Full text of "Survey graphic"

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MAK 1.7 1947

SURVEY GRAPHIC

VOLUME XXXV, JANUARY-DECEMBER, 1946

SUBJECT AND TITLE INDEX

Alternatives fur war. Shotwell, 204
Art :

"Dispossessed," drawings by George

r.nidie, 2os
Dra\\u sixty years ago iiow unlikely

this seemed, 472 .
World of Greenaway, tne, 160
As ol hers see us. Weybright. 483
Asia's broken rice bowl, Williams, 116
Atomic ilKc: Year one:

I have seen destruction, Spaatz. 22
In the name of Sanity, Swing, 23
Like splitting the sun itself, Smyth, 20
.Message from Albert Einstein, 23
Spirit of 1787, Harriman, 23
10 PM August 5 ana after, Tibbets,

12:01 world time, Laurence, 21
While the clock ticks, McMahon, 22
Atomic charter, blueprint for an, Shotwell,

20E
Atomic energy :

Can we put brakes on the atom? Shot-
well, 124
Enter an atomic authority, Shot well,

158
Atomic front, shifts on, Shotwell, 7(i

lilueprints for an atomic charter, Shotwell,

H5S

Bonneville power and labor, Beyer, 344
Book reviews :

Abrahamsen, David, "Men, mind and

power," 58

Alinsky, Saul D., "Reveille for radi-
cals," 174
"Autobiography of William Allen

White." 169
Beard, Mary R.. "Women as force in

history," 331
Beattie, Edward W., Jr., "Diary of a

Kriegie," 332

Becker, Carl L., "Freedom and respon-
sibility in the American way of life,"

132
Berger, Elmer, "The Jewish dilemma,"

25
Bisson, T. A., "Japan's war economy,"

298

Bok, Curtis, "I too, Nicodemus," 417
Bolte, Charles G., "The new veteran,"

56
Brebner, John Bartlet, "North Atlantic

triangle." 56
Brinton, Crane, "The United States and

Britain." 178
Bush. Vannevar, "Endless horizons,"

229

Chase, Stuart, "Tomorrow's trade." 131
Chernick and Hellickson. "Guaranteed

annual wages," 88
Church, Peggy Pound, "Ultimatum for

man," 413

Cohen. Morris R., "The faith of a lib-
eral," 169

Cole. Margaret, "Beatrice Webb," 410
Dean, Vera Mleheles, "The four corner

stones of peace," 170
Dimock, Marshall Edward, "Executive

in action," 88
Dorfman. "Economic mind in Ameri

can civilization, 1606-1865." 87
Drake and Carton, "Black Metropolis."

26
Ernst. Morris L., "The first freedom."

Erskine. "Russia's story." 372

Fei and Chang, "Earthbound China,"

133

Fine. Benjamin, "Democratic educa-
tion," 332
Finer, Herman, "United Nations eco

nomic and social council," 299
Galloway, George B.. "Congress at the

crossroads," 414
Goodman, Jack, ed.. "While you were

gone," 173

Hannum, "Spin a silver dollar," 89
Herman. Stewart W.. "Rebirth of the

German church," 416
Heymann. "We can do business with

Russia," 132

Haas, William S., "Iran," 267
Hume. Edward H., "Doctors East, doc-

tors West," 332
lluiehitison, Keith, "Rival partners

America and Britain in the postwar

world," I'i5
Hiitton, Graham, "Midwest at noon,"

331

Jackson. Robert H., "The case against
the Nazi war criminals/* 172
Janowsky, Oscar 1., "Nationalities and

national minorities," 57
Johnson, Alvm, "Clock of history," 229
Johnson, Bui yes, "Campus versus

ehissroom," 417
Kaempffert, \\aldemar, "Science, today

and tomorrow," 5S
Knantli, Percy, "Germany in defeat,"

Koestler, Arthur, "Thieves in the
night," 412

Lamout, Thomas W., "My boyhood in
a parsonage," 411

Liisch, Robert, "Breaking the building
blockade," 300

Leveiisteiu, Aaron, "Labor today and
tomorrow," 268

l.cwisohu, Sam A., "Human leadership
in industry," 58

Liebmau, Joshua Loth, "Peace of
mind," 300

Luck, J. Murray, "The war on malnu-
trition and poverty," 268

Masters and Way, eds., "One world or
none," 372

.Mayo. Elton. "The social problems of
an industrial civilization, 179

Mikhailov, "The Russian story," 13J

McWilliams, Carey, "Southern Califor-
nia country." 333

Morgenthau, "Germany is our prob-
lem," 89

Mumford, Lewis. "Values for survival,"
171

Neumann, SiginiinU, "Future in per-
spective," 414

i Ortega y Gasset. Jose, "Concord and
liberty." 413

I'ett'er, "Amerie;! S plaee ill the World,"

134

Perkins, Frances. "The Roosevelt I

knew," tox
Peterson, Florniee, "American labor

unions," 301

Petry, Ann, "The street," 230
Price, John. International labour

movement," .''>'!<>
Katcliff. John !>.. ed., "Science year

book of 1945," 58
Reynolds and Killingsworth, "Trade

union publications 1850-1941," 90
Rider, Fremont, "Great dilemma of

world organization," 418
Roosevelt. Eleanor, "If you ask me,"

173
Sehoenberner, I- ranz. "Confessions of a

European intellectual," 267
Sedgwick. Eller.v. "The happy profes

41<;

SilvtTberg, Louis G.. ed.. "The Wag-
ner Act: After ten years." 180
Sinclair. Jo. "Wasteland," 174
Soiile. George. "America's stake in

Britain's I'm lire" 176
Stowe. Leland, "While time remains."

418
S wisher. Carl Brent, "The growth of

constitutional power in the United

States." 411

Tead. "Democratic administration," 88
Voight, Wm.. Jr.. "1946 National flsh-

uic cruicle." 332

Weaver Robert c.. "Negro labor," 330
Williamson and Harris. "Trends in

collective bargaining." 298
u isli. "Contemporary America." 89
Wofford. "It's up to us." 373
Wootton "Freedom under planning."

134

HuoUs. free. I. Hi. U read. Melcher, 4">7

Bourgeois. Leon The unpopular Monsieur.
Giistuvmin. -T!>

I-...5S of the British coal pits, Roche, 249

Uridires to the future. Sliotwell :
Alternatives for war, 204
Blueprint for an atomic charter. 25i>
Can we put brakes on the atom? 124
Enter an atomic authority, 158

From bombs to freedoms, 296
Idea of human rights, 489
Our European policy, 387
Shifts on the atomic front, 76
Two Paris Peace Conferences, 341
Byelorussians: Barefoot and barehanded,
Scandrett, 485

< 'artoons :

"C'moii, fellas! let's concentrate on

world peace," Smith, 340
"Federal jungle, the," Fitzpatrick, 315
"Finest pullin' team in the world,"

Justus, 75

"Food that they may live," Chase, 244
"He who lives by the sword," Bishop,

390

"How to promote a Third World War "
Russell, 433

It certainly is needed," Little, 73
"May I hover a bit, as a warning, per-
haps? NBA Service, 342
"On borrowed time," Duffy, 151
"Other big four, the," Whttelaw, 343
"People's peace, a," Fitzpatrick, 196
"Sequel, the," Horblock, 391
"Shutting off his iron lung," Bishop,

153

"[ ntinished business," Herblock, 322
"What of our big country?" Fitzpat-
rick, 397

"Woman's work is never done." Her-
block, 339

Clothing industry, says "we," Amidon, 42
Coal, touchstone of England's recovery

Roche, 398
Command of our constitution, Brandeis,

429
Communication :

Cornucopias for everybody, Whipple,

First freedom treaty, why not a?

Ernst, 445
"Nobly save or meanly lose," Christ

man, 436

Role of government, Murray, 449
UN open house (photographs), 434
Cpngress of Racial Equality, Buckler, 50
Conscientious objectors: Freedom of con-
science in the USA, Oxnam. 309
Cornucopias for everybody, Whipple. 441
Counselors, vest pocket, .McDonald, 261
Cover, illustrations:

Bonneville linesman (photograph), Oct.
"Bread for six," Press Association

photo, July

"British miner," photograph, Nov.
Courthouse Where Nazism Is On Trial

(photograph), Jan.
Drawing by Lombard C. Jones. Dec.
Emblem of the United Nations, Sep-
tember

"Family pocketbook. the," photo-
graph, Thornton, Mar.
".New house, the." photograph. Cush

ing. Feb.

Photograph by Hess. June
Photograph by Lawrence D Thorn

ton. May

Rural Sweden. August
"Wheat stalks." photograph, dishing.
Apr.

Delano, Frederic A.: Catalyst, Coyle, 252
Displaced persons: They want to be peo
pie. Close, 392

E-MC2, Chase, 149

Economic thought in the making, Hansen
(book review), 87

Ecuador, school health in. Adams. 361

Education :

"Give us more American," Anderson.

If we want schools. Amidon. 258
\V\v schools for Italy, Washburne, 381

Employment, public, strikes in. Amidon.
153 '

Eternal Russia. Soloveytchik, 200

Europe:

Empty bread basket. Hendrickson, 111
Not so quiet corner, Soloveytchik, 282
Our policy in, Shotwell, 387

Everybody's stake Li) price control, Nau-

niann. 69
Expendable, they are not, Rifkind, 205

B'amine :

Asia's broken rice bowl. Williams. 116
Europe's empty bread basket, Hen-

drickson. Ill

Life saving food. Lehman. 240
Film, future of the, Hansen. 329
First freedom treaty, why n'Ot a'i Ernst.

445

Food, see Famine
France shakes herself. Davis, 79
Free man's life, the. Hansen, 370
Freedom of conscience in the USA, Ox-

nam, 309
Freedom of the press: Over back fences

of the world. Christman, 128
Full circle. 1848-1946, Johnson. 109
Fund, welfare, that, Amidon, 222

"Uod, humanity, and the mountains," Mac-

Kaye. 288

tiood will is not enough, Hansen, 266
Government :

Peacetime pattern for, Krlegbbaura,

314
Hole of, In free expression, Murray,

449
(real Britain :

Boys of the British coal pils, Roche.

249

Coal, touchstone of England's recov-
ery, Roche, 398
John Bull plumps for health, Davis,

264
Greenaway. Kate, the world of, 160

Hammock In the sun, Davis, 294
Health :

From a ringside seat, Davis, 226
Hammock in the sun, Davis, 294
John Bull plumps for, 264
Menu a la carte, Davis, 54
Needs and program, Murray, 219
Preview of a sporting event, Davis, 85
Putting teeth into. Davis, 18
School health in Ecuador. Adams, 361
Seeing and hearing is believing, Davis,

159

Taken by the neck, Davis, 403
World Health Organization, Sand, 352
You can get it if you go for it, Davis,

317
Hillman, Sidney:

1887-1946 (photograph), 276
When Chicago took his measure, Tay-
lor, 277

Hopkins, Harry L., 1890-1946, 36
Housing:

Homes for all and how, Keyserling,

37
Veterans first then decent homes for

all. Wyatt. 220
Human needs and the 79th Congress, Cor-

son, 322
Human rights, idea of, Shotwell, 489

International I/abor Organization: Labor
to the south of tis, Inman, 210

Immigrants:

Our newest Americans. Davie, 105
Pilgrims m our time. Fisher, 101
Full Circle 1948-1946, Johnson, 10!)

Italy, new schools for, Washburne, 381

Jews: They are not expendable. Rifkind,

205
Just people (photographs), 114

Labor:

Bonneville, power and. Beyer, 344
Boys of the British coal pits, Roche,

249

Strikes:

In public employment, Amidon. 153
Public policy and, Leiserson. 72
Real lesson of the, Tyson, 396
To the south of us, Inman, 210
Winter of industry's discontent, Ami-
don. 10
Labor relations:

Clothing industry says "we," Amidon,
42

Straight from the man on the job.

Kraus, 44
L-'gislatiou :

From a ringside seat. Davis, 226
Human needs and the 79th Congress.

Corson. 322
Social conference on :
Health . N'.-eds and program. Mur-
ray 219

Highlights of other speeches, Key-
serling. 221

Unfinished business In: Bring it

flush with the times. Wagner. 21N

Veterans first then decent homes

for all. Wyatt. 22(1
We organized impatience, Hall, 217
Letting the whole world know. Knhn. 492
Libraries:

Letting the whole world know, Kuhn,

492

U. S.. overseas. Heindel. 162
Life and letters, Hansen :

As they remember FDR, 408
Economic thought in the making, 87
"Free man's life," 370
Future of the film, 329
(lood will is not enough. 260
"House" John Dewey lives in. 16*1
New arguments for peace, 130
Quarters across the newsstand, 297
What civilians need to know. 24
What patriotism means in America.

228

Los Alamos. New Mexico: The town of
beginning again, Kinzel, 354

Magazines, freedom to read. Miller, 462
Menu a la carte. Davis, 54
Movies, freedom to see and hear. Inglis,
477

National health program: Preview of a

sporting event, Davis. 85
Netirath. Otto, appreciation of an elephant,

Kaempffert. 46

Newspapers: Freedom to read, Stewart. 452
"Nobly save or meanly lose," Christman.

436

Nuclear physicists, the, Church (poem). 88
Nuremberg trials:
Bernays. 390
Legal basis of. Bernays. 5

Obituary:

Hillman, Sidney. 276
Hopkins. Harry L.. 36
Oldest man in the world. Mackaye. 364
Office of Price Administration : Long

shadow of Mr. Bowles, Ware. 120
Organizations in the economic and social

field, 199

Our European policy. Shotwell. 387
Our newest Americans, Davie, 105
Over back fences of the world, Christman,

128

Paris Peace Conferences, two, Shotwell, 341
Patriotism in America, means what, Han-
sen, 228
Peace :

New arguments for, Hansen. 130

People's, the, Neumann, 213
Peacetime pattern for government. Kriegh-

baum, 314

People's peace, the, Neumann, 213
Photographs:

Big town copy desk, 450

Bits of USA in Britain, 482

Bowles, Chester, 68

Congressional leaders meet the dele-
gates, 216

Ears and eyes for the world, 430

For understanding between nations
books. 456

Hillman, Sidney: 1887-1946, 276

Hopkins, Harry L., 1890-1946, 36

Just people, 114

Learning by doing, 52-53

Little has changed tn Sweden, 284

New Americans, 100

New books for new students, 380

New torch, the. 468

Nuremberg preliminaries. 4

One plane, one bomb, 148

Porter, Paul A.. 68

Small town editor. 451

Starting young, 406

UN open house, 434
Work of national importance. 308
Pilgrims in our time. Fisher, 101
Playgrounds: Learning by doing (photo-
graphs). 52-53
Hoi-try :

Art of the wild life. tin-. Marion Morse

Mao-Kaye. LM:;
Artist of life, Marion Morse MacKaye,

293

Mullet of Blanche' Nolan. Pen-y Mac-
Kaye. 32tj

Cloudburst, the. Percy MacKaye, 28ii
Heath aiu\ the wild dove. Percy Mac-
Kaye, 2!i2
Evening alchemy, Marion Morse Mae-

Kaye. 327
Kuery bridegroom. Marion Morse Mai-

Ka'ye. 327

(Mory to Cod in the highest. Church, 3
Goodly company, the. Marion Morse

MacKaye. 3i!t '
Mountain footpath Joy. Marion Morse

MacKaye. :t27
Mountain hostess. Marion Morse .Mac-

Kaye. :JL'7

Mule-back, Percy MacKiiye. .'lli.1
Nuelear physicists, the. Church, .ss
llf the wilil trails. Mar-ion Morse M.-ie-

Kaye. :i2:;
Song of the dawn bird, Marion Morse

MacKaye. 2!>2
I'ncle John Fiddler's farewell, Marion

Morse MacKiiye, 327
Price control, everybody's slake in. Nan

niann. 69

I'nlilie policy, strikes anil. Leiserson. 7'J
Pursuit of happiness, 1946 and after. Wi
naiit. 196

Race relations: The CORE wav. Buckler,

Radio, freedom to hear. Fly. 474
Right of all people to know, Winant. 4:U
Right to communicate, 436
Right to read, 452
Rights to see and hear. 469
Russia, eternal. Soloveytchik. 'Jm
Rutland, Vt.. reads what. East on, 4ti.">

Scanning the secrets of space. Sarnoff. 469
School health in Ecuador. 361
Schools for Italy, new. Washburne, asi
Seattle's "first citizen." Shor. .'(lit
Seeing and hearing is believing. Davis. 159
Segregation, price of. Brigham. 156
Social security, basic issues in, Corson. K!
Sporting event, preview of, Davis, s~>
Steel: A retrospect. Walker. 126
Straight from the man on the job. Kraus.

44
Strikes:

In public employment. Amidon. 153
Public policy and. Leisi rson. 72
Real lesson of the, Tyson. :H!
Sweden :

Little has changed in (photographs).

Postwar, Soloveytchik, 282

Rural (cover illustration). August

L'SA and. compared, Myrdal. 2.87

Taken by the neck, Davis, 403

Ten million women, Hiller anil Hut-hoe .11!

They want to be people, Close. 392

rniti'd Council of Church Women, Htller

and Burhoe, 349
United Nations open house (photographs).

