisions. The first is prevention of illegal
employment through adequate systems of age certificates
to be issued for children sixteen years of age and over.
The second is the detection of illegal employment through

539

Harris & Ewing photos

Above, center: Elmer F. Andrews, former in-
dustrial commissioner of the State of New
York, who ii wage-hour administrator. Hia
assistants, seated at their first meeting in
Washington, are (left) Major A. L. Fletcher
of North Carolina, and (right) Paul Sifton
of New York. Bottom, left: Calvert Mac-
gruder, general counsel of the wage-hour ad-
ministration, who was formerly counsel of the
National Labor Relations Board during NRA.
Bottom right: Beatrice McConnell, responsible
for administering the child labor provisions
of the fair labor standards act

inspection of factories and warehouses where goods are
made and shipped for interstate commerce.

To Miss McConnell and her associates a good system of
employment certification is "at least two thirds of enforce-
ment." Basic to administration of state child labor laws
are the state employment certificate systems under which
children going to work must obtain "working papers"
showing that they are of legal age for employment. The
federal act follows this pattern in providing that an em-
ployer is protected from unwitting violation of its child
labor standards if he has obtained for his minor employes
certificates of age, issued under regulations of the chief of
the Children's Bureau. The bureau is now engaged in
working out cooperative relationships with state and local
officials under which state employment or age certificates
will be accepted under the federal act. For the rest, the
Children's Bureau seeks to work with and through state
labor departments in checking violations.

When it comes to the task of determining "hazardous
occupations" within the meaning of the wage and hour
law, the bureau is now analyzing existing material on the
subject, and the next step will probably be the organiza-
tion of a national advisory committee on hazardous occu-
pations. The plan is for the chief of the Children's Bureau
to hold public hearings at which employers, workers and
others may appear before an occupation is prohibited.

All but nine of the state legislatures will meet in 1939,

and both the Children's Bureau and the wage and hour
division hope that they will enact laws, dovetailing with
the federal act and extending its provisions to occupations
in intrastate commerce. This question undoubtedly will
be an important item on the agenda of the fifth annual
labor conference at its meeting in November.

The penalties sections of the wage and hour law are
shrewdly devised. Conviction of "wilful violation" lays the
offending employer open to a fine of not more than
$10,000 or to a prison term of not more than six months,
or to both fine and imprisonment. Courts have in the past
shown no enthusiasm for fining or imprisoning employers,
particularly those of standing in the community, found
guilty of violating other types of labor legislation. But the
penalties section of the new act has a second clause cal-
culated to offset such inhibitions. In addition to fine and
imprisonment, the employer who violates the wage and
hour provisions is liable to his employes for the unpaid
minimum wage or overtime payment due under the act,
and also for "an additional equal amount as liquidated
damages." And in addition to any judgment awarded, the
defendant must pay the costs of the action brought by his
employes, including "reasonable attorney's fee."

The administration of the wage and hour law faces a
good many obvious difficulties, aside from the size and
complexity of an undertaking which calls for understand-
ing and cooperation on a nation-wide front. It is no secret

540

SURVEY GRAPHIC

{I that organized labor was exasperated by the lag in putting
I through a wage and hour measure after NRA was nulli-
I fied. But now that it is on the statute books, the split in
I labor's ranks, and the bitterness between officials of the
I AF of L and the CIO create a situation calling for all
n Elmer Andrews' tact and ability to "get the job done."
CIO and AF of L spokesmen hailed the passage of the
i| wage-hour measure as "a labor victory," though both
I wings of the labor movement and particularly the AF of L
I criticized its provisions while it was before Congress. Once
enacted, the American Federationist commented editori-
ally: "Although the measure . . . does not comply with
the standards recommended by the American Federation
I of Labor, it writes into public policy the principle that
| business on sweatshop levels is intolerable to modern life."
"Labor welcomes the passage of the wage-hour bill,"
r was the way Sidney Hillman put it. The leader of the
Amalgamated Clothing Workers, one of the most influ-
ential of the CIO affiliates, added : "It is a modest begin-
ning to improve the purchasing power of the American
^ worker, and thereby to strengthen and improve the mar-
kets for the products of the American factory and the
American farm."

How effectively the two groups will find it possible to

perate on the industry committees remains to be seen.

h arc represented in the employe membership of the

first one, set up for textiles, but the ratio is five from the

( ) to two from the AF of L. This is held to be a rough

approximation of the proportion of textile workers in

unions affiliated with the rival organizations.

To turn to the employers, the tone and temper of the
administration, even in its early stages, have done much
illay the hostility and suspicion with which the new law
was first greeted in many circles. While there is still con-
siderable confusion and uncertainty, not a little is due to
the indefiniteness of many provisions of the act itself.
There is a growing feeling that "it isn't going to be as
bad as it might have been." Industry seems less concerned
with the minimum wage provisions of the act than with
the question of overtime. One spokesman for employers
cited the dilemma of a midwcstcrn concern which has a
considerable group of workers employed at $30 a week for
a 50-hour week. The enterprise runs on a narrow margin
of profit, and the employer holds that he can neither afford
six hours overtime nor operate on a 44-hour week.

The law permits the administrator to make special pro-
vision for learners, apprentices, messengers and the handi-
capped. Employers seek further definition of their re-
sponsibility for the wage and hour levels of various other
types of employes, including watchmen.

The make-up of committees is another anxiety of em-
ployers, particularly of employers in unorganized indus-
tries. Will the employe representatives be chosen from
open shops, or be limited to union officials? And if the
latter, isn't there danger that this will serve as an entering
wedge for unionization?

Many employers join with labor spokesmen and the
public in hoping that the measure will eliminate the com-
petition of substandard employers whose greed or ineffi-
ciency lead them to wage-sweating and overtime. The
choice of textiles for the first industry committee was, per-
haps, determined by this factor. As the Textile World
pointed out editorially in its September issue:

The textile industry is Guinea Pig No. 1 because, first it is
a highly decentralized industry [making it impossible for any

NOVEMBER 1938

small group of manufacturers to determine policies or effect
stabilization]; second, wages are such a large part of the cost
that wage cutting is the main competitive battleground in the
industry; third, unethical groups can ruin the industry by
such tactics; fourth, ethical manufacturers have long desired
protection.

Business Weet^, on September 10, commented, "Most
ethical textile manufacturers want wage-hour legislation
as a protection against their unethical competitors. What
they are afraid of is its administration."

A trade association official voiced his fears in this way:
"It is the intent of the bill to raise wages, and it is the duty
of the administrator to carry out that intent. Therefore
questions will be decided against the employer wherever
possible. Q.E.D."

But Mr. Andrews and his associates seem to come at
the problem of administration far less dogmatically than
this. Their attitude is that of experimenters in a vast new
laboratory where many factors are unknown or incalcula-
ble, but where the possibilities of usefulness are great. Like
all new laws, the wage-hour legislation raises fully as
many questions as it seeks to answer. As experience ac-
cumulates, there will almost certainly be need for amend-
ment, clarification, expansion, perhaps for radical modifica-
tion of some provisions.

But the immediate problems are those of administration.
Here, as in so many areas of American life — social se-
curity, stock market regulation, relief, housing, employ-
ment service, to name only a few — the rate and direction
of progress hinge on the question of personnel. For diffi-
culty lies not only in writing and passing desirable laws,
but in finding men and women equipped to administer
them. Can we muster enough people of training, vision,
integrity to give this nation-wide experiment a chance to
succeed ?

Textile worker* will be among the firrt to benefit
wagei and hour*

541

Public Spending — With Strings

"Cooperative Federalism
through Grants - in - Aid."
One of a series of articles on
the anatomy of government

by ARTHUR W. MACMAHON

To readers who think that much public spending disappears down a
political rat hole, to readers who want to know the trends and ends
of federal grants, subsidies and loans to states and localities, a dis-
tinguished expert addresses this illuminating article.

THE NEED IS TO CREATE, NOT MERELY TO PROHIBIT. How, IN

societies of diffused initiative with decentralized govern-
ments, can social policy be made positive? Here is the
crux of the democratic state. It is relatively easy to prevent
the building of tenements with inside rooms. But the stern
thunders of the police power would be as vain as pious
hope in causing people to build suitable tenements which
would rent at $9 a room or less.

The problem of positive action underlies the considera-
tion of governmental techniques of inducement. Their
variety defies classification. Few are novel; bounties, sub-
sidies, premiums, exemptions, grants, loans, stock sub-
scriptions and the like have, with varying emphasis, been
familiar in the practice of government. It is the present
applications which are largely new. New also in the Uni-
ted States is the awareness of the relation of these devices
to an emerging pattern of government which, operating
on a continental scale, must remain deconcentrated while
becoming articulated.

Methods such as grants are more than motives of ac-
tion; they may be indispensable in making possible the
realization of desired ends. A fiat may suffice to take
fczzes from the heads of a people but it remains to be
shown that illiteracy could be removed by imprisonment.
We do not stop with compulsory school attendance laws.
About 1827 local governments in the United States began
to shake off the rate bill system for the partial private
support of public schools, frankly shifting the burden from
parents to taxpayers. Recent generations have found that,
with the best will in the world, many communities could
not afford to pay teachers as much as $600 a year from
locally available resources.

The need for motivation and support in the provision
of services would exist in the simplest form of govern-
ment when conducted in the context of an unequal dis-
tribution of wealth. If the area is considerable, simplicity
is impossible. Even when the form is unitary, local units
must exist and have a degree of autonomous life. How
can they be directed? Will they have the means within
their borders for the realization of the standards suggested
from the center? In Great Britain, Parliament has plenary
legal control over local governments. Nevertheless the
use of the grant-in-aid — a development almost wholly
since 1846 and largely since 1874—became so crucial in
the leadership of the central government that in 1911,
when Sidney Webb wrote the first considered treatment
of this practical condition, it could be said: "If we seek to
estimate the real as distinguished from the nominal Con-
stitution of the United Kingdom of the present day — if
we have regard to the actualities of administration rather
than to the items of pageantry — we may come to the un-

expected conclusion that the grant-in-aid, mere financial
adjustment though it seems to be, is more and more be-
coming the pivot on which the machine really works."
In the United States, meanwhile, state aid to local units
was becoming an important factor in a relationship which
was essentially unitary in legal form. Massachusetts had
led in educational equalization in 1874 and New Jersey in
state highway aid in 1891. The aggregate of the diverse
forms of state aid is difficult to calculate, as Henry J.
Bittermann has shown in his recently published State and
Federal Grants-in-Aid. Upwards of $800 million go to the
localities annually, representing a quarter of the expen-
ditures of the states although still slightly less than 10
percent of the total revenues of all local units.

Federal Aid — an American Tradition

If GRANTS ARE INDISPENSABLE IN MOTIVATING AND FACILITA-

ting positive action under the conditions of unitary gov-
ernment, their utility is greater when the form is federal,
with frozen jurisdictions and the denial of complete power
at the center. Federal aid to states has become a leading
modus vivendi of the Constitution. The main steps of
its development are familiar: how federal aid arose in the
distribution of the national domain, nearly 250 millions
of acres going to the states for a variety of purposes ; how
in 1862 the element of supervision to enforce the condi-
tions of the grant appeared faintly in connection with
the stimulation of agricultural colleges; how in 1887 the
transition from grants of land to appropriations from the
proceeds of land sales prepared for the outright shift to
grants of money, thus basing federal aid squarely in na-
tional taxation; and how after 1911 the requirement that
the national contribution be at least matched and that
the mingled funds be expended on activities arranged by
annual agreements became so characteristic that these ele-
ments seemed inherent.

In point of volume, the first important swelling of the
stream began with federal aid for highway construction
in 1916. Relief grants after 1932 brought the second nota-
ble expansion. In the fiscal year that ended in June 1936,
the payments to the states under the principal federal
aid acts aggregated $771,005,209. Subtracting $436,466,601
expended in that year for emergency relief grants (then
in course of being replaced by the Works Program), thd
remainder was the considerable sum of more than $300
million.

These figures gain significance because they relate to
federal aid in the stricter sense of the term. The realities
of federal aid were overflowing the traditional concept.
In the past, of course, national participation in joint activ-
ities had not been confined to grants, whether of land or

542

SURVEY GRAPHIC

nuncy. Scrvices-in-aid had always been more numerous
mil, in the aggregate, more influential. Such services were
issuming novel forms, momentous in bulk. The Works
_:r.im in all its phases, for example, received under the
.•mergency relief appropriation act of April 8, 1935, as
iupplemented by successive acts through that of 1938, a
:otal of $10,556,905,000, to carry the program to February
1939. The Works Progress Administration, responsible
ihroughout for the heart of this program, was nationalized
jut the idea of sponsorship of projects was cooperative,
'.he grants to states and localities taking the form of labor
ind its supervision. The relationship of the Public Works
Administration was analogous, modified by the fact that
.(instruction was by contract.

The social security act of 1935 likewise evoked new
types of collaboration. Some of its grants followed the
habituated outlines of federal aid, although with a note-
worthy increase of flexibility in the allocation of funds
and with a significant relaxation of matching require-
ments. The grants of familiar type included aid for the
blind, for dependent children, for maternal and child
health work, for the development of public health admin-
istration, and the scheme of old age assistance which
anticipates and supplements the contributory system of
old age benefits administered directly by the national
government. In providing for cooperation in unemploy-
ment insurance, however, the central government as-
sumi-x the administrative cost of state systems, while it
(motivates the establishment of these by allowing a credit
i of 90 percent of the national payroll tax when a state tax
for the same purpose is paid under an approved state
plan. The housing act of 1937, aiming at the subsidy of
low rent shelter in behalf of families having incomes not
cvrtding five times the rental, proceeded alternatively
(by loans, capital grants up to 25 percent of the cost, or
annual contributions, stipulating in the case of the last
that the state or one of its political subdivisions "shall con-
tribute, in the form of cash or tax remissions, general or
i special, or tax exemptions, at least 20 percentum of the
annual contributions." Clearly federal aid no longer con-
1 forms to a stereotype. Nor was the motivated individual
contract used for the first time by the Agricultural Adjust-
ment Administration. For years the country had been
slowly ridding itself of bovine tuberculosis by a form of
tripartite agreement under which nation and county joined
with the owner in compensating him for the major part of
the value of slaughtered animals.

Space and Function

ADMINISTRATIVELY CONSIDERED, THE VAST AND CONFUSED
range of grants-in-aid, national and state, are aspects
of a larger process. In a phrase, this may be described as
the weaving of strands of functional union across the
lines of geographical decentralization. The resulting fab-
ric represents the adjustment of two bases of organiza-
tion— space and function. In the United States the federal
i and the tradition of local self-government have
aggravated the problem of their reconciliation. But the
inevitability of the use of the two bases of association,
their opposition, and the necessity of a combination arc
deeper than constitutional peculiarities. What is some-
times called cooperative federalism draws its permanent
significance from this fact.

On the fiscal side, grants are methods of equalization.
The need is an unavoidable consequence of economic spe-

cialization. Under agricultural conditions wealth may be
very unevenly divided among families but from place to
place there is a fair degree of equality. Industrialization
brings specialization. The distribution is spotty. Not only
is industrial equipment concentrated; it also happens that
ownership of it remains even more centered. The appear-
ance of new points of focus may engender a sense of
imminent diffusion but the promise is not real. Wealth
in its taxable forms congregates in a limited number of
centers of convenience, culture, amusement and social
prestige.

The consequences of uneven development were re-
flected in the report of the Advisory Committee on Edu-
cation, made public in February of this year. In 1935-6
the average expenditure per pupil in average daily at-
tendance in all public schools was $67.40 in the case of
the rural population, but $108.25 in urban communities.
In three states the average was less than $30; in three
others, at the opposite extreme, it was more than $115.
In three states, again, the average annual compensation
of teachers, supervisors and principals in all elemen-
tary and secondary schools was below $600; in the
three highest states the average exceeded $1800. Nor can
these discrepancies be ascribed to indifference rather than
inability. The potential revenue-raising capacity of the
states under conditions of equality of sacrifice were com-
pared by the application of an imaginary tax plan adap-
ted from the model system formulated by the National
Tax Association. About one fifth of the children of school
age are found to live in states where with no more
than average effort at least $75 per child could be pro-
vided annually, but one fifth are in states which under
the same conditions could not raise more than $25. Sixty
percent of the children are in states which with average
effort could not provide more than $50 — low in the light
of urban standards. "It is to the credit of the states of
low financial ability," remarked the committee, "that with
few exceptions they rank at the top in the percentage of
their income devoted to schools. Nevertheless they rank
at the bottom with respect to the quality of the schooling
provided." Within the states, of course, discrepancies are
even more glaring although not more important. The
most prosperous school district in Iowa, for example, has
275 times more wealth than the poorest district. In some
states, expenditures per classroom unit are twelve to fif-
teen times higher in certain districts than in others. But
effective equalization within states seems to call for types
of taxation which the states, acting separately, could hard-
ly use in sufficiently drastic fashion.

THE SPENDING POWER OF CONGRESS WAS AVAILABLE TO SERVE

the ends of country-wide equalization. Although this
decisive prerogative remained nameless until recently, its
fluent use was as old as the Constitution. In 1833 Justice
Story wrote in his Commentaries: "Appropriations have
never been limited by Congress to cases falling within
specific powers enumerated in the Constitution, whether
those powers be construed in their broad or their narrow
sense." In the early development of federal aid to states
the power to tax and to appropriate was overshadowed
by the "power to dispose of and make all needful rules
and regulations respecting the territory or other property
belonging to the United States." As the alienation of the
national domain ceased, stimulation was sought through
appropriations. In order to make the spending power

NOVEMBER 1938

543

effective as an engine of equalization, however, whether
exerted through national services or by means of grants
to states and localities, it was necessary" to liberate na-
tional taxation from the requirement that direct taxes
must be apportioned among the states according to popu-
lation. That critical revolution was finally wrought by the
sixteenth amendment.

Industrial development, meanwhile, had prepared the
way for a grand voltejace of states' rights sentiment. The
sequence was as natural as the yielding of night to day.
The juxtapositions involved are the clues to much of our
politics. At the outset, concentrated personality, hot after
new avenues of investment, restive in the face of the
localized inertia of the dominantly agricultural economy,
believed (as Hamilton put it in the Report on Manufac-
tures in 1791) that "to produce the desirable changes as
early as may be necessary may therefore require the in-
citement and patronage of government." In contemplat-
ing a system which might require credit facilities, trans-
portation aids, protective duties, drawbacks, bounties, and
premiums, he viewed the spending power broadly.
"There is no purpose," wrote Hamilton, "to which public
money can be more beneficially applied than to the
acquisition of a new and useful branch of industry; no
consideration more valuable than a permanent addition to
the general stock of productive labor." He added, "There
seems to be no room for a doubt that whatever con-
cerns the general interests of learning, of agriculture, of
manufactures, and of commerce, are within the sphere
of the national councils, as far as regards an application
of money." Agriculture, preponderant but already on the
defensive, countered by slogans which disparaged activi-
ties at the center of government. But at a later day, when
its economic position was weakened, it was disposed to
join in pitting political power against economic power.
Thus it hoped to regulate industry, now dominant; at
least it might tax it for succor.

The interchange of historic positions was crisscrossed
by many factors. Such an element was the intersectional
rivalry for the attraction of industry, lapping agricultural
regions. In 1917, on the heels of the enactment by Con-
gress in the preceding year of federal aid for roads and
die first child labor law, North Carolina and Massachu-
setts offered an ironic quadrilateral of viewpoints. Refer-
ring to federal aid, the governor of the southern state
hailed the system which permitted his people to look for-
ward to a state-wide network of hard roads. With
hardly veiled allusion to the national child labor regula-
tion, however, he declared that "the conscience of North
Carolina and not the covetousness of New England will
write the labor laws of this state." Almost at the same
hour the governor of Massachusetts referred in bitter
ridicule to the plan for "mud roads" which would take
from the state in taxes six times the amount of its allot-
ment. The legislature he addressed was about to adopt a
resolution in favor of national regulation of the labor of
women in industry.

Tuning in on the National Network

THE CONFLICT OVER SPENDING SEEMED LESS AND LESS LIKELY

to be attended permanently by the opposition of solid
sections. In the first place, various industrial interests have
too much at stake, not only in the long run convenience
of uniform regulation, but also and more sharply in the
patronage of the spending power. This was illustrated

544

in the merchant marine act of 1936, with its alternative
methods of making up the differential in the cost of
construction in the United States and in countries which
compete with it in the provision of shipping facilities.

In the second place, a profound change has taken place
in the attitude of urban masses toward federal aid. His-
torically, grants-in-aid have been oriented toward relief
of the countryside. It was so in the early use of grants
in Great Britain, although attention soon shifted to the
points of congestion and low income. In the United States
the tendency to subsidize sparsity has been more marked
and more persistent. There were and there remain sound
reasons for this emphasis. If only in self-protection, ur-
banized regions have a vital interest in the realization
of nation-wide minima. In 1930 the farmers of the coun-
try, with 9 percent of the national income, faced the main
responsibility of educating 31 percent of the country's
children. "Of the ten states now most able to support
education," reported the Advisory Committee on Edu-
cation in 1938, "seven are not rearing children in numbers
large enough to maintain their present populations with-
out replacement from other areas." But urban groups
have more immediate reasons for believing in national
taxation and spending. The new viewpoint was inevita-
ble. The lessons of relief, merging into experience with
the Works Program, matured it with unexpected sudden-
ness. The mayors of great cities were among the strong-
est champions of continued and enlarged national par-
ticipation. The phenomenon is one of class relationships,
overshadowing what had been a sectional dispute. Na-
tional taxation with national spending is seen as the
method of equalization between income groups within
the cities themselves. Meanwhile conservative urban ele-
ments, uncomfortable under the general property tax,
give a degree of support to proposals for the shift and
broadening of fiscal responsibility. Meanwhile, also, fed-
eral aid takes on city ways. Assistance in highway con-
struction no longer stops at municipal boundaries. Public
Works, Civil Works, and the Works Program have in-
volved direct relations between the local units and the
national government.

Regulative Application of Grants

WHILE THE POLITICAL ISSUE OF NATIONAL SPENDING WAS
thus turning from a matter of sectional friction into a
problem in the adjustment of class relations, dormant
legal questions, hitherto confined to polemical arenas such
as congressional debate and presidential veto messages,
began to cross the threshold of the Supreme Court.
The problem has been peculiarly jurisdictional. Two
classes of persons might claim injury from national spend-
ing: taxpayers, and the displaced or disadvantaged com-
petitors of local activities financed by federal funds. In
Frothingham v. Mellon (argued and decided with Massa-
chusetts v. Mellon in 1923) the Supreme Court held that
the interest of an individual taxpayer of the nation is too
remote to permit him to challenge an expenditure, here
the maternity aid act of 1921. Massachusetts, the Court
further ruled, had no concern in the relation of its resi-
dents to national tax collectors nor was the state co-
erced by a conditional grant extending "an option which
the state is free to accept or reject." The cases were dis-
missed "for want of jurisdiction and without consider-
ing the merits of the constitutional argument." The out-
come, however, seemed to put the spending power so far

SURVEY GRAPHIC

I beyond possibility of legal attack that James M. Beck rc-
1 gretfully said: "This power of appropriation is thus the
• vulnerable heel of our Achilles-like Constitution."

Under the agricultural adjustment act of 1933, the di-
I rect relation of the processing taxes to the scheme of pay-
I ments to farmers who cooperated in the planned limita-
I tion of production opened a jurisdictional breach. In
:ted States v. Butler, decided in 1936, a majority of the
Supreme Court sought to limit the spending power by
tactics not unlike those on a field of arms, when a strate-
gic retreat by the center of the defensive army exposes
the invader to the double danger of flank attacks. The
Court accepted and affirmed Story's view of the spend-
ing power. But, it said, the words "general welfare" arc
a limitation. Over one flank hangs the threat that the
Court will substitute its judgment of the meaning of
"general" for that of Congress. In connection with the
agricultural adjustment act, however, the main defensive
assault was launched on the other flank. The Court
broadened the concept of coercion. A contract motivated
by a substantial inducement was held to be "regulation,"
and as a regulation of agricultural production it invaded
powers reserved to the states under the tenth amend-
ment. The type of contract in question was individual,
directly between the national government and the pro-
ducer. It was guessed that a contractual fabric in which
the states were intermediaries might be sustained. This
amption underlay the soil conservation and domestic
allotment act, passed later in 1936. It proposed to accom-
plish the guidance of a balanced agricultural production
by means of federal aid to states, effective after 1938.
This feature of the scheme never came into effect. The
state governments showed no great zeal to participate in
so economic a matter. The prestige of the spending power
was soon bolstered by the decisions in 1937 which sus-
tained the social security act both as regards unemploy-
)mcnt insurance (Steward Machine Company v. Davis,
Carmichael v. Southern Coal and Coke Company) and
old age benefits (Helvering v. Davis), although contrac-
tual relationships guiding individual behavior in produc-
I lion were not involved. The agricultural adjustment act
I of 1938 has substantially reoccupicd the positions from
I which the government was driven in the Butler case.
There is no assigned tax to afford a jurisdictional open-
ing. But in carrying out the soil conservation and do-
mestic allotment act as amended in the new legislation
the Secretary of Agriculture may make "payments or
tits of other aid to agricultural producers, including
tenants and sharecroppers," the scale being regressive and
a maximum payment of $10,000 to any individual or firm
being imposed. In addition, invoking the commerce
power, the new act provides for the possibility of quotas
in the main staples, to be conditioned by referenda, ap-
portioned through consultative committees, and bul-
warked by pecuniary penalties.

CONSTITUTIONALLY, THE REGULATIVE APPLICATION OF GRANTS
is still clouded. So, too, is the large scale use of the na-
tional spending power in furthering the socialization of
utilities. The legal hazards in the latter respect were nota-
bly lessened by decisions early in 1938 (Alabama Power
Company v. Icl(es, Du^e Power Company v. Greenwood
County), holding that on grounds of mere competition
the power companies had no standing to raise the ques-
tion of the validity of national grants and loans in behalf

of municipal electricity plants. But already the whole range
of the social services seems irrevocably opened.

As the grants increase in volume as well as variety,
problems which are broadly administrative press for at-
tention. They could be disregarded while the grants
were few and fugitive, reflecting the isolated enthusiasms
of particular groups. These problems can be overlooked
no longer. The common thread that runs through them
is the reconciliation of the double purposes of grants: as
devices of guidance and as means of equalization.

An issue of growing importance is the degree to which
grants should be specialized. If a country-wide equaliza-
tion of resources were the only objective, subsidies might
well be unconditional, a single lump grant being allo-
cated on the basis of a master index of composite state
needs. But the principle of functional union calls for a rea-
sonable degree of segregation, by which conditional grants
will be applied to particular major purposes. In the past
federal aid has undoubtedly been splintered unduly. Thus
there seems to be justifiable criticism of the federal grants
for vocational education, which now amount to over
$20 million annually. The complaint was echoed cau-
tiously in the recent recommendations of the Advisory
Committee on Education. It did not propose the repeal
of these grants but expressed the belief that "federal aid
for vocational education should be consolidated with
general aid for elementary and secondary education at
the earliest feasible date." In recommending future grants,
the committee did not quite espouse a single equalization
fund, although it declared "that only in very exceptional
circumstances will it be desirable for the federal gov-
ernment to specify funds for any single phase of the
current operation of elementary and secondary schools."
A combination of grants was suggested, the aggre-
gate of which would rise through a six-year period of
trial from $72 million in 1939-40 to $202 million in 1944-5.
The most important item would be a grant in behalf of
elementary and secondary education generally, amount-
ing to $140 million in 1944-5; but special grants were pro-
posed in aid of the preparation of teachers, the construc-
tion of school buildings, the administration of state de-
partments of education, and a number of other matters
including educational work among adults and library
service in rural areas. It seems clear that in connection
with federal aid generally the movement must be toward
the consolidation of grants under conditions of adminis-
trative flexibility. A time may come when unconditional
subsidies will be added in order to share sources of in-
come effectively available only to the central government.

Flexibility and Standards

A NOTABLE ASPECT OF GROWING FLEXIBILITY IS THE TEN-

dency to abandon the automatic requirement that the na-
tional contribution must be at least matched by a state or
local appropriation. It was a natural condition when fed-
eral aid was episodical, essentially stimulative, and often
intended to be temporary. Matching, however, is incon-
sistent with the logic of equalization. It bears invidiously
on the states most in need. It aggravates the disadvan-
tages of specialized grants and may even seriously distort
budgetary arrangements in states of limited means. The
trend, fortunately, is against such a requirement. Prac-
tice, meanwhile, is confused; administrators grope toward
sliding scales and the like, by which to take account of
relative needs. In the apportion- (Continued on page 571)

NOVEMBER 1938

545

THE RACE

Grover Page in the Louisville Courier-Journal

By Six-to-One in California

by PHILIP KING BROWN, M.D.

For perhaps the first time, a state supreme court has passed on group medi-
cine— and upheld it. The significance of this San Francisco case is here inter-
preted by the medical supervisor of the Southern Pacific Hospital. A federal
grand jury investigation is now under way in Washington into whether or not
the District Medical Society and the AMA have broken the anti-trust laws
in opposing a kindred development at the national capital.

FuR V EARS, THERE HAVE BEEN DEMANDS ON THE PART OF IN-

dustry for health service. Forms of it to the number of
over three thousand have been established by employers
in various parts of the country. California's railroads, lum-
ber camps, mines and salmon fisheries could not have been
developed without some program for the adequate care
of the employes and in many cases their families. More-
over, back in the cighteen-fifties, a French General Benevo-
lent Society was incorporated, and then a German society,
i Both were health insurance programs with plans for care
of the less fortunate in any illness that arose. Since then
literally hundreds of good, bad and indifferent schemes
have been set up in California. Only a few of the really
good ones survive outside of those developed in industry.
Earl Warren, district attorney of Alameda, has landed the
proprietors of a number of the notoriously bad ones in the
state prison. The county medical societies in Los Angeles
and San Francisco took steps against two others.

Clearly then the practice of medicine needs protection,
but no less does the public need more and better care, and
new ways for getting it. Those new ways come into head-
•nflict with opposition in medical circles.

Witness the experience of the Ross-Loos medical group
in Los Angeles, a partnership arrangement such as holds
in most large law offices. [See The Case of the Ross-Loos
Clinic by Mary Ross, Survey Graphic for June 1935.] Its
clinic takes only employes of a common employer, public
or private, under a dcduction-from-salary plan so that the
t collection is almost nil. The charge is fixed at J2
a month, which includes ninety days' hospitalization care,
house and office attention, all drugs and treatments neces-
sary, and the services of specialists. The group grew rap-
idlv on account of the high level of service rendered at
the rates offered. The County Medical Society instigated
charges of non-professional conduct against its heads.
These were rushed through a hearing and Doctors Ross
and Loos were dropped from membership. In this action
the county society was sustained by the California Medical
Association, dominated by southern members, and the case
went to the council of the American Medical Association.
A year later an opinion was rendered bearing only on the
astonishing course pursued by the local society and order-
ing the two physicians reinstated. Even today, however,
the county society refuses membership to all new doctors
entering the Ross-Loos group, and the American Medical
Association will not certify, for internes, any hospital that
receives patients for care from any but members of the
county society.

How the San Francisco Plan Evolved

FOR MANY YEARS COMMERCIAL COMPANIES AND LODGES HAD

been selling similar groups in San Francisco some sort of
health protection and care on an insurance basis. Back in
1933, the state attorney general rendered an opinion that
all these plans were insurance and should be under the
state insurance commissioner. In view of the fact that for
three legislative sessions Californians had tried to regulate
legally these existing plans and on two occasions to put
over a voluntary health insurance bill, the insurance com-
missioner (recently resigned) announced that he would
not proceed against any of them until a bill passed the
legislature. Then he would expect all to comply with its
terms. This seemed wise because some of the organizations
had been in operation over eighty years and were eleemo-
synary. Others concerned industry alone.

The Los Angeles demonstration of what might be done
and how spurred interest among men and women in the
public services of San Francisco. Los Angeles school teach-
ers, for example, extolled the benefits they received from
the Ross-Loos service, and San Francisco teachers were
aroused. With result that the Municipal Employes Asso-
ciation entered the field with a project to amend the city
charter so as to make possible a compulsory health insur-
ance plan.

By referendum vote, 7428 of the municipal employes
favored the plan to 938 opposed. The board of supervisors
drew the amendment after stormy meetings with a num-
ber of the San Francisco County Medical Society officials
in which limiting modifications were included on the in-
sistence of the doctors. The board submitted the amend-
ment to the electorate; the electorate approved it, and it
became effective by concurrent resolution of the legislature
on April 4, 1937.

At the hearings before the board of supervisors on the
form of the amendment, the County Medical Society had
stepped in and insisted on adding the old slogan, "free
choice of physician," applying it likewise to hospitals and
druggists.

Whether or not the medical society intended to spike
the whole plan by its changes is not clear, but it kept
stalling about presenting plans of its own. Those put for-
ward by a group of medical men under the Sutler Foun-
dation name appealed to some and a hearing was held by
the Retirement Board which was made the final arbiter.
Again the county society asked for more time. A stalemate
threatened. But just at this time the board secretary was
brought in touch with Dr. W. B. Coffey who was about

547

to retire as head of the Southern Pacific Hospital system.
Now the first baby Dr. Coffey had brought into the
world after beginning his practice happened to have been
this very secretary and they were in accord at once. In
a few days a plan was on paper, a fee schedule outlined,
and a hundred physicians listed who were ready to co-
operate— including thirty specialists. The plan was duly
presented to the Retirement Board, a few modifications
suggested and accepted and it only remained to meet any
objection the medical society might make. A long confer-
ence brought out nothing of import except that Dr. Coffey
agreed that any regularly licensed physician who would
subscribe to the rules of operation could practice under the
plan. These rules include a reduction if necessary in the
unit value of services rendered to meet the ability to pay
from the total monthly sum set aside for that purpose.

What the Plan Is

THE AMENDMENT AS SUBMITTED AND PASSED PROVIDED FOR A

health service system for municipal employes, its business
affairs to be administered by a board of nine — elected for
three years by the members of the system — who also
choose the administrative medical officer. Members consist
of all employes of the city and all teachers and employes
of the board of education who are members of the retire-
ment system. Christian Scientists were exempted by filing
annually with the Health Service Board an affidavit stat-
ing such adherence, and disclaiming any benefits under
the system. Any employe also can be exempted who has
provided otherwise for adequate medical care. On the
other hand, the board was empowered to extend the bene-
fits of the system to the dependents of members, to retired
municipal employes and to temporary employes provided
no expense falls upon the city and county.

The board was given power to adopt (by a two thirds
vote) a plan, or plans, for rendering medical care to the
members of the system or for indemnification of the costs
of care, or for obtaining and carrying insurance against
such costs. The system must be self-supporting and de-
pendent in no way on any other city funds. A special pro-
vision excludes the use of present city hospitals except in
emergency. Free choice of any duly licensed physician and
hospital is granted members subject to rules and regula-
tions of the board. No exclusive contract with a physician
or hospital is permitted, and a uniform rate for services
rendered must be fixed by the board. The only check on
rates and contract of services is that these are subject to
review by the Retirement Board.

The board was empowered to determine and certify to
the comptroller the monthly sum to be paid by each mem-
ber into the fund. The comptroller was empowered to de-
duct these sums from the compensation paid to members
and deposit them with the treasurer of the city and county
to the credit of the system. "Such deductions shall not be
deemed to be a reduction of compensation under any pro-
vision of this charter."

Two semi-monthly salary deductions had been made
under the plan when the city comptroller declined to
honor demands on the fund until supported by a decision
of the state supreme court as to the legality of it all. A
hearing was held and briefs were filed, including a half
dozen amid curiae briefs covering every imaginable rea-
son for the plan being held unconstitutional as arbitrary
special legislation, and so on. The issues raised can better
be understood, now that we have traced the California

><»

history of the case, by reviewing contemporary develop
ments throughout the country.

National Background

FOR MANY YEARS THE AMERICAN MEDICAL ASSOCIATION HA!

vigorously opposed not only health insurance but any de
parture from the present system of medical practice, witt
its free-choice-of-physicians slogan and its anti-contract
practice arguments. A situation developed in Dallas, Tex.
which hinged on arguing that a contract under a deduc
tion-from-salary-plan for the medical care of 700 low in
come street railway employes is altogether different frorr
the common practice of providing a doctor for employe:
in a mine where there can be no care except by employ
ment of one on a contract basis paid for by deduction frorr
miners' pay. There were threats of expulsion from th<
faculty of the local medical school and to avoid local com
plications the Dallas case was not carried to the courts
The issues recurred in a larger way when the local medica
society in Milwaukee, sustained by the state society anc
the AMA, put out a group of doctors who organized th<
Milwaukee Medical Center at the request of the employe:
of the International Harvester Company. [See Medica
Rift in Milwaukee by Andrew and Hannah Biemiller
Survey Graphic for August 1938.] Before such a case cat
be taken to court, the accused must seek redress in all th<
ways open to it within his own organization. This is wh}
the Stanacola case in Louisiana, the Dallas Street Railway
case, the Milwaukee and other cases have been so lon$
delayed in getting redress, and have frequently been side
tracked before the question could be decided once for all
That may come out of the action of Assistant Attornej
General Thurman Arnold in bringing grand jury proceed
ings this last month in the case of the Group Health As
sociation, Inc., made up of 2500 federal employes in Wash
ington, D.C. The issues will be threshed out under th<
restraint of trade clause of the anti-trust laws. Not onlj
are the pressures of medical societies on their member:
involved but the Washington clinic has had difficulty wid
medical and surgical supply houses in equipping its clinic

The California Decision

THESE ARE THE DEVELOPMENTS WHICH GIVE COUNTRY-WIDI
significance to the decision handed down in early fall bj
the California supreme court in the case of the Municipa
Employes Service Plan. The defense had been in the handi
of its attorneys, Gushing and Gushing, outstanding Sar
Francisco lawyers. The judges swept aside all objection!
on judicial grounds and it becomes a question at onc<
whether the privilege of organizing similar health servia
groups may not be considered generally legal.

Supplementary legislation in California is necessary im
mediately, for the need of maintaining standards of medi-
cal practice and sound financial structure are great. Th(
question also of the compulsory provision is uncertain
There are many compulsory medical service plans in itt
dustry in the State of California now, and some of them
are monuments of efficiency and solid financial standing
In the case of railroads, the purpose has been to safeguard
the public. No one is compelled to work for a railroad
but if one does, the railroad wishes to be sure that the
applicant has and maintains reasonable health.

The decision led off with the statement that "the courts
are not concerned with the policy of duly enacted laws,
but only with their validity; and in our opinion the pres-

SURVEY GRAPHIC

cm legislation violates no constitutional guarantees." The
court pointed out the overwhelming vote of the city em-
ployes in favor of the plan, and the equally wholehearted
acceptance of it by over a thousand licensed physicians of

, the city, and almost all the hospitals. The fact was espe-
cially emphasized that among the physicians who signed

| up to support the plan were the president of the State
Board of Health and of the California Medical Associa-
tion, and some qf their past presidents; the president of
the San Francisco County Medical Society, and some of
its past presidents; the president of the American College
of Physicians (also a member of the board of directors of
a committee of four hundred and thirty physicians) ; and
leading members of the staffs of the medical schools of the
University of California and Stanford University.

Let me add that no one believes that the plan is ideal or
proof against just criticisms that will be developed as it
works out. These will make its weaknesses so clear that
their correction will be simple. The important thing is
that the profession generally in San Francisco is alive to
the need of a better distribution of medical care, and un-
like doctors generally in Washington, Milwaukee, Dallas
and Baton Rouge, they acted to support the plan and not
to block it. This was true despite the passage of a resolu-
tion last May by the directors of the San Francisco county
society, fearful of a stampede in the city and the state for
health insurance. These directors declared that there
should be "no sponsorship, endorsement, promotion, or
operation of any plan" until it had been referred "to the
committee on public relations, reviewed by that committee
and until that committee's findings and recommendations
have been approved by the council or the house of dele-
gates of the California Medical Association."

The dissenting judge contended that in approving the
charter amendment the legislature delegated to an asso-
ciation of individuals power which the legislature is ex-
pressly forbidden to do, that the plan permits the use of
facilities of the offices of registrar and treasurer for pur-
poses of administering that which is not of general public
character. The judge claimed the plan had nothing to do
with public health security, or general welfare. "It is sim-
ply social health insurance for a restricted group of indi-
viduals who are compelled to participate in it."

But to return to the majority decision. Point number one:
May the city by its charter provide for a regulation of this
character? The court argues for "municipal home rule"
under Article XI, Section 8 of the California constitution,
and under the liberalizing constitutional amendment of
1914, refers to the charter, not as a grant of power but a
restriction only, and states "the municipality is supreme in
the field of municipal affairs, even as to matters on which
the charter is silent."* This liberalization was based "on
the principle that the municipality knew better what it
wanted and needed than the state at large, hence it was
given the exclusive privilege and right to enact direct legis-
lation which would carry out and satisfy its wants and
needs." An exact definition of the term "municipal affairs"
cannot be formulated according to the court. Judicial inter-
pretation is needed to give it meaning in each controverted
case because "fluctuations in scope, and changes in condi-
tions make new and broader applications thereof." The
court cites numerous cases where this principle has been
applied and holds that in the case under consideration:
There can be no question under these authorities, of the

». Bttt 62 App. 320; IS G»l.L.Rer.60,U CO. L.Rer.446

power of the city to establish a system of medical service for
its employes or their dependents. Proper medical attention
freely available to all such employes and their dependents
should have a direct and beneficial effect on their health, and
therefore their efficiency. If a pension or retirement system,
or provision for sick leave payments at the expense of the
municipality is within municipal power, the present plan en-
tirely self-supporting and having the tendency to decrease sick-
ness, and lessen the expense of sick leave, must equally be so.

This is the crux of the whole situation, and has a sound-
ness that discourages debate.

The court goes on to "certain specific details." A few
can be mentioned. Amicus curiae had contended that it
was an unconstitutional delegation of legislative power to
the board to perform municipal functions in violation of
a section of the state constitution. The court held that:

. . . this section merely prohibits the legislature from inter-
fering with the municipalities in respect to their municipal
affairs, and has no application to the appointment of boards
or officers pursuant to valid charter provisions.

Coming to the long debated point whether medical care
on a deduction-from-salary basis constitutes insurance, the
court ruled that "though insurance may be a matter of
general concern, the health and efficiency of city employes
is a municipal affair"; that "the insurance code deals with
the private business of insurance, and neither expressly
nor impliedly purports to regulate governmental activities
or municipalities."

The contention that the charter amendment permits the
board to practice medicine in violation of the state medical
practice act is covered by "the well settled doctrine that
general words in a statute which might have the effect of
restricting governmental powers are to be construed as
not applying to the state or subdivisions." Similarly, the
contention was disposed of that due process of law was
denied in providing for compulsory deduction in an un-
certain amount from salaries of municipal employes:

A conclusive answer is that no one has a vested right in his
public employment except insofar as the right is conferred
by statute or other valid regulation; that the employment is
accepted under the terms and conditions fixed by law, and
that one of the terms of the employment in the present case
is the provision for the benefits of the health service system
at the charge imposed therefore.

The deduction herein considered has none of the compul-
sory features of a tax, for no one is compelled to pay anything
unless he voluntarily seeks the public employment under the
terms and conditions which the law imposes.

Further, the court held that power to exclude those re-
ceiving salaries of over $4500, those who rely on healing
by prayer and those who already have adequate medical
care, does not constitute a denial of equal protection of
the law. Interference with freedom of religion had been
claimed by amicus curiae on the ground that employes
must disclose their religion in claiming exemption.

Finally amicus curiae claimed that some of the rules,
regulations and practices of the board arc, or may be, dis-
criminatory with respect to particular persons. This issue
was not before the court. The rights of any individual if
infringed may be tested later. Speculative acts arc not in-
vasions of private rights. With these considerations, the
court decided six-to-one that there was no valid objection
to the system and the funds collected were made available
for -the establishment and furtherance of the Health Ser-
vice System.

NOVEMBER 1938

"Watchman: What of the Night?

by JANE PERRY CLARK

From Calvin to Lenin, to Anatole France, to Thomas Mann — free Switzer
land has offered haven throughout the centuries. What happens there today
registers as perhaps nothing else how the surge of Nazi persecution is stripping
our world of cherished rights of asylum. An eye witness account.

CONCERN HAS CENTERED THIS FALL ON THE WRECKING OF
Czechoslovakia — which we liked to call the modern
"bridgehead of democracy" in central Europe. Less has
been told of how the same forces and the anguish they
bred have beset the Swiss Republic. Can it hold to its
ancient role as a refuge for political and religious exiles?

For with the fall of Vienna such fugitives came afoot,
by car, by train, by air, in numbers as never before. They
waded the shallow reaches of the Upper Rhine which is
the frontier to the new "Gross-Deutschland." They even
came on skis through snow covered passes, for the
Austrian Vorarlberg mountains rise so close that they
might easily be part of the Swiss country itself. Just how
many wanderers have come seeking the peace and free-
dom from persecution which Switzerland has always
offered is a matter for conjecture. In official circles, it is
said there are some 10,000 of these "involuntary immi-
grants," as they are called in the report of the Evian Con-
ference; but there is no way to discover the exact number
that have slipped in.

One sees them everywhere, on the streets, in the country-
side, their tense, strained faces easily betraying whence
they have come. In the restaurants they can be recognized
by what the Swiss call "the German glance," from the way
in which they look around at the neighboring tables be-
fore they say anything even to their own companions. But
for the most part they are not to be found in restaurants
and hotels. Many of them fled without possessions, with-
out money save for the paltry ten marks which is all any-
one is allowed to take out of Germany today. Some of the
people are boarded with private families, but at border
points like St. Gallen and Basle, where congestion is great-
est, old buildings have been turned in-
to shelters.

The largest shelter of all is to be
found in tiny, gabled Diepoldsau at
the edge of the upper Rhine. The
Austrian Vorarlbergs rise sheer above
it and the town itself is not many
yards from the German border. Its
people are farmers who have tilled the
green valley and on occasion walked
across the border to talk with friends
very much like themselves. Last sum-
mer when the nearby Rhine was at
its shallowest, refugees poured across
it night and day needing food and
shelter.

By the end of August, something
had to be done. In the midst of the
town lay a long unused machine-

Refugee shelter in Diepoldsau,
Switzerland

embroidery factory, mute witness of the change in wom-
en's styles in far countries. This factory was turned into
a camp by the Red Cross at the request of the Jewish
organizations of Switzerland, which undertook its sup-
port. Large burlap-covered straw sacks are stretched side
by side on its floors to serve as mattresses. Occasionally
the straw pillows are gaily decorated. There are two neatly
folded blankets and a sheet for each person, with hooks
above for the few possessions brought in flight. All in all,
this place is as wide apart as the poles from the concentra-
tion camps which these people had so come to dread. They
have put up a large sign reading: "Thanks to the People
of Switzerland." Even the police officer in charge seemed
more of a friend than a guardian, for he told me he could
hardly bear the situation confronted by some of those in
his care.

On the clear summer day I visited Diepoldsau, its usual
sleepy streets were filled with Austrians. There were more
than 130 men in the factory-camp. I was struck with the
number of young men among them. (Many of the women
and all the children had been sent to St. Gallen.) There
were doctors, lawyers, shop owners, clerks and even opera
singers; but by far the largest group consisted of young
handworkers and craftsmen. I talked to electrical workers,
to a barber, a photographer's assistant, a cook and a girl
who worked at the manufacture of ladies' petit point bags.
One was a young woman who had finished all but the
last quarter of her medical training when Jewish students
were expelled from the University of Vienna. Fortunately
she was also skilled at arts and crafts by which she hoped
to earn her living in the Argentine. Meanwhile she was
looking after some of her fellow refugees who had become
ill through suffering and exposure. I
cannot forget her as she stood there,
sensitive and intelligent with dark,
finely chiselled features. Looking back
at the mountains towering above us,
she said that hitherto she had never
thought of herself as anything but an
Austrian. The others I talked with
were also passionately Austrian. They
were all Jewish, all under the age of
twenty-five, all from Vienna. Their
faces lit up when I indicated that I,
too, had lovad it. When I said, "Vienna
was a beautiful city," a boy of eigh-
teen looked up to say, "Ah, yes — was."
Many of these people had left par-
ents or other close relatives behind
with the realization that only for the
young was there a shred of possibility

550

SURVEY GRAPHIC

that life might begin anew elsewhere. A young electrical
worker told how desperately tired he was of having no
work to do, of waiting for four long weeks without any
idea to what country he might go. A young barber
laughed at him and said that, at the end of four months,
he at least realized that his waiting had only begun. No
refugee in Switzerland is allowed to work to earn any
money whatsoever. Self-help activities, however, had been
developed, especially classes in languages. With the excep-
tion of one boy whose father lives in Brooklyn, none
expected to reach the United States. Their eyes are turned
to South America.

ZURICH HAS THE LARGEST NUMBER OF REFUGEES OF ALL Switz-
erland. In this and other cities they are scattered, but their
tragic problems stand out in the rooms of the Jewish
Gcmeindebunde attached to the synagogues — rooms so
crowded that sitting is impossible even during long hours
of waiting. As I talked with one director, a man fainted
just outside the door. He had been forty-eight hours on
the road from Feldkirch at the border — on foot and with-
out food.

It was soon after the Anschluss that between three
and four thousand of these involuntary immigrants were
first given permission to enter Switzerland on their way
to other countries. Hardier refugees soon began to slip
across the Swiss border. With the late spring and the in-
crease in Jewish persecutions, especially in Vienna, the
number of illegal or "black" entries — those without pass-
port or visa or with passports forbidding return to German
soil — increased so much that the Swiss became concerned.
Then, in the latter part of July, word spread among the
Jewish youth of Vienna that they would have to choose
between leaving the country or going to the Czech frontier
to dig trenches. A panic exodus began. At once a traffic
in smuggling sprang up in which Nazi officials took part.
Companies of ten, twenty or even fifty persons were
charged thirty-two marks each and taken by bus or train
from Vienna to the Swiss border. There they were
searched and stripped of valuables and all money, save at
first thirty, then later in the summer, ten marks. They
were turned loose, usually in the dead of night, to hide in
the shelter of bushes and wade the Rhine when the chance
offered. One of these, a man of about fifty, who had lost
his leg for the Austro-German cause in the last great war,
told me that the storm-troopers who took him to the
border had apologized for what they had to do and had
wished him well as he went his way.

Others were taken by train to Basle, situated directly on
the German-Swiss border, and slipped into the Swiss city
through doors that had ordinarily been unused in the Ger-
man railroad station.

The number of "black" entries into the country went on
mounting until mid-August. Then it was that the Swiss
government decided to abandon its ancient policy of free
right of asylum. Like the other European countries which
border on Germany it closed and barricaded its doors.
Warnings were inserted in all Viennese papers. Day and
night two patrol companies on bicycles rode up and down
along the upper Rhine valley where access to Switzerland
is easiest. With the adoption of an anti-Semitic policy by
Italy on September 1, patrols were increased along the
southern Swiss boundary as well. On all frontiers, Switzer-
land set about the bitter task of turning back refugees
without passport and visa, or in search of more than tem-

porary transit facilities. Thus they turned back a group of
young men provided with visas for China, each owning
only ten marks in the world. And an airplane with twelve
men, women and children from Vienna was sent directly
back with its unhappy cargo. The task has become so
grueling for Swiss officials that more than one has asked
to be relieved of border duty. Occasionally, the guards
deliberately forget their instruction to refuse admittance,
particularly in the cases of political refugees — of which
there are more than 120 in Switzerland. I saw a sad-faced,
blue-eyed young Viennese in the early twenties, who
quietly threatened suicide if she were not admitted. Her
husband had preceded her in the days before the Swiss
barriers went up. She was not melodramatic, but there
could be no return to Vienna for her, penniless, without
work, without even a roof over her head. So the Swiss
official allowed her to come in to join her husband, en
route to the Argentine.

Today, on the one hand, the officials of Switzerland are
urged to a lenient policy by such liberal papers as the
Arbeiterzfitung of Basle; and on the other hand to more
drastic restriction by the Nazi-minded Grenzbote of Schaff-
hausen and the Schweizerdegen of Zurich.

THE BURNING QUESTION WITH ALL OF THESE PEOPLE IS

where, where, where to go. Switzerland, with its four
million population in its mountain valleys, has suffered
from depression and unemployment and feels it cannot
absorb the refugees. The handful of Swiss Jews — some
18,000 divided among about 300 congregations — cannot
indefinitely carry the burden of care. Already the refugee
cost in Switzerland is over $50,000 a month. So help must
be found elsewhere, and some has begun to come from
America. There has been little attempt at publicity for
fear of the development of anti-Semitism in Switzerland
and of the awakening of the now unimportant Nazi or-
ganization, the Nationale Front. The long democratic tra-
dition and the federal nature of the Swiss government
have thus far served to prevent these developments. But
many people feel that the presence of great numbers of
refugees in the country has added to the general malaise
created by proximity to Germany in these difficult times.
There are those who claim that only by maintaining a
strict policy of refusal to allow refugee admission can the
Reich be shown that she cannot dump outcasts wholesale
on her neighbors.

All over the world the doors of different countries have
been tightly shut. Whither are these people to turn? The
last week in August, the American consulate in Zurich
reported that applications already pending for quota num-
bers would fill their allotment for the next fifteen months.
Although Zurich had more refugees than any other place,
nevertheless its proportion of the total was only forty-five
a month. The office there is crowded daily to capacity, and
the applications run well over two hundred a week. At the
same time, the American consulates in Germany have
been filled with enough applications to exhaust the total
quota for the next two years.

Europe has gradually become the seat of collective fear
rather than of collective security. The great stream of
homeless knows not which way to flow. Unless the com-
mittee established after the Evian and London conferences
can do something tangible in the way of finding places for
them, they seem destined to become, like Wagner's Flying
Dutchman, forever condemned to wander.

NOVEMBER 19J8

531

Courtesy Jacques Seligmann Galleries. New York
CONVERSATION PIECE

SUNFLOWER

"Down Here"

ai tings by Charles Shannon

•I this painter hai taken his stand in Dixie-
i Bahama he has spent most of his twenty-three
x>h. The perspective gained from four years'
r«h, at the Cleveland School of Art, first
*i, then on scholarships, only sharpened his
MIC must express on canvas "what this coun-

• ully means to me." Now he is working in a
a he backwoods of his native state, helped by
Jeihips awarded by the Julius Rosenwald Fund
s »ho are devoting themselves to the social
•t-ms of their part of the country. He is in-

• tagrocs about him with a white friend's un-
Ii the paintings reproduced he has caught
> ving, their grace, their separateness. In

• licturcU their grief and religious ecstasy.

SCHOOL GIRLS WAITING FOR THE BUS

One of this year's spontaneous strikes against pay cuts in Akron

Life Curve of a CIO Union

Acme

by CHARLES R. WALKER

Consider, for example, the story of the rubber workers and their organ-
ization, from the sitdowns of 1936 to the layoffs of 1938: a clue to
the future of industrial unionism.

FORMALLY SEVERING ALL TIES WITH ITS PARENT AND RIVAL,
the CIO was born officially on November 9, 1935 — a little
less than three years ago. Even with the NRA's encourage-
ment, the AF of L had failed to storm what John L. Lewis
used to call "the open shop citadels of America." Between
September 1936 and September 1937, the CIO added to
its original eight unions with their nucleus of a million
members, more than twenty new affiliates, and reported a
total strength of over 4 million. In the same period the
organizational impetus was found to be no monopoly of
the industrial unionists and the American Federation of
Labor added over a million members. The total union
strength in America jumped from around 4 million in
September 1936, to 7,500,000 in September 1938. No com-
parable phenomenon has ever occurred in the history of
American labor.

The unique characteristics of the CIO are a crusading
emphasis on industrial unionism, plus a centralized general
staff. Hostile critics have long referred to the organization
as a "dictatorship." But whatever its dangers and its future,
the Lewis command during the whirlwind campaigns of
1936 and 1937 was both flexible and potent. This organiza-
tional approach, however, only begins to describe the social

554

significance of a unique development. The CIO has
always emphasized that it proposed not only a correction of
grievances but a change in labor's status. And it is inter-
esting that whereas in the great wave of post-war strikes,
76 percent were fought over wages and hours, in 1936, 50
percent were waged — primarily — for union recognition.
The man in the street instinctively supports a strike for
better conditions, and opposes a strike for organization.
Yet the CIO, although some of its tactics have made bitter
enemies, has been more successful than any other labor
movement in our history in winning general public
support. Through the radio, the press and even the pulpit,
it has been careful to offer not only higher wages, but a
philosophy of industrial relations. (The basic elements of
this philosophy have always been held by the AF of L,
which failed, however, in the early days of the New Deal
to popularize them.) Unlike organizing movements in the
past, the present one has the advantage of the Wagner
law and the NLRB, which define and defend the rights
of collective bargaining and provoke the more belligerent
of employers to accuse the government of partisanship or
worse. Further, through Labor's Non-Partisan League the
CIO has itself entered politics and won and lost elections.

SURVEY GRAPHIC

Lastly, during the six munths of recession it has kept its
economic gains to a surprising degree. In this article we
trace the life curve of a single CIO international, which
has exemplified in the past most of these characteristics
and poses sharply at the moment the whole question of
the CIO's future.

First U.S. Sitdown

IN AKRON, OHIO, THE RUBBER INDUSTRY'S CAPITAL, HO
Goodyear tire builders went to work on February 17, 1936
at midnight. There were but two union men in the depart-
ment— and only 400 or 500 on Goodyear's payroll of 12,000
workers. A supervisor started passing out layoff slips at
3 A.M. According to tire builder Carl Hooper: "In ten
minutes everyone in our department sat down. We stayed
solid and elected a committee to see the management." In
the union hall a few hundred Goodyear workers met and
remembered other grievances in addition to the proposed
layoffs. When C. D. Leslie, 210-pound tire builder, re-
turned from a conference with management he shouted,
"I favor shutting her down!" The workers cheered and
left the hall. That night they threw their first picket line
around Plant II.

This little episode followed on the heels of what seemed
proof of labor's inability to organize the steel, the automo-
bile and the rubber industry during the first organiza-
tional wave of the NRA. It antedated by several months
the occupation of mines and factories by French workers,
and the great sitdown wave which inundated the United
States in the winter of 1936 and 1937. In retrospect the
sitdown at Goodyear — which was followed by a walkout —
is memorable as the first of a long series of successful
strikes led by the CIO.

More than once Akron has anticipated social tremors
by six to Yiinc months, so that business men call it "the
test tube city." There has always been something in-
tensely alive and electric about the at-
mosphere of the city. For forty-five years
it has been a rubber town and, though
it is now trying hard to diversify, 85
percent of its wage earners are still rub-
ber employes in 1938.

Rubber Town

PIONEERS IN VULCANIZED RUBBER FOUND
Akron a sleepy country village, and in
thirty years transformed it into "the rub-
ber capital of the world." Even today, lo-
cated among the rolling hills of northern
Ohio, the intense factory life of the city
seems remarkably close to the country-
side. Wooded hills and farms can be
reached in a ten-minute drive from the
big cluster of rubber plants on Market
Street. A tiny hamlet in 1870 when B. F.
(icK)drich founded a rubber mill to make
rubber pads, garden hose and later bicycle
tires, by 1900 Akron had a population of
42,000, and before the crash in 1929, it
was a city of 255,000. With the swift rise
of the automobile industry, it attracted a
heavy migration of farm boys from the
Ohio countryside and later hill-billies
from West Virginia and neighboring
states, to build "the nation's tires." At the

NOVEMBER 19)8

peak of Coolidge prosperity, Akron could boast two thirds
of all the tire and tube manufacturing in the United
States, turned out by some 40,000 rubber workers. Not
only depressions but centrifugal forces within the industry
itself during the next decade were to strike at the city's
economic health and create special problems for worker
and employer. By 1938, the rubber payroll had shrunk to
26,000, and only a third of the nation's tire production
remained as Akron's share.

Akron has always taken pride in being a progressive city
— progressive not only in business enterprise, but in the
sphere of industrial relations. For years the city has boasted
that it paid the highest wages and many employers early
established pensions, sickness and accident insurance, va-
cations with pay and other measures for the welfare of
their employes. Goodyear, distinguished as a pioneer in
employe representation, set up in 1919 an industrial assem-
bly to handle all matters of wage adjustment, working
conditions, and the like. The assembly's record in action
received praise not only from employers but from large
numbers of workers. In sum, up till 1933, Akron rub-
ber employers not only successfully defended the "prin-
ciple of the open-shop," but recommended Akron's
achievements in labor relations to less progressive
communities.

In the early days of the NRA, rubber's experience with
unions followed a pattern characteristic of steel, auto, and
other mass production industries. In June 1933, the
national recovery act became the law of the land. So far
as Akron, Pittsburgh, Detroit and other industrial centers
were concerned, its most important provision was historic
Section 7-a. Akron employers, pointing to their wage
records, insisted that a union for rubber workers was super-
fluous. Nonetheless, organizational response to Section 7-a
was breathless, and an AF of L federal union was
promptly set up in the summer of 1933. Throughout the

The picket line during the hiitoric iitdown, February 1936

International

555

country, between 40,000 and 50,000 workers joined the
union in a few months. A year and a half later both
morale and membership had all but melted away. Why?
The new unionists wanted to elect their own officers; in-
sisted on an independent and industrial union; and
demanded action. Denying his new recruits all three,
William Green handpicked the union's officials, split the
membership into twenty-one crafts, and with the Labor
Board's * assistance twice dissipated popular sentiment
for a strike. By hindsight, it is hard to conceive of a policy
that could have been more perfectly suited to pave the way
for the triumph of the CIO.