Vest pocket counselors. McDonald, '-'til
Veterans : Better breaks for. Krleghbaum,
15

War. alternatives for, Shotwell, .'"I

Welfare fuird. that, Amidon. 222

Winter of industry's discontent, Amidon,

Women for peace and freedom. Balr-h. 358
World Health Organization. Sand. 352

Adams, Francis McStay, .School health In

Ecuador 361

Adams, Mildred, "Concord and liberty,"
Jose Ortega j Gusset (boot review), 413
Amidon, Bfulah :

Clothing industry says "we," 42
It we want schools, 258
Strikes in public employment, 153
That welfare fund, 222
Winter of industry's discontent, 10
Anderson, Nels, "Give us more American

education," 13
Ascher, Charles S. :

"Democratic administration," Tead,

(book review). 88
"Executive in action," Uirnock (book

review), ,ss
"Freedom under planning," \Voiilton,

(book review), 134
Balch, Emily Giwne, Women for peace and

freedom, 358
Baldwin, Koger ,N'., Trulli shall make you

free. 498
Barnch, Bernard, Fourteen points for

atomic control, 257
llcrle, A. A., Jr., "The clock of history,"

Johnson (book review), 2211
Bernays, Murray ('. :

"Case against the Nazi war criminal,
the," Kobe.t II. Jackson (book re-
view). 172

Legal basis of the Nuremberg: trials. 5
Nuremberg. ;PM

Beyer, Otto S.. Bonncvillc power and la-
bor, 344
Biddle, George, "Dispossessed," drawings,

208

Bowles, Chester, long shadow of. Ware, 120
Uradley. Omar H., a better break for vet-
erans. Krleghbaiim. 15

Brandeis, Louis li.. Command of our con-
stitution. 429
Brigham. R. I., Price of segregation, the,

156
Urown, Ralph Adams:

"Freedom ami responsibility in" the
American way of life." Becker (book
review), 132
"New veteran, the," Charles G. Bolte

(book review). 56
United States and Britain, the," Crane

Brinton (book review), 178
"Woman as force in history," Beard

(book review), 331

Bruere, Henry. "My boyhood in a parson-
age," Thomas W. Lflmont (book re-
view), 411
Brush, A. Louise. "Men, mind and power,"

David Abrahamsen (book review), 58
Buckler, Helen. The COKE way, 50
Burhoe. Beulah Weldon, see also Hiller,
Margaret

"Russia's story," Erskine (book re-
view), 372

Chase, Stuart, E-MC2. 149
Christman, Henry:

"Nobly save or meanly lose," 430
Over back fences of the world, 128
Church, Peggy Pond :

Glory to God in the highest (poem), ,f
Nuclear physicists, the (poem), .88
Close. Kathryu. They want to be people.

892

Coit, Eleanor G., "Guaranteed annual
wages," Cheruick and Hellickson (book
review), 88

Constant, Julie d'Estournellcs de, "United
Nations economic and social council,"
Finer (book review). 299
Converse. Florence, "Ultimatum for man."

Church and Delkin (book review). 413
Cook, Waldo L.. "Autobiography of Wil-
liam Allen White" (book review). 169
Corson, John J. :

Basic issnes in social security. 83
Human needs and the 79th Congress,

322

Corwin, Edward S.. "Growth of constiu-
tional power in the United States," Carl
Brent Swisher (book review), 411
Coyle. David Cushman :

"Congress at the crossroads," George

B. Gallowav (book review) 414
Frederic A. Delano : Catalyst. 252
Crowder. Farnsworth. "Southern Califor-
nia country," McWilliams (book review)
333
Davie. Maurice R.. Our newest Americans,

105

Davis, Malcolm W.. France shakes her-
self. 79
Davis. Michael M. :

From a ringside seat. 226
Hammock in the sun. 294
John Bull plumps for health. 264
Menu a In carte, 54
Preview of a sporting event. 85
Putting teeth into health. 18
Seeing and hearing is believing, 159
Taken by the neck. 403
You can pet it if you go for it, 317
Duggan. Stephen, "Campus versus class-
room," Burges Johnson (book review),
417
Dulles. Allen W., "Germany in defeat."

AUTHORS INDEX

Percy Knauth (book review), Ifls
Eastou, David K., What Rutland reads, 405
Einstein, Albert, a message from, 23
Kmbree, John F., "Japan's war economy."

Bisson (book review), 298
Ernst, Morris L., Why not a first freedom

treaty? 440
Fisher. Dorothy Cantield. Pilgrims in our

Fitch. John A. :

"Trade union publications 1850-1941."

Reynolds and Killlngsworth (book

review), 90
"Trends in collective bargaining." Wil-

hamsou and Harris (book review),

Flanders. Ralph K., "Human leadership In
industry," Sam A. Lewisohn (book re-
view), 5.N
Fly, James Lawrence, Frevdom to hear-

Radio, 4V4
Frank, Jerome N., "I too, Nicodemus,"

Curtis Bok (hook review), 417
Gllnllan, S. C., "One world or none" Mas-
ters and Way, eds. (book review). 372
Grant. John I!., "Doctors east, doctors

wesl," Ilium (book review), 332
Green, Alan :

"(.'real dilemma of world organization"

Fremont Rider (book review) 418
"It's up to us," Wofford (book re-
view). 373

Gruenbcig, Uentamin C., "Endless hori-
zons." Bush (book review), 229
Gustavson. Carl G., Unpopular Monsieur

Bourgeois, the. 279
Hall. Helen :

"If you ask me," Eleanor Roosevelt

(book review), 173
We organized impatience, 217
Hansrn. Harry. Life and letters :
As they remember FDR, 408
Economic thought in the making, 87
Free mail's life, the, 370
Future of the film, 329
Good will is not enough, 266
"House" John Dewey lives In, the, 166
New arguments for peace, 130
Quarters across the newsstand, 297
What civilians need to know, 24
What patriotism means in America, 228
Harriman, Florence Jaffray, Spirit of

1787, 23

Heindel, Richard H., U. S. libraries over-
seas. 162
Hendrickson. Roy F., "Europe's empty

bread basket, 111

Henry, George H., "Democratic educa-
tion," Fine (book review), 332
Herrick, Elinore. "Wagner Act: After ten
years, the," Louis G. SJlverberg, ed,
(book review). 180

Hiller, Margaret, and Burhoe, Beulah Wei-
don, Ten million women, 349
Hintz. Howard W., "Values for survival,"

Lewis Mumford (book review), 171
luglis, Ruth A., Freedom to see and hear:

Movies. 477
Inman. Samuel Guy, Labor to the south

of us. 210

Jackh. Ernest, "Iron," Haas (book re-
view), 267

Jones, F. Cyril, "North Atlantic triangle."
John Bartlet Brebner (book review), 56
Johnson, Alvin :

Full circle, 1848-1946. 109

"Jewish dilemma, the," Elmer Berger

(book review), 25
Johnson, Eleanor Hope, "Peace of mind,"

Liebman (book review). 300
Jones. Lombard C., cover drawing by.

Dec.
Kaempffert, Waldemar, Annreciation of an

elephant. 46
Keyserling. Leon H., Homes for all and

how, 37
Keyserling, Mary Dublin, Highlights on

other speeches. 221
Kinzel. Marie, Town of beginning again,

354
Kraus. Henry, Straight from the man on

the job, 44
Krieghbaum, Hillier :

Better break for veterans. 15
Peacetime pattern for government, 314
"Science today and tomorrow " Walde-
mar Kaempffert (book review), 58
"S-ience year book of 1945." John D.

Ratcliff. ed. (book review) 58
Kuhn. Ferdinand. Jr., Letting the whole

world know, 492

Kuhn Manford H.. "Labor today and to-
morrow." Levenstrin (book review, 268
Lasker. Bruno, "America's place in the

world," Peffer (book reviews). 134
Laurence, William L., 12:01 world time. 21
Lohman. Herbert H., Life saving food. 245
Leiserson, William M., Strikes and pub-
lic policy. 72
Lescohier, Don D.. "Negro labor." Weaver

(book review). 330

Lindeman, Eduard C.. "Confessions of a
European intellectual," Schoenberner
(book review). 268
Locke, Alain, "Black Metropolis," Drake

and Cayton (book review) 28
Mitt-Donald, Lois, "American labor unions"

Peterson (book review), 301
.MacKaye. Marion Morse:

Art - / c ]* e wild llfe - tni> (Poem), 293

Artist of life (poem). 293

Evening alchemy (poem), 327

raery bridegroom (poem). 327

God, humanity, and the mountains ",ss

(.oodly company, the (poem) 369

Mountain footpath joys (poem), 327

Mountain hostess (poem) 327

Poetry of the wild trails, 323

Song of the dawn bird (poenii "!i"

Uncle John Fiddler's farewell (poem).

MacKaye. Percy :

Ballet of Blanche Nolan (poem) ,'!"(i
Cloudburst, I be (poem), 2S9

Death and the wild dove (no ) 29"

Mule- back (poem). 35
oldest man in the world, .'MM

Mahou, Charlotte B., "Four cor -stones

ol peace, the," Vera Michel, -s I lean
(book review), 170
McDonald, Ethel Raynor, Vest pocket

counselors, 261

McKay, Venion, "Nationalities and nation-
al minorities," Oscar 1. Janowsky (book
review), 57

McMahon, Brlen, While thf> clock ticks. 22
Mead. Margaret. "America's stake in Brit-
ain's future," George Saule (book re-
view), 176
Meleher, Frederic G,, Freedom to read :

Books, 437

Miller, Merle, Freedom to read: Maga-
zines, 462
Mintoii, Charles K., "Spin a silver dollar,"

Haniuim (book review), 89
Murray, James E. :

Health : Needs and program, 219
Role of government, 449
Myrdal, Guunar, Sweden and the USA, 2ST
Naumann, Oscar K., Everybody's stake in

price control, 69
Neumann, Sigmund :

People's peace, the, 213

"While time remains," Leland Stowe

(book review), 418

Odegard, Peter H., "Rival partners Amer-
ica and Britain in the postwar world,"
Keith Hutchinson (book review), 175
Overstreet, H. A. :

"Contemporary America," Wish (book

review), 89
"Faith of a liberal, the," Morris R.

Cohen (book review). 169
Oxnam, G. Bromley, Freedom of conscience.

in the USA, 309
Parker. Ruth Lerrigo, "Midwest at noon,"

Hutton (book review), 331
Rheinstejn. Alfred, "Breaking the building

blockade," Lasch (book review), :t(XJ
Rifkind, Simon H., They are not expend-
able, 205
Roche, Josephine :

Boys of the British coal pits, 249
Coal touchstone of England's recov-
ery, 398
Roller, Paul F.. "1946 National fishing

guide" (book review), 332
Rosinger, Lawrence K., "Earthbound
China," Fei and Chang (book review).
133

Ross, Mary, "Thieves in the night." Ar-
thur Koestler (book review), 412
Sand, Rene, World Health Organization,

362
Sarnoff, David, Scanning the secrets of

space. 469
Scandrett, Richard B.. Jr., Byelorussians:

Barefoot and barehanded. 485
Seidman. Joel, "Reveille for radicals,"

Saul D. Alinsky (book review). 174
Shor. Franc Luther, Seattle's "first citi-
zen," 319

Shotwell, James T.. Bridges to the future:
Alternatives for war, 204
Blueprint for an atomic charter 255
Can we put brakes on the atom? 124
Enter an atomic authority, 158
From bombs to freedoms 296
Idea of human rights, 489
Our European policy, 387
Shifts on the atomic front, 76
Two Paris Peace Conferences 341
Sizoo, Joseph, "Rebirth of the German
church." Stewart W. Herman (book re-
view). 416
Smyth, Henry DeWoIf. Like splitting the

sun itself, 20
Soloveytchik, George:
Eternal Russia. 200
Europe's not so quiet corner. 22
Spaatz. Carl A., I have' seen destruction,

22
Springer, Gertrude:

"Street. The," Petry (book review), 230
"Wasteland." Jo Sinclair (book re-
view). 174
Sproul. Kathleen. "Future in perspective."

Stgmund Neuman (book review). 414
Steiger, Andrew J., "We can do business

with Russia," Hermann (book review), Tibbets, Paul W., 10 PM August 5 and wick (book reriew), 416

132 afti^r. 21 WhippleV Leon:

Stevens. Aidon. "While you were gone." Tyson. Francis. Rcr.l l"sson of the strikes, Cornucopi/is for everybody, 441

JncK Goodnir.i:, '.vl, ftonk roviow' . 173 "First freedom, the." Morris L. Ernst

Stewart. Kenneth, Freedom I? road' Xows- W:VH':r. r..ih.~rt F., Urir;; it flush v.-ith Jbo.cr. rpview), 167

pap"r~ 432 the tiir.r's. 21S \Vii1--r Kussejl 11,, ' XTr.r en malpttrition

otOAvr.rt. Mr.xv.-cii .. ' O^rmr.r.7 is aur TTr-.lkf-r. Charles R-, Steel: .i. rctr?jp;:t, ..r.d p'^v:_>rty.'' Lvci; (book review). 26S

problem" Morgenthau (book rcricw). 89 liij ,"riiii;.ir.5 Albert Ehys ; "The Russian

S'.\-ing. Raymond. In U*L' ;iame of sar.ity 2o V>".iro Caroiir.c r . Lcn sh^d-^.v ji !,!; -?tory " Mikhailcv .'book review). 132

Taylor, Graham, When Chicago took his Bowles. 120 Williams. Pierce, ASW'S broken rice bowl,

measure 277 JVashburne, Carleton W., New schools for 116

Tead. Ordway : Italy. 381 Winant. John G. :

"Social p'roblems of an industrial civ- Watt, Robert J., "International labour Pursuit of happiness, 1946 and after,

ilization. the," Elton Mayo (book re- movement," Price (book review) 330 197

view) 179 . Welsh, Richard K., "Diary of a Kriegie," Right of all people to know, 431

Tomorrow's trade" Chase (book re- Beattie (book review), 332 Woodhouse, Chase Going, "Beatrice Webb,"

view), --131 . Weybrig-ht, VietQf Margaret Cole (book review), 410

Thornton, Lawrence D.: "Family prn-k-i- As others -see us, 483 . \Vyatt, Wilson W,, Veterans Prst-f-then

lunik, tbf," photograph, eover, ^lar "Happy profession, the," Eiiri-> Sedg- decent homes for all', 220

SURVEV

3O CENTSfl COPY

GRflPHIC

Courthouse Where Nazism Is on Trial

Legal Basis of the Nuremberg Trials

by Murray C. Bernays
Winter of Industry's Discontent by Beulah Amidon

YEAR ONE: ATOMIC AGE

DMMENTS by William L. Laurence, Brien McMahon 7 Henry DeWolf Smyth, Raymond Swing,
Ibert Einstein, Mrs. J. Borden Harriman, Gen. Carl A. Spaatz, Col. Paul W. Tibbets, Jr.

THE news is a lot better lor every one
who's been waiting for a telephone.

We've put in more than 500,000
telephones in three months and
they're going in faster every day.

But there are places where we have
complicated switchboards to install
even places where we must build
new buildings for the new switch-
boards. In those places it will take
more time.

We're working hard on that job and
aiming to give everybody quicker
and better service than ever before.

BELL TELEPHONE SYSTEM

There's Good Music on Th Telephone Hour . . . every Monday evening over NBC

Among Ourselves

AUGUST 6, 1945, WHICH OPENED YEAR I OF THE
Atomic Age [see page 19], has overshadowed
January 1 as the beginning of a new year.
Certainly Christmas messages in 1945 gave
fresh significance to the cherished words,
Peace and Good Will. The solemn dedication
of this Christmastide seemed to us so beauti-
fully expressed in one of the messages that
came to this office that we want to share it.
It was written by Peggy Pond Church,
whose all too rare poems we have been priv-
ileged to publish from time to time:

Glory to God in the Highest

Far in the realms of space
where the great suns have their birth
the angels of light lean down
watching the turning earth,

watching mankind the proud,
formed half of God's own breath,
half of the stubborn dust
that returns to its own at death.

Man who once crept and groped
out of earth's formless slime
armed now with the thunderbolt
stands at the height of time.

And the angels of light must weep
for the answer is written plain:
Whoso steals the anger of God
by the anger of God is slain.

Yet, as the angels know
who keep watch by the judgment seat,
the fire we have stolen can yet be laid
as an offering at God's feet.

We who are Lucifer's sons

can still in our fatal hour

render to Him from whom we fled

the glory and the power.

Then shall the heavens ring

with the joy of the holy ones,

hearing the prayer we were meant to pray

Teach us to be Thy sons!

// Your Copy Arrives Late . . .

We realize that copies of Survey
Graphic are reaching subscribers about
three weeks late.

The shortage of experienced em-
ployes still cripples most publishers and
printers, as well as the railroads, truck-
ing companies, post offices in fact,
everyone responsible for delivering
magazines to readers.

Unfortunately, little improvement can
be expected for several months to come.

If your copy of Survey Graphic does
not arrive by the 28th of the month
(four weeks late), let us know. Be-
fore then, please do not write.

v. i . xxxv

CONTENTS

Survey Graphic for January 1946

No. 1

Cover: Courthouse Where Nazism Is on Trial
Nuremberg Preliminaries

Legal Basis of the Nuremberg Trials

Winter of Industry's Discontent

"Give Us More American Education"

A Better Break for Veterans

Putting Teeth into Health

Year One: Atomic Age

Trenchant comments at a meeting of Americans United for World Organi-
zation (briefed) by: HENRY DsWoLF SMYTH WILLIAM L. LAURENCE
COL. PAUL W. TIBBETS, JR. GEN. CARL A. SPAATZ BRIEN MCMAHON
RAYMOND SWING ALBERT EINSTEIN FLORENCE JAFFKAY HARRIMAN

Letters and Life

What Civilians Need to Know HARRY HANSEN

MURRAY C. BERNAYS

BEULAH AMIDON

Xr.i.s ANDERSON

HILLIER KRIECHBAUM

MICHAEL M. DAVIS

4
5
10
13
15
18
19

24
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presidents, JOHN PALME* GAVIT, AGNE* BEOWM LIACH; secretary, ANN REED BUNNEX.

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WILLIAM M. LEISERSON. JUSTINE WISE POI.IER. WILLIAM ROSENWAI.D. BEARDSLEY RUML. RICH\RD B
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Editor: PAUL KELLOGG.

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KATHRYN CLOSE, MICHAEL M. DAVIS, JOHN PALME GAVIT, HARRY HANBEN, FLORENCE LOEB KBX-
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Survey Graphic published on the 1st of the month. Price of single copies of this issue, 30c a
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THE LEADING ARTICLE IN THE DECEMBER Stll'fcy

Midmonthly is "Helping Nations Help Them-
selves" by Charles H. Alspach, acting director
of the Welfare Division, United Nations Re-
lief and Rehabilitation Administration. It
tells how UNRRA's welfare staff is helping the
ravaged countries of Europe, and now China,
to set up relief programs for themselves.

UNDER A DIRECTIVE ISSUED BY PRESIDENT TRU-
man just before Christmas, the 922 refugees
who have been living in a war relocation
camp near Oswego, N. Y.. for eighteen
months, received the gift of freedom. [See
"Displaced Persons: A USA Close-up," by
Ruth Karpf in the June 1945 Surrey Graphic.}
At this writing, the refugees are eagerly await-
ing the arrival of Justice and State Depart-
ment officials who will start the machinery for
their admission to American citizenship.

At the same time, the President issued a
directive designed to expedite the admission
to the USA of displaced persons from Europe,
up to the limit permitted by immigration laws.
As reported by Earl G. Harrison in Survey
Graphic last month, a relatively small propor-

tion of the DP's still in camps in Germany
want to come to this country. Mr. Truman
urged that "special attention be devoted to
orphan children to whom it is hoped the ma-
jority of visas will be issued."

NEWS HAS JUST COME TO US THAT OTTO

rath has died. The words seem incredible, for
his recent letters were characteristically lively
and full of zest. It seems that, at the end of a
busy, happy day in December, he had seated
himself in an easy chair in his Oxford living-
room, as if for a moment's respite and his
life was over.

In recent years, Neurath, the exiled Vien-
nese, had found a spiritual home in England.
He basked in what he called "the British
human climate." What he had to offer, Eng-
land was eager for. His famous isotype sym-
bols, already known and widely imitated in
the United States, the USSR, and The Nether-
lands, were making social facts exciting to
his adopted country.

Waldemar Kaempffert, a life-long friend,
will write on Dr. Neurath and his work in
the next issue of Surrey Graphic.

NUREMBERG PRELIMINARIES

Above, August 8, 1945, Church House,
London: Signing of the Four Power Exec-
utive Agreement establishing the Inter-
national Military Tribunal for trial of the
major war criminals at Nuremberg. Stand-
ing in the background are members of the
British and American staffs.

Left, Colonel Bernays, and Colonel John
Harlan Amen of the U. S. prosecuting
staff, on preparatory work at London for
the Nuremberg trial.

S U RVEV

PHIC

Legal Basis of the Nuremberg Trials

"We do not accept the paradox that legal responsibility should be
the least where power is greatest." Justice Robert H. Jackson

MURRAY C. BERNAYS

Formerly Colonel, General Staff Corps, AUS

THE WARTIME TRIALS IN ANCIENT NUREM-
BERG the seat of Nazism had their origin
in the modern Pentagon Building at Wash-
ington, D. C.

It was in September, 1944, that the Per-
sonnel Division, G-l, of the War Depart-
ment General Staff, recommended that these
German leaders, civilian and military alike,
together with such associations as the SS
and Gestapo, should be charged before an
international court with conspiracy to com-
mit notorious crimes. There would be put
into the dock in this first trial only those
individuals who were believed to be out-
standingly culpable in their own right and
as representatives of the defendant associa-
tions. If any of the associations were found
guilty of participation in the conspiracy,
all their members would thereafter be liable
to trial and punishment for their part in
the offenses charged.

The distinguishing features of this form-
ula, as it matured, were the employment of
the legal principle of conspiracy in order
to reach the innumerable defendants in-
volved, and the recognition that aggressive
war is a crime under international law,
for which guilty individuals may be pun-
ished.

The plan went through General Staff
channels with approval of the Assistant
Chief of Staff, G-l. It was indorsed in turn
by the Assistant Secretary of War and by
the Secretary of War. The legal adviser of
the State Department upheld the doctrines
of international law on which the plan was
based, and just a year ago (January 1945),
the Secretary of State joined the Secretary
of War in recommending the plan to Presi-
dent Roosevelt. Last May President Truman
approved it, and designated Associate Jus-
tice Robert H. Jackson as chief of counsel
for the United States.

On August 8, an Executive Agreement to
establish an international military tribunal
to try the defendants was entered into at
London by the United States, Great Britain,
the Soviet Union, and France. Since then

Graduating from Harvard in 1915,
Colonel Bernays served as an enlisted
man and officer in World War I. Com-
missioned again in 1942, he became in
October, 1943, chief of the Special Proj-
ects Branch of the Personnel Division,
G-l, War Department General Staff.

Himself a member of the New York
Bar, he was assigned in May, 1945, to
the staff of the Assistant Secretary of
War, for duty as military adviser to Jus-
tice Jackson, accompanying him to Lon-
don to carry forward the preparatory
work for the Nuremberg trials.

Before he left for overseas, Colonel
Bernays was awarded the Legion of
Merit, the citation reading in part:
". . . Early recognizing the need for a
sound basis in dealing with the problem
of war criminals and war crimes, he
formulated the basic concept of such a
policy and initiated timely and appro-
priate action which assured its adoption
as the foundation of a national policy."

fourteen more of the United Nations have
formally adhered to the agreement,! so that
the charter of the tribunal has become, in
Justice Jackson's opening words at Nurem-
berg, "an organic act which represents the
wisdom, the sense of justice, and the will
of eighteen governments representing an
overwhelming majority of all civilized
people."

Are We Doing Justice?

The defendants were indicted on four
counts. The first count charges conspiracy
to wage wars which were aggressive and
also "in violation of international treaties,"
to violate the rules and customs of war, and
to commit crimes against humanity. The
other counts charge that the defendants did,
in fact, commit these crimes against peace,
against the laws of war, and against hu-
manity.

All the doubts and questions which have

An article initiated by Survey Graphic and de-
veloped in cooperation with the editors of Reader's
Digest, which will carry it in February.

t Belgium, The Netherlands, Denmark, Norway,
Czechoslovakia, Luxemburg, Poland, Greece, Yugo-
slavia, Ethiopia, Australia, Haiti, Honduras, and
Panama.

been raised in the public discussion regard-
ing this prosecution and many more be-
sides were vigorously mooted in the War
and State Departments and elsewhere at
Washington before the plan was finally
approved. The writer can testify to this
from personal knowledge both in initiating
the project and in seeing it through, step
by step, as chief of the Special Projects
Branch of G-l, General Staff.

There were those who favored punishing
the Nazi leaders through mere decree of
the Allied governments. They questioned
the need for any trial at all, or its wisdom.
Others challenged the root concepts of the
plan, such as the doctrine that aggressive
war is a crime. It is a tribute to the vitality
of democratic traditions that before the pro-
posed course could be agreed upon, the
American government had to be satisfied
that we should truly be doing justice
even in the case of so brutal an enemy, and
in the face of provocations whose obscene
cruelty has rarely been equaled.

Whether we are, indeed, engaged in
doing justice is a question which is sin-
cerely put. It must be met with integrity.

From Buck Privates to High Brass

Certain legal premises arc beyond dis-
pute. There is no mystery about them. To
begin with, assault and murder are felonies
in war as in peace. In war, it is a crime "to
kill or wound an enemy who, having laid
down his arms, or having no longer means
of defense, has surrendered at discretion."
This is forbidden by the Regulations an-
nexed to the 1907 Hague Convention,
"Respecting the Laws and Customs of War
on Land." True, neither the Convention
nor its Regulations use the word "crime"
or "criminal." That is an important point
to which I return later. Here, it is enough
to point out that it is the bounden duty
of a commander on either side to try for
murder any soldier guilty of murdering
a prisoner of war. That is traditional law
among nations, of undisputed force. It is
law, though not so specified in the Hague
Conventions.

Such is the rule of combat. What of mili-

Press Association photo*

The Court at Nuremberg. Judges and alternates from the Soviet Union, Great Britain, United States, and France. Immediately in front
of the American flag is Judge Francis Biddle of the USA; at his left. Alternate John Parker

tary occupation? The same Regulations of
1907 provide: "Family honor and rights,
the lives of persons, and private property,
as well as religious convictions and prac-
tice, must be respected [by the occupying
forces |. Private property cannot be confis-
cated. Pillage is formally forbidden."

Again there is nothing in the language
of this Hague Convention or its Regula-
tions which makes such conduct a crime.
Nevertheless it is criminal under tradi-
tional law.

The case of the individual soldier is so
clear that nobody will raise any question
about it. The principle can be carried much
further without arousing dispute. What is
true of "the buck private in the rear rank"
is equally true, by common and universal
acceptance, of the company commander,
the regimental commander, or the com-
mander of a division, corps or army. They
can be tried for these felonies not only if
they commit the crimes themselves but also
if they order or willfully countenance them.

Thus, an American military court in
Manila has convicted General Yamashita
and sentenced him to death because he
countenanced the Japanese outrages there.
We have not onlv convicted but executed

the German General Anton Dostlcr, be-
cause he directed the unlawful killing of
American parachutists.

However, General Dostler was acting
under a direct Top Secret order issued by
Hitler himself, that commandos were to
be killed to the last man after capture,
and this regardless of the fact that they
were in uniform, engaged in a lawful mili-
tary mission, and thus entitled to the pro-
tection accorded prisoners of war. Nor
were Hitler's high commanders acting
solely on their own initiative when they
committed mass murders, spoliations, and
deportations of the populations of occupied
areas. For example, it was early proved
in the Nuremberg trial that, prior to the
invasion of Poland, Hitler personally or-
dered his Wehrmacht to "kill without
mercy all the men, women, and children
of the Polish race or language."

"Where Power Is Greatest"

This brings us to the next level of culp-
ability. Is it law that the soldier who pulls
the trigger, and the commander who or-
ders him to fire, may be tried for murder,
but the head of their government, under
whose directives thev both act, is to be

immune? The law is not so futile as that.
Our own field manual on the Rules of
Land Warfare makes no such distinction:

"Individuals and organizations who vio-
late the accepted laws and customs of war
may be punished therefor. . . . The person
giving such orders may also be punished."

The German Military Code recognizes
the same rule:

"If the execution of a military order vio-
lates the criminal law, then the superior
officer giving the order will bear responsi-
bility therefor."

Under this rule responsibility ran di-
rectly to Hitler, as supreme commander
of the Wehrmacht and General Dostler's
superior officer. Nor does the principle
break down when it runs to civilians who
are party to such orders or high decisions.
Three centuries ago, Lord Chief Justice
Coke proclaimed to King James that even
rulers are "under God and the Law/'

Justice Jackson was on sound ground
when he said in his historic report of June
7, 1945, to President Truman: "We do not
accept the paradox that legal responsibility
should be the least where power is the
greatest."

Regardless, then, of whether or not the

The Prosecutors. The Russian assistant prosecutor reads the indictment (lower left). American prosecutors at center
table; seated left is Justice Robert H. Jackson. The British prosecutors sit at the table on the left; the Russians, right

The Defendants. Twenty outsta
Frick, Streicher, Von Schirach

anding Nazi civilian and military leaders on trial include Goering, Hess, Von Ribbentrop, Rosenberg.
! Von Pan? Se-Inqu,rt. Frank, Schacht. Keitel. One other, Bormann, bemg tned ,n absem.a

JANUARY 1946

making of aggressive war is in itself a
crime, the defendants brought to trial ar
Nuremberg were justly subject to convic-
tion and punishment for those crimes which
they planned and perpetrated in violation
of the rules of war. These make a ghastly
recital in Counts Three and Four of the
indictment:

the murder, extermination, enslave-
ment, and deportation of civilian popula-
tions;

the murder and ill treatment of pris-
oners of war;

the killing of hostages;

the wanton destruction of cities, towns,
and villages.

All these acts were felonious under ac-
cepted international law. Under that law,
the guilty are liable to trial and punish-
ment, without regard to their station.

Indeed, the Nuremberg defendants could
not fairly pretend that they did not know
that these settled principles of law would
be invoked against them. They were put
on notice that this would be done in the
Moscow Declaration published November
1, 1943, signed by Roosevelt, Churchill, and
Stalin. This declaration announced that the
lesser criminals would be tried in "the
countries in which their abominable deeds
were done" and the major criminals
i such as those tried at Nuremberg "by
joint decision of the Allies."

It is worthy of note that the charge of
Crimes Against Humanity, Count Four,
particularly alleges that the offenses "cons-
tituted violations of internal penal laws."
This furnishes another well-settled ground
of prosecution, because, under the instru-
ment of unconditional surrender which
Germany signed, the occupying powers
exercise all judicial authority in the occu-
pied land. The German courts are closed,
or sit to hear only such cases as these
powers permit. Allied military tribunals
thus have full jurisdiction to try offenses
against German laws, and are in a position
to deal even with Germans who have killed
or injured other Germans in violation of
such laws.

This is all the more important, because
murders and tortures committed by the SS
and Gestapo were not made lawful even
by the Nazi Reich. Those who committed
them were given an administrative im-
munity against prosecution. Our forces and
our courts are competent to enforce the
law, despite this unconscionable immunity.

The Bench at Nuremberg .

"But are we giving the Germans a fair
trial?" I have been asked. "Are not the
judges, as well as the prosecutors, chosen
from among the victorious nations and the
aggrieved parties? Isn't it like trying a
common murderer before jurors chosen
from the victim's relatives? Why are there
no neutrals sitting on the bench at Nurem-
berg?"

These are searching questions, but I be-
lieve that there are convincing answers to
them.

In any criminal trial, in any civilized
country, the jury may be "impartial" but
it is never "neutral." It is not neutral, that

is to say, in its abhorrence of crime, and
in its determination to convict those guilty
of it. The jury can also act without fear
of vengeance at the hands of a convict's
friends.

How can we honestly expect any mem-
ber of the family of nations to be "im-
partial" when dealing with international
crimes by a great power? Are not all peace-
loving countries, whether or not they were
technically neutral during a war, aggrieved
members of the family of nations and close
relatives of the victims of aggression? In
order to find truly "impartial" judges for
such a trial, one would have to seek among
the Eskimos and Hottentots.

Moreover, the addition of neutrals to the
Nuremberg court would have been an un-
usual rather than a usual step. Dostler and
Yamashita were tried by exclusively Ameri-
can courts, Kramer (the "Beast of Belsen")
by an exclusively British bench. There is
no reason of principle for doing differently
at Nuremberg. There was, however, a
practical and psychological reason against
it. How' could one ask neighboring neutrals
to judge Germany without their being in-
fluenced by the fear that once again the
Reich might become powerful enough to
seek vengeance upon those who dared to
judge her?

The Executive Agreement among the
four powers assured the defendants a fair
trial in its scrupulous provisions for pro-
tecting their rights.

The Ex Post Facto Issue

The question remains: Were the defen-
dants in the dock at Nuremberg being
tried for the crime of aggressive war under
a rule retroactively imposed by force of
our victorious arms, or were they tried
pursuant to recognized law?

Certain things are beyond dispute. The
first is that ignorance of the law is no de-
fense. Civilization could not protect itself
otherwise. It would make the administra-
tion of criminal law impossible to require
the prosecution to establish in criminal
cases that the defendant acted in knowing
violation of the law.

It is immaterial, therefore, what Hitler
and his fellow adventurers thought the law
might be regarding aggressive war. The
question is, What was the law?

Here again, certain facts are entirely
beyond dispute. The adventurers who
seized control of the German government
in 1933 intended to dominate at least the
European continent. They did not mean to
be too nice or scrupulous about their
methods for achieving this. They knew
that their program must involve aggressive
wars, and they planned for them. Any de-
fense that they did not do this could not
stand. They could only claim that no law
could reach them for having done it.

It is beyond dispute, further, that the
wars were aggressive in fact. Captured
documents make this clear: Back in 1939,
speaking in his best tradition of firmness
tempered with delicacy, Hitler assured his
co-entrepreneurs:

"I have only one fear and that is that
Chamberlain or such another dirty swine

comes to me with a proposition or a
change of mind. He will be thrown down-
stairs even if I must personally kick him
in the belly before the eyes of all the
photographers. . . . The invasion and ex-
termination of Poland begin Saturday morn-
ing. I will have a few companies in Polish
uniforms attack in Upper Silesia or in
the protectorate. Whether the world be-
lieves it doesn't mean a damn to me. The
world believes only in success."

It is noted in the official report of this
conference: "The speech was listened to
enthusiastically. Goering jumped on the
table and danced . . . ."

Equally is it beyond dispute how far
back Hitler was planning war on the
United States and plotting with the Jap-
anese to that end. A captured memorandum
from Hitler's headquarters dated October
29, 1940, reported: "The Fuehrer is at
present occupied with the question of the
occupation of the Atlantic Islands with the
view to the prosecution of war against
America at a later date."

At a secret discussion in February 1941,
between Hitler and the Japanese Foreign
Minister, Matsuoka, a preliminary pact was
concluded by which the Japanese were to
attack the United States as soon as Matsu-
oka could complete the plans, and "the
Fuehrer pointed out that Germany on her
part would immediately take the conse-
quences if Japan would get involved with
the United States."

The invasions of Poland, Norway, Den-
mark, Belgium, The Netherlands, Greece,
Yugoslavia and Russia, and the onslaught
on the United States, were all confessedly
aggressive. They were committed in the
face of treaties of friendship, arbitration,
and nonaggression, and in violation of re-
cent, repeated, and solemn assurances that
they would not occur.