Streamlined Strikes

A LOT OF THINGS WERE ON THE MINDS OF THE EXCITED RUBBER

workers who threw the first picket line around Goodyear
in February 1936: anger at the inaction of the old AF
of L leadership, anxiety over the threatened layoffs in the
tire department, grievances over seniority rights and pro-
motions, but above all the speed-up, a question that was
to send 400,000 auto workers out on strike in the fall of
1937.

There were not more than 300 or 400 workers — out of
Goodyear's 12,000 employes — in that informal mass meet-
ing which broke up and became a picket line in February.
A forty-mile gale was blowing down Martha Avenue, and
the thermometer touched nine below zero. The pickets
warmed their hands around improvised braziers made of
old oil drums filled with coal.

Technically it was an outlaw strike, but only a few days
later, it was backed by the Central Labor Union of Akron
at the largest meeting in that body's history. The 300
delegates present let it be known they would resort to a
general strike if necessary to defend the rights of the
pickets against a threatened court injunction. Then one
week after the original sitdown the union's international
executive board (still AF of L) met and authorized the
strike. Significantly, John Brophy, CIO official, was present
and offered CIO support. In the
following week, four CIO or-
ganizers got off the train in
Akron.

Like CIO strikes to follow, ob-
servers soon spoke of the rubber
strike as "streamlined." It set up
an efficient strike committee, but
remained remarkable for its
rank-and-file initiative. Sixty-
eight picket posts were estab-
lished covering an eleven mile
area. The picket huts were
thrown together out of old lum-
ber, tar paper and metal from
the automobile junkyards, and
equipped with stoves, radios, and
even beds. One post was near a
manhole where an empty sewer
passage led from the plant into
an open field. The union hast-
ened to halt scabs who were us-
ing the passage as a safe entrance
into the plant. Taking a tip from
the Minneapolis truck drivers'
strike, sixty union scout cars
roamed the city turning in in-

formation to strike headquarters, keeping tabs on meet-
ings of the "company unions," tire shipments by the com-
pany and the movements of the police. A management
representative complained: "The strikers took over com-
pany property, established their own police, and ran
things the way they liked."

Although workers loyal to Goodyear's industrial assem-
bly and the company held a big mass meeting in the
armory, increasing numbers of sympathizers from Fire-
stone and Goodrich swelled the picket lines, and a large
section of the general public, not directly involved, evinced
sympathy with the union. According to union records,
Akron merchants contributed during the seven weeks'
strike some $25,000 to the union's treasury, besides contri-
butions of coal and food. The union was able shortly to
hire a restaurant and serve 12,000 meals daily to pickets.
Morale was enlivened by nightly mass meetings, radio
talks and union statements liberally reported in the local
press.

The strike followed in general a pattern which in an-
other few months was to be a familiar one. There were
protests by loyal employes and by civic organizations, and
rallies by the unemployed in support of the strike. The
company asked and received a court injunction against
picketing, which was promptly defied by the strikers. A
famous conciliator, Edward McGrady, was dispatched
from Washington by the Department of Labor, and
finally toward the first of March, union negotiators and
company representatives seemed about to approach a
settlement. Then occurred a dramatic episode which de-
cided the strike's fate, and the union's.

Following the rejection by a union membership meeting
of peace terms reached by union leaders and management,
Goodyear promptly announced the opening of the plant
on the following Wednesday, "to honor the rights of those
who wished to return to their jobs." Former Mayor

* This refers to the old Labor Board set up by the NRA, and is not to
be confused with the National Labor Relations Board.

International
After the strike, agents of the National Labor Relations Board conducted an election

556

SURVEY GRAPHIC

International

Addressing 10,000 rubber workers during threatened pay cuts: Wilmer Tate, Akron Industrial Union Council; Thomas Burns
and N. H. Eagle, officers of URWA; Richard Frankensteen, of the UAWA; Congressman John Bernard of Minnesota; Presi-
dent Sherman Dalrymple of the URWA; and the Rev. George H. Birney, Akron pastor

Sparks appealed over the air for a Law and Order League
to protect the expected back-to-work-movement, and the
union instantly interpreted the Goodyear announcement
as an attempt to break the strike by force. In two days
Mr. Sparks recruited 5000 members for the Law and
Order League, and the county sheriff enrolled 250 special
deputies. Everyone in Akron sensed that a crisis was at
hand.

The union mobilized to "protect the strike." If the ex-
mayor could appeal to the public by air, the union could
do likewise; and from eleven o'clock Tuesday night to
early the next morning, it broadcast to all listeners the
strike's objectives and the union's interpretation of the
emergency. All rubber workers, including veterans, were
asked to stand by for an emergency. The listening public
wondered if Akron was in for civil war. By 10 A.M. there
were between 15,000 and 20,000 workers and curiosity
seekers at the main plant entrance.

Similar efforts on the part of special police and law
and order organizations in support of back-to-work move-
ments during the next two years were to result in bloody
clashes, notably in the Little Steel strike, and to lead to
charges and counter-charges of coercion by both sides.
Akron, however, offered a variant. On East Market Street
there is a hill just before the highway reaches the end of
a long row of smoky brick plants and the beginning of
the main picket line. With the uniformed police in die
lead, followed by Sheriff Flower's deputies, the forces of
law enforcement mounted slowly toward the strengthened
picket line on Wednesday morning. The union strategists
had carefully instructed their forces not to resist unless an
effort was made to dislodge them from the picket line.

The police advanced in silence, heavily armed with
long range tear gas and riot guns. The pickets had col-
lected piles of stones and a few had firearms. Half a block
from the plant, the police broke formation and moved at
a desultory pace into the crowd. No tear gas was dis-
charged and no shot fired. As the officers mingled with
the pickets, they repeated the words: "We want no
trouble, we're only here to keep the peace." The encounter

NOVEMBER 1938

on Market Street turned out to be a peaceful and blood-
less one. When the police platoons first broke formation,
the crowd cheered for fifteen minutes. No disorder oc-
curred. The emergency groupings on both sides returned
peacefully to their homes. Negotiations were resumed with
the company, and three days later a settlement was
reached. A victory parade followed in which 10,000 rubber
workers participated.

Whatever his sympathies, everyone in Akron had of
course welcomed the bloodless outcome of Wednesday's
crisis, but employers at the time interpreted not only die
strike's outcome but the episode of Wednesday as proof
of the "complete breakdown of die forces of law and
order in Akron." They continued to insist that a minority,
not over 600 rubber workers, were for the strike. The
rest they believed had been coerced or incited to action by
radical leaders. The union on its part claimed diat the
peaceful demonstration of strength nipped in the bud a
movement designed to break the strike. Union spokesmen
pointed as proof to a front page editorial appearing in
the Beacon Journal, which had been critical of the strike,
calling for the dispersal of the Law and Order League,
and denouncing it as "vigilante provocation."

The victory was a modest one, embodying concessions
on hours, production control, seniority rights, and partial
union recognition. No formal contract was signed, but
unquestionably the strike marked the beginning of the
union's rise to power in the rubber industry. Within a
year, the United Rubber Workers were to treble their
membership throughout the United States.

A SENSATIONAL SERIES OF SITDOWNS FOLLOWED AT GOODYEAR,

after the settlement. They proved almost as unsettling to
management as the strike itself. There were some 200 be-
tween March 1936 and June 1937, the majority involving
only a few men. A Goodyear spokesman insists: "Many
of the sitdowns had only one purpose — to force employes
to join the URWA, to make it impossible or at least un-
comfortable for them to work unless they join the union
and pay its dues." John House, president of the Goodyear

557

local, said to the writer: "The sitdowns were due to the
continued resistance of the company to the terms of the
settlement. After the strike, the company instead of play-
ing ball made it as tough as they could. That's why the
men sat down."

From conversations with many Goodyear rubber work-
ers and an examination of the record, the writer concludes
that the union was very weak in membership even after
the strike, and used the sitdown not only to enforce its
rights under the settlement but also as an organizing
device. The sitdowns at Goodyear ceased in June 1937.

Effect of the Slump

IN THE MONTHS FOLLOWING THE STRIKE, THE UNION MADE

rapid progress throughout the country. By the summer of
1937, the United Rubber Workers had participated in 50
strikes, organized 136 locals, secured 70 signed agree-
ments, 13 signed memorandums, and 6 closed shop con-
tracts. It could point to a membership curve which regis-
tered 3000 in 1935, rose to 25,000 in 1936, and reached

75.000 just before the recession in 1937. Since then the
union has lost about 15 percent of its dues-paying mem-
bership.

In August a year ago, according to Factory Manage-
ment, weekly earnings in all rubber products were up

10.1 percent. Akron's Big Four all paid top wages for a
six-hour day, and were negotiating formal agreements
with the union. At the Labor Board elections in August,
Goodyear voted 8 to 3, and Goodrich almost 10 to 1,
for the union.

Visiting Akron in the summer of 1937, I talked with
many rubber executives. The CIO's Little Steel strike had
just failed of its immediate objectives; some felt that this
and other happenings meant "a healthy setback to the
CIO dictatorship," and predicted a weakening of the
union's grip in Akron. Management, however, was ad-
justing itself, though reluctantly, to the problem of dealing
with the URWA, and it was my impression that — barring
the unforeseen — the process of mutual adjustment to the
new status in labor relations might continue indefinitely.
But the unforeseen happened. By December the economic
forces making for recovery in August were in sharp re-
verse. Throughout the country employers and workers
faced not an expanding market for rubber products but a
contracting one. In Akron, the labor truce was broken.

Early in the spring of 1938, the General Executive Board
of the URWA published a protest against proposals to
lengthen hours and reduce wages. "Such a movement,"
the board affirmed, "would delay the reemployment of
those now jobless, would result in even greater unemploy-
ment than is now prevalent, and would present a severe
threat to the wage structure of the nation."

Throughout the previous months, the union had suc-
cessfully resisted wage cuts in different parts of the United
States.

Then early in April, the Goodrich Rubber Company
proposed a wage cut of 10 to 20 cents an hour in Akron.
The employers demanded a vote of the union membership
and announced that if the vote were negative, they would
be compelled to move 5000 jobs out of Akron. Competitive
conditions, they said, left them no alternative.

By the time this announcement was made, some 15,000
Akron rubber workers had already been laid off; the
remainder were working twenty-four hours a week. Retail
sales had fallen 23 percent from 1937, building permits

558

were off 82 percent from 1937 figures, and thousands of
persons were on relief.

Not only in rubber, of course, but throughout industry,
management and labor were facing the effects of the de-
pression. In Akron, those effects tangled with another
problem which had haunted the city for a decade. The
drop from a record of two thirds of the tire production
of the country in 1929 to a third in 1938 meant not only
depression, but decentralization. Plants for some years had
been moving out of Akron, and new branches springing
up in all corners of the United States. A variety of eco-
nomic factors were responsible, but employers were in-
clined to put the chief onus upon the unions, which they
accused of "freezing wages at prosperity levels." *

Rubber Decentralizes

RECENTLY THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT HAS INITIATED AN
elaborate survey to study the depressed economy of the
South, seeking among other things a solution of the
problem of factory migration to low wage areas. In Akron,
last spring, both sides offered their own pragmatic solu-
tions of the problem.

Goodrich promptly made it clear that the question of
further decentralization was a life and death problem for
the city of Akron, and posed the question as civic ruin
or wage cuts. The company pointed out that wages in
Akron were 30 or 40 percent higher than in other parts
of the industry, and a campaign among Akron business
men lifted what at first appeared an issue of domestic wage
adjustment to a plane of city-wide discussion. Within a
month, Washington became interested and the Labor De-
partment sent a representative into the field to study the
issue. As feeling grew on both sides, the rubber workers
were to hold the largest demonstration in the city's his-
tory against the wage cut, and Governor Davey mobilized
3000 national guardsmen to stand by for any emergency.
Two strikes, a major riot, and the threat of a city-wide
tie-up of transportation, light and power followed.

A day before the proposed balloting at Goodrich, the
Akron Beacon Journal in a front page editorial said : "Call
the emergency a gun at Akron's head, with an itching
finger at the trigger. That doesn't remove the gun ____
Meet the emergency! Vote YES tomorrow."

The union on its part early made up its mind that de-
centralization was inevitable anyway, and that the Good-
rich ultimatum was part of a campaign to smash the wage
structure of the rubber industry.! They replied to civic
and business groups who called for the wage cut, with a
newspaper and radio campaign of their own, insisting that
wage reductions would promptly be demanded by the
other rubber companies if the Goodrich workers voted
yes. They envisaged a loss of $3 million a year to Akron
merchants and workers alil(e. As to decentralization, they
went to Washington and sought support for a congres-
sional bill — "to curb companies from moving out jobs to
escape organization and to cut wages." Finally they called
off the balloting at Goodrich.

e ren towar ecentrazaton s not a recent one. notae nstance
was the establishment of the large Goodyear plant in Gadsden, Ala., in 1929.

t Commenting on this point, a union official said in criticism : "We are
not so resigned to decentralization as the statements of the author would
indicate. In the Goodrich dispute we believed, and still believe, that the
threat of decentralization was just a threat to make the workers take a cut.
We fought it on that basis. But we are not sitting back twiddling our
thumbs and telling ourselves that decentralization is 'inevitable.' Far from
it. We are doing all we can to protect our members' jobs and homes."

SURVEY GRAPHIC

The chaotic events which ensued may be briefly sum-

jri/ed as follows:

On May 4, after abortive efforts to reach a compromise
?rcement, the Goodrich local voted on the company's
riginal proposal and rejected it. By a show of hands 2251
lues-paying unionists voted for rejection, 239 for accept-
ncc. (Employers insisted that a secret ballot and the
itcs of the 6500 Goodrich employes who either were not

lion men or were remiss in their dues would have meant
acceptance. The union replied by pointing to the 10 to 1
Labor Board vote at Goodrich, which gave sole bargain-
ing power to the union.)

On May 16, Firestone renewed its contract with the
union, confirming existing union conditions.

With the Firestone contract behind them the union led
a brief strike at Goodrich, which they called a "labor
holiday." When it was over, Goodrich signed an agree-
ment which kept wages at their existing levels.

Goodyear remained. Asserting that negotiations were
getting nowhere, union leaders withdrew from confer-
ence. Within a few hours there was a strike.

On May 26, a serious clash occurred between pickets at
the Goodyear plant and the police. Eye witness accounts
differed categorically as to "who started it," but the clash
resulted in the injury of eighty persons.

Claiming that the strike might be smashed by force, a
defense committee was formed the next day, which in-
cluded seven AF of L and seven CIO officials. A strike

ORGANIZING THE UNORGANIZED

ALL C. I. O. UNIONS
1935

1937]

Each symbol represents 250,000 members

THE C.I.O. IN SIX BASIC INDUSTRIES

1935

UKKt
CIO.

1937

SMI

STEEL

&&&& &&&& &&&& &&&& &&&&&1

MM MM MM MM AMU HI

TEXTILE

1935

•CPOM

CIO

1937
•a

AUTOMOBILE Cl°

RUBBER

EodM

. JS.OOO «

Chart made (or the CIO

of bus and taxi drivers and of electrical workers was
threatened "unless the extra police were withdrawn, and
the right of picketing restored." A few days later, the
company reached a tentative agreement with the union
and the strike was over. The company promptly denied
that the threatened actions of the defense committee had
influenced their willingness to reach a settlement.

What issues remain unresolved and what does the de-
nouement of this many-sided conflict portend for the fu-
ture of the industry and the union? Still uppermost in the
mind of the Akron public is the question of decentraliza-
tion. The view of rubber executives may be summarized
as follows: Decentralization has been caused by the freez-
ing of wages in Akron at uneconomic levels way above
the rest of the country. The union's position can only lead
to the further migration. of the industry from Akron,
ruining the city, damaging the industry as a whole, and
retarding recovery.

The union's position is likewise categorical. A reduction
of wages in a key spot in a key industry would have been
the signal for a general breakdown of the wage structure
in Akron and throughout the nation. The decentralization
argument is a bogey. There will be decentralization any-
way. Our policy enforced by recent strikes will maintain
purchasing power and hasten recovery.**

What's Ahead?

THE QUESTION I ASKED MYSELF AFTER TALKING TO BOTH SIDES

was: Will the rubber industry attempt to solve its many
economic problems — including decentralization — on the
basis of the new status of labor relations which the CIO
has established; or will it revert after a long and costly war
of attrition to the open shop?

One national rubber executive said to me: "The CIO is
communist. They tried it in Russia and it didn't work."

Another executive analyzing the 1936 strike and the sig-
nificance of the rise of trade unionism in rubber told his
supervisory group: "Certain forces were building up
within this organization [before the 1936 strike] which
we didn't recognize, or if we recognized them we didn't
realize their gravity, or if we did, we didn't do anything,

or enough things about it It does no special good to

damn the union or blame Mr. Lewis. The question is:
Where do we go from here?"

On many problems it is difficult to see a meeting
ground between management and the union, and yet in
department after department and plant after plant that
I studied, the foundation for day to day collective bar-
gaining, despite all setbacks, is being painfully laid, a
foundation which, in my opinion, neither the depression
nor removal of more jobs out of Akron will destroy.
Whatever the judgment of certain employers about CIO
economics, the maintenance of effective strength during
the recession is, I am convinced, a more crucial argument
for the permanent integration of the movement in our
economic structure than the sensational union victories
of 1936 and 1937. In Akron, I predict compromises will be
made. Crises like the present may appear to be wrecking
the industry, the union or both, but in the long run
neither will succumb. In my judgment a new status in
labor relations in the rubber industry is in the making.

" The union makes} the further point that on the question of the wage
differential between Akron and other areas, there are two ways to reduce
the differential: 1. By reducing wages in Akron. 2. By increasing them else-
where. They point to the report by Hinrichs of the U. S. Department of
Labor in the Goodrich wage controversy, which indicated that through the
organizing efforts of the union the differential between Akron and outside
points was decreasing.

NOVEMBER 1938

559

THROUGH NEIGHBORS' DOORWAYS

Victory — By Whom and for What?

by JOHN PALMER GAVIT

NOT

THE WEISENHEIMERS ARE TELLING US ALL ABOUT IT',

only what was done and what it means, but what ought
to have been done. Especially Americans who "told you
so," who think Great Britain and France should have
done or refrained from doing this or that, but that the
United States had and still has no responsibility save to
"our own business" . . . and our own skins. Oh, yes, they
applaud the messages which President Roosevelt sent to
Hitler, Mussolini, et al. However poor we are at partici-
pating, we always have been grand at preaching! Particu-
larly when we don't have to practice any of it. Reminds
me of a drawing I saw in my boyhood in one of the comic
papers, of a boy fearfully trying to rescue the baseball from
in front of a fierce-looking bulldog, while another sat on
the fence in safety, crying:

"Grab the ball, Jimmy! I'll stand by while you do it!"

Wiser than I is he who knows, bolder than I he who
even pretends that he knows, whether or what if anything
the world has gained, net, by what those four men, Cham-
berlain, Daladier, Hitler and Mussolini, representing Great
Britain, France, Germany and Italy, the four great powers
of Europe which in the last analysis can both say and do,
did at Munich in those last days of September. Two weeks
before, as the skies grew blacker and a world-wrecking
war seemed a matter of days or even hours, a wise and
exceedingly well informed friend of mine said this:

"My guess is that we shall have a new crisis a day for
thirty days; but that when we look back over the thirty
days we shall see things on the whole better than they
were."

Well, so it seems as I write. Better for the moment. If
you don't think so, I ask you to consider how much bet-
ter off Czechoslovakia, for example, would have been as
you read these words with the soil of Bohemia and
Moravia again as so often over the centuries a cockpit of
war — this time such as never was before in Europe; her
beautiful cities and villages in ruins. And at the same time
London, Paris, Berlin, Rome and whatnot other great
cities of England, France, Germany, Italy, smashed and
reeking with horror — crowded streets become shambles
under the bombs of air raids. And to what profit at the
end? At least there is a semblance of peace, another
breathing space.

JUST NOW I TOLD AN AMERICAN DOCTOR, A NOMINALLY IN-

telligent man, that I must write something about all this,
and hardly knew what to say.

"I'll write it for you," he said, "brief and to the point —
all the point there is. Two words: Damn Hitler!"

"And how about Mussolini?"

"Damn both of them!" he cried. "Damn the whole boil-
ing of Europeans and European politics and wars. Thank
God for the Atlantic Ocean! The less we have to do widi
those people, the better."

"If only it were as simple as that!" I said.

To have any intelligent understanding of what has

560

been happening and has yet to happen, one must put him-
self back into the psychology of 1918-19, which produced
that hell's brew of hate and revenge against Germany
known as the Versailles "peace" treaty, together with its
collaterals of various titles affecting her allies. At that time
we were damning the Kaiser — there were those who de-
manded even that that luckless German autocrat, who in
comparison seems now to have been absurdly innocuous,
should be personally hanged by the neck. There was
opportunity then really to pacify the world: but it went
unheeded. Search those treaties for any flicker of gen-
erosity toward the vanquished; you will search in vain,
save in the covenant of the League of Nations. Note the
exception, for it is vital. The dominant purpose of those
"peace makers" — in particular the French and British as
then represented — was to ruin Germany now and forever,
not only materially by devastating penalties reaching far
into the future, but spiritually by humiliation, including
the confession of exclusive "war guilt" wrung at the point
of the bayonet from men who had no alternative but to
assume that guilt. Today's events are the logical, inevi-
table consequence of that brewing. It was folly to imagine
that a great nation of sixty million proud, warlike, greatly
resourceful people could be indefinitely kept under the
yoke in any such fashion. Hitler and Hitlerism are the
natural result, and it has taken only twenty years to bring
it about. A fearful price the world is paying and has yet
to pay for that folly.

Czechoslovakia is at the moment the goat. Upon her
has been laid the burden of the sin. What will be left of
her when we get to even an ad interim audit of the ac-
count we cannot tell. It will be luck rather than manage-
ment if out of it comes a coherent Czech unit, neutralized
after the manner of Switzerland and safe from a further
swallowing a la Austria, which it would Appear nobody is
either able or disposed to prevent.

The one thing registered beyond doubt by the proce-
dures of late has been that pacts and promises are worth-
less; that for the time being we are back in the era of
force; as Wordsworth put it at Rob Roy's Grave:

The good old rule . . .
That they should take who have the power,
And they should keep who can.

The forces— and they are mighty— which could modify
or control the operation of that rule, are scattered in pur-
pose and fearful under the threats of blackmail, which
they have only too good reason to believe would be car-
ried out.

MASARYK DID NOT WANT THE SUDETEN GERMANS IN HIS NEW
synthetic country. He always was solicitous both as to their
loyalty and as to the treatment they would receive from
the Czechs themselves. In his own account of the creation
of Czechoslovakia,* which is mighty interesting reading
now, he tells of a Czech proposal, which I suspect to have
been his own, "to cede a part of German Bohemia to
Germany." This part was largely the Sudeten region. But
several factors ruled otherwise. In the first place, Benes

•THE MAKING OF A STATE: MEMORIES AND OBSERVATIONS 1914-1918,
by Thomas Garrigue Masaryk. Introduction by Henry Wickham Steed.
London: Allen & Unwin.

SURVEY GRAPHIC

and other influential Czechs insisted that the new state
should include all of the ancient Bohemian crownlands,
not only for sentimental reasons but because the moun-
tains themselves formed a natural boundary and an indis-
pensable bulwark of defense. Oddly, too, the Sudeten
Germans themselves at that time thought they would be
better off in a free Czechoslovakia than in enslaved Ger-
many crushed under the burden of the war penalties. But
the principal motive operating in the peace conference was
that of the hard-boiled would-be destroyers of Germany,
who would allow only over their dead bodies a single inch
of old dismembering Austria-Hungary to be given to the
surviving Germany.

Other uncongenial additions were so to speak nailed on
to the new state, bound to make trouble sooner or later.
Ten years ago in Prague 1 asked Dr. Bencs himself — he
was then foreign minister, "Keeper of the Bridgehead," I
called him in what I wrote— what they wanted of the long
strip of Hungary, full of simon-pure Hungarians, down
along the southern border. He pointed out to me that it
afforded the only way of railroad access to eastern Slo-
vakia and the Ruthenian part of the country. As for
Tcschen, the mining region which the Poles have just
grabbed back again— nobody gave that to Czechoslovakia;
they "must" have the coal, and just took it.

And it is the bare truth the Czechs have not been over-
considerate toward their minorities. For example, in al-
most wholly German Carlsbad in 1928 I did not find a
single German in any public office ... the Czechs monopo-
lized them all. It was pardonable; for centuries the Bo-
hemians have been a German footmat and this was their
chance to get square; but all these things have contributed
to today's result. Now the Germans have the whip again.
They hold the Czechs in contempt. In New York, the
other day, a German woman said to me:

"It is horrible to think of the Czechs ruling Germans.
It's well enough that they should rule Slovaks, but — never
Germans!"

Dr. Masaryk devoted a considerable section of his book
to this matter of the relations of his people to the minori-
ties. And he warned especially against the chauvinism now
poisoning the world. Said he for example:

To a positive nationalism, one that seeks to raise a nation
by intensive work, none can demur. Chauvinism, racial or
national intolerance, not love of one's own people, is the foe
of nations and of humanity.

Chauvinism (he says in another place) that is to say, politi-
cal, religious, racial or class intolerance has wrought the down-
fall of all states. . . . Chauvinistic imperialism wrecked the
Portuguese World-Empire. The same lesson is taught by the
fall of Austria and Hungary, Prussia-Germany and Rus-
sia— they who take the sword shall perish by the sword.

Established thus by force, however justified by historic
tradition and inspired by undying aspirations of an uncon-
querable spirit, the continuing existence of Czechoslovakia
depended, and more than ever now depends, upon the
good faith and affirmative support of those who created
it; as well as upon the self-restraint and the selfish motives
of the great neighbor who just now has snatched many
pounds of flesh, along with much life blood. The resigna-
tion of President Benes, who in every sense is Masaryk's
spiritual heir as he was his fighting comrade and confi-
dant, symbolizes the truth of the Psalmist's admonition
against putting trust in princes. At the moment, under the
conditions dramatized at Munich, it is equally injudicious

to rely upon treaties, pacts and promises — of anybody.
The shrieking lesson of today would appear to be, as
Edward Hayes puts it in his Ballads of Ireland, "Put your
trust in God; but mind to keep your powder dry!" And
when you are a little fellow, with scant powder and no-
body disposed to give you any more — it's just too bad.
As for trusting in God ... we cannot always be certain
that He wants what we want. The other day I heard of
an old gardener's reply to the admiring remark of a neigh-
bor who leaning over the fence said, "That's a wonderful
garden you and God have made."

"Aye, so it is, but — ye should hae seen it when only God
was takin' care o't!"

NONE CAN ANSWER THE QUESTION POSED IN THE CAPTION

over this article. To call what we have "Peace" is to abuse
the word. Real peace is a dynamic, not a static thing. Wel-
come as is the respite from immediate conflict, we are still
deep in the woods, and headed — whither? There is a lull
at the center of a cyclone.

Just now I spoke of the saving exception in the Treaty
of Versailles: its interwoven provision for the establish-
ment of the League of Nations. Even the alteration of the
boundaries of Czechoslovakia lies within the provisions of
that covenant. Article XIX specifically contemplates "the
reconsideration of treaties which have become inapplicable,
and the consideration of international conditions whose
continuance might endanger the peace of the world."
Under this provision all boundaries established by the
peace treaties could be reconsidered, and would be were
the powerful members of the league high-minded and
unselfish enough to act in good faith. But three of them
had other motives; they could not tolerate the judgment
of the neighbors upon their actions, actual and contem-
plated. Japan quit when the league denounced its kidnap-
ping of Manchuria; Italy would not submit to interference
with its outrage upon Ethiopia; Germany had not the
patience to await justice at the hands of the league — and
had, one may acknowledge, the best excuse. The United
States, in whose heart the league was conceived, with no
excuse at all save those of politics, Wilson-hating and
refusal to stand its share of sacrifice in the international
task, ducked all responsibility and has stood aloof, sneer-
ing and sabotaging all through those first years of struggle
to establish world peace upon a footing of world coopera-
tion. We are greatly responsible for the state of the world
today.

It is neither the business nor within the power of any
one nation or minority group of nations to police the
world. That old "White Man's Burden" stuff, aside from
being far out of date, is bunk, pure and simple — as much
so as the Pan-German delusion that Germany has any right
or duty to impose its "ideology" upon mankind . . . even
for that matter upon its own unhappy minorities. Neither
is it the obligation of any nation — specifically one such as
our own which has refused to accept any responsibility
for the policing — to hand out pious advice and admoni-
tions to the rest. From that point of view one may restrain
his enthusiasm even for President Roosevelt's however
personally sincere and eloquent preachments to the
rest of the world from behind our bulwark of smug
isolation. Up to now we are open to the rebuke attributed
to Henry IV of France:

"Have leave to hang thyself, my brave Peronne! We
fought . . . and you were not there!"

NOVEMBER 1938

361

A People's University

by ALVIN JOHNSON

Public libraries can really keep us educated if we enlarge their scope to
include more than quantity circulation of books. Advice by an educator
who has just completed a study of our urban library systems.

THERE ARE THREE POSSIBILITIES FOR THE DEVELOPMENT OF
an effective system of adult education. The first is the
extension of the work of the public schools, the colleges
and universities, into this field. The second is the develop-
ment into an independent educational system of the vari-
ous tentative private or cooperative plans now in opera-
tion. The third is to develop the public library into a
permanent center of adult education, informally, a peo-
ple's university.

As to the first alternative, there is every reason why the
schools and colleges should undertake so much of adult
education as is really belated adolescent education. A man
who for some reason, within or without his control, has
failed to graduate from highschool or college may resolve
to make up this lack in his later years. He may want a
belated diploma or degree, or perhaps he wants merely to
work up his competence in certain fields, mathematics,
elementary science, languages. When our student has
concluded his courses, he will stand, like any other gradu-
ate, at the threshold of real adult education.

Adult education proper involves the application by each
individual of the resources of a fairly trained mind to the
issues that press in upon his experience. The issues need
not be contemporary in their data, but they need to be
immediate in their bearing, vital to the citizen of the
present. Adult education cannot thrive under compulsions
and rewards. It therefore transcends the experience and
rejects the technique of the school and college teacher. In-
deed, the adult needs not a teacher but a leader (a leader
as the term was understood before the days of Musso-
lini and Hitler), a person who has experienced the same
need and is one lap ahead.

Voluntary organizations for study and discussion come
nearer to meeting the requirement of a good adult edu-
cational set-up. The one grave weakness of such organi-
zations is their fleeting character. Almost everyone has
joined forums, lunch clubs, dinner clubs in high hopes
of a continuous experience of competent discussion, only
to find the organization breaking up when every member
has said his say often enough to be boring.

The public library has, as a first requisite of leader-
ship in the adult educational field, control of the supply
of books. And books, I may repeat, contain the better
part of the essentials of adult education. The public li-
brary has built up its scheme of behavior in relation to a
public which, unlike the school population, refuses to
submit to compulsion. Adult education can deal only with
volunteers. The public library, north of Mason and Dix-
on's line, is remarkably free from censorship, and the
real adult despises censorship, doubts that any honest
conclusions can be reached where one side is suppressed.
The public library, with its numerous branches, is in a
position to reach a larger proportion of the population

562

of a city than any other institution except the public
schools.

As matters stand today there are many obstacles, none
of them, I believe, insuperable to the occupation by the
library of its rightful place as leader in the movement
for adult education.

The first of these obstacles is the rather touching mod-
esty of the librarians themselves, immolated to the ideal
of standing in an ancillary position to an abstraction, as
I have noted above — the assumed desires of the public.
In consequence of the misplaced commercial principle of
giving the public what it wants, an excessive proportion
of the library funds is devoted to the purchase of books
of no real educational significance. One rather small and
cramped library purchased last year nine hundred fiction
titles. I am not singling out fiction for attack. I believe
that there is, on the whole, more trash in the year's crop
of "serious" books than in the crop of fiction. I believe
that there are many more works of fiction essential for
one who wishes to know the world than works of any
other character. The point I wish to make is that it is
the baneful modesty of the librarians, needing to be bucked
up by stupendous circulation figures, that makes them
waste their meager funds and work overtime to meet
demands for books that have no other reason for attract-
ing a public than the seductive get-up of a blurb or the
whim of a famous reviewer who never reads books. If
such books entertain the reader, let him join a circulating
library or book club and pay for his entertainment, as
he pays for movies and other harmless pastimes.

ANOTHER AND GRAVER OBSTACLE is THE DIFFICULTY IN FIND-
ing the right kind of books. In pure literature this is no
problem. One may draw on the publications of twenty-
five hundred years. In the physical and social sciences a
book that was extremely important ten years ago may be
quite irrelevant and unreadable today. It may sound like
a paradox to say that serious books, as a rule, are ephem-
eral; light books, if of literary merit, are long lived. This
is, however, literally true.

What is more, the professional critics are far more com-
petent in their judgment of pure literature, heavy or light,
than in their judgment of books purporting to be serious.
No substantial critic was ever taken in by Hall Caine or
Richard Harding Davis, but a great many able critics
were taken in by Major C. H. Douglas and his Social
Credit. If ever the libraries are to meet the just demands
of the public for authentic work in the sciences, they will
have to build up their own system of book reviewing.
They cannot depend on the popular reviews, nor can they
guide themselves by the reviews in the technical journals,
which are likely to take the form of a running commen-
tary on a discussion known only to the initiate.

SURVEY GRAPHIC

Even if this plan were followed, the libraries would
find themselves handicapped often by the sheer lack of
usable literature on issues of immediate importance. Only
economic scholars can write competently on economic
issues, but unfortunately, they write as a rule for other
economic scholars, omitting steps in the argument al-
ready familiar to scholars, using jargon to which schol-
ars, but no one else, have been immunized. If the libraries
are to play their proper part in adult education, they will
probably have to get out books of their own, prepared for
their own needs. Readable books, and also sound ones.
Small and inexpensive books, so that when a forum is
organized with four hundred members, it will not be
necessary to try to enlighten them through access to
just four copies of the best book and a miscellaneous
quantity of books "just as good," or not so good.

Perhaps the greatest obstacle to the development of the
library as a real adult educational institution is the inade-
quacy of personnel. No matter how carefully selected the
books are, no matter how many improvements may be
made in the available literature, adult education will de-
pend heavily upon personnel. By and large, men and
women require the stimulus of group activity if they
are to enter seriously upon educational activity. They
cannot be dragooned into education, but they can be led.
This function of leadership needs to be undertaken by
the public library, as the one permanent organ of adult
education in most communities.

This means that members of the library staff must be
active in organizing groups within the library premises,
insofar as these will accommodate such activity, and
outside the library insofar as this is practicable. The
staff will need to enlist in the common cause whatever
volunteer leadership there may be in die community — and
usually there is much more potential leadership than one
supposes. And here again the question arises: Can the
underpaid and overworked staff of our typical public
library load any such additional burden upon themselves?

A further question arises: Is the library personnel se-
lected and trained for any such function? The answer
to this question will have to be negative. On the whole the
ideals and objectives of library schools are of the char-
acter of pure librarianship, the impartial custodianship
and administration of books. What draws students into
the library field may be love of books and desire to serve
educational ends, but this is by no means universally the
case. The profession is notoriously underpaid but secure,
and many persons strike for it as for other professions,
for no better reason than lack of other opportunities.

FoR ALL THAT, ONE IS POWERFULLY IMPRESSED BY THE NUM-

ber of persons in the libraries who arc live, eager, in love
with books and counting it a privilege to awaken an edu-
cational interest in the chance patron. If in politics we
get about the kind of officials we deserve, in our library
service we get better than we deserve.

Nevertheless, when we make up our minds to develop
the adult educational possibilities of the libraries, we shall
have to supplement our library training in administration
with more adequate training in the educational meaning
of books and in the organization of educational groups.
I do not ignore the fact that the mere physical adminis-
tration of a great library is a huge task, requiring the
services of an able chief and a staff devoted to the one
job of the acquisition and cataloguing and handling of

books. But this part of the library service is omy a means,
though an indispensable means, to an end, the best ser-
vice to the public. And this best service is adult education.
I have reserved for the last the obstacle that most mem-
bers of the library profession would put first: finances.
The libraries arc, of all the public services, the most noto-
riously starved. They were kept on small commons in
time of prosperity. In time of depression they are first to
suffer drastic cuts; with recovery they arc the last to find
their appropriations restored. The suggestions I have made
involve increased expenditures. Some money could be
saved by cutting down on the purchase and circulation of
second-rate books. But to do a real adult educational job
the library would need not only a larger personnel but a
personnel much better paid, in order that those now in
the profession may be stimulated to more eager activity,
and in order that more of the promising material of the
generation may be drawn into the profession. Expense is
also involved in my suggestion that the libraries, instead
of waiting for the miracle of a volunteer readable book at
the crucial moment when an issue fills the public mind,
should undertake to get such a book or pamphlet written
and published cheaply, to permit each library to supply
copies abundantly enough for real adult educational work.

EVEN THE SUGGESTION THAT THE LIBRARIES CUT DOWN ON

the acquisition of books that meet a transient demand but
arc worth little or nothing will appear to many as an ex-
ample of facile judgment having no regard to the finan-
cial practicabilities of the situation. The trashiest book
swells the figures for circulation, and the figures for cir-
culation make an important part of the argument for in-
creased appropriations. How often have not library boards
put to deaf city councils the argument: our circulation is
two million; our rival city has a circulation of one mil-
lion, yet it has a larger appropriation than we have.

I do not believe that the circulation figures impress
the city authorities even so much as they should. From
what I could ascertain, through conversations with promi-
nent citizens in many cities, the library is regarded chiefly
as the supplier of light entertainment gratis. To my
criticism of a city because it had failed to restore its library
appropriations, the defense was usually a variant of the
argument that there was no particular reason why the city
should spend money to supply new fiction gratis to per-
sons who probably paid no taxes and ought to be happy
to have access to old fiction, just as good. The prominent
citizens arc proud of what the library does by way of
assisting people to find opportunities for training, and of
what it does by way of direct aid to occupational recon-
ditioning. They arc usually proud of the reference service.
But the circulation figures leave them cold.

It would be foolish and unjust to fail to acknowledge
the fact that the American public library, as it stands to-
day, is a remarkable achievement, indeed one of the out-
standing American contributions to civilization. I know
of no department in our national life that exhibits a
greater proportion of able and devoted leaders, men and
women of outstanding personality whose work will live
on beyond them, beneficently. They have had a broad
base for an institution that will have an even greater fu-
ture when it shall boldly take to itself the leadership in
adult education, which it alone is capable of developing,
and shall make itself over into a people's university,
sound bulwark of a democratic state.

NOVEMBER 1938

563

LETTERS AND LIFE

Memory Books

by LEON WHIPPLE

SAILOR ON HORSEBACK, THE BIOGRAPHY OF JACK LONDON, by Irving
Stone. Houghton, Mifflin. 338 pp. Price $3.

THE LETTERS OF LINCOLN STEFFENS, edited by Ella Winter and
Granville Hicks. Harcourt, Brace. 2 vols., 1072 pp. Price $10.

Prices postpaid of Survey Graphic.

WHAT TRANSFIGURATION ON WHAT ROAD TO DAMASCUS INSPIRED
many young Americans, about the turn of the century, with
a divine discontent about the social and cultural philosophy of
their native land, and sent them forth as evangels of a new
political morality and economic justice? Here was one of the
great revolutions in the American spirit, yet no social his-
torian has quite deciphered its origins. We are wise now
about the closing of the frontier, the transplanting of Euro-
pean socialism, the impact of the new technology, but these
do not explain the human revolt. To the eager and ignorant
young men and women, especially of the Middlewest and
West, the inspiration seemed to come out of the air: they suf-
fered a change of heart. Why hearts change is perhaps beyond
disclosure by reason.

As a sharer of the transition I offer minor evidence. In
1904 I voted for the ineffable Alton Parker, "the Sage of the
Esopus," and in 1908 I voted for Eugene Debs. I gave up the
Democratic tradition of a southern family, not because I
understood Marxism (nor I suspect did Debs) but because I
was being convinced by certain authors that political corrup-
tion was undermining this American democracy we loved,
and that a whole submerged level of our folk were suffering
poverty, misery, ugliness because of economic injustice. Lin-
coln Steffens was one of the writers, and for many people his
Shame of the Cities marked the end of acquiescent com-
placency. Jack London was another, and his raw documents
on the lives of "the people of the abyss," drawn from his
experience as oyster-pirate, hobo, day laborer, contributed to
the angry discontent of men of good will.

Measure their final achievements as you will, these men
were forces in their day: they helped change men's hearts.
Very welcome, therefore, are The Letters of Lincoln Steffens,
and the life of Jack London by Irving Stone. To some older
folks they offer the melancholy nostalgic pleasure of under-
standing better the fineness and folly of old half-won battles,
and the satisfaction of realizing how much of the better life
has been achieved for many plain Americans. The conscience
of the people no longer tolerates some of the evils these cru-
saders attacked. To the younger generation, faced with new
evils, they should prove instructive and not uninspiring.
Youth may learn here the price men pay — in private life, in
error and failure, in dull day-by-day labors, in the arduous
battle to preserve their own faiths — to gain one step in social
progress. The common secret of London and Steffens was
their love for people, their respect for the man himself. That
love and respect we shall need bitterly in the coming years.

It is as a human spirit, triumphing over its illegitimacy, his
confused childhood, his scanty education, his stupefying toil,
his early initiation into a life of violence, and his betraying
animal vigor, that Mr. Stone presents Jack London. This
Welsh-Irishman of the Pacific Coast had a spark of cosmic
energy. He burned. And his gay reckless boyish fire warmed
and inspired others. When he came into a room life grew
brighter. That impression of radiant charm remains over the
years from the night a little literary club of undergraduates
in a state university gave him a supper after his lyceum talk
to the college. What he said has vanished, but how he ate and
drank and laughed, scolded and cheered us, his wondering

admirers, sticks in memory. He was as strange as a comet,
as lovable as a brother. At the station toward dawn, still
sparkling, he picked up a Japanese valet and twelve pieces of
luggage! Comrade London went off to fight for the revolution
in the trappings of the enemy.

He was not insincere; he just loved life and all its sensa-
tions, from sailing near to death in the South Seas to the
symbols of conspicuous waste. He was split by a duality that
was evidenced by many of that odd transitional generation.
Born under the old standards, they struggled toward the new.
They were Americans and they wanted the things Americans
loved — land and a family. Jack London burned out at forty-
one, a suicide, because all his life he had carried family obli-
gations, never gotten his marriage relations in order, and
ended writing furiously below his level to establish a grand
communal-agricultural estate in a California valley. There he
hoped his first wife and his daughters would come to live.
The wiser and happier Lincoln Steffens early bought some
Connecticut acres and built a home, and in his later years
enjoyed the supreme happiness of having a son. Read his let-
ters about Peter and to Peter, and you will learn what these
reformers wanted for all Americans — a social matrix for
happy families.

LONDON'S BIOGRAPHER DOES A GRAND JOB IN REVEALING THE
brilliant human being, but overestimates, I think, his signifi-
cance to our literature. He had the story teller's magic; he
fascinated his millions of readers with novel backgrounds,
Alaska, the Pacific sealing-ship, the South Seas; he wrote our
first cave man stuff, compact of his own hard experience
tinctured with a philosophy drawn from Spencer, Marx and
Nietzsche. His romantic realism helped break up the genteel
tradition. But stirring as The Sea Wolf, Martin Eden, John
Barleycorn were, they were not great novels. They did give
him prestige, glamor, and an audience, so that his studies of
submerged workers and his propaganda for socialism were
read in strange places, even in the colleges. Jack London was
a force and a symbol: his incandescence lit up unknown
jungles of society so many young men were moved to cure
their evils. That service should not be forgotten.

Lincoln Steffens was forever the great reporter, but a re-
porter who "cared like hell" to get the meaning of men and
events across to people so they would understand causes and
seek not to crucify bad men flung up by the system, but to
change the system. When he could not report in print, he
wrote these letters — so numerous, so vivid, and so wise that
one wonders where he got time to fill pages to his family,
friends, to Jack Reed, Colonel House, Edward Filene, Presi-
dent Theodore Roosevelt, to Ella Winter and his son. They
are a brilliant supplement to his classic autobiography. Yet
they were never written for posterity, never stylized; they are
rich in domestic detail, people — kindly, gay, humane, Steffen-
esque. The author was on the "inside" of a whole generation;
he grew every day from the harsh initiation as a New York
police reporter through the years of muckraking until he
became the adviser and envoy of statesmen and a connoisseur
of revolutions. What a man!

What did Steffens contribute to the social revolution of the
1900's? First, he and his colleagues under S. S. McClure (who
was himself a force) told us things about the United States
we did not know. He hooked up political corruption with the
economic system. Having become an expert in the pathology
of municipal government he proclaimed that we must not
dose the symptoms but remove the causes. That idea he im-
planted so deep that we are still grubbing at the roots of
monopoly and finance control. We have learned so much and
done so much that we are likely to forget that Steffens dug
loose the facts that woke us up.

564

Steffens was a catalytic that changed the chemistry of men's
pirits. He was not always effective at finding answers, as the
ixperimcnt in remolding Boston showed, but he stirred up
ithers to find them. Read the letters to Tom Johnson, Brand
JVhitlock, Fred Howe, the La Follettes, and see how he lent
visdom and courage. Or to young men like Jack Reed and
Jpton Sinclair to sec his yeast at work. He did something to
•ouni; men; he was one of the elements in the new air.

The wisdom of the reporter who gets the facts and inter-
nets them with plain hardboiled common sense is best rc-
•ealed in his letters from Europe after the armistice. He was
i prophet whose forecasts are still coming true, but without
icnor then. The correspondents he always helped would not
•ccognize his news. The Russian Revolution was a fact, and
'or him later the principal fact, but Lloyd George and the rest
voulil not face Russia. "One war is planted here already —
vhen we set up France with a declining population next door
:o a growing nation, Germany." Again: "Here there is right-
rousncss and impossible desires, which are not pro-German,
jut just plain German: Imperialism." On pages 465 and 466
here is a prognosis of twenty years' history so true that it
jives us the feeling of recognition one has in nightmares. In
hat week in April 1918 the good reporter reached the moun-
:ain top. Had we understood his words we should not today
ace terror.

That wisdom and his whole career were born of one source,
liis humanitarian zeal, his love for men. He hated only one
hing — hate. So he discovered good in bosses, he was ever try-
ag to save men from hate — Debs, the McNamaras, Mooncy;
be found somehow in revolution the hope that suffering
Ttasses could win happier lives. His love for his family, his
wife, his son, for all men, made his life greater than his ca-
reer. We are lucky to have these souvenirs of a humane soul
that tempered his generation, the young men will be lucky to
ind a like shining exemplar to teach them the hatred of hate.

Health Insurance

HEALTH INSURANCE, by Louii S. Reed. Harper. 281 pp. Price $3

postpaid of Sur-.ry Graphic.

THIS IS ANOTHER EXCELLENT AND CLEAR-SIGHTED BOOK BV A

former staff member of the Committee on the Cost of Medical
Care. In succinct and balanced chapters, the author develops
the chief ills of medical care in this country. He shows how
the irregular incidence of medical costs prevents individuals
from foreseeing and saving to meet them. A large section of
the population, therefore, feels itself unable to afford medical
attention. This causes a considerable percentage of the medical
profession to be grossly underemployed. It also necessitates
gratuitous service in an appreciable proportion of the cases
and leads to a high ratio of unpaid accounts. The idealism of
the medical profession, although higher than in most lines of
work, is nevertheless being partially undermined by commer-
cial practices such as the overcharging of patients, fee splitting
(with an attendant encouragement of unnecessary operations),
and the selection of specialists on other bases than innate
qualifications. The drug and medicine industry is almost
entirely commercialized, and injurious self-medication is fos-
tered by the high cost to the individual of medical care.

Mr. Reed's proposed basic remedy is that of most students
of the subject, namely, social insurance. By this means, small
payments on the part of the great masses of the population
would provide them with protection against the individually
unforeseeable costs. It would also sweep into the field of
medical care such a large volume of cases that the average
income of physicians would be at least maintained, and prob-
ably increased, even though the unit charges for services were
reduced. Mr. Reed shows himself a realist when he points out
that while a strict insurance system upon the European model
would care for the industrially employed population, it
would not do so for the self-employed population who form
a respectable proportion in all states, and an actual majority
in most of the southern states and in the agricultural common-
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565

wealths west of the Mississippi. He proposes, therefore, a
dual system for providing medical care, namely, health insur-
ance for the industrialized states, and social medicine sup-
ported by taxes in the agricultural states. The federal govern-
ment would give financial aid to both, which would be
derived from a payroll tax of approximately 1.5 percent with
total costs ranging between 4 and 4.5 percent. Cash benefits
for the insured population would be handled through the
unemployment insurance system with, of course, a different set
of certifying officers.

Such a proposal is stimulating. The reviewer would like to
suggest, however, that a better plan might be to have one
system of medical care, including both employed and self-
employed, with a part of the funds derived from a percentage
levy upon personal incomes, whatever their sources, and with
an added federal grant obtained from a levy upon incomes of
between $5000 and $100,000 a year. He is the more inclined
to believe this, because a similarly unified plan would also
seem to be the best method for handling the problem of old
age, and of removing the present dualism in that field created
by state systems of old age pensions and the national system
of old age insurance. Whether cash benefits during sickness
could also be provided under such a system for both the
employed and the self-employed, or whether it would be nec-
essary to provide them only for the employed and hence link
them to unemployment insurance, is still an open question.

In any event, both the general reader and the serious
student of medical economics and health insurance can profit
from reading Mr. Reed's thoughtful and well-written book.
University of Chicago PAUL H. DOUGLAS

The Red Cross in Wartime

WITH THE RED CROSS IN EUROPE 1917-1922, by Ernest P. Bicknell.
American National Red Cross. 506 pp. Price $1.50 postpaid of Survey
Graphic.

THIS IS NOT ONLY AN ABSORBINGLY INTERESTING STORY, IT IS A

singularly valuable record. The official accounts of the wide-
spread activities of the Red Cross during the war are, of
course, available, but Colonel Bicknell's contemporary notes
and journals from which the present volume is compiled give
a background to those accounts that nothing else could
furnish. The reason is evident. Bicknell played a unique part
in the Red Cross operations. Other important officials came
and went but he was always there. He was in the organiza-
tion before the war and he remained a guiding spirit in the
puzzling years of reorganization after the war. In one emer-
gency after another, he was called upon to counsel or to lead,
and he was always ready. With the eye and the habit of a
trained journalist, he observed and made his notes at the
time, and this volume which had been planned before his
lamented death has been carefully and skillfully brought
together by Mrs. Bicknell. It is a permanent contribution to
the history of a great enterprise.

The book covers so wide a field and with an emphasis vary-
ing naturally with the importance of the part which Bicknell
personally played, that it is impossible in a few words even to
outline its contents.

It was inevitable that the account of his and John Van
Schaick's mission to Belgium in the early days of America's
participation should have a particularly intimate touch, but
the same careful observation and judicial attitude appear in
the treatment of problems in other corners of Europe which
he was sent successively to solve. Wherever trouble and con-
fusion arose in the organization, the Red Cross seemed to
turn instinctively to Bicknell and the result was always good.

To the present reviewer, a particularly appealing feature
of the book is the sympathetic picture of the personality and
accomplishments of one of the most intriguing figures who
appeared in that kaleidoscopic period, Colonel Edward W.
Ryan. A man of extraordinary capacity and restless energy,
self-confident and effectively assertive, Ryan was often a
storm center and an embarrassment to Paris and Washington,

but his achievements were outstanding. Whether in the
Balkans or the Baltic states, he did the apparently impossible.
The story of his conquest of typhus fever in Esthonia is an
epic and his name will be honored there for generations. He
died in Persia in 1923 as he would have wished, fighting an-
other epidemic for which his Red Cross experience in Europe
gave him unique preparation. He was one of those effective
men whom great crises discover and it is not strange that his
career appealed to Ernest Bicknell with peculiar force even
though the latter was forced to struggle with the complications
which the man created.

The account of Ryan is purposely cited for it typifies the
calm, judicial but always human attitude which Bicknell's
countless friends knew so well. With the Red Cross in
Europe will not only bring back vivid memories to an army
of Red Cross workers, it will stand as a permanent record.
New Yorl^ LIVINGSTON FARRAND

Propaganda From the Orient

PROPAGANDA FROM CHINA AND JAPAN. A CASE STUDY i»
PROPAGANDA ANALYSIS, by Bruno Lasker and Agnes Roman. Foreword
by William W. Lockwood, Jr. Institute of Pacific Relations. 120 pp.
Price $'1.50 postpaid of Survey Graphic.

THE AUTHORS CALL THEIR BOOK A CASE STUDY OF WARTIME

propaganda literature; but by analyzing the various methods
of propaganda used by China and Japan in the course of the
last year, they also make an important contribution to the
general problem of propaganda. They prove that there is no
clear cut borderline between information and propaganda;
that a mere report of facts can serve the same purpose as
biased presentation; that direct propaganda will defeat its
purpose as it underestimates the judgment of the reader;
that there is the danger that with greater caution the propa-
gandist can still attain his ends if he can play upon the evalu-
ations of his prospective readers, who, if sufficiently sophisti-
cated, will be on their guard against their sympathies. But
where does that lead?

While the greatest caution and critical acumen on the part
of the public might prevent deception, it makes for complete
skepticism. That indeed is the state of mind of many Amer-
icans, not only in the case of the Chinese-Japanese undeclared
war, but in world affairs generally. Thus the ultimate failure
of propaganda to work proves that it cannot be the basis of
judgment in current affairs; on the other hand it cannot be
dispensed with, being the main source for interpreting the
aims and ideas of those concerned. Propaganda thus is in
itself an important tool. But it can be used as such only —
this inference can be drawn from this well documented study
— if the public knows the basic situation in which nations
act and react. Without that knowledge the complexities of
the modern struggle for power cannot be grasped. Thus this
case study proves implicitly that even a critical mind cannot
judge if it is not supported by knowledge. Thanks to the
endeavors of the Institute of Pacific Relations such knowl-
edge is available to the American public.
New School for Social Research EMIL LEDERER

Theodore Roosevelt on Colonial Policies

COLONIAL POLICIES OF THE UNITED STATES, by Theodore
Roosevelt. With an introduction by Walter Lippmann. Doubleday,
Doran. 204 pp. Price $2 postpaid of Surrey Graphic.

WHEN, AS IN THIS SMALL BOOK, COLONEL THEODORE
Roosevelt comes out bluntly with the remark that, for the
United States, Puerto Rico "has always been a liability and
will continue to be so," his opinion commands attention
because he speaks from his experience as governor of this
American colony. Similarly, his remarks about the Philip-
pines carry the weight of his experience as governor-general
of these islands. In this connection he holds that "Congress
should have taken the United States entirely out of the
Islands the moment the Philippine president was elected";
though he believes that the Filipinos' best interests would
have been served by working toward a dominion status

566

rather lhan by independence — and he reports that a good

I many Filipinos, including Manuel Quezon himself, really

were not at all sure they wanted independence but were

(j driven into it because they had demanded independence so

long and so vociferously.

His discussion of the Philippine and Puerto Rico situa-
• tions, in the fourth, fifth and sixth chapters, is easily the
I more valuable part of the book. The earlier chapters, cover-
ing western expansion in general and American expansion
I on the American continent and overseas up to the end of the
I nineteenth century, cover familiar ground. In this general
discussion he concludes that colonies have not been eco-
nomically profitable to the colonial powers, except where
territory which they acquire is populated with their own
nationals and either absorbed as an integral part of the
mother country or given a dominion status. In support of
this view he cites numerous figures (taken in large part
from my books, The Balance Sheets of Imperialism and
A Place in the Sun, though the sources are not acknowl-
edged).

In conclusion, he suggests that the solution of the colonial
problem may be along the line of "the organization of a
dissimilar people on a dominion status."

This is an interesting proposal. But it is, of course, ap-
plicable only to those areas in which the people reasonably
can be expected to develop effective self-government within
a fairly near future. And even in these areas, dominion
status would not solve the problem of access to markets and
raw materials for the "have not" countries through the
establishment of full equality of economic opportunity. Nor
would it remove the emotional sting in the demand for
colonies for the sake of prestige. An extension of the
mandate principle would help clear up the first of these
international problems. Placing all colonial areas under
international administration, with equality of economic op-
portunity guaranteed, would settle both difficulties.

That is not practical politics, now, of course. But from the
international point of view, movement along such lines is
more promising than that suggested by Colonel Roosevelt.
University of Denver GROVER CLARK

Shadow and Substance of Personality

PERSONALITY AND THE CULTURAL PATTERN, by Jamei S.
Plant. M.D. Commonwealth Fund. 432 pp. Price $'2.50 postpaid of
Sunry Gnfkic.

DR. PLANT ONCE DID ME THE HONOR TO ATTEND ONE OF MY
lectures following which he asserted that he disbelieved in
everything I had said. I now have the opportunity as his
reviewer to return the compliment, but unhappily this is not
possible because I agree with almost everything he says in
this book. This embarrassing experience in the life of a
professional reviewer is only slightly mitigated by the fact
that I have had some bad moments in reading his book,
but these negative experiences were associated entirely with
style and manner and not with content. My conviction is
that he has introduced a most wholesome note of good sense
and sanity in a sphere where it has been sorely needed, namely
with respect to psychiatry and mental hygiene.

With some elisions and eliminations allowed for, this is
what Dr. Plant affirms: that mental hygiene and psychiatry
should function within a social context because the personality
and the cultural pattern are not two entities but rather one
interdependent whole; when personality is viewed as objec-
tively as our faulty instruments of observation will permit, one
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need for psychiatry or mental hygiene. Since no such balance
exists in actual experience, it becomes necessary to aid the
personality by various devices. But, unfortunately, most of
these devices have been learned in treating individuals who
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may be regarded as being in a pathological state. Dr. Plant
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The principal deviations of behavior (especially for children
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The Culture of the Law

THE LAW AND MR. SMITH, by Max Radin. Bobbs Merrill. 333 pp.
Price $3 postpaid of Survey Graphic.

IT SEEMS TO THE REVIEWER THAT THE WORST THING ABOUT

Professor Radin's book is an unfortunate and essentially mis-
leading title. This title sounds as if the author were saying to
the large majority who are incapable of sustained mental
effort, "Come now, and I will give you a cinema entertain-
ment from which you can feel that you are also receiving the
benefits of education." And indeed he begins with several
short chapters which read as if he were launching on this
endeavor. But he is a scholar, and writing of this kind is
not his metier. Happily he abandoned it almost at the begin-
ning and went on to do a most admirable work. A good and
valuable book could be written with the movie technique
under this title. This is not it, but something better.

Though it is for laymen as well as for lawyers, it is for
only the thoughtful lawyer and layman. Constantly it brings
to the reader a realization of how little we reflect on the
nature of society, and how steadily we work with current
concepts without inquiry into their origin or validity. Once
Professor Radin gets under way every page illuminates these
problems and stimulates thinking. In the course of his work
he considers the nature of law, the development of legal in-
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Law ought to be a part of our common culture. The more
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please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)

568

tend to become good technicians, using the tools provided,
and to live without philosophical inquiry into the nature of
law which should form the basis of its development. Tim
development is a process of trial and error, but such taking
thought as that of Professor Radin should reduce the num-
ber of errors in society's experimentation.
\ft< Yor{ HASTINGS LYON

Integration Through Regionalism

KICAN KEIIIDNALISM; A Ci i n «AI. HISTORICAL APPROACH TO
.AJ. INTEGRATION, by Howard W. (Mum and Harry Estill Moore.
693 pp. Price $5 postpaid of Survey Graphic.

AMERICAN REGIONALISM is A WORK OF SCIENTIFIC AND LITERARY
exploration into all fields of thinking which are closely or
remotely related to the subject of the region and its evolution

, concept of social organization and integration. The result

. be said to be encyclopedic in character and content.
There is no effort towards finality of concept or the evolving

• nrial theories of what regionalism may come to mean in
the future. The trends of the evolution of regional entities
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ence upon national integration.

There are two specific aspects of the subject and its treat-
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homogeneity of the region as a social, geographic, cultural or
economic entity. With the exception of a quotation from
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plant and animal life in specific regions, it is nowhere pointed
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more prone to social, economic or political integration by
virtue of its differences and dissimilarities than because of
its homogeneity of character or resources. Some years ago
Prof. Liberty H. Bailey published a brilliant book on The
Survival of the Unlike in which he pointed out the advantages
from an ecological point of view that plants derive from being
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spatial areas and their resources so that they may become
effective entities the exploitation of which will serve the
best interests of human well-being. The former is a scientific
tool, the latter a social objective.

The bibliography is very extensive and well balanced. One
misses, however, a few of the more important contributions
to the subject such as Henning's Geopolitik, de Martonne's
work on French Regions, Grabovsky's splendid book on The
State and Space, Burchard's little book on The State and
Climate and a number of others.

No student of society aware of the modern trends in social,
economic or cultural reorganization can afford to overlook this
rich contribution to the subject.
Greenwich, Conn. CAROL ARONOVICI

FOR A LIMITED TIME - AT A

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READ THIS BOOK!

You will understand why certain interests have attacked it
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600 DYNAMIC PAGES

revealing how a small group of closely knit and
intermarried families rule America.

»»

f AM

BY FERDINAND LUNDBERG
Author of "Imperial Hearst"

HAS THIS BOOK BEEN ANSWERED?

No, No, NO! It is Unanswerable! Read what these critics say:

"I have read Mr. Lundberg's book
and the more important criticisms
of it, and I have found nothing in
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or the character of the evidence
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This is the all-important fact to be
kept in mind. . . .