Treachery As a Factor

The fact of treachery, standing by itself,
is enough to condemn these wars as un-
lawful under the law of nations. They were
commenced in violation of Hague Conven-
tion No. Ill of 1907. Article 1 provided:

"The Contracting Powers recognize that
hostilities between themselves must not
commence without previous and explicit
warning, in the form either of a reasoned
declaration of war or of an ultimatum with
conditional declaration of war."

It may be asked: What importance is
there in the distinction between sending
a declaration of war five minutes before
firing the first shot, and shooting first?
The question misses the substance of the
article quoted. This speaks of "a reasoned
declaration of war." A "reasoned declara-
tion" is one which shows cause. Possibly
the other side might be willing to remove
that cause, and the war thereby be averted.
The article speaks not merely of an ulti-
matum but of an ultimatum "with condi-
tional declaration of war." Such an ulti-
matum is, again, one which leaves open
the opportunity for preventing hostilities.

War commenced by treachery is not,
under the law of nations, war at all. It is
simple brigandage. A subsequent declara-

tion of war docs not cure the initial ille-
gality. Thus, in invading the Scandinavian
countries, Germany was not a country at
war but an armed robber at large. Who-
ever conspired in the commission of that
robbery and its connected crimes was a
common felon.

What, then, of the aggressive aspect of
all these assaults? On August 27, 1928,
at Paris, there was signed the General
Treaty for Renunciation of War, or "Kel-
logg-Briand Pact," as it is generally called.
The representatives of sixty nations, in-
cluding all the great powers, joined in
the signing. Germany was one of them,
and has never repudiated her adherence
to the Pact. The contracting parties thereto
solemnly declared "in the names of their
respective peoples that they condemn re-
course to war for the solution of interna-
tional controversies, and renounce it as an
instrument of national policy in their rela-
tions with one another."

Now Nazi Germany was not the first
or only power to honor the Kellogg-Briand
Pact in the breach. Nonetheless, if any-
thing can be said to be agreed in this field,
it is that the Pact made aggressive war
unlawful. Mr. Stimson put it very con-
cisely in 1932: the meaning of the Pact is
that war is "an illegal thing." Even those
who say that the defendants at Nuremberg
were accused on the basis of ex post facto
law do not claim otherwise. Their argu-
ment is only this, that whereas the Kellogg-
Briand Pact did make aggressive war ille-
gal (even the attorneys for the Nuremberg
defendants admit this), it did not go so far
as to make it criminal.

The Crime of Aggression

The narrow point at issue, then, is
whether the illegality of the Axis aggres-
sions was in the nature of breach of con-
tract, or in the nature of crime. When
World War II began, the Kellogg-Briand
Pact was ten years old. We can find light
as to its meaning in the language used,
the subject dealt with, and the background
against which the instrument was entered
into in 1928.

The Language: It reads that the parties
"condemn recourse to war." To lawyers the
verb condemn connotes criminality. Diplo-
mats, and the international law experts who
guide them behind the scenes, use words
with great care.

The Subject: This was crystallized by
Justice Jackson in a sentence: "Doubtless
what appeals to men of good will and
common sense as the crime which com-
prehends all lesser crimes is the crime of
making unjustifiable war." The parties to
the Pact used that verb of criminal conno-
tation because they were denouncing what
all reasonable men must consider criminal:
organized, large scale killing, mutilation,
and destruction.

The Background: When the parties to the
Pact said that they "condemn" recourse
to war, we are not at a loss to know what
' was in their minds. The leading nations,
Germany, England, and the United States
among them, had already committed them-
selves to the rule that aggressive war is a

crime under the law of nations.

That was the gist of the Geneva Protocol
adopted October 2, 1924 by the delegates of
forty-eight governments at the Fifth Assem-
bly of the League of Nations. It was char-
acterized at the time by P. J. Noel-Baker,
today British Minister of State, as "the
creation of the governmental will of the
vast majority of the civilized states under
whose rule mankind today exists."

Germany had joined the League by 1927
and was one of forty-eight states repre-
sented at the Eighth Assembly which
unanimously reaffirmed "that a war of
aggression is an international crime."

And the following year, the New World
added a flourish to this pronouncement.
At the Sixth Pan American Conference at
Havana, delegates from twenty-one repub-
lics unanimously adopted a resolution that
such wars constitute "an international crime
against the human species."

Clearly, when the representatives of the
sixty nations signed the Kellogg-Briand
Pact, they well knew that they themselves
had already publicly and officially declared
that aggressive war is a crime.

Punishment to Fit the Crime

"The decent opinion of mankind" before
which our Founding Fathers brought their
case, became in due course the conscience of
Lincoln's "plain people." Theirs are, in
Churchill's phrase, the blood and tears and
sweat that are paid out for the mad am-
bitions of conquest; theirs, also, are the
ultimate sanctions.

The Hague Conventions recognize this.
In Convention No. IV we read that in
cases not specifically provided for, the
touchstone is to be "the rule of the prin-
ciples of the law of nations, as they result
from the usages established among civilized
peoples, from the laws of humanity, and
the dictates of the public conscience."

The modern man in the street, the store,
the factory, knows the score: Aggressive
war is a crime. It was a crime when the
Fuehrer made it the touchstone of his
national policy.

Hitler knew his course was criminal.
Wasn't that why he and his co-conspirators
perpetrated false provocations that would
at once stir up their own people and make
it look as though the other fellow had
started it?

The critics of the Nuremberg procedure,
however, argue: "True, the Kellogg-Briand
Pact has made war unlawful. True, you
can call to account the state that wages
unjust wars. You can impose penalties
upon the state occupy it, exact reparations
of it, keep it indefinitely under the heel.
But the statesman and the soldier who led
the state into the crime you cannot touch.
Why? Because while the Pact condemns
war, it does not specify criminal penalties
for those who wage it, nor can such be
imposed."

If that argument is sound, then at one
swoop we have abolished the accepted laws
of war. We are back in utter barbarism.
Hague Convention No. IV specifies no
criminal sanctions for killing the enemy
who, having laid down his arms, or having

no longer means of defense, has sur-
rendered. It specifies no criminal sanctions
for the slaughter of civilian populations,
for murder, mayhem, rape, oppression or
enslavement. The Convention only specifies
that these things are forbidden. But when
the prohibited act is one which is criminal
by the common consent of civilized peo-
ples, its commission is treated as a crime
under the laws of war, and punished ac-
cordingly.

In the same way, the 1929 Geneva Pris-
oners of War Convention specifies no crim-
inal sanctions for murdering prisoners, tor-
turing them, starving them, denying them
medical care. However, let the law experts
of the German War Office testify. While
the war was on they did not deny that
these were crimes. Justice Jackson stated in
his opening of the case:

"Of the criminal nature of these acts,
the defendants had clear knowledge. Ac-
cordingly, they took pains to conceal their
violations. It will appear that the defen-
dants Keitel and Jodl were informed by
official legal advisers that the orders to
brand Russian prisoners of war, to shackle
British prisoners of war, and to execute
commando prisoners were clear violations
of International Law."

No, the argument in opposition does
not hold water.

Teeth for the Law of Nations

What has been happening at Nuremberg
is revolutionary, but let us be clear what
kind of revolution it is. It is not a revolu-
tion in the law. Rather it is a revolution in
law enforcement. That was why Justice
Jackson said in opening the case: "I am
not disturbed by the lack of judicial prece-
dent for the inquiry we propose to con-
duct."

The nations of the world have had ready
to hand agreement among themselves, un-
der which to scourge those leaders who
think to attain primacy for their states, not
by greatness in the arts of peace but by
the brutal weapons of war. That law of
nations has lain idle.

Nuremberg marked the decision that
this shall no longer be. Nor can we wait,
now that men on earth have unlocked the
mysterious energy of the sun. We will be
destroyed by our discoveries unless we
bring them under control.

If this is to be done, moral responsibility
under the law of nations must be supported
with the tools of 'justice. But moral re-
sponsibility is an individual thing. Our
whole structure of domestic law rests on
the principle that only against the indi-
vidual can ultimate justice be enforced.
What is true in the domestic field is equally
true of international law. That must re-
main a futile and helpless thing if it fails
to bind the individual to its obligations,
and to submit him to its penalties. With-
out this there can be no security for the
generations who live under the threat of
the unlocked atom.

That is why Nuremberg is a revolution-
ary landmark. It marks a revolution in law
enforcement which opens a vista of hope to
men of courage and good will everywhere.

TAMrTADV 1t\A

Press Association Photos

A mass demonstration by General Motors strikers at the GM building in Detroit just across the street from union headquarters

Winter of Industry's Discontent

Here are major issues behind today's (and 'tomorrow's) strike headlines as
defined in the struggle between workers and management of General Motors.

THE FRONT PAGES ARE FILLED WITH NEWS OF

industrial unrest strikes, the threat of
strikes, the efforts of government agencies
to "compose" differences, the fulminations
of leading citizens against delays in recon-
version, against the positions taken by
spokesmen for unions or for industry. The
brave new world to which so many eyes
turned longingly in war-darkened days is
a scene of friction and cross-purposes, even
in this fortunate land which escaped the
devastation of battle and bombing.

Many of us are confused because the
murky details of the day's news obscure
facts and issues. Why are General Motors
and the union at loggerheads? What is
the "company security" which Ford de-
mands, and how does the union propose to
provide it? What is President Truman's
line, and why do both management and
labor resent his proposals?

The Stormy Landscape

It was in search of answers to such ques-
tions as these that, early in December, I
visited Detroit a great city sprawled out
"up river" and "down river," overcrowded,
under-housed, taut with racial and eco-

BEULAH AMIDON

By an associate editor of Survey
Graphic, whose last report on the auto
capital was written in the feverish days
of the change-over to war production:
"The Battle of Detroit," April 1942.

nomic tensions. The picket lines were plod-
ding their beats at the doors of General
Motors plants, and negotiations between
GM and the United Automobile Workers-
CIO were haltingly resumed. Now, only
a few days later, the proposed "company
security" section of the UAW-Ford con-
tract is headline news, as is the fact-finding
board appointed by President Truman to
inquire into the GM strike. The possibility
of a nation-wide steel strike in mid-January
further darkens the reconversion scene.

The current of events is so swift these
days that even the press associations are
hard put to it to keep up. Obviously it is
out of the question for a monthly magazine
to try to chronicle the news. Therefore,
this article will seek to define issues, clarify
relationships, sketch a few outstanding
personalities, and try to make it easier for
readers to follow the day-to-day develop-

ments with understanding of the forces
and tensions at work.

The Play of New Factors

Many new factors, in addition to the
controlling one the shift from a war to a
peace-time economy affect industrial rela-
tions this winter. Almost as significant is
the rising cost of living, and the fear of
a runaway inflation. Another is, of course,
the determination of the Truman Admin-
istration to take "hands off" as rapidly and
as completely as possible. Many informed
observers of the meager outcome of the
labor-management conference in Washing-
ton in November, saw in this policy one
of the elements which limited the pro-
ductiveness of that undertaking.

President Truman followed his an-
nounced intention in calling the conference
that he would leave industry and labor
to work out a formula for their postwar
relationships. Forthright White House lead-
ership, it was suggested from many quar-
ters, might have saved the situation, and
minimized the "wave of strikes" that
washed over the inconclusive results. In
weighing the importance of this factor,

however, it must not be torgotten that un-
rest was widespread before the conference
met, and that one of the major disputes
between UAW and General Motors al-
ready had reached the breaking-off point
in union-management negotiations.

A further factor is the experience of
workers in war industry the five years
from the beginnings of "conversion" from
business-as-usual to "the arsenal of democ-
racy" in the pre-Pearl Harbor period, to
the mounting speed and effectiveness of
full-scale output of planes, ships, and muni-
tions. The manpower shortage and the
long work day and work week had, as
by-product, the first economic security
many American workers and their fam-
ilies had known for years a level of "take
home pay" in war industry that made it
possible for wage earners to meet old debts,
and to obtain needed medical and dental
care, to eat, dress, plan and even save at
something approaching what we like to
think of as "the American standard of
living."

Out of this experience, into the tumult
and uncertainty of reconversion, workers,
as individuals and as union members, have
brought a hardened determination not to
see themselves and their organization slip
back into old, harassing patterns of meager-
ness and anxiety. The brief taste of full
employment has meant a new measure of
freedom from want and fear in the homes
of millions of industrial wage earners and
in their union headquarters.

On the other side of the picture are
equally weighty management factors. War
mechanisms and excess profits taxes have
been relaxed. Industry has gone through
the war years under rigid government con-
trol of materials and prices. Ahead is the
possibility of profits "with the lid off."
Contemplating that rosy vision, manage-
ment is resentful of both government and
union "interference."

Three Areas of Tension

The friction resulting from these two
viewpoints is most apparent in three major
fields steel, electrical equipment and
autos. From the Homestead strike to the
1930's, steel was the great "dukedom" of
anti-union forces the area that held out
against organization as rigidly as it held out
against the eight hour day. Here was a
vast field of free enterprise in the sense of
entrenched management, which refused to
recognize the right of employes to "organ-
ize and bargain collectively through repre-
sentatives of their own choosing," until the
National Labor Relations Act spelled out
that right in 1935.

The electrical equipment industry was
the stronghold of the company union
well organized, financially sound, generous
to its membership, but frankly a company
creation.

The third, and most turbulent area (at
this writing) is autos the great mass pro-
duction industry where craft union tech-
niques failed to reach assembly line workers
and where industrial unionism achieved
one of its major triumphs. Today the UAW
is the largest, and also one of the youngest

JANUARY 1946

and most impetuous labor bodies in the
world.

The Congress of Industrial Organizations
is the body which now is engaged in post-
war controversies in all three fields. It is a
curious irony of the situation that John L.
Lewis, who was largely responsible for the
organization of the great mass production
industries should be ranged today against
the national body the CIO which he
brought to being after he split the Ameri-
can labor movement on the issue of in-
dustrial vs. trade unionism.

The issues at stake, as labor and man-
agement see them, are perhaps most clearly
defined in the struggle between the Gen-
eral Motors Corporation and the United
Automobile Workers (CIO). This was the
first of the large-scale breakdowns in post-
war industrial relations. The union, on
August 18, asked to re-open the contract
with GM under a clause providing that,
in case of a change in the national wage
policy, the wage provisions might be re-
opened by either party. Normally, the con-
tract would have run to April 28, 1946.

Briefs, replies, and supplementary briefs
were presented by both sides. The first
meeting was held on October 19, and the
negotiations dragged on for a month. On
November 20, the employes of all GM
plants went on strike. At this writing, that
strike is still in progress. The Ford Motor
Company is negotiating an unprecedented
contract clause which provides for "com-
pany security" against unauthorized strikes,
whatever the provocation.

The novel union-management proposal
of the new Kaiser-Frazer Corporation,
which will make cars in the Willow Run
bomber plant, is on the conference table.
The controversy between Chrysler and the
union has been composed, at least for the
time being.

Meanwhile, a steel strike has been called
for January 14. The Electrical Workers
have voted a strike, which also may be
called in January. Other and equally dra-
matic developments undoubtedly will be
front page news between the time this
article is written and the time it appears
in print.

The issues involved in all these contro-
versies are spelled out in the briefs offered
in the negotiations between the UAW and
General Motors.

The UAW-GM Issues

The UAW brief, a 76-page printed
pamphlet, buttressed the union demand for
a 30 percent increase in wage rates with
economic data and arguments, designed to
show that, with postwar changes in the
length of the work day and work week,
plus changes in up-grading, "GM workers'
annual earnings will fall disastrously if
present wage rates are continued in effect."
The increase in wage rates, the workers
hold, "is imperative to maintain take-home
pay and to prevent disastrous retreat, all
along the line, from the national objective
of maintaining the peacetime economy."
Part of this increase, the union proposed,
should be allocated to an equalization fund,
to make wages more nearly uniform in all
(JM plants; part to a social security fund;
and the balance to a raise in all hourly
wage rates. If the proposed increase is not
to have an inflationary effect, the union
argued, the wage rates must be raised
without a corresponding increase in prices
to the consumer.

The contention is supported by elaborate
arithmetical calculations to show, first, that
it is necessary; second, that it is possible,
allowing a fair return on their investment
to GM stockholders.

Included in the union's calculations are

R. J. Thomas, left, UAW president; C. E. Wilson, right, GM head, before the fact-finding board

Press Association

The fact-finding board appointed by President Truman to investigate the General Motors
dispute: left to right, Judge Walter P. Stacy; Lloyd K. Garrison; Milton Eisenhower

figures on GM's accumulated reserves, the
prospective tax refunds, and the increased
productivity of labor and equipment. On
this showing the union holds that "a three-
way split of postwar profits would permit
GM to pay 30 percent higher wage rates
and salaries, cut Chevrolet prices $80 a
car, and earn far more for its stockholders
than in past years." If the corporation could
show inability to meet the wage demands,
the union offered to withdraw them.

The union thus brought into the situa-
tion factors and viewpoints new to wage
negotiations. Hitherto, collective bargain-
ing on wages has tended to rest on an im-
plicit demand for "all we can get," coun-
tered by a refusal to pay "more than
we have to." In the present dispute, the
union has insisted from the beginning that
wages must be considered in relation to
prices and profits. That is, the wage earner,
the stockholder, and the purchasing public
must be viewed as the three claimants to
the fruits of production under the free
enterprise system.

The management promptly countered
with a reply, denying "52 hours' pay for
40 hours' work." GM challenged the "crys-
tal ball gazing" and the "fantastic conclu-
sions" of the union in regard to war profits,
and the effect of tax refunds, and held that
to grant a 30 percent increase in basic
wages would mean that "automobiles would
shortly cost 30 percent more to produce."