"The procedure of avoiding the
major argument by distracting at-
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old that even Aristotle found it
necessary to expose it.

"I believe that we may fairly say
that Mr. Lundberg's book is essen-
tially sound in all important re-
spects."

Da. HARRY ELUER BARNES
Former Professor of History at
Smith College, in the New York
World-Telegram.

"Fundamentally sound and clear."
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in The Annals of the American
Academy of Political Science

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569

Shawneetown Climbs a Hill

by HELEN CODY BAKER

The rebirth of a country town — that rose, then declined, and
was almost washed away by the Ohio River floods of 1937.

SPEAKING — AND WHO is NOT — OF FEDERAL, STATE AND LOCAL
cooperation, Illinois offers Shawneetown as proof that it
can be done.

By the time these words reach you this plucky little
city will have begun its climb to a wooded hilltop three
miles from its present location, safe from the angry gray
water that spilled over the Ohio levee in the 1937 flood.

Half of its houses will climb the hill, and 94 percent
of its people. The 6 percent who stay behind have good
reasons. Some of them are too old. If you are over
eighty, you can gamble with fate on another flood. Some
of them are fishermen, who make their living from the
river. But for 94 percent that flood was one too many.
While the water was still ankle deep in their streets, they
met to talk of moving. Three times, within living mem-
ory, the Ohio had risen and swallowed their town. After
the 1913 flood they built their levee three feet higher than
high-water level. In 1937 the top was six feet under water.
They looked up at their trees. Cornstalks were lodged in
the highest branches. They looked at their homes, sitting
crazily in the middle of their streets, or — at best — coated
inside and out with river mud. They asked the state and
federal governments for help.

Springfield and Washington saw Shawneetown as
worth saving. It was the oldest town in Illinois, after the
Mississippi washed Kaskaskia into the gulf. It was the only
city, except our national capital, ever planned by the fed-
eral government. A special act of Congress, in 1810, had
established it on the site of an ancient Indian village as
a distributing postoffice for five wilderness states. From
1812 on through the great days of westward migration it
had served as a land office where early settlers entered and
proved their homesteads. It claimed the earliest bank in
Illinois, chartered in 1813. By 1815 it boasted 3200 citizens,
and a ferry kept it in close touch with Vincennes and
Louisville. In 1830 a struggling little city on far-away Lake
Michigan sent horseback emissaries to borrow $1000 from
the Shawneetown bank. The loan was refused on the
grounds that Chicago was too far away from the main
arteries of national life ever to amount to anything. But
by 1936 Shawneetown was one of our "stranded commu-
nities." And then came another flood.

There was still the pride of tradition, and the stubborn
determination not to die of slow starvation and periodic
drowning. These are Shawneetown's contribution to what
is going on today. Many state and federal agencies have
done their bit. The Illinois State Housing Board created
a Gallatin County Housing Authority with power to spon-
sor WPA projects and borrow money from federal agen-
cies. The general assembly of the State of Illinois appro-
priated $150,000 to purchase the site of the old town as
a state park. This money is being used by the Housing
Authority to buy the homes of property owners at their
1936 property evaluation. The money Shawneetowners re-

ceive for their land can be used for just one purpose: to
make a down payment on a new home in the new town
which the WPA is building on that tree-crowned hill.

A federal disaster loan of $350,000 to the local Housing
Authority is being re-loaned to residents at 4 percent, to
complete their payments on their new homesteads.

"Every family can move and be suitably housed on the
hill in accordance with its ability to pay." The quotas are
Mayor Harry Fred Howe's.

"Suppose they just can't pay?" we asked him. This was
in July, when Chicago again sent emissaries to Shawnee-
town. (But not on horseback, and not to borrow money.)

"I mean just that. Every family can move."

"How about your reliefers?"

"We have a separate loan fund for people who have no
present incomes. They can borrow enough money to pay
for the house that they need. They can move into it, and
live in it. But they can never get a title to it until their
loan is paid. That just means that they can't sell it."

Two hundred and fifty of the old houses are going up
the hill. The rest will be new. But every house, old or
new, must have minimum standards of sanitation. An in-
door toilet and a sink are the sanitary floor. The height
of the ceiling depends on ability to pay. Old houses will
be reconditioned for sanitation and for beauty. Shrubbery
and touches of color will help a lot.

The new town, as we saw it in miniature and on paper,
is a "honey." There are no alleys. There are schools, parks,
playgrounds, wide streets, community centers.

"What is Shawneetown going to live on after it climbs
the hill?" we asked Major A. R. Lord, assistant adminis-
trator of our Illinois WPA. "Of course, while the building
and moving is going on, there's work for everybody.
After that, what?"

"We're hoping that some decentralized industry will
choose the new town for one of its branches. There's
labor . . . there's plenty of coal ... a temperate cli-
mate. . . .

"Then there are 150,000 acres of forest within twenty-
five miles of Shawneetown. We have talked about a farm-
ers' cooperative, which could market rough lumber, mine
props, railroad ties, barrel staves — things like that. There's
a sweet potato cooperative at Golconda. Our soil is just as
good as theirs. We might build a curing plant. . . .

"There's the tourist trade, too. Thousands of people
came this summer just to see what was going on. . .

"You can't pick up a community like that without mak-
ing terrific problems. . . ."

No, you can't. But will any problem be worse than that
gray river mud? Perhaps the spirit that is pulling little
old Shawneetown up the hill will find its own answer.
And if Shawneetown finds an answer, there may be hope
ahead for 250,000 men and women in the other "stranded"
communities of southern Illinois.

570

GRACE ABBOTT, professor of Public Welfare Administration, School of
Social Service, the University of Chicago, and former chief of the United
States Children's Bureau, presents the first documentary material on child
welfare in this important new two volume work . . .

THE CHILD AND THE STATE

Vol. I. APPRENTICESHIP AND CHILD LABOR
Vol. II. THE DEPENDENT AND DELINQUENT CHILD

These documents make available to students of child welfare source material which illuminates present con-
ditions and problems. They trace the development of state responsibility for Insuring minimum essentials to
all children and for providing special services for those who are, by reason of birth, dependency or
delinquency, the special responsibility of the state. Typical laws, important court decisions, reports of in-
vestigating committees and administrative and research agencies in this and other countries, have been
carefully selected to show the developing trends, the administrative problems and the inadequacies of the
public program. Introductions by the author give the setting of the documents and offer conclusions as to
future action.

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THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS

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PUBLIC SPENDING — WITH STRINGS

(Continued from page 545)

mciu of funds, likewise, there is growing recogni-
tion that the measure must be need, not performance.
Need, in this sense, is the difference between the com-
plex of problems which are faced and the taxable re-
sources locally available for the support of services
by which the problems can be met. The crude statutory
ratios of up|x>rtionment of federal aid funds among
st. lies .ire likely to be dropped, leaving it to those
in charge of the acts to refine the formulae which will
steady their judgments.

Administrative flexibility is thus accentuated. Has na-
tion.il supervision in the past been too lax or too strict?
V. O. Key. in his se.irchingly realistic analysis of The
Administration of Federal Grants to States, published in
ll^7. remarks how seldom the participants on either side
pose such a question in general terms. From the stand-
point of the future of the states he calls attention to a
par.ulnx. "In a sense." he writes, "the federal aid system
strengthens the states and thereby strengthens but pro-
foundly modifies the federal system." But its broader appli-
cation is discouraged by the looseness of central control.
"If it were possible," Key adds, "to create a set of atti-
tudes permitting more general federal direction and in-
itiative in current administration, the ijrant-in-aid device
could probably be employed to avoid duplicate federal-

state machinery over a much wider area." If supervision
becomes stronger it must contrive to be more flexible. A
crux of the matter is the ability to set minimum standards
of state personnel.

The persuasiveness of grants is limited. Federal aid,
alone, could hardly cope with a deep-seated sectional rival-
ry or restrain a region intent on making the most of a
concentrated natural resource. Rewards may not suffice;
penalties are sometimes needed. But if the power must
exist to establish fixed points in a national policy, it is
not less necessary that the methods for giving them effect
should permit adaptation and minimize duplication. The
fair labor standards act of 1938 significantly provides that
the administrator may "utilize the services of state and
local agencies and their employes and, notwithstanding
any other provision of law, may reimburse such state ami
local agencies and their employes for services rendered
for such purposes."

Collaboration in the federal system is dangerous when
it becomes a fetish. Cooperation among states, for exam-
ple, might be made a stalking horse, frustrating the ten-
dency toward administrative union in each of the func-
tions of government. It is unreal to conceive of action at
any level as a substitute for action elsewhere. The process
is complementary throughout.

In an early issue: The Inquiring Congressman, a timely article on Con-
gressional Inquiries — as fact finders; as moulders of public opinion.

(In auvermt advertisement! please mention SU»V«Y GiAPHicJ
571

THIS CJHRISTMAS

SURVEY GRAPHIC

HUNDREDS of our staunch supporters were
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Won't you give Survey Graphic subscriptions this
year to those friends who, dismayed by the propa-
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right, don't know where to turn for a clear view of
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December 1938 issue included free

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though payment with your order will help us bal-
ance our accounts for 1938.

Please Mail Your Order Early

THE SEX CRIMINAL

Shall we treat hint as

PATIENT OR PRISONER?

"WAR ON SEX OFFENDERS!"— "2,000 AT FUNERAL OF
MURDERED GIRL."— "EX-CONVICT ADMITS SLAYING
GIRL OF 8!" Where does this menace come from? What
makes the sex criminal what he is? How can we protect our-
selves from him — and protect him from himself? Shedding mob

hysteria for the practical
scientist's detachment, Dr.
Pollens analyzes the sex crim-
inal and sets down a specific
program based on his exami-
nation of hundreds of cases
as Psychologist at the Rikers
Island Penitentiary. A re-
markable, timely, book!

THESEX CRIMINAL

By BERTRAM POLLENS

Introduction by
RICHARD A. McGEE

Warden, Rikerg Island Penitentiary.

New York
3>2 at booksellers or mail coupon to

THE MACAULAY COMPANY,

386 Fourth Ave., Dept. 15, New York, N. Y.

Gentlemen: I enclose $2. Please send a copy of "The
Sex Criminal" to:

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Address

We Can Banish Gonorrhea

by J. BAYARD CLARK, M.D.

THE FIRST STEP HAS BEEN TAKEN TOWARD THE ULTIMATE ELIM-

ination of the social diseases. Dr. Thomas Parran, surgeon
general of the U. S. Public Health Service, has launched a
great campaign against syphilis. Now we must face its twin
evil, gonorrhea. Gonorrhea is a more difficult disease to check
than syphilis. From a public health point of view, that is a
compelling reason why we should hasten to spread recognition
of its insidious nature.

It is a preventable disease, but only in proportion to our
knowledge of its strange propensities. Once it was looked
upon as simply a local inflammation that, in the majority of
cases, ran a mild course generally ending in complete cure.
Now we know that it is a formidable dangerous infection
which frequently reaches distant parts of the body with dis-
astrous results.

No class of society is immune. It is one of the most uni-
versal diseases of civilization. In the United States there are
nearly a half million individuals constantly under treatment
for gonorrhea. According to the Journal of Social Hygiene
for March 1935: "Only one in twenty-five to forty cases of
gonorrhea are under appropriate treatment for their infec-
tions, and an enormous unknown number are not treated at
all or are seeking drugstore or quack practitioners." By these
figures, we can no longer doubt the serious responsibility that
rests on the medical profession, parents and teachers, and the
necessity for thorough knowledge of the infection. There is
also employer responsibility; as long as employers look upon
this disease as they do now, their employes will hide the
facts of their infection. Attitudes must be changed. Early
and appropriate treatment must be instituted in every case of
infection. The employe must be freed from the ancient re-
straints that compelled secrecy, and the employer must be
sufficiently wise to bring about this change so that valuable
time and opportunity for scientific care is not lost.

Gonorrhea is usually transferred by direct sexual contact,
but infection by indirect contact is more frequent than is
generally supposed. The seriousness of the infection is in-
creased as important genital organs are invaded and often
permanently injured. The germs may even reach far off parts
of the body, especially the joints — a most painful complication
known as gonorrhea! arthritis or rheumatism.

The complications and their aftermath are bad enough by
themselves, but when we consider the social implications, the
outlook is even more terrible. Permanent sterility is such a
common sequel that 50 percent of involuntary childless mar-
riages are ascribed to this disease.

Indirect infection of children constitutes one of the crudest
aspects of the disease. In the past, it has been known to sweep
through the wards of babies' hospitals like a prairie fire. Mod-
ern techniques of sterilization have led to a practical solution
of this phase of the malady. But small infants are not the
only victims of indirect infections. Growing children are fre-
quently infected. In a recent study of the family life of 113
cases of gonococcal vaginitis in little girls, there was evidence
in 104 instances of gonococcal infection in one or more other
members of the family.

Another form of indirect infection affects the eye. The
disease is responsible for 50 percent of blind children.

WHEN A MAN HAS GONORRHEA, HE KNOWS IT. WHEN A WOMAN
is infected, she very frequently does not realize the fact.
There may be only some slight sensation which is easily dis-
regarded; and if the infection is noticed at all, it is frequently
ascribed to a simple disturbance common to women — so in-
sidious may be the onset of this tragedy in any woman's life.
The beginning, the course and the termination of this
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)

572

111 the female are so varied, the consequences to the
individual and her generative organs so serious, that one
hesitates to discuss them in detail. Let it suffice to say that it
is impossible to give anything less than a gloomy picture of
this diabolical affliction when it attacks the female. Yet this
is the common malady which society, through ignorance and
indillerencc, has so austerely passed hy on the other side of
the road.

We must face the problem from a new and more hopeful
approach. The barriers that defeated previous professional cf-
tortx have been broken down. All that is required now is suf-
ficient public interest to carry on the tight to a successful
finish.

To begin with there must be a general understanding of
the symptoms and nature of the disease. The public also must
understand the habits of the gonococcus, the germ that causes
the disease. The gonococcus can be easily circumvented. It
has no intermediate conveyance like the malaria germ which
travels with the mosquito. Nor is it as clever as the bubonic
plague germ that accompanies the flea which rides the rat.
Yet lx)th of these shrewd germs have met their Waterloo
Ixv.mse we were able to advertise their tricks.

.The gonococcus germ, comparatively speaking, has no flair
for adventure. No .uiimal big or little will have anything to
do with it. Scientists have tried to introduce it into the guinea
pig. the rabbit anil the monkey family. It dies in a short time
when taken from the only place it seems able to survive —
the moisture of the human body at its normal temperature.
Like a tish, it is helpless out of its element.

It has been known for many decades that the germ cannot
endure heat. This was observed when infected patients were
stricken with typhoid fever or pneumonia. If they survived,
they were very likely to recover from the former affliction of
gonorrhea at the same time. With this in mind, scientists are
to devise some practical way of artificially producing
the levered state as a cure. They are having some success with
ihis experiment, but it is not yet ready to be generally recom-
mended as a remedy.

As yet we have no specific remedy as we have for syphilis
or malaria, unless the new drug, sulfanilamide, proves to be a
safe and satisfactory specific, of which there is some doubt.

Till FACT THAT WE HAVE NO CERTAIN SPECIFIC, NEED NOT

deter us from our goal. This has not stood in the way of the
practical control of such diseases as typhus or bubonic plague
for which there is no specific remedy. We already have, in
addition to preventive measures, very good means of treat-
ment under the right conditions. This is more than can be
said for the treatment of typhus and bubonic plague under
any conditions. In the campaign ahead of us, both treatment
and prevention must be carefully considered.

The first step is to make access to qualified and experienced
professional care, easy and possible. The idea that gonorrhea
is likely to be cured at the drug counter should be banished
at once. Let it be understood that proper means of treatment
include teaching the patient how not to spread the infection.
This can be accomplished only by strict supervision and con-
stant education until by all known tests the patient is free
from infections.

Many communities will have to be roused to see that suit-
able facilities are established for the care of gonorrhea pa-
tients. At present, many hospitals, contrary to the humane
principles upon which they were founded, refuse to accept
these cases. New facilities will have to be staffed with com-
petent persons, including sufficiently trained and qualified
specialists. We arc playing for high stakes — immense eco-
nomic savings and the relief of indescribable mental and
physical distress.

The successful treatment of patients with gonorrhea re-
quires sound clinical experience and great tact. Patients must
be assured of privacy; indeed, if we fail in this, carriers of
(Continued on page 574)

(In tnsverimf advertisements

Little Stanislaw
is cutting a tooth

i .. - ..In.--, knows, seven rliililren were work rnoii^li. Thru i-amr little
M.inislaw — and now he's twilling.

If any h<Mi«.k«T|,«-r was <-MT in n.-.-.l ,,( <-\trn help, it's Stanidlaw'*
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safe, linny eleaiirrs IOOM-II dirt without hanl rubbing. They w..rk
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help, it's easier to gel more eleaning "lone.

It may not mean iniieli just now to StaniMaw's mother, but, for
vn/ir further information, FeU-Naptha is most gentle to the hands.
There's bland, soothing glycerine in every golden bar.

WriteFebA Co., Philadelphia, Pa.,for a sample barof Fels-Naptha,
iii.-iitioning the Survey Graphic.

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CLARKSON PUBLISHING COMPANY

D*pt. SC— 12S5 So. Wabath Aye., Chicago, Illinois

STATEMENT OF THE OWNERSHIP. MANAGEMENT. CIRCULA-
TION, ETC., REQUIRED BY THE ACTS OF CONGRESS OF
AUGUST 24, 1912, AND MARCH 3, 1933, of SURVEY GRAPHIC,
published monthly at New York, N. Y., for October 1, 1938.
State of New York. » .
County of New York,} "•

Before me, a Commissioner of Deeds, in and for the State and county
aforesaid, personally appeared Walter F. Grueninger, who. having been
duly sworn, according to law, deposes and says that he is the Business
Manager of the SURVEY GRAPHIC and that the following is, to the best
of his knowledge and belief, a true statement of the ownership, manage-
ment (and if a daily paper, the circulation), etc., of the aforesaid pub-
lication, for the date shown in the above caption, required by the Act .if
August 24, 1912, as amended by the Act of March 3, 1933, embodied in
section 537, Postal Laws and Regulations, printed on the reverse of this
form, to wit:

1. That the names and addresses of the publisher, editor, managing
editor, and business managers are: Publisher, Survey Associates, Inc., 112
East 19 Street, New York, N. Y.; Editor, Paul Kellogg, 112 East 19
Street, New York, N. Y.; Managing Editor, Victor Weybright, 112 East
19 Street, New York, N. Y.; Business Manager, Walter F. Grueninger.
112 East 19 Street, New York, N. Y.

2. That the owner is: (If owned by a corporation, its name and address
must be stated and also immediately thereunder the names and addresses
of stockholders, owning or holding one per cent or more of total amount of
stock. If not owned by a corporation, the names and addresses of the in-
dividual owners must be given. If owned by a firm, company, or other
unincorporated concern, its name and address, as well as those of each
individual member, must be given.) Survey Associates, Inc., 112 East 19
Street, New York, N. Y., a non-commercial corporation under the laws of
the State of New York, with over 1,700 members. It has no stocks or
bonds. President, Richard B. Scandrett, Jr., 30 Pine Street, New York,
N. Y. ; Vice-presidents, Joseph P. Chamberlain, Columbia University,
New York. N. Y.; John Palmer Gavit, 112 East 19 Street, New York.
N. Y.; Secretary, Ann Reed Brenner, 112 East 19 Street, New York, N. Y.

3. That the known bondholders, mortgagees, and other security holders
owning or holding 1 per cent or more of total amount of bonds, mort-
gages, or other securities are: (If there are none, so state.) None.

4. That the two paragraphs next above, giving the names of the own-
ers, stockholders, and security holders, if any, contain not only the list of
stockholders and security holders, as they appear upon the books of the
company hut also, in cases where the stockholder or security holder appears
upon the books of the company as trustee or in any other fiduciary relation,
the name of the person or corporation for whom such trustee is acting, is
given; also that the said two paragraphs contain statements embracing
affiant's full knowledge and belief as to the circumstances and condition*
under which stockholders and security holders who do not appear upon the
books of the company as trustees, hold stock and securities in a capacity
other than that of a bona fide owner; and this affiant has no reason to be-
lieve that any ether person, association, or corporation has any interest direct
or indirect in the said stock, bonds, or other securities than as so stated
by him.

[Signed]
Rl'EMM

WALTER F. GRUENINGER, Business Manager.
Sworn to and subscribed before me this 28th dav of September, 1938.

[Seal] MARTHA HOHMANN.

Commissioner of Deeds, City of New York,

New York Regiver'j No. 17H8.
Commission expires April 14, 1939.

pica.tr mm/ion SURVEY GRAPHIC,)

573

How

to Dress Well
on Little Money

Free booklet tells tested ways to
get more from your clothing allowance

Would you like to make your cloth-
ing dollars go farther? "Stretching
the Clothing Dollar" contains
scores of valuable suggestions on
planning the wardrobe, intelligent
buying and the care of clothes. You
will tind the booklet a practical,
usable guide to dressing well on a
limited income.

What to do and look for

Subjects treated include: the cloth-
ing budget, the clothing inventory,
the stvle trend, color, the clothing

plan, how to recognize bargains,
what labels to look for, how to
judge quality in the fabric and in
the garment, care of clothes to make

them last longer and look better.
Essential to success in stretch-
ing the clothing dollar are a plan
and an inventory. Therefore the
booklet contains a plan and in-
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research on grouping and classify-
ing of different types of clothing.
This feature of the booklet has been
thoroughly tested in study groups
to prove its value in actual use.

Send for free copy

Household Finance has published
"Stretching the Clothing Dollar"
as part of its consumer education
program. You are invited to send
for a copy without obligation.

HOUSEHOLD FINANCE

CORPORATION and subsidiaries
Headquarters: 919 N. Michigan Avenue, Chicago

"Doctor of Family Finances"

... one of America's leading family finance organizations, with 235 branchei in 152 cilie.

1878 • Completing sixty years oj service to the American family . 1938

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otner titles in your Library of Consumer

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(Continued from page 573)

infection will be driven back into the arms of quacks. The
doctors required for this work must be genuinely interested
in the disease and in the campaign to wipe it out.

Admittedly, gonorrhea is more difficult to treat and control
than syphilis; but the real trouble lies in the shameful fact
that sufferers of gonorrhea have never been given an even
break. They have never been given even a decent share of the
brains and ability of the medical profession, because in the
past such patients were considered social outcasts by a smug
society that looked upon a physician who took care of them
as a partner in sin. This absurd attitude, though it never had
a foothold in reason, has persisted because tradition has
always had the upper hand over intelligence. Thanks to the
courage and leadership of a few men, this state of mind is
changing.

In broadcasting the fact that adequate medical treatment is
available — as soon as it is available — the aim must be to em-
phasize the importance of applying for treatment at the very
first appearance or suspicion of infection. It is by beginning
treatment in the first three or four days that the best results
are obtained in the shortest time. Nothing could be more
important than a general understanding of this salient fact.
It not only cuts down the enormous burden as well as the
human misery the disease occasions but it gives us a grip on
its control, which may yet equal our mastery over the com-
municability of syphilis by rendering it non-infectious in a
short period of time.

Gonorrhea cannot be successfully dealt with solely by having
at hand curative drugs or methods such as experiments now
indicate may eventually be possible. There are other elements
in the problem from which we cannot afford to be diverted.
By over optimism and blind dependence on some easy method
of cure, we can easily lose sight of a carefully organized plan
to encompass systematically all of society and infuse it with
an enlightened knowledge, not only of the dangers of this
sexual disease but with the high advantages of sexual health
and its blessings.

Even under the most favorable circumstances and by the
help of the most efficient forms of treatment, the battle ahead
is going to be a long and hard one that demands both courage
and tenacity.

The Drive Against Gonorrhea

First things to be done first have been wisely included in
the Recommendations for a Gonorrhea Control Program,
report of the advisory committee to the United States
Public Health Service appearing in the January 1938 issue
of the USPHS pamphlet devoted to information regarding
the social diseases.

Among the factors responsible for the present failure to
control gonorrhea, are cited:

Lack of understanding of the importance of immediate
and competent medical care.

Lack of adequately trained physicians.

Failure to teach the patient the importance of coopera-
tion.

Failure to make therapy (treatment) economically and
conveniently available to the patient.

Among its recommendations it states: "It is the opinion
of the committee that if full utilization were made of our
present knowledge, the available diagnostic and therapeutic
armamentarium would suffice for the control of gonorrhea
as a public health problem."

From the standpoint of the public the committee says:
"The public should be taught the cause and nature of
gonorrhea, the essential facts concerning its prevalence and
epidemiology, how it may be prevented, the reasons for
treatment, and what can be accomplished in terms of cure."

(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)
574

TR A

"I went lo Havana

On one of those cruises,
For forty-nine fifty,

To spend a few days . . ."

TutKK l\ I \\CCERATION BOTH IN THE LILT OF THE SONG AND

in its words. But lor very little more than forty-nine fifty it
is now possible to "spend a few days" not only in Havana, but
also in Bermuda. Fall, winter, and spring cruises and trips
to Mexico, Central America (particularly Guatemala), South
America and the islands are at last available at prices within
reason. Buenos Aires, Rio de Janeiro and Lima, of course,
are still only for people with ample supplies of time and
money. But there are hopeful signs that travel prices between
the Americas are coming down all along the line.

Take Mexico, for example. By steamer or train (or a round-
trip combination) it is just a step away. Directly to Vera Cruz
or via the Canal to Acapulco, the ships take you through sunny
weather to perhaps the most fascinating area in America.
You know how people talk who have been there — how Tax-
10, Cuernavaca, and even Ixtaccihuatl trip off their tongues.

Or there is Guatemala, which travel experts call the Mexico
of the future. The trim white fruit ships will take you there,
and from Puerto Barrios a fussy train will lift you to the
Indian highlands, where — more than any accessible place
north of Ecuador — the Indians live as romantics think they
should, with colorful customs and costumes, the persistent
folkways of an earlier age. Guatemala is a tiny country, with
steep volcanoes and exquisite lakes, and though it lacks the
interest of Mexico's social revolution, it is rapidly gaining
partisans as ardent as the Mexicophiles. You can see a lot of
Guatemala in three weeks away from home.

Cuba, Nassau in the Bahamas, and Bermuda are just over
the horizon. Cuba with noisy, roistering Havana or the calm
beaches of Varadero, Nassau with its air of a super-Florida,
and Bermuda with its miniature picturesqueness. Almost
every day a ship sails to one of the island resorts, and some
trips to them literally cost only a trifle more than staying at
home. Or if it's out-of-the-way places you want, try one of the
cruises going to places not in fashion — Puerto Rico, the Vir-
gin Islands, Costa Rica, the small ports of the Dominican
Republic, Colombia, Nicaragua and Honduras.

The biggest news in travel is that three big modern liners,
formerly in the New York-California service and having both
first and tourist classes, are now in the New York-Rio dc
laneiro-Buenos Aires service. The tremendous South Ameri-
can continent is rapidly being brought nearer, and at present
the RSO (travelese for Round South America) fare has been
brought down to $750, by no means an exorbitant charge for
a trip that takes a minimum of thirty-five days and covers
more than twice the mileage of two round-trips to Europe.
To visit a new world, it is only necessary to sec the great cast
coast cities of South America — Rio dc Janeiro, Santos, Sao
Paulo, Montevideo and Buenos Aires — and the massive moun-
tainous Indian lands of Bolivia. Peru and Ecuador.

Where once travel agents had a paucity of choices to offer,
they arc now embarrassed with riches. Those who arc poor,
those who are rich, those who arc unconvinced by dictators'
promises of European peace, those who love tropical warmth,
mountain cold, flowers, lakes, ruins, mountains, Indian life,
cosmopolitan life, the soft sound of Spanish, the guttural
sound of Portuguese — all these (and practically everyone else)
* .in now find the vacation they want without stepping outside
the boundaries of the Americas. — HERBERT WEINSTOCK

K € € K

OTHER AMERICAS

Specialists in American Travel

Ship

Train

Plane

Trips of Any Sort, at Any Time, to Any
Part of the Americas

MEXICO • GUATEMALA

• SOUTH AMERICA •

WEST INDIES • HAVANA

PUERTO RICO • CALIFORNIA

THE WEST • BERMUDA

OTHER AMERICAS — 19 East 48th Street,
New York

HERBERT WEINSTOCK MARGARET SLOSS

WIckersham 2-7959

THE

HOTEL

U \II.INS GLEN* NEW Kill I.

Largest hotel in the Finger Lakes
region. Accommodations for 200
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Baths that are world famous.
Rates, $7 to $10 daily including
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Selected clientele. 49th Season.

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(In annrerinf adirrliirmenli please mention SUIVIY GIAPHIC/

575

RESORTS

Silvermine Tavern

THE OLD MILL . . . THE CALLERIES

A quiet country inn with an old-time atmosphere

and all modern facilities . . . spacious rooms with

private baths . . . teas, buffets and light service at

The Old Mill. Antiques and Americana at The

Galleries.

IDEAL FOR AN AUTUMN WEEK-END OR LONGER

Telephone Norwalk 88
SILVERMINE NORWALK . CONN.

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CENTRAL VALLEY. N. Y.
Tel.: Highland Mills 7895
IN BEAUTIFUL RAMAPO MOUNTAINS
Moderately priced charming retreat for Week or
Week-end — Fine cuisine. All sports. 4Q miles

from New York
225-acre Estate of Scenic splendor. Library

REAL ESTATE

FOR RENT OR SALE

SAN DIEGO, CALIFORNIA. House for sale
unfurnished or rent beautifully furnished.
6 master bedrooms, dressingroom, 5 baths,
large sleeping porch ; 4 maid's rooms with
running water, 1 bath ; library, living, din-
ing, billiard rooms, large entrance hall, 2
lavatories, pantry, kitchen, laundry, dining-
sitting room. 2-car garage, cold-laid tennis
court. 3^ acres on high point looking directly
up the valley 60 miles to a 6,500' mountain,
across valley and mesa 130 miles to snow-
capped 11,000' peaks, to sea an island 90 miles
at times. Near Francis W. Parker School. In-
formation, photographs, plans on request. Mrs.
Clara Sturges Johnson, 26 East 93rd Street,
New York.

ORANGES FOR SALE

Tree ripened. No sprays nor artificial coloring
used. Delivered express prepaid. Bushel $3.50,
Grapefruit $3.25, Tangerines $3.50, Mixed
Fruit $3.60. Half Bushels $2.00. Seedless
Limes $3.60 half-bushel.

Special Quantity rates
A. H. BURKET, Sebring, Florida

Do You Need

Case Workers Teachers

Psychiatric Workers Tutors

seors

Institution Industrial Welfare

Executives Workers

Superintendents Recreation Workers

Housekeepers Boys' Club Workers

Matrons Girls' Club Workers

Nurses Social Case Workers

Physicians Office Executives

An ad in the SURVEY'S classified de-
partment will bring results. Rates:
5c a word, minimum charge $1.00
an insertion.

Survey Graphic

112 E. 19th Street New York

Have you property to
sell or rent?

— Cottages to rent — or for sale
for next season?

ADVERTISE IN THE CLASSIFIED
SECTION OF SURVEY GRAPHIC

•

Rates: 30 cents a line,
$4.20 per inch

•

For further information, write to
ADVERTISING DEPARTMENT

Survey Graphic
112 East 19th Street, New York, N. Y.

WORKERS WANTED

SCHOOL NURSE — College graduate, 30-40, with
public health certificate ; full charge in small
town school system with total student enroll-
ment of 900 : ability to launch sex education
program for students and mothers important ;
minimum $1700. increasing annually ; imme-
diately available, Chicago area : for further
information please write M. Burneice Larson,
director, The Medical Bureau, Pittsfield Build-
ing, Chicago.

MEDICAL SOCIAL SERVICE DIRECTOR—

Must be outstandingly qualified and experi-
enced : hospital of 400 beds ; well-known medi-
cal center : write M. Burneice Larson, Direc-
tor, The Medical Bureau, Pittsfield Building,
Chicago.

SITUATIONS WANTED

Experienced social worker, young man, Jewish,
is desirous of obtaining morning position in
New York City preferably in educational or
social work field. 7534 Survey.

JUNIOR BOYS' WORKER. Six years experience
in Settlement Houses and private institutions.
Graduate Arts and Crafts School and Boy
Scout University. Executive ability to handle
volunteer workers. Available now. 7632
Survey.

Successful executive, excellent references, AASW
member, several years experience public and
private social work, available for suitable
position preferably institutional. 7533 Survey.

Housekeeper, Dietitian, with executive ability ;
institution and school experience ; typing ;
wishes connection. Can assume responsibility.
7531 Survey.

Financial Secretary, experienced campaigns wel-
fare organizations, all phases publicity, ac-
cepting full- or part-time account : social
work background. 7535 Survey.

SECRETARY-STENOGRAPHER, college educa-
tion, executive ability, dependable, experience
in welfare work and previous medical social
work secretary, desires position in social, edu-
cational or civic field. 7536 Survey.

APPLICANTS for positions are sincerely
urged by the Advertising Department to
send copies of letters of references rather
than originals, as there is great danger of
originals being lost or mislaid.

RECORDS

MUSIC LOVERS— 100,000 of the finest records
in the world, playable on any phonograph, on
sale at 50c & 75c per record (value $1.60 &
$2). The Symphonies, Chamber Music, Operas,
etc., of Bach, Beethoven, Brahms, Mozart,
Wagner, etc. Mail Orders. Catalogue. The
Gramophone Shop, Inc., 13 E. 48th St., N.Y.C.

MULTIGRAPHING

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THE BOOK SHELF

Facts About Democracy in Czechoslovakia
by Bracket! Lewis

rtie story of the brave struggle to create and maintain
an Island of order and liberty In the heart of Europe.

100 pp. paper — 40c.

ASSOCIATION PRESS
347 Madison Avenue New York, N. Y.

•Send lOc For^^~^~

The Latest PUBLIC AFFAIRS PAMPHLET

Behind the Syphilis Campaign

By PHILIP S. BROUGHTON

of the U.S. Public Health Service

PUBLIC AFFAIRS COMMITTEE
8 W. 40th Street . . . New York

m^m Complete List of Pamphlets on Request Mm

THAT, MY SON, IS WAR — a one act four
scene play for Armistice Day or any other
occasion where the theme is peace. 50c a
copy. Butts, Publisher, Box 791, Hartford,
Conn,

PROFESSIONAL SERVICES

ELEANOR MORTON

Elizabeth Gertrude Stern

Program of work analyzed, planned • Literature
w'orked out • A service to social, civic, educa-
tional organizations, institutions by writer,
editor, radio speaker of twenty years exper-
ience • Activities, relation to community and
other agencies analyzed.

Social Service Building, Philadelphia, Pa.

LANGUAGES

SPEAK ANY LANGUAGE

by our self-taught methods
37 Languages

Send for List S

SCHOENHOF BOOK CO.
.1H7 Washington Street Boston, Mass.

PAMPHLETS AND PERIODICALS

The American Journal of Nursing shows the part
which professional nurses take in the better-
ment of the world. Put it in your library, $3. Of'
a year. 50 West 50 Street, New York. N. Y.

RATES

Classified A dvertising

Display 30c per line

Non-display . . . . 5c per word
Minimum Charge . $1.00 per insertion
Discounts . . 5% on three insertions

CASH WITH ORDER

Survey Graphic
112 E. 19th Street New York

(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)

576

The Gist of It

NECESSARILY SIMPLIFIED, AND WITHOUT REF-
erencc to some conspicuously reactionary ex-
ceptions, Victor Weybright, managing editor,
interprets the changing attitude of manage-
ment toward reform. (Page 581.) Informal,
ofT-ihe-record evidence gathered by interviews
with executives, financial economists, news-
paper publishers and government officials, in-
dicates the trend is more than temporary.

RICHARD L. NEUBERGER, WHO GIVES us A
picture of the electric personality who would
harness the nation to the big dams in the
Northwest (page 586), was born in Port-
land, Ore. twenty-five years ago, and is now
on the staff of the Portland Oregonian. He
is the northwest political correspondent for
the New York Times, a frequent contributoi
iling magazines, and the author of Our
Promised Land, just published by Macmillan

WILLIAM HABER, PROFESSOR OF ECONOMICS
in the Institute of Public and Social Admin-
istration of the University of Michigan,
writes of one of the greatest problems govern-
ment faces today — Relief — out of practical ex-
perience as well as comprehensive research.
(Page 591.) He has served as director of
the Michigan relief administration and as a
government consultant in Washington.

WHO WILL PRODUCE AND SUPPORT MOVIES

designed for more than mere entertainment?
Richard Griffith, who knows the Hollywood
film industry as well as the documentary film
groups, poses the question (page 595.) Mr.
Griffith was graduated from Haverford in
1935, and is now a film critic. Last year on a
Rockefeller research fellowship in the Film
Library of the Museum of Modern Art. he
worked with Paul Rotha, Great Britain's lead-
ing creator of documentary films.

LOULA D. LASKER, ASSOCIATE EDITOR, GOES
behind the dread headlines of Nazi pogroms
and deportation of Jews, to the human pic-
ture that confronts the organizations now
carrying on, with limited means, the relief
work among the increasing number of vic-
tims of persecution and intolerance. (Page
601.) Miss Lasker's plea to the conscience
and generosity of America, on behalf of to-
day's minorities in a frozen world, cannot go
unheeded at a time when Americans cele-
brate a day in which they themselves, what-
ever their adversities, have so exceedingly
much for which to be thankful.

WEBB WALDRON. WELL KNOWN JOURNAL-
i*t. gives us a poignant chapter from his
experience revisiting the scene of youthful
ambition in the arid West. (Page 604.)

LOUISE BURTON LAIDLAW (page 605) is THE
author of Traveler of Earth. Dodd, Mead
1936.

WILLIAM HARD NEEDS NO INTRODUCTION
to our readers. A pioneer journalist who
tackled social problems in the muckraking
era, he now illuminates the struggle between
group health consumers and the American
Medical Association, in terms of the current

DECEMBER 1938

CONTENTS

VOL. xxvi i No. 12

Four-Power Conference

Business Approaches the Middle Way

J. D. Ross — Northwest Dynamo

Relief: A Permanent Program

The Film Faces Facts

A Test for Civilization

The Homestead

Broad Compassion

Medicine and Monopoly

Through Neighbors' Doorways

But Mars Is Attacking the World!

The Revealing Lens

CARTOON BY R. O. BERG 580

VICTOR WEYBRIGHT 581

RICHARD L. NEUBERCER 586

WILLIAM HABER 591

RICHARD GRIFFITH 595

LOULA D. LASKER 601

WEBB WALDRON 604

POEM BY LOUISE BURTON LAIDLAW 605
WILLIAM HARD 606

JOHN PALMER GAVIT 610

PHOTOGRAPHS BY WALKER EVANS 612

Books and Today's World: Special Section of Letters and Life 614

Time Is a Mirror LEON WHIPPLE 614

Vermont Symphony

EARL P. HANSON 637

SURVEY ASSOCIATES, INC.

Publication and Editorial Office: 112 East 19 Street, New York, N. Y.

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Editor: PAUL KELLOGG.

Associate editors: BEULAH AMIDON. ANN REED BRENNER, JOHN PALMER GAVIT,
FLORENCE LOEB KELLOGG, LOULA D. LASKER, GERTRUDE SPRINGER, VICTOR WEYBRIGHT
(managing), LEON WHIP.PLE. Assistant editor: HELEN CHAMBERLAIN.

Contributing editors: HELEN CODY BAKER, JOANNA C. COLCORD, EDWARD T. DEVINE,
RUSSELL H. KURTZ, MARY Ross.

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contest in Washington, D.C. (Page 606.) how the home town bands grew up. (Page

Just resigned from the program committee 637.)
of the Republican National Committee, Mr.

Hard has resumed his free-lance writing. UNDER THE DIRECTION OF ANN REED

Brenner, associate editor, the Letters and

VERMONT HAS A SYMPHONY ORCHESTRA. Life pages have been trebled into a special

Earl P. Hanson, writer and explorer, tells section — Books and Today's World.

579

Berg for Survey Graphic

FOUR-POWER CONFERENCE

DECEMBER 1938

VOL. XXVII NO. 12

SURVEY GRAPHIC

Business Approaches the Middle Way

by VICTOR WEYBRIGHT

Progressive management has come to realize that the destiny
of business will be shaped by cooperation with government, by
compromise with militant consumers, by acceptance of collec-
tive bargaining. This article interprets management's changing
attitude — in Wall Street and main street, in industrial towns
and along the Potomac.

NOW THAT THE ELECTION CAMPAIGNS ARE THINGS OF THE

past we can turn the page for 1938 and see what has been
written on the back. It's a different story of domestic
forces at work. In business as in politics there has been
an enlightened acceptance of the major social reforms
which have distinguished the past six years of our politi-
cal life. I do not mean to imply that business manage-
ment is suddenly learning to like Mr. Roosevelt or die
New Deal. Business spokesmen oppose the methods of
social security, of finance and Exchange safeguards, of
protection of workers' and consumers' interests — but they
no longer oppose the objectives. This current business
tactic of cooperation with government, labor and public
is not a stampede in the NRA pattern. It appears to
result from a gradual and reflective awareness that man-
agement must perform social and economic functions as
well as show profit; diat the better those functions are
voluntarily performed the more enduring the profit sys-
tem will be. Autonomy on the part of executives in con-
trol of large corporations is going out of fashion as a
form of American individualism.

This trend was obvious in the political campaigns this
fall. With the exception of candidates in Pennsylvania
and California, the most conservative politicians appeared
in the ring conspicuously displaying Townsendite spar-
ring gloves, or held dieir punches when they struck at
the details of the new social insurances. This change is

Cartoons by R. O. Berg for Survey Graphic.

even more apparent in the attitudes of business itself.
Indeed, forward-minded business men, looking beyond
the fourth quarter to the whole future of the business
system, have made their bureaucratic advisers in such
organizations as the National Association of Manufac-
turers and the Chamber of Commerce look more unyield-
ing and unrealistic than any professional labor or con-
sumer organizer they are prone to criticize. And some of
those die-hard bureaucrats are being quietly shelved by
the business men at the heads of these organizations.

You will not find a great deal about progressive business
statesmanship in the newspapers, particularly not in some
of the famous metropolitan morning newspapers, which,
once traditional organs of prestige, have lost so many
hundreds of thousands of dollars worth of financial ad-
vertising since the SEC that they are now inclined to
sec the business world going to rack and ruin.

Despite all pessimism, the indices point upward.
Employment is on the mend. Better times have been
nudged along by government spending. Neverdieless, a
large section of business management is making a crea-
tive effort to prove that the profit system is not incapable
of economic revival and social responsibility. Has busi-
ness management, at long last, reckoned with the friendly
but firm recommendations of its almost gratuitous brain
trust — die Brookings Institution, with its studies of Amer-
ican capacity to produce and consume, Fortune, widi its
challenging series of editorials on cooperation with gov-
ernment, and die handful of hard-boiled college profes-

581

sors who have talked turkey at management conclaves?

Survey Graphic itself, prodding the conscience of busi-
ness for a generation, has tended to dwell on sound
ethics rather than self-interest. In appealing for greater
recognition of human values in industry we have perhaps
been remiss in not pointing out the downright practical
advantage of calculating these human values in the long
range balance sheet. In seeking to understand and inter-
pret the worker, consumer, community and employer in
the American process, we have frequently found much to
criticize. Criticisms have been prophetic of corrections
that came, sometimes by statute, sometimes voluntarily.
And business gradually adapted itself to changing times.

Now, if business continues to adapt itself to changing
times, the United States may escape the frightful cleavages,
the social senility, the impasses, that elsewhere are almost
universally setting the stage for authoritarian govern-
ment. Organic America, in contrast with most of the
world, can remain an evolutionary example that spiritual
and material well-being go hand in hand. At the Seventh
International Management Congress, recently held in
Washington, executives discussed social responsibility as
a business frontier almost to the neglect of their former
preoccupation with efficient short cuts to profits. In an
affirmation of the long range view, A. W. Robertson,
chairman of Westinghouse, said:

Management must recognize its obligation to the society
of which it is a part. In many cases society has decreed regu-
lations and restrictions which hamper management and pri-
vate enterprise, but society is the sole arbiter of what it
considers right, and management must conform.

Time and again vital directors of American industry
at that meeting conceded that they were willing to as-
sume obligations beyond the immediate technical and
financial success of their corporations. Not only the formal
program but the group thinking included employes, con-
sumers, community, country, and indeed the world, as
well as the factory, transportation and distribution.

There is, to be sure, some dissent from this larger view.
Hard pressed executives cannot help seeing the red
entries and the tax bills. A telling declaration of con-
fidence has been made, however, by a man who as chair-
man of a railroad has demonstrated that low rates, tech-
nical efficiency and a progressive labor policy can still
create dividends for stockholders even in a field that is
full of failures. W. Averill Harriman, chairman of the
business advisory council of the Department of Com-
merce and of the board of the Union Pacific, was a long
way from perfunctory when he observed:

It is essential for management to understand what is in-
volved in the hopes and aspirations of the people of this
country. . . . The leaders of politics and business, although
they may differ on details, are fundamentally moving in the
same direction toward recognition of the demand on the part
of political leaders that business leaders accept a wider social
responsibility than they have, and a recognition by business
leaders that they must now cooperate in that process. . . .
There are no fundamental issues that we cannot work out
nor that we cannot agree upon as our direction is all towards
the assumption of business leaders of greater responsibility,
the willingness on their part to do so, and perhaps a pride in
the fact that they are able to contribute more to the social and
economic well-being of the country than in the past.

Now it was not so long ago that progressive business
leaders, whenever they urged forward-looking recognition

582

of the political situation, were, in the words of one well
known liberal manufacturer, "in the anomalous position
of seeming to defend the calumniators of business." As
this man put it to me, "As public sentiment itself began
to recognize the injustice of some of its earlier indictment
of business and the tension lessened, the progressive
groups in business began to assert themselves." In his
opinion there has not been a great shift from reaction
toward the light by large numbers of business leaders,
but a strengthening of the progressive elements by the
very trend of events.

So it is an apparent about-face for men who make and
sell things on a mass scale to admit that the public, by
right rather than by courtesy, have a voice in some of
their decisions which affect the condition of all kinds of
people in all parts of the country. But it is very likely that
the public will be more constructive toward business, and
especially toward taxes, than it was when management
invited sympathy because it couldn't make a whale of a
lot of money and hang on to it, often at the expense of
workers, consumers and stockholders. After all, many
powerful corporations did remain solvent while millions
of unneeded workers were shaken out of the profit sys-
tem onto government payrolls. Several weeks ago
the Association of National Advertisers gathered at Hot
Springs, Va., took a scholarly scolding from Harold D.
Lasswell, professor of political science at the University
of Chicago. He told a large crowd of prominent business
men that most efforts to sell business to the public are
just so much "decorative baloney." "Americans don't have
to be sold on competition. They don't have to be sold on
competition and democracy," Dr. Lasswell said. "What
they have to be sold on is what to do next to preserve
competition and democracy. . . . The real threat to the
business state is instability. The problem of basic public
relations of the business state is to remove the cause of
mass insecurity. . . . One can attack government control,
but that is attacking a symptom."

The Employe Is Being Recognized

WILL BUSINESS HEED ITS FRIENDLY CRITICS AS OBEDIENTLY
as it has in the past heeded some of the extremist advisers
within its own organizations? It is beginning to do so.
For example, in the field of employe relations, it is inter-
esting to note that, for the first time in the history of a
slump, collective bargaining contracts with organized
labor have multiplied. The AF of L and CIO factions
of labor may be poorer and wiser; but organized labor,
despite its schism at the top, is too strongly intrenched
in industry to be dismissed as ephemeral. The opinion of
John R. Commons, a generation ago, that labor unions
are not only inevitable but an asset to the preservation of
capitalism is corroborated by many business statesmen. In
the hard times since 1937 many responsible labor unions
have constructively assisted the managements with which
they have contracts in meeting the terrific problems of
layoffs and part time employment. This is true all the
way from the garment to the steel industry.

Even the United Automobile Workers of America,
though shot through with internal strife, has got a per-
sonal hearing from the man who, with the possible excep-
tion of Tom Girdler, is the most authoritarian employer
in the nation — Henry Ford himself. After a carefully
planned interview with Homer Martin, president of the
union, Harry Bennett, personnel chief for Ford, was quo-

SURVEY GRAPHIC

ted as saying: "Mr. Martin says he wants to help the un-
skilled working man. I believe, from what I found out
about him, that he is sincere in this."

This is certainly an amazing change on the part of the
Ford Motor Company, but no more amazing than the
urge that the national labor relations act be altered rather
than abolished that one hears off the record from some
business men who have got acquainted with the National
Labor Relations Board first hand. In its article, The G —
D — Labor Board, Fortune magazine came to the conclu-
sion that if you believe in collective bargaining, the
NLRB is a fair and effective way of ensuring it. Unfor-
tunately, Fortunes favorable opinion of the board ap-
peared in the continued columns in the back of the maga-
zine, and I have been surprised to discover that many
readers didn't turn beyond the illustrated front pages
where the critics of the NLRB were conspicuously quoted.
Many large corporations have become open and avowed
friends of collective bargaining. One, at least, has gone
on the record as unopposed to the NLRB. That is the
General Electric Company. On the 6th of October, ad-
dressing the League of Women Voters at Schenectady,
W. R. Burrows, G.E. vice-president in charge of labor
relations, said:

Nine times out of ten, strikes are the management's fault.
... If I were to suggest any changes in the Wagner law they
would be very minor. . . . My suggestion would be to let the
Wagner act ride and let some of the employers who have
not tried it give it a try.

Those who have pointed to an increase of labor strife
after the passage of the national labor relations act, have
not always acknowledged the subsidence of strikes, par-
ticularly of sitdowns, since the act has been upheld by
the Supreme Court. Industry is beginning to learn that
obstructionism doesn't pay — a lesson which labor has
learned from bitter experience.

LATE IN SEPTEMBER DOZENS OF LABOR UNIONS AND BIG COR-
porations reserved tables alongside one another in the
ballroom of the Astor Hotel in New York for a dinner
in honor of Edward F. McGrady, a former labor organ-
izer, lobbyist and mediator, now an officer and director of
Radio Corporation of America. Mr. McGrady was pre-
sented with a medal by the American Arbitration Asso-
ciation for his services to industrial peace through media-
tion and arbitration. There was ungruding applause from
labor and business tables not only for Mr. McGrady but

for the spokesmen of the AF of L, CIO, industry, gov-
ernment and the public. It was apparent that all present
were there not only to testify to a regard for Mr.
McGrady, but to endorse the understanding between
labor and industry for which he has striven all his life.
More than one speaker was impelled to contrast the
American scene with Europe, then in the midst of the
Czech crisis which, whatever the outcome, everyone knew
would set back the clock of civilization. For force and
the threat of force would win in Europe. And it was
highly significant when Edward McGrady, a pragmatic
American, concluded his speech accepting the Arbitra-
tion Association's medal by saying:

Let us all dedicate ourselves to the policy of fair dealing
and the creation of good will by sitting down together
around the table and, in common counsel, looking the cir-
cumstances and all the facts in the face. Let us surround our
talk and our action with proper restraint and unfailing
courtesy, each recognizing the problems of the other. Can it
be done? It has been done — without acrimony, violence, un-
fairness, or the taking of any improper advantage. Let me
give you the proof. Ten days ago I had made a cross-section
survey of the organized workers of the nation. It covered
ten international unions with a total membership of approxi-
mately 965,000 workers. The report showed that these inter-
national unions, in addition to their long time methods of
mediation and conciliation, have established in their local
or international laws the policy of resorting to local or inter-
national arbitration when a deadlock is reached in any
controversy. These international unions have practiced this
system for upwards of thirty-five years and have found it
satisfactory. By this method, they not only avoid untold trou-
ble but also reap rich dividends of good will.

Business Is Learning to Live with Government

IT IS POINTLESS TO ENUMERATE SOME OF THE UNFORTUNATE

mistakes which labor and, for that matter, government as
well have made in their attempts to educate business
management to see more clearly the right which the
worker and the community have to influence the course
of business. In public statements exchanged between the
Administration and Charles R. Hook, president of the
National Association of 'Manufacturers, business and gov-
ernment have called a halt to "saber-rattling." And, as
if to confirm this current amity, prominent industrialists
and government experts are cooperating through the Na-
tional Economic Committee — erroneously described as
the Anti-Monopoly Committee — composed of Senators,
Congressmen and administrative experts. That commit-
tee may supplement all that we know of the pathology

H.iiuU Acrou the I'.i-i

DECEMBER 1938

583

The New Shopper

of business. From the eagerness with which business is
cooperating with it one can infer that, if it is diagnostic
rather than anatomical, business wants to help name
the doctor if not the medicine.

Whatever the motive, it is encouraging to find manu-
facturers hoping that the committee will not neglect the
problems of price and distribution. It will be recalled
that a significant Brookings Institution study, prepared by
Harold G. Moulton in 1935, charged that American busi-
ness had violated the first rule of its being which is:
decrease prices.

Business did not lower prices and the subsequent infla-
tionary government measures did not encourage it to do
so. Clarence Francis, president of General Foods, recently
said in referring to the National Economic Committee : "If
something in the price structure is hampering business,
let's study it out and correct it."

In the field of finance, Wall Street has begun to turn
over a new leaf. This may partly be attributed to the
revelation of the Whitney scandal, but the move was
gaining momentum in the street long before that, as mod-
ern-minded financiers and brokers urged the Street to
clean out the Old Guard and some of its odious practices
before the SEC stepped in with a more rigid program of
investment control. The consequences of the present rap-
proachment with the SEC may be enormous. Already
some of the utilities which have been most critical of
government efforts to revise illogical holding companies
have registered with the SEC, as required, instead of
resorting to legal temporizing in the courts.

After a fashion, the administration has given the utility
industry a breathing spell in the form of a vast power
expansion program as part of national defense plans, with
special loans from the RFC. The utilities seem resolved
to play their hand cagily till the showdown on public
power. It is already apparent that an armament increase,
with its prospect of special federal contracts, is one form

of government spending and government supervision
that industry as a whole finds acceptable.

Thus the European war crisis and the Munich agree-
ment, which at first impelled all ranks of Americans
toward unity to preserve democracy, is about to be fol-
lowed by a defense program that appeals to both labor
and industry with tangible dollars and cents. It remains
to be seen how well the consumer, whose security depends
quite as much on more goods at cheaper prices, will fare
as the production of war materials on government con-
tracts dominates industrial thinking.

The Consumer Becomes a Power

IN RECENT YEARS THE CONSUMER HAS BEEN ACTIVE AS A LOB-

byist. Business has recognized him, when organized, as
more than a mere customer who will take goods or leave
them alone, depending upon the urge to buy. The con-
sumer, first of all, may have all the urge in the world,
but can't buy without money. Moreover, the urge to buy
is modified by the price and quality of goods. In the field
of quality, business sidestepped control of labeling and
advertising by the Food and Drug Administration and
favored its old friend, the Federal Trade Commission.
To the surprise of business, the FTC has cracked down
right and left on misleading advertising. One manufac-
turing friend of mine, revising John Wanamaker's old
adage, confesses: "The organized consumer Is nearly
always right." He adds, "I now wish we'd let consumers
have their way with the original Tugwell bill."

Price reductions have not been widespread. Rigid, high
retail prices, for which manufacturers, advertising agen-
cies and small retailers have been responsible, are incon-
sistent with free enterprise. "The American way" is to
strive to increase production and reduce prices. Mass con-
sumption and mass production made American industry
great and profitable. In a Public Affairs Pamphlet edited
by Maxwell Stewart (a summary of Industrial Price Pol-
icies and Economic Progress by Edwin G. Nourse and
Horace B. Drury, published by The Brookings Institu-
tion), the statement is made that:

A sound pricing policy would be one which makes jobs for
all. ... It is not suggested that business men turn Santa
Glaus and turn over their wealth to the public, or even that
they work for nominal pay. All that is asked is that which
many progressive business men are now doing: finding ways
to organize production so as to supply goods at prices which
can be afforded by those who produce the goods.

If the American business man demands the right of free-
dom of economic enterprise, society may properly ask that
he use that freedom in the public interest. That is the chal-
lenge which the industrial system makes to the industrial
executive. If he cannot meet it, the system of free enterprise
under capitalism is doomed to sickness, low vitality and
unproductiveness. This contrasts sharply with the rich nat-
ural resources, equipment and man power that are at the
disposal of the American people.

There is no gainsaying that the American people con-
sider the rich resources of this country at their disposal.
At the present time, the overwhelming majority of the
people, according to polls of public opinion, prefer that
the American standard of living be raised, and most of
its goods distributed, mainly through the competitive
business system. But we have seen that when business
fails to produce and jobs decline, the people are likewise
overwhelmingly in favor of government employment and

584

SURVEY GRAPHIC

government relief. In such a time it is foolish for business
to attack the things accomplished by government works.
The WPA, CCC, PWA, and so on hav« lifted the stand-
ard of living by increasing the amenities and improving
the environment of the people. The average man is not as
perturbed as he might be by the prospect of the eventual
decline in the standard of living because the productive
capacity of manufacturing plants declines. For deep down
in his heart the average man knows that never again, in
this country, will factories be closed for long. And the
business man, too, knows this.

TllE PRESENT SOCIAL TREND IS SO UNMISTAKABLY CLEAR THAT

there is no reversing it. A prominent St. Louis business
man, Sidney R. Baer, writing in the St. Louis Post Dis-
patch recently described himself as a conservative by "her-
itage, reason and my place in the economic picture," then
went on to say:

Inequalities which arc a part of life in all its aspects must
from time to time be lessened, unless catastrophe is to be the
result. No sensible person desires revolution or upheaval,
but at the same time realizes that where progress stops, reac-
tion sets in. ... Increased purchasing power must be more
widely diffused among the masses.

In the interest of private enterprise business is becoming
reconciled to the extension of social security through
insurances, to pensions for the aged, and to the wage and
hour law to improve incomes which are unduly low.
There are indications that certain sections of business are
attempting to produce more goods at lower prices for
die higher level of wage-earner incomes. At present, no-
where is this more obvious in contrast with last year than
in the automobile industry. When prices were reduced
this fall for cars which are almost identical with last
year's models, automobiles began to sell more rapidly
than the manufacturers had anticipated. It is quite pos-
sible that, despite reduced farm income this season, an-

Another Index Going Up?

other reduction in automobile prices would enormously
increase the sales to rural folks who have been saving up
to drive to the World's Fair to see the glories of American
industry.

THE ADVERTISING PROFESSION, WHICH CARRIES GREAT WEIGHT

in business counsels, has been responsible for promoting
desire for luxuries, which in turn become semi-luxuries,
which in turn become necessities, mainly to "white fam-
ilies not on relief." But the most imaginative advertising
leaders are often superficial or reactionary in their ap-
proach to the fundamental price problem of business.
Many advertising executives regard consumer coopera-
tives and low price private brands of merchandise as
dangerous threats to their own existence. Advertising spe-
cialists have fought schemes by the unemployed for pro-
duction-for-use, yet most of these schemes, whatever their
faults, would not have taken away the market for adver-
tised goods which are for sale only to people with the
full price in their pockets. And there are already signs
that high pressure publicity will be brought to have sur-
plus agricultural commodities dumped abroad, rather
than distributed at home through the relief set-up to the
great advantage of both the farmers and the underprivi-
leged elements of the population. Advertising publicists
profess to see in these things the attrition of capitalism.
Actually, however, they are alarmed about the distribu-
tion of goods without all the trimmings and trappings and
overhead of so-called modern merchandising. Yet if busi-
ness is wise it will realize that once a product becomes a
necessity a lot of the trimmings and trappings will be
removed. Consumer cooperatives will find their level in
the business scene, as they have done in Sweden and
Great Britain, as they are now doing in our rural districts.

The features of business which are obsolete are doomed
to go the way of the canals. The things which are of too
great public interest to remain in private hands will
have to go the way of the turnpikes. Progress is the great
liquidator — as the history of many corporations demon-
strates, often to the confusion of Marxists who prefer to
think in terms of compound interest fortunes growing like
snowballs.

In the face of inexorable progress, and the gradual
socialization of essentials, certain acute minds in industry
now seem determined to carry on very much as Britain's
Tories did with Lloyd George's liberal reforms in die
years right after the war. Some of them admittedly as-
pire to leadership more active than perfunctory coopera-
tion with other elements of society.

Of course, there will be many who will rightly question
the conversion of business leaders who have hitherto been
skeptical of social evangelism. But, for the time being, we
have to take our industrialists as we take our consumers
and our workers — as they are. The world situation, and
our own career in it, depend upon our talent for demo-
cratic progress.

The problems of finance, taxation, under-production,
faulty distribution, unemployment, relief, foreign policy,
must be approached by Americans who are datcrmined
to make America a better place to live in. Unless private
enterprise can give its workers, and the people who buy
its products, a constantly better bargain it will stall and
die. That is the challenge that progressive business man-
agement is accepting in full knowledge that the get-rich-
quick days are gone forever.

DECEMBER 1938

585

J. D. Ross: Northwest Dynamo

THREE MEN WERE NAMED ON THE BOARD OF THE TENNESSEE
Valley Authority as guardians of that region's 41 billion
potential kilowatt-hours of hydroelectricity. One man on
the other side of the continent watches over the 114 billion
kilowatt-hours in the great basin of the Columbia River.
He is sixty-five-year-old James Delmage Ross, in many
respects the most remarkable character connected with the
vast power program of the New Deal.

"That's fine, Mr. President," said Ross at a White
House conference in 1937, when shown the draft of the
Bonneville Dam bill. "All the responsibility is placed on
one man."

"And you are that man," the President replied.

Ross today is the supervisor of the country's most im-
portant source of water power, the Columbia River. This
broad, swift waterway contains more latent energy than
any other three rivers of America combined. In its wilder-
ness basin is 42 percent of all the undeveloped hydroelec-
tricity in the nation. So mighty is the Columbia as it cuts
through the mountain ramparts of the Northwest that
two dams across it, at Bonneville and Grand Coulee, will
produce more power than the 260 electric plants in the
State of New York.

A few more statistics to show the extent of Ross's hy-
droelectric domain: Bonneville and Grand Coulee will
generate twice as much energy as all seven dams projected
for the TVA. For each person living in the Columbia
basin there are at hand 32,628 kilowatt-hours of potential
water power. For the rest of the country the sum is one
twenty-fourth that amount, 1353 kilowatt-hours. The two
Columbia River dams will have a greater capacity than
the aggregate output of all the other major federal power
projects built, under construction, or planned.

The man in charge of so rich a treasure trove of elec-
tricity is a solid individual of medium height, whose
entire career has been devoted to the production of water
power on a public ownership basis. The appointment of
J. D. Ross as Columbia River administrator was warmly
championed by such men as Senator George W. Norris
and Morris L. Cooke. To them his indorsement consists
of the thirty-five years he has spent as chief electrical engi-
neer and superintendent of Seattle's municipal light plant.
In that period he built the biggest non-federal hydroelec-
tric project in America and drove down power rates
along Puget Sound from 20 cents for one kilowatt-hour
to a 5-cent rate for the first 40 kilowatt-hours. Ross is still
superintendent of Seattle City Light. It is his first con-
sideration. He has held onto that job while being an
advisory engineer of the New York State Power Author-
ity, chief engineer of the PWA power board, member of
the Securities and Exchange Commission and now admin-
istrator of Bonneville Dam. "Mr. President," he once said,
"the great United States government is back of these other
jobs you want me to do. It can protect them well. But
that plant in Seattle— I've just got to stand by it or the
wolves will eat it up." In the great northwest power net-
work which he visualizes, Bonneville will be correlated
with the city of Seattle.

386

by RICHARD L. NEUBERGER

The Columbia basin — Bonneville, Grand Coulee, Seattle
and other places — is not the only region where Ross is
an important figure in power generation. The Tri-County
project in Nebraska looks to him for frequent advice and
so does the city of Los Angeles in its tie-up with Boulder
Dam. The TVA and numerous other public ownership
ventures seek his counsel and assistance.

"AH America Can Be Electrically Inter-tied"

IN FACT, ROSS'S SPHERE OF INFLUENCE MAY ENCOMPASS THE

whole nation if his latest idea proves practical. This idea
concerns the water power in the Columbia River. What is
to be done with that great supply of energy? Certainly ii
cannot all be utilized in a section with only 3 percent of
the country's population. So while coal mines in the East
are scraped closer to bedrock, most of the power in the
Columbia flows unused into the sea. This is because the
present transmission radius for electricity is merely 300
miles — not enough to get Columbia River energy over
the Rockies. But this is with alternating current. What if
direct current were employed? Let Ross himself talk:

"In striking contrast to the limitations of alternating
current is the possibility of direct current transmission. Its
possibilities stagger the imagination. Transmission for 1000
miles or 2000 miles becomes a comparatively simple engi-
neering problem. All America can be electrically inter-
tied."

The apparatus for transmitting direct current has not
yet been perfected, but Ross is so confident this is a
mere matter of time that he has worked out an elaborate
network for hooking together all the big power plants of
the country. Bonneville in the mountains of Oregon,
Norris in the hills of Tennessee and the Loup River
project on the plains of Nebraska would contribute energy
to the same gigantic circuit. The network would tap every
important water power site in public possession; it also
would touch enough large coal fields to provide for ade-
quate steam auxiliary plants. Ross believes the day will
soon be at hand when power generated in the great can-
yon of the Columbia River may move "L" trains in
Chicago and illuminate theater marquees in New York.
Dams across the rushing waterways of the Columbia basin
"will be built not for a local district but for all of Amer-
ica." Kilowatts from Grand Coulee will fry eggs a thou-
sand miles away.

Fantastic? Ross has heard many of his theories called
that and then seen them turn out sound.

In 1904 he erected a 45,000-volt transmission line to
supply Seattle with municipal power. Never before had
juice been transmitted at such high pressure. Forty-five
thousand volts! It was incredible. Electrical experts said
it would never work. A few weeks ago Ross ordered the
towers and insulators for the backbone line that will con-
nect Bonneville and Grand Coulee — a line of 230,000 volts.

Three years after the 45,000-volt line was put up, Ross
made Seattle the first city to experiment with metal fila-
ment lamps for all purposes. Carbon arcs were used all
over America when he ordered 5000 tungsten bulbs from

SURVEY GRAPHIC

"Jaydee" predicts a super-power future for the nation

cneral Electric. Back came the reply that only fourteen

ch bulbs were available and they were still on the test

ck. "The order stands," answered Ross.

A quarter of a century ago Ross decided electric cook-
was not sufficiently used, to the detriment of both

ower plant and household. He pioneered two innova-

ans: a special rate for cooking and elimination of the
cial charge for installation of electric ranges. Today

attle has more electric kitchen ranges than any other
in the world regardless of size.

Now Ross has a new idea about electricity in the home.
Ic insists that porch lighting is in the same category as

reet lighting, as a protection against accidents and crime,
not connect them? A city's obligation to guard its

tizens does not cease at the lawn's edge. He plans to

akc a 25-watt bulb on each

ant porch a part of the Seattle

rcet lighting system.

Practically all the leading ad-
itcs of public ownership in
lis country are lawyer* or poli-

ci.ins, or both — the President.

enator Morris, Secretary Ickes,
David Lilicnth.il, Frank P.
W.dsh, Carl Thompson. But J.
D. Ross is an electrical engi-
neer, by far the most conspicu-
ous member of that profession
favoring the development of
pmver as a public responsibility.

About public ownership Ross
has no profound social and
economic theories. He is for it
because he believes it can serve
the people better and less ex-
pensively than private enter-
prise. Wall Street and big busi-

ness he unhesitatingly attacks if they stand in the way of
projects in which he is interested, but he is no indiscrim-
inate Wall Street baiter. Only a few weeks ago he said
of the Seattle public power plant on the Skagit River:
"li was built wholly from private money furnished by
Wall Street. It is a proof that no worthy project, either
public or private, need go begging for finances from pri-
vate bankers, even in the worst years of depression."
Ross's intimate friend and the financier of the Public
Utility Districts near Bonneville Dam is Guy C. Myers,
an investment banker of 35 Wall Street, New York City.

Men like Senator Norris and Secretary Ickes seek a new
social order. Public ownership is merely a phase of that
objective. J. D. Ross, however, is concerned about the
particular rather than the general. He wants cheap elec-
tricity for its own sake; it is an end instead of a means.

In striving for that end, Ross has had unparalleled suc-
cess. The states of Washington and Oregon have the
lowest power bills in the nation. A recent Federal Power
Commission report that showed Ross charging $3.40 for
100 kilowatt-hours listed the people of New York City
paying $5.55 for the same amount. As soon as his public
plant can force its private company competitor to sell out,
Ross calculates that 100 kilowatt-hours in Seattle will cost
about $2.12.

To the whole Pacific Northwest, a region eight times
as vast as England, Ross is a lovable man whose touch
makes power rates descend. In 1931 this affection was
spectacularly demonstrated. A newly elected conservative
mayor of Seattle fired Ross as superintendent of City
Light. On Seattle street corners and in vales back in the
hinterlands, people held protest meetings. Within a few
weeks the mayor had been recalled and Ross triumphantly
reinstated. Ever since that episode, every candidate for
Seattle's City Hall has had to promise he will retain J. D.
Ross. "Without that promise, he might as well not run,"
once observed Jim Marshall, formerly editor of the Seattle
Star and now with Collier's magazine.

Cheap Power and Cheap Vacations

BUT THIS ENVIABLE STATUS OF A MAN IN HIS HOME TOWN

does not stem from electrical genius alone. With the prac-
tical eye of the engineer, Ross looked over the City Light

The people who aik for Public Utility Districts usually get them

DECEMBER 1938

587

power plant a few years ago. He saw a hydro-
electric project deep in the fastnesses of the
Cascade Mountains. He also saw the railroad
line that into those mountains had carried con-
crete, steel and other materials. And he con-
ceived the idea that perhaps the Skagit River
project might serve a double purpose. Why
could it not furnish recreation as well as power
for Seattle's people?

Ross bought die coaches of an abandoned
interurban electric line, and that was the begin-
ning of a unique venture in civic development.
Now for f4.05 any person in Seattle can spend
a thrilling two days in the Cascade Mountains.
Three times a week, in the summer months, 600
people congregate at Rockport at the entrance
to the granite gorge of the Skagit. While they
wait for the old interurban cars, now proudly
blazoned with the City Light medallion, they
are served coffee and doughnuts. The train ride
up the canyon to Gorge Camp is like a trip on
some scenic mountain railway in Switzerland.
At Gorge Camp the people are quartered in
clean, modern dormitories. They all eat in a
big mess hall. The food is plain but plentiful.
"Give everyone all he can eat," orders Ross. The
visitor for his $4.05 can have three portions of
pot roast at dinner and six eggs for breakfast,
if he likes. Boys working their way through col-
lege wait on the tables and take care of the
dormitories. Men and women stay in different
buildings — a ruling influenced, perhaps, by the
moral righteousness which impels Ross to shun
both alcohol and tobacco.

Hikes are arranged through the nearby for-
ests. There is fishing in the river. Tennis courts
are at hand. In the evening movies are shown. Later on
the young folks dance. There also is an unforgettable walk
through the rock gardens Ross has landscaped on the
gentle slopes below the towering precipices. Each year
slips and seeds from this garden come from such friends
of City Light's superintendent as President Roosevelt,
Morris L. Cooke and Harold Gatty, the aviator. Far above
this sylvan scene, a great glacier is the source of Ladder
Creek Falls which drops a thousand feet in a series of
cataracts. From unseen niches in the cliff colored lights
play on the falling water. Against the darkness of the
mountain night, the tumbling creek shimmers like some
ribbon made of the stuff of the aurora borealis. In a hidden
nook an electric organ plays Strauss waltzes, and Tales
from the Vienna Woods echo between the granite walls.

Visitors go to bed on this stirring note, and get up at
6:30 in the morning when loudspeakers in each dormitory
room play Let's All Sing Like the Birdies Sing. If that
fails to arouse the sleepyheads Lazy Mary, Will You Get
Up? is turned on. After a big breakfast of fruit, cereal,
bacon and eggs, hotcakes and coffee, everyone gets on the
electric cars for a spectacular seven-mile ride to the 400-
foot face of Diable Dam. A gigantic elevator lifts the
travelers above the barrier. And then there is a boat trip
on Diable Lake. A lofty peak is named Ross Mountain
and the boat is named Alice Ross for Ross's wife.

The Rosses have had no children, and this most unusual
of all America's summer resorts is their contribution to
posterity. Thousands of people, unable to afford the

ROM

Mountain. The railway twists up the canyon past the powerhouse

luxury rates of Timberline Lodge and Paradise Inn, have
seen just as much scenery and had just as much enjoy-
ment for $4.05 at Seattle's municipal power plant. More
than 100,000 people have visited there already. A young
forest ranger near Gorge Camp told me he had met hun-
dreds of men and women getting their first vacation in
the mountains. He said a WPA worker told him the City
Light trip was the only real chance his family ever had
to get away from Seattle. The day I was at Gorge Camp,
Ross trudged into the mess hall at noon. He wore an old
blue suit frayed at the elbows and had a camera in his
hand. Two or three people started to applaud. Someone
shouted, "Hurrah for Jaydee!" Soon the 600 persons eat-
ing baked ham and potato salad in that room were cheer-
ing enthusiastically for the man who had figured out a
way to get vacations and electricity from the same under-
taking.

"Jaydee"

ROSS IS INTENSELY HUMAN. THE PRESIDENT CALLS HIM

"Jaydee" and so does practically everyone else. He has a
warm heart. The $4.05 Skagit trip occurred to him when
he heard of people in Seattle unable to afford the cus-
tomary mountain tours. But the popularly priced Skagit
tours are also a powerful advertisement, acquainting the
public firsthand with the integrated glories of public
power. Letters and appeals reciting hardships distress him
immeasurably. One morning he received an illiterate,
heartbreaking note from a man at Pendleton short of

588

SURVEY GRAPHIC

money to pay his private company light bill. Ross sighed
in his anxiety to do something right away. On a drive
to Grand Coulee he saw two or three colonies of pilgrims
from the Dust Bowl. He talked to them about their prob-
lems and difficulties, and said as he returned, "Gosh! I
hope I can help those people."

Ross hates pomp and affectation. Once in New York
he attended a lavish banquet for engineers. He and
liili.Min were the only men present without tuxedos. Ross
is but mildly comfortable financially. He has never owned
an automobile. In many respects a mechanical genius, he
does not drive a car. He has made a number of important
technical discoveries and might be a wealthy man today
he had kept the benefits for himself. He believes in
jrning over his gadgets for public use. Ross is simple
his habits and straightforward in his attitude. Not once
as any financial or political scandal touched him. One
' in Seattle he took George Lcighton of Harper's and
to lunch. We ate Chinook salmon, and Ross talked
jut salmon ladders, kilowatts and his gardens at Skagit.
just exudes honesty, doesn't he?" said Leighton to me
ter the lunch was over.
Successful as an engineer and victorious as a public
awnership proponent, Ross is not a skillful politician. The
;ive and take of politics are hostile to his engineer's mind.
le has seen so many unfair distortions of his point of
riew that he is extremely sensitive, and frequently reads
ito remarks and statements antagonistic meaning never
itended. Photographs he is reluctant to have reproduced
ilcss they show him in a favorable aspect. Around him
are generally one or two people who exploit this
ikness by almost worshipful flattery. With his engi-
er's sense of exactness and care, he does not always dele-
responsibility. He tends to subordinate other tasks
financing and engineering, and his technical aides
usually more proficient than the rest of his staff. Bob
ck, his utility engineer, is one of the best valuation
icperts in the country. Ross is intensely loyal to his
iends, and they to him. As general counsel at Bonneville
selected a devoted friend with little or no public power
xperience, although there was available both in the
•Jorthwest and at the national capital a whole galaxy of
teran power lawyers.

Starting on a $4.05 weekend at City Light'i resort
DECEMBER 1938

In a few essentials J. D. Ross is not unlike Henry Ford.
Both arc greater masters of finance and engineering than
they arc of sociology and economics. Both frequently ex-
press themselves in platitudes and aphorisms, and both arc
egocentric in that their own names arc featured with
monotonous regularity in the organizations they head.
Ross, I think, is a deeper and more human individual than
Ford. "Plain" and "unassuming" arc adjectives all too
casually applied to public figures, but they appropriately
describe the Bonneville Dam administrator. The stuffy
ostentation which impresses most men makes no impres-
sion on him. One afternoon, while a member of the SEC,
he was driving from Skagit to Seattle to meet with some
important bankers. Then on a slope above the road he
spied a luxurious patch of violets. The waiting financiers
fumed impatiently in Seattle while the SEC commissioner
squatted on the distant hillside, digging up the wild-
flowers for transplanting in the gardens at Skagit.

No Theories and No Fears

ONE OF THE PRINCIPAL REASONS, IN MY OPINION, WHY RoSS

had made public ownership stick and succeed is that he
approaches the task with few preconceived notions and
theories. He has no pet supposition to prove, no bete noire
to discredit. He just wants to generate power at rock-
bottom rates — power for frontier shacks, irrigation pumps,
phosphate plants and kitchen ranges. He contends that
Arthur E. Morgan was wrong in suggesting a gridwork
tie-up between TVA and the private companies, because
the companies are so overcapitalized they cannot serve the
people inexpensively. On the other hand, he thinks Lilien-
thal is perhaps too eager to drive down the price paid
utilities which are willing to sell out. It is futile, Ross
thinks, to haggle over the last cent. Such bickering results
in costly legal delays and postpones the ultimate introduc-
tion of cheap power. "The farmers, the Dust Bowl refu-
gees, the home owners need power — now!" he once
exclaimed, paraphrasing the President's famous Supreme
Court speech.

Ross achieves results without fanfare. His office has
none of the efficiency and bustle of a normal business
office. The literature and pamphlets are woefully inade-
quate compared with those from other government agen-
cies. The Bonneville headquarters has not produced one
leaflet up to the standard of the thorough and complete
releases from the TVA. Ross's homely but persuasive
speeches have little of the impact of Lilienthal's, scarcely
any of the scholarlincss of Harcourt Morgan's.

When Ross was a young man in Canada, a doctor list-
ened to his chest and prophesied he had not long to live.
Ross put aside the grim thought of tuberculosis and con-
tinued to do what he wanted. He walked nearly across
the Dominion and prospected for gold in the mountains
of the West. Instead of dying on the way he built up a
constitution that now, two generations later, enables him
to be both a doughty trencherman and one of the sturdiest
hikers on the Skagit trails.

In this same fashion Ross promotes public ownership
of hydroelectricity. Fears, notions and forebodings have
little place in his attitude. He simply does what is at hand
and lets the future take care of itself. For example, some
of his friends have hinted that he is foolish to let Guy
Myers become so conspicuous in the Columbia River set-
up. They fear Myers' Wall Street connections may cast
suspicion on the entire venture. Where the average public

589

ownership proponent might listen attentively, Ross pays
no heed. He is convinced that the centers of finance in
Chicago and New York will have to take the risk in
public power bonds as they have in street, sewer and park
financing. He believes Myers is scrupulously honest and
he believes the undertaking will succeed. Public attitudes
do not much concern him. He is interested in the physical
rather than the political phase of his projects. Let a trans-
mission tower topple over and his jaw will be hard and
set. But he breaks appointments, and sometimes corre-
spondence piles on his desk like snow in the Columbia
Gorge. I think Ross performs on the hunch that the
summer resort at the City Light power plant, with its
$4.05 weekends, is infinitely more convincing than thou-
sands of flowery letters and hundreds of rabble rousing
speeches.

Designer of a Promised Land

A KILOWATT-YEAR AT BoNNEVILLE DAM WILL WHOLESALE

at $17.50. That is one kilowatt for an entire year, twenty-
four hours of the day. It constitutes the lowest power rate
in the United States. The same amount now retails for
about $87.60. Yet Ross made this sensational announce-
ment without any parading of theories about the New
Deal, private enterprise or governmental policy. He thinks
the duty of public ownership advocates is to demonstrate
that public ownership means cheap power. If that is done
arguments become superfluous; unless that is done argu-
ments do no good. A series of public hearings, at which
everyone from cowboys to Chamber of Commerce secre-
taries spoke, showed Ross that the people of the Pacific
Northwest want cheap power, whether from private
utility or government dam. This has reinforced the con-
viction that it is his job to make public power the most
inexpensive power.

Ross once wrote a book. It was not about the economics
of the cause that encompasses his life. It was called New
Views of Space, Matter and Time. President Roosevelt
tried to read the first page and then confessed, "Jaydee,
I can't make head or tail of this." Ross was immensely
pleased.

Somewhat naively, he claims that the President is
"super-intelligent" and able to understand almost any-
thing. Mr. Roosevelt's facile mind, with its grasp of a
myriad of subjects, greatly impresses Ross. He is of a
different sort. Electricity occupies his attention to the ex-
clusion of almost all else, although his hobby of flowers
makes him one of the best amateur botanists in the
country.

John T. Flynn once wrote that Ross on the SEC seemed
singularly unconscious of what it was all about. But in the
vast powerhouse at Bonneville or on the great crest of
Diable Dam it is another story. Ross there is in his proper
element.

In the United States of today, J. D. Ross is an im-
portant public figure. The stupendous projects on the
Columbia River represent the New Deal's principal con-
struction outlay. Grand Coulee and Bonneville exceed
considerably the cost of the Panama Canal. The former
is by far the largest man-made structure ever conceived;
three times as massive as Boulder Dam and four times as
massive as the Great Pyramid. President Roosevelt regards
these huge undertakings as the hope of a Promised Land
on the American frontier. He believes that through power,
navigation, irrigation, reclamation and flood control the

590

big dams will create a haven in the wilderness for farmers
burned off their plots in the Dust Bowl and underprivi-
leged Americans crowded out of tenement dwellings in
the East.

Listen to the President's words, uttered as he stood on
the rock crags above the Columbia River:

"We believe that by proceeding with these great projects
it will not only develop the well-being of the Far West
and the Coast, but will also give an opportunity to many
individuals and families back in the older, settled parts
of the nation to come out here and distribute some of the
burdens which fall on them more heavily than fall on the
West. A great many years ago, seventy-five or eighty, an
editor in New York said, 'Go West, young man, Go
West!' I know that this country is going to be filled with
the homes not only of a great many people from this state
(Washington), but a great many families from other
states of the Union."

To entrust so bold and stirring a dream to another man
to carry out implies faith unlimited. The President has
that sort of faith in Ross. Congress may soon establish
a Columbia Basin Authority. If a single administrator is
in charge, Ross will be that administrator. If there is a
board, he will be its chairman. To him the President
looks for the fulfillment of the Promised Land vision.
Few people connected with the New Deal have a greater
trust.

J. D. Ross looks down at the spray-spattered piers of
Bonneville, stretching across the Columbia like kneeling
seahorses. "Isn't it fine," he asks rhetorically, "that we
can spend money on a useful product like that not only as
a work program but as a tremendous step in civilization?"
This remark is the measure of an American career de-
voted to a single purpose.

Perkins Photo
"Bonneville's spray-battered piers, like kneeling seahorses ..."

SURVEY GRAPHIC

Relief: A Permanent Program

BY WILLIAM HABER

If all the able-bodied workers now on the relief rolls were to get jobs
tomorrow, three quarters of the relief problem would remain. Plainly, this
cannot be dealt with as an emergency. Here, a distinguished expert outlines
a sound, long range plan.

UNEMI'I.OVMKNT RELIEF is THE MOST STI-BBORN AND PRESS-
ing national problem in the United -States today. The bal-
ance of the federal budget, the supply of labor, the sound-
ness of the national economy are all profoundly influenced
by the size and character of the relief problem, and the
nature of relief policies. And contrary to popular belief,
there is little direct relationship between unemployment
relief and prosperity.

To a considerable extent, the 21,947,000 persons repre-
senting an estimated number of 6,854,000 households, re-
. ing assistance in September 1938, will cease to be
dependent upon public support with the increase in private
employment already in evidence. But this does not ex-
plain the persistence of a large volume of public depend-
ency during the recovery period in 1936 and 1937, when
the relief load failed to respond to business conditions.

The cost of all forms of public assistance, the number
of eligible persons applying for relief, mounted steadily in
the months before the recent business relapse. In Septem-
ber 1937, when the business situation seemed more stable
than at any time since 1933, the public relief load, though
the smallest in five years, represented 4,400,000 households
comprising 13,200,000 persons — over 10 percent of the
total population dependent wholly or in part upon public
support.

In part this large volume of dependency is the result

lie change in public attitude toward destitution. It is

also a reflection of the changing age composition of our

population, of new hiring policies in relation to age, of

the duration of the depression, and particularly of the fact

th.it some seven million remained unemployed — in spite

of recovery. Few economists look for full recovery and

employment in the near future. In fact, many point out

that the rate of economic activity in the next decade will

probably be substantially lower than in the pre-depression

period and that private payrolls are unlikely to absorb the

natcd seven million who were jobless in September

7. Recovery would result primarily in reemployment

• hose laid off since September 1937. So long as the

"hard-core" unemployment problem includes from five to

seven million persons the relief problem will confront us.

The total cost of public relief between 1933 and 1937
u .is set by the U.S. Senate Committee on Unemployment
Relief at $13,500,000,000, of which $10 billion came from
the federal treasury, and $3,500,000,000 from state and
lucal sources. For the year 1937, the' committee estimated
the total relief bill at $3,122,000,000, about two thirds of
which was provided by the federal government.

For the most part this terrific burden of dependency
has been treated on an emergency basis. The federal share
of the cost of relief has not been written into the regular

DECEMBER 1938

budget and provided for through taxation, but has been
financed with borrowed money. Within the states, the
financing of relief is even less certain, and in many
states the relationship between state and local subdivisions
is very confused.

An analysis of the dependency population as of Septem-
ber 1937 will indicate how unjustified this emergency atti-
tude is, and clarify the paradox between economic recovery
and simultaneously high relief loads and relief costs.

To what extent do the 4,400,000 dependent households
of September 1937 represent a depression problem ? What
portion of this load is likely to disappear with economic
recovery? In brief, on the basis of the 1937 data, what is
the permanent, or if that word is too fatalistic, the long
time dependency load?

The People on Relief

THIS TOTAL OF 4,400,000 CASES INCLUDED 1,469,000 RECIPI-
ents of old age assistance. There the need is not the
result of business depression. The number of old age
assistance recipients in March 1938 was placed at 1,654,000,
an increase of over 185,000 cases in six months. A Social
Security Board study, released in March 1938, estimated
that 64 percent of all persons sixty-five years of age or
over are dependent. While fewer than 22 percent of the
dependent aged are now receiving public old age assist-
ance, applications pending in nearly all the states indicate
that the potential public old age assistance load is con-
siderably higher than the present totals. The cost of old
age assistance, now exceeding $380 million a year, has
also been increasing. The size of average monthly grants
by the states has been mounting steadily and, under pres-
sure from organized groups, probably will continue to
rise for some time.

The September 1937 total load also included 21\,000
cases of aid to dependent children. Here, too, the trend
since the program was launched in 1935 has been con-
tinuously upward both in the number eligible and in
costs. Aid to the blind, with 50,000 cases in the September
case load, is also a growing service.

These three categories represent a total of 1,730,000, or
39.3 percent, of the 4,400,000 cases. We may therefore con-
sider that approximately 40 percent of the total relief load
constitutes a permanent problem, bearing little if any
relationship to economic conditions. The nation is com-
mitted to care for the aged and other dependent persons
and the cost of such care must be considered as a con-
tinuing claim on the public budget.

Two major types of public assistance cases remain. In
September 1937 there were 1,267,000 cases, approximately
28 percent of the total, receiving general relief. No ade-

591

quate statistical analysis of this group is available. It in-
cludes persons who for one reason or another failed to
meet the technical requirements for any special categories
of public aid, and also a considerable group of able-bodied
persons who had not succeeded in getting WPA assign-
ments. While exact calculations are difficult because of
insufficient data, it may be estimated that approximately
two thirds of those on general relief in September 1937
were persons whose need was not directly related to eco-
nomic recovery — unemployable persons, industrially-old,
incapacitated, and sub-marginal workers at best. Here is
an additional 19.2 percent of the total case load. Added to
the 39.3 percent referred to above we have 58.5 percent
of the 4,400,000 relief cases who represent a permanent
welfare problem, the magnitude of which measured both
in cases and in costs is likely to increase in the years im-
mediately ahead.

The Senate Committee on Unemployment Relief would
add the destitute farmers on relief grants from the Farm
Security Administration whose plight is "not due to un-
employment." The committee states, "Unless the base of
their farm income can be reestablished or industrial em-
ployment can be created for them elsewhere, these rural
families will continue to rely upon public support."

There remain to be considered the persons publicly sup-
ported by employment on the work program. In Septem-
ber 1937, WPA, the student aid program and the Civilian
Conservation Corps included 1,917,000 cases. Since the
CCC and NYA programs serve youth groups, improved
employment opportunities will quickly reduce their size
and cost. But one cannot be equally optimistic about the
1,407,000 persons on WPA projects. The peak in WPA
rolls was reached in February 1936 when 2,899,000 persons
were employed. Since then there has been a continuous
and often considerable decrease in persons on WPA
projects, amounting to more than 50 percent between
February 1936 and September 1937. Those who left the
projects and returned to private industry were the most
highly skilled men and women on the WPA rolls, the
most acceptable from the viewpoint of age, experience,
competence and general employability.

Of the 1,407,000 persons still on the WPA in September
1937, it certainly can be said that they did not represent
the cream of the labor market. A special tabulation in
1937 showed that WPA workers averaged two years older
than in June 1936, with approximately 43 percent over
forty-five years old, mainly unskilled and semi-skilled
workers.

Many WPA workers were on relief long before the
inauguration of the program, others have not held a
private job since the WPA began. A series of urban relief
studies shows that the rate of reemployment decreases
very rapidly as the duration of unemployment increases.
One may hazard an estimate that fully one half the WPA
rolls as of September 1937 represents a group not likely
to return to private payrolls in the very near future, if
ever.

Including the WPA workers whose employability is
questionable, approximately 74.5 percent of the 4,400,000
receiving public assistance in September 1937 — 3,278,165
cases — represent a permanent or at least a long time pub-
lic relief problem. Realistically considered, fluctuations in
the public assistance load will be above and not below this
minimum of 8 to 10 percent of the population.

To arrive at a sound public policy it is necessary to

592

discard the hand-to-mouth methods of relief financing
thus far used. Provision for the unemployed and others
economically dependent is a continuing responsibility. In
view of its magnitude it cannot be effectively discharged
by local and state governments; the federal government
cannot get out of "this business of relief."

It is difficult to arrive at a figure for the total cost of al
forms of public assistance. Relief costs increased steadily
for two decades before the beginning of the Federa'
Emergency Relief Administration. Relief expenditure
registered new peaks in business depressions, but never
receded to their old levels with business recovery. Instead
after each depression they again moved upward from a
new and higher base.

The Size of the Bill and How It Is Divided

THE TOTAL COST OF THE RELIEF AND ASSISTANCE PROGRAMS

(federal, state and local expenditures) in 1937 was $3,122,-
000,000. Whether this figure represents an average or a
minimum is difficult to determine at this time. In view
of the rapidly increasing outlays for categorical assistance
to the aged and others and in view of the long time
residual load of unemployed, there is justifiable basis for
the conclusion that the relief bill will run about two
and one half billion dollars a year, going beyond that in
periods of abnormal unemployment.

Public opinion may refuse to accept these conclusions
There is widespread discussion of the desirability of the
many present forms of relief and of the necessity for an
expensive work program in contrast with the less costly
method of direct relief. These attitudes are often reflectec
in legislation or in the failure to appropriate funds, as
happened in Illinois and Ohio in 1937. What portion of
the national income should be set aside for this type of
social services is another moot point. At present levels of
national production the amounts involved may mean
serious strain. But unless a wave of public opinion re
verses the trend in relief eligibility and costs, these esti-
mates indicate the extent of the continuing financia
responsibility for relief.

Obviously, the size of the national relief bill depenc
not only upon the volume of need but also upon the typ
of relief program adopted to meet it. In many communi-
ties the quantity and quality of work relief has trans
formed the physical environment of the area. But the
average cost of supporting a person on a work project is
approximately two and one half times as high as on direct
relief. If and when the policy of providing relief func'
through taxation rather than borrowing is resorted to, the
demand for less costly direct relief will be pressed. If
a free choice between direct and work relief were pos
sible, work relief for all the needy employables would cer-
tainly be more desirable. But until we have made sure
that no one is deprived of the basic necessities of life, tr
comparative merits of alternative forms of assistance ar
of only theoretical importance.

How the financial responsibility for relief is to
divided among the three levels of government is a com-
plex problem. There is considerable controversy, some of
ir more than justified, as to the equity and adequacy
present methods of financing relief. Experience since 1932
when the federal government made relief loans to states
and municipalities through the Reconstruction Financ
Corporation, the later developments with FERA, CWy
and WPA indicate that there is no simple solution.

SURVEY GRAPHIC

The problem has two main facets: first, the piecemeal
way in which it has been approached; second, the uncer-
tainty as to the role of the federal government. From the
beginning, state appropriations for assistance have been
made without keeping in mind the entire problem — the
total pool of destitution and the cost thereof. Similarly,
the federal government's expenditures under the work
program are often considered separately from the expen-
ditures under the assistance provisions of the social security
act. But no genuine solution is possible until we see the
public assistance problem in its totality and work out a
basis of sharing cost among the three levels of govern-
ment in relationship to the entire program, not to a
single segment of it.

Second, it is time to recognize and discard the fiction
that the federal government is going to get out of "this
business of relief." The federal government has assumed
certain specific responsibilities. Between May 1933 and
December 1935, it made direct grants through the FERA
to the states for relief purposes. Since December 1935 it
has been financing the cost of the work program. Origi-
nally it was presumed that WPA would provide for all
the unemployed workers on the relief rolls; the unem-
ployable were to be cared for with local and state funds.
Actually, this division has been purely theoretical.

The size of the WPA rolls has been limited by the
amount of money appropriated and the availability of
projects, and the number of workers so carried has never
equalled the number of able-bodied on relief.

Under the social security act, the costs of old age as-
sistance and aid to the blind are shared equally between
the states and the federal government and the latter
bears about one third of the cost of aid to dependent
children. Thus, although Washington discontinued grants
for direct relief when it inaugurated the work program,
such grants have .in fact merely been rechristened with
the social security act as godfather. In addition, the fed-
eral government is making direct relief (subsistence)
grants to farmers under the Farm Security Administra-
tion. The federal government has not retired from the
relief business. It has divided the field with the states by
providing for as many able-bodied persons on the work
program as funds and projects permit, and by helping
the states provide for categorical aid to special classes of
direct relief recipients.

This division of responsibility is not widely accepted as
either equitable or logical. Criticism is directed against the
program on the ground that congressional appropriations
arc not equitably distributed among the states, that too
much discretion is granted to the President or to the
administrator, and that no known formula for allocation
of funds exists.

The federal relief authorities have been seeking to de-
termine the states' "ability to pay." This is extremely diffi-
cult to evaluate, and "ability" to pay does not measure
"willingness" to pay or constitutional and statutory re-
strictions on taxation and bond issues. A fixed formula
for distributing federal funds would have the merit of
"treating all alike" and providing a check on administra-
tive discretion. But a rigid formula may result in greater
arbitrariness and injustice than prevail under present
conditions. Nor does the proposal for an "equalization
fund," though it has much to recommend it, solve the
problem, for if large enough to aid areas showing special
need, it destroys the value of the formula, and if not

sufficiently large it fails to meet the problem adequately.
The experience of the past five years shows, first, the
shift in the major cost of relief from the local community
to the state. Contrary to general belief, income taxes have
played an almost negligible part in meeting these costs.
The sales tax has been the chief reliance of the states in
providing for a growing burden of special aid categories,
particularly old age assistance, and for general relief to
those not included either in the categories or WPA.
While conclusive evidence bearing on the states' ability to
pay is not available, those who urge that the whole prob-
lem be returned to the states to administer and finance
overlook existing facts as to costs and resources.

Need for a Federal Policy

THERE SEEMS TO BE NO ESCAPE FROM THE CONCLUSION THAT
for some time to come the federal government will have
to continue to bear from two thirds to three fourths of
the cost of public assistance. As a stop-gap measure to
meet a problem viewed as only temporary, the bulk of the
federal cost for relief has been met thus far by borrowing.
Whatever the advantages of this method, it has served
to mask the full problem and has postponed consideration
of basic issues.

Because of the depression this is an unpropitious time
to frame a definite national policy of continuous relief
financing. The Senate Committee on Unemployment and
Relief which held extensive hearings early in 1938 re-
ported that "at this time no proposals for a long time
policy of the federal government for dealing with unem-
ployment and relief can be safely made . . . reliance must
be had for ... perhaps . . . the entire fiscal year, beginning
July (1938) on the federal, state and local programs now
in operation." But when the depression lifts, revision of
present methods of cost sharing will surely be in order.
With this is needed some change in the division of finan-
cial responsibility which, developing out of the emergency
legislation of the past few years, rests on no clear cut
and logical principles. Evidence presented to the Senate
committee showed conclusively that this policy of con-
fining federal relief appropriations to work relief was
responsible for serious privation in many communities.
The committee concluded nevertheless that to make
grants-in-aid to the states, leaving each state to decide
whether to use the money for work relief or direct relief,
"would mean the abandonment of work relief. It would
also amount to a general lowering of the relief standards
to the unsatisfactory levels prevailing in many states. The
committee cannot agree that the federal government
should again enter the field of direct relief for able-bodied
unemployed people."

Clearly what is needed is a formula which will pre-
serve the certainty and integrity of a work program for
able-bodied unemployed and at the same time provide
adequate assistance for those who do not qualify for a job.
The grant-in-aid device, already tested through the ad-
ministration of the social security act, could be extended
readily to include assistance to non-category groups. Since
these provisions are based upon the matching principle,
they have the special merit of inducing the states to make
specific provisions for the residual load. Most close stu-
dents of the subject agree that the federal government
cannot long continue to confine its interest in relief to
one type or to several types of cases; that provision must
be made on a relatively uniform basis for all forms of

DECEMBER 1938

593

genuine dependency. While the administrative machinery
may be so organized as to encourage work relief for the
able-bodied, the financial provisions should not be con-
fined to this group.

The Insurances and Relief

THE SOCIAL SECURITY PROGRAM, IN ADDITION TO CATEGORICAL

relief, provides for unemployment compensation benefits
to unemployed workers and old age insurance benefits
to the aged.

These phases, which afford benefits on a contractual
basis, are not to be considered integral parts of the Ameri-
can relief problem. But they bear on the problem since it
has been generally assumed that insurance payments un-
der the security act will materially reduce the magnitude
and the cost of relief.

Old age insurance benefits will become payable on a
monthly basis in 1942 to all workers who have reached
the age of sixty-five and who have earnd $2000 or more
in a "covered" industry since January 1937. It seems reas-
onable to anticipate that these payments will cut down the
number of applicants for old age assistance. However,
relief costs will not be affected immediately since for
some years the old age insurance checks are likely to be
considerably less than the monthly averages now granted
in the form of old age assistance.

Further, the old age insurance provisions do not apply
to the entire population. Large groups of workers, those
in domestic service, in agriculture, the non-profit employ-
ments and others, in addition to those now receiving old
age assistance, an estimated twenty-two million persons
in all, are not protected by the insurance scheme.

Proposals already made to amend these titles of the
social security act seek to advance the date of payment
from 1942 to 1940; to increase the monthly benefits dur-
ing the early years; to provide for a dependent's allow-
ance to aged persons who have a dependent spouse over
sixty years of age; to provide for survivor's insurance, in
place of the present provision for a lump-sum settlement;
and to increase coverage by bringing under the law
groups now excluded. Such amendments would immedi-
ately simplify the old age relief problem, but they would
not shift its cost, for if the tax provision of the security
act was unchanged, they would eat up the old age reserve
and automatically require a governmental contribution
to meet the increased outlays.

More immediate, however, is the relationship between
unemployment insurance and the volume of relief. In
principle, unemployment insurance in the United States
is to be sharply distinguished from public relief. The
worker eligible for benefits under the unemployment
compensation law is paid as a matter of right, in relation
to earned wage credits for a fixed period of time. Only
after his right to benefits is exhausted is he presumed to
be eligible for public relief. Since the American public
has come to look upon the relief problem as primarily
an unemployment problem there is general anticipation
that unemployment insurance benefits will produce an
immediate and substantial diminution of the relief bur-
den. Only Wisconsin has been paying benefits since Au-
gust 1936; in twenty-one other states the payment of un-
employment insurance began January 1938. It is, there-
fore, too early to reach definite conclusions as to the effect
of unemployment benefits upon relief expenditures.

Nevertheless, we have already some indication of the

594

probable relationship between unemployment insurance
and relief.

Since approximately 75 percent of the present relief
load is not directly related to unemployment, insurance
will influence neither the volume nor the cost of the ma-
jor part of the problem. Further, it must be borne in mind
that benefits are limited to workers in covered employ-
ment. This excludes some twenty million wage earners.
Finally, unemployment compensation is paid only to job-
less workers who meet specific requirements. Of special
significance here is the waiting period of from two to
four weeks before benefits begin; the fact that the amount
of the weekly benefit check is related to the wage credits
of the worker, not to the size of his family or his needs;
that payment is made only for unemployment and fail-
ure to report for assignment on account of illness or other
reason makes the worker ineligible for benefits; that the
duration of benefits, which is based on duration of em-
ployment, is in forty-seven states limited to a maximum of
fifteen weeks in any one year. These provisions may be
essential to a scheme based on an actuarial relationship
between benefits and contributions. But the net effect of
these requirements is that unemployment insurance is not
a substitute for relief but, as it has been correctly desig-
nated, only a "first line of defense."

In Pennsylvania, the only state for which state-wide
data are available, 7 percent of the relief cases were
closed in February on account of compensation payments
begun the previous month. The number for March de-
clined somewhat and in May only 2.6 percent of the case
load was closed for this reason. The available data also
indicate that many recipients of insurance need relief
during the waiting period; a smaller number need relief
to supplement insurance payments; a considerably greater
number apply for assistance when the benefit period ex-
pires. For the most part, those who receive insurance bene-
fits seem not to be former relief clients. Therefore, the
effect of such payments upon the volume and cost of unem-
ployment relief is likely to be much less substantial than
has been generally anticipated. This conclusion is in line
widi British experience. England has now established a
supplementary assistance scheme, integrated with the in-
surance program, to provide a "second line of defense"
after insurance rights are exhausted.

This country has had 'meager experience in trying to
deal with the problem of unemployment and destitution
in nation-wide terms. But even this brief experience makes
certain essentials clear. First, the major part of the relief
problem is not directly related to unemployment. If all
the able-bodied workers now on the relief rolls were to
get jobs tomorrow, three quarters of the problem would
remain. Second, only wishful thinking will make it pos-
sible for this country to continue to view relief in "emer-
gency terms," and to treat it on an "emergency" basis.
Third, though states and local communities differ in their
"ability to pay," their resources are insufficient to finance
an adequate public relief program. Fourth, the insurance
provisions of the social security act, whatever their intrin-
sic merits, will have little if any effect on the problem of
dependency and relief. Finally, if the jobless, die infirm,
the handicapped, the maladjusted, the needy aged and the
needy children in our midst are to be decently safeguarded
and cared for, it can only be under federal leadership
through a long range program that includes the insur-
ances, work projects, and general relief.

SURVEY GRAPHIC

Museum of Modern Art Film Library
Moana of the South Seas, made in 1923 by Robert Flaherty, first director to see real life as good film material

'he Film Faces Facts

by RICHARD GRIFFITH

Reality, stranger than fiction and twice as effective, has come to the screen.
Can the serious makers of documentary films satisfy the purposes of enter-
tainment, education and publicity through the sociological approach to real
life, and at the same time win sustained support?

UN THE MOVIE MEDIUM SERVE IN SOCIAL INTERPRETATION?

Will it, if it can? Under what conditions of sponsorship
and technique must a film be produced in order to present
facts in a form sufficiently palatable for acceptance by an
entertainment-seeking audience? Those who take the
niovie seriously have long concerned themselves with ten-
tative answers to these questions, but to little practical
avail until recently. For few American films even at-
tempted to reflect facts, and, as a separate category of the
motion picture, the documentary film was almost non-
existent.

Nanook of the North, the first important product
of the documentary method of film-making, was pro-
duced on this continent by the Irish-American Robert J.
Flaherty in 1921. But in the intervening period, pioneer
work in documentary shifted to Europe. Not until the
rise of The March of Time and the production of Pare
Lorentz's The Plow That Broke the Plains and The
River [see Survey Graphic for June 1936 and December
• 1937] did we hear again of the film which dramatizes
fact as an important movie genre. By that time the popu-
larity of pictorial journalism and the post-depression in-
terest in news, facts, social trends, had prepared the way
for renewed interest in documentary. The documentary
film movement over here is beginning to get beyond the
talk stage, and technicians are seeking the answers to the

DECEMBER 1938

above questions in fresh work with sound and camera.

Many are ready to believe that a satisfactory answer
has already been found in the mere existence of the docu-
mentary film. The nation-wide success of Lorentz's two
government films has put documentary on the map with
a flourish. Never before have pictures dealing with social
problems captured the attention of an audience which
includes all levels of American opinion. And this popu-
larity, as widespread as it is unprecedented, has raised
high hopes among those who have for years wanted to
enlist the film as an instrument for social education. Edu-
cators and publicists everywhere are hailing documentary
as a vivid, urgent method for developing the social atti-
tudes of masses of people, for reconditioning their civic
thinking. They look upon its dramatic presentation of the
world of common interests as a means of making it pos-
sible for the ordinary man to unravel the complexities of
public affairs. They hope it will play a part in the move-
ment to revitalize the idea of democratic citizenship.

That the documentary film can reflect the results of so-
cial analysis and contribute to social education has been
proven many times. But there arc a great many other
things that it can do with perhaps greater ease and at-
tractiveness. Because The River is about a social problem,
because The March of Time presents the story behind
the news, many Americans have been too willing to as-

595

Today We Live, Rotha's film of unemployment in England

sume that documentary deals by nature with social facts.
But a film need take no specified theme to retain the
label. As described by Paul Rotha, an English pioneer in
the field, documentary is "the creative treatment of actu-
ality in film." It is defined not by theme — social or other-
wise— but by method and material. And even method can
be pared from the description as non-essential. "Creative
treatment," the imaginative use of the special capabilities
of camera and microphone, is as much a property of the
fiction or fantasy film as of documentary. We are left with
"actuality." Historically, this has been the sole distinguish-
ing attribute. Despite the many ineffable theories of docu-
mentary turned loose by critics, the word has been gener-
ally used to describe any film which deals with real life
from any point of view whatsoever. What diverse aims
have actually led to the use of the documentary method
in the past would amaze those who think these films
have always been, are, and must be, sociological in theme.

It's perhaps natural to think that a technique which
uses as material the everyday world we see around us
must necessarily adopt the sociological point of view —
why else should it exist? But you can film fact without
any interest in what it means, just as you can paint the
dirt and disease of the slums with no other concern than
in the esthetic pattern you have created. If you do this,
the physical fidelity of your picture to its model is of no
consequence, for it is interpretation, not the material, that
matters. The River, to cite again the most recently prom-
inent example, deals with social facts and claims to inter-
pret them sociologically. But just how far did it aim to
analyze the problem of soil conservation? How far is
documentary in general committed to a sociological habit
of mind in keeping with the character of its material?
That material has been the real world, which is suscep-
tible of social interpretation. But the dramatic method
painfully evolved to shape the material into film has been
more frequently used for the purposes of poetry and
propaganda than for scientific analysis.

Robert J. Flaherty is the grand old man of documentary,
the first director to turn his cameras on real life with any
skill and imagination. Originally an explorer for mineral
deposits, he was sent to Labrador by Revillon Freres, the
Paris furriers, to make an advertising film. After living
for over a year among the Eskimos, he learned to under-
stand them from within and without, to know the mean-
ing of their behavior and to catch that meaning in the

596

beauty of physical movement. With the patience and
intimacy of observation that have made him famous, he
built in Nanook of the North a visual record of the
struggle for food and warmth, of the traditional forms
of the hunt and feast, which told the whole history and
aspiration of a primitive communal life.

Flaherty repeated his achievement in Moana of the
South Seas (1925), this time building his story around
the ceremony of the Tattoo, by which Polynesian youths
were once initiated into manhood. Since then he has made
many pictures and has got himself called a film historian,
a sociologist of the camera. But Flaherty, who films only
real life, is not interested in interpreting it. What he cares
about in documentary is not the opportunity to reflect the
cultural level of primitive communities, but to idealize
a way of life which has an intense personal interest for
him. The struggle of man against nature, the implied
theme of all his films, attracts the explorer in him, the
man who finds expression in combating physical obstacles.
His amazing camera technique would enable him to tell
the story of any social set-up, but he only films the far
places, the last outposts of primitive society. His pictures,
both to him and to his audiences, are atavistic escapes
from a complex civilization to the relatively simple prob-
lems of the fight for food and shelter.

FOR A LONG TIME FLAHERTY'S FILMS SEEMED TO REFLECT EX-

isting social facts because they looked so real. His simple
(though enormously careful) camera technique, the spon-
taneity of his untrained actors, the indubitable reality of
his backgrounds of sea and sky, left with audiences the
conviction that they were looking at life as it still is. Yet,
because Flaherty is a poet and not a realist, his films of
real people and places had as little relation to the con-
temporary truth of their locales as though he had made
them in Hollywood. In his two best pictures, Nanook
and Moana, he actually got his natives to re-enact the
fading customs of their ancestors because already the
white man had invaded Labrador and Samoa, spoiling
the primitive picture. This doctoring, plus his subjective
point of view, removes Flaherty's films from consideration
as scientific records, and shows how you can film real life
and still miss the truth if you are not looking for it. A
well defined school of cinematographers has been doing
this for years. In 1926-27 Alberto Cavalcanti and Walther
Ruttmann cross-sectioned days in the life of Paris and Berlin

Housing Problems (Anstey) for the British gas industry

SURVEY GRAPHIC

to make two "city symphonies," as they
were called. These were films of real
life in ih.it they photographed reality
without benefit of sets or actors. But
the industrial organization which is the
raison d'etre of modern city life ap-
peared in Ricn Que Les Heures and Ber-
lin only as a part of a pictorial pattern
with no meaning beyond itself. Other
Europeans have carried on this esthetic
tradition, recording only the beauty of
the continent in sound and picture.
Cav.ilcanti now has gone to British
documentary; Joris Ivens, who started
in this school, has developed the propa-
gandist approach through a series of
uneven films culminating in The Span-
ish Earth (1937). But the rest follow
the well-blazed impressionist trail, es-
chewing the fact for its shadow, distill-
ing through camera and microphone a
beauty, sensuously stirring, which is yet
impersonal and austere.

The social implications contained in
Rien Que Les Heures and Berlin were
there by accident. How treacherously
difficult it is to use the film of fact for
social analysis even when you intend to
do so is shown in the development of
the Russian cinema, the first conscious
attempt to reflect in movie the working
of historic forces. As early as 1919, the
leaders of the Soviet state saw in the
film not only a mass art but the art of
the revolution. Here was a medium
which could render the aims of com-
munism in terms of everyday life, which could instruct
by example instead of precept, and could, through emo-
tional force, lend a sense of glory to the communal effort
of New Russia. Setting out to deal with the realities of
social conflict as understood by Soviet communism, the
first important Russian directors, Eisenstein and Pudov-
kin, naturally turned for their subject matter to the Bol-
shevik Revolution and its origins, to them the great events
of modern history. Potemkin (1925) and Mother (1926)
described isolated incidents in the attempted revolution of
1905. Ten Days That Shook the World (1927) and The
End of St. Petersburg (1927) carried the workers to vic-
tory over Tsarism and the Kerensky government. All
these films were based directly on fact and attempted to
interpret history in terms of economics. Through cross-
reference and symbolism, they brought into relief the
relationships between masses of people and the forces of
their times. Their intellectual content was conveyed with
intensely dramatic effect, partly through the physically
exciting editing methods developed by Eisenstein and
Pudovkin, partly by the hysteria inherent in the material
of revolt. But when they came to apply their successful
methods to themes of the life around them, the Soviet
directors fell into difficulties. Masses of people were the
_:onists of the revolutionary films. The masses had
been unified by emotional adherence to an idea; therein
lay the drama. But the problem of post-revolutionary
Russia was that of the individual's attitude toward state
socialism, by which the fate of the new community was to

Ten Days That Shook the World, Eisenstein film of Lenin's October revolution

be decided. This was a problem susceptible of analysis in
film, and by the same dialectical method previously em-
ployed. But it was immensely more difficult to dramatize
the individual, acting and feeling as a social unit, than to
shatter and shock an audience with the pyrotechnics of
mass revolution. More difficult, that is, if facts were to be
adhered to. On this rock the Soviet factual cinema broke,
and revealed that it had been invisibly halved from its
beginning. It was a method of analysis, yes, but it was
also a medium for propaganda, the most powerful at the
disposal of the Soviets. Drama and emotion are essential to
propaganda, and when it came to a choice, fact was sacri-
ficed in order that the Russian film might remain per-
suasive. In such recent historical pictures as The Youth of
Maxim (1935) and Chapayev (1935), we still find drama
based on social occurrences, but they have been colored,
fictionized. Much of their charm and emotion derive from
invented incident, personal attraction, acting skill. Only
in the most extended sense arc they historical documents.

TlIE PRACTICAL NECESSITY TO GIVE DRAMATIC FORM TO SOCIAL

analysis was what sent the propagandist Russian film
veering from fact toward fiction. And this difficulty of
achieving dramatic expression while keeping the material
real is the ever-present problem which has beset docu-
mentary throughout its development. Social facts arc dra-
matic in themselves, but their dramatic quality must be
expressed in film through the treacherous camera, which
tempts the director to dodge interpretation and turn them

DECEMBER 1938

597

into poetry, hymn, sensuous
beauty — anything but plain
facts.

Then why not simply report
facts and let them speak for
themselves? Such screen jour-
nalism has its place, and it
probably has a wider scope than
the conventional newsreel and
scientific short at present give
it. But the thousand factors en-
tering into such problems as
housing, unemployment, city
administration cannot be re-
ported statistically in a film. If
the facts are to be conveyed
understandably and palatably
to a lay audience, they must be
expressed in terms of their hu-
man consequences. And inter-
pretation of social facts to lay
audiences is the most impor-
tant educational function the
documentary film can perform.
It is primarily not a fact-finding
instrument but a means of com-
municating conclusions about facts. The work of analysis
and interpretation must be done before a film is produced.
It should be done well. Then, once the analysis is made
and the conclusions drawn, they must be handed over to
the technicians to be communicated as the nature of the
medium demands.

Experience has taught the technicians that it is through
dramatic expression that social facts reach out from the
screen and lay hold on an audience. For this reason, the
problem of communicating conclusions dramatically and
yet sticking to the facts beneath them is what has guided
the experiments of the British documentary movement,
from which America has learned much. Broadly speaking,
the impulse behind British documentary rose from the
divergent purposes of widely separated groups. Educators
were dissatisfied with the instructional films at their dis-
posal. Government was attentive to proposals to use the
screen to propagandize Empire commerce. And industries

The Wave, Strand's documentary of underpaid fishermen, made for the Mexican government

had long been seeking an avenue into the public theaters.
Above all, the young British film men of ten years ago
were interested in giving the movie wider social reference.
They had seen the beauty of Flaherty's fact poems and
the exciting drama of the Soviet historical films. They
wanted to use the film to bring the living fact of the
modern world into the theaters.

Government was the first to listen to their proposals
to bring the screen to bear on life. The Empire Marketing
Board created a film unit headed by John Grierson, one of
the leaders of the documentary movement, which was to
propagandize Empire industry and commerce as a part
of the late Buy British campaign. Here the documentalists
had their opportunity to film reality as represented in
modern trade, and they were given creative freedom as
long as their films succeeded in bringing alive the interests
of the Empire on the screen. But they were still too close
to their origins to follow their own theories. Their im-
pressionist pictures of the building of ships and
the running of airmail services, of the gather-
ing of tea and the planting of banana harvests,
focused too frequently on the photographic love-
liness of the material and the felicities of grace-
ful technique rather than the social meaning to
be found in the organization of these activities.
Many of these early British films were simple
hymns to the glittering machinery of modern
life. Audiences welcomed them as an interest-
ing addition to the stereotyped cinema pro-
gram. But that they did not express the human
meaning of commerce and industry the socially-
minded documentalists well knew. Dissatisfac-
tion with their own achievement led Grierson,
Paul Rotha, Basil Wright, the young directors
who had grown up and made their mistakes in
documentary, into a second phase of develop-
ment.

Business, attracted by the frame of the govern-
The Plow That Broke the Plains, Pare Lorentz for Resettlement Admin. ment documentaries, had come into the field to

598

SURVEY GRAPHIC

give financial backing to fact films as a public relations
gesture. Industry appeared in industry-sponsored films
only in its social reference, and the documentary-makers
were free to express their new themes more or less as they
liked. Confronted for the second time with the respon-
sibilities of creative freedom, some directors swung com-
pletely away from the impressionism of the early Empire
Marketing Board films toward a more direct approach to
facts. Edgar Anstey's Housing Problems (1935), made for
the gas industry, took the camera into the slums as a
straightforward reporter, recording by means of personal
interviews what the slum dwellers diemsclves thought of
the conditions of their lives. Without esthetic frills, stick-
ing completely to the facts, this film still fell short of
expressing the meaning of the facts in human terms. Like
the shock of watching a bombing, these utterly real inter-
views with poverty rouse revulsion and pity, but they do
not take you into the minds of the people who speak so
shyly and awkwardly of cramped rooms, bad air, and "no
conveniences." They leave you with rasped emotions but
widi little sense of the nature of the problem.

Other British directors began to explore the dramatic
method. Their recent films represent something like a syn-
thesis of documentary's twin tendencies toward fact and
fiction. Paul Rotha's Today We Live (1937; produced
for the National Council of Social Service) begins by
rehearsing, in the brief direct terms of sound and picture,
the world events which led to the depression and its
consequences. A broad panorama of the universal situa-
tion in which millions of hands are now idle is painted.
Then suddenly the camera swings down into two villages
where the problem is acute and introduces you to a few
members of the unemployed. And so the film brings
you intimately in touch with the pathos of uselessness,
the futility of endless days without work or event. The
picture's theme tells how social service agencies are trying
to save the unemployed from psychological deterioration
by teaching them handicrafts and engaging their attention
in recreational projects. But Today We Live never lets
you forget that this work is only a palliative. At
its end the camera moves from the faces of the men in

the village hall to the silent mill at the head of the street.

Today We Live may seem allied to the fictional method
in that it tells the story of unemployment in the lives of
a few of the idle. But the film is played by actual mem-
bers of the unemployed, and the halting awkwardness
of their acting keeps you close to the fact that you are
looking at the problems of real people. Here in these unas-
suming men, the march of world events and the values of
everyday life meet. Neither is realized in broad detail; this
film is a particularized document. But its structure sug-
gests a method by which the individual can be related to
his background without departing from facts on the one
hand or losing dramatic effectiveness on the other.

The development of this method is now the preoccu-
pation of the English school. Rotha, Grierson, Cavalcanti
believe increasingly that the film can best express social
facts through the experiences of recognizably real people

People of the Cumberland, new American documentary made by Frontier Films to >how what union* mean to the mountain people
DECEMBER 1938 599

in contact with social forces. The relation of the individual
to world events is their fascination and their problem.
While they are willing to learn from the few memorable
fiction films based on fact— such as Kameradschaft, Fury,
Black Legion— they are convinced that all experience in
documentary leads to the conclusion that only the natural,
untrained actor is convincingly real on the screen. How
to make him understandable as well as real is, they think,
the question upon which the further development of the
documentary technique depends.

THE YOUNG AMERICAN MOVEMENT, ON THE OTHER HAND,
seems bent on repeating all the phases through which
documentary has developed abroad. Such tracts as Ivens'
The Spanish Earth, Herbert Klein's Heart of Spain, and
Paul Strand's The Wave are chiefly interested in exciting
the spectator's partisanship. Dealing with current reality,
they still are far from the sociological approach. The men
concerned in their making last year formed Frontier
Films and produced People of the Cumberland, to my
mind the most interesting of American documentaries. It
attempts to present the release of the Cumberland moun-
taineers from industrial serfdom through the coming of
the unions, and it does so with a liveliness and vitality
new to American films of this type. It is difficult to judge
because the producers have attempted to cover too much
ground. The theme seems superimposed upon the people,
rather than to grow out of their lives. But its esthetic
faults are less disturbing than the emotionalism of its
partisan appeal. What Frontier and the entire left-wing
documentary group have yet to learn is that the large
American audience has never accepted a film it deems
propagandist, just as it has rejected direct advertising in
movies. There's time to learn this yet, for Frontier is both
ambitious and experimental.

Other American groups seem even less disposed to
learn from European documentary experience. Smartly
Louis de Rochemont's The March of Time dramatizes the
excitement of world news, but leaves out the individual's
role. It is the best of screen journalism, but nothing deeper
as it sometimes pretends. Lorentz's much-discussed The
River is an eclectic synthesis of the methods of visual
impressionism. Its native air has captured the imagination
of audiences, who recognize the scenes of their childhood
in its superb photography. But the film is more a dirge for
waste and a hymn to power than a candid presentation
of the problem of land conservation. Perhaps its most
important achievement lies in getting American audi-
ences used to seeing reality on the screen. Certainly it has
given impetus to the documentary film movement here.
Theater managers, weary of the high cost of double
features, welcome shorts which pay their way as well as
this one. Educators who have seen both it and the Mu-
seum of Modern Art Film Library's representative col-
lection of British documentaries are clamoring for school
films on civic and social themes. Industry means to use
documentary to get indirect advertising into the theater.

Film men with experience in the documentary field
are doing their best to meet all these demands as quickly
as possible. Commercial films, in the form of "minute
movies," flourish in out-of-the-way theaters. The public
relations film has been revived, and U. S. Steel has spent
a fortune on its good will picture, Men Make Steel, filmed
in technicolor. The Fact Film Club movement will show
educational pictures based directly on statistical informa-

600

The River, a government film, put documentary on our map

tion. Scientific foundations are preparing to produce docu-
mentary expositions of such subjects as technological
unemployment and price fixing. Groups like Films for
Democracy, Inc., have been organized to present special
social and political viewpoints to theater audiences in
documentary form. With so many people newly inter-
ested in the documentary film, it's inevitable that mistakes
are being made and experiments go awry. What the
newer enthusiasts have yet to learn is that the whole ra-
tionale of successful documentary is based on the neces-
sity to give dramatic effectiveness to the sociological
approach to facts. The movement has lost power every
time it has veered away from factual basis and social
meaning. Its technicians, looking back over twenty years
of trial and error, know this. But documentary must get
financial backing in this country from among the diverse
agencies which are convinced of its persuasive possibili-
ties. Its problem here is that of finding a way to satisfy
the purposes of entertainment, education and publicity
through the sociological approach to real life. The task is
thorny. Audiences in the public theaters want to be wooed
by exciting rhythm, camera beauty, emotional swirl. They
will tempt the technician away from facts toward poetry
and fiction, if they can. The impersonal approach de-
manded by the educational market may stifle the drama-
tic expression which documentary needs to bring its facts
alive on the screen. Most difficult of all will be the job of
persuading big business that films presenting industry in
its social reference will create a more favorable impression
than direct advertising of a specific product.