The union demanded that the company
bring to the negotiations books and records
showing costs and profits of manufacture,
and the corporation's tax position to sup-
port the arguments against the proposed
wage scale. This GM flatly refused to do.

The company countered the union's de-
mand for a 30 percent wage increase with

the offer of an increase amounting to about
10 percent, based on living costs.

This further offer the union turned
down, and proposed that the dispute be
arbitrated, on condition that the arbitra-
tors have access to the GM books. The
union again offered to withdraw its wage
demand, if General Motors demonstrated
its inability to maintain wartime "take
home" wages and fair profits without in-
creasing the price of cars. GM rejected this
offer to arbitrate.

The next stage in the situation brought
in the government, when President Tru-
man proposed on the one hand a fact-
finding board, and on the other hand sug-
gested legislation to provide for such an
agency in major disputes, with a strike de-
clared illegal during the 30 day "cooling
off period" of the board's deliberations, and
with authority given the board to sub-
poena "relevant" books and records of both
parties.

Labor leaders promptly exploded, with
charges that President Truman, to quote
Philip Murray's radio broadcast, sought by
this proposal to "destroy labor union or-
ganization" and "appease industry."

It is reliably reported that the corpora-
tion was equally unenthusiastic about the
President's suggestion, but GM made no
formal statement to that effect.

The suggested bill did not whip through
Congress with the speed that was at first
expected. Without waiting for legislation
President Truman appointed a fact-finding
board. The three men named, Judge Walter
P. Stacy of North Carolina, chairman of
the recent labor-management conference;
Lloyd Garrison, dean of the University of
Wisconsin Law School, and chairman of
the War Labor Board; and Milton Eisen-

hower, president of Kansas State College,
are citizens of recognized judgment and
integrity. GM has challenged their ability
to fathom the intricacies of manufacturing
costs and prices, as none of them have been
industrialists. But both parties have ex-
pressed their willingness to cooperate in
the President's fact-finding project.

This is all of a piece with the present
desire of UAW for the white light of pub-
lic information and understanding in the
controversy. Two years ago, the union re-
jected the suggestion of GM that collective
bargaining be conducted in public. This
year, the press was barred from negotia-
tions at the corporation's insistence. How-
ever, a full transcript of the proceedings
was made, and both parties secured copies
of it.

Testimony of a Citizens Group

Early in December, the union brought
together a committee of citizens to examine
this transcript and make a public report on
it. Portions of the transcript were read
aloud to the group, with press representa-
tives present, and the rest of the record
was studied by a sub-committee. Then the
group invited the presidents of GM and of
UAW to appear before it and answer ques-
tions raised by the record. The corporation
did not reply.

Chief spokesmen for General Motors in
collective bargaining with the union are H.
W. Anderson, vice-president in charge of
labor relations, and his second in command,
Harry Coen. Both men are vigorous and
able bargainers. But both, like their chief,
C. E. Wilson, have shown greater aware-
ness of the business aspects of the great
corporation than of its equally complex
human relationships.

Walter Reuther, the young-ish, red-
haired vice-president of UAW, who
headed the union delegation in the negoti-
ations, was present,- and amplified some
points brought out in the record. Having
listened to Mr. Reuther, and worked over
the 739 pages of the record, the committee,
which was composed largely of liberals or
spokesmen for liberal groups, made a
strongly pro-union report. Major points in
the findings and recommendations were:

That the publication of the transcript
would be "a contribution to public under-
standing of the dispute";

The union in its refusal to accept a wage
increase that involves price increase has
"lifted the whole matter of collective bar-
gaining to a new high level by insisting
that the advancement of labor's interest
shall not be made at the expense of the
public";

"Outside of a flat denial supported by
figures based upon sources not open to the
union, to this committee, or the public, no
convincing evidence has been submitted by
the corporation to show that the union's
wage proposal cannot be met."

One effect of President Truman's pro-
posal was to bring about prompt resump-
tion of negotiations between the union and
GM, perhaps to head off the appointment
of a fact-finding board. Although the meet-
(Continued on page 28)

"Give Us More American Education

How the Persian Gulf Command made mechanics of teen-age peasants, and left in far
places a store of good will and a demand for our technical and professional training.

IN BOMBAY i TALKED WITH A YOUNG INDIAN.
He wanted to know the possibility of go-
ing to the United States as a student.

"I am not asking for the opportunity of
becoming an American citizen," he ex-
plained. "I know that would not be per-
mitted. A friend of my family went there
several years ago to be a student in the so-
cial sciences. When he got his university
degree he did not feel like returning to
India, so he went to another university for
more study. He has been in three univer-
sities. He would like to remain in the
United States, but he is learning that he
could not be happy there. He would always
be an outsider."

So this young man is firmly convinced
that if he could obtain an American educa-
tion he would return to India. "Here is
much work for Indians if they are trained.
I would like to go to America to study pub-
lic welfare. It is a profession in your coun-
try and one day it must be a profession
here."

The Question of Ways and Means

I obtained the answer but it was not en-
couraging.

First, he would have to arrange for ac-
ceptance in some recognized American uni-
versity. This would not be difficult for he
has his undergraduate degree.

Second, he would have to obtain from
an appropriate authority in his own coun-
try a statement as to his competence. Such
a recommendation he could get.

Third, he would have to produce evi-
dence that he would be able to support him-
self in the United States during his studies.
This he would not be able to do. His fam-
ily is not rich. He could pay his passage
to the United States and have enough for
his expenses for a few months.

His response to this bad news was to
ask, "Then can only rich people go to
America to study?"

I know a young bank clerk at Khor-
ramshahr, Iran, who desires above all else
to study medicine in the United States. He
wants to be a doctor in Iran. He is a Per-
sian of good middle class family, and his
people would support him to the limit of
their funds. However, they could not carry
the entire burden. Iran needs many doc-
tors, and here is a young man of serious
purpose who could be useful to his coun-
try. Perhaps his government should pay
the bill, but Iran as yet does not have a
government willing to accept such a re-
sponsibility. This young man has the kind
of determination we admire so much in
American youth. He sacrifices every com-
fort to put aside a few rials daily. He has
postponed his marriage indefinitely. He
wants an American medical degree. Medi-
cine is, of course, the longest and most ex-

NELS ANDERSON

By a field representative of the War
Shipping Administration, just returned
to the USA from three years in the
Middle East, India, and the Mediter-
ranean, helping expedite supplies to
Russia and to our own remote bases.

Before the war, Mr. Anderson was for
seven years the director of labor rela-
tions for WPA. He went to that post
from Columbia University, where he was
an instructor in sociology.

pensive professional training. Many able,
ambitious American youths are barred from
it by the time and money required. Un-
less a miracle happens the young Persian
will never overcome the odds.

Iraq Needs Engineers

In Basra, Iraq, I know a young Arab
who recently completed a course of three
or four years in a technical school at Bag-
dad. He is qualified now to be a general
mechanic, perhaps a shop foreman. I tried
to get him such a job with the American
army in Iran. The best I could find was
a common labor assignment, which he ac-
cepted gratefully because it gave him oppor-
tunity to improve his English.

This young man's ambition is to be an
engineer. He wants to go to the United
States to learn about irrigation engineering
and land reclamation. He believes, and
with good reason, that there would be a
bright future for him in his own country.

The young Arab who wants to visit the
States to study engineering is typical of
many youths in Iraq who dream dreams
and see visions. They see the future with
more clarity and courage than the older
generation who now have charge. He told
me what I have since learned to be true,
that in the valleys of the Tigris and
Euphrates Rivers are vast undeveloped land
resources. "We use our land not so well,"
he told me. "For every poor little farm
we could have two good farms. We could
have good roads and nice houses." He
first got interested by looking at the pic-
tures in American magazines. Then he
learned to read English. But he is a poor
young man, too poor to go to the States
to buy that training he would prize so
dearly and use so well.

The irrigation engineer of Iran is an
American, L. M. Winsor of Utah. He
spent many years as reclamation expert in
various western states, where I 'knew him
fairly well. He had already been about
three years in Iran when we renewed our
acquaintance there two years ago. In that
rather large country, almost as big as
Alaska, Winsor knows every watercourse;
perhaps no man in or out of Iran knows

IAXTTTADV ir\A

the land area better. He can go unarmed
anywhere, from the Kurdish tribes of the
north to the Bedouin bands of the southern
deserts. His job is to help the people make
better use of their limited water supply.
He has developed such an interest in his
work that his job has assumed for him the
character of a mission. In his mind there
is no task more important in that arid
country than his to get the land and the
water together.

Why American Education?

Several times in Teheran, Ahwaz or
Khorramshahr, Winsor and I have talked
about the needs and prospects of Iran.
Each time he would expand on the same
subject, "Give us American education, lots
of it." He told me how hundreds of young
men had come to him pleading for help
to get to the United States as students. He
has helped a great many, but the need is so
great. Once he sent two young men to me.
Could I get them jobs on American ships?
They would work a year or two and save
their money. They want to go to the
United States and study to be engineers
like Dr. Winsor.

What magic is there in the American
brand of training that makes it seem so
precious to this American who is working
almost singlehanded with the Persian vil-
lagers and Bedouins? He has tried to tell
me, not in the language of the educator,
but in the blunt language of a practical
man. "The American education makes
men want to do good work and be proud
of nothing less than good work. If we can
teach these people to do little jobs well, by
and by maybe they can do big jobs."

And that is what Winsor is doing, going
around the country talking with the people,
telling them how to do little jobs well. He
stands for America to many remote people
who now want to know more about our
own country. He has told me how, on
many occasions, the headmen of the vil-
lages or the leaders of tribes have come to
him asking advice about American educa-
tion for their sons, and for the same basic
reasons that fathers back home want good
training for their sons.

What I have written here might be
very misleading if I did not add something
on the other side of the subject. Not every
young man in Iran, Iraq, or India is burn-
ing with this desire for education. Iran
and Iraq especially are very backward coun-
tries, if measured by our standards. The
great majority of the people are miserably
poor, with no interests in life beyond the
mere day to day effort to get food. It would
be difficult to imagine a more pitiful peo-
ple than the workers gathered by the Amer-
ican army from the villages to work as
laborers. These men were used in various

phases of the work of moving war mate-
rials to Russia. They were a ragged, un-
dernourished, and beaten lot. More about
these American army contacts later.

This growing interest in education of
which I speak is not general, but the Amer-
ican is soon made aware of it when he
begins to meet the people. It is an interest
that has been growing rapidly during the
past two years, largely because of the con-
tacts the people of Iran and Iraq have had
with Americans. It has been stimulated by
the wartime worldwide expansion of Amer-
ican activity. The Americans are in the
news. The Americans are doing things.
The Americans are a just and generous peo-
ple. Americans can be trusted. This repu-
tation for good has become a terrible re-
sponsibility.

Our Job in Iran

The American army in the Persian Gulf
area, mainly in Iran, was assigned there not
in combat capacity, but to do a job. That
job was to discharge cargo from American
ships and to move these millions of tons
of war goods overland toward Russia. It
was an assignment more difficult than the
American public will ever realize, and it
had to be completed with the greatest dis-
patch.

It was necessary to build several hundred
miles of road across almost impassable
mountains. A railroad had to be equipped
with rolling stock and organized for oper-
ation. Plants had to be set up for as-
sembling thousands of trucks weekly.
Most of this work had to be done on that
hot coastal plain between the Persian Gulf
and the mountains. Summers there are al-
most unbearable and the wet winter months
are equally discouraging because of for-
bidding mud. And all the year this lower
region is notoriously hazardous to health.
The Americans, before they could take up
the main job, had to build livable quar-
ters, provide sanitation and pure water.
The war demanded much, so it was a night
and day job for every soldier. In the ac-
complishment of all this work, the army
employed many thousands of Iranian work-
ers.

This labor supply, poorly fed and almost
naked, was far from inspiring, but they
were all the country could offer. The
British in their immense Anglo-Iranian Oil
Company have used such labor for years.
In fact, the Americans began work by ac-
cepting the wage scales and work condi-
tions established by the British, bettering
these conditions only slightly. But the mat-
ter of wages and living conditions, however
interesting, is not pertinent here. What is
pertinent is the way the Americans went
about the job, how they used this relatively
inadequate labor supply and got results.

In the first place, the Americans took
hold of the job with their own hands, work-
ing with the coolies, kidding them along.
Our soldiers and officers put on their
fatigue uniforms and took the lead. They
showed the natives how to use tools many
never had seen before; how to use ropes
and cables, slings and grapple hooks, cranes
and other lifting devices. By their own

zest to get the job over and get home, they
imparted a degree of interest to the native
workers. All these workers the soldiers
knew by the collective name of "Johnny."
The natives responded in friendly spirit
by calling any American "Johnny."

The younger Iranian workers, especially
those between sixteen and twenty, proved
to be the most adaptable. They were quick
in learning English and displayed greater
capacity as well as earnestness in acquiring
American work habits. The) r became the
interpreters and sub-foremen. It was not
unusual to see a Persian youth of sixteen
(or call them Iranians or Irani) keeping
the time sheets or supervising a gang of
much older men. These youngsters seemed
to adapt more easily to the spirit of the
entire enterprise, which was characterized
mainly by the urge for speed, and for ex-
ceeding each day the records set yesterday.

When the truck assembly plants were
established, the assembly line stations were
manned entirely by soldier mechanics, each
with one or two native helpers to hand him
tools or share the labor. The younger work-
ers proved themselves; the older ones, gen-
erally those over twenty-five years, were
gradually eliminated and put back to ordi-
nary coolie labor.

It was soon realized that many of these
sensitive, alert striplings had more natural
ability than is expected of helpers. They
quickly learned to use the tools and ma-
chines of the assembly plants. Within six
months the boys who began as helpers
were doing the work of their soldier in-
structors, while the soldiers were relieved
for supervision or other work. By the time
the program for delivering war goods to
Russia closed, practically all the work of
the assembly plants, including supervision,
was being done by young Persians who two
years earlier had been peasants, camel driv-
ers or laborers.

Remaking Trucks and Men

At Andimeshk was located one of the
largest work centers of the Persian Gulf
Command. At this important junction of
road and railroad (which enjoys the repu-
tation of being the hottest spot on earth),
the army had established a large plant for
reconditioning the thousands of vehicles
used in hauling freight over the Persian
Corridor. I saw this huge factory-garage in
operation; the worn out and wrecked
vehicles going in at one side and the re-
conditioned, spotless new ones coming out
the other.

There was one line for taking the truck
apart, the removed parts being routed to
separate shops for repair or salvage. When
stripped of its faulty parts, the remnants
of the truck were transferred to the as-
sembly line to be built up with new or re-
conditioned parts, emerging with a fresh
coat of paint and ready for duty. And as
I went through this plant visiting every
one of its many shops, each fitted with
modern repair machinery, I saw that all
the work except general supervision was
done by young Iranians who had learned
the job right there. I talked to the soldier
supervisors and the officers over them.

Could they move this plant into an Amer-
ican community and do the job faster and
better with American workers? There was
no dissenting opinion; the record of this
plant could not be bettered by American
workers. We must make some allowance,
naturally, for the pride of these soldiers and
officers in their achievement as instructors.
The American army needed drivers.
Four schools were established for training
young Iranians, not only to drive those
huge seven-ton and ten-ton trucks, but to
repair them on the road. These youths
were carefully selected and subjected to
rigid instruction. Those who survived,
about a third of the selectees, were given
certificates. In Iran there are more than
eight thousand such graduates. They served
as drivers on the Russian as well as the
American truck convoys. They had to be
good. Now that the program is over, these
drivers with their certificates (photos and
fingerprints thereon) are in great demand
as drivers or mechanics. Iran is richer in
skill for this program.

New Work Methods

Finally a few sentences about work the
American soldiers did on the Iranian State
Railroad a good road over one of the
world's most difficult routes connecting the
Persian Gulf with the Caspian Sea. This
remarkably well built and scenic railroad
was not completed until 1938. The war
came before the line could be equipped and
personnel trained. But even a railroad with-
out rolling stock was a godsend to the
Allies. The Americans speedily furnished
the rolling stock and four battalions of ex-
perienced soldier-railroad men were as-
signed to the operation.

While organizing and operating the line,
the Americans had to take under their
wing the untrained Iranian personnel.
From these soldier Workers the Iranians
learned how to maintain the track and sig-
nal system; how to switch cars and make
up trains; how to dispatch them so that
trains moving in opposite directions could
safely use the single track line; how to
maintain and repair cars and engines.

I have already extended these examples
too far, but the story of the American army
in Iran, and to a minor degree in Iraq,
serves to illustrate my major point the de-
sire in far places for American education
and training. The Americans came and
went to work. They employed the Iranians
and showed them new kinds of work as
well as new work methods. They found
that Iranians, especially the youth, were re-
sponsive and anxious to learn; that they
have the capacity. I know, after two years
of close association with the Persian Gulf
program, that many soldiers developed an
abiding fondness for many of the teen-age
Iranian boys who were under their direc-
tion.

Now the Persian Gulf program is ended
and the Americans are going away. We
have heard how much richer Iran is be-
cause the Americans built there and will
leave there roads, docks, and other facili-
ties. But more important than the material
(Continued on page 29)

A Better Break
for Veterans

The "GI's general" now at the head of the
Veterans Administration is rebuilding its
post- World War I machinery to bring ser-
vices up to today's standards and needs.

HILLIER KRIEGHBAUM

WHEN AMERICAN TROOPS BIVOUACKED DUR-
ING the campaign in Europe and conversa-
tion turned to generals, one of the more
frequently told stories involved General
Omar N. Bradley. According to these
narrators, when the general saw a G.I.
shivering in the cold during the initial
days on the Omaha beach 1 - ead, he peeled
off his battle jacket stars and all and
tossed it over to the private.