OF ALL THESE PROBLEMS THE SEASONED MEN NOW IN THE

field are well aware. The recently-formed American Doc-
umentary Films, Inc., headed by Ralph Steiner and Wil-
lard van Dyke, with Paul Rotha as production consultant,
has announced through Steiner that the film will make
fact films for any reputable agency, but that the sociologi-
cal approach must be employed. That is a significant stip-
ulation. The documentalists have got to eat; they must
make concessions to the special purposes of their backers.
But weary experience has taught them the futility of the
merely beautiful film. Through the years of hammering
out a workable documentary method, they have become
more than camera-wise craftsmen. Those of them to
whom facts and their interpretation were nothing but
the excuse for technical fireworks have long since gone to
Hollywood. The rest remain because they care more about
sociology than esthetics.

SURVEY GRAPHIC

A Test for Civilization

by LOULA D. LASKER

The feelings of all Christendom are lashed to the raw by what is happening
throughout the Reich as we go to press. In an orgy of savagery Nazi mobs
have killed, looted, burned, with a fury that appears to have been loosed by
official calculation — revenge on a people for the act of a half-crazed boy
whose parents had just been dumped on the Polish border. Multiply a
hundredfold the tragedy, the terror, the need, which Miss Lasker describes,
and there emerges a picture of an inhumanity which is putting civilization to
the test.

*CA RADIOGRAM October 30, 1938

27/26/31 1133

Here without means of support. Shoved across border into
Poland. I beseech you cable help at once. Address Poznan,
Poland, 12 Rimarska.

WILHELM Z — .

Breslau, October 29, 1938

DEAR OHMS: My husband had to go to Poland yesterday
(also his old parents) as you may know from radio, news-
papers, etc., and now read here in this letter. Already fourteen
days earlier at the British Consulate we signed our papers
for Palestine. He made all formalities, delivered the acts of
migration (the formalities of question) and everything was
ready for us and the children to emigrate. Now I must do all
things necessary perhaps alone, if my husband can't return.
Never mind! I won't be afraid. Next week on the first of
November we must change once more our lodging because the
house has been taken over by the town headquarters. I give
you here our new address. With kind regards for today,
Yours thankfully,

(Signed) EVA Z — .

BEHIND THESE TWO SIMPLE COMMUNICATIONS RECENTLY RE-
ccivcd from a young husband and wife by relatives in
the United States lies the tragedy of the 12,000 Jews of
Polish citizenship living in Germany — to say nothing of
their families — who were rounded up on October 28 in a
series of nation-wide raids by the German government.
Men and women, young and old, well and ailing, were

Living in the shadow of terror in eastern Europe
DECEMBER 1938

taken without warning from their work, from homes,
from schools, from orphanages, from hospitals. Allowed
ten marks (four dollars) each, they were herded together
aboard crowded trains. Expelled with bayonets, or by
threat of machine guns, they were forced to alight at the
German border, and told to cross the "no man's land"
between Germany and Poland without looking back.
Many, born in Germany of Polish parents, had never
been in Poland before. Five thousand, refused admission,
lived for days in the "no man's land" at the frontier.
Among the seven thousand who managed to reach Poland
was the father of Herschel Grynszpan, a seventeen-year-
old boy who had fled to France and was wandering the
streets of Paris without a visa. The boy, as all the world
now knows, turned desperate and shot a Nazi official in
the German Embassy. Using the frustrated youth's crim-
inal act as a pretext, all the Jews in Germany have been
made to suffer. Without condoning the assassination, let
us take a look backward at events which preceded the
wholesale deportation.

Germany's fear that the majority of Polish Jews resid-
ing in Germany (estimated to be 80,000) would be de-
naturalized as a result of a recent Polish decree ordering
all Poles abroad to obtain special visas by October 29 or
forfeit their right to return to Poland, was given as the
cause of this sudden deportation. Students of the inter-
national situation suggest the real motivation was Ger-
many's displeasure at Poland's insistence (unfulfilled) that,
in the partition of Czechoslovakia, Hungary be given a
particular part of Ruthenia, whereby Hungary and Po-
land— the strongest of the small eastern European powers
— would have a common border. Thus, perhaps a stum-
bling block to Germany's continued expansion toward the
East would be provided. The deportations were meant to
serve as a warning to Poland that Germany would brook
no interference with its regulation of the affairs of that
section of Europe.

And thousands of human beings have become merely
a pawn in a political game.

Those who were driven through the darkness toward
the border included boys and girls still dressed in their
school uniforms, who had been given no opportunity even
to inform their families of their whereabouts.

Further deportation of Poles from Germany, reprisal
deportation of Germans from Poland, most of them Jews,
were halted only by announcement of negotiations bc-

601

twcen those two governments — negotiations which broke
down at once, with Germany refusing under any cir-
cumstances to take the deportees back. The Polish Red
Cross and local communities are cooperating with the
American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee, which
is rushing to these exiles first aid, food and funds for
transportation, together with a staff of medical and re-
lief workers. Many of the victims are still stranded in
the fields near the border.

The German story is a highlight of a much more wide-
spread and serious situation developing as Nazism spreads
to eastern Europe where anti-Semitism has been mount-
ing and where the Jewish population is densest and poor-
est. It is an indication that the world must make ready
to assist Jewish refugees — to say nothing of the non-Jewish
refugees— far in excess of the 400,000 German and 200,000
Austrian Jews who are already offering a staggering prob-
lem.

WITNESS SOME OTHER DEVELOPMENTS. A FEW DAYS AFTER
the deportations to Poland, 100,000 Jews were turned
over to anti-Semitic Hungary by the award to Hungary
of a slice of Czechoslovakian territory. In this part of
Ruthenia, the Jews number about 15 percent of the total
population. Imagine their future along with Hungary's
other Jews, under the added restrictions lately enacted
in Hungary relative to Jewish participation in the eco-
nomic life of that country. They must remember with
dread the case of 100 Czechoslovakian Jews who, in Octo-
ber, were left homeless and deserted in the "no man's
land" between Sudetenland and Czechoslovakia until these
wanderers found refuge in an abandoned factory.

What will become of the Jews of Masaryk's Czechoslo-
vakia? There were 335,000 Jews in that country. Only
about 95,000 of them lived in territory where the Czechs
predominated, while 22,000 were in the Sudeten German
region, 126,000 in Slovakia, and 102,000 in sub-Carpathia.
Czechoslovakia is surrounded by countries in which over
five million Jews live either under conditions of ruth-
less persecution as in Austria and Germany, under legal
disabilities as in Hungary, or actual discrimination as in
Poland and Rumania. In these two lat-
ter countries alone where persecution has
long been great, there are about four
million Jews.

The plight of the Italian Jews, com-
paratively few in numbers, is already
acute. With the expulsion of all Jews
from public and private jobs, from acad-
emies and professions, from the spheres
of art, the theater, films and music, 25
percent of the 50,000 to 60,000 living
there are left without any means of liveli-
hood. If Italy proceeds to rout the Jew
from commercial life a larger number
will be affected. Italy's expulsion of all
Jews who entered Italy since 1919
(whether citizens or not) already swells
the numbers of refugees to other coun-
tries by 15,000.

The treatment that Jews have received
in Austria would indicate that as the
Fascist groups become more powerful
the lot of the Jew elsewhere will become
aggravated. Austrian Jewish families, Refugee Jews from

602

evicted from that country, have been forced to swim the
rivers bordering on neighboring countries.

To find some place of refuge in this large world for
these unwanted people and the large number of Catho-
lics, Protestants and Social Democrats who must share
their fate under a Nazi regime is a problem which the
International Evian Conference, under the chairmanship
of Myron Taylor with another American, George Rub-
lee, as director, is attempting to solve, at least in a meas-
ure. But the most optimistic must realize that for the
majority there will still remain many intervening years
during which many problems must be met — whether of
day-by-day support "at home"; training the individual
for a kind of work heretofore unfamiliar to make him
ready for his new life there or abroad; or by providing
financial backing in small new ventures when it is no
longer possible to pursue the old profession or hold on
to the established business. A new and permanent read-
justment will be impossible without help from outside for
those who must remain in their native land no less than
for those fortunate enough to emigrate.

Individuals have helped enormously with aid to special
cases that have come to their attention. Organizations
obviously have and must continue to take the major re-
sponsibility. In both categories the United States has taken
and must continue to take the leadership. The overseas
work of the Zionist organizations, especially of Youth
Alyiah of Hadassah — the Women's Zionist Organiza-
tion— in facilitating the transfer of Jewish children to
Palestine by providing funds for their maintenance and
education, by making possible greater emigration to Pales-
tine, is a story in itself. There are in this country many
groups active in work for refugees. The most far-flung
work is done by the National Coordinating Committee
for German Refugees under the chairmanship of Joseph P.
Chamberlain and William Rosenwald. Among others con-
cerned with special groups must be mentioned the American
Committee for Christian German Refugees, the Catholic
Committee for German Refugees in America, the Emer-
gency Committee in Aid of Displaced Foreign Scholars,
the Emergency Committee in Aid of Displaced Foreign

Authenticated News
the Sudetenland receive food at a JDC relief station in Prague

SURVEY GRAPHIC

Authenticated News
A group of Jewish children whose youthful spirits were revived as they found succor in the Czech capital

Physicians, the Hebrew Sheltering and Immigrant Aid
Society, International Migration Service, International
Student Service, the National Council of Jewish Women,
and the latest addition, the American Committee for Re-
lief in Czechoslovakia. Obviously work with refugees
must have its roots abroad. Accordingly these agencies
are in touch with individuals preparing to emigrate,
though the major part of their activities are concerned
with refugees after their arrival on this side of the ocean.
These arc all primarily service agencies.

The burden of the direct relief work in Europe has
fallen primarily on two American agencies, the American
Jewish Joint Distribution Committee and, to a lesser de-
gree, on the American Friends Service Committee — with
the substantial help of French and English groups. Local
agencies, too, are contributing according to their means.

Both the JDC and AFSC are veterans in the field, hav-
ing started back in 1914 to bring succor to thousands of
civilians who found themselves homeless and penniless
behind the retreating armies. Today the Friends work
closely with the Joint Distribution Committee, the latter
organization supplying the vast sums necessary for relief.

The Joint Distribution Committee has never left the
European scene since the Great War. [See Survey Graphic,
May 1936, Rebuilding Jewish Lives Overseas by William
Rosenwald and, December 1936, Nazis, Endeks, Cuzaists
by Herbert J. Seligman.] Its work has gone on in crises
and depressions as the needs of its beneficiaries rose and
fell. During the war it went to the aid of the more than
one million human beings in Russia and Poland who
were without food, clothing or medicine. After the war
their condition was no better; the JDC could not retire.

Subsequently this organization helped rebuild devasta-
ted areas, cooperated with and stimulated the organiza-
tion of local reconstruction agencies in Russia, Poland and
Rumania. Whether in the field of health and sanitation,
child care, trade training, revolving fund credit societies,

cooperatives, the principle of the JDC has always been to
help a community help itself. As a result, until the recent
upheaval in Europe, the agencies it sponsored and sub-
sidized in eastern Europe had become largely locally sup-
ported, despite the general poverty of the community.

WlTH THE PARTITION OF CZECHOSLOVAKIA THE BULWARK IN

the East against persecution has gone. Even in 1933, be-
fore the Munich Era, the situation of the German Jews
demanded organization again on a wartime basis. The
Anschluss last March affected nearly 200,000 Austrian
Jews, a large number of whom must be helped. Today
the JDC is serving 36,000 meals a day in Vienna. From
1933 to 1938 it disbursed $5 million in behalf of the Jews
of Germany -and Austria, and the refugees who had left
their native country. Early this year a campaign for $5
million was started for continued German and Austrian
relief.

Then came the Peace of Munich. Now to the hundreds
of thousands of the oppressed and needy staggering num-
bers are being added. As David H. Popper said in a
recent bulletin of the Foreign Policy Association:

Should present trends continue, the German refugee prob-
lem may be dwarfed by the magnitude of those now appear-
ing on the horizon. Foremost among these is the prospect
confronting the 5,500,000 Jews dwelling in that portion of
Europe bounded by the Baltic Sea, the Mediterranean and
the Adriatic, and the dictatorships of the Soviet Union, Ger-
many and Italy. In this area the Jews constitute about 5 per-
cent of the total population, and are only one of a large num-
ber of minority groups which make up over 23 percent of
the total. The lot of most of the non-Jewish minorities is
eased by the existence of closely related national states which
may intercede for them, or to which they may hope to mi-
grate, or by the fact that they constitute a solid territorial or
ethnic bloc. For the highly scattered Jewish communities, torn
by factional strife and composed of individuals of highly di-
verse degrees of assimilation, those (Continued on page 640)

DECEMBER 1938

603

The Homestead

by WEBB WALDRON

AS I DROVE UP THE SLOPE OF THE VALLEY, I STARED EAGERLY

at everything. The apple orchards — some of them well-
kept, others dead, dying, brush-choked. The tiny ranch
houses back among the cedars. The scraggly alfalfa fields.
The raw uncleared pastures. Climbing in the November
afternoon toward the spruce-crowned rim of Grand Mesa,
my eyes searched eagerly ahead for something I did not
find.

Suddenly the road dwindled to a cattle track. I jumped
out of my car, stared down into the deep gully on the
left crowded with quaking asp. The road I had graded
down to the stream was gone. I pushed through the under-
growth, down to the tumbling water. My bridge gone,
too. I scrambled over the stream and up the other side of
the gully. The clearing, the fence, where were they?
Would the house still be there?

At the upper end of the long slope of scrub-oak rose a
wall of cedar and pinyon. My house had stood there,
hadn't it, at the upper end of my vanished clearing? I
searched to left and right. A sudden gleam of yellow, and
I plunged through the scrub-oak barrier. There the cabin
stood, against the wall of woods. The roof had fallen in.
The door was gone from its hinges. I walked forward
slowly and peered through the gaping doorway. The floor
was gone too. Waning sunlight flickered on black earth.
I laid my hand on the peeled yellow logs. How strong,
how sound the wall still stood!

I turned and gazed down the slope at the view I once
had known so well. Scrub-oak, cedar, ranch houses scat-
tered on the broad benches, down to the Gunnison River,
a gleaming thread of light, and beyond it the Uncom-
pahgre plateau, cut deep with canyons, climbing up to the
San Miguel peaks that notched the southern sky, eighty
miles away.

Suddenly, something strange happened. I was no longer
there. Someone else stood in my place at the doorstep of
this log-cabin, a young fellow, in ragged overalls, round-
shouldered, thin. No, I was still there. I stood a dozen feet
away, gazing at him. Who was he? He had an ax in his
hand. His deeply tanned face had a grim look. He turned,
and with carefully aimed strokes went on hewing a deep
rectangular notch in one face of the log that lay across the
dooryard. He straightened up, glanced at the wall of the
house, measuring its height with his eye.

I could see now that this log was to go above the door,
the top log of the front wall. He stooped, wrestled the log
close to the house, lifted one end of it and let it rest a
moment on a protruding end of a lower log in the tier.
Then he lifted it to the next log, the next, till he had one
end tilted up to the top of the wall.

Now came the real test — he must lift the whole weight
of the log. Straining, he got it off the ground, slowly
tugged it up to the first protruding butt, let it rest. Why
didn't I give him a hand? The very idiocy of this thin,
hollow-chested boy trying to lift that log higher than his
own head made me unable to move a muscle.

Slowly he brought the log up to the next resting place

— higher, higher, foot by foot, until with a final savage
effort, he heaved upward and the log rolled neatly into its
place. The notch above the door was an exact fit.

Gasping, his face gone white, he sat down on the door-
step. He looked as if he was going to faint.

"Hello," I said.

He rose shakily, staring at me. "Where'd you drop
from? I didn't hear you."

"You were busy," I said. "What a site for a cabin!"

"It is rather wonderful, isn't it?"

"Don't let me interrupt your work," I said. "Can 1
help?"

"No, thanks. That log was the last. That's the hard
part."

TAKING A HAMMER AND SOME SPIKES, HE CLIMBED UP AND
spiked down the top log at each end. He sprang down,
hauled two aspen poles out of the pile beside the cabin,
and caught up a three-foot rule standing against the
door-frame. When he had carefully measured the depth
of the cabin, he laid the poles on the ground their ends
together, forming two sides of a triangle. More measure-
ments, then his ax.

"All I've got to do now — " whact^, tvhact^ — "is to get
these rafters cut — " whacl^, whac\ — "and put my roof on.
Been putting off finishing my cabin because — " whack^,
whac1{ — "I had a million other things to do first." He
motioned down the slope: "I've got my bridge built,
almost four acres cleared, five hundred apple trees in.
Jonathans! Built half a mile of fence, too." His fierce con-
centrated energy frightened me, made me grope for some-
thing to halt him. "I borrowed enough money down here
at the Cedaredge bank to buy my trees." He grinned.
"Just on my face. That shows how much everybody
believes in this valley!" He said it defiantly. Then he
seemed to draw back within himself. For a space he stood
giving me and then the valley furtive glances.

"Do you know this valley?" he burst out. "No, I guess
not. You look like a stranger. . . ."

"I feel like one," I said. "I've been away a long time."

"You see a lot of changes, don't you? We're in a boom!
Apples! I'm catching hold of the boom and riding along
with it. But," he searched my face, "it means more to
me than that."

"Oh, does it?" I said, half dreading his confidences.

"I'm from Michigan," he said. "Doctor back there told
me to push West or I might get Tb. I rustled baggage in
the Denver depot. Toted shingles in a lumber yard.
Weeded sugar beets on a ranch up north of Denver. Then
I grabbed an irrigating job because it would take me over
the Divide and I wanted to see the mountains. It was on
a ranch down there." He nodded toward the valley. "I
said I could irrigate," he smiled, "I'd seen men do it and
it looked easy. But it isn't. I worked a week and got fired.
Then a ranchhand down there said, 'You got a home-
stead?' I said no. Everybody in the bunkhouse seemed
astonished. 'No homestead!' another man said, staring at

604

SURVEY GRAPHIC

me. 'Why,' he said, 'everybody in this country if he hasn't
got deeded land at least he's got a homestead.' Then an-
other man s.iul, '1 know a quarter-section, a dandy, a fella
from Missoury started to clear, than something happened
that took him hack East. I don't believe he even filed on
it.'

"Two months ago, he brought me up here, and this
was it! Think, a quarter section like this and nobody on
ii! I got my filing in quick, then hustled back to Cedar-
edge by stage, spent almost all my cash on tools and
.cries, and caught a ride up. That night I ate crackers
washed down by mountain water and slept on pinyon
boughs. I was up at daylight and I've been at it from day-
light to dark ever since."

His blue eyes burned almost black with excitement. 1
couldn't quite meet that gaze. I turned, half convinced,
and tried to see the fence, the clearing, the trees.

"Yes," 1 said, "you've done a lot."

"Water from the biggest reservoir on the mesa comes
down that creek!" He pointed. "I can use all I want in
high water, and prob'ly buy enough in low water to carry
my trees through. That'll fix me for water till I can get a
water right of my own."

"Sure you can get one?" I said.

"Oh, yes," he said cheerfully. "Water-shares are pretty
high priced right now, but the price'll come down soon's
they build some reservoirs on the mesa. So everybody says.
In less than ten years there'll be two million people living
right in sight of this cabin, the way the West is filling up.
Orchard land with a water right, even up this far, will
sell for five or six hundred an acre!"

"But," I protested, "have you noticed what's happening
right now down there in this valley?"

He didn't seem to hear me.

He said: "This means more to me than money. We
came out of the land, generations of us, but now we're
landless people, my family. My father and my mother
were always trying to get hold of some spot of earth they
could call their own. My father died, trying to feed and
house a family of five on a school teacher's pay — $50 a
month. Since then, my mother has worked night and day
to get us kids going, and for all her work she has nothing,
not two inches of earth she can call her own. So, when I've
been working here, digging in this black earth, whacking
out the logs for this cabin, at every stroke of the ax and
the spade I've been saying, 'Mine! Mine!' That 'Mine!'
isn't only me, but my mother and father talking through
me!"

He glanced at me, grinning a little sheepishly.

For a moment I could not speak.

"But," I said, bringing out the words harshly and
cruelly, "when I came up the road just now I saw a lot
of dead apple trees and orchards all gone to brush."

"Where?"

"Down there," I said. "Dead orchards everywhere. No
water! Why, you young fool, that's why I left this country
years ago. Water flowing through my land but it belonged
to the ranchers down below. My trees died of thirst. The
same thing happened to the man there across the gully,
and the man beyond him. And it's got worse since I left."

"Are you crazy?"

"No," I said, "I'm not crazy. On the way up here, I met
a chap who told me water has got so short in the past ten

DECEMBER 1938

years that only the orchard man with an extra good water-
right could pull through. Can't buy water-rights at any
price, he told me. Besides, he said it was hard to get any
money for your apples any more, even if you have a crop."
The boy gaped at me. "You're not talking about this
valley!"

"Yes, I am! This valley, this land, this homestead!"
He came toward me. "Say, who are you, anyhow?"
There was anger in his face, and was there something
else — foreboding? Fear? No, he was saved that, for even
as he gazed at me, he vanished.

I stood alone, staring at my cabin with the autumn sun-
light flickering down through its shattered roof, and then
at the long slope grown thick with scrub-oak and sage-
brush where my apple trees had stood in beautiful rows,
down to the creek where my bridge once spanned the
rushing water.

It is a strange and frightening thing to come face to
face with your youth.

Broad Compassion

by LOUISE BURTON LAIDLAW

Shed the easy tears of a private grief.
Why batter the heart with alien woes?
Turn callous and cold, or seel( relief
Behind a mantle of disbelief;
Let humanity reap what it sows.

Mourn for the death of a long-loved friend,
Sob as the body passes:
Can you not weep as the Powers rend
The soul of a nation — herald its end
With an insolent blare of brasses?

Call in the surgeon with sensitive hands.

This patient here must be saved.

What of the thousands in blood-drenched lands,

Crazed by the gangrenous fever-brands

Of wounds that arc never laved?

A child is missing, whatever the cost
Turn heaven and earth to find him.
But what of the orphan of combat lost
Adrift on a chaos of terror, and tossed
Where waves of disaster blind him?

A family trapped on the seventh floor —
The firemen dare the flames.
But who shall extinguish the flames of war
That devour fair towns to a smouldering core
Of ravaged homes and forgotten names?

O, the myriad plights that besiege our brain!
How shall we find at length
The broad compassion to share again
The tragic stress of our fellow men; —
How shall we find the strength?

605

Medicine and Monopoly

by WILLIAM HARD

"I do not here address myself in any way to the total problem of the evolu-
tion of medical care in this country. I am here relating just one incident in
that evolution. It is a critical incident, however; and it has received much
national notice; and I imagine that it contains within itself a certain number
of considerable clues to our national medical future." — W. H.

FOR A BIT MORE THAN A YEAR NOW WE HAVE HAD IN WASH-

ington a cooperative enterprise entitled Group Health
Association. It today has some 2300 dues paying members.
They pay dues for themselves and for certain dependents
of theirs. The dependents number some 3200. A total,
then, of approximately 5500 persons can be regarded as
coming within the ambit of the services offered by Group
Health Association.

The dues paying members are all of them employes of
the federal government. They are dispersed through
thirty-eight federal governmental agencies. They are
banded together as a group to receive services from a staff
of doctors who practice as a group. I shall detail these
services later.

The first point is that we here have an instance — on a
purely voluntary basis — of grouped patients and grouped
doctors. Instantly, however, this grouping encountered
the vigilant and vigorous opposition of a certain other
medical group: namely, the American Medical Associa-
tion and its subsidiary, the Medical Society of the District
of Columbia. A bitter contest has thereupon ensued be-
tween two group ideals.

The organized doctors of the American Medical Asso-
ciation and of the District of Columbia Medical Society
represent the ideal of control by the professional producers
of a skilled service. Group Health Association represents
the ideal of control by the paying consumers of that
service. The conflict between these two ideals — or, if I
must nowadays say so, between these two ideologies — was
inevitable and irrepressible. In Washington it has gone
so far as to elicit the intervention of the Department of
Justice of the United States. There is a possibility that
legal as well as medical and social history may be made
by Group Health Association and its medical enemies.

The start of the affair was among the thirteen hundred
employes and officers of the Federal Home Loan Bank
Board. Early last year the board granted $40,000 to Group
Health Association as a sort of "launching cradle" for it.
Twenty-six thousand of this $40,000 was spent on arrang-
ing and equipping a first class clinic.

The impression thereupon arose in certain quarters that
the professors and idealists and brain-trusters of the Roose-
velt Administration were now once more trying to
socialize our poor guinea pig country. The truth was very
different.

In the Federal Home Loan Bank Board offices there
was an extremely energetic director of personnel named
R. R. Zimmerman. His academic inspiration toward so-
cialized medicine had been gained from his previous ex-
perience as a director of personnel for the Continental Oil
Company at Ponca City, Okla. He there had observed a

606

great deal of "industrial medical practice." He had noted
that numerous industrial corporations and commercial
corporations and railroad corporations were maintaining
medical departments. Some of them, he had noted, were
spending hundreds of thousands of dollars a year on
medical care for employes. They were doing this, Mr.
Zimmerman discerned, not only out of a decent modicum
of human interest in human welfare but also in order to
make more money through getting steadier and better
work from a healthier staff of workers.

Mr. Zimmerman, in other words, was not put up to his
new social experiment by Tommy Corcoran or Ben Cohen
or any young Rooseveltian liberal so unfortunate as to
have "starry eyes." Mr. Zimmerman, if he will let me say
so, was looking at the matter with at least one cold fishy
eye of dollars-and-cents calculation.

He calculated that the Federal Home Loan Bank Board
was losing $100,000 a year through sick leave among its
employes in Washington. He learned with joy that sev-
eral hundred of those employes were actually willing to
pay money of their own to an organized scheme for
cheaper and better health. He concluded that it would be
good business judgment for the board to start them on
their way with $40,000 of the board's money for their
initial expenses.

His conclusion was shared by the chairman of the
board, John H. Fahey. Mr. Fahey's total disability as a
brain-truster may be surmised from the fact that his class-
room education stopped with highschool and that at one
time he was president of the United States Chamber of
Commerce. He may, however, on the other hand, have
done a lot of reading in the course of a long career as
newspaper reporter, editor and publisher.

Mr. Fahey's basic motive in encouraging the forma-
tion of Group Health Association was stated last Febru-
ary in a letter to Representative Jed Johnson of Okla-
homa. In that letter Mr. Fahey said : "Losses suffered from
illness create heavy expense which the experience of
private corporations proves can be reduced by proper
medical care."

Private corporations, then, were the sirens who sang
Mr. Fahey and Mr. Zimmerman on to their battle with
the organized doctors of the United States. The structure
of Group Health Association, indeed, was copied in large
part from the "Stanacola Plan" installed at Baton Rouge
some twelve years ago by the Standard Oil Company of
Louisiana. Nobody was more surprised than Mr. Fahey
and Mr. Zimmerman when the noise of the battle with the
doctors broke.

It broke even before Group Health Association got its
clinic open for business. A charter for Group Health Asso-

SURVEY GRAPHIC

ci.ition was secured under the laws of the District of
Columbia on February 24, 1937. This charter made it a
corporation possessed of no stock and controlled by its
members. Some eight hundred and fifty of the thirteen
hundred employes and officers of the Federal Home Loan
Bank Board signified their intention of becoming mem-
bers. The technical organizing advice of the Twentieth
Century Fund of New York City was requested and
obtained. Cautious and laborious
months were spent in recruiting
a staff of doctors and in selecting
and purchasing elaborate and ex-
pensive machines — X-ray, ultra-
violet ray, fluoroscopic, cardiogra-
phic, diathermic, basal metabolic,
and so forth — for the clinical
headquarters in a conveniently sit-
uated office building at 1328 1
Street, N. W. On November 1 of
last year those headquarters were
at last formally opened.

The AMA Opens Fire

BUT ON OCTOBER 2 THE AMERICAN
Medical Association had already
discharged its big first gun of op-
position and criticism and threat.
On that day the official AMA
Journal in Chicago printed a blast-
ing article from its bureau of legal
medicine and legislation, headed
by Dr. William C. Woodward.

This article deserves a little de-
tailed analysis. It declared: "The
physicians employed by Group
Health Association arc primarily
the servants and agents of the asso-
ciation. Their primary duty is to the association, not to
the patient."

Here was a remarkable discrimination between "the asso-
ciation," consisting of grouped patients, and "the patient."
The patient is approved. Grouped patients are disapproved.

The article then said: "There is no reason to believe
that the character of medical service under the Group
Health Association plan can be kept at the same average
level of quality as that prevailing in private practice."

Here was a prophecy — a mere prophecy but a perfectly
sincere one, I know — to the effect that grouped salaried
doctors working for grouped dues paying patients must
necessarily ultimately give an inferior service.

The article then went on to say that Group Health Asso-
ciation, under its charter, could conceivably expand to
having 347,736 members in the District of Columbia; and
it commented : "The effect of the withdrawal from private
practice of even half that number of patients will materi-
ally disturb medical practice in the District of Columbia."

Here was a candid avowal of economic fear. Group
Health Association might take medical business away
from doctors practicing on the private fee basis.

Finally came the threat. On this point the article was
perfectly explicit. It said:

As the members of the salaried staff of the association are
likely to be looked upon by the profession generally as on
the outer verge of ethical practice, if not altogether beyond
the pale, it is not clear how they are to obtain qualified con

Bachtach

Raymond R. Zimmerman, former businessman,

who as director of personnel of (he Home Loan

Bank Board was one of the chief originators of

the Group Health Association

sultants or procure hospital service for their patients. . . .
Physicians who sell their services to an organization like
Group Health Association for resale to patients are certain
to lose professional status.

Here was a clear prediction that the organized medical
profession would not only condemn Group Health Asso-
ciation but would try to deprive it of professional status,
and would thus try to destroy it. This prediction was
quickly fulfilled.

Dr. Woodward came to Wash-
ington and made a speech of
exhortation to the District of
Columbia Medical Society. I must
say that it was not much needed.
Most of the members of the Dis-
trict of Columbia Medical Soci-
ety were already in thorough
agreement with Dr. Woodward.

THEIR VIEWS WERE SUBSEQUENTLY
admirably expressed by Dr. Ar-
thur C. Christie. Dr. Christie is
an eminent roentgenologist. He
was in general charge of X-ray
work for the United States Army
during the World War. He was
last year president of the Interna-
tional Congress of Radiology. He
has read deeply not only in his
own special technical field but in
the whole recent social history of
medicine. He has written a book
on medicine's Economic Prob-
lems. Discussing Group Health
Association, he said:

Seventy-five years of European ex-
perience prove that the so-called
"group health associations" and voluntary health insurance
plans, by whatever other name they may be called, always
fail. They remain solvent during the early period when mem-
bership is increasing; but, when the membership becomes
stationary, financial difficulties begin. They then resort to
various expedients, such as increase in premium rates, decrease
in the amounts and kinds of services rendered, and finally
decrease in the salaries paid to the employed physicians, with
consequent decrease in the quality of service rendered.

Here again is an assertion — this time historical instead
of prophetic — of alleged medical inferiority by grouped
salaried doctors serving grouped dues paying patients.
But Dr. Christie proceeds to an additional and crucial
allegation. He says, still speaking of Europe:

When failure in group health associations is imminent, or
when it has overtaken a number of the voluntary groups,
compulsory laws are passed and a large block of the popula-
tion is compelled to participate in the plan. The important
thing to remember is that voluntary insurance plans are'
simply a step on the road to compulsory health insurance.
By organizing such plans in this country we are repeating
Europe's mistakes.

But why would compulsory health insurance be a mis-
take? Dr. Christie answers: "The end result [of compul-
sory health insurance] in this country would be a vast
tax system imposed upon a special group of the popula-
tion and a bureaucracy under federal and state govern-
ments exercising a high degree of control over both physi-
cian and patient."

DECEMBER 1938

607

This chain of argument resided, I think, in the minds
of most doctors in Washington. Their certainty, or sur-
mise, was:

Once allow patients to get themselves together in vol-
untary groups for medical care, and they will finally get
themselves together in groups organized by public law
and public force. Which would be authoritarian, dictator-
ial, fascistic, communistic, and so on. Let us then resist
Group Health Association with every legal and profes-
sional means within our power, while there is yet time.

In that spirit the local Washington medical profession—
or the dominant part of it — watched Group Health Asso-
ciation open its clinical doors. Addressing a sort of mass
meeting of the Group Health Association members, Dr.
Richard C. Cabot of Harvard University, who has dis-
pensed medical care both as an individual practitioner
and as a member of various varieties of medical staffs,
asserted: "Group practice is a hundred times better. A
diagnosis is no longer nowadays a one man job. It is 'as-
sembled'— like parts of a machine — by many men."

Of course, the organized medical profession does not
oppose group practice, as such, and in and of itself. In
any case, however, Dr. Cabot's blessing gave Group
Health Association's diagnostic "assembly-line" no effec-
tive protection. Shot and shell from local orthodox bat-
teries began to fall upon it at once.

Senators and Representatives were requested to notice
the grant of $40,000 to Group Health Association by the
Federal Home Loan Bank Board. Some of them denounced
the grant as unlawful. The acting comptroller general,
Richard N. Elliott, agreed with them. He formally called it
unlawful. A subcommittee of the appropriations commit-
tee of the House of Representatives also formally called it
unlawful. The office of the legislative counsel of the Senate
dissented. It called the grant legal. The whole contro-
versy was a hair-splitting headache. Group Health Asso-
ciation in the end decided to regard the grant not as a
grant but as an advance and to accumulate a fund for pay-
ing it back to the Federal Home Loan Bank treasury.

Group Health Takes the Legal Hurdles

TWO OTHER LEGALISTIC HEADACHES WERE SIMULTANEOUSLY

induced. The corporation counsel of the District of Co-
lumbia declared Group Health Association to be in the
insurance business and to be subject therefore to certain
rules and regulations of a very onerous and financially
crushing sort; and the district attorney of the United
States for the District of Columbia declared that Group
Health Association was practicing medicine and, being a
corporation, was practicing it illegally.

Thereupon Group Health Association went into the
district court of the District of Columbia and sought a
declaratory judgment as to the state of its health from
the point of view of the law. Ultimately, on July 27 of
this year, Justice Bailey of the district court declared Group
Health Association discharged cured. He decided that it
is "not in the purview of the laws of the District relating
to insurance companies"; and he decided that its activi-
ties "are not violative of the healing arts practice act."

By this time the technical legal attacks upon Group
Health Association had won it — quite naturally — a cer-
tain compensatory measure of popular sympathy. The pro-
fessional medical attacks seemed to produce the same
sort of popular psychological result. People envisaged
"the medical monopoly" pouncing upon a baby experi-

ment and trying to claw it to death before it could get a
chance to show whether or not it could walk.

The Washington Post on July 28 of this year editorially
said: "Justice Bailey's decision that Group Health Associa-
tion is not operating in violation of the law should
promptly terminate organized opposition to this interest-
ing and potentially important experiment."

The Washington News said: "Through Justice Bailey's
decision on Group Health Association a new vista of
possibilities for mqdical care for America's middle class
has been opened. Group health now has a magnificent
opportunity to make medical history."

And the Washington Times said: "The decision that
Group Health Association is a legitimate arrangement be-
tween government employes and certain doctors is a
notable victory in the prolonged war between organized
medicine and the wage earner who wants proper treat-
ment for himself and family when sick."

That last comment was particularly significant. Its tone
toward the local Medical Society was — I think — extremely
unfair. But that is precisely why I call it particularly
significant. Washington is a city of government em-
ployes. The members of Group Health Association are
government employes. The Medical Society seemed to be
harassing government employes. Washington was there-
upon turning against the Medical Society — even to the
extent of misunderstanding and misrepresenting it.

Expulsion — the Medical Society's Big Stick

THE MEDICAL SOCIETY HAD NO DESIRE, OF COURSE, TO PRE-
vent the "wage earner" — or anybody else — from getting
"proper treatment." The problem was the control of the
delivery of that treatment. The Medical Society believed
— conscientiously and fervently — that the control should lie
in hands sanctioned by the authorities of the medical
profession : that is, by the Medical Society itself.

The Medical Society had — and has — a rule which is at
the heart of the whole tragic struggle. It runs as follows:

No member of the society shall engage in any professional
capacity whatsoever with any organization, group, or indi-
vidual, by whatever name called or however organized, en-
gaged in the practice of medicine within the District of
Columbia, which has not been approved by the society."
(Italics mine.)

This rule, I must say, is in perfect harmony with a
certain widely supported philosophy of "self-governing
industries" and "self-governing professions." It was such
a philosophy that dominated the medieval guilds and justi-
fied their complete control over the professional activities
of their members, and it is such a philosophy today that
suggests the syndicalist theory of "the building industry
for the building workers" and "the mining industry for
the mine workers" and (as I believe the Fabian Society
once parodied it) "the sewers for the sewer workers." It
is to such a philosophy that thfc American Medical Asso-
ciation and the District of Columbia Medical Society
adhere. It can be said to stamp the association and the
society as medieval and reactionary; or, on the other hand,
it can be said to stamp them as syndicalist and super-
modern.

In any case it gave Washington a first class social ex-
plosion. On the medical staff of Group Health Associa-
tion there was a young doctor named Mario Scandiffio.
He had taken his degree of Doctor of Medicine at George
Washington University. He had taken an internship of

608

SURVEY GRAPHIC

three yc.irs at the Post Graduate Hospital in New York
City. He had been clinical supervisor in pediatrics in
Georgetown University Medical School in Washington.
He had been teacher of pediatrics to the nurses in Chil-
dren's Hospital in Washington. He was a member of the
District of Columbia Medical Society in good standing. In
the spring of this year the Medical Society brought Dr.
Scandiffio to trial for practicing medicine with an unap-
provcd organization; and on March 16, by a vote of 148
to S, it expelled him.

This was torch to tinder. The tinder— in certain other
forms of professional medical ostracism of Group Health
Association — already existed abundantly.

Members of the Medical Society had made it very diffi-
cult for Group Health Association to recruit its medical

Dabney, is of wide local fame. He was for twenty-five
years a member of the staff of the Washington Episcopal
Eye, Ear and Throat Hospital. His tonsillcctomies were
not only multititudinous but extremely fashionable. He is
a convert now, like Dr. Cabot of Harvard, from individual
practice to group practice.

These Group Health Association doctors arc some of
them general practitioners and some of them, like Dr.
Dabney, specialists. They cannot, however, cover all spe-
cialties with equal comprehensiveness. They accordingly
sometimes wish, in the manner of doctors generally, to
take a patient of theirs to some peculiarly specialized
fellow practitioner for joint consultation.

This joint consultation is declined by loyal members of
the District of Columbia Medical Society. The patient

Harr

FwitiR

William C. Kirkpatrick of the

HOLC, president of Group Health

Association

Brooks

Dr. Mario Scandiffio, expelled by the

Medical Society of the District of

Columbia

Harris & Ewing

Dr. Raymond E. Selders, chief of
medical staff of Group Health Asso-
ciation

staff. Their hostility to the association deterred many
local doctors from being willing to join that staff. One
local doctor who did join it was argued into resigning
from it. The result was the staff had to be recruited almost
entirely from non-members of the society.

The present chief of staff — Dr. Raymond E. Selders—
was brought to Washington by Group Health Associa-
tion from Worcester, Mass., where he had been resident
surgeon in the Worcester City Hospital, which is said to
be the second largest in New England. His professional
competence would seem to be above normal reproach.
He holds five technical degrees, one of which is from the
graduate school of medicine of the University of Penn-
sylvania. He did his internship in St. Joseph's Hospital in
Houston, Tex. He was an accepted member there of the
local official medical society. He is a man of great physical
and mental vitality and — quite fortunately for him in
present circumstances — of great fighting force.

The eight doctors who assist him on the Group Health
Association staff would seem on their records to have full
proper normal professional qualifications. One of them, a
quite young man, was recently ranked first in the exam-
inations conducted for admission to medical practice by
the official examining boards of Virginia and of the Dis-
trict of Columbia. Another of them, Dr. Virginius

must go individually to the specialist whose advice is
desired. That specialist may then make a report by letter
or telephone. But he cannot meet the Group Health Asso-
ciation doctor in a joint consultary capacity.

This arrangement is a directly logical outcome of the
general Medical Society rule which I have already quoted.
Group Health Association is an unapproved form of
delivery of medical care — unapproved by the Medical So-
ciety. Loyal members of the society cannot associate them-
selves with doctors practicing medicine in an unapproved
manner. This deduction from the rule was publicly an-
nounced by the Medical Society's president, Dr. Thomas
E. Neill. Nobody stands higher in Washington than Dr.
Neill either as physician or as man. Group Health Asso-
ciation leaders speak of him in terms of the highest per-
sonal respect. He acted as a true believer in the Medical
Society guild faith.

The Hospitals Exclude GHA Patients

BUT IT IS ANOTHER AND FINAL FORM OF PROFESSIONAL MEDI-

cal ostracism that has hurt — or helped — Group Health
Association most. The hospitals of Washington — with one
exception which involves only child birth cases — will not
extend their facilities to Group Health Association physi-
cians for care of their patients. (Continued on page 631)

DECEMBER 1938

609

THROUGH NEIGHBORS' DOORWAYS

But Mars Is Attacking the World!

by JOHN PALMER GAVIT

THE SLOVAK SHEPHERDS WHO IN THE OLD DAYS OF AUSTRIA-
Hungary used to migrate into the Hungarian plain in
the seasons when they were needed for agricultural labor
— for plowing and planting in the spring and harvest in
the late summer and fall — suddenly found across their
path the newly-invented boundary of a foreign jurisdic-
tion. Gaining ostensible freedom in the new democratic
country of Czechoslovakia, they found they had lost an im-
portant immemorial means of livelihood. Around Bratis-
lava, up-and-coming Slovaks had been at great pains to
keep their bread butter-side-up by Magyarizing them-
selves, to get along with the Hungarian majority in those
parts. Overnight they found the former Slovak underdogs
on top as free and dominating citizens of Czechoslovakia;
that all their peacefully acquired former assets had become
liabilities. Some Hungarians who had invested their all in
factories and mines in Slovakia were suddenly cut off by a
new imaginary but tragically practical political barrier . . .
they, still in Hungary and ruined, their enterprises in a
foreign land. The now Czechoslovak railroad, giving access
to the East and to the newly established province of Ruth-
enia, cut off from their motherland a large and angry
minority of simon-pure Hungarians. All this in addition
to the then not-unwilling inclusion in the new country
of Germans all around the northern, western and south-
ern edges of Bohemia. As I wrote myself nearly ten years
ago in the Czechoslovakia Number of Survey Graphic:

It was a difficult business of the peace conferences even to
establish boundaries for the new country; to agree upon the
"historic frontiers"; involving the taking-in and leaving-out
of Germans, Magyars, Poles, Rumanians, Russians — the spec-
ter of new wars of irredentism.

In writing that I little imagined that even so soon that
specter would walk abroad in the guise of armed and
threatening men along those boundaries, tear up those
treaties and throw those suffering people and their hard-
wrought new adjustments into new confusion.

The process has only fairly begun. Hungarians, their
appetite only whetted by the retrieval from Czechoslova-
kia (under "mediation" by the German and Italian dicta-
torships) of territory and population to which they had
substantial color of right, cry now not only for the "com-
mon boundary with Poland" which the Germans do not
want them to have, but for the territory in Transylvania
which was carved off for Rumania including a large num-
ber of Hungarians. There are numerous other regions in
like case; not forgetting the 250,000 Germans sweating
under Italian tyranny in the Tyrol.

HISTORY, I OPINE, IN THE LONG RUN WILL FIND NOTHING
more absurd in these times than our devotion to the black
magic of these arbitrary, shifting imaginary political lines
— unless it be those others between religious sects, equally
imaginary and even more injurious to human fellowship
and cooperation, created by the theologians. They are of
no benefit except to those who profit by the dissensions

610

among men. The Slovaks who went to help in useful
work in the Hungarian fields were the same sturdy work-
ers as before they stumbled upon the new man-made
Czechoslovakian boundary; the fields needed them as be-
fore; they asked only the opportunity to work for their
living. So it is with the others, victims en masse of the
delusions of chauvinistic nationalism intensified by delib-
erately fomented fear, and the abracadabra of pseudo-pa-
triotism. Shifted by the devices of politicians and the am-
bitions of autocrats across these changing, arbitrary lines,
one must, if he is to live at all, transform, or pretend to
transform, his whole ensemble of allegiance. He must
adopt, or pretend to adopt, the intricate ideology and
ethos of the new "fatherland." He must affect to hate
those across the line whom formerly he loved as friends
and neighbors; a new tariff wall restricts or even prevents
his formerly amicable and mutually advantageous ex-
change of goods and services with them. He must adopt
and publicly avow a new set of slogans and loyalties — it
may be the opposite of his lifelong convictions — or go to
jail or a concentration camp upon suspicion that the new
allegiance is not of the heart. It is very perplexing for
those who have been taught that it is a "duty" to obey the
"authorities" and revere the design in colored bunting
supposed to represent them. What if suddenly you find
either that "the flag" has fallen into hands which you
have regarded hitherto as evil, or that you must now re-
vere a flag which hitherto has represented everything that
you despise?

LET US NOT LAUGH OVERMUCH AT THE RABBIT-BRAINED "BOOB-

ocracy" which just now went into hysterics of terror over
the fantastic "news" by radio of an attack upon the world
by invaders from Mars. Never mind that it was only a
marvelous dramatization of H. G. Wells's yarn of 1912. It
ought not to have deceived — indeed it did not deceive —
anybody of the mental age of six years. It shakes one's
confidence in the proverbial statistical estimate that "there's
a sucker born every minute" . . . they must be coming
faster than that! Anyhow it was a perfect and appalling
exhibit of the readiness of thousands of our people to
swallow anything — including patent medicines — however
preposterous; to be stampeded into any form of mass
panic or mass obedience. It was a dismal reflection upon
our vaunted educational system; upon the intelligence
of an ominously large proportion of those entrusted with
the ballot. It gave huge joy and confirmation to the auto-
crats who boast that the people are not fit to rule them-
selves. Just so does the unspeakable Dr. Goebbels, the
Nazi Minister of Propaganda, play by press and radio
upon the German mob steeped in deliberately fostered
ignorance, with the children born and bred in it, com-
ing up en echelon by generations, goose-stepping to the
market and the chopping block. The same goes for the
controlled agencies of public "information" in Italy and
Soviet Russia.

Another way to look at it: The most stirring comment
upon the episode that I have seen is that of my friend
John Temple Graves II, in his "colyum" in the Birming-
ham Age-Herald which is syndicated all over the South.
Obviously it is impracticable here to quote it at large as

SURVEY GRAPHIC

1 should like to do. He avers that it had been well for
the whole world to believe and be terrified; that the re-
iterated assurance that the thing was fiction might well
have been delayed or omitted. For as he points out, the
planet Earth and all fair things that are therein are in-
deed under "attack by Mars," and it can be defeated only
by unified mankind. Says Graves:

Had reassurance been delayed long enough, there could
have resulted a gctting-together of the peoples on the planet
Earth, including the Fascist and Communist, the democratic
and autocratic, white and black and red and yellow, upper
and lower classes, vegetarians and meat-eaters, the cold-
blooded and the warm, and even, in time, the haters of
Roosevelt and those who hate the haters. . . . There has indeed
been an attack by Mars and the ruin of the earth is really
threatened. An attack with weapons of inconceivable power
to destroy, an attack . . . that will eventually, unless something
is done, wipe out nation after nation, bring misery, darkness,
disease, death, to land upon land, kill men and philosophies
everywhere, make chaos of economic systems, drown the earth
in a lava of blood. . . .

The aforesaid Dr. Goebbels let a large cat out of the
bag in his speech gloating over the surrender of Great
Britain and France to the threat of Hitler in the matter
of Czechoslovakia. Let those who affect to think that
was a triumph of "peaceful negotiation" ponder what he
said:

Moscow said we will act if Paris acts; Paris said we will
act if London acts; London said we will act if Moscow acts;
. . . and what did they do? They talked, they "negotiated"
while the Fuehrer waited, ready to draw the sword. . . .
People out West started putting their heads together. They
said, "Something is wrong," and soon they sent negotia-
tors, mediators, and debating societies. They did not appreci-
ate that there was no chance for negotiations!

Upon which the Manchester Guardian, thus quoting
:bbels, makes the significant and sufficient comment:
ell, so long as we know." And the Fuehrer himself
Ids the capstone by declaring that Germany wants noth-
ig (at present) from the democracies but the restoration
of her former colonies — by negotiation if possible; but,
that failing, "nobody will be surprised if we resort to
other means." This is the "peace" that was "negotiated"
last September at Munich! Disguise it as you will with
euphemisms and wishful thinking, take what comfort
you may, as I do, from the postponement of the riot of
destruction, it was an abject surrender to the "men" of
Mars. But take further comfort, as I do, from the analogy
with the fantastic tale of Wells, that the Martians died
at last from the disease of earth. And that every dictator-
ship in history has died of its own rottenness, of the
weakness inherent in its seeming strength.

FROM TIME IMMEMORIAL, IN ALL LANDS, THE PEASANT, THE

toiling masses have toiled on at their business of delving
a living and a stubborn unquenchable happiness, out of
the obstinate soil, while politicians, and soldiers at their
behest, played their game over their heads, incidentally
robbing, tormenting, ravishing, butchering them; juggling
back and forth as force majeur swayed this way and that
the imaginary lines of "legal" jurisdiction; the only
practical result for the victims being changes in the names,
uniforms and flags of the robbers. The Chinese for ex-
ample hardly have known, nor greatly cared, what might
be the names of the succession of war-lords and brigands
who "squeezed" out of them all but a bare subsistence.

It has taken an invasion by hated and despised foreigners
whom they regard as of inferior race to arouse them. As
against attack from another planet they have united in
resistance. And they are bleeding the invaders white;
far distant, perhaps, is the even temporary subsidence of
that uproar. This is not the first, nor the twentieth time,
that invaders have lost themselves in China, as Napoleon
lost himself in Russia.

Germany's demand for the restoration of the colonies
overseas, reft from her by the immediate outcome of the
World War which to all intents she now has won, repre-
sents in the last analysis only the struggle of the users of
force over the opportunity to exploit the weaker peoples.
There is no honest intent to colonize those territories, to
uplift and enlighten the native peoples by the infiltration
of culture. Few Germans went to those colonies, just as
few Englishmen went to India, few Frenchmen to Syria
or Tripoli, few Spanish to Morocco, few Italians to Ethio-
pia. Yes, and few Americans to the Philippines. At the
back of it all is the chess game of power to exploit; but
the real issue is that of prestige of the "front" in the
show-window of imperialism.

Timely it is just now to read the calm, scholarly, ob-
jective discussion* lately put forth by the Council on For-
eign Relations under the editorship of Dr. Isaiah Bow-
man, president of Johns Hopkins University, who for
twenty years was director of the American Geographical
Society, of the many and diverse questions and factors
going to make up the problem of population movements.
Where today may a migrant seek a new home?

Against what limitations must he struggle, of climate,
transportation, educational facilities, access to markets,
general conditions of living? A number of authorities
contribute notable papers to this extraordinarily inform-
ing volume as to the conditions in Canada, Soviet Siberia,
various parts of Asia including Japan and China, Aus-
tralia, Africa and South America, with admirable setting
forth of the general considerations affecting migration;
the whole illuminated by more than eighty good maps.

Outstanding throughout is the factor of individual ca-
pacity, emotion and preference; the fact that emigration is
not an aflair of export of a commodity but of human be-
ings who prefer to stay here where they are comfortable,
happy and well treated, or want to go thither in hope of
bettering their lot. For the most part, these writers seem
to think, people are about where they belong, and most
regions could support a much larger population if organ-
ized effort were devoted to the business (rather than to
mutually destructive rivalry and conflict) ; if the strangu-
lation of trade by politics were removed.

Colonies for their own sake are expensive luxuries; they
never have paid. C. B. Fawcett, professor of regional
geography in the University of London, in a striking arti-
cle in the Geographical Review, declares that more money
has been sunk in unrecorded losses than has been won in
conspicuous gains . . . generally the home taxpayer has
to foot the bills for administrative costs. Professor Faw-
cett declares that colonies do not relieve over-population
at home. People generally will not move to strange climes.
Despite the best efforts of the totalitarians to turn their
folk into robots, people are still people, each with his own
tastes and hopes and real loyalties.

•LIMITS OF LAND SETTLEMENT: REPO.T on PUUNT-DAY Poi-

IIIILITIU, by Isaiah Bowman and a group of nine experts. Council on
Foreign Relations. New York. Mips and Bibliography. 380 pp. Price
$3.50 postpaid of Survey Graphic.

DECEMBER 1938

611

Parked Car, Small Town Main Street, 1932

The Revealing Lens

Photographs by Walker Evans

The Museum of Modern Art in New York, holding
its first one-man photography exhibition, has
brought out a book of these photographs, with an
appreciation by Lincoln Kirstein (American Photo-
graphs. 198 pp., 87 plates. Price #2.50). The man
to be thus singled out is Walker Evans, born in
Missouri in 1903. His power, says Mr. Kirstein,
"lies in the fact that he so details the effect of
circumstances on familiar specimens that the single
face, the single house, the single street, strikes with
the strength of overwhelming numbers the terrible
cumulative force of thousands of faces, houses,
streets." Many of these significant studies were
made for the photographic records of the Farm
Security Administration.

Interior, West Virginia Coal Miner's House, 1935

Posed Portraits, New York, 1931

Grave, 1936

Books and Today's World

LETTERS AND LIFE: FALL BOOK SECTION

Time Is a Mirror

by LEON WHIPPLE

PROPHECY is ALWAYS CRITICISM. WHEN YOU TALK FOR TOMOR-
row, you reveal today. That moral did not quite register with
the amiable gentlemen who on September 23 planted the
Time Capsule under the grounds of New York's World's
Fair of 1939. The seven-foot cylinder of alloy-glass contains
records of our culture to tell the "Futurians" of 6939 what
kind of people we are and how we live. This brash and im-
pudent gesture does stir the imagination, but leaves us with
a disconcerting sense of nakedness.

Ironic questions disturb our narcissism. Will the Futurians
care any more about us than most of us do about the Sumer-
ians? Will they understand why the Westinghouse Electrical
Company served as our archivist? Will they be puzzled as to
why we buried our testament in made land on a sandy island,
parts of which had just been washed into the Atlantic? Other
ages have placed their tablets on the mountain tops. Our sub-
conscious mind (about which the Futurians will be embarras-
singly well-informed) may have wanted the record writ in
sand, for the generation that witnessed the international events
of that September week should perhaps crave but one boon
of history — to be forgotten. Humility ought to be the present
fruit of this odd seed, as humility is ever the fruit when man-
kind fools with Time.

We can wisely, therefore, change the focus from 5000 years
to 50. The contents of the Time Capsule were intelligently
selected to make us ask questions about ourselves, our litera-
ture, and the technology of record preserving. Only two print-
ed books were enclosed, the Bible, and a record of the Capsule.
But ten million words, one thousand pictures, and a 15-minute
newsreel are caught on eleven hundred feet of micro-film.
The printing press has new aids that save space and challenge
publishers to new adventure. We shall not use them everyday
in every way; the book is still the noblest mode of preserving
what wisdom and beauty we discover; but for reference, for
history, for the revival of the past we shall complement the
press with camera, film, and even sound records.

The prospect for author, publisher, librarian is thrilling,
with a whole new field to explore, a thousand new techniques
to invent for the happy marriage of text and picture. Our
present success foretells new conquests. Mr. Hogben* must
be very grateful to J. F. Horrabin for his drawings in that
magnificent book, Science for the Citizen. The reviewers also
seem grateful. The books on our tragic sharecroppers have
been made doubly poignant by photographs. The newspaper
cartoons in the Time Capsule may tell the Futurian more
about our intelligence and sense of humor than the excerpts
from the encyclopedia. I guess they will have Caspar Mil-
quetoasts even in Utopia, life being what it is. The printing
press will bring us more and more pictures. Kent Cooper of
the AP says the newspaper of the future will be 50 percent
pictures. Our Time-Binders were right: we are a picture-
minded generation.

The historian ought to be a happy man, in 1989, for he will
have a lot more truth at his disposal than history has had to

•Other books referred to by Mr. Whipple in this article are: LISTEN!
THE WIN'D, by Atine Morrow Lindbergh. Harcourt, Brace; ALONE, by
Richard E. Byrd. Putnam; POWER, by Bertrand Russell. Norton;
MODES OF THOUGHT, by Alfred North Whitehead. Macmillan; LOGIC,
by John Dewey. Holt; AMERICA NOW, edited by Harold E. Stearns.

614

date. When he writes of our New York, the Megapolis of
Lewis Mumford's The Culture of Cities (I hope that is in the
Capsule) he will not be handicapped as Mumford was by
the absence of pictures of the medieval city or the court-
capital. He will amaze his student with graphic revelations
of our monstrous buildings, traffic jams, tense crowds, cramped
parks and inhospitable apartments. And some young skeptic
in a backseat may pipe up: "They certainly were crazy. Look
at this photograph of them burying their records for posterity."

The Capsule does not contain records of our voices. Perhaps
our electrical transcriptions cannot yet be made permanent.
But even today the class in modern English history can hear a
sound record of that tragic speech of Edward VIII, beginning:
"At long last. . . ." What an acid test this generation faces at
the ears of its great-grandchildren! This is the first age to have
the very inflections of its wisdom and folly preserved for its
successors. They will hear President Roosevelt's fireside chats,
the harsh thunder of Nazi challenges, the magic of Toscanini,
the wild beats of swing, the soothing syrup of our advertisers
— and they will judge. We shall have no alibi, and the pros-
pect is enough to put a bridle on our tongues.

These miracles of recorded sights and sounds do not, how-
ever, threaten the book as the supreme translator of the spirit
of man. To see or hear is not to understand the inner mean-
ing of life. Literature abstracts the essence from the ephemeral
incarnation. Socrates was ugly but his words prove him wise;
Pope and Byron limped but their lines do not; Lincoln was
gaunt but his sentences glorious. The very photographs of
Megapolis will deceive for they will not preserve the humane
longings of the people. Printing is in truth the art preservative.

THE BOOKS IN THE TIME CAPSULE DO CATCH SOME OF OUR
meaning. That more than half the microfile is devoted to res-
umes of scientific and industrial achievements is revealing. So
is the absence of poetry, and apparently of studies of war. The
Futurian may declare we had few great emotions and made an
idol of science. We may quarrel with some of the choices and
omissions. If Arrowsmith, by Sinclair Lewis, why not The
Education of Henry Adams? Thomas Mann's essays will
show that great spirits dwelt among us. He might have been
companioned by Wells, the seeker. No selection can catch the
full figure of this strange time. What we have in the Time
Capsule stirs the imagination.

It inspires us to ask what of this year's harvest of books
may serve to interpret 1938 to 1948. Let us be minor prophets.
We can offer Anne Morrow Lindbergh's Listen! The Wind,
and Admiral Byrd's Alone, with pride, I think, as evidence
that courage dwells with us. We have our adventurers who
are not only skilled in their sciences, but aware of human
overtones. They are explorers of the psyche as well as of
space and cold. Magellan and Columbus left no such records
of their inner adventures. This new feeling in science should
concern our children.

There are books to tell them that our thinkers were not
content in ivory towers writing for each other, but strove to
guide thought among the people by interpreting the meaning
of things. In Power, Bertrand Russell studies the very an-
atomy of today. Power is in society, he says, what energy is
in the physical realm. It appears in economic controls, in po-

Scribner; MY AMERICA, by Louis Adamic. Harper; BEHOLD OUR
LAND, by Russell Lord. Houghton, Mifflin; BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, by
Carl Van Doren. Viking; ELIHU ROOT, by Philip C. Jessup. Dodd,
Mead- LIFE OF CHRIST, by Hall Caine. Doubleday, Doran; I'M A
STRANGER HERE MYSELF, by Ogden Nash. Little, Brown; IT'S AN
ART, by Helen Woodward. Harcourt, Brace.

SURVEY GRAPHIC

litical masters, in the direction of peoples by propaganda;
and it is converted from one form into another, without dis-
appearing, as energy itself is conserved. It is significant that
we have a study of power by a first rate mind just as we
seem to be entering an age of power politics.

Mr. Hogben is seeking a like interpretation of science as a
social force to be understood by citizens in Science for the
Citizen. He challenges scientists to make clear what they are
doing, and why. John Dewcy in Logic and Alfred N. White-
head in Modes of Thought seek to show the errors of the
plain man's common sense, and convince him that there are
true and enduring ways of perceiving, assembling, and judg-
ing experience, that must be mastered if we are to undertake
to direct human affairs. The need for such disciplines was
proven the other night when thousands of people were de-
ceived by a broadcast drama about H. G. Wells's Martian
fantasy into a state of unreasoning panic. Faith in the mar-
vels of science and threats of violence from power without
logical criteria of reality were part causes of that madness.

In 1938 we are neither blind to our faults nor unconcerned
about our future. In the thirty-six essays on aspects of our
life, collected in America Now, we have facts enough to wake
us up. The studies do not cut very deep, but they are evi-
dence of self-questioning. We are not indolently self-satisfied
that this is the best possible nation. Russell Lord in Behold
Our Land points out how we have wasted our substance, but
tells of the heart stirring crusade in which men are enlisted
to save and restore and build. He loves this land, and so does
Louis Adamic whose My America reveals what of good and
bad a stranger within the gates has discovered.