"I can get another one easier than you
can," he yelled.

Incidents like that, together with his
battlefield successes, earned the army com-
mander the title of "the G.I.'s general."

That general today takes care of vet-
erans interests in a different way. A few
weeks after the last Nazi resistance had
been battered to surrender, President Tru-
man assigned General Bradley to head the
Veterans Administration. By coincidence,
he was sworn into his position on August
15, the day which marked the end of the
war against Japan.

As the "uniformed heart of the nation,"
to use General Bradley's term, moves back
into civilian life, he has the responsibility
for making that transition as smooth as
possible. He will have approximately 20,-
000,000 veterans in his peacetime "army."
To attain his object will be as difficult as
thwarting any Nazi counter-offensive in
France or Germany. But the Administrator
of Veterans Affairs is just as aggressive in
this noncombatant campaign as in any he
fought on the road to Berlin.

Take, for example, this pronouncement
of his high hopes: x

"Until the veterans find employment, re-
build their lives, and resume their responsi-
bilities as civilians, the war is not ended
and we cannot escape or evade our duties
to them.

"While effecting this shift to a peacetime
basis, we must remind ourselves that it is
not enough to have won the war by des-
troying our enemies' armies. To make it
meaningful we must go farther. We are
now faced with the necessity of providing

GENERAL OMAR N. BRADLEY

the veterans who struggled to win it an
opportunity foi achievement of their fox-
hole dreams."

Colossal Institution

After World War I, the Veterans Ad-
ministration became a major government
agency. As 16,000,000 veterans from the
recent war were added to the 4,000,000
possible clients on its rolls since 1918, it
rose to a colossal institution. For instance,
the Veterans Administration now spends
as much in nine months as we required to
develop the atomic bomb.

The VA is easily the largest insurance
company in the world. As of August 31,
1945, it had outstanding 565,858 policies of
United States Government life (converted)
insurance for $2,446,101,723, covering
World War I veterans and others on
whom policies were issued prior to passage
of the National Service Life Insurance Act
of October 1940. For the recent war, 16,-
106,807 policies for $125,489,287,661 were
in force on September 20, 1945. From pas-
sage of the legislation for World War II
until October 31, death claims had been
approved on 424,157 policies having a face
value of $2,805,260,276.

Pensions always figure large in veterans
aid. Approximately 1,300,000 veterans are
expected to require physical examinations
during 1946 to determine their claims for
compensation and pensions. During 1947,

By a journalist who only last month
took off his naval officer's uniform, after
nearly three years in service.

Formerly with the United Press, Mr.
Krieghbaum wrote occasionally for
Survey Graphic in pre-Pearl Harbor
days. Back again in Washington, he
promises to help keep our readers abreast
of the changing scene in the capital. In
October he wrote on proposals for con-
gressional housecleaning; in an early
issue, he will cover the proposed reor-
ganization of the executive branch.

the number is expected to reach 1,500,000.

Ninety-seven hospitals, with an author-
ized bed capacity of 72,157 and 11,000 more
for emergency use, are scattered through-
out the nation. Nineteen additional ones
have been scheduled for construction and
many more will be needed before the an-
ticipated peak load for hospitalization is
reached in 1975:

Eventually several million veterans will
receive checks to help pay for interrupted
educations or' for refresher courses auth-
orized under the G.I. Bill of Rights. Guar-
anteed loans for ex-service men and women
to purchase homes or establish businesses
will run into millions of dollars under
present legislation; numerous proposals
have been introduced in Congress for
greater liberalization of the existing pro-
visions.

To carry the multiple activities to all
veterans ultimately may require 120,000
employes, General Bradley has estimated.

Modernizing the Chassis

Even before the end of the war and the
demobilization of the army and navy, at-
tention focused on the Veterans Adminis-
tration. Critics charged that it was over-
centralized and that medical treatment was
not up to the standards of modern hos-
pitals and clinics. Supporters of the admin-
istrator then heading the VA, Brig. Gen.
Frank T. Hines, explained the elaborate
scheme of paper work as an effort to avoid
repetition of the Harding Administration
scandals by requiring final approval from
Washington on all important decisions.
They admitted medical deficiencies but
blamed war-depleted staffs.

President Truman heard the adverse com-
ments and drafted General Bradley to head
the Administration. Congress cooperated by
passing special legislation which permitted
him to retain his army rank and perqui-
sites while freeing him of supervision or
restrictions from the War Department.

After taking over, the new adminis-
trator called upon trusted army associates

JANUARY 1946

to make a survey to ascertain what was
wrong and to recommend what was
needed. They found that in some cases the
critics were justified. The machinery was
unequal to the job and, as General Bradley
himself described it, it was "impossible to
pile the huge load of World War II on a
chassis built for World War I." He de-
termined upon decentralization, reshuffling
of the Washington personnel, and moderni-
zation of the medical division.

Thirteen branch offices, with deputy ad-
ministrators responsible directly to General
Bradley instead of through an elaborate
chain of command, have been established
across the country. In his own area, each
deputy is boss. Hospitals and regional
offices report to branch headquarters. Au-
thority has been delegated to the branch
managers to permit decisions within the
framework of general policies established in
Washington. Officials believe that this ar-
rangement will break the bottlenecks that
developed from endless referrals to Wash-
ington.

Another move was the establishment of
a special service division to supervise a pro-
gram for recreation, libraries, gymnasiums,
athletics, social services, and religious care
as well as to provide a post exchange set-up
modeled after that of the army and navy.
Small profits from catering to hospital pa-
tients can be used to their advantage in-
stead of accruing to the profits of private
concessionaires.

To look ahead and anticipate demands,
a division of organization, planning, and
coordination was created. Its job includes
modernizing procedures, cutting red tape,
simplifying forms, and making service to
veterans easier to obtain. Since the new ad-
ministrator believes that "we have no se-

crets to hide," he added a division of pub-
lic relations on a level where it will be in-
formed about administrative policy and has
promised "constant honest accounting of
what we have done and hope to do."

Enlisting Medical Specialists

In an effort to overcome hardening of
administrative arteries, personnel shifts
were made in a number of divisions. Na-
tionally known specialists were brought into
the organization, especially in the medical
field. In some cases, they replaced former
jobholders; in others, they inaugurated new
activities.

General Bradley drafted as acting surgeon
general his chief medical officer in the
European Theater of Operations, Major
Gen. Paul R. Hawley, who like his chief,
is on loan from the army. Dr. Daniel
Blain, the U. S. Public Health Service psy-
chiatrist who worked with the War Ship-
ping Administration in establishing rest
centers for some 10,000 merchant seamen
whose ships were hit by enemy torpedoes
or shells, has been appointed director of
neuropsychiatric services.

Dr. Paul B. Magnuson, orthopedic special-
ist at Northwestern University Medical
School, heads the new program for re-
search and postgraduate work which is
getting under way in veterans hospitals in
an attempt to attract the better type of
young physicians for advanced study. Col-
onel Esmond Ray Long, director of the
Henry Phipps Institute of Philadelphia be-
fore the army commissioned him as one of
its outstanding tuberculosis specialists, is
establishing a standard for care of tuber-
culous veterans. Walter M. Bura, an am-
putee who worked with the army in teach-
ing men to walk naturally again, directs

Veterans Administration photo
Books as occupational therapy help men keep in touch with world affairs

MAJOR GENERAL PAUL R. HAWLEY
Head of VA medical and hospital activities

the prosthetic appliance service for 16,000
veterans.

Another innovation for obtaining special-
ists has been to employ faculty members
from leading medical schools as part time
consultants at veterans hospitals. In the
initial experiment with consultants, thirteen
former army doctors nominated by the
deans of the medical schools at North-
western University and the University of
Illinois were appointed to the staff of the
Hines Veterans Hospital in Chicago. Under
contract, they will be paid a fee for each
visit but with a top limit of |6,000 a year.

Hospital residencies have been set up at
Hines and eventually will be widely ex-
tended so that young doctors under the
supervision of experts may themselves qual-
ify for acceptance by the medical profes-
sion's specialty boards. A comparable pro-
posal to start a neuropsychiatric hospital
training center in the Middlewest eventually
will enable doctors to qualify in that field.
Special training for students of social work
is under way.

Increasing Out-Patient Service

The Veterans Administration now has
relatively few clinics for out-patients men
and women who needs to report to a
physician every day or several times a week
but who do not require hospitalization.
Since veterans will comprise a large pro-
portion of the total adult population, to give
them segregated care would mean the
gravest withdrawal of medical aid from the
rest of the sick. Therefore, wherever pos-
sible, available hospitals, clinics, and medi-
cal personnel will be used on a share-and-
share-alike basis.

A pioneer experiment along these lines
is taking place in Monmouth County, New
Jersey. There, the county medical society
has assumed responsibility for furnishing
out-patient service for veterans. All mem-
bers are certified and regularly scheduled
clinics for needy veterans are held at a
central location. At the first meeting in
mid-November, twenty-seven veterans ap-
peared. Nine were there in the erroneous
belief that general veterans information
was available. Of the eighteen asking for
treatment, two required emergency atten-

tion and three others obtained immediate
medical care. The rest of the cases were
deferred pending the determination of
their eligibility rights for "service-incurred"
treatment. For a 90-day shakedown period,
the Monmouth County doctors will serve
without payment. After that, they will be
reimbursed on a fee basis depending on
the amount of service they give veterans.

Officials are following the Monmouth
County plan with intense interest because
they believe that it answers the difficult
riddle of integrating the necessary out-pa-
tient services for veterans with existing
medical facilities. If preventive medicine
is to become a vital part of its medical
program, as the Veterans Administration
recognizes that it should be, out-patient
clinics must furnish a large part of the
treatment for ex-service men and women.
It is readily recognized that early treat-
ment is the best prevention of more seri-
ous illness with long hospitalization
costly alike to the individual veteran and
to the nation's taxpayers.

Attracting Competent Doctors

Congress is considering recommendations
for an autonomous, full time department of
medicine and surgery in the Veterans Ad-
ministration, modeled on the tradition of
the army, navy and U. S. Public Health
Service. A chief medical director, a physi-
cian of recognized ability and responsible
only to the administrator, would supervise
all medical activities. Such a department
would recruit doctors, not through the civil
service system but by selection based upon
their professional qualifications.

The House World War Veterans Legis-
lation Committee believed the Veterans Ad-
ministration's recommendations sounded
too much like a military organization, and
so the bill was redrafted. General Bradley
and his chief medical adviser, General Haw-
ley, contend that they will not quibble over
the bill so long as it provides careers at-
tractive to physicians.

They maintain that six points must be
satisfactorily covered in the medical de-
partment legislation to obtain doctors in-
terested in honest service and the oppor-
tunity to practice good modern medicine:

1. Authority must be given to hire com-
petent doctors and pay them in line with
their ability and their experience.

2. Authority must be given to promote
physicians on their ability rather than
when jobs are vacant.

3. More liberal retirement provisions than
be now available must be offered to doc-
tors.

4. Authority must be granted to use
resident physicians as they are used by
large, successful civilian hospitals.

5. A proportion of staff doctors not to
exceed 5 percent should be allowed to
take postgraduate courses at hospitals or
Schools.

6. Pay increases must be given physi-
cians who qualify as specialists within the
requirements of their professional specialty
poards.

"If Congress will authorize this pro-
gram." General Bradley believes that "com-

Veterans Administration photo
A veteran is helped to make time pass more quickly and to strengthen injured limbs

petent doctors of the type we need will
come to help us in our work. Without
these inducements, the task looks hopeless.
Of the first 12,000 doctors discharged from
the services, only a handful have indicated
their desire to join the Veterans Adminis-
tration."

Sites for New Hospitals

While all agree that additional veterans
hospitals are necessary, the sites for them
have stirred up a whirlwind of controversy.
Before this, hospitals were apportioned
around the country much as were the lo-
cations for flood control projects, highways,
and other public improvements. Congres-
sional "pork" played a frequent role in the
final decision. The new administrator, on
the recommendation of his acting surgeon
general, announced his intention of placing
large new hospitals near the nation's medi-
cal centers where outstanding specialists,
hired as part time staff members, could help
provide veterans with the most modern
techniques and treatment. This would
mean construction of most of the proposed
hospitals where veteran populations are con-
centrated in metropolitan areas. No long-
er would they be built in medical back-
waters.

Thirteen of the nineteen hospitals for
which Congress has been asked to appro-
priate funds have been assigned to com-
munities near nationally known medical
schools, nine of them east of the Mississippi
River.

Putting his case before the national con-
vention of the Disabled American Veterans
last October, General Bradley said:

"There are now 97 veterans hospitals

scattered across the country. Many are re-
mote and inaccessible. Located far from
urban districts, some offer pleasant scenery,
attractive architecture but only routine
medicine. Rural locations may be desirable
for the chronically ill and domiciliary resi-
dents. Where active medicine is needed for
treatment of wounds and disease, rural hos-
pitals may inadvertently cage our patients
off from the helpful contributions of con-
sultant and visiting physicians. . . .

"The great bulk of our skillful work
must be concentrated in centers where
specialists and teaching staffs are immedi-
ately available to us."

Before the American Legion national con-
vention a month later, the administrator
was even more forceful. He said:

"If you will resist the local requests for
hospitals that benefit communities, you can
give our veterans a first rate chance to get
the care they must have. Our choice is a
very simple one. Either we build the hos-
pitals where communities want them and
gamble on medical treatment. Or we build
the hospitals where veterans need them and
where we can give expert care."

During the interval between the two
speeches, as might have been surmised by
any observant student of governmental life,
the administrator had encountered opposi-
tion to his program. He had clashed head-
on with the proposal of Senator Elmer
Thomas, Oklahoma Democrat, that the
Veterans Administration should take over
the 750-bed Glennan Hospital at Okmulgee,
Okla., which the army plans to abandon
shortly. The senator forwarded a petition
from Okmulgee, a city of 17,000, with
(Continued on page 26)

JANUARY 1946

Putting Teeth into Health

MICHAEL M. DAVIS

THE NEXT TIME YOU PLAY A GUESSING CAME,

include this question: "What's the most
common disease?" Two out of three people
will say colds. One in ten will say pimples.
Not one in five will have the right answer:
decayed teeth. The specialists call it dental
caries.

Almost everybody has it. Only very few
people seem to have teeth resistant or im-
mune. With most of us, teeth start rotting
and in the majority of persons they keep
rotting. Over half the people in the lower
income groups need a full set of artificial
teeth at least in the upper jaw by the time
they're in the fifties. Near the other end
of life, any school examination will show
90 percent of the children needing denta!
attention. A sampling of selective service
registrants showed the average young man
to have six teeth gone and two decayed.

For this disease of civilization, civilization
as yet knows no cause and possesses no
remedy. Science has not yet found out how
far the causes of caries lie in diet, infection,
lessened use of the teeth for real chewing,
or in some combination of these and other
factors. We know that a poor diet will pro-
mote caries and that a proper diet and a
clean mouth will reduce it. But no diet
will prevent caries; nor will the best-adver-
tised toothpaste used on the most perfectly
promoted toothbrush. The causes lie deep-
er than mechanics.

Saving vs. Pulling

The American Dental Association has
sponsored and Senator James E. Murray has
introduced a bill (S. 190) to provide fed-
eral grants for dental research. Money for
research in dental disease is long overdue.
Today we are probably putting out less
than $100,000 a year to discover the causes
or the means of controlling mouth diseases,
though we spend annually over $400,000,-
000 to palliate them. At that, we do only
a fraction of the job. One million dollars
a year for dental research cannot guarantee
the millennium in American mouths at
any specified date, but it is stupid to con-
tinue to cultivate the dental arts without
promoting dental science. Only our brains
can save our teeth.

A few years ago, at a public health meet-
ing, a speaker proposed that the dental
problems of America might be solved by
a simple method: Everybody should have
all his teeth extracted! Yes, there was to be
a field day for dentists, almost their last;
a full-blown extraction bee. When the
blood and tears were over, the manufactur-
ers of toothpastes would go out of business
permanently; the makers of canned soups
would roll in wealth temporarily; then, as
shining artificial teeth graced a hundred
million pairs of unaccustomed gums, the
American people, except as new crops of
young persons had to be annually mown,
would be freed from all the agonies and

HEALTH TODAY & TOMORROW

A series by the chairman, Committee
on Research in Medical Economics; as-
sociate editor, Survey Graphic.

from most of the costs of dental service in
the future.

We need not take this benevolent panacea
any more seriously than it was intended.
Unhappily, it reflects the grim truth that
a considerable part of our people attain the
toothless state by a process of inattention.

A Matter of Arithmetic

The next time you lie wakeful, start
counting teeth. Not your teeth. The teeth
of everybody else. There are enough for
the most desperate insomniac, for if every-
one in the United States possessed all of
Mother Nature's dental endowment, the
number of teeth all told would run up to
about four billion. Against this enameled
array stand America's 71,000 dentists.
Trained to diagnose and to meet mouth
needs, their judgment when at its best
in deciding what should be done, and their
skill in the meticulous arts of repair and
replacement, make you marvel at the per-
fection of the profession's technique.

Consider, however, dental service in the
perspective of the people to be served. Then
you and thoughtful dentists along with
you feel chagrin if not dismay. Only
about one American in four obtains regu-
lar dental care, more or less adequate. Most
of our people get care from a dentist only
in occasional emergencies, if at all. Put in
another way, the dental profession earns
most of its living from the top income
quarter of the population and very little
from the lower half.