We can laugh at ourselves — perhaps as loudly as the Fu-
turians may. Helen Woodward takes our cult of advertising
apart with a gay criticism and a keen knowledge, to show
how advertising artists fool us, and themselves, and even how
we fool ourselves. Every one of us will discover some prick
to vanity in some chapter of It's an Art. It is a mirror-book.
Ogden Nash combines fun, satire and criticism in verse that
is funny, and suddenly wise. There is a philosophy of human
loneliness in the title — I'm a Stranger Here Myself. We may
not have great singing poets, but stinging ones.

Our past takes shape before our eyes, for whatever of wis-
dom or pride we can find therein. Benjamin Franklin is re-
stored to us in all his magnificent harmony by Carl Van
Doren. Philip Jessup presents Elihu Root as the force he
surely was in so many fields that we have forgotten his im-
pact. We are not afraid to look at representative Americans.
We risk going into the gallery where loom pictures of our
forebears. Nor do we neglect the Figure that has molded
our hearts and hope. The Capsule rightly put in as a printed
book, the Bible. The Book speaks for itself; but if you want
a man's story of the Figure, here is Hall Caine's Life of
Christ.

No apology need be made for 1938's gifts to letters. This
baker's dozen may well be wrapped carefully for a few years.
None may be great, none enduring, but of none need we
feel ashamed. We shall not worry about the judgment of the
Futurians. I do suggest, though, that since we are on an
imaginative excursion in relativity — where the future already
is — that their wise men send back a packet of their records.
We need laughter, too, and hope.

[ohn Dewey: Sage of the New World

I.dlilC: THE THEOEV or IHQUHY, by John Dewey. Holt. 546 pp. Price
postpaid of Surt'ty Graphic.

IT IS EXTREMELY DIFFICULT TO WRITE ABOUT JOHN

new Logic when all one's impulses lead one to wish to
write about John Dewey, the man. As his eightieth birthday
comes near, the wonder and the greatness of him cause awe
to arise within me. It is still too early to place him in the
sequence of the great American thinkers because one feels
that he has other surprises in store for us; his fertile mind
simply will not stand still and on the verge of eighty he
chooses, not some light and airy comment upon contempo-
rary life, but rather the most difficult of all his tasks, namely
the explication of his dynamic theory of
logic. I know, of course, where Dewey
stands in my affections as well as in his-
toric appraisal: he gives luster to my fa-
vorite group of American greatness
which includes Emerson, Peirce, James,
Holmes and Henry Adams. Out of the
thought of this group of thinkers comes
the warp and woof of whatever is char-
acteristic in American philosophy.

I wish I knew how to say what I have
to say about Dewey's logic in such man-
ner as to entice the non-professionals; the
professional philosophers will read this
book as a matter of course, but it has an
importance and a timeliness for the lay-
men as well and, after all, what good is
there in developing fine thinkers among
the professors if the thinking of the masses
docs not improve? My first suggestion to
those who arc not accustomed to philo-
sophic language is to take Professor
Dewey's proposal in the preface seriously. Epttein'i bu«t

by EDUARD C. LINDEMAN

Omit Part III at least for the first reading. I might add an-
other suggestion, namely, to read Part IV first since it may
find many readers at a point of readiness or appetite. (Part
IV is entitled The Logic of Scientific Method.)

Fortunately, Dewey's Logic is built around a framework
of propositions which arc susceptible of plain statement, and
I shall use his own words for the purpose of revealing this
structure. Logic, according to Dewcy:

— is a progressive discipline.

— its subject matter is determined in or
through operations or performance.

— its forms are postulates leading to inquiry.

— is a naturalistic theory.

— is a social discipline.

— is an autonomous discipline, in
essence an inquiry into inquiry.

Those who wish to understand Dewey's
logical doctrine may themselves engage in
a bit of logical inquiry by attempting to
understand the meaning of the above
propositions. One method of attack might
be that of reversal, that is, to strive to
state the antithesis of each of Dewey's
propositions. This would lead to affirma-
tions such as the following:

Logic is not a static and formal disci-
pline of thought which bids experience to
bow to its dictates. It is not an instrument
for obstructing human progress.

The subject matter of logic is not to be
drawn from abstraction but comes directly
out of the sweat and dirt of human ex-
perience.

Logic is not a device for affirming im-
of John Dewey placable truths or inescapable conclusions

DECEMBER 1938

615

which shut off further investigation. On the contrary, logic is
in itself and basically a method of inquiry.

This exercise will set the stage, I hope, for an attentive
reading of Chapter V which is called The Needed Reform of
Logic. The reader will then be prepared to enjoy the text
as a whole and to comprehend its great significance at this
peculiar moment in history. He will then come to see that
modern logic is dynamic; that is not an aid to contentious-
ness but to living.

If I may step aside for a brief moment to speak one word
to my professional colleagues, it is to say that in spite of my
great enjoyment over this latest of Dewey's contributions to
philosophy, I am somewhat perplexed by the new problems
he has set for us, especially in relation to the question of
causation and to his use of the notion of continuum. These
are, however, problems for craftsmen and need not in the
slightest degree impede the non-professional reader. The
latter will find so much of challenge and so much of insight
in other sections of this exciting essay that he may easily
hurdle the complexities, or at least leave them to the pro-
fessors. What I long for particularly is attention to Dewey's
thesis on the part of lawyers who are coming to play an
increasingly important role in our society. If they discover
Dewey's basic principle of the relation between logic and
science, it will cause them to revamp a considerable portion
of their academic background. If they see logic in its natur-
alistic setting, they may then begin to prepare themselves as
allies of the technologists in bringing about a more orderly
world of logically conceived and logically operated procedures
for economic and social planning. This is, obviously, an iso-
lated kind of significance which I select because I have for
so long devoted myself to the task of applying the Dewey
philosophy to the problems of social change.

In concluding, I turn once more to the personality and the
worth of Dewey himself. The freshness, the rigorousness
and at the same time the gentleness of this great man repre-
sent an invitation to hope. In a world seemingly determined
to abandon reason and to give itself over to prejudice and
passion, he stands calm and unperturbed, confident in the
ultimate ability of man to deal with his problems and to
bring his emotions into working harmony with his reason.
Salute!

Henry Street's Pioneer

LILLIAN WALD— NEIGHBOR AND CRUSADER, by R. L. Duffus. Macmillan.
J71 pp. Price $3.5C postpaid of Survey Graphic.

IT IS RARE THAT A BIOGRAPHY CAN BE WRITTEN WITH THE

help of its subject. R. L. Duffus was fortunate indeed to have
Lillian Wald's assistance in writing her biography, for no
one who had not lived this full and amazing existence her-
self could have remembered the details which give the nar-
rative color and reality.

I have long paid homage to Lillian Wald's personality, to
her amazing vitality and her love of people, but never until
I read this book did I have a full realization of how far-
reaching were the results of her dreams. So many things
which we accept today as a responsibility of government had
their inception in her fertile brain, and she has sowed the
seeds for much which will be done in the future.

Few women have listened to more eulogies of themselves
and of the work which they have done, and Lillian Wald
must have known these eulogies were deserved, but with
her delightful sense of humor she would never allow herself
to take them seriously or permit herself to feel that her
work was as good as it could be.

I love the quotation where she tries to think of herself as
a stick of wood and I love the way in which she always took
it for granted that the eulogies belonged as well to other
people and that success was never hers alone but a matter of
cooperation.

This is a great biography because it is about a vibrant

616

human being, one who will live in the memory of each and
every individual who has had the privilege of knowing her.
It is true perhaps that her power cannot be explained, but
what does it matter? People who read this book will feel it,
and what is more they will go out under its spell with a
firmer determination to battle for the things which are good
and perhaps with more courage to be themselves undismayed
by the advocates of caution and expediency.

This is a book which those who lived through the years
with Lillian Wald will enjoy reading because of the mem-
ories revived, but above all it is a book not to be missed by
the young. It will give them a sense that life is tragic and yet
gay, and that we do move forward, which makes life worth
living.
Washington, D.C. ELEANOR ROOSEVELT

Hogben: Required Reading

SCIENCE FOR THE CITIZEN, by Lancelot Houben. Illustrated by J. F.
Horrabin. Knopf. 1082 pp. plus xix. Price $5 postpaid of Sumcy Graphic.

WHETHER WE GAIN MORE OR LOSE MORE FROM THE IMPACT OF
science upon our lives, most of us are greatly confused as
to just what sort of thing this science is, and as to just how
it transforms the world and rearranges our lives. The scien-
tists themselves have been too busy to tell us. Professor
Hogben shows us something of the pattern of science and
something of its relation to our common affairs. Incidentally
he makes it clear that the individual scientist is just as much a
victim of what is happening as the very last cotton picker or
chemist on relief, or the widows and orphans in whose
names we bail out railway and insurance companies with
government funds.

We have been sufficiently dazzled by the brilliance of
science. But Every Citizen now knows that science is a
serious threat to the peace and comfort of the world. For
centuries it was combated because it has a way of upsetting
old notions and forcing people to think. That is bad enough.
Today, however, science threatens to replace slaves with
robots. To ordinary folks that's but another name for the
terror of unemployment, although scientists treat it as if it
were a positive addition to human welfare. Most terrifying of
all, science threatens to create abundance. That would make
irrelevant and childish and obscene the crowding and push-
ing and snarling of hungry men — and how else could we
give expression to Human Nature? Besides, if we could not
in our struggles destroy more than we need to assure plenty,
prices would surely drop disastrously. Even from a senti-
mental point of view science is a menace: If there were really
plenty, what would become of sweet charity?

The incongruities suggested are already familiar. Professor
Hogben develops their sources and shows how these and
many more derive neither from the nature of science nor
from human nature, except perhaps as it is humanly easier
to cling to existing troubles than to think through to possible
alternatives. For aside from dictatorships, or some other
regression to barbarism, there must be some tolerable alterna-
tives to the absurd hope that our present "system" will
eventually assure universal prosperity by enabling each of us
to thrive on the profits made by hiring other folks for just
a little less than a living wage.

There is of course no occasion to defend "science." What
needs to be critically examined is a scheme of education,
including the manipulation of public thought, which sys-
tematically keeps scientists and other specialists in utter ig-
norance and confusion as to the bearing of their respective
efforts upon the common welfare which they ostensibly
serve. This book is a powerful challenge to the well-
intentioned scientists as well as to the men and women in all
walks who assume themselves socially valuable because they
get paid for what they do.

There is constant temptation to quote single sentences and
whole paragraphs that cut to the very heart of our economic

SURVEY GRAPHIC

and social and intellectual confusions. But it is better for the
citi/.rn to save time and money from half a dozen super-films
and read the book for himself. It should be required reading
for scientists, educators, journalists, statesmen, social workers
and voters. Those who belong to more than one of these

Dorics should read it twice.
New Yor^ BENJAMIN C. GRUENBERC

Lloyd George's Legacy to British Health

ill INSTKAM K \\ITII MKIMiAl ( AKK THB BHITISH Ex-
ruiixit. bj \\ Orr, M.I), ami Jrati Walker Orr. Macmillan.

271 pp. Price $2.50 postpaid of Smn-ry (..rafhic.

[Kl MM Rs WILL RM:cx;NI/.k THE SECTIONS OP THIS HOOK WIIH II

appeared in four articles in Survey Graphic earlier in the
year. Instead of a review we reprint, by special permission ol
the publisher, the ton-word which David Lloyd George wrote

for this timely volume
on British Health In-
surance. The study,
conducted by Dr. and
Mrs. Orr, was initiated
by the National Feder-
ation of Settlements,
whose president, Hel-
en Hall, has written
an introduction to its

Lloyd George in 1911

presentation in perma-
nent form. — THE EDI-
TORS.]

When in 1911 I laid
before the British Par-
liament my proposals
for a scheme of Na-
tional Health Insur-
ance, they encountered
a stern and growing
volume of bitter opposition which surprised me by its inten-
sity. Concessions and modifications, some of them unfortu-
nate, had to be made to placate this interest and that, and
even then it was a matter of the utmost difficulty to pilot the
measure successfully to the statute book. Probably it would
be true to say that a referendum of the whole country, taken
at that time, would have shown only a minority of the people
in favor of the new system.

In the quarter of a century which has elapsed since it
became law, this once abused scheme has become one of the
most popular elements in our administrative system. The
nation would as soon think of abandoning it as it would of
abolishing the Post Office. The medical profession, which at
the outset viewed it with unconcealed distaste, now finds it
a highly satisfactory source of an income considerably in ex-
cess of that which they formerly secured from the section of
the public which it covers. The insured classes enjoy by means
of it a degree of medical attention previously unknown, as
well as a measure of financial security in sickness to which
they were once strangers. It has become the keystone of our
social structure for the maintenance and improvement of the
nation's health, and round it have clustered a host of ancillary
schemes for extending and supplementing the services it
renders.

It is curious that the value and popularity of this well-
tested system is not better recognized, particularly in the
United States, where so much attention has for years been
given to problems of health and hygiene. Its reputation in
America suffers both from lack of information and from mis-
information. Defects or occasional rare abuses which come to
light are exaggerated, and serve to obscure for the distant
looker-on its immense positive worth and the high esteem it
has won. Undoubtedly the present system is capable of im-
provement and revision; but in the general opinion of this
country, the reform most urgently needed is a very consid-
erable extension of the scope of the National Health Insur-

ance, to bring within its purview all those masses which arc
at present out of range of its benefits. Such an extension
is being urged alike by the medical profession and by the
general public; and the demand for more and yet more of the
same treatment is an unchallenged testimonial to its merits.
Dr. and Mrs. Orr have carried out a most valuable survey
of the practical working of National Health Insurance and
of the various ancillary services with which it is associated
for promoting public health, and the book sets out in a lucid,
dispassionate and very readable form the results of their
investigations. I commend it warmly to the attention of the
public, both in Britain and in America. To our own people
it will give a remarkably clear and helpful picture of the
complex of our existing health services, and of the nature of
the problems involved in their further extension and reform.
To Americans it should be of the greatest value in clearing
away misconceptions and ill-based prejudices against Health
Insurance, and placing at their disposal the practical results
of our experience as a guide in their own approach to this
vital social issue. D. LLOYD GEORGE

Vision of the Good Society

THE PROSPECTS OF AMERICAN DEMOCRACY, by George S.
Counts. John Day. 370 pp. Price S3 postpaid of Survey Graphic.

A HOPEFUL OMEN IS THIS INCREASING LIBRARY OF VOLUMES

defining, interpreting and justifying democracy. One is
entitled to believe that the need and the demand have created
the supply and that more of us than ever are in search of
substantiation for the faith that is in us as to the special
virtue of democracy. Indeed, like St. Paul, we are saying
that we labor in faith, "not having received the promise."

Dr. Counts' book is different in being less sanguine than
some about the inevitable movement toward democracy. The
liability side of the ledger balances the asset side and the
dangers of retrogression are fully faced. The book is chiefly
different, however, in its full recognition of the economic
basis upon which the future of democracy stands or falls.
Here is no dogmatic Marxian approach unless it be in its
insistence that our economic institutions have a terrific condi-
tioning influence upon our efforts for democracy. But that
we can, if we will, rise above our conditioning is the central
theme.

That democracy is a positive way of life as definitive in
its broad philosophic base as any "ism," is a dominant note.
It is not something we have already, although we had many
elements of it when we were a rural and township economy.
It is a total way of life and of looking at life that we have to
achieve, in relation to the technological and producing mech-
anisms and institutions now at our disposal. It is more than
political arrangements. It is an affirmation of the central value
of personal well-being, enhanced through social and public
organizations designed to attain it.

Wisely the persuasive power of the traditional American
idiom is urged. Wisely, too, the crucial role of education is
stressed. But education is not held up as an empty verbalism
or scapegoat. Because the author is a teacher of note who
has been in the thick of the educational battle, his analysis
and proposals regarding educational policy, content and ad-
ministration deserve careful attention. If the burden he
places on education is a heavy one, it cannot be said that he
leaves the ways and means undefined. "There ought to be a
law" requiring school board members, boards of trustees and
teachers themselves to read this work.

Two sentences suggest the foundations on which the book
is built. One, quoted from Alexander Hamilton, is that "in
the general course of human nature a power over a man's
subsistence amounts to a power over his will." The other is
"that the pattern of democracy in the age of technology
remains to be created."

The whole approach is dynamic as to how the pattern of
democracy can be fulfilled. If there is something akin to

DECEMBER 1938

617

despair in the author's conclusion as to the dubiety of the
ultimate outcome, that is, perhaps, to be accounted for by
what seems to me the book's one lack. What is to be the stir,
glamor, excitement, summons and commitment which leads
people to sacrifice for and be loyal to the cause of democracy?
Why a passion for a democratic purpose? What assertion of
supreme desire, comparable to or loftier than the claims made
by totalitarian states, does a democracy make?

It should, says the author, "address itself squarely to boys
and girls, to young men and women, the challenge of reviv-
ing and achieving that vision of the good society — good even
for the humblest citizen — which was the possession of the
American people in the early years of their history."

But does Dr. Counts, one fairly asks, recall that it was the
village church along with the common school which seem-
ingly gave to the traditional American township something
of the moral stamina which distinguished its democratic
conviction ?

The dynamic toward democracy, I venture, lies beyond and
beneath our awareness of its desirability.
New Yor% ORDWAY TEAD

A Modern Federalist

THE RISE OF A NEW FEDERALISM: FEDERAL-STATE COOPERATION IN
THE UNITED STATES, by Jane Perry Clark. Columbia University Press.
347 pp. Price $3.50 postpaid of Survey Graphic.

THERE ARE TWO WAYS OF CONCEIVING OUR FEDERAL SYSTEM.
The national government and the states may be thought of
as two independent centers of authority, competing for
power and properly jealous of one another; or they may be
thought of as constituting a single system of government, so
that the normal relation between them is one of cooperation
in the common task of forwarding social interests. The recent
revolution in our constitutional law, recorded especially in the
decisions sustaining the Wagner act and the social security
act, consists in no small measure in the Court's rejecting the
former conception in favor of the latter.

But the Court, as is usually the case, was only ratifying and
sanctifying, as it were, an already strongly established ten-
dency. For today, as Miss Clark shows admirably, the rami-
fications of federal-state cooperation penetrate and permeate a
vast field of governmental activity. Miss Clark does not pre-
tend to give the entire story — she has had the wit to heed
Voltaire's caution that "if you want to bore your reader, tell
him everything" — but she has told much, and has told it
clearly and interestingly.

What are the causes of the New Federalism? A potent one
is indicated by Miss Clark in the following words: "No dyke
of formal governmental separation is strong enough to prevent
germs, floods, kidnapers, and airplanes from wandering across
state lines." Another has been the demand for the extension
of governmental assistance into fields in which the states,
although possessing constitutional power, were practically
unable to exercise it on account of being economic competitors
— the field of social insurance being an instance. In the face of
such conditions talk about federal centralization and states'
rights becomes doubly impertinent; first, because what Miss
Clark calls "the centripetal forces of modern industrial life"
makes extension of governmental control inevitable; second,
because states' rights have not been in fact sacrificed but actu-
alized in terms of effective governmental action. Federal-
state cooperation is, indeed, a device for maintaining our
federal system in a modern state of usefulness, the very condi-
tion of survival of any governmental institution.

And yet Miss Clark does not contend that the federal-state
cooperation which has been thus far worked out is anything
like a final solution of modern governmental problems. In-
deed, in her preface she suggests the fundamental question
whether a system of regionalism, whereby the federal govern-
ment would give weight to local considerations but retain con-
trol, might not be superior, at least at times, to federal-state
cooperation; and she suggests that comparisons ought to be

618

made between such regional devices as the national govern-
ment today employs "with cooperative federal-state arrange-
ments in the same field." Miss Clark should act upon her
own invitation and make such a study; no one could do it
better.
Princeton University EDWARD S. CORWIN

Principles of Foreign Policy

FOREIGN POLICY IN THE MAKING, by Carl Joachim Friedrich.
W. W. Norton. 296 pp. $2.75 postpaid of Survey Graphic.

HERE THE TANGLED LINES OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND
of the European scene from the World War until the occupa-
tion of Austria last spring are disentangled by a skillful
hand. The author, who is of German descent and knows
Europe well, has been professor of government at Harvard
University for many years. He analyses the methods of dem-
ocracy and dictatorship in foreign affairs. He shows in a
clear and extremely well-written expose how in place of
international law and rights brutal force emerged as the
regulator of international relations. The fault for that lies,
according to Professor Friedrich, not so much in the strength
of the dictatorships as in the weakness of the democracies,
especially with the supposition, common in England and
America, "that concessions can be discovered which will
satisfy the fascist powers so that ever after you may live with
them in peace and quiet. This idea is quite wrong. A man
like Mussolini wants trouble. A dictator lives by tension and
strife." And if the others have not courage enough to oppose
resolutely their way of life to that of the dictators, they will
be obliged to follow the way of the dictators. That is the
point to which, at present, Mr. Chamberlain's policy has led
Europe. Professor Friedrich shows how all that came about.
Smith College HANS KOHN

Man Marches On

OUT OF REVOLUTION: AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF WESTERN MAN, by Eugen
Rosenstock-Hiissy. Morrow. 808 pp. Price $6 postpaid of Survey Graphic.

THIS BOOK SHOULD DISPLACE WHATEVER MEMORY WE RETAIN OF

Spengler's Decline of the West. It is an interpretation of
European history since 1000 A.D. by one who has faith in its
future and even in its present. Eugen Rosenstock-Hiissy is
professor of social philosophy at Dartmouth. For many years
he was a German university professor. He served throughout
the Great War in the German army. After the war he worked
for two years in a large automobile factory and later became
the founder of the German Labor Camp movement. He was
the first head of the Academy of Labor at Frankfurt. In his
college work he now reaches across departmental limits. He is
historian, philosopher, theologian, economist, philologist. He
is intensely interested in education, politics, and above all, in
religion.

A "total revolution" for him marks the emergence of a
new idea of permanent importance to the whole human race.
Thus he writes the revolutionary story of Europe since 1000
A.D. "to bring back a respect for the creative moments in
history." But the book is not merely a record of specially "crea-
tive moments." The writer has his own philosophy and voices
it strongly.

The World War, he believes, has changed the prospects
and possibilities of the whole Western world far more than
most of us have realized. In the United States we blame the
depression or President Roosevelt for our industrial troubles.
But what we must face is a complete change in the economic
conditions of the world. We cannot return to the "mar\et-
seetyng economics" which has ruled us hitherto. The open
market period is over. The world is one and united for
business purposes. "The production of goods is settled better
than ever. But in such an economic system men quickly
degenerate. Our post-war problem is the production of real
all-around men, and that was never less assured than today.

SURVEY GRAPHIC

/GW
Gluyu William.

Peggy Bacon

THE TIME-SAVERS

THE UNGENTRY

Two recent books written, and to be read, just for fun have been widely quoted for their playfully cynical observations on
typical middle class Americans and their British cousins. Both were brought out by Simon and Schuster, who have a bent
for proving that even in moments of world crisis people like to smile at themselves and at the other fellow. Daily Except
Sundays or What Every Commuter Should Know (price £1.25) was written by Ed Streeter, of "Dere Mabel" fame
during the war. It is illustrated by Gluyas Williams, Mr. Streeter's old Harvard Lampoon colleague and now a fellow-
commuter, whose picture, above left, drawn from life on the suburban local, is captioned: "Where are they going? What
do they seek?" Margaret Halsey's With Malice Toward Some (price $2) began in her letters home to America when she
went with her husband to a British university town, ended up as the inspired diary of a candid newcomer to the Eng-
lish countryside. Delightful illustrations by Peggy Bacon match the sharpness of the author's barbed bemusement by
the British. Above right, the fascinating Ungentry.

"In every great nation in Europe we sec a resurgence o]
the repressed. . . . Lost features of the human soul arc being
rediscovered. We are in a twilight zone between peace and
war. The nations arc marking time and preparing for the
economic organization of the whole world. We have now no
moral complaints, no eternal sanctions, but energetic moves
on a chessboard. The nations begin to talk truth to each
other. They shout indecently, they bite, they scratch, they
drop diplomacy because they are integrated into one whole.
Nothing new is being enacted now. The European nations
are trying to avoid the mistakes of the World War period."

In his view of Hitler and his regime our author surprises
us: "Nazism," he says, "is the outbreak of popular energies
against the overweight of the German 'State.' It is the true
expression of the repressed desires of peasants and lower
middle class who were under the yoke of the Gebildeten
(cultured), and can now avenge themselves. It is going back
to the forests of Germania Antique. In the same way our
colleges arc beginning to teach primitive sociology, barbarism
and anthropology, more and more. The modern masses will
soon be led through a maze of pre-history, prenatal man,
Stone Age, Egypt. Perhaps some hours will remain for the
Greeks and the humanities. Christianity will be postponed."

Sidelights on Roscnstock-Hiissy's criticism of college edu-
cation dart through these sentences. He is now giving in
Cambridge a remarkable and challenging course of lectures
on The Privilege and the Future Opportunities of the
University.

Beside the World Revolution which is the cause and the
result of the World War, Roscnstock-Hiissy describes five
other "total" European revolutions: the Russian, the French,
the English (1640-1691), the German, which is the Protestant
Reformation of 1517, and the Italian (1048-1269).

The Italian revolution was the establishment of the Papacy
as the center of the Christian world in 1046, and the en-
franchisement of the Church from the power of the Emperor.
The second half of this revolution was the creation of the
Papal State, the first modern state of its kind, including areas
larger than cities.

The English revolution was marked by the rise of Public
Spirit (not public opinion). Public spirit is the instinct that
"knows where the country has to go not for cheap profit but
for the sake of the soul." After 1641 England could never be
governed against the public spirit.

The German revolution abolished the distinction between
clergy and laity and gave every man confidence in his direct
relation to God. "Thus the civil servants, the officers of gov-
ernment and the teachers in the universities acquired a religi-
ous position in the country. Church and state, monasteries,
universities and schools were integrated into one great organ
of culture. German music was also a fruit of the German
revolution.

The French revolution proclaimed the equal rights of all
human beings, Jews, muzhik, blacks and yellows, men and
women.

The Russian revolution is meant to guarantee food, cloth-

DECEMBER 1938

619

ing and health to the masses in order that labor-force may be
assured. It is "devoted to the non-historical side of man's
nature, to the permanent, recurrent, natural, physical side of
man's nature" — birth, food, clothing, and physical enjoyment
in a classless society.

Few profound scholars are so deeply and variously human
as the author of this really great book. He is eloquent, origi-
nal, humorous, and quite extraordinarily many-sided. He
makes history live because he is living so intensely himself.
I urge every reader of this review to read the book and to
read it as I have, more than once. It is one of the very few
outstanding books of the century.
Cambridge, Mass. RICHARD C. CABOT, M.D.

Blood and Soil for Nazi Tots

THE N'AZI PRIMER. Translated from the German by Harwood L.
Childs, with commentary by William E. Dodd. Harper. 280 pp. Price
$1.75 postpaid of Survey Graphic.

THE NAZI PRIMER (NEW YORK-LONDON 1938) is A TRANSLA-
tion of an "official handbook for schooling the Hitler Youth,"
and presents clear and unbiased evidence of how Nazi doc-
trines are being impressed by state education on the younger
generation in Germany today. The two ideas of blood and
soil, of the German people and German land, are the themes
of the primer as they are the guiding principles of the whole
Nazi philosophy.

Under the conception of "blood" is emphasized the neces-
sity of developing and purifying the German race by "wiping
out the less worthy" and selecting the "best." By "soil" is
meant not only "attachment to the soil," but also the claim
to territory. In its full extent it includes in addition to the
political area of the German Reich, all of the German popu-
lation area "as far as the German tongue wags," and the
German cultural area. The last two claims extend beyond
Europe itself to overseas countries, including not only former
colonies but also a right to influence cultural and political
life in South and Central America.

With an introduction by Professor H. L. Childs, the trans-
lator, reviewing the organization and training of the Hitler
youth and with the commentary on the primer by Professor W.
E. Dodd, former ambassador to Germany, the book is not only
a valuable authoritative source for the philosophy and educa-
tional aim of the Nazi government but also for the chief
principles of national socialist philosophy.
Cambridge, Mass. LOUISE W. HOLBORN

The Case for Isolation

SAVE AMERICA FIRST, by Jerome Frank. Harpers. 432 pp. Price
$3.75 postpaid of Survey Graphic.

HERE is AN EXCEPTIONALLY CLEAR SETTING-FORTH OF THE Eco-
nomic philosophy of the New Deal by an able lawyer and
original member of the Brain Trust. But what makes Jerome
Frank's book very timely is the fact that his argument for a
self-contained national economy has been powerfully con-
firmed by current happenings abroad. He asserts that to keep
our productive machinery going so as to hold purchasing
power at the level necessary for permanent prosperity, we
must choose between extensive foreign trade and intensive
cultivation of our own garden. Mr. Frank dismisses the first
alternative on the ground that it would inevitably lower living
standards here, subject us to booms and depressions of foreign
origin, and involve us in war.

But we do not need the writer's closely reasoned arguments
to convince us on this point. Present day facts are all too con-
vincing. We have seen Germany making a partial territorial
and complete economic conquest of Czechoslovakia before the
ink was dry on Prague's bilateral trade agreement with
Washington. And we hear Japan openly and officially an-
nouncing the closing of the Open Door in China. Some of the
forced expressions of optimism at the recent convention of

the Foreign Trade Council in New York were almost pathetic.
How can we retain our present volume of foreign trade — to
say nothing of expanding it — in these days of trade barriers,
emergency restrictive measures and intense nationalism? But
as John T. Flynn wrote the other day, this is cause for pes-
simism merely among those who think our only salvation lies
in foreign trade.

Our salvation does lie, as Mr. Frank takes infinite pains to
demonstrate, in the fact that a self-sufficient United States of
America, with her "folkways of plenty," with an efficient pri-
vate industry aided and guided by government, can profitably
increase production and encourage consumption, raise living
standards and insure prosperity. In other words, we can pro-
duce an economy of plenty inside the profit system and within
the framework of political democracy. As to the precise means
to be employed, Mr. Frank makes the briefest suggestions,
reminding us that the New Deal has made a good beginning.

It might be added that Mr. Frank argues patiently and in-
geniously with devotees of Marxian and laissez-faire ideolo-
gies in behalf of a "middle way," and pleads earnestly with
intelligent business men to accept such alterations of the exist-
ing profit system as are necessary to "Save America."
New Yor/i BENJAMIN P. ADAMS

An English Utility and Monopoly Plan

THE MIDDLE WAY, by Harold MacMillan, M.P. Macmillan. 382 pp.
Price $2.50 postpaid of Survey Graphic.

ESSENTIALLY HAROLD MACMILLAN'S BOOK is OF INTEREST TO
Americans as an argument for a British NRA. There are
chapters devoted to the minimum wage proposals of B.
Seebohm Rowntree, and to the interesting idea that certain
staples, in which consumer preference is practically nil,
should be made public utilities for economy of distribution.
In addition to electricity, gas and coal, Mr. MacMillan lists
milk, butter, eggs, cheese and standard bread.

The nub of the book, however, is in the proposals for legal-
ized organization of industries which have passed the stage
of capitalistic adventure and have settled down to a crabbed
maturity of chronic overequipment and lack of profitable
markets. He would have these industries permitted to organ-
ize as trusts or code authorities, with power to compel the
minority to comply with the adopted plan or code. The
authority could restrict new investment, fix prices, and bar-
gain as a whole with an equally universal union. The con-
sumer, he says, would be represented too. No fear of mo-
nopoly prices, for if prices were to be raised above the
proper level, the industry would soon feel the depressing
effects of consumer preference for some other type of service.
E. g., I suppose, if housing were to cost too much, people
might prefer cars. Since intelligent business men would
never walk into any such trap, of course the code authority
would keep prices as low as possible. Also, it would naturally
promote progress by encouraging new concerns to enter the
industry.

The English are a wonderful people. God save America,
though, from anything like the late Steel Code.
Washington, D.C. DAVID CUSHMAN COYLE

The Quasi-Judicial, Quasi-Legislative Agencies

THE ADMINISTRATIVE PROCESS, by James M. Landis. Yale
University Press. 160 pp. Price $2 postpaid of Survey Graphic.

IN FOUR ALL-TOO-BRIEF LECTURES, DELIVERED AT THE YALE

Law School, Dean Landis gives us a rarely equalled view
of the administrative process. The literature of administrative
law and organization is largely the work of academic
scholars. Administrators themselves have only spoken up
from time to time and only infrequently have their writings
been of interest. Here are the words of one who is both
scholar and administrator; a philosopher who has himself
labored in the vineyard.

$20

The formal outline of the book includes four chapters on
the place of the administrative tribunal, the framing of
policies, sanctions to enforce policies, and administrative poli-
cies and the courts. This is a great deal of ground to cover in
160 pages; but the sketchiness and superficiality which might
have resulted have been ingeniously avoided by the embel-
lishment of the main themes with instances drawn from the
experience of the author as chairman of the Securities and
Exchange Commission.

At the very outset. Dean Landis strikes a note of active
sympathy and support for the administrative process and its
position in the governmental structure. Convinced of the
necessity of expertness in government, reasonably certain that
this expertness can best be developed through the medium
of vigorous administrative commissions and tribunals, he
rinds no need for mere defense or apology. Not only does
the administrative process hold for him no threat to existing
liberties, he finds in it rather the hope of greater good in the
future. There is to be no retreat to the cumbersome forms of
another day; instead, the administrative process bids fair
to develop with increasing acceleration. Delegations of the
rule-making power continue to increase; the flexible tech-
niques of administration show greater and greater superiority
over the more rigid forms of the courts; the judiciary with-
draws still further from the control of administrative action,
until the final question is posed as to whether it should not
also begin to withdraw from the review of conclusions of
law.

Doubtless there are those who will decry such an approach
to the administrative process, who will labor over the details
of its shortcomings, and demand to know why these are not
here elaborated. It is not difficult to find the faults in the
system. These have often been pointed out and many persons
stand ready to point out more in the future. Significant in
this book is the sturdy affirmation of belief in the essential
validity of the system, which will give strength and heart to
those who wish to develop and improve it.
Washington, D.C. A. H. FELLER

A Philosopher on the Bench

MR. JUSTICE HOLMES AND THE SUPREME COURT, by Felix
Frankfurter. Harvard University Press. 139 pp. Price $1.50 postpaid of
Survey Graphic.

IN THIS SLENDER VOLUME IS DISTILLED THE ESSENCE OF THE

great spiritual heritage left the American people by Mr.
Justice Holmes. With luminous insight, in only ninety-four
short pages, Professor Frankfurter has revealed the consti-
tutional position of Holmes, the judge, and the tolerance
and humility of Holmes, the man. In a world where toler-
ance is not the fashion, and in a day when the process of
reconciling economic with political freedom is filled with
bitterness, this volume may well serve as guide along the
path we must follow if the American constitutional system
is to endure.

The central focus of the constitutional philosophy of Mr.
Justice Holmes is an emphasis on what Professor Frankfurter
beautifully calls "the amplitude of the Constitution as against
the narrowness of some of its interpreters." Holmes was
acutely aware that the American Constitution is not a prolix
legal code carefully charting the details of every answer to
all of our social and economic problems. It marks rather the
great outlines, the signposts along the road, and leaves it to
the future to determine its own particular direction. During
his long years on the Supreme Court, Holmes fought cease-
lessly against the tendency of judges to identify their own
personal economic predilections with the Constitution itself
and so to bind its future development with a dead judicial
hand. He never swerved from the belief that the wisdom or
lack of wisdom of particular statutes was no concern of the
judiciary, whose only interest should be to see that legisla-
tion fell within the broad scope of the Constitution. At no

(In answering advertisements

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Princeton University Press, Princeton, New Jersey

Mr. Justice Holmes and the

Supreme Court
By FELIX FRANKFURTER

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(In answering advertisements

time did Holmes make his position clearer than when he
deferred to the legislative judgments of Iowa and Nebraska
when they acceded to the wave of post-war hysteria by
forbidding the teaching of school subjects in any language
other than English. No one was surer than Holmes of the
lack of wisdom of such hate-born legislation, but his concern
as a judge was only with the power of the legislatures to
enact it.

Just as Holmes, time without end, yielded to legislative
judgments on policies with which he disagreed, so he was
eternally vigilant to protect the freedom of speech of those
with whom he disagreed. Indeed, as Professor Frankfurter
says, "His famous dissenting opinion in the Abrams case
will live as long as English prose retains its power to move,"
and will remind us that we should "be eternally vigilant
against attempts to check the expression of opinions that we
loathe and believe to be fraught with death." Here is the
essence of freedom of speech, and the essence of Holmes'
belief in the fullest freedom of the mind.

In his appraisal of Holmes' position in American constitu-
tional history, Professor Frankfurter never forgets that Holmes
was in truth a philosopher whose path lay in the service
of the law. It is not strange that he was supposed not to
have read the newspapers, for he was concerned with the
ultimate issues of the destiny of mankind rather than the
fleeting issues of our little day. Holmes never failed to con-
nect his subject of the law "with the universe, to catch an
echo of the infinite, a glimpse of the unfathomable process,
a hint of the universal law." And Professor Frankfurter
rightly remembers that Holmes was a poet as well as a
philosopher and that the magic of his expression, the glowing
poetry of his words form part of our national culture.

By the manner of his writing as well as by the depth of his
understanding, Professor Frankfurter has wrought in a
manner worthy of both the Holmes of whom the book is
written and the Cardozo to whom it is dedicated as the
"rightful successor of Holmes." Holmes and Cardozo both
specialized in "great utterance." These few short pages have
been uttered by one who has shown himself worthy of the
same great tradition.
Barnard College JANE PERRY CLARK

Legal Safeguards for Workers

LABOR LAWS IN ACTION, by John B. Andrews. Harper. 243 pp.
Price $3 postpaid of Survey Graphic.

IN THE ORGANIZATION AND ADMINISTRATION OF PRIVATE ENTER-

prise, the United States long has led the world. Not so with
respect to the organization and administration of its public
services. Of all branches of government, none perhaps until
comparatively recently has commanded less status, less finan-
cial support, less adequate personnel and facilities than those
responsible for the administration of labor laws.

Since 1933, however, the volume of labor laws enacted and
the widespread financial benefits and services provided par-
ticularly through the social security and fair labor standards
acts have served to focus attention not only upon the need
for competent administration but also upon the methods of
securing it. To both these subjects Labor Laws in Action is
addressed. In making it available at this time, John B. An-
drews has rendered a most opportune and valuable service.

Against his long and rich experience as editor of the Amer-
ican Labor Legislation Review, independent investigator, col-
laborator with the states, the federal government and the In-
ternational Labor Organization, Mr. Andrews deals with the
major aspects of labor law administration. Among these are:
the scope and organization of state labor departments, the
financing of their various functions, their inspection services;
and the administration of national and international labor
law.

To a discussion of factory inspection both in the United
States and Great Britain, Mr. Andrews devotes about half the
please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)

622

book. To him, "Factory inspection is at the heart of the system
of protective labor regulations by which the states have sought
to eradicate unsafe and unsanitary conditions of employment,
to limit working hours, to fix minimum wages, and to restrict
child labor. Without adequate enforcement by inspection,
these legal safeguards," he states, "inevitably become inef-
fective."

Among the other functions emphasized throughout the
book is adequate personnel administration — selection on a
merit basis, adequate salaries and security of tenure.

To all those responsible for the administration of labor law,
the discussions of the administration of a labor department by
a single official or a commission and the value of representa-
tive advisory councils and numerous other questions will be
welcome. In fact, no present or prospective members of gov-
ernment departments concerned with labor law should fail to
read this book. The general reader and the groups interested
in the passage of labor legislation will be greatly illuminated
by this significant presentation of the enormous opportunity
for the healthy extension and development of principles of
labor regulation by fair and informed practices in administra-
tive law. It is an excellent and much needed book.
U. S. Secretary of Labor FRANCES PERKINS

Life on Britain's Dole

MFX WITHOUT WORK, A Report Made to the Pilgrim Trust. Cam-
bridge. England. Macmillan. 447 pp. Price $3 postpaid of Survey
Grapkic.

PROBABLY NO ARGUMENT WILL SILENCE THE COMMENT ABOUT
the unemployed, "Some folks won't work." Clinch Calkins'
very able little book on the subject did not do it. Government
investigations in England and America have not inhibited
its continued appearance among parlor analysts of the relief
problem. Men Without Work does not set out to be an
answer to that comment, but anyone who reads it will hesi-
tate to use such words thereafter.

The authors, a committee under the chairmanship of the
Bishop of York, are not attempting a defense of a maligned
group of men. They have no axe to grind. They shed no
tears. But they do a workmanlike job of assembling observa-
tions about the preparation for adjustment which 1000 long
time unemployed workers in selected centers in Great Britain
brought with them to unemployment. They trace the adjust-
ments in practice and in attitude which those workers have
made. They distinguish types among them according to age,
employment history, sex, physical and mental equipment,
skill, former wages, union membership, community and
group standards in the midst of which they have lived. By
the time the causal relation of these factors has been traced
to observed reactions to work, to transfer, to retraining, to
work of voluntary agencies, the effect of maintenance benefit
on such reactions assumes its proper proportions.

The report is not concerned with moral judgments; it is
concerned with discovering the essential facts about the un-
employed which make possible intelligent dealing with their
problem by state and private agencies. An indication of the
character of their analysis is seen in their conclusion that,
while services to the unemployed should stimulate the desire
for reemployment in certain cases, in others, particularly
those of older men in hopelessly depressed areas, those same
services should aim to create a degree of acceptance of the
inevitability of no private industrial employment. And such
a conclusion does not come out of thin air but is the result
of careful assessment of the realistic facts which this latter
group faces.

In spite of the fact that the book is written in pedantic
language, is poorly organized, and that its materials need
pointing up around significant issues, it definitely contains
"pay dirt." It will richly reward careful study, not only by
those closely connected with the administration of services to
the unemployed, but by all students and laymen interested in

(In tnnrering advertisements

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irst he demands votes; sec-
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This brief formula might describe one aspect of
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tion, analyses of familiar and intelligent observers
are required. All these requirements were con-
sidered in selecting the contributors to

THE AMERICAN
POLITICIAN

Nineteen Political Portraits
Edited by J. T. SALTER

POLITICS is life, and politicians and voters
are the warp and woof of this life. It is the
belief, contained in this book, that one can learn
more about realities of American politics by study-
ing the lowly or the noble politician than by
reading conventional histories, textbooks, and the
Constitution. Next to observing the politician in
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Boswell who has stood close enough to his sub-
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how he functions in the democratic process. For
the most important task confronting the people
in a democracy, says Mr. Salter, is that of picking
the right politicians.

CONTENTS:

Fiorello H. LaGuardia : Arthur H. Vandenburg ; Paul
V. McNutt ; George William Morris ; Robert F. Wag-
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of the Four Hundred and Thirty-Five : Maury Maver-
ick of Texas ; "Happy" Chandler : A Kentucky Epic ;
John L. Lewis : Big Jim Farley ; Norman Thomas ;
Dan Hoan. Mayor of Milwaukee; S. Davis Wilson,
Mayor of Philadelphia ; Sol Levitan, The People's
Choice ; Salem County and Joseph Sickler : A Study
of Rural Politics ; Anna Brancato : State Representa-
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a penetrating analysis of the motives and conditions which
lie back of human behavior.

The problem of the long time unemployed is likely to
increase with efforts to stabilize employment, wages, produc-
tion and prices. It is well that we think clearly about the
implications of such policies for those in whose case unem-
ployment has become stabilized also and for the communities
of which they are a part. Men Without Work is an outstand-
ing contribution to such thought.
Yale University E. WIGHT BAKKE

Pungent Stories of a Good Fight

BEHOLD OUR LAN'D, by Russell Lord. Houghton, Mifflin. 307 pp. Price
$3 postpaid of Survey Graphic.

NOT A FEW OUTSTANDING DOCTORS, LAWYERS AND SCIENTISTS

have found in government service at least as good opportuni-
ties for sound, untrammeled work as they would find any-
where. Some writers of unusual ability are beginning to
wonder whether this is not true for their profession also.
Even without government reforms designed to attract their
services, the government does today attract some high and
sincere literary talent.

This is apropos of a bulletin on soil conservation recently
written by Russell Lord for the United States Department of
Agriculture. As a brilliant and effective piece of reporting,
the bulletin is a landmark in government publications. It
tells what we Americans have done to waste the resources of
America's earth, and what the soil conservationists are now
doing to repair the ravages.

But some of the best material could not be used in a com-
paratively short bulletin, so Russell Lord took the whole
thing and made a book of it. Behold Our Land is the book.

In a series of brief sketches, which the author modestly
calls "field notes," it swings from the creation of earth up to
today, and from northeast Maine to southwest California. It
is full of stories of people, some tragic, some humorous, all
pungent. It is full of vivid descriptions of our immensely
varied American landscape, which Russell Lord knows and
loves well. And it gives the reader a great respect and liking
for those "soil rangers" who are the counterpart, in another
field, of De Kruif's hunger fighters and microbe hunters.

Cooperating with thousands of American farmers, these
men are working out new patterns of cultivation and soil pro-
tection that are beginning to change the look of American
farming. What they are doing in effect is to bring agricul-
tural practice into line with nature's own conserving princi-
ples, which we have recklessly disregarded. With their help,
farmers are beginning what promises to be the biggest fight
for better use of our basic resources that this country has
seen.

Russell Lord makes this evident in a book that is civilized
and beautifully written, yet never loses its punch.
Washington, D. C. GOVE HAMBIDGE

Via Media Americana

ROADS TO A NEW AMERICA, by David Cushman Coyle. Little, Brown.
390 pp. Price $2.75 postpaid of Survey Graphic.

DAVID CUSHMAN COYLE HAS THE ADVANTAGE, AT LEAST FOR
the general reader, of coming at economic study with a
freshness of approach and vocabulary which are appealing,
whatever one's appraisal of his ideas. Like Stuart Chase, he
insists upon centering on the realities of human needs rather
than thinking about preconceptions of monetary or account-
ing reckoning. The influence of the English writer, Fred
Henderson, and his disturbing book, The Economic Conse-
quences of Power Production, is apparent.

The ideas, however, are in their combination a synthesis
unlike either of the above writers in total result. Mr. Coyle
combines a shrewd, nineteenth century Yankee love of indi-
vidualism at its best with a desire to hold all capitalistic

gains, with a sense for the need of an increasing body of
public services, with a grasp of the difficulties of assuring
that the new technology gets full and beneficial use despite
the present restrictions on consumer purchasing power.

Essentially, this book is the best single exposition of the
rationale of the New Deal I have seen. For this very reason
it is a book which business men should read and study. For,
essentially also, the book is an effort to set forth how capital-
ism can be made to work. Conceivably, if enough business
leaders of enterprises large and small could quickly enough
agree as to the wisdom of these roads to a new America, it
might come in the author's terms. But he does not attempt
to envisage what may happen if business is indifferent to or
obstructive of ideas of internal reform which might recon-
cile individual enterprise with maximum consumer service.
And such indifference or obstruction seems to this reviewer
the more likely actuality of the immediate future.

Perhaps the most valuable feature of this book is its
frankly plural approach. It correctly points out that six
different economic systems or frames of effort and control
already operate simultaneously in our economy. And in the
retention of all six and the balancing and interplay of their
forces and activities, the author sees the possibilities of indi-
vidual freedom being best assured.

His ideas about economic planning as broad policy plan-
ning, under which much latitude is given for divergence in
details of operation, is suggestive and a useful addition to the
exploratory thinking about the planning concept which is
now afoot among scattered but sober-minded groups.

Professional economists will find Mr. Coyle a little cavalier
with their pet ideas and premises. But the book's utility lies
less in the closeness of its reasoning than in its total outlook,
its occasional flashes of fresh insight about weaknesses in
our present system, its central concern for personal freedom
and its pluralism about the scientific, functional value of
several kinds of economic motivation all operating at once.

As a consulting engineer, Mr. Coyle stresses operational
phases of reform, just as George Counts, who is a teacher,
in his recent The Prospects of American Democracy stresses
the educational phases. The fact is we need the correctives
and the suggestions of varying approaches in our efforts at
reconstruction. And to this process of pooling and choosing
the via media Americana, Mr. Coyle brings a contribution
which has its special and unique value.
New Yorl{ ORDWAY TEAD

The Vermont Way

SPEAKING FROM VERMONT, t>T George D. Aiken. Stoke.. 233 pp.
Price $2 postpaid of .Surrey Grapkic.

WRITTEN IN A STYLE CLEAR, SIMPLE AND HOMELY, AND SUR-
charged with dry Yankee wit, Governor Aiken tells us once
more, as Ethan Allen did years ago, that the Gods of the
Valleys are not the Gods of the Hills — particularly not just
now. Anyone, however, who anticipates that the voice of
Vermont as it comes from its governor is just a call to reac-
tion against the agonies of a changing world will find him-
self agreeably surprised. Would you expect, for example, that
the chief magistrate of the most self-reliant of the American
states would say this about the social security act:

"Our social security program now provides unemployment
insurance for limited periods to cushion the shock which un-
employment invariably brings to our economic system. . . .
We recognize that its imperfections arc many, that its in
justices are too numerous; but recognizing the existence of
these failings is winning half the battle to make the program
more workable. The principles of social security are here to
stay."

This book is not in any sense a political tract. It is a
friendly exposition of a philosophy of living adapted to new
conditions but in accordance with the dictates of the Gods of

(In answering advertisement! please

625

Should Public Schools
Be Federally Subsidized

Should Government
Regulate Wages
and Hours

What Next
the Tenant Farmer

THE above are but three of the twenty-six
timely and important national and inter-
national problems discussed during the 1937-
38 season of America's Town Meeting of the
Air. Among the seventy-two well known and
expert speakers who appeared were: Charlotte
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Name
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mention SUB.VIY G«APHIC)

-lisa PUBLISHED

NEW TRENDS IN GROUP WORK

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HOW TO BE A
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the Hills. Mainly this book is a new viewpoint, a testing of
the ways and means of current social programs and panaceas
from the standpoint of a. true representative of a state which
has always believed in self-reliance, in the adjustment of man
by his own efforts to his environment, in the happiness of
farming not as a business but as a way of life — and in paying
your bills. The author covers many aspects of current life.

One of the subtle dangers of the book is that if it is
approached in the spirit in which it is written there is some-
thing quite insidious about this Vermont philosophy of life
as it is lived in the hills and as Governor Aiken expounds it,
particularly in the chapter entitled The Worth of Living.
One unconsciously begins to speculate about buying one of
those Vermont farms. It does seem a nice place to go, with a
friendly atmosphere, and a sane attitude towards living.

The Law of the Hills is not obsolete or anachronistic. It is
part of the primitive force of America; it is a force still to be
reckoned with in the evolution of a better American way of
life. This book tells you about it, and tells it well.
New Yor^ GEORGE W. ALGER

The Peace Movement

WAR AND THE CHRISTIAN, by C. E. Raven. Macmillan. 185 pp. Price
$1.75 postpaid of Survey Graphic.

A WARM HEART AND A COOL INTELLECT PRODUCED THIS COM-

petent book on War and the Christian. The development
of the peace movement, its problems, weaknesses, failures and
growing solidarity is traced with insight and accuracy. An
aroused and enlightened conscience speaks with moral author-
ity in these pages.

War is discussed, not in isolation, but in relation to the
purpose of the state. It is linked with other sinful elements
in social life which require special treatment. War is not a
lone instrument of hell. Canon Raven lays the ax at the root
of the tree of all social evils.

Probably no proponent of Christian participation in war
has given a clearer statement of the arguments for such a
choice or answered more carefully the question, "Is there a
middle way?" The Renunciation of War carries to full ex-
pression the method of sacrifice, the author's position.
Westport, Conn. RICHARD T. ELLIOTT

A Poet in The Sky

LISTEN! THE WIND, by Anne Morrow Lindbergh. Harcourt, Brace. 275
pp. Price $2.50 postpaid of Survey Graphic.

HOW ONE LIKES ANNE LlNDBERGH! COUNTLESS PHOTOGRAPHS

come to mind of that small figure making long strides away
from or towards a plane, a wren of a woman who fades out
of the public gaze as fast as stout shoes will take her. Her
eyes are the most noticeable thing about her.

Listen! The Wind, says Charles Lindbergh in the fore-
word to her new book, "is a true and accurate account of
various incidents which occurred in flying from Africa to
South America — " ten days out of a six months' survey trip
of the Atlantic air routes in 1933. "To take off with full
tanks we needed a good wind and a long stretch of sheltered
water."

That is the prose of this narrative in a nutshell, title and
all. But this is no prosy book. Like North to the Orient, that
other slender book by Mrs. Lindbergh, it is something to
savor slowly, to gloat over without hurrying on to the end
— like a child with a jewel-colored lollrpop. It has the artistry
of a piece of fiction, this story of two mortals bound by the
whim of the uncontrollable wind. There is struggle, suspense,
and gamut of emotions, fatigue, pity, humor, discouragement,
fear, relief. The three parts of the book deal with three
strange places: a dreary island off the coast of Africa (pov-
erty, dust, bedbugs); an English colony in Gambia (lav-
ender-scented soap, fezzes); and sixteen hours in the plane
over the ocean, bound Brazil. Much of the writing is vivid:
ase mention SURVEY GKAPHIC)

"his words, robbed of all push of sincerity, wilted like flags
in a dropping wind," to take an example at random.

Yet everything essential to the record is there — the avia
tor's prose — the equipment, care of the plane, the calcula
tions, radio communications. These details, like the whok
narrative, sparkle with the color of Anne Lindbergh's per-
sonality. She shares her joy in little things, and great; her
sense of fun; the compulsion in the hazardous life. We know
the writer for a lovely human being, gallant, gay, sensitive,
considerate, disciplined. FLORENCE LOEB KELLOGG

The Environment for Invention

MARCH OF THE IRON MEN: A SOCIAL HISTOIY <<r UNION TIUKHM.H
INVENTION, by Roger Burlinuame. Scribner. 500 pp. Price J3.75 poitpau!
of Sttrvey tirapl'ic.

THIS BOOK IS NOT A HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES, A HISTORY

of inventions, a story of the lives of inventors, an account of
the place of inventions in technology, nor an analysis of the
influence of technology on the social structure and processes.
Something of each of these, it is a novelist's account, com-
posed with an artist's eye for the mass, of the evolution of the
social pattern that produced a United States from separate
colonies, told in terms of the factor which the author believes
to have been of first importance — technical invention. The
division of the book into sections gives the historical frame:
The Colonial Period, Revolution, The New Federation, Ex-
pansion, The Individualist Period, Unity. The four chapters
of the section on the Revolution suggest the mode of selec-
tion of technological items: Revolution in England; Iron and
Discontent; The Pennsylvania Rifle; War and Invention.
Within such a frame the author paints a picture of the
response of ingenuity to environment that is fascinating
reading.

He considers inadequate Farquhar's adage that necessity
is the mother of invention. One infers that he might prefer
the statement that the social milieu is the mother and neces-
sity the father. This allows for the appearance of an occa-
sional technological infant when necessity is not at home, yet
accounts for most of the family of inventions. Throughout
the history of the United States necessity, the father, has
appeared in two principal guises: the need to conquer dis-
tance and the need to compensate for shortage of labor.
Milieu, the mother, has appeared in a thousand and one
guises, each made of the materials of a particular moment
in the evolution of a society. Although Cyrus McCormick
probably inherited the idea of the horse-reaper, it was he who,
business minded, perceived opportunity in the production
capacity, restriction by labor shortage, and the need for
mechanical equipment in the areas of relatively level, fertile
soils then being brought into a world market by new devices
ol transportation.
New Yorli H. S. PERSON

Those Nova Scotia Co-ops

THE l.OKI) HELPS THOSE ... by Bertram B. Fowler. Vanguard. 180
pp. Price J1.75 postpaid of Surity Craph\c.

FOR SEVERAL YEARS NOW THE COOPERATIVE WORLD IN AMKRICA

and Canada has been talking enthusiastically about the work
that St. Francis Xavicr University has been doing among the
fishermen of Nova Scotia. The Lord Helps Those, if not the
most interesting factual work on the subject, certainly could
scarcely be matched in its unbounded enthusiasm. Mr. Fow-
ler leaves one at the end more with the feeling that in Nova
Scotia he has found a new justification for his enthusiasms
over cooperation, rather than that he has presented a clear
picture of the conditions. On the other hand he lashes out
viciously at all phases of our educational and financial set-up,
as if seeing it in all its futility as compared with the true
education carried on among these Nova Scotian fishermen. The
net result is that one moves from intense blame to stirring

(In answering advertisements please mention STRVFY GRAPHIC)

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readers." —GARDNER MIIRPHY

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praise, chapter after chapter, and for my part, hoping vainly
that one may rest one's emotions for a few moments at least
on some island of calm, unhurried prose to gather strength
for the next plunge. In the preface Mr. Fowler himself states:
"In The Lord Helps Those I have attempted no cold, dis-
passionate appraisal of the theories of the movement. What
has been done in Nova Scotia by St. Francis Xavier is too full
of vital meaning and inspirational dynamics for that."

For all of this one would have to be uncommonly conser-
vative or unimaginative not to feel great sympathy for what
is happening there and enthusiasm for these people who
need no government to help them up but are proudly getting
on their own feet themselves. Mr. Fowler has outlined the
various phases of the movement from the long educational
years before action was taken and up to its numerous
manifestations at present. There is no doubt that far to the
north on the barren Nova Scotian coast there has been an
amazing social and economic transformation in the form of
cooperation which has been unequalled in America in our
time. As an example of what cooperation can do for a com-
munity or even a whole section, it has no equal. These fish-
ermen and farmers are practicing cooperation in its best
sense. Visitors to that section relate with amazed enthusiasm
the progress that has been made and Mr. Fowler is perhaps
one of the best examples of these. As a Negro visitor put it,
everyone treated him like an equal and, above all up there,
"Nobody wants any credit." ELIOT PRATT

New York

A ChUd's Book of War

postpaid of Survey Graphic.

MANY READERS OF Survey Graphic WERE DEEPLY TOUCHED BY
the six little drawings by Spanish children reproduced in our
August issue, drawings made during the civil war. These
and some fifty more, striking as unconscious art, heartbreak-
ing as childish autobiography, have been brought together in
a small book. The profits from its sale will be contributed to
the Quakers for relief work with Spanish children. As
Aldous Huxley so well says, "The most that individual men
and women of good will can do is to work on behalf of some
general solution of the problem of large scale violence, and
meanwhile to succor those who, like the child artists of this
exhibition, have been made the victims of the world's col-
lective crime and madness." — F. L. K.

Interpretation of Intellectual Advance

THE EVOLUTION OF PHYSICS: THE GROWTH or IDEAS FROM EARLY
CONCECTS TO RELATIVITY AND QUANTA, by Albert Einstein and Leopold
Infeld. Simon and Schuster. 319 pp. Price $2.50 postpaid of Survey
Graphic.

ONE NEED READ NO MORE THAN THE TITLE PAGE OF THIS BOOK

to realize that it is important. It is important because it gives
us an insight into how the most renowned contemporary
mathematic physicist regards his own domain.

The purpose of the authors is not to present a systematic
course in elementary physical facts and theories. It is rather
"to sketch in broad outline the attempts of the human mind
to find connections between the world of ideas and the world
of phenomena. We have tried to show the active forces which
compel science to invent ideas corresponding to the reality
of our world." They have described in clear, simple language
(with not a single mathematical formula) the main broad
concepts of physics. More than that, they have given the
layman an exciting glimpse into the way in which science
progresses. Inadequacies and inconsistencies arise in any
system of ideas and interpretations — here, for example, the
classical mechanical view which every schoolboy is supposed
to know and every engineer apply. These contradictions
accumulate and lead to a more comprehensive view. In recent
please mention SURVEY GBAPHIC,)

628

advances in science the most disturbing contradictions have
been those between the corpuscular and the wave theories of
light, and those between the traditional determinism and the
principle of "indeterminacy" that appears in the behavior
of submicroscopic units.

For those who have no interest in technical physics, there
is here a significant interpretation of intellectual advance.
\cu Yor^ E. M. GRUENBERC

The Family, Happy and Otherwise

NEW HORIZONS FOR THE FAMILY, by Una Bernard Sail. Ph.D.

I'.an. 772 pp. Price $4.
THE FAMILY— A DYNAMIC INTE«HETATIOK. by Willard Waller. A

Cordon book, published by The Dial Press. 621 pp. Price $3.25.
THE HAPPY FAMILY, by John Lew, M.D. and Ruth Munroe. Ph.D.

Knopf. 320 pp. Price $2.75.

Price* postpaid of Survey Grafkic

BUILDINGS AND MACHINES ARE GETTING SMALLER AND BETTER,
but books are getting bigger and not much better. People
write too rapidly and too frequently these days. "Pardon
this long letter; I did not have time to write a short one."
Scientists are not content to cite; they must also use long
excerpts and paraphrases. In Sait's nearly a third of a million
words and Waller's more than a quarter of a million, we
have to pay for many thousands of words written by others.

The lady is more objective than the gentleman. She is
content to give the data in a severe, concise style, citing and
quoting many recent factual researches. Her historical
"sketch" is nice work. She scarcely mentions the psychoana-
lysts, and then only to criticize their neglect of culture. Much
attention is given to the family and education. Dewey is
her major prophet, with Maclver and Malinowski runners-
up. Child and family welfare are thoroughly covered. Her
next majir interest is the changes in woman's status. This
leads into birth control, family instability, adjustment and
the emergence of a cooperative family. Four valuable chap-
ters on homemaking conclude the book, except for an epi-
logue in which she envisages a world where the enlightened,
cooperative family will play a significant role.

Sail gives us an institutional analysis of the family; Waller
is more concerned with personal interactions. He tries to
objectify the subtle, subjective aspects of familial behavior.
His text is the Burgess definition of the family as a "unity
of interacting personalities" — a definition equally applicable
to all social structures. His other intellectual aides are Mac-
lver, Paris, Kreuger, Cooley, Dewey, G. H. Mead, Adler and
Freud — with the last carrying off the honors.

His schema are Maclver's four stages, slightly modified by
adding "life in the parental family" and omitting the "empty
nest" (for lack of material). Trie first topic deals more with
the mechanisms of personality formation than with the actual
problems of the child through adolescence. Here Dewey 's
habit, Paris' attitudes and Freud's libido are all used — a some-
what anomalous trinity. "Courtship" is much more successful
in dealing with real questions. The author shows a good
deal of insight and gives a rather systematic account of an
important topic usually omitted in family texts, but R. L.
Stevenson and Robert Burton are cited more than E. R.
Groves. The marriage section is based on the doubtful as-
sumption that this adjustment is primarily conflicting, disil-
lusioning, and non-satisfying. I fear good old insight fails us
here. Parenthood is very inadequately treated in thirty pages.
Here again insight suggests parenthood is a rather sorry
business on the whole. Three chapters on disorganization,
one on bereavement and two on divorce, conclude the book
except for a brief fairly factual chapter on The Family and
Morality. The discussion of bereavement is admittedly unsat-
isfactory, but puts our common sense knowledge into a more
systematic conceptual frame. Divorce is discussed largely
under alienation and the psychic costs to those involved, with
a brief theory of readjustment. He gives little data except a
few cases to support this analysis.

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clinic was opened in Brooklyn in October,

1916. What it meant in fighting courage,

perseverance, martyrdom, during the years pre-

ceding, Margaret Sanger tells with admirable

restraint. She writes of her experiences in

Japan, China, India and Russia with a slant

that is both personal and professional. This

book holds distinction for something that must

be read, between the lines, Mrs. Sanger's

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education and freedom from want."

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(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)

630

Waller's book is somewhat disappointing to me, perhaps
because I lack faith in the insight method and am averse to
literary examples even to illustrate alleged sociological prin-
ciples. The book is more feelingful than factual. However, it
is well written, has interesting problems and projects for each
chapter, and probably will stimulate undergraduates to a
good deal of thought (and feeling).

Using almost no psychiatric lingo, The Happy Family
describes many familial tensions in familiar language. It
inveighs against generalizations, but makes many. It shows
how bugaboos and taboos interfere with rational mate selec-
tion, settling down to marriage, managing the other woman,
getting sexual satisfaction, living together, handling work
and money, and dealing with children. Rightly, sex malad-
justment is treated as symptomatic rather than causative of
spousal tension, but the discussion of marital infidelity seems
superficial and unrealistic in view of the current mores.
Also, I am not so sure as the authors that adolescent rebellion
and postmarital disillusionment are inescapable in our culture.
Nor can I agree with the alleged subconscious craving of
children (and adults) for punishment, especially for physical
punishment.

The large role assigned to rationalization, irrational and
non-logical behavior, compensation, transfer, projection, ego-
striving, and ambivalence (though these terms are seldom
used) seems substantially sound. There is a great deal of
common sense (and some nonsense) in the book. I hope
many bedevilled and confused people may gain some insight
into their problems from reading these clever and interesting
pages, but I have little faith that many sick psyches are
cured by reading books — even good ones.

John Levy must have been a skillful psychiatrist and a very
vivid personality. His untimely death is a great loss to the
developing art and science of understanding and treating
personality difficulties.
Miami University READ BAIN

La Guardia in Flesh-and-Blood

THIS MAN LA GUARDIA, by Lowell M. Limpus and Burr W. Leyson.
Dutton. 429 pp. Price $3 postpaid of Survey Graphic.

THE HONORABLE PETER STERLING, EARLY (1894) AMONG THE
novels which in biographical guise created heroes of politics,
was fiction, in which Paul Leicester Ford erected out of the
high spots of Grover Cleveland's career an effigy, compound
of Sir Galahad, Don Quixote — a stuffed-shirted demigod —
contributing considerably to the Cleveland legend to this day.
This is not intended to be derogatory of Mr. Cleveland, in-
dubitably one of our big if not great Presidents; nor of the
novel which in its day was notable and sensibly helped along
the however temporary de-lousing of American politics.

I mention that once widely discussed and influential work
of art by contrast with this one, in which a flesh-and-blood
man stands forth on his own two human feet; no work of
fiction; Fiorello H. La Guardia himself, with all, or, if you
insist, most of his warts and freckles. Oh, yes, undoubtedly
these two biographers like their subject, and have "given him
the breaks." Wherever there is a doubt they have resolved it
in his favor. But they have had access to La Guardia's most
intimate correspondence; they have examined and cross-
examined him mercilessly; they aver that he withheld nothing,
asked nothing, censored nothing . . . just laid himself wide
open. In spots it is almost indecent exposure; but the result is
a real portrait of one of the most spontaneous, naive, utterly
charming human beings in American political life. They have
made him confess, and he did it with a kind of gusto, the
damphool things, the tragedies, the two heart-touching ro-
mances, the ghastly disappointments and disillusionments —
the whole story, the like of which could not be found any-
where except in this country, of the son of an Italian immi-
grant, of humblest birth and extremely limited advantages,
starting political life at scratch, winning by hardest work and

grit and righting determination to the mayoralty ol the great-
est city in the world, and on his way . . . whither?

A soldier (aviator) in the World War on the Italian front,
his service and injuries given added fillip by his sweetheart's
divlaration that she would marry nobody until Trieste, her
birthplace, was again Italian; a fighter j outrance in the bat-
city politics; as member of Congress a burr under the
saddles of even the leaders of his own party; destroyer of the
old Tammany Hall; builder of a city administration the like
of which for honesty and efficiency New York never saw
before and hardly dared to dream of ... every page of this
story crackles with personality; like La Guardia himself, these
biographers always see the human being and the human
values behind the event and the official.

Lest the reader suppose that I have been seduced by this
story (and it is seductive enough), and have swallowed an
exhibit of artful propaganda in aid of a politician's career,
let me say that I personally know this man. Beginning with
a strong prejudice against him, I was converted by personal
contact, by seeing him in action, by intimate and searching
talks with him; by looking for the yellow spots that every-
body conceals if he can and has the wit, and finding them in
him rather below the average. I have searched my memories
of fifty-odd years of contact with American politicians for
his like in honesty, courage, intelligence, fidelity to The Job
at whatever expense to himself; I cannot recall his match. I
had this net impression before I saw this book; it describes
the man I know myself. [See La Guardia — Portrait of a
Mayor, by John Palmer Gavit, Survey Graphic for January
1936.] These authors raise the question of his political future,
but cannot answer it. So far as I know, the man as a political
figure is sui generis.

Every American should read this book; it is a thrilling
exhibit of "Americanism" at its best; of what the "melting
pot" really means. It presents in flesh-and-blood the definition
of democracy, fighting democracy waiting for its chance face-
to-face with autocracy, whether of the Russian, the German
or the Italian type, or of that of the American political ma-
chine. None of these despotisms can produce or successfully
resist a man like this. He has to have free air to breathe; a
fair chance and no favors. ... In my opinion, his limit is the
roof. But, since municipal government is the rottenest part,
the core, of our rotten American politics, and since La Guardia
is giving us a firsthand illustration of the way to make it less
rotten, my personal hope is that he will stay exactly where
he is. JOHN PALMER GAVIT

MEDICINE AND MONOPOLY

(Continued from page 609)

This policy of theirs becomes especially grievous to Group
Health Association when the patients need operations. The
patients may go to the hospitals; but the operations — except
in cases of extreme acute emergency — must be performed
by surgeons in good standing with the medical profession.
The result is that Group Health Association, besides paying
salaries to its own surgeons, has to pay fees for operations to
professionally endorsed surgeons. The result is also that a
large number of operations needed — but not urgently and
instantly needed — by Group Health Association members go
unperformed.

The opportunity thus opened for Group Health Asso-
ciation propaganda is obvious, and it is eagerly embraced.
I quote from a mimeographed circular issued by The Social
Security Board Members of Group Health Association:

"One hundred and sixty patients of Group Health Asso-
ciation— men, women and children — arc waiting for opera-
tions, not of an emergency nature, that can be performed only
in a hospital. This cannot be realized in any of the present
(Continued on page 632)

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MEDICINE AND MONOPOLY

(Continued from page 631)

(In answering advertisements

Washington hospitals, because the patients want Group
Health doctors to perform the operations. And Group Health
doctors are barred from the hospitals."

One exception to this rule seems to prevail. Dr. Virginius
Dabney still operates upon patients in Episcopal Eye, Ear
and Throat. But he does not call them Group Health Asso-
ciation patients. By a pious fraud, conceded to his age and
reputation, he calls them "mine." No such concession is made
to any other Group Health Association doctor. The general
situation simply is that Group Health Association surgeons
(with the exception of Dr. Dabney) do not operate — and are
not permitted to operate — in Washington hospitals.

Now the policies of the Washington hospitals in medical
matters are largely determined by their medical staffs; and
the members of their medical staffs are largely dominated by
the medical guild ideal of the American Medical Associa-
tion and the District of Columbia Medical Society. The exclu-
sion of the Group Health Association doctors from the
Washington hospitals was attributable accordingly to the
"medical monopoly," so-called. This "medical monopoly," as
seen by Group Health Association members, had now com-
mitted four "crimes." It had tried to impede Group Health
Association in getting a medical staff; it had refused to allow
its members to hold joint consultations with G. H. A. staff
physicians; it had expelled Dr. Scandiffio; and it had induced
the Washington hospitals to exclude G. H. A. physicians
from the use of their facilities.

The Monopoly Issue Is Raised

WHEREUPON, ON AUGUST 1 OF THIS YEAR THURMAN ARNOLD,
assistant attorney general of the United States, made Group
Health Association into a national issue by announcing, in a
press release which was front-page news throughout the
country, that:

"The Medical Society of the District of Columbia, the
American Medical Association, and some of the officials of
both these organizations are attempting to prevent Group
Health Association from functioning. ... In the opinion of
the Department of Justice this is a violation of the anti-trust
laws because it is an attempt by one group of physicians to
prevent members of Group Health Association frohi selecting
physicians of their own choice. . . . The particular persons
responsible for this violation can only be ascertained by a
grand jury investigation."

That grand jury investigation is now, as I write, going
forward. One point in it is stressed by Mr. Arnold and, I
think, should be stressed in the mind of the public. Mr.
Arnold says — and most properly:

"An indictment for violation of the anti-trust law does not
necessarily charge a crime involving moral turpitude. In the
present case the department does not take the view that the
offenses committed are crimes which reflect upon the char-
acter or high standing of the persons who may be involved."

That is a well deserved cautionary note; and it is to be
added that Mr. Arnold does not in any way commit himself
to the proposition that Group Health Association is a sound
project. It might be, so far as he is concerned, the world's
unsoundest. What he seeks is simply the maintenance of
competition in the field of medical care. He asserts:

"There should be free and fair competition between newer
forms of organization for medical service and older types of
practice without the use of organized coercion on either side.
If the newer forms of organization should result in inferior
standards of therapy, as is feared by their medical opponents,
that fact can be revealed only by experiment."

(Continued on page 634)
please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC^

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What to Know
when you
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Free buying guide tells how to
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Copy sent free

Household Finance has published
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| 919 N. Michigan Ave., Chicago

Please send me without obligation a free copy of "Shoes." Also a list of
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MEDICINE AND MONOPOLY

(Continued from page 632)

(In answering advertisements

In other words, Mr. Arnold rejects the guild principle and
promotes the "open market" principle, as indeed he must
under the anti-trust laws which he is sworn to enforce.

Will Competition Be the Life of the Medical Trade?

I THINK THAT I CAN ASSURE MR. ARNOLD THAT HE WILL PRES-

ently see a quite magnificent display of "open market" com-
petition in medical care in the District of Columbia.

Group Health Association is preparing for it by strengthen-
ing its financial and professional arrangements. Its president,
William C. Kirkpatrick, supervisor of the tax section of the
Home Owners' Loan Corporation, is a vigorous adminis-
trator. The dues charged by Group Health Association have
been increased. They used to amount to |3.30 a month for
husband, wife, and children under eighteen. They now
amount — for that same family group — to |5. Applicants must
now take physical examinations. They must also pay an
application fee of $5. The services rendered to members and
their dependents are virtually but not totally "complete."
They do not include brain surgery or spinal cord surgery or
hospitalized tubercular or narcotic cases. A business manager
has been employed to attend to all non-medical details ofi
administrative routine. A $10 "membership fee" has been
imposed upon all members, old and new, for the purpose (if;
found necessary) of giving Group Health Association *•
hospital of its own. In short, every effort seems to be in
course of being made to put Group Health Association in a
sound competitive position.

And why not? It soon will have direct competition in the
group health field from the District of Columbia Medical
Society itself. This prospect is not far from constituting a
local medical revolution. For importance it completely eclipses
the outcome of Mr. Arnold's grand jury proceedings, what-
ever that outcome may be.

Two years ago, even before the Group Health Association
plan was hatched, the Medical Society was incubating a
plan of its own. It had already given its approval to Wash-
ington's Group Hospitalization, Inc., which sells hospital
care (though not hospital medical care) on a prepayment
group insurance basis. It had also given its approval to Wash-
ington's Health Security Administration which seeks to
adjust doctors' bills and dentists' bills to their patients' capacity
to pay and which also gets hospital dispensary care and
hospital medical care for patients who can pay very little or
who can pay nothing. The Medical Society perceived, how-
ever, that Group Hospitalization, Inc. and Health Security
Administration were not enough. It decided to go farther.
Toward that end, as well as toward other ends, it this year
acquired what it had never possessed before: a full time sec-
retary. For that post it chose Theodore Wiprud of Milwaukee,
who had been executive secretary of the Milwaukee Medical
Society and who had given much attention to problems of
medical economics. On October 6 of this year Mr. Wiprud
released to the press a statement which took most of the
public by complete surprise. It contained a point-by-point
plan for medical care on a group insurance basis under the
auspices of the Medical Society of the District of Columbia.

I have discussed this plan with Dr. Arthur C. Christie
whose attack upon group health insurance I quoted earlier in
this article. Dr. Christie approves the plan. He holds that
the vice in group health insurance has been that it ordinarily
offers a service too large to be delivered competently and
permanently. He contends that point five in the Medical
Society plan will cure that vice. Point five is: "Necessary re-,
strictions will be placed upon benefits so that competent
service and financial solvency will be assured."
please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)

634

Group Health Association officials reply that they, too, are
bent upon "competent service" and "financial solvency."

The question arises: What routes toward those results will
be pursued, respectively, by Group Health Association and by
the Medical Society?

1 . Group Health Association admits persons of any income.
The Medical Society plan will admit only persons who, if
married, have incomes not above $2500 or, if unmarried, have
incomes not above $2000.

2. Group Health Association members arc served by a
medical staff which now has nine members and soon will
have eleven. The members of the proposed Medical Society
plan are to be served by a "panel" which it is hoped will
consist of several hundred doctors from among whom the
members may "freely choose."

3. The doctors of Group Health Association have joint
clinical headquarters. The doctors of the Medical Society
plan will have no such joint headquarters and will practice
entirely through their own individual offices.

4. The doctors of Group Health Association are paid sal-
aries. The doctors of the Medical Society plan will be paid
fixed fees per visit or per treatment or per some other mea-
surement of service rendered.

And there are other differences. The differences, however,
as it seems to me, are not so significant as is one basic re-
semblance between the two plans. That resemblance is this:
Under both plans the member pays monthly dues beforehand,
and under both plans he thereupon receives diagnostic and
curative medical care from doctors whose charges, whether
called salaries or fees, are fixed in advance.

"Creeping Collectivism"

ISN'T THIS WHAT IS SOMETIMES CALLED "CREEPING COLLECTI-

vism"? The patients pay fixed sums. The doctors earn fixed
sums. Where is the old utterly variable and incalculable in-
dividualism? I am forced to think that Group Health Asso-
ciation is already incipiently victorious. The Medical Society,
right along with Group Health Association, is now in the
deep forest of group action and of equalizing action; and
the Medical Society can only hope that with its vastly larger
medical resources it can find and blaze a better path toward
the future.

Current expectation is that the Medical Society will begin
to operate its plan in the early part of next year. We shall
then have two group health insurance plans simultaneously
seeking customers in Washington. It will be for Thurman
Arnold to sec to it that the competition between them is "free
and fair."

It cannot be wholly "free and fair" till the doctors of
Group Health Association get hospital operating facilities.
They may get them, as I have intimated, through the estab-
lishment of a hospital of their own; or they may perhaps get
them, it now appears, through a change of policy by the exist-
ing hospitals. The popular pressure upon those hospitals
toward a change of policy is becoming all the time heavier.
Government employes are numerously circulating a chain
letter suggesting that Community Chest pledge cards be
filled out as follows: "My pledge to the Community Chest
will be due and payable only when the local hospitals cease
discriminating against the physicians and members of Group
Health Association."

I venture to predict that hospital facilities for Group
Health Association will somehow be secured. I venture to
predict that all the professional medical ostracisms of Group
Health Association will somehow, some day — cither because
of Thurman Arnold or because of mere fatigue on the part
of the Medical Society — get relaxed and removed. And I
venture to believe that the Medical Society will then get its
best chance to try to make really effective criticisms of Group
Health Association, criticisms consisting of trying to render
a similar service in a more serviceable manner.

When Mrs. Milano
says "...si... si!"

THE FLAT should be tidier, you tell her. The children should
lie neater. "Eh ... «i ... si!" says \l r-. Milano. In English
she's saying, "Oh, yeah!"

Her sarcasm isn't laziness — it's weariness. Lighten IMT
work — show her how to get more cleaning and washing
done with less effort — and she wiW keep her children neater,
her flat tidier — all the Milanos will he happier.

One way to show her is to suggest Fels-Naptha. For
Fels-Naptha hrings extra help to get rid of dirt easier — the
fxlra help of good folden soap and /ili'nly of naptha,
working together. Moreover, Fels-Naptha washes clean
even in cool water — an added advantage that counts a lot
in homes that boast no hot-water taps.

FELS-NAPTHA

THE GOLDEN BAR WITH THE CLEAN NAPTHA ODOR

CHANGE OF ADDRESS

FOR THAT
HOLIDAY JAUNT

•H

Travel items and suggestions

Page* 6J6 6J7
of tbii iitue

Write for the

BOOK LIST

Books displayed at the
1938 National Conference of Social Work

On* of the most comprehensive lists ever published of books
on social work and kindred fields. Listing recent end standard
publications at regular prices, postpaid.

frtt /row

BOOK DEPARTMENT
SURVEY ASSOCIATES. INC., 112 East 19th Street, N. Y.

(In ansverinf advtrtisementi please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,*

635

WINTER CRUISES

125 sailings to the West Indies and South
America from which to select the cruise to fit
your time and budget.

Write for complete list and count on our person-
al attention!

No charge for any service we render.

ELIZABETH WHITMORE TRAVEL SERVICE

ONE EAST 57th STREET
NEW YORK CITY PL. 3-2396

LET US PLAN YOUR WINTER VACATION

OTHER AMERICAS

SPECIALISTS IN AMERICAN TRAVEL

SHIP • TRAIN • PLANE

Cruises and Conducted Trips

Independent Itineraries

OTHER AMERICAS — 19 East 48th Street
New York

WICKERSHAM 2-7959

THE

\V\II.I\H GLEN -NEW YORK

New York Office: 500 Fifth Ave. MB 3-5295
W. M. Leffiitgwell, President

A Resort Hotel As Well As A Health Resort

N OT B ECCK

Holiday Cruises

CRUISES PROVIDING CHRISTMAS OR NEW YEAR'S DAY — OR BOTH
— on the high seas or in warm southern ports are numerous
and attractive this year. A list of all those offered would
occupy several pages. The following gives a fair cross-
section of cruise possibilities, running as to departure from
December 16 to 29, as to length from 6 to 26 days, and in
price from $75 up. All rates given are for minimum space;
all sailing dates are from New York.

December 16 MEXICO (N. Y. & Cuba Mail) to Havana,
Progreso, Vera Cruz, and Mexico City (4
days in Mexico), $205, 16 days.
SANTA PAULA (Grace) to Curacao, La
Guaira, Puerto Cabello, Puerto Colombia,
Cartagena, Cristobal, Kingston, and Cap
Haitien, $285, 16 days.

December 17 ANTIGUA (United Fruit) to Santiago de
Cuba, Puerto Barrios (14 days in Guate-
mala), and Puerto Cortes, $295, 26 days.

December 20 KUNGSHOLM (Swedish- American) to the
Virgin Islands, St. Pierre, Fort de France,
St. George, Grenada, Willemstad, Curasao,
Cristobal, and Havana, $182.50, 15 days.

December 21 ORIENTE (N. Y. & Cuba Mail) to Havana,
$75, 6 days.

December 22 BORINQUEN (Porto Rico) to San Juan

and Trujillo City, $120, 11 days.
CHAMPLAIN (French) to Nassau, Kings-
ton, and Havana, $140, 11 days.

December 23 ORIZABA (N. Y. & Cuba Mail) to Havana,
Progreso, Vera Cruz, and Mexico City (4
days in Mexico), $195, 16 days.
SANTA ELENA (Grace), same as SANTA
PAULA above.

.December 24 AQUITANIA (Cunard White Star) to La
Guaira, Port of Spain, Fort de France,
St. Thomas, $125, 9 days.
PILSUDSKI (Gdynia America) to Nassau

and Havana, $87.50, 8 days.
SHAWNEE (Clyde-Mallory) to Miami and

Havana, $134.50, 13 days.
MUNARGO (Munargo) to Nassau, Miami,
and Havana, $125, 12 days.

December 27 MANHATTAN (United States) to Havana,
$75, 6 days.

December 28 ORIENTE (N. Y. & Cuba Mail), same as
ORIENTE above.

December 29 COAMO (Porto Rico), same as BORIN-
QUEN above.

WlTH THE EXCEPTION OF THE SPECIAL CRUISES OF TRANSATLAN-

tic liners (of which there are, of course, many more) most
of the above depart at regular intervals of one or two weeks
on similar cruises. I have not attempted to list the many
inexpensive services to Bermuda, or the countless truly at-
tractive holiday trips offered by airlines and railroads. But
with these few suggestions, you can approach your travel
agent now — for if you plan a Christmas or New Year's trip
and do not make reservations now, you are likely to spend
the holidays quietly at home. — HERBERT WEINSTOCK.
(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC^

636

Vermont Symphony

by EARL P. HANSON

WlllN A SYMPHONY ORCHESTRA, ORGANIZED WITHOUT FEDERAL

aid or a millionaire's backing, wins enthusiastic support
from rural audiences in the very stronghold of Yankee
conservatism — and furthermore does its work with such skill
that leading musicians endorse it and Metropolitan Opera
stars are glad to appear with it as soloists — then something
unique is happening in American life.

The Vermont Symphony Orchestra, now in its fourth year,
is the first and only rural symphonic ensemble in the United
States. Of its sixty players, forty are amateurs, drawn from all
walks of life. They live in all parts of Vermont and play in
all parts. Twice a week they have to travel in their own
cars as much as fifty miles to practice. William Skeeles, a
paperhanger in Rutland, plays the tuba. Paul Bourdon, who
plays bass, is a young lawyer of Woodstock, Vt. L. R. Ellis,
a jeweler, and Frank de Pasquale, a shipping clerk, play the
clarinet.

Cyril O'Brien, the first trumpet, is a mail carrier in Bur-
lington. The second trombone, Joseph Seff, carries the mail
in Rutland. Each walks his seventeen miles, rain or shine,
before going to rehearsals. Albert Flagg, bass, is a surveyor;
Fred Kcighlcy, trombone, is a barber. There are eighteen
women in the orchestra — housewives, teachers, stenographers.

The first credit for the orchestra is due to a young musician
named Alan Carter, a student of music since the age of
six, and an experienced conductor, who had organized in
1923 the now well-known Cremona Quartet. Carter found
himself in 1934 in Vermont, his health run down, harassed
by financial and other worries over the Cremona Quartet.

Falling in love with the quiet charm of Vermont, he
determined to stay in the state and organize a state symphony
orchestra. His enthusiasm inspired a group of acquaintances,
and a corporation was formed to take charge. The board of
directors is made up of sixteen professional people — musi-
cians, doctors, financiers, artists, writers, lawyers. Its secretary
is Dr. Clarence Ball, one of Vermont's leading surgeons and
a national authority on cancer. People like Dorothy Canficld
Fisher, the novelist, David Parsons, sculptor, and Samuel
Ogden, politician and maker of wrought-iron hardware,
comprise the rest of the board. The chief support of the
orchestra, however, comes from the moderate admissions paid
to its concerts.

When Carter started the Vermont Symphony Orchestra,
he tackled what most experts would have called an impossible
job. The whole State of Vermont has a population of about
the size of Rochester, N. Y. Rochester has a good symphony
orchestra — it has the concentration of population and wealth
to support one. Vermont is a rural state. Not a single one of
its cities has the population, the wealth, the mental attitude
that veteran symphony men consider essential. Carter started
a movement that by now entails the staggering total of some
20,000 man-miles of travel for every concert.

The orchestra plays in community halls, churches, farmers'
granges, or whatever is available. A cavalcade of cars, loaded
with the musicians and all their paraphernalia, descends on
one small Vermont town after another. Recently Carter
invited me to a concert in the peaceful town of Manchester.
There was a traveling carnival in town that day. The concert
hall in this case proved to be the race track of the fairground
near the carnival. When we arrived in the afternoon, various
members of the orchestra were scurrying like ants, erecting
a platform on wooden horses, placing chairs, sweeping the
grandstand, distributing cushions, pasting numbers on the
benches of the reserved sections.

It was a sweltering day. Players arrived in cars from all
(Continued on page 638)

(In tnrmeriitf adverliiementt please

637

AFTER THE TURN

OF THE YEAR we anticipate •
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mention SCIVIY G»AFBIC>

VERMONT SYMPHONY

(Continued from page 637)

parts of the state, dripping with perspiration. At last enough
had arrived to start rehearsing; a dozen players had to miss
that last rehearsal, they had jobs that did not permit them to
take the day off.

Symphony-playing calls for perhaps the ultimate refinement
in teamwork. The amateur musician is apt to look at his
own score and be entranced by the tones of his own fiddle,
but the professional player in an orchestra submerges his
own individuality in that of the group. The amateur has
feelings that mustn't be hurt lest he quit, the professional
takes it as part of his job to be bullied in a completely imper-
sonal manner. Carter's ingenious plan of having some twenty
professionals among his amateurs gives the latter a chance
to absorb the professional spirit. At the same time it injects
a solid core of professional workmanship into the inevitable
looseness of amateur enthusiasm.

Watching the conductor during rehearsal, I could under-
stand his astonishing success in welding that group of enthusi-
asts into one musical unit. While wrestling with sections of
the platform and arranging chairs, Carter had been amiable.
But he became the complete martinet the minute he had the
baton in his hands.

Unrelentingly he put the perspiring musicians through
this passage or that; he jumped up and down; he shouted
snatches of the melody at them. Working himself up to a
pitch he instilled what he characteristically calls "that umpff"
in his orchestra, demanding that they not only play in a
professional manner but that they also sit and look like pro-
fessionals, never afraid to give them the devil, though always
careful to direct a scolding to entire sections lest tempera-
mental individuals feel singled out and go home in a
dudgeon.

The soloist of the evening, Maxine Stellman of the Metro-
politan Opera, arrived in the middle of the rehearsal. With
the nervousness of the finished performer who takes her
job seriously, she submitted to Carter's remorseless drilling
and spent an hour working with the orchestra.

During the rehearsal, faint strains of the carnival's steam
calliope could be heard whenever the orchestra didn't drown
them out. Somebody went over to ask the manager to shut
off the calliope after 8:30 that evening. He said: "I get 10
cents, you get $2; I think we'll keep going."

He did keep going, but that evening Carter made his
audience forget musical competition. Incidentally the carnival
manager was wrong about the $2. The orchestra, trying to
popularize good music, charges $2 only for the flossiest
box seats; general admission is 50 cents. Next year Carter
plans to send buses around to collect the farm children who
have never heard good music in their lives, and bring them
to concerts for entirely nominal fees.

That night in Manchester the grandstand was packed by
an audience composed of dowagers and farmers, summer
visitors and natives, rich and poor, white and Negro. There
were many who had never listened to symphonic music
before. Carter was collected and poised; hypnotizing his
players through his own self-assurance, smiling at his orches-
tra, encouraging individuals with a gesture here and a nod
there, he led them through the difficult passages of Mozart's
Symphony in G Minor, Schubert's Overture to Rosamunds,
and two Strauss waltzes.

I looked over the programs of several concerts that the
orchestra had played in a dozen other towns. The repertoire
is large; Carter has had the energy and the audacity to drill
his group in such compositions as the Cesar Franck Sym-
phony in D Minor, Dvorak's New World Symphony, Wag-
ner's Liebestod from Tristan und Isolde, Ravel's Bolero,

Beethoven's First Symphony, and many others. Not only
that, but he has had the audacity to offer such music to
rural Vermonters and make them like it. When the concert
was over, hundreds of beaming people flocked from the
grandstand to shake the hand of the conductor.

This was the race track of the fairground, where farmers
were wont to watch the trotting horses, drink sodapop, and
listen to the town band. And here were sixty musicians who
looked, acted and played like professionals, but who were
home town folks just the same, adding Mozart, Beethoven,
Haydn, Bach and Schubert to the music of rural America.

In all the crowd none was more enthusiastic than Maestro
Artur Bodanzky, chief director of the Metropolitan Opera's
orchestra, who had drifted over from his home in Dorset to
see what was going on. Bodanzky had heard better sym-
phonic music; he had heard much that was worse; he had
heard little that was more significant.

The praise of a hardshell Vermont farmer who had come
to town to visit the carnival was even more reassuring. He
had blundered to the orchestra's entertainment on the race
track by mistake, but stayed in the spirit of trying anything
once. After the concert he talked to me, his face shining.
"By gum," he said, "that beats a movie all hollow. Those
fellows can come back here any time they want."

FROM THE FIRST, CARTER RECOGNIZED THE IMPOSSIBILITY OF
getting all his players together regularly for rehearsals; he
holds the semi-weekly rehearsals in two sections — one in
Rutland and one in Burlington; only occasionally can the
whole ensemble rehearse together.

Skeptical Vermonters said that the arrangement would
doom the whole venture. Rutland and Burlington had never
been known to work together on anything before. In early
days the members of the Rutland section would hardly talk
to members of the Burlington section, and the playing was
often marred by one group trying to outdo the other.

Carter's success in welding a finished, craftsmanlike
ensemble in the face of such obstacles is remarkable.

Furthermore, he is building for permanence. To supply
trained talent, he has started three training orchestras which
not only feed musicians into the Symphony, but also do
much to foster music appreciation in their home towns.

The training orchestra in Burlington is composed of fifty
children, whom Carter directs once a week. Already two boys
and two girls have graduated from that orchestra into the
major ensemble. In Montpelier forty amateur players have
been organized. Carter visits the city once a month, while
the group practices and performs regularly under the baton
of Mrs. Frances Bailey, wife of Vermont's commissioner of
education. That group has already graduated seven members
into the main orchestra. Three other members have come
from the Community Orchestra in Springfield.

Altogether, in four short years, Alan Carter has managed
to inject a powerful new leaven into Vermont life and, in a
more general way, into the American scene. But that isn't
enough for him. In order to consolidate the remarkable gains
already made, that young man of thirty-five is now dreaming
and talking of a Vermont Conservatory of Music, not only
to provide a faculty of the highest musical competence for
individual instruction but also to feed a stream of trained
musicians into the ever more solidly established Vermont
Symphony Orchestra, and eventually into similar organiza-
tions that may spring into being in neighboring states.

There is a widespread notion that only those whose ears
and senses have been trained can enjoy symphonic music.
Carter has abolished in Vermont the popular fancy that
"classical music" is something highbrow, and not of the
common people. And he has shown something even more
important — that far from being merely a matter of enjoy-
ment, good music can be the source of new community
enthusiasm and fellowship.

638

-*v

w»5»

lES-l*'0

SURVEY GRAPHIC

•

Survey Associates Turn Into
A New Quarter Century

At our silver anniversary last fall, we celebrated "25 Years of Social Discovery" and
foraged among the shapes of things to come. With 1938 we enter a new span — an
educational society which today, as in the days of our founding, is fairly without
counterpart. We publish two national periodicals: one a service journal, the other an
illustrated magazine of interpretation. Each month —

SURVEY MnDMONTHLY carries forward a spirited exchange of experience and
invention in the fields of social work.

SURVEY GRAPHIC brings out new chapters in the age-long history of humankind
to master the world we live in.

Back of these two periodicals, feeding into them, lies that work of inquiry and appraisal
that distinguishes Survey Associates as an educational undertaking. This work, made
possible by our cooperative scheme of support, combines the swiftness of reporting
with the authenticity of research.

We have had the college, the library and the laboratory as our prototypes. True, we
have taken over from journalism the independent editorial column; but we have not
built on the sandy premise that all readers would find agreement with the editors on any
point, or any one on all. We have built up our membership, among men and women
holding different points of view, on the solid execution of these educational functions:
We chronicle news in the field we have made our own . . . We pool experience . . .
We provide a medium for free discussion and criticism . . .We investigate and assess . . .
We interpret the results of research and experimentation.

We invite YOU to join our fellowship.

May 1938,
OK 27, Number 5,
I York, N. Y.,
Btction II

MEMBERSHIPS THAT SPAN 25 YEARS

fAddams, Miss Jane, Chicago
Ailing Miss Elizabeth C, Evanston
Andrews, Mrs. W. H., New York
Arnstein, Leo, New York
Athey, Mrs. C. N., Baltimore
Austin, Louis W., Washington

tBaker, Judge Harvey H., Brookline

Baker, Ray Stannard, Amherst

Baldwin, Arthur D., Cleveland

Bamberger, Louis, Newark

Barbey, Henry G., New York

Benjamin, Miss Fanny, Kansas City, Mo.

Bettman, Alfred, Cincinnati

tBicknell, Ernest P., Washington

Elaine, Mrs. Emmons, Chicago

Bonnell, Mr.* & Mrs. Henry H., Philadelphia

Bowen, Mrs. Joseph T., Chicago

Brackett, Dr. Jeffrey R., Richmond

Bradley, Richards M., Boston

Brandeis, Justice & Mrs. Louis D., Washington

Braucher, Howard S., New York

Bremer, Mr. & Mrs. Harry M., New York

Brown, Lester D., Lakeville, Conn.

Brown, Prof. William Adams, New York

Burlingham, C. C., New York

Butler, Mrs. E. B., Brooklyn

Butzel, Fred M., Detroit

Byington, Miss Margaret, New York

Cabot, Dr. Richard C., Cambridge

fCalder, John, South Hadley, Mass.

Cannon, Mrs. Henry White, New York

Carter, Richard B., Boston

Chamberlain, Prof. Joseph P., New York

Childs, R. S., New York

Chubb, Percival, St. Louis

*Claghorn, Miss Kate Holladay, New York

Cochran, William F., Baltimore

Codman, Miss Catherine A., Boston

Coffee, Rabbi Rudolph I., San Francisco

Colvin, Mrs. A. R., St. Paul

Colvin, Miss Catharine, Lake Forest, 111.

Cooley, Miss Rossa B., St. Helena, S. C.

Coolidge, Miss E. W., Boston

Crane, Charles R., New York

Cravath, Paul D., New York

Crosby, Miss Caroline M., Minneapolis

Curtis, Miss Margaret, Boston

Gushing, O. K., San Francisco

Davis, J. Lionberger, St. Louis

de Forest, Henry L., Plainfield, N. J.

Delano, Frederic A., Washington

Denny, Dr. Francis P., Brookline

DeSilver, Mrs. Albert, Brooklyn

Devine, Edward T., New York

Dilworth, R. J., Toronto, Canada

Dodge, Mr.* & Mrs. Cleveland H., Riverdale

Dreier, Mrs. H. E., Brooklyn

Dreier, Miss Mary E., New York

Dummer, Mrs. W. F., Chicago

Dwight, Miss M. L., Providence

Earle, Mrs. E. P., Montclair
Eastman, Miss Lucy P., New York
Eddy, Mr. & Mrs. L. J., Baltimore
Elkus, Abram I., New York
Emerson, Mrs. B. K., Amherst
Emerson, Miss Helena Titus, New York
tEnglish, H. D. W., Pittsburgh
*Evans, Mrs. Glendower, Brookline

tFarnam, Prof. Henry W., New Haven
Pels, Mr. & Mrs. Samuel S., Philadelphia
Ferry, Mansfield, New York
Ficke, Mrs. C. A., Davenport, Iowa
Flexner, Bernard, New York
Folks, Homer, New York
Frank, Walter, New York

*Deceased
tin Memoriam

Gannett, Mrs. Mary T. L., Rochester
tGeier, Frederick A., Cincinnati
Gilman, Miss Elisabeth, Baltimore
Gilmore, Miss Marcia, Pasadena
Glenn, John M., New York
tGoff, Frederick H., Cleveland
Goldmark, Miss Josephine, New York
Goldmark, Miss Pauline, New York
Goldsmith, Mrs. Elsie Borg, New York
Goulder, Miss Sybil M., Sussex, England
Greenough, Mrs. John, New York
Griffith, Miss Alice, San Francisco
Grinnell, Mrs. Morgan, New York
Guinzburg, Mrs. Victor, New York

Hale, Miss Ellen, Cambridge

Hallowell, Mrs. F. W., Chestnut Hill, Mass.

Hart, Mrs. Harry, Chicago

Hatch, Mrs. P. E., Springfield, 111.

*Haynes, Dr. John R., Los Angeles

Herrick, Mrs. J. B., Chicago

Hitchcock, Mrs. Geraldine L., La Jolla, Calif.

Holladay, Mrs. Charles B., Chadd's Ford, Pa.

Holland, Dr. E. O., Pullman, Wash.

Holt, Miss Ellen, Lake Forest, 111.

Howard, John R., Jr., Plainfield, N. J.

Howell, Mrs. John White, Newark

Hunter, Miss Anna F., Newport

fHuyck, Edmund N., Albany

Ickes, Hon. Harold L., Washington
Ide, Mrs. Francis P., Springfield, 111.
Ihlder, John, Washington
Ingraham, Mrs. H. C. M., Brooklyn
Ittleson, Mr. & Mrs. Henry, New York

Jeffrey, Walter, Columbus
Jones, Mrs. S. M., Toledo

fKellogg, Arthur, New York

Kellogg, Miss Clara N., Carmel, Calif.

Kellogg, Paul, New York

Kelsey, Dr. Carl, Philadelphia

tKennedy, Prof. F. L., Cambridge

Kent, Mr.* & Mrs. William, San Francisco

Kingsbury, John A., Yonkers

Kirkwood, Mrs. Robert C., Palo Alto, Calif.

Lament, Mr. & Mrs. Thomas W., New York
LaMonte, Miss Caroline B., Bound Brook, N. J.
Lansing, Miss Gertrude, Litchfield, Conn.
Lasker, Miss Fiorina, New York
Lasker, Miss Loula D., New York
Lawrence, Rt. Rev. W. A., Springfield, Mass.
*Lee, Joseph, Boston

Lewisohn, Misses Alice & Irene, New York
Lewisohn, Adolph & Sam A., New York
Lindsay, Dr. Samuel McCune, New York
Lovejoy, Owen R., New Canaan, Conn.
Lowenstein, Dr. Solomon, New York
Lukens, Herman T., Chicago

Mack, Judge & Mrs. Julian W., New York
Madeira, Mrs. L; C., Philadelphia

Mallery, Otto T., Philadelphia

Manges, Dr. M., New York

Marston, George W., San Diego

Mason Fund, Boston

McBride, Mrs. Malcolm, Cleveland

McCorkle, Rev. Daniel S., Conrad, Mont.

fMcDowell, Miss Mary E., Chicago

tMcGregor, Tracy W., Detroit

McLean, Miss Fannie W., Berkeley, Calif.

Merrill, Rev. William P., New York

tMeyer, Alfred C., Chicago

Mitchell, Dr. Wesley C., New York

Moors, Mr. & Mrs. John F., Boston

Morse, Mr. & Mrs. H. M., New York

Musgrove, W. J., Escondido, Calif.

Newborg, Mrs. Moses, White Plains, N. Y.
Norris, George W., Philadelphia
Oliver, Sir Thomas, Newcastle, England
Olmsted, Frederick L., Brookline

Page, Dr. Calvin Gates, Boston

Peabody, Rev. Endicott, Groton

*Peabody, Prof. Francis G., Cambridge

* Peabody, George Foster, Saratoga Springs

Perkins, Miss Emily S., Riverdale

Pinchot, Hon. & Mrs. Gifford, Milford, Pa.

Playter, Miss Charlotte S., Piedmont, Calif.

Pope, Gustavus D., Detroit

Pope, Mr. & Mrs. Willard, Detroit

Porter, Mrs. James F., Hubbard Woods, 111.

Porter, Rev. L. C., Peking, China

*Post, James H., Brooklyn

Potter, Miss Blanche, New York

Reimer, Miss Isabelle A., East Orange

Robins, Mrs. Raymond, Brooksville, Fla.

Rosenfeld, Mrs. M. C., Cleveland

tRosenwald, Julius, Chicago

Ross, Prof. E. A., Madison, Wis.

Rothermel, John J., Washington

Routzahn, Mr. & Mrs. Evart G., New York

Ryan, Rev. John A., Washington

Sailer, Dr. T. H. P., Englewood
Saltonstall, Mrs. Robert, Chestnut Hill, Mass.
Sandford, Miss Ruth, Dansville, N. Y.
Schieffelin, Dr. William Jay, New York
Schwab, Miss Emily, New York
fSchwarzenbach, Robert J. F., New York
tSeager, Prof. Henry R., New York
Seligman, Prof. Edwin R. A., New York
Senior, Max, Cincinnati
Sharp, Mrs. W. B., Houston, Tex.
Sherwin, Miss Belle, Washington
Smith, Miss Elizabeth H., Flourtown, Pa.
Smith, Miss Hilda W., Washington
Solenberger, Edwin D., Philadelphia
Sonneborn, S. B., Baltimore
tSpahr, Mrs. Charles B., New York
Spingarn, J. E., Amenia, N. Y.
Stix, Mrs. S. L., Elmsford, N. Y.
Stokes, Miss Helen Phelps, Old Bennington, Vt.
Strong, Mrs. J. R., Short Hills, N. J.
Swope, Gerard, New York

Tarbell, Miss Ida M., New York
Taylor, Prof. Graham, Chicago
Thorne, Samuel, New York
Thum, William, Pasadena

Upson, Mrs. H. S., Santa Barbara
Van Schaick, John, Jr., Boston
Volker, William, Kansas City, Mo.
Wald, Miss Lillian D., Westport, Conn.
Warburg, Mr.* & Mrs. Felix M., New York
Watson, Frank D., Haverford, Pa.
Watson, Miss Lucy C., Utica
Weber, Mrs. Edward Y., Stamford
*Weihl, Miss Addie, New York
Weil, Mrs. Henry, Goldsboro, N. C.
Wilder, Miss Constance P., Newton, Mass.
Wile, Dr. Ira S., New York
Willis, Miss Lina, Chicago

i937R«view«d ANNUAL STATEMENT BY THE EDITOR in Project 1938

\Vl MAY IIAVt NO GREAT OAK OR SPREAD-
ID^ bay tree to show for the saplings
set ma by the originators of Survey As-
sociates twenty-five years ago; but
friends and members manage to scatter
a lot of acorns about for us and the
story of our life process repeats itself in
manifold ways.

Recently I was told how this was con-
trived by the librarian of a leading poly-
technic institute where we had never
found place before. 'When she first
added Surveys to the shelves, scant at-
tention was paid to them. After her
habit, she sent memoranda to the heads
of departments calling their attention to
articles as they came out which bore up-
on their fields. Then, a sure register, at
the end of the day the copies were found
misplaced or left on the tables. The in-
telligence spread to the students. Today,
each month, before the new copies take
their places, the old ones are dog-«arcd
and rumpled. Which means that they
have taken root in new professional
groups.

Aside from anything we can gain
through circularization and field work —
and, as I write, our overall stencil count
of paid subscriptions registers an in-
crease of 13 percent over a year ago —
it is by hand to hand, friend to friend,
helpfulness that our most organic
growth goes forward. To aid in this
process among a natural group of po-
tential readers, our promotion depart-
ment has brought out a small folder, "A
Short Reading Course for Board Mem-
bers of Welfare Agencies." It has taken
on admirably and we should be glad to
send copies to you to put into the right
hands. I am tucking in this announce-
ment at the very head of my annual
statement, for it epitomizes the living
principle of our growth.

ON THE PACE THAT FACES THIS, YOU WILL

find a roll of Founding Members whose
participation in Survey Associates spans
our twenty-five years. Interest, tenacity,
conviction such as theirs have been the
core of our strength as a cooperative
society.

Your eye will catch among them the
names of social workers, lawyers, jour-
nalists, engineers, educators, ministers,
rabbis, priests, merchants, industrialists,
bankers, physicians, public officials, men
and women active in national and com-
munity undertakings charged with social
promise. They visualize what we have

We Turn Into a

New
Quarter Century

always had in mind in speaking of our
work as kindred to that of the old hand-
weavers — and at the same time close
in to an essential modern need if democ-
racy is to hold together and go forward.
We have thrown "shuttles of under-
standing" across vocations and construc-
tive movements in American life.

That after all is the very nib of our
working scheme; back of our break with
classrooms as an educational project,
our break with volumes in heavy bind-
ings as publishers of research. It explains
our preoccupation with experience and
realities, with inventions, demonstrations
and the interplay of creative leadership.
It is why we have developed types of
inquiry which hold to scientific proced-
ures but are characterized by timeliness
and swift utility.

YOU WILL NOT ONLY FIND THE NAMES

of these 25-year-members repeated in our
active roster for 1937 (pages 317 to 320);
but a third of them chipped in an extra
$25 this 25th year toward the $25,000
Reserve-Revolving Fund which has been
one of our anniversary objectives (page
316).

Now the letters from members that
cross our desks make us feel, in a spe-
cial sense, stewards of what they have
stood for over the years in terms of the
spirit. Yet, as the "toad beneath the har-
row knows," we have known too the un-
certainties and stress of an organization
without working capital or endowment,
dependent upon annual memberships
and contributions. The hard times drove
that home when in three years the an-
nual total from these sources was all but
cut in half. It was the larger brackets
that caved in at a period when we met
with losses in publishing receipts in
common with most publishers.

So it has seemed to us that to raise
an adequate Reserve-Revolving Fund
would do more than anything else to
bring reinforcement to what twenty-five
years ago was an entirely experimental
thing; what in twenty-five years has
proved its mettle and its capacity for

service and survival. We had a nest egg
of $5000 to begin with a year ago, and
have more than doubled that, lifting it
to $10,908 as this is printed. Acknowl-
edgments will be found on page 316.
We are still at it and our hope is that
step by step we shall reach our objective.
As a reserve, such a fund will save us
interest on seasonal bank loans and be
there to give us cushion in times of
stress. And as a revolving fund, to be
drawn on and repaid, it will enable us
to make fruitful ventures of a sort that
are difficult on a close drawn budget.

OUR ANNIVERSARY YEAR WAS ONE OF

fruitful ventures. It began with a board-
staff conference in January, which can-
vassed how we might revitalize both or-
ganization and operations, how we
might measure up to the claims upon
our work, the opportunities before us,
now that many of our subject fields
have come so much alive. Fresh lines
of activity were projected; altogether we
spent some $12,000 more on our regular
operations in 1937 than in 1936; four
fifths of it was investment in promotion
and contents — with encouraging gains
to show in subscriptions (joint, Mid-
monthly and Graphic), advertising and
memberships.

Our twelve months program reached
its crest in our Silver Anniversary Din-
ner in New York in December. Its fel-
lowship, lift and charm, under the chair-
manship of Mrs. August Belmont, were
such that if this page of our year's his-
tory were a parchment manuscript, it
would stand out like an illuminated
capital.

We broke out our colors that month
in a special number of Survey Graphic
— with its prophetic sheaf of articles on
"What Has Been Taking Shape in
American Life"; its largest advertising
lineage in our history; and its edition of
27,500 copies, long since exhausted.

WE SHALL DO SO AGAIN IN A DOUBLE NUM

her of Survey Midmonthly in May,
which will mark, also, its fifteenth an-
niversary as a monthly journal of social
work. This will deal with the new pro-
fession as it finds itself on the firing line
of social advance, will look over the
shoulder at the way it has come in the
last quarter century and examine what
it confronts and changes in process.

Our Survey Midmonthly entered the
new year with 16,655 subscribers — 14,-

313

Survey Graphic Scores: 1937

The "10 Outstanding Articles of the Month" in American magazines are selected from month
to month by the Library Service Bureau of the Mayfair Agency.

t
January: Social Security Begins, by John G. Winant

American Business Man — 1937 Model, by Edward A. Filene

Balance Sheet of Repeal, by H. H. Kay
February: Proposed Amendment, by K. N. Llewellyn

Mr. Roosevelt and the Supreme Court, by Irving Dilliard
March: What Can We Do About Strikes? by William M. Leiserson

Making Democracy Work, by Luther H. Gulick
April: Steel and the CIO, by John A. Fitch

Dykstra of Cincinnati, by Geneva Seybold
June: Sit-Down, by Louis Stark

On Discovering America, by Pearl S. Buck
July: The Constitution at 1 50, by Walter Lincoln Whittlesey

Labor, Management and the Public, by Stanley R. Mathewson

How Healthy Are We? by Mary Ross

August: The Shaping of a Labor Policy, by Governor Frank Murphy
October: Dr. Wang: Ambassador From China, by Beulah Amidon
November: The Informative Content of Education, by H. G. Wells
December: The Turn of the Century, by Charles A. Beard

Earth, Air and Mind, by H. G. Wells

776 of them joint subscribers to both
Graphic and Midmonthly; 1879 of them
separate subscriptions — a net gain of
over 500 in these, as one upshot of a
concerted drive to enlist readers among
the growing personnel of public welfare
departments and the new social security
services as both have spread through-
out the country. Miss Bailey (a pen
name that has become folklore in social
work) has followed them there, and her
new series of staff articles directed at
these newcomers has just been brought
out in another inimitable pamphlet.

The first of our anniversary projects
was to build up agency memberships for
our Midmonthly Fund to sustain its
work and growth in a period when the
demands upon it are incessant. We
doubled such memberships (page 317),
an increase from 29 to 74; and hope
for a corresponding gain in 1938.

THAT HAS BEEN ONE SALIENT IN THE
work centering in our finance and mem-
bership department. Another, our anni-
versary celebration itself; others, the rais-
ing of anniversary funds totaling $13,838
over and above the $62,828 for our cur-
rent budget — or a total of $76,666 in the
twelve months (page 316). For the first
time in five years we attempted field
work for memberships and our roster
mounted to 1786 — a gain of 166.

ONE REGISTER OF EDITORIAL PERFORMANCE

on Survey Graphic is our score at the
hands of a Committee of Librarians
(Mayfair Agency — a Harper's affiliate)
which selects 10 Outstanding Articles
of the Month and posts them in libraries
and bookshops. Here, in competition
with the leading American magazines,
our tally for the year was 19; over one
out of 7 of their selections were ours.

Another register lies in articles selected
by the Reader's Digest for condensation
(see table); and an even more tangible
recognition was its generous contribution
to our Anniversary Fund to give us
sureness of footing in entering a new
year and a new quarter century. That it
came from a publisher of distinction
gave a plus to the gift.

In mid-fall we added a business man-
ager to our publishing staff who brings
Harpers and Nation experience to our
publishing program and who is giving
new zest to our Graphic promotion. We
closed the year with 21,362 paid sub-
scriptions to the Graphic — 6586 of them
separate subscriptions, a net gain of over
1000 in these.

Another gauge of the Graphic is as a
carrier of social and economic data, its
thrust of firsthand inquiry and inter-
pretation; and its distillation of the work
of other agencies, public and private. It
is here that the work of our own research
desks (Association Account) enters in.
In the course of the year in Survey
Graphic alone, we carried eight full
length articles based on staff investiga-
tions. Thirteen articles interpreted ma-
jor findings by outside agencies of re-
search. There were thirty titles which
stood for firsthand work by outsiders, a
considerable share under assignment

Irom us. Sixty thousand reprints of one
such article, On Discovering America by
Pearl S. Buck, were distributed through
gift of a member of Survey Associates as
a contribution to public understanding.

THROUGHOUT THE YEAR THE TEAM WORK
of our board and its special committees
has counted at every point. Our Janu-
ary board-staff conference, at which
plans were laid down, was instituted by
our president, Lucius R. Eastman, and
the anniversary year itself rounded out
seven in which he has served as such.
From the outset his business experience
reinforced our publishing operations in
standing up to the hard times, at the
same time that his broad grasp of af-
fairs has strengthened our planning as
an educational society.

He is succeeded as president by Rich-
ard B. Scandrett, Jr., an active member
of our board, of which Judge Mack con-
tinues as chairman. Mr. Eastman be-
comes chairman of our National Coun-
cil, and Miss Wald, whose creative par-
ticipation goes back to our origin, be-
comes its honorary chairman.

OUR ANNIVERSARY ISSUES THEMSELVES RE-

viewed our "25 Years of Social Discov-
ery," making it unnecessary to present
more than a very condensed record for
1937 here. Perhaps the temptation has
been to put some of our best feet for-
ward, rather than those that limp — such
as objectives we failed to reach in the
twelve months; or the overhang that
made it necessary to keep our books
open into the early weeks of 1938 for
belated remittances and final contribu-
tions. Eventually they yielded a balance
of $44 on income which totaled $155,-
529— $95,231 of it from publishing re-
ceipts. Our appreciation to friends who
rallied to our support in so doing.

The new year is still marked by the
rough sledding of the business recession.
We do not minimize the difficulties
ahead of us; but we turn into our new
quarter century clear, with a reserve
of $11,000, on the way to $25,000, with
new momentum, a refreshed fellowship.

Reader's Digest Selections: 1937

Survey Articles (Midmonthly and Graphic) Condensed in Reader's Digest.

But Is the World Going Mad? by Farnsworth Crowder (April)

Uncle Sam Takes the Stage, by Hiram Motherwell (April)

Ellerbe Learns by Doing, by Robert Littell (June)

On Discovering America, by Pearl S. Buck (June)

P.R. and New Yorkers by William Jay Schieffelin (July)

Cardenas of Mexico — That Is the Way He Is, by Frank Tannenbaum (August)

A Donor's Dilemma, by Barclay Acheson (September)

Charity Racketeering, by Kathryn Close (September)

Repair vs. Relief in West Virginia, by J. D. Ratcliff (November)

Footnote to Progress, by Roger William Riis (December)

314

HOW WE CAME OUT IN 1937

Condensed Statement
REVENUE EXPENSES

No*. Commercial Revenue . MO. 298 Association Account S 29.713
Publishing Revenue: Publlihing Accounts:
Survey Mldmonthly . $38.878 Survey Mldmonthly $48.084
Survey Graphic 56.403 95.231 Survey Graphic 77.688125.77'

SURVEY MIDMONTHLY ACCOUNT 1937
REVENUE

Publlihlni Revenue . $36.626

Separata Mldnonthly Suttotrlatlons > * ''•'>•

Joint Subccriptlons (V, of $49.1*2) 24.591
•Members Subscriptions 4.490

Sales . ... 192

Total Circulation Incense . $34.159
Advertising 3.924

Total Revenue $155.529 Total E.pemei $155.485
Euess •> Revenue ever Expenses 144

Jobblnt
Discount Earned

Total Publishing Revenue $38.628

Contributions $ 3.13*

ASSOCIATION ACCOUNT-1937

MEMBERSHIPS AND CONTRIBUTIONS
REVENUE

GENERAL FUND

Cooperating Memberships • lit $12.710

Midmenthly Fund .. $3.690
•Lota Allocation.

Net Contributions $ 3.IM

EXPENSES

PubllihiM Main ten Mee $36.80.1

Admin. ttrttUn (1/3) S 4 617

Editor'! Otic* ('/«) I 3 282

Sustaining Membership, f $23 4.40*
Contributing MemDorshlpe of U4 2.1*0
Contribute Momborssilps • 110* 3.600 $22.810

Largo ind Unclassified $14.241

Edltwlal 11,635 14.917

MatHifacturlni 9 g3&

SubtcrlpitliM Routine 4.306

Sales 56

Advert. tint . 3.047

Total Central Fund $37.058

Dcpirtmental Funji
luduitry $2.175

Joint Subscription Promotion .. S 9.125

Mnllh 535
Education 220

Total Circulation Inveit merit . SI 1,281

Total Eipen.fi H8,OBi

MIDMONTHLY FUND 3.690

Excess »f Exprnsri over Revtnue net from General Fund $ tolM

GRAPHIC FOUNDERS FUND 19.075

Total Memberships an* Ceetrlbvtleas 1937. . . $62.828

Applied Iron 25tk Anniversary Fu»4l 4.617

SURVEY GRAPHIC ACCOUNT 1937
REVENUE

Publishing Revenue $58.403

WM4J

Applied from Graphic Reserve

Ml Ml

• Allocation, frees Memberships, It:
MldmeatMy tu.iaililliai $ 4.450

6'MM. MfZtMkMt . . 4.450 (8.900

Ntt Nee. Commercial Rrnno $60.298

Separate Graphk Subscriptions $12.840

EXPENSES

Administration (13) $4.637

Sales 1.143

Total Circulation Income $43.024

Advertising .. I0,5bt»

JebbiM
Discounts

Editor's OSV, (',) «.5«

EDITORIAL RESEARCH DESKS
Induitry . $3.367

Royalties 1.600

Contributions . $20.648
Graphic Founders Fund $l».075

Education 2.340
Ccmmuaitiei 350 6.411

•Loss Allocations

118.905
Applied from Graphk Reserve 1.753

TRANSFERS TO PUBLISHING ACCOUNTS

•Mldmenttily Fund (net) il.lid
•Grm»hi« Founden Fund <Mt) 16.905 $22.035

Net Contribution 20.656

EXPENSES

Publishing Maintenance $57.233

GoMral Fund to Graphic Account 627 $ 8.506

ticetl o( Revenue ever Eio«n»» «jldTrinHer« for 1937 » 44

• $5 li .Howled to lub.crlotlon ranlpU IrMi eich mrmber.hip »d CMtrlkutlM I*
Nwr l». rttulir lubxrlptlM of the Mater or cMtrlbirtor.

Editor's Office (V4) « J.2J2
Editorial 16.396 21.660

Manufacturing I7.JJ2
Subscription Routine 5.223
Sales
Advertising

HOW WE ENTERED 1938

Standing of Continuing Funds December 31, 1 937

General Graphic Rewm: Re-
Rtwrvf Rowrve volvlnf Fund
BaUnce JUHiiry 1. 1937 $1*} $3.253 $5.000
Untul«lled Pledlei 110
Applied to Gnphic Account 1(37

| 81 $1.500 J5.000
Contributed 1937 S-*0*
Baluoo for year 1937

Balance December 31. 1937 $127 II.9M $IO.ttS

Total Publishing Maintenance $57.233

Joint Subscription Promotion $ 9. 125
Graphic Promotion ...

Total Circulation Investment ••• $20.455

Eicess of Einenses over Revenue met from General Fund 1 637

RECAPITULATION OF PUBLISHING RECEIPTS

Mldmonthly Graphic Combined Incraano Decrease
Alalnit |9M>

Joint Subscriptions $24.5*1 $24.5*1 $46.181 $ 517
Monthly Subscriptions 4.926 12.80* 17.7*6 3.346
•Allocations 4.450 4.450 6900
Bulk Sales 192 1.143 1. 135

Total Circulation Revenue $34.15* $43.024 $77.1*1 $ 4.819
Advertising 3.924 10.566 14.4*0 1.753
Net from lofcblno 477 $ 1.114
Discounts Earned 268 5M 134
Royalties — 1.600 1.800 S44

CERTIFICATE OF AUDIT
Survey AtMciatci. Inc.: W» have audited your accounts for the twelve months end-

apeartleneaents aaproved by your •anaa'mrnt We certify that Oie atuukod Balance
Skeet and Statoexnt of Revenue and Disbursements correctly sot forth the tnanclal
conditions at December 31. 1937. and the results of operations far tko twolvei monOo
inen endln*.
Now York. March 22. 1936.
(Slined) COOPERATIVE LEAGUE ACCOUNTING BUREAU.
WERNER E REGLI. Director HOWARD 1 APFEL. C P. A.

Total Publishing Revenue $38.826 $56.4*3 $*».23I 1 6.416

• $5 Is allocated to subscription receipts trem each membership and contribution to
rover the regular subscription of the member or contributor

315

nniversary

Pros

ram

Contributions to Special Projects: 25th Year of Survey Associates

UUNIKIBUIUrO IU 1

<ti

000
500
500
250
250
250
100
100

50
50
50
50
40
30

25
25
25
25
25
25
25
25
25
25
25
25

25
25
25
25
25
25
25
25

25
25
25
25
25
25
25

25
25

25
25
25
25
25
25
25
25
25
25
25

itKVt — KCVULVIINO ri

5,608)

•Jeffrey Walter

JWU

•Wing Mrs David L 25 Mathewson Stanley B

10
10

Wise, Dr. Stephen S. 25 "Potter Dr Ellen C

"Butler, Mrs. E. B 10 'Richmond, Miss Winifred

10
10

•Holland, Dr. E. 0 .. .. 10 'Taylor Maurice

•Cannon, Mrs. Henry White....