There aren't enough dentists. Dr. Allen
O. Gruebbel of the American Dental As-
sociation said a few weeks ago that under
the usual conditions of dental practice, we
should have to have four times the present
number of dentists to supply everyone with
the care he needs. Under the "usual con-
ditions" of practice, ohe dentist can give
regular and adequate care to only about 500
patients. Multiply that by 71,000 and see
what it comes to.

Dentists are badly distributed, even more
badly than doctors. A few states like New
York, Illinois, and California have one den-
tist to about 1,300 people. But more than
half of our states have less than one dentist
to 2,000 people and in nearly a third the
ratio is below one to 3,000. Dentists have
flocked to the cities. There are few in rural
sections. More than half of our dentists are
trained in the dental schools of eight in-
dustrial states.

Dean J. T. O'Rourke of the Louisville
Dental School reoorted about dentists, as

Raymond Pearl did about doctors, that th<
number of dentists in any state or distric
corresponds closely with the per capita in
come of its people. Dentists and doctor:
have acted reasonably, as individual en
trepreneurs who must make a living out o
a private business, in seeking location:
where they can make a living.

And so what? People don't go to den
tists because of location, or ignorance, 01
dread of pain, or fear of expense. But th<
majority of the four billion American teetr
would under present conditions be con
demned to decay without benefit of den
tistry, even if every one of their 130 mil
lion possessors were wise, rich, and bold

The war took 21,000 dentists into serv
ice. Where will they locate or relocate a;
they return? Unfortunately the intention;
of many of these men, as stated to a com
mittee of the American Dental Association
will enhance the disparities of distribution
that existed before the war. Says a report:

"Most former practitioners are returning
to the states in which they practiced prioi
to service. The trend for those who are
changing states is toward California and
other western states and Florida. . . . Pre-
war shortages in rural areas will be ac-
centuated by the trend toward cities o<
5,000 to 100,000 population."

Dentistry lets these things happen. The
public lets them happen. As President Tru-
man said in his recent message: "Demobi-
lized physicians [and dentists] cannot be
assigned. They must be attracted." Un-
happily the attraction is at present based
on demand instead of need.

Now Comes the Bill

Now, if you are still awake, stop count-
ing teeth. Count dollars instead. Most
adult mouths hold a mass of accumulate
neglect. The needed treatments, filling
bridges or dentures cost an average of fift
dollars per mouth. Multiply this by the 1(
million adult mouths and you get a tota
of five billion dollars. The figure is a
tronomical. The investment required to pu
the mouths of Americans in good denta
order is about as much as would be neede
to rebuild our entire school and hospita
systems, modernizing existing buildings an
equipment, and constructing also all th
new schools and hospitals that anyone neec
anywhere.

The figure is also academic. For reason
already suggested, dentistry is too short o
personnel to do the task even if the peop!
had the money. And as fast as mouth
could be put in order, the cycle of deca;
would start again.

But not so fast. The very important fac
has been discovered by recent dental wor
that it costs only about one fifth as muc
to keep a mouth in order as it takes to pu
it in order. Thus a mere billion dollars
(Continued on t>ace 27)

YEAR ONE: ATOMIC AGE

Its charge on our people and our times as put by speakers at a significant
meeting in New York City of Americans United for World Organization, Inc.

Acme

"It is the inescapable logic of the atomic age that since wars are the
acts of sovereign nations, the sovereign power to make war must be
ended.

"For sovereign nations, in clinging to their right to make war, ordain a
condition of anarchy. The only alternative to anarchy is law. There must
be law among nations as well as within nations and centralized power to
enforce law. We can, of course, do nothing, and let war come again.
That will end it right enough. Or we can ordain a world of law.

"One is the way of death. The other, of life. One, the way of sanity.
The other, of suicidal madness." RAYMOND SWING, Chairman.

Forerunner of the new epoch

The Scientist who wrote the official report on the development of the atomic bomb
A Science Writer who projected the scheme of public enlightenment
A General commanding U. S. Strategic Air Forces in the Pacific
A Colonel who headed the expedition over Hiroshima
The Chairman of the Special Committee on Atomic Energy, U. S. Senate
An American Minister to Norway before the Nazi conquests
A Broadcaster who has made nuclear energy a major charge on his world coverage;
special ed : tor of the first "Calling America" number of Survey Graphic (1939)

* 4

An EXPERIMENT IN BRIEFING spoken words in printed pages, turning to account two
of the oldest means of communication among men in interpreting a momentous discovery.

A message from ALBERT EINSTEIN
HENRY DeWOLF SMYTH
WILLIAM L. LAURENCE
CARL A. SPAATZ
PAUL W. TIBBETS, JR.
BRIEN McMAHON
FLORENCE JAFFRAY HARRIMAN

RAYMOND SWING

T A KTT 1 A fl V 1 1\ A

Like Splitting the Sun Itself

HENRY DeWOLF SMYTH

FlVE MONTHS AGO THE ATOMIC BOMB

exploded over Hiroshima. Since then the
realization has grown that this is not just
another weapon, an ingenious improvement
on earlier tools of war. The atomic bomb
is the military application of nuclear en-
ergy; and the release of this energy is the
culminating discovery of one of the great
periods of science, a discovery which will
inevitably mark a turning point in human
affairs.

It is just fifty years since Roentgen in
Germany reported his first observations on
X-rays, and so marked the beginning of
modern atomic physics. Since then scien-
tists in many countries have contributed to
our knowledge of the atom and the laws
that govern it. This has been one of the
great periods of science. The half century
between 1895 and Hiroshima gave us
knowledge that resulted in many familiar
devices such as the doctor's X-ray equip-
ment, the radio, and so on.

In the first part of this period our con-
trol of atoms was superficial for we had
not learned how to use the energy in the
center or nucleus of the atom. Now we
have learned how to do so and this is why
the release of atomic energy brings us to
a new age.

Perhaps I can explain the meaning of
this revolutionary development more clearly
by pointing out that an atom is constructed
very much like our solar system. Most of
an atom is empty space, but it has a cen-
tral nucleus like the sun, and around this
there is a system of electrons very much
like the system of planets around the sun.
All the chemical changes that man has
known in his existence on earth, from the
burning of wood to the explosion of dyna-
mite, from the digestion of food to the
changing colors of autumn all these chemi-
cal changes involve only minor rearrange-
ments of the outermost parts of the atom,
like the shifting about of some of the out-
lying planets of our solar system.

But now at last we have learned to re-
lease the energy in the nucleus of the atom,
as if man had learned to split the sun itself
and release its elemental forces. We can
today command atomic energy so great that
it may change every aspect of our lives
before the end of this century.

Seven Facts to Face Together

In the weeks since Hiroshima, we have
gradually learned the full significance of
the atomic bomb:

. . . We know that a few thousand of
these bombs could destroy in one night all
the cities and industrial centers of this coun-
try along with their civilian populations.

. . . We know that any country which
sets out to make atomic bombs will be able
to do so within a few years, since the fun-
damental principles were well known in
1939; and the only so-called secrets are tech-

By a scientist who participated in the
startling discoveries of the Forties as
gifted in interpreting them as in writing
the official report, "Atomic Energy for
Military Purposes." Professor Smyth is
chairman of the department of physics
at Princeton University.

nical tricks of manufacture and final as-
sembly of the bomb which any modern na-
tion can learn for itself and indeed improve
upon.

. . . We know that future atomic bombs
can be cheaper and more destructive than
the ones used to end this war, and that they
can almost certainly be sent as rockets or
planted secretly ahead of time and det-
onated without warning. Once an atomic
bomb is made it lasts for a long time and
can be stored or hidden with slight pos-
sibility of detection.

. . . We know that plants making atomic
bombs would not necessarily have to be
such great factories as those at Hanford or
Oak Ridge, but could be smaller and dis-
persed, difficult to detect in the total econ-
omy of a country.

. . . We know that plants devoted to
peaceful uses of atomic energy could in a
short time be converted to bomb plants.

. . . We know that if all the atoms in one
pound of Uranium-235 could be made to
undergo fission, the explosion resulting
from that one pound would be equal to
the explosion of sixteen million pounds of
TNT.

. . . We know that in all probability no
adequate military defense I say adequate
can be developed against atomic weapons.

Our Birthright Under Freedom

I have repeated these facts many of
which are already cliches among us be-
cause I believe we need to repeat them, to
ourselves and to each other. If we can
spread the full realization of atomic energy
in our country and in other countries, we
may have a chance to work out with our
fellow nations ways of living together with-
out recourse to war. I do not think we
should avoid or minimize the facts of the
atomic age. I believe we should talk about
them freely and face them as reasonable
men.

It will be utterly impossible to keep fur-
ther developments of atomic energy (in
preparation for which scientists of the
whole world have worked for fifty years)
limited to one country or to one group of
countries. The principles of nuclear energy
on which the atomic bomb is based were
known to scientists everywhere by 1939 and
were eagerly discussed among them in that
free interchange of ideas which is the
strength of science as indeed it is of every
other department of men's lives.

Ideas are a common inheritance from the

long tradition of thoughtful men in all
countries and in all civilizations. To speak
of secrecy in the field of thought, except
under the black necessity of war, is to deny
our moral birthright and the very tradition
which has brought us this far from sav-
agery.

The development of the atomic bomb in
the last five years was not a scientific ex-
periment carried on under perfectly con-
trolled conditions in a remote laboratory.
It was the combined effort of thousands of
men and women of varying nationalities
and backgrounds, freely joining their knowl-
edge and their abilities for a common ob-
jective. I believe we have something of
value to learn from their experience.

The purpose for which they worked, and
to which they gave their full moral sup-
port, was the rapid ending of this war;
the ending of all wars, they hoped. That
is why the associations of scientists who
worked on the atomic bomb have been so
anxious to make clear the implications of
atomic energy.

The men on the Manhattan Project kept
the objective for which they were working
clearly in their minds. It was more im-
portant to them than personal or profes-
sional advantage. They did not let them-
selves think there was only one way to
reach this objective, for the scientist is
trained to listen to other men's ideas about
his work and to accept criticisms if they
are justified by facts. If one man's ideas
proved unworkable, the whole project was
not given up, but instead other lines of
approach were tried.

The men who developed the atomic
bomb were willing to try radical ideas.
They were willing to think in new ways,
for in one section after another of the
project they were doing things that had
never been done before. It is interesting
that, again and again, as they faced what
seemed insuperable difficulties, they found
that the so-called visionary idea proved in
the end to be the practical one. I saw this
happen many times in our work between
1940 and 1945.

We Must Think in New Ways

Now we stand at the beginning of the
atomic age. I would suggest that we learn
some lessons from the methods that brought
it to birth. We must think in new ways
to meet this new age. We have always
been an adaptable people, with the saving
heritage of common sense.

Let us now be willing to delegate our
national sovereignty to the larger sov-
ereignty of world law for nationalism will
be suicide in the world we have created.

Let us ask the suggestions of other na-
tions about our common problems, and
not attempt to use our momentarily power-
ful position to force our ideas on them.

Let us be as anxious to find the weak-
nesses in our policies and conduct as we are
to find them in the policies and conduct
of our fellow nations. Let us not expect
too much too soon, but act like wise and
reasonable men. In the revealing light of
the atomic bomb our objective must be
enduring peace.

12:01 World Time

WILLIAM L. LAURENCE

Science writer for The New York
Times, Mr. Laurence served as master
interpreter for the U. S. government in
acquainting the public with the opening
up of what he calls the "New Continent
of Atomic Power."

ON THAT HISTORIC MORNING IN THE DESERT

of New Mexico, when the first atomic bomb
sent up a mountain of cosmic fire 41,000
feet into the stratosphere suffusing the
earth with a light never before seen under
the sun your world and mine, the world
we knew, came to an end.

That may have been in the mind of
Prof. George Kistiakowski of Harvard who
had made vital contributions in designing
the bomb. Shortly after the explosion, he
said to me: "This was the nearest thing
to Doomsday one could possibly imagine.
I am sure that at the end of the world
in the last millisecond of the earth's exis-
tence the last man will see what we saw."

We saw the same thing but to me the
spectacle meant that we had been privileged
to watch a new world born in that moun-
tain of fire. "If," I replied, "man could
have been present at that moment of cre-
ation when the Lord said 'Let there be
light!' he would have seen something very
similar to what we have just seen."

Which one of us was right? That will
largely depend on what the inhabitants of
this planet make of the most important
matter for you and me and all of us to
think about, today, tomorrow, and in the
years to come. Ours is the greatest chance
in the million years of existence on earth.

If we muff this chance mankind may
never get another. The truth is that today
we really cannot be sure World War II is
over. Twenty-five years from now, or even
sooner, what we thought was the end of
the war may prove nothing more than an-
other prolonged armistice in which people
took time out to stock up with bigger and
better atomic bombs. If that happens, the
end cannot be far away.

Of Symbols and Time Tables

These two prospects were poignantly vis-
ualized by the explosions at New Mexico
and Nagasaki. In New Mexico the fiery
mountain that rose above the clouds took
for a fleeting instant the form of a gigantic
Statue of Liberty, its arm raised to the sky
symbolizing new freedom for men. At
Nagasaki, the multi-colored cloud assumed
at one stage of its evolution the form of
a gigantic square totem pole, carved with
many grotesque masks that grimaced at the
earth and its inhabitants symbolizing an
atavistic throw-back to primitive savagery
and barbarism.

What took place not only in New Mexi-
co but at Hiroshima and at Nagasaki
happened all but instantaneously. Yet those
moments, if such minute time fractions

can be called such, mark a definite dividing
line in the story of man.

At exactly 9:15 on the morning of Aug-
ust 6, Japanese time, Hiroshima stood out
under the clear blue sky. One-tenth of a
millionth of a second later, a time imper-
ceptible by any clock, it had been swallowed
up by a cloud of swirling fire as though it
had never existed. The best watches made
by man still registered 9:15.

It was 12:01 in Nagasaki on August 9,
Japanese time, and the people in that city
went about their business as usual. But
our watches as well as our hearts stood
still, very still, as we witnessed the great
industrial city disappear in a cloud of cos-
mic fire. It was still 12:01 by any human
clock but Nagasaki was no longer there.

The time is still 9:15; it is still 12:01.
But the time is no longer Japanese time;
it is world time. It is 9:15 over the civilised
world; it is 12:01 on the hour glass of
history.

Future generations, if there are to be
future generations, may look back upon
the harnessing of atomic energy as the
greatest single milestone in man's everlast-
ing search for natural forces to help make
possible a decent life for his kind. Yet it
may bring us to the brink of the Great
Abyss. For how many recent ills have been

brought about by misuse of the products
of our genius? This new cosmic fire can
yield new light, new warmth, new freedom.
If it gets out of control, as has been the
case with too many other inventions, it
will mean a conflagration engulfing the
earth and its inhabitants in chaos and ruin.

We face the reality that atomic energy is
here to stay. The question is: Are we here
to stay? If we are, we must find means to
control it. There can be only one protec-
.tion against the atomic bomb PEACE.
On that all our scientists agree. The word
itself has become synonymous with hu-
man survival. Only the peoples of the
world can supply peace. The question we
face cannot be answered by Americans
alone. No unilateral decision will suffice.

While no military defense against the
atomic bomb is envisaged by our scien-
tists, there are two instrumentalities that
can put it to use as man's servant, not his
master. These are his brain and his heart.
It was a combination of the human mind
and the human spirit that created the
atomic bomb against insuperable obstacles.
The creators of the atomic bomb are
greater than the thing they created.

As the Greeks Put It

Prometheus was the first scientist. He in-
vented fire and gave it to man, thereby
starting him on his march. For all civiliza-
tion is based on fire.

Zeus, the Olympian, knew that fire
would make men free. So the tyrant
chained Prometheus to a rock and set the

10 PM--August 5 -and After

On the night of August 5 at about ten
P.M., six selected crews were assembled for
briefing. These crews had undergone in-
tensive training designed to make them
capable of coping with any situation they
might be called upon to meet. The atmos-
phere was tense because they had volun-
teered over a year ago to enter an organ-
ization which was going to do something
"different." I took the platform:

"Tonight is the night we have all been
waiting for. We are going on a mission
to drop a bomb different from any you
have ever seen or heard about. This bomb
contains a destructive force equivalent to
twenty thousand tons of TNT."

Here I hesitated for any questions; but
there were none, only a look of amazement
on each face. There followed a discussion
of tactics and the part each was to play.
Three airplanes would take off one hour
early as weather reporters, to cover three
selected areas, so that at the proper time
our target could be changed should condi-
tions make it necessary. The second three
airplanes would take off, assemble at Iwo
Jima about 15 minutes after daybreak, and
enter the target area together.

As daylight broke, we could see Iwo
Jima in front of us and made immediate
contact with our two escort airplanes.

As we approached the target, we could

see the city of Hiroshima clearly below us
in enough detail even to detect green grass.
The bomb was released at the proper time,
and our efforts then were to put as much
distance as possible between ourselves and
the explosion. We felt the effects of that
in the airplane in the form of two violent
bumps which we had been told to expect
as result of shock waves.

We returned to the target area and the
sight was beyond description as we looked
down on the boiling debris that had been
the city of Hiroshima. On leaving, the tre-
mendous white cloud was visible for 280
miles.

A few weeks later, we had the oppor-
tunity to return to Japan and inspect the
damage done by the atomic bombs. Earlier,
we had flown over the cities at low alti-
tudes and studied all photographs that
had been taken of the areas. Nor do these
show the actual damage. The main missing
evidence is the very lack of debris which
always exists as result of ordinary bombing.

Once having seen atomic energy em-
ployed as a destructive force, my hope is
I shall never have the opportunity to do
so again. I sincerely hope that this force
may be employed as a benefit to mankind.

COL. PAUL W. TIBBETS, JR., U. S.