25th ANNIVERSARY FUND

($8,230)

Reader's Digest, Inc $3400 'Hammond. Mrs. Gardiner

IS
15
15
15

•Kelley, Nicholas

•Ittleson. Mrs. Henry
' McGregor Fund. Detroit
•Paddock, Bishop Robert L

'Kuhn. Mrs. Simon

; Wald Mis* Lillian D

"Ladd Mrs William S

"Lewisohn. Misses Alice & Irene .
•Macy J Noel

•Lawrence, Rt. Rev. W. A.
t Leeds, Morris E

25
25

S. Adole Shaw "In Memoriam".. 1000 •Harris, MUs Helen M
tBIalne, Mrs. Emmons 500 'Hendrie, Miss Jennie F
"•Swift Harold H 500 "Hilton. George

'Lovejoy, Owen R

S'Mack. Judge & Mrs. Julian
•MacLeish, Mrs. Andrew . .
1 Mai lory Otto T

W. 25
25
25

Chicago Community Trust 250 -Hodson, Hon. William
tLasker. Miss Loula D 250 'Jackson, Mrs. Willard C

15
15

"Ailing. Miss Elizabeth C

•Kawin, Mlu Ethel ...

•Marston George W

•Belmont, Mrs. August 100 'Kuhn, Dr. Hedwlg S

•McConnell, Bishop Francis J,
•McLean Miss Fannie W

25
25

Cochran, William F 100 "Le Cron Mrs James L.

••Griffith. Miss Alice 100 'Lichten, Miss Grace M.

15
IS

•Bartlett, Mlu Harriett M

'Mitchell. Dr. Wesley C. .

Haynes, John Randolph and Dora
Foundation 100 'Manning Mrs Charles B

•Morris, Mrs. Harrison S. .
•Olmsted Frederick L

25
25

Henry. Mrs. Barklle 100 'Marvin, Walter R.. Jr.

Marx. Lawrence 100 'Matthews. Miss Elizabeth

15
IS
IS

•Patterson. Mrs. E. L. ...
'Playter. Miss Charlotte S. .
•Pope, Mrs. Willard . . .

25
25
25

Pick, Mrs George 100 MeCall, Miss Bertha

•Brown, Prof. William Adams ..

Pratt, Eliot D 100 *McCormiek Miss M V

Schoellkopf, Mr. &. Mrs. Alfred H. 100 'Mllliken, Mrs. Seth M

"BuUel Fred M

•Muller, Mrs. Gertrude E

15
15

IS
IS

'Rantoul, Mrs. Ne«l

Cook, Mrs. Alfred A 50 'Oppenheimer MUs Emille

'Clark Miss Jane Perry

•'Mack, Judge & Mrs. Julian W. 50

•Robbins, Mrs. France* C. L.

25
25

'Parker, Mrs. Willard

'Roosevelt. Mrs. Franklin D.

25
25

Carlton. Newcomb 25 "Pinney, Edward S

'Dykstra, C. A 25 'Pressey, Sidney L

'Gushing 0 K

•*Gavtt. Mr. & Mn. John Palmer 25 'Raymond, Miss Ruth

15
n). IS
15

•Davis, Miss Betsey B

'Rothbart, Albert

Smith. Mrs. Herbert Knox 25 'Stone, Mrs H. L.

•Ryerson, Edward L.. Jr. .

25
25

'Lehman, Mrs. Arthur 20 'Stroock Mrs Sol M

•de Beyersdorff, Miss Mathilda..

"Warner, Arthur J. .

•Dodge, Mn. Cleveland H
•Dummer, Mr». W. F
•Dwtflht, Mill M L

•Sehieffelin, Dr. William Jay

•S"lt knuin Ben M

25
25

•'Amidon, Judge Charles F 15
'Andrews, Mrs. D. E 15 Adler, Mrs. Julius Ochs

•Senior Max

•Eddy, Mr. 4 Mn. L. J
*Elkui. Hon Abram 1

'Sherwln Miss Belle

•Bennett, Roger W 15 Hllb. Gus

'Bonsai, Mrs. Stephen 15 Hlrsch Max

•Snow Dr William F

'Bowen, Miss Ruth 15 'Matthews, William H

•Emerson, Mn. B. K
•Engllih. H. 0. W. (In Mem-
triam)

•Spencer. Mrs. C. Lorfllard .
"SUx, Mrs. S L

25
25

'Bruce, Miss Jessica 15 Slevers, Maurice J

"Cannon, Miss Ida M IS 'Fohs, Mrs F Julius

•FllelH, Lincoln

'Capen, Edward Warren 15 'Gitkey, Rev Charles W

5
5

'Carmody John Michael . . 15 "Guild Mr & Mrs Arthur A

•Freeman, Jonathan W
•"From a Friend"

'Garret, Mn. J. R 15 *Halliday MUs A P

•Cornell, Miss Ethel L 15 'Thompson Mrs Lewis S

•Gamble, Mlu Elizabeth F
•Gannett. Mn. Mary T. L. ..
S'Gavlt. Mr. t Mn. John Palmer
•Gllmore. Mlu Mania

'Davis, Dr. & Mrs. Michael M... 15 *Tomllnson, Miss Sada C

5
5

'Volker William

•Dewar. Miss Katharine 15 "Ulman Judge Joseph N

•Waldo Mrs Richard H

'Diack, Mr. &. Mrs. A. W 15 'Wiener Judge Cecil B

5 'Griffith, Mlu Alice

•Wales, Mrs. Edna McC....
•Well, Mrs. Henry..

25
25

.. 2.50

•Hannaford. Mn. Howard

'Gray. Mrs. H. S 15 'Burkhard Hans

•Houghton. Mlu May

"Weil. Sumner S
•Wheeler, Miss Mary Phelps

25
25

'Guffey, Hon Joseph F 15 'van Klerck Miss Mary

2 00

Ittleson, Henry. Jr

'Halllday Miss Mary H 15 Francis William

MEMBERSHIPS AND CONTRIBUTIONS

Condensed Statement

Curnnt Memberships t Contribution! for 1937
Anniversary Program
Reserve — Revolving Fund t i cno

1937

$62,828
13.838

CHARLES M. CABOT FUND

Balance, January 1, 1937
Interest, bonds and savings account

D Isbursemente: Travel and Manuscripts
Balance, December 31, 1937

$10,765
SIO

$11.075
871

25th Anniversary Fund
Anniversary Number, Survey
Anniversary Dinner

Grap

$10,196

Undeilgnated

Total

$ 8,230 8,230

RUTH MARSHALL BILLIKOPF MEMORIAL FUND
($1100)

Harry Frank & Caroline Morton Cahn. Tinman SO

$13.838

$76,666
$ 9,221

Application of Above

To Reserve— Revolving. Fund ..
To Anniversary Expensei
Number

$ 5,608

Dinner

Philadelphia Storage Battery Co... 200 Marshall, Mrs. Lenore G

$ 9,221

Blaustein. Mr. & Mrs Jacob 100 Sunsteln Leon C

Greenfield, Albert M 100 Loeb, Mrs. Arthur

To 1937 Operations

$ 4.617

$67.445

Scars. Roebuck & Co 100

316

Membership Roster

Contributions to the Educational Funds of Survey Associates for the Fiscal Year 1937

MIDMONTHLY FUND
($3690)

M400

Emeroon. Mitt Ruth

oMcGreger Fund. Detroit
American Public Welfare Atao-

250

Faatz. Mlu Anita J
Family Service Attoclatlon of

Frederlck E. Weber Charltlei

Family Service Society. Now Or-

Poit. Jamei H

100
50

Family Society of Philadelphia
Family Welfare Auodatkn. Baltl-

Family Welfare Organlzatloni. Inc.

Golditene. Fred D

Betton Council of Social Agenclot
Beyi Clubt of America. Ine

(Guild. Mr. 4 Mrt. Arthur A.
Hawoi. Mn. Frmntao W

10
10
10

Charity Organization Society.

Irene Kaufaunn Settlement. Pitti
burgh

"JDK"

Community Chetti 4 Count. li.

JewUh Beard of Guardian.

Immunity Fund of Chicago. Inc.
Community Welfare Federation.

Jewlih Chlldren'i Bureau, Chi.

Wllket Barro

Jewlth Federation for Social Ser-

(Innati

Jewlth Socle*1 Service AMOclatlen

Family Service Society. Buffalo

of the City of N. Y
JewUh Social Service Bureau.

10
II

Federation for the Support ef

Karpf Dr M J

el N Y. C

Kennedy Mlu Isabel F

National Recreation Auoelatlon
*ubliclty Department, Detroit

Kenwerthy. Dr. Mario* E

10
II

Lawrence Glenferd W

Council

Jnilcd Charltlei, Inc.. St. Leuli
Welfare Council NYC

25
25

Medium Ho'ttw Society, N. Y. C.

II
II

Wellajo Federation of Newark . .

Foote. Mlu Maud Bryan
Mtmphlt Community Fund

Michigan Chlldren'i Aid Society
National Council of Jewlih Women
Neighborhood Attoelatioo. Clove-
land

It
II

American City Bureau, Ine.. Chi-
cago

Neighborhood Heuoo, Loulnlllc.

Auoelated Jewlth Philanlhriplct.
Botton

New England Home for Little

Atklnton, Mlu Mary Irene

Atklnion, R. K

|gl

Blddle. Eric H ...

Blackry. Mlu Eileen

Parker Earl M

Blakeilec. Mlu Ruth

PartoM, Reginald H

Blanrti.nl. Ralph

Beard of State Aid 4 Charltiee.

Phelan. Mini Hekn ....

Baltimore

Cleveland . .

SCanion. Mlu Ida M

Canton Welfare Federation

flatlet)

Chandler. Mn, Henry P. ...

Rnblnoff. George W

Chlckerlng. Mlu Martha A ..

Randall. Mlu Ollle A.

Child Welfare League ol America,

Reynold!. Wilfred S

' Ino

Root, Mlu Madeline Dane

Chlldren'i Aid Auoelatlon. Bot-
ton

Roibury Neighborhood Heute ..

Children'! Aid Society. Buffalo
Children'! Aid Society of Pa...
Claguo. Ewan

10
10
10

St. Paul Community Cbeit Inc.
Scherk. Mill Eugenie
Simmondi Lionel J

II
It

Cleveland Chlldnn'o Bureau ....
Cleveland Community Fund
Community Cheit of Elizabeth.
Linden. Mlllilde. Roulle 4 Re-

10
10

Social Service Federation of
Englewood
Stuyveiant Neighborhood Houoe,
N. Y. C

II
It

1 Mile Park

Community Cheit ef St. Joieph.
Mo

lociation, San FraMlaoo

Community Cheit of San Diego .

ton. D C

< Community Ch»it ef Tampa
Community Cheit. Waihiniton.
I D. C

Tulia Community Fund
Unlvenlty Houu. Philadelphia

It
It

(Community Fund of Baltimore . .

Detroit League for the Handi.
> tapped
Dlttrlct Nurilng Society. Detroit
Elder. Mlu Jcannotta M.
•Eldrldge. Mlu Anita

10
10
10

Wcbitir. Mlu Elizabeth H. .
Whaley. Mlu Nell
Wlllett. Herbert L., Jr
Y.M.C.A.. New York

It
It
II
It

• Save ale* te ether dauifkationt under General Fund
« Save alu to Graphic Founder!' Fund

• Gam all* to Departmental Fundi or Mldmonthly Funet
1 Gave alio to 25th Aoalvenary Fund

• Oave alto to Reterve- Revolving Fund

• Gave alto to Special Fundi
t Docoatod

GRAPHIC FOUNDERS FUND

($19,075)

Rotenwald Family Aitoeiatien . .

•Fell, Samuel 8

Twentieth Century Fund

•Lament. Mr. 4 Mn. Thomai W.
•Eaitman. Mr. 4 Mn. Luelut R.

Ittleun. Mr. 4 Mrl. Henry

Jullui Roienwald Fund

Kelt* Fund

•Nathan Hethelmer Foundation.

Ine

A nonymoui

Chamberlain. Mill Ellen 8

(Goldman. Henry

Morrow. Mn. Dwlght W

Warburg, Mr.* 4 Mn. Fllll M.

Bamberger. Locill

iBIalne, Mn. Emmoni

§Latker. Mlu Lotlla D

Loach. Mn. Hoary G

3000
2000

1500
1000
1000
1000
1000

500
500
500
500

500
250
250
250
250

o-Jamel. Mrt. Bayard 100

Stattergeod. Mn. Thomai IM

•Wald. Mlu Lillian D IN

Lament. Thomai S 50

Anonymeui 2S

•Dodge. Mn. Cleveland H 25

OLoodi. Morrli E 25

Seattergood. J. Henry 25

Scattorgood. Mlu Margaret 25

•Thomai, Arthur H 25

Thompton. Mlu Virginia 25

Evani. Mr. 4 Mri. Harold II

Mich. Jullm It

Preiton. Mlu Evelyn It

Rhondt. Charlei J II

IRhoadl, George A II

'Allocated from *2500 grant

DEPARTMENTAL FUNDS

INDUSTRY ($2175)

Branded. Juitlce 4 Mn. Louii D. $500

•Fell. Samuel 8 500

OFIIene. Lincoln 250

oittleton. Mn. Henry 250

•Huyek. Edmund N. (In Mem-

eriam) 200

Brandelt. Miii Elizabeth 100

Dickton. William B 100

SLewlutin. Sam A 100

•Mallery. Otto T 50

••Davit. J. Lionbergrr 25

Draper, Erneit 6 25

Sohwarzenbach, Robert J. F. (In

Memorial*) 25

Anderion. Mn. Rachel R 10

Beard. Charlei A 10

Cooke, Morrli Llewellyn 10

Greening. Mlu Florence 10

Prondonait. Hon. William A. .. 10

HEALTH ($535)

Thompton Trutt

Bradley. Rlibardl M

opotter, Mlu Blanche

Sheldon, Mn. Henry

•Wile. Dr. Ira 8.

Forbel, Dr. Alexander

Goodale. Dr. Walter S.

Hatkell. Mn. Jefin A

Jonei. Mn. Robert McK. ..
Maternity Contor Auoelatlon,
N. Y. C

MOO

IM
25
IS

25
21
II
It
10

EDUCATION ($220)

Stem. Mn. Marlon R J200

•Eddy. Mr. 4 Mn. L. J 20

COMMUNITIES ($75)

Brownlow. Louli 150

•Burnham. E. Lowll 25

GENERAL FUND

($37,058.15)

Ruttell Sato Foundation

Chamberlain. Prof. Jouph P. .. 2000

Anonymout 1250

•Lehman. Governor Herbert H. .. IOM

Tucker. Mr. 4 Mn. Carll .... 1000

Backer. Mn. George 500

Cabot. Dr. Richard a 5M

• Eittman. Mr. 4 Mrt. Luclui R. SM

-Kaufman. Edgar J 500

tLamont. Mr. 4 Mn. Thomai W. SM

13000 t Rotenwald Family Ateoolatlon

•Ryonen. Edward L., Jr.
Laiker. Albert D. ..

Halle. Hiram J

tLee. Joteph

•Volker. William ....

Anonymout

Levy, Mn, David M.
Lamport. Arthur M. .

UNCLASSIFIED

L. C.
Blaokmor. Mn. B.

Huyek. Franoli C

•Potter. Dr. Ellen C

Bruere. Henry

oMorrli. Mn. Han-loo* 8.
••Twombly. John Foil ...

Pyter. Fred S.

Innraham. Mra. H. C. M. .

•Stover. H. L

Thorp, Mitt Anno

Walton. Mlu Lucy C

Alford. Mill Martha

A Iger. George W

Anonymoui

Bramaa. J. L

•Bruere. Robert W

Catlln. Mlu Ruth

•Delano. Frederic A

•Emenoo. Or. Haven

Fanu. Prof. Hoary W.

Memerlam)

Frtedlaader. Alfred J

Harper. J. C

Klaabor. Mlu Natalie B

Llvarlibt. Mn. Alice F

•Mathewten. Stanley •

Oventreet. Mn. Elilc Burr ....

Roundi. R. S.

Dr. 4 Mn. George C.

(In

$7J "Walel, Mn. Edna MeC

75 Winchester. Harold P

75 *do Beyertdorfl. Mlu Mathllde

40 •••Davll. J. Llonberger

35 'Lehman, Governor Herbert H. .

SO 'Barut. Mr. 4 Mra. Maiwell .

M ' Blddle. Mn. Franc It

22 'Ely. Mlu Gertrude S.

20 'Oltt J. W

20 "Hammond. Mn. Joan Henry .

21 •Storrow. Mlu Elizabeth R. .

21 ••Wilton. Mn. Luko I

IS ••Barker. Mn. L. B. R

15 'Bonbrliht. Mlu Elizabeth M..

IS 'Cattle. Mill H. E. A

IS -Churchill. Mlu Grace E. ...

IS ••Coolldlo. Mlu E. W

IS ••Hann.lcrd. Mn. Howard ...

IS 'Lyon. Mn. George A

IS Poarton. John

•Smith. Rev. Everett P

15 •Splnoarn. J. E

|| •Stapleton. Mlu Margaret

IS -Tapley. Mlu Alloo

IS 'Taylor. Prof. Paul S.

It 'Van Vleek. Jouph. Jr

IS Waiter. Judge T. J. 8

IS -Llllielort, Manfred. Jr

IS o-Rethermel. John J

IS
IS
14

15.47
II.M
It
II
II
It
II
It
It

317

Membership Classes

$100 CONTRIBUTING MEMBERS

ANDREWS. Mn. w. H.

Austin. Mn. Chellls A.

Blumenthal, George

•Blumenthal, Sidney

•Burllngham, C. C.

Buttenwlescr. Mr. It Mrs. Ben). J.

•Cannon. Mn. Henry White

Castle, Mn. George P.

Gates, Dudley

•Colvln, Miss Catharine

•Cravath. Paul D.

Curtis. Miss Frances 8.

•Cushlng. 0. K.

Flexner, Bernard

Ford, Mn. Edsel B.

Galsman, Henry J.

IHaynes, John Randolph tv Dora

Foundation
Household Finance Corporation,

Chicago

Ingersoll, Mrs. Raymond V.

Kanzler. Mrs. Ernest

•Kellogg. Paul

Loeb. Jacob M.

•IMack, Judge & Mrs. Julian W.

Mason Fund

May. Mr. i Mrs. Walter A.

Morrow. Dwlght W.. Jr.

•Paddock, Bishop Robert L.

Peabody. Rev. Endlcott

Pick, George (In Memorlam)

•Pope, Mn. Wlllard

Pratt, George D., Jr.

•Rosenthal, Lessing

•Rosenwald. Lessing J.

Scandrett. Richard B.. Jr.

•Sherwln, Miss Belle

5 Swift. Harold H.

$50 CONTRIBUTING MEMBERS

ANONYMOUS

Anonymous
Biddle, Francis
Bonnell, Mrs. Henry H.
Bucher, Mn. Paul
Chapin. Miss Caroline B.
Chenery, William L.
•Converse, Miss Mary E.
•'Davis, J. Llonberger
Dayton Bureau of Community Ser-
vice & Community Chest
Elizabeth McCormlck Memorial Fund
•Gannett, Mrs. Mary T. L.
•SGrlfflth, Miss Alice
Harbison, Miss Helen O.
Herzog, Paul M.
Ingalli. Mrs. Abbott
•tJames. Mn. Bayard
•Kelley, Nicholas
Laidlaw, Mrs. James Lees
•Lasker. Miss Fiorina
Lehman. Judge & Mn. Irving

•Macy, J. Noel

•Marston, George W.

•Martin, John

May. Herbert L.

Mllbank, Albert G.

Moors, John F.

Newborg, Moses

Newborn, Mrs. Moses

Norman, Edward A.

Pope. Wlllard

Rosensohn, Mrs. Samuel J.

Schaffner, Joseph (In Memorlam)

Seager, Henry R. (In Memoriam)

Seligman. Eustace

Smith. Mrs. Carlton R.

•Stix, Mr. & Mrs. S. L.

Stuart. R. Douglas

tWaldhelm, Aaron

Wardwell, Allen

•Weil, Sumner 8.

Williams, Pierce

Lowenstein, Dr. Solomon
Ludington. Mis; Katharine

*M acLEISH. Mrs. Andrew

Marshall, Robert

Mason, Miss Mary T.

Mayer, Albert

McChesney. John

•McConnell, Bishop Francis J.

McMurtrie. Miss Ellen (In Men

or I am)
Meyer, Carl

•Moon, Mn. John F.
Morgenthau. Mr. & Mrs. Henry
Morgenthau. Mrs. R. Wallach
Morse. Mr. & Mrs. H. M.

NoRDLINGER. H. H.
Norris, George W.

OLESEN. Dr. & Mrs. Robert

PARSONS, Miss Edith F.

•Patterson. Mrs. E. L.
Peabody. Miss E. R.
Pinchot. Mn. Glflord
Polk, Frank L.
Pope, G. D.
Porter, Mrs. James F.
Porter, Rev. L. C.
Proskauer. Mrs. Joseph M.
Pulitzer, Joseph

$25 SUSTAINING MEMBERS

A BBOTT. Mrs. Donald P.
Allen, Hon. Henry J.
Allertra. Miss Ida M.
•Ailing, Miss Elizabeth C.
Anonymous

Ansbacher, David A.
•Athey. Mn. C. N.

BALDWIN. Mrs. H. p.

Baldwin, Miss Rachel
•Bartlett, Miss Harriett M.
Beardsley, Mn. John
Beer, Walter E.
§Belmont. Mrs. August
Berle, Mrs. Adolf A.. Jr.
Bernhard. Mrs. Richard J.
•Biddle, Mn. Francis
•Brady, Dr. John W. S.
Brenner. Mrs. Ann Reed
Brooklyn Bureau of Charities
Buell, Miss Bertha G.
Buttenhelm, Harold S.

• CARTER. Richard B.

•Cassels, Edwin H.
Chanter, W. G.
Chew, Miss E. B.
•Clark, Miss Jane Perry
•Clowes, f. I.
Cohen. Hon. William N.
Conyngton, Miss Mary
Cooke. Mn. Morris Llewellyn
Cowles, Gardner
Cowles, Mn. Gardner
Crawford, Miss Anne Lothrop
Cummlngs, Mrs. D. Mark
Curtis, Miss Isabella

•DAVIS. Miss Betsey B.
Davis, Miss Eeanor Bushnell
de Forest Henry L.
Dodge, Percival
Donaldson, Mn. Henry H.
Dreier. Mrs. H. E.
Duffield. Mn. Edward D.
•Dummer, Mrt. W. F.
Duveneck, Mrs. F. B.

ElDLITZ, Mrs. Ernest Frederick

Elliott. Dr. John L.

•English, H. D. W. (In Memorlam)

tEsberg, Henry

Evans, Miss Anna Cope

PELS, Mrs. Samuel 8.
Ferry. Mansfield
Fisher. Mrs. Dorothy Canfleld
Flelsher, Mrs. H. T.

Frank. Walter
Frank, W. K.
Freiberger, I. F.

• GAMBLE. MISS Elizabeth F.

Gannett, Mrs. Mary Ross
Ganter. Carl R.
tGavit, Mrs. E. Palmer
•§Gavlt, John Palmer
•IGavIt, Mrs. John Palmer
Geler, Frederick A. (In Memoriam)
George, Miss Julia
Gilford. Walter S.
Gillesple, Miss Mabel Lindsay
Golf. Frederick H. (In Memorlam)
Goldsmith. Arthur J.
Goldsmith, Mrs. Elsie Born
Goodrich, Mn. N. L.
Goodspeed, C. B.

HAAS, Mr. 4 Mn. Walter M.
Harmon, Miss Helen Griffiths
Harrison, Miss Ruth
Harrison. Shelby M.
Hart, Mn. Harry
Hatch. Mn. P. E.
Hilton, Mn. F. M.
§Hllton, George
Hollander. Sidney
Holsteln. Mark G.
•Houghton. Miss May
Hoyt. Mn. John Sherman
Hughes, Chief Justice Charles E.
Hunter, Miss Anna F.

IDE, Mrs. Francis P.
tlngham. Miss Mary H.
Isaacs. Stanley M.

KANE, Francis Fisher
Kellogg. Miss Clara N.
Kellogg, Mrs. Florence Loeb
Kellogg. L. 0.
Kingsbury. John A.
•Kirkbrlde. Miss Mary B.
Kirstein. Unlo E.
Koshland. Daniel E.
•Koshland, Mn. Marcus S.
•Kuhn, Mrs. Simon
Kulakofsky, Mrs. J. H.

, Miss Blanche
•Robbins, Mrs. Frances C. L.
Robertson, A. W.
•Robins. Mrs. Raymond
Roche, Miss Josephine E.
Rogan, Ralph F.
•Roosevelt, Mrs. Franklin D.
•Rosenbloom, Charles J.
•Rothermel. John J.

Rowland, Howard
Rubens. Mrs. Charles

SAUNDERS. B. H.

Schwarz. S. L.

•Senior, Max

•Sherwin, Miss Prudence

Shroder, Mr. & Mrs. W. J.

•Simmons, Mrs. Dorothea

Skewes-Cox. Mrs. V.

Slep, D. N.

Sloss. Mrs. M. C.

Spahr. Dr. Mary B.

Stix, Mr. & Mrs. Ernest W.

•Strong, Mrs. J. R.

1 AFT. Charles P.. 2nd
Taylor, Miss Anna H.
•Taylor. Miss Katharine
Thompson. Mrs. William Reed
sTorrance. Mrs. Francis J.

. Mrs. H. 8.

V AN DER LEEUW. C. H.
Villard. Mrs. Henry (In Memoriam)
Villard. Oswald G.
Vincent, Dr. George E.

WALSH. Frank P.
•Wheeler. Miss Mary Phelps
'Wilchinski. N. M.
Willard, Dr. C. J.
Wlllcox. Miss M. A.
Willen. Joseph
Williams. Mrs. L. C.
Wilson, Miss Mildred W.
•Wise, Dr. Stephen S.

YOUNG. Owen D.

$10 COOPERATING MEMBERS

MONTE. Miss Caroline B.
Lelserson, Prof. William M.
•Lewlsohn, Miss Alice
•Lewlsohn, Miss Irene
Llebman, Mn. Julius
Llebmann. Mrs. Alfred
Llmburg. Mrs. Herbert R.

ABBOTT. MISS Edith

Abbott. Miss Minnie D.

Abbott, Miss Rachel 8.

Abrons. Mrs. Louis W.

Acheson, M. W.. Jr.

Adams, Miss Emma F.

Adams, Miss Jessie B.

Addams. Miss Jane (In Memorlam)

Adle, David C.

Affelder. Louis J. (In Memorlam)

Agoos, S.

Alderton, Mrs. W. M.

Allen, Mrs. Ethel Richardson

Allen, Judge Florence E.

Alsehuler, Mrs. Alfred

Alspaeh. Charles H.

Amberg, Julius H.

American Legion, Dept. of Michigan

t§Amidon, Judge Charles F.

Anderson. A. E.

Anderson, Miss Margaret B.

Anderson, Mrs. Mary R.

.'.Andrews, Mrs. D. E.

Andrews. Miss Elizabeth P.

Angell, Mn. Rose Z.

Anonymous

Anthony, Miss Julia B.

Appleby, T. W.

Areson, C. W.

Argetsinger, John

Armstrong, Mrs. E. J.

Arnstein. Leo

Ashe. Miss Elizabeth

Ashley, Miss Mabel Pierce

Ashley, R. L.

Ashton, Willard H.

Associated Charities, Cincinnati

Association of Junior Leagues of
America

Association for Crippled & Dis-
abled, Cleveland

Atwood. Miss Alice C.

Auerbach. Mr. 4. Mrs. H. H.

Austin, Mn. Gertrude B.

Austin, Louis W.

Austin, Miss Ruth

Avery, Miss Eunice Harriet

BAERWALD, Mn. Paul

Bailey, George D.
Baker, Judge Harvey H. (In Mem-
orlam)

Baker, Ray Stannard
Baldwin, Arthur D.
Ballard, Ernest S.
Bane, Miss Lita
Barbey, Henry G.
Barker. Miss Ada M.
Barker, Mn. Joseph S.
••Barker. Mn. L. B. R.
Barnard, J, Lynn
Barnard, Miss Margaret
Barnes, Rev. C. Rankln
Barnes, Fred A.
Barnes, Mrs. Mary Clark
•Barus, Mr. & Mrs. Maxwell
Bascom. Miss Leila
Bassett. Mrs. Edward S.

Bates, Sanford

iBaylis, R. N.

Becker, John

Beckhard, Martin

Bedford, Miss Caroline

Bedinger. George Rust

Beisser, Paul T.

Bellamy, Mr. & Mrs. George A.

Bellamy. Paul

Benjamin, Mrs. David

Benjamin, Edward B.

Benjamin, Miss Fanny

Benjamin, Dr. Julien E.

Benjamin. Paul L.

Bennett, James V.

§Bennett, Roger W.

Benson, A. T.

Berle, A. A.. Jr.

Bernhard, Morris

Bernheim, Mrs. Alfred

Bernheim. Mrs. Henry J.

Beswick, Mrs. Florence M.

Beth Israel Hospital. Boston

Bettman. Alfred

Bettmann, Mrs. H. W.

Bicknell. Ernest P. (In Mem-
orlam)

•Biddle, Mn. Francis

Biddle, William C.

Bigelow, Miss Alida J.

Bigger, Frederick

Bljur, Miss Caroline

Billikopf, Jacob

Billikopf. Ruth Marshall (In Mem-
oriam)

Binfl. Alexander M.

Bing. Louis S.. Jr.

tBingham, Judge Robert W.

Bird, Mn. Clarence E.

Bishop, C. S.

Bishop. Mrs. R. S.

Blair. Henry P.

Blancnard. H. Lawton

Bliss, Cornelius N.

Bliss. Mn. Robert Woods

Blochman. L. E.

Bloom, Dr. W. 8.

Blumgart, Dr. Leonard

Boese, Quincy Ward

Bolen, Miss Grace R.

Bolton, Mrs. Chester C.

•Bonbright, Miss Elizabeth M.

Bond, Mrs. Charles Wood

Bond, Miss Elsie M.

§Bonsal. Mrs. Stephen

Bookwalter. A. G.

Borden, Miss Fanny

Borg, Mn. Sidney C.

Borton, Mrs. A. Wallace

Botsford. Miss Laura H.

•Bowen, Mrs. Joseph T.

§Bowen, Miss Ruth

Bowie. Mrs. W. Russell

Boy Scouts of America, Detroit
Area Council

Bracket!. C. L.

Brackett, Dr. Jeffrey R.

Bradley. Prof. Phillips
Bradway, John S.

Bragg, Miss Laura
Brandels. Mrs. Alfred
•Braucher, H. S.
Breeklnridge, Mrs. Eleanor
Bremen, Mr. & Mrs. Harry
§Brewer, James L.
Brewington, Miss Julia R.
Brewster, Rev. Harold S.
Bronson. Rev. Oliver Hart
Brooklngs, Mrs. Robert S.
Brooklyn AICP
t Brooks, John Graham
Brown, Miss Josephine C.
Brown, Lester D.
Brown. Dr. Philip King
Brownlow, Mrs. Louis
•Brown. Prof. William Adal
§Bruce, Miss Jessica
Bruno, Frank J.
Brunswick. Mrs. Emanuel
Bryson, Lyman
Buchanan, Miss Etha Louise
Buck. George G.
Buckstaff, Mrs. Florence I
Bufflngton. Miss A. A.
Bulkley. Miss Mary
Bunce, Alexander
Burdell, Prof. Edwin 8.
Bureau of Maternal &

Health. Trenton
Burgess, Ernest W.
§Burkhard. Hans
Burleson. F. E.
Burnett, H. A.
Burns, Allen T.
Burns, Howard F.
Bui-rage. Mrs. Walter 8. I
Burrltt, Bailey B.
Busch, Henry M.
Busselle. Miss Anne Stuart
Bussey. Miss Gertrude C.
•Butler. Mrs. E. B.
Butler, Miss Lou E.
Butzel, Miss Emma
•Butzel. Fred M.
Butzel. Mrs. Henry M.
Butzel. Mrs. Leo M.
Byington, Miss Margaret F.

CAHN, Miss Frances
Calder, John (In Memorial!
Caldwell, Mrs. J. E.
Calvert, Mrs. Alan
Camp. Kingsland
Campbell. Judge Allan
Campbell. Miss Elizabeth A
Cannon, Miss Mary Antoinel
§Capen, Edward Warren
Capron, C. Alexander
Cardozo, Justice Benjamin I
Carlson. Miss Mathilda S.
§Carmody. John Michael
earner. Miss Lucy P.
Carnes. Miss Helen A.
iCarret. Mrs. J. R.
Carstens, C. C.
Carter, Miss Luella
Case, Miss Fannie L.
•Cassels, Edwin H.
•Castle. Miss H. E. A.
Catlln. Mrs. Randolph
Cautley, Mrs. Mariorie Sew
Cavln, Miss Evalyn T.
Chadbourne. William Merr
Chaffee. H. Almon
Chalmers. Rev. Allan K.
Chamberlain. Selah. Jr.
Chapman. Miss Bertha
Chase,
Chase,

Chase,

Chase. Randall, 2nd
Chatfleld, George H.
Cheever, Mrs. David
Cheyney, Miss Alice S.
Children's Welfare fa

N. Y. C.
Childs. R. S.
Chubb, Percival
Church. Mrs. Fernor S. ,
•Churchill. Miss Grace E.
iCIaghorn. Miss Kate Hoi Is
Clapp, Raymond
Clark, Evans
Clark, Irving M.
Clark. Mrs. John C.
Clements, Dr. Frederic E.
Clements. Dr. George P.
Cleveland Foundation
Cleveland. Newcomb
Clopper. E. N.
Cochran, Miss Fanny T.
Codman, Miss Catherine A.
Codman, Mrs. E. A.
Coffee. Rabbi Rudolph I.
Cogswell. Ledyard. Jr.
Cohen. Benno
Cohen, George Lion
Colbourne, Miss Frances
Cole. Mrs. Charles M.
Cole, Miss Jean Dean
Collier, John
Colvin, Mrs A. R.
Community Chest of San I
Community Union. Madison,
Condlct, Mrs. Philip K. I

pman. Miss Bertha
se. Mrs. George M.
se. Miss Pearl
se. Mrs. Philip B.

318

($10 Cooperating Members Continued)

hCaadoa. Ml« Mary J. R

iConklln Mill Agntl M.

Ceniwt E. J.

•Con.oru. Mln Mir> E.
•Cooko. Mri Htdlty V.

Ceeley. Chariot H. (I* Memorlam)

Coo'rf. Mill Ron* B
, a-Coolldge. Mill E. W.

CM*. Thurlow E.

Coc.fr. Chariot C. (In Memorlam)

Cope. F. R.. Jr.

•Cornell. Mil* Ethel L.
iGauaell if Churehet. Buffalo

Council if Churche! 4 Ckrlltlan
Education ef Maryland 4 Deli-
I van

Council ef S^lil Agoaelu. Buffalo

Council tl Social Agiaelil. Pata-
I doaa

Cole. C. H.

Drue. Charlet R.

Craaullo. Mn. George A.

Cn.li.rtl. Mn. Chariot C.

Crlley. Mlii Martha L.

Crookor. Mn. Goerac H.

Cr.ib). Mill Caroline M.
I Grata. Mn. Gammell
•Cratiea. Dr. H. S.

Crow. Mlu Dorothy L

Crazier. William

Culbert Mlu Jan. F.

Cummingi. W. A.

Curtu. MlM Margaret

Cjirnnan. Mri. Jaaut 8.

Culler. Pnf. J. E.

•Cutler, Mn. Lull! I.

OALTON. H. c

Dana. J. LtRiy
, Daaferth. Mn. H. 6.
. Oullll. Frederick I.

DaiidiM. Rev. H. Martia P.

Da.lei Mn. Natalie R.
I Oa.il. Mr. 4 Mn. Abraham N.

Davit. Mn. Bancroft
i SDa.il. Dr. 4 Mn. Michael M.

Oawua. John B.
I IDay. Mn. Geergo P.

Day. Mn. Harry Arnold

Deane. Mr. 4 Mn. Albert Lytle

Dcardorfr. Dr. Nan R.

Delafleld. Mn. Lewil L

Dili. Rev. Buraham North
I Dtmlng. Mlu Eleanor

Oeaipiey. John P.

Denlion. M. C.

Denny. Mlu E. 8.

Denny. Or. Fraftcil P.
; Dorrick. Cal.ln

do Schwemitz. Karl
i Doubt*. Mill Naomi

De.lne. Dr. Edward T.

iDewar. Mlu Katharine

Doweoi. Dr. Lovott
I Dewing. Miii Mary S

Dewion, Mlu Mary W.
, iDlack. Mr. 4 Mn. A. W.
, Dicklmoa. Dr. Robert L.
' Olelerli. Georfo A.
I Dlllingham. Mn. TNoaiai M.

Dilworth. R. J.
I Dodio. Clevtlaad E.
I Donnelly. Thoaiai J.
i Doiler. Mlu Agaoa M.
' Douilai. Jaaioi H.. Jr.

Douflai. Prof. Paul H.
I Downer Mn. Marry

Doyle. Mlu Aaaitaila
I Orator. Mn. M. C.
I Draaer. Mn. W. K
I Oreier. Mlu Mary E .

Drury. Mlu LauJoo
' Dublin. Dr. Louii I.

Duff. C. A.

Dunhaai. Or. Ethel C
I 0«Haoh, Mn. Thereia Mayor
I •0«rl|ht. Mlu M. L.

IDykur.. C. A.

EARLE. Mn. E. p.

Carle. Mlu Loulu ».
I Eaitfflan, Fred

Eaitnan. Mlii Luoy P.

Eaton. All»n
I Eddy. Sherwood
I Edlerton. Mn. Hoary W.
• Ege. Mn. Anthony

Ehr.eh. Mn. Waltor L.
I Elill. Artllur M.
I Ekora. Herman L.

Ck und. Edwin 8.
I EUridie. Mn. L. A.
I Eliot. Dr. Martha M.
I *Elkui. Hon. Abraai I.

EM. tl. Rov. Richard T.
< Ell. <. Chariot W.
I Ell. i Mlu Ethel Franklin

Elaworth. Mn. Edward

•Ely. Mill Gertrude S

Eaibne. Edwin H.

Eaicay. Brooki

•Emenoa. Mn. 8. K.

Emertea. Edwardi Dudley

Emenoa. Miu Heleaa Titus
EmcruM. Or. Kendall
Emenoa. Prof William
Emerson. Dr. William R. P.
Emmerich. Herbert
Erdmann. Albert J.
Erlanger. Mn. Sydney
Ernt. George 8.
Enklne. Mn. Mono
Evanl. Mn. Jonathan
Everett. Mlu Edith M
Everett. Ray H.

FABRY. Mn. H.

Fakoy, Joha M.

Falconer. Douglas P.

Farraad. Dr. Ll.iagitta

Farrand. Max

Fa.lllt. Mlu Katharine

Ftehhelmer. 8. Marcui (la Mem-
orlam)

Fogley. Rtv. Charlei K.

Feineman. Mlu Ethel R.

Ftlu. Paul L.

Fell. Maurice

Foltoa. Mn. Chariot N.

Ficke. Mri. C. A.

IF lour. Jamei L.

Fifth Third Union Trust Co . Cla-
clnaatl

Flllmon. Mlu Hlldogardo

Fillmore. Mn. L. C.

F Inlay. Or. Joha H.

Fiuber. Rtv. Theodore A.

Fliher. Galon M.

Flihor. Mn. Jaaoa

Fisk. Mlu M. L.

Flteh. John A.

Flelihor. Arthur A.

Fleming. Mn. Thomai. Jr.

Flory. Waltor L.

Flower. Miu Mercodei

Floyd. Dr. J. C. M. (la Mem-
orlam)

§Foht. Mn. F. Juliui

Folks. Homer

Forbes. Mri. J. Makolm

Faahrako. Rov. H.

Foadlck. Raymond B.

Foitcr. Miu Edith

Fo«. MIU Elizabeth 8.

Frame. Nat T.

Frank. Mn. Alda M.

frankfurter. Prof. Fella

Franklin. Miu Mary

Franklin Settlement. Detrait

Fraata. Mln Mary A.

Freeman. Harrlua B.

•Freeman. Jonathan W.

French. Mn. J. S.

FrledenwaJd. Or. Harry

Frledlandcr. Mn. Alfrod

Friedman. Mlu Molllt A.

Frledmana. Lionel

Friend. Miu Holen R.
•friend la Need"

Frink. Mn. Angolika

Frothlngham. Mn. William I.

GAILLARD. Mn. w. o.

Gallagher. Miu Dorothy

Gamble. Sidney D.

Gaae. Miu E. Marguerite

Gannett. Mln Allot P.

Gannett Frank E.

Gam. Mn Howard 8.

Gardiner. Mlu Elizabeth 8.

Gardner. Arthur F.

Gardaer. Mn. L. H.

Gardner. Mlu Mary L.

Gardner. Robert A.

Barnjait Mn. Frederick W.

Garrlek. Mlu Mareia

Gi.it Mn. Frances P. (la Mem-

orlam)

Ga.lt. Jauph
Ga.it. Mlu Julia N.
Ga.lt. Walter P.
Gtflea. Mn. Pauline F.
Gomborilag. Mlu Adelaide
Germaa. Frank F.
Glbboni. Mlu Mary L.
Glbtoa. Mlu Mary K.
Giles. Mill Anne H.
tailkey. Rov. Chariot W.
Gill. Robert 8.
Glllesple. Mln Eva
Oilman. Mill Elliaboth
•eilmart. Mlu Mania
Girl Scouti. Int.

•sin. j. w.

Glazier. Mn. Henry 8.
Glenny. Mn Bryant. Jr
Glover. Ctiarlti C.. Jr.
Gluoek. Dr. Bernard
Gluock. Mn. Sheldon
Goldbaum. Mill Ruth Dene
Goldblatt. Arthur
Goldoaioa. Dr. S H.
Goldman. Mn. Henry
Goldmaa. Rabbi Solomoa
Goldmark. Mlu JonpalM
Goldmark. Mln Pauline

Goldwaler. Or. 8. 8.

Goodaow. Mlu Minnie

Gottllth. Harry N.

Gtuldor. Mill Sybil M.

Graf. Mn. Bruno

Gnndla. Mlu Julia V.

Grant. Mn. Hoary 8.

'.Gray. Mn. H. 8.

Greene. Mlu Amy Whitney

Groom. Mlu Either F.

Greene. Mn. F. D.

Grooat. Mr*. Theodore A.

Greonebaum. Or. J. Victor

Grooaleaf. Chariot H

Greenouoh. Mn. Joha

Grooniteln. Harry

Grimm. Peter

Gr.nr.ell. Mn. Morun

Grliwold. Mlu Dorothy R.

arm. Mlat Irma H.

Grottman. Hoa. Motel H.

Gruenberg. Mr. 4 Mri. Benjamin C.

Gruealngor. Walto' F.

Grwiewald. Mlu Luellt R.

SGuffey. Hon. Joseph F.

Gulnneu. Rtv. Soorgo 6.

Gulnzburg. Mn. Harry A.

Quliuburg. Mri. Victor

Gulhrle. Mlu Anne

Gutwlllig. Mill Mildred A.

Guylor. Alvla

HAGEDORN. jauph H.
Halo. Mlu Ellen
Halo, Robert L.
Halo Home. Boil on
Hall. Mlu Htlea
Hall. Mn. Ktppele
Halle. Eugene 8.
Hallo. Salami P.
Halleck. Mn. R. P.
iHalliday. Mlu A. P.
IHalllday. Mlu Mary H.
Ham. Arthur H.
Hamilton. Dr. Alice
Hamilton. Dr. Margaret J.
S Hammond. Mn. Gardiner
•Hammond. Mn. John Henry
Hanehette. Mlu Helen W.
Hanna. Mlu Alnea K.
o-Hannaford. Mn. Howard
Hard. William
Hardee. Mlu Aiaet D.
Hardwlek. Mlu Katharine 0.
Harmon. Mri. William E.
Harrll. Mri Arthur I.
Harrli. Mill Holen
SHarrli. Mlu Holla M.
Harrison. Earl G
Harrison. M. C.
Hart Dr. Hailingt H. (In

Memorlam)
Harllg. E. L.
Harvey. Mri. John S. C.
Harvey. Dr. Samuel C.
Haibrouck. Judge Gilbert D. B.
Hailott Mn. 8. M.
Havell. George F.
Hay. Logan

Hay. Mn. William Sherman
Hayei. C. Walker
Hayta. Mn. E. C.
Hayford. F. Ltolle
Havi. Arthur Garfleld
Mealy. Or. William
Htard. Bartlttt B.
Heard. Mn. Owllht B.
Heldaun. Mlu Aana B.
Hollor. Mlu Julia
Hemlng. Mn. Charlei E.
Hendonoei. Mn. E. C.
Hendenon. Leon
Hondonoa. Mlu Ollvo E.
Hendrlcki. Mn. Henry S.
jHendrie. Mlu Jtnalt F.
Hendrlkua. Mn. Ethol M.
Henihaw. Mlu R. G.
Herrlek. Mri. J. B.
Henhfleld. Illdore
Hell. Mn. Alfnd F.
Hickla. Mlu Eleanor Maudo
Hill. Mn. George A.. Jr
MIII. Howard C.
Hill. Louli W.. Jr.
Hill. William Kurd
Hlllar. Mlu Alma
Hllli. Mn. Jamei M.

Hlnekl. W. I.

Hint*. Or. Jacob
Hitch. Mlu Ruth A.
Hitchcock. Mn. Geraldlai L.
Hodget. Chariot H.. Jr.
IHadun. Hon. William
Hathlor. Fnd K.
Haoy. Mill Jane M.
Hoho. Hubert 6.
Hohmaan. Mlu Martha
Holden. Arthur C.
Holladay. Mn. Charltt B.
•Hollaad. Or. E. 0.
Hollander. Waltor
Holloaback. Mlu Amelia R.
Holmoi. C. 0.
Holt. Mlu Ellen
Holt Mn. L. E.
Hooker. Or. 4 Mn. D. R.

Herat. Louis W.

Hatkla. Mlu Lola A.

Hllklat. Mr. 4 Mrs. Harold B.

Htuu. H. Shtrbourne

Howard. John R.. Jr.

Howtll. Mn. Joha Whit.

Howell. Mlu Mary A.

Hudson. Edward W

Hughot. R. 0.

Hull. Mlu Inez H.

Hullt. George D.

Hunttr. Jail D.

Hutchlni. Dr. Robert M.

Hydo, Dotoonou H. C.

Hydo Park Library

Hyndman. Mlu Hllea W.

ICKES. Hon. Harold L.
Ihldtr. John
Ingram. Mlu France!
liaaca, Ltwlt M.
liratl. Mn. Rachel M.
liiler. Mn. C. H.

JACKSON. Alleo Day (In Mem

orlam)

Uaek'on. Mn. Wlllard C.
Jamei. Mn. E. H.
Jamet. Henry
Uaneway, Rov. F. L.
Jatlpon. Mn. W. H.
Jatho. Mlu Georgia
Jefltn. Mn. 8. R.
•Jeffrey. Walter
Jelleff. Frank R.
Jenkins. Mn. Edward C.
Jewllh Orphans Home. Lot

Angela!

Jewllh Welfare Federation. Cleveland
Johnson. Mlu Arllea
Juhnson. Arthur S.
Johnson, Mrs. Clara Sturgot
Johnion. Mlu Eleanor Hope
Johnion. Mlu Evelyn P.
Johnion. Rev. F. Ernest
Johnson. H. H.
Johnion. Mn. Vivian Carter
•Johnttone. Bruce
Jones. Mri. Adam L.
Jones. Cheney C.
Jonei. Rev. John Paul
Jones. Mn. S. M.
Joslyn. Mn. Arthur E.
Junior League of Cleveland

KAHN. Mrt. Albtrt

Kahn. Mlu Dorothy C.

Kann, Stanley J.

Kanttn. Karl 8.

Katz. Mn. Abram

Kaufman, A. R.

Kautmann, Mn. Karl J.

iKawln. Mlu Ethel

Koefer. Mri. Mary Wyur

Ktll. Mlu Adeline 8.

Kellogg. Arthur (In Memorlam)

Kellogg, Mn. Mary F. (la

Memorlam)

Kellogg. Mlu Ruth M.
Keluy. Dr. Cari
Koluy. Raymond T.
Kennedy. Mlu Jean
•Kent Mn. William
Kcrby. Frederick M.
Kerr. Mlu Sara
Keteham. Rev. Chariot B.
Kiddt. Walter

Kllpatrlek. Mr. 4 Mn. William H.
Klmmel. W. G.
King. Clarence
King. Mn. Edith Shatta
King, Mn. Milton W.
Klag. Mn. R. F. (la Memorlam)
Klngdoa. Frank
•Kirkbrldo. Mlu Mary B.
•Klrkwood. Mn. Robert C.
Klttner. Mlu Violet
Klaw. Mn. Alonzo
Klom. Mlu Margaret C.
Knight. Mlu Harriet W.
Knight. Howard R
Kahn. Robert D.
Kroger, Mn. Chester
iKuhn. Or. Hedwlg 8.
Kuka, Mn. Robert

LABOR Cooperative Educational 4

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oLadd. Mn. William 8.
Laldlaw, Mrs. Robert R.
Laaaont Corllll
Lamoat. Mlu Elizabeth K.
Laager, Samuel
Lansing. Mlu Gertrude
Laptad. Mlu Evadaa M.
Lattimer. Gardner
Lawrence. David
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Layman. Dr. Mary M.
Lazaron. Rabbi Morrli 8.
Lazarui. Mr. 4 Mri. Jeffrey L.
Leal. Mlu Margaret
ILeCraa. Mn. Jamei L.
Looming. Mn. 8. I.

Lehman. Mri. Albert C.

ILehmaa. Mri. Arthur

Lehmkuhl. Mn Florence H.

Lemann. Montr M.

Leaaai. Mlu Elliaboth

Loaroot Mlu Katharine F.

Lttahworth. Edward H.

Lovlaian. Mn. Salmon 0.

Levy. Mn. Lionel Faraday

Lewli. Edwla T.

Lewll. Mn. Laming

Lawli. R. W.

Lewii. William Draaer

JLIchton. Mlu Grata M.

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•Llllltfon. Manfred. Jr.

Lindnuiit. Mlu Ruth

•Lladiay. Or. Samuel McCunt

Lipman. Mn. Martha 8.

Lltchflold. Rov. Arthur V.

Llvermoro. Paul 8.

Locke. Dr. Alain

Loeb. Mn. Howard A.

Loomli. Frank D.

Lava. John W.

OLoveioy. Owen R.

Lovell, Doacomii A. W.

Lavoll. Mlu Bertha C.

LOW, Mrs. Clarence M.

Lowemtaln, Mn. L. B.

Lowrlt. Mn. Kathlooa J.

Loyal Order tf Mooie. Maotontart.

III.

Lucas. Dr. William Palmar
•Lukeni. Herman T.
Luttf. Mlu Elinor Stnty
Lyndt. Edward 0.
•Lyon, Mr*. George A.

MACAULEY. Capt. Edward
MacDowtll. Mr. 4 Mri. E. C.
Machugh, Mlu Cecilia A.
Mack, Jacob W.
Mackentepe. Mn. Frederick E.
Madtlra. Mn. L. C.
Magee. Mlu Elliaboth S.
Mangel. Dr. M.
• Manning. Mn. Charlei B.
Manning. Mn. Mary H.
Mannhelmer. Rabbi Eugene
Manny. Prof. Frank A.
Mapei, Rlloy E.
Marburg. Mri. Loull C.
Marburg, Theodore H.
Marey, William L.. Jr.
Marki. Loull 0.
Marguette. Blttekor
Marshall. Mn. George
•Martin. John
Martini. Mill Edith V.
Marty. Mlu Eva A.
$ Marvin, Walter R.. Jr.
Maun, Mill Lucy R
Mason. Mill Mary R.
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Matter. Vlnetnt G.
Matthews. Albert
IMatthewi. Mlu Elizabeth
Matthews. Mill Mabel A.
SMatthewi, William H.
Maule. Mlu Margaret C.
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Maxwell. Wilbur F.
May. Mr. 4 Mn. Edwin C.
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Mayer, Mn. Le.y
MeAdam. V. F.
McAfee. W. A.
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MeAlpin. David H.
McBride. Judge Loll M.
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McConnell. Mlu Beatrice
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MeFarland. Mn. Franeoi
McHugh. Mlu Raw J.
McKelway. Mn. A. J.
MeKenna. Mn. E. B.
McKlbbln. Mn. George B.
•McLean. Mill Fannie W.
McMath. Mn. Neil
McMlllen. A. Wayne
Moad. Daniel W.
Moad, Mlu Margaret P.
Meaai. Mlii Margaret K.
Mian. Eliot 8.
Meeker. Mlu Edna G.
Mehren. Edward J.
Moreor. Mn. William R.
Morlam. Lowli

Merrill-Palmer School. Detroit
Merrill. Rev. William P.
Methodltt Children i Homo Society.

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Meyer. Or. Adolf
Meyer. Alfrod C. (la Memorlam)
Meyer. Dr. K. F.
M.llard. Clarence L.
Millar, Letter I.
Millar. Rov. Llndley H.
Mlllhauter. Mri. Dowltt

319

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§Mllllken, Mrs. Seth M.

Mirror Prlntlni Co.. Altoona. P«.

Mltlhell. H. B.

Mitchell, Mrt. Lucy Sprague

Mitchell, Mrs. P. Lincoln

• Mitchell. Dr. Wesley C.

Mi::<r. Mrs. Herbert

Moak, Harry L.

Monteflore Hospital. Pittsburgh

Montgomery, Miss Helen

Montgomery, Miss Louise

Moore. Miss Alice E.

Moore, KennetK L.

Moore. Sybil Jane

Moran. Mrs. Mary H.

Morgan, Miss Anne

Morgan, Dr. Arthur E.

Morrlll, Albert H.

Morris, C. C.

Morris Knowles, Ine.

Morton. Charles W., Jr.

Morton. Miss Helen

Moseley, Mrs. Henry P.

Moss. Joseph L.

Molt, Dr. John R.

Moxcey, Miss Mary E.

Mullen, Rev. Joseph J.

fMuller, Mrs. Gertrude E.

Mullet. Mrs. Olg> Erfasloh

Murray, Edgar A.

Murray, Thomas E.. Jr.

Musgrove. W. J.

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Myers, Dr. Lotta Wright

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New York School of Social Work

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pelxotto. Dr. Jessica B.
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Peterson, Dr. & Mrs. Frederick
Pettlt. Walter W.
Pfeifler, C. W.
Phillips, Mrs. J. Dudley
Phlnny. Miss Mary M.
Pllgert, Mrs. Kathryn G
Pinchot, Hon. Glfford
Plnger, Edgar E.
SPInney. Edward 8.
Platt, Philip 8.
Plait, Truman H.
Playground Athletic League, Ine..

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•Playter, Miss Charlotte S.
Plumley, Miss Margaret Lovell
Poage, Dr. Lydla L.
Polachek, Mrs. Victor
Pollak, Dr. M.
Pond. Miss Mlllicent
Popper. Mrs. William C.
Pott. Mrs. F. B.
Potts. Thomas C.
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Prince, Rev. Herbert W.
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Pyle. Mr. & Mrs. Robert

QUEEN, stuart A.

RABINOVITZ. Sidney
Radio. Miss Dora A.
Railway Clerk. Cincinnati
Ramsey. F. W.
Rand. Miss Winifred
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Ratellffe, S. K.
Ratllff, Mrs. Beulah Amidon
Rauh, Mrs. A. S.
Rauh, Julian 8.
Rawson, E. B.
I Raymond, Miss Ruth
Reber, Mrs. J. Howard
Red Cross. Cleveland
Reed, Jacob
Reed, Paul L.
Refsland, Mrs. John C.
Regal, Mrs. Bessie
Reilley. William W.
Relmer, Miss Isabella A.
Rels, Mrs. Arthur M.
Renold. Charles G.
Reynolds. Miss Bertha C.
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Rhebergh, Miss Rose Ingied
Rice, Mrs. W. G., Jr.
Rich. Raymond T.
Rlchberg. Donald R.
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Roberts. Edward D.
Roberts. Dr. Klngsley
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Roble. Miss Amelia H.
Robinson, Mrs. A. H.
Rockwell. Harold H
Rockwell, Mrs. L. H.
Rockwell. Mrs. W. W.
Roe. Miss Clara S.
Rogers, Francis
Rogers, Miss Margaret A,
Rogers, Rt. Rev. Warren L.
Rohm, Miss Helen L.
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Rosenberrs. Justlee Marvin B.
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Rosenstein, Mrs. Louis
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Rosenwald. William
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Hotch. Mrs. Arthur G.
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Salvation Army. San Francisco

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Scripps- Howard Newspaper Alliance

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Society of St. Vincent de Paul.

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Welfare Federation. Cleveland
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Willard, Mrs. J. T.
Williams, Aubrey W.
Williams, Mrs. Charles D.
Williams House. Detroit
Williams, J. P. J.
Williams, S. H.
Williams, Whiting
Willis, Miss Lina
Wilson, K. P. H.
••Wilson, Mrs. Luke I.
Wincholl. Prof. Cora M.
Wlneman. Mrs. Henry
•Wing, Mrs. David L.
Wlntlow, Dr. C.-E. A.
Winslow, Miss Emma A.
Winston, Mr. & Mrs. Donald
Wise, H. E.
Wltte. Ernest F.
Wittlek. William A.
Wolf, Mrs. Howard
Wolf. R. B.
Wolman, Abel
Wood, Mrs. George Bacon
Wood, Mrs. Katherine D.
Wood, Miss Martha
Woods. Mrs. Andrew H.
Woods, Miss Halle D.
Woods, Mrs. K. C.
Wright, Jasper H.
Wylegala. Judge Victor B.
Wylle, Dr. Margaret

snd

YEOMANS. MISS Nina A.

Yost, Miss Mary
Younker, Ira M.

ZABRISKIE, Miss Susan Rom

Zuber, Mrs. Lucy Lay
Zueker. Mrt. A. A.

320

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of the hundreds of
press comments on
the Silver Anni-
versary Dinner of
Survey Associates,

publishers of
Survey Graphi

Survey Midmonthly

Survey Auoctates Hear Mur-
'ford and Frankfurter
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SURVEY ASSOCIATES, *-

112 East 19 Street, New York

a membership corporation, chartered November 4, 191!, without shares or
stockholders, under the laws of the State of New York,

"to advance the cause of constructive philanthropy by the publication and
circulation of books, pamphlets and periodicals, and by conducting any
investigation useful or necessary for the preparation thereof."

Officers

RICHARD B. SCANDRETT, JR., President

JOSEPH P. CHAMBERLAIN JOHN PALMER GAVIT, Vice-Presidents
PAUL KELLOGG, Editor ANN REED BRENNER, Secretary

George Backer
Francis Biddle
Jacob Billikopf
Joseph P. Chamberlain
Frances G. Curtis
Felix Frankfurter
John Hanrahan

Eleanor R. Belmont
Richard C. Cabot, M.D.
J. Lionberger Davis
Edward T. Devine

Board of Directors
JULIAN W. MACK, Chairman

Sidney Hillman
John A. Kingsbury
Agnes Brown Leach
Edith G. Lindley
Solomon Lowenstein
J. Noel Macy

National Council
LUCIUS R. EASTMAN, Chairman
LILLIAN D. WALD, Honorary Chairman
The Members of the Board Ex-oFficio
Livingston Farrand
Samuel S. Fels
William T. Johnson
Loula D. Lasker

Rita W. Morgenthau
Fanny H. Plimpton
Lindsay Rogers
Beardsley Ruml
Edward L. Ryerson, Jr.
Richard B. Scandrett, Jr.
Harold H. Swift

Samuel McC. Lindsay
John A. Ryan
Alfred G. Scattergood
Graham Taylor

Staff
EDITOR: Paul

(Mid-

MANAGING ' EDITORS: Gertrude Springer
monthly), Victor Weybright (Graphic)

ASSOCIATE EDITORS: Beulah Amidon, Ann Reed Bren-
ner, John Palmer Gavit, Florence Locb Kellogg, Loula
D. Lasker, Leon Whipple

CONTRIBUTING EDITORS: Helen Cody Baker, Joanna C.
Colcord, Edward T. Devine, Haven Emerson, M.D., Russell
H. Kurtz, Mary Ross, Graham Taylor

ASSISTANT EDITORS: Helen Chamberlain, Ruth Lerriso

EDITORIAL ASSISTANTS: Hannah Gallagher, Ida Ramey
RatlirT, Janet SablofF

Kellogg
BUSINESS MANAGER: Walter F. Grueninger.

CIRCULATION MANAGERS: Walter F. Gruenmger.
(Graphic); Mollic Condon, (Joint and Midmonlhly)

FIELD REPRESENTATIVES: Anne Roller Issler, Elizabeth
Mack, Ruth Dodge Mack, Lucy Lay Zuber

ADVERTISING MANAGER: Mary Anderson
ACCOUNTANT: Martha Hohmann

OFFICE MANAGER: Isabelle M. Graham
Frieda Ancess, Mary J. Brcnnan

FINANCE AND MEMBERSHIP DEPARTMENT:
Ann Reed Brenner, Director; Mary Katz, Registrar; Kathleen Clark Alley, Field Representative

•VoJ

Tdephoo. ond Doily Conv«~«om

in U.S.A.

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Princeton Theological Semmary-Speer Library

1 1012 00323 8625

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