Army Air Forces, commander of the flight
which dropped the bomb on Hiroshima.

JANUARY 1946

vulture, symbolizing war and strife be-
tween men, to torture him.

.All through history this ancient struggle
between Prometheus, the liberator, and
Zeus, the enslaver, has been going on.
There were periods of enlightenment of
"Prometheus Unbound" such as the Gol-
den Age of ancient Greece, the Renais-
sance, the nineteenth century, in which the
fire-bringer succeeds in breaking his chains.

Now the word Prometheus, translated
from the Greek, means "forethought." If
we in our turn keep thinking ahead, think
clearly and objectively, in a spirit of faith
in the destiny of man, this vast new fire
placed at our disposal can become the
greatest force for insuring peace the
world has known until such a time as
the groundwork had been laid for world
government.

In the final analysis it fell to the Ameri-
can people to open up this great new con-
tinent of Atomic Power. Sir Arthur Edding-
ton once described it as the "Cosmic Cup-
board" of practically inexhaustible energy.
Provided with its Promethean key, the
American people must, and will, keep faith
with this trust for ourselves and for all
mankind in bringing in a new era of
wealth and health, of life, liberty and hap-
piness such as the world has never seen.

But the time at present is still 9:15; it
is still 12:01. It is no longer Japanese time;
it is world time. It is 9:15 over the civil-
ized world. It is 12:01 on the hour glass
of history.

While the Clock Ticks

BRIEN McMAHON

"I have seen destruction"

We have had lots of consternation about
the atomic bomb. But we were put
out on the end of a limb in this world
war by what in 1940 and 1941 was
thought an impossible proposition. This
was the defeat of the Axis powers
Germany and Japan. They were de-
feated by the will to win of British and
American youth. That will always be
supreme, no matter what happens.

The atomic bomb is a terrifically
deadly thing. But it is no more so
than the threat to smother out Britain
when I was there in 1940. And Britain
rose above it.

Any power that is developed is just
as effective in the world as the force
behind it; and it's just as good in the
world as the well-being behind that
force. I think America has all the power
that is necessary to enforce world peace
if it is properly applied. We developed
during the war the strongest navy, the
strongest army and the strongest air
force and for what? What were we
defeating? If that power wasn't de-
veloped to secure peace in this world
why was it developed?

I have seen destruction. I want to
see no more of it, and I hope we have
no more of it.

CARL A. SPAATZ, Commanding
General, U. 5. Strategic Air Forces in
Pacific.

By the senior senator from Connecti-
cut, chairman of the Special Committee
on Atomic Energy set up on his motion
by the upper chamber of the Congress.

MY COLLEAGUES AND I HAVE SPENT OUR

lives in law and politics and the social
sciences. In the course of a month we have
been brought face to face with the task
of learning the elements of a rigorous
natural science. The transition is not easy.

There are many who argue that Ameri-
can legislators were able to establish satis-
factory laws governing the use of electricity
without understanding its fundamentals or
its conversion into mechanical work. They
could do this because other sources of en-
ergy with which we have been familiar
entered our lives gradually; sources which
everyone can detect readily such as light,
heat, and sound. That is, they were living
in a world of molecular and electronic
forces.

For our part, our Senate committeemen
have had to put on seven league boots and
stride forthwith into a new world of
nuclear energy. Let me tell you of our
preparation: We have been to school; we
have done our homework; we have taken
a field trip.

Our school: Lecture discussions on an
elementary level of nuclear physics and
chemistry. Our meager scientific vocabulary
embarrasses us, but we are learning.

Our homewor^: Despite newspaper polls
which indicate that members of Congress
are allergic to the Smyth report, our com-
mitteemen have read it.

Our field trip: The words that describe
how the material for the bomb is made
were unreal to us before we saw the
strange equipment and unusual buildings
at Oak Ridge, Tenn. There we saw before
our eyes not one but four ways in which
material can be successfully produced for
the atomic bomb. Never, as I paraphrased
it, have so few done so much with so little
to affect the lives of so many.

World Confidence and Control

With this background, our hearings be-
gan. Clearly, we must find ways to control
the destructive power of atomic energy on
a world level before we can make much
progress on any concrete program to turn
it into a blessing to mankind. Meanwhile,
how far can we Americans ourselves go to-
ward developing and using atomic power
wisely; how can domestic legislation pro-
tect both our workers and citizens from
hazardous developments; how control
critical natural resources consistent with
possible future international regulations;
how protect both the individual and the
nation? Consistent with world security, we
cannot permit our domestic bill to stifle
research. Rather it must encourage our men

of science to push back the frontiers ot
knowledge.

The clock began to tick when the bomb
was dropped at Hiroshima and it will stop
when some other nation begins to produce
its own bomb. Within that time interval
we must do everything humanly possible
to establish a feeling of confidence through-
out the world and, at the same time, we
must establish, through the United Nations
Organization, a body of international law
which will be effective. Therefore, our
committee must help clarify three ques-
tions at the start.

(1) What is the expected time interval
in which we may succeed in obtaining
world security? We search for an answer
in the light of experience from 1941 to 1945
in developing our own atomic energy pro-
gram.

(2) Is there a scientifically feasible sys-
tem of international inspection and control
which can determine whether bombs arc
being manufactured by any nation? If not
we face a terrible situation of which we
must make the most until factors now un-
known to us can offer some hope for the
future. Nor should we be lulled into think-
ing in terms of past systems applicable to
electricity, narcotics, and various contra-
band.

(3) Can we master the distinction be-
tween scientifically feasible and politically
feasible controls? In establishing any body
of international law ' through the United
Nations Organization we must seek a
new definition for that stage in the mis-
behavior pattern of any nation when it
essentially declares war on other nations.
In other words, what is the threshold for
aggression? This would seem to lie very
close to the point at which any nation
begins to perturb the normal functions of
such a system of international inspection
and control over atomic energy.

Moreover, might it not well be the
reciprocal duty and obligation of citizens of
any and all nations to help maintain such
effective controls? And should not the
United Nations be able to prosecute an
individual or a group, for violations of a
nature which may lead to world insecurity,
without placing sanctions upon the nation
itself? An accusation placed against all the
people of any country for acts committed
by a minority will only increase the resis-
tive attitude of the nation concerned.

Our committee seeks to insure that all
pertinent facts consistent with military
security shall be brought to light and be
presented in such a way that the public
may learn their meaning.

Let us hope that there will never- be need
for Senate hearings on an atomic bombed
Pearl Harbor. In such event, there might
not be enough Senators left to constitute a

coroners jury

In the Name of Sanity

RAYMOND SWING

BY SANITY i MEAN THE SWIFT CAPACITY TO
adjust oneself to reality. To delay a while,
to cling to what was reality but is real no
longer, to hope that what is real will pass
as a dream so that what has been familiar
may be restored, is not sanity. It is mad
somewhat mad or altogether mad.

To living creatures, the real world has
always seemed to be expanding. As we de-
veloped our senses, its range increased
through smell, sight, and hearing. As we
developed our reason, reality increased even
beyond the reach of our senses. The earth,
instead of being the flat center of a spangled
universe, became a whirling mote in a vast
and seething space.

As man, too, developed his social quali-
ties, he was able to accumulate knowledge
and thereby to add to his mastery over mat-
ter and to increase his security. In a swift
surge of growth, over the last few thousand
years, men have learned to cooperate with
other men as well as to broaden their in-
dividual importance. Today we stand at
the beginning of the age in which, thaaks
to worldwide cooperation combined with
the richest of individualism, men have un-
covered for their own use the secret of the
basic energy of the universe.

In the Smithy of the Gods

The long apprenticeship of the human
race comes to an end. We have not become
gods, but we have wrought for ourselves
the tools of creation.

I shall not speculate why our first use of
these tools should be to make something
destructive, something terrible beyond all
the terrors that life on this planet so far
has encountered. But life is a power to
overcome death. We have been disciplined
by danger through our entire evolution. In
fear we have grown safe. We have had to
be nimble and flexible. We have had to

Message from
ALBERT EINSTEIN

The weapons of modern warfare have
developed to such a degree that it seems
probable that in another world war the
victor would suffer only less than the
vanquished. As long as there are
sovereign states with their separate
armaments, the prevention of war is
well nigh impossible. It is my belief
that most of the people of most of the
countries of the world would prefer
peace and security to the preservation
of the unrestricted national sovereignty
of their respective countries.

The only way of realizing that world-
wide aspiration is by the creation of a
world government which would inau-
gurate a reign of law around the earth.

By a clear American voice that for
months has made atomic power a first
charge on his broadcasts. As few men,
he knows the world we live in. He
brought to the radio infinite experience
and insight from his years as a European
correspondent. Mr. Swing has recently
become chairman of Americans United
for World Organization, Inc.

develop sanity, the capacity to adjust our-
selves immediately to reality.

The challenge to our sanity today is
without parallel throughout our existence.
The reality of atomic energy is here. Its
nature is beyond dispute. We now have the
means to destroy masses and civilizations.
Nation no longer can contend against na-
tion, carrying the competition to the battle-
field to be decided by the arbitrament of
force. Even if man cared to cling to that
murderous system, the reality is that the
system has gone. In the atomic era anyone
who uses atomic destruction to wipe out
a foe will bring ruination upon himself
and leave only ruin in which to grope to
the light again.

This being reality, sanity requires our
immediate adjustment to it. There must
be no more national competitions carried to
the battlefield.

The message of atomic energy may at
first appear to be only dreadful. But it is
the message one might expect when man
gains access to the smithy and the anvil of
the gods. One might paraphrase it in these
words:

"You have acquired these powers through
social organization and through the in-
tegrity of great individuals. You can use
them successfully only for the development
of organization and integrity. And woe be
unto you if you seek to use them otherwise,
for you will be destroyed."

Law Among the Nations

While it is true that it took a war to
produce the final form of organization
which released atomic energy, that release
is the first power man has ever had or
known strong enough to destroy war. For
I am not saying that it is for you and me,
and others of fearsome heart, to destroy
war. I am saying that the reality is that
atomic energy is itself the promise to de-
stroy war, and all human society as well, if
we do not adjust ourselves immediately to
its reality. It is for us of fearsome heart to
hail the end of the long age of national
competition. The day of complete coopera-
tion is at hand.

It is the inescapable logic of the atomic
age that since wars are the acts of sovereign
nations, the sovereign power to make war
must be ended. For the sovereign nations,
in clinging to their right to make war, or-

dain a condition of anarchy. The only al-
ternative to anarchy is law. There must be
law among nations as well as within na-
tions. And there must be the centralized
power to enforce law.

We can, of course, do nothing and let
war come again. That will end it right
enough. Or we can ordain a world of law.

One is the way of death. The other ij
the way of life.

One is the way of sanity. The other, the
way of suicidal madness.

There is no way to end the sovereign
power to make war but to set over nations
a world sovereignty, which is a world gov-
ernment. Americans United for World Or-
ganization was organized originally to serve
as a sort of catalytic agent in bringing to-
gether various organizations for one pur-
pose: to defeat isolation in the United States
in whatever form it took. We were asked
by our State Department to take on the job
not only of mobilizing the support of Amer-
ican organizations behind the charter-mak-
ing at San Francisco but to supervise their
representation there.

Self-Government for Mankind

Today, we have on our hands a fight
even greater than the fight for the charter.
Through the present United Nations Or-
ganization there must be developed a world
government with limited but adequate pow-
ers to prevent war including power to
control the development of atomic energy
and other major weapons, and to maintain
world inspection and police forces.

We believe that the world government
should operate through an executive body
responsible to a representative legislative
assembly; that the legislative assembly
should be empowered to enact laws within
the scope of the powers conferred upon the
world government; that adequate tribunals
and enforcement machinery should be es-
tablished; and finally, that prompt steps
should be taken to obtain a constitutional
amendment authorizing the United States
of America to join a world government.

The Spirit of 1787

I would remind you of the healthy
growth of our own revered constitution
of the United States of America. That
would have long since ceased to be an
effective binding force for our peoples
if it had not been radically amended
many times to meet new situations, new
problems, new ideas and concepts.

We believe in working within and
through the framework of the United
Nations Organization. We do not be-
lieve it should remain a sterile creation
in a growing world. So we are resolved
to work for the development of the
UNO into a world government to pre-
serve the peace.

FLORENCE JAFFRAY HARRI-
MAN, acting president, Americans
United for World Organization; former
minister to Noway.

JANUARY 1946

LETTERS AND LIFE

What Civilians Need to Know

ONE OF THE FACETS OF THE AMERICAN

attitude of looking at everything optimistic-
ally is a tendency to minimize the plight
of the wounded and disabled. This does
not apply to those directly concerned with
their care, for they invariably work twice
as hard as the rest of us. But it does mean
that our traditional way of taking the rosy
view makes us feel that "everything will
be taken care of," now that the war is over.
We are still amenable to "drives" for
funds, for that is a social activity and we
are strongly gregarious, but once they are
completed we are not likely to continue
thinking about them.

Medical specialists, and veterans without
medical training but with knowledge of
the urgency of the situation, are trying to
tell the public in books about the needs of
the wounded and disabled. One wonders
how far their appeals carry, how many
readers will buy their books at over $2 a
copy in order to study a difficult subject.

Perhaps as the books become foundation
for public talks, and are discussed in re-
views, it will widen their influence. This,
I hope, will be the lot of such books as
"We Are the Wounded; an Epic of Ameri-
can Courage," by Keith Wheeler (Dutton,
$2.50); "Back to Life; the Emotional Ad-
justment of Our Veterans," by Herbert I.
Kupper, M.D. (L. B. Fischer, $2.50); and
"War Neuroses," by Roy R. Grinker, M.D.
and John P. Spiegel, M.D. (Blakiston,
$2.75).

Men Who Once Were Whole

Of these three books Mr. Wheeler's "We
Are the Wounded" is the best candidate for
general circulation because it describes,
with deep feeling and intense admiration,
the courage and resourcefulness of wounded
men. It is a war correspondent's account of
dozens of incidents that he has observed in
first aid stations and hospitals, and that, as
a wounded man, he also experienced in
part. It is not preachy, but reading between
the lines we can see how courageously
these young men have fought for life and
how intimately our fortunes are bound up
with their own.

Mr. Wheeler became aware, on the ash
heap of Iwo Jima and other forlorn fields,
how truly the dead were freed of their
physical troubles, and how the wounded
were not free, but imprisoned; how they
were transferred in one moment from
health to helplessness, with a different atti-
tude toward matters greatly prized by ci-
vilians who were still whole. Yet, he testi-
fies, in the hospitals even the worst cases
were not downhearted. Their resiliency
was remarkable. Whether it will continue
the rest of their lives, when, handicapped

(All booty

HARRY HANSEN

and away from their comrades, they go it
alone, is for us to consider.

Mr. Wheeler's anecdotes are chiefly
about men physically maimed, but he does
give brief attention to war neuroses and
men who are "battle batty." When he
turns to the future he reminds us that we
should treat wounded veterans naturally;
"for the vast majority of the wounded the
future should have nothing in it to break
their spirits or deaden their confidence."
But for the armless and the legless, life will
be hard. "These men will need help not
maudlin sympathy, but intelligent help."
We all agree, but in what way are we go-
ing to make this a part of daily action?

Problems of "Beating Back"

Dr. Kupper's book, "Back to Life," is
as specific in the matter of readjustment
as Mr. Wheeler's book is general. It was
written by a military psychiatrist who has
been associated with the problems of vet-
erans for three years at the Ellis Island
Marine Hospital. The book deals almost
wholly with emotional disturbances created
by the complete change from civilian to
military routine, by the necessity of making
killers out of farm and city boys who could
not think of taking life, as well as the
effect of conditions at home on the return-
ing veteran. Dr. Kupper tells why the
veteran behaves as he does, how he works
off his grudges and resentments. He offers
specific advice for civilians, so that, with
patience and tact, the soldier can be fitted
anew into the life of his community.

Dr. Kupper mentions many of the prob-
lems of "beating back" that I cannot go
into for lack of space. One of the most
interesting is that of finding compensations
in civilian life for unsocial habits acquired
during the war.

"There are no acceptable outlets for the
hatreds, envies, fears and guilts which the
soldier once so openly expressed in battle.
Where he once shot a gun to vent his
anger, or dug into a foxhole because he was
afraid, he now finds his means of expres-
sion limited." But there is hope in the fact
the civilized man must counterbalance his
destructive impulses by the profession of
constructive goals. "The individual and
collective conscience of man continues in
the midst of battle to require a balm for
war's animal-like license. One can kill only
if the killing is done for a good purpose."

Thus, the veteran may fall victim to
groups that, though they agitate ostensibly
for a noble purpose, actually afford outlets
for accumulated grievances. As Dr. Kupper
shows, in totalitarian societies this may
turn into a crusade against minorities in
which men blindly give their allegiance to
ordered through Survey Associates, Inc., will be

a Fuehrer; but in a democratic society so
many individual expressions are permissible
that only when men are led by demagogues
do they become dangerous.

Here the civilian community must recog-
nize the possibility of trouble before it ap-
pears. It can be avoided by helping the
veteran to a job and, in his intimate life,
by making his home congenial letting
him talk himself out and take his time in
getting back to normal married life. For
this "psychological reconditioning" Dr.
Kupper has some plain suggestions, easily
understandable and, I think, workable. But
how can this advice reach the sweethearts,
wives, and employers of the veteran? Possi-
bly through community organizations and
leaders who shoulder these tasks in the in-
terest of the general good. If they don't,
groups with axes to grind surely will.

The third book, "War Neuroses," by
Grinker and Spiegel, both of whom held
commissions in the Medical Corps of the
Army Air Forces, is less well adapted to
reading by the layman than Dr. Kupper's
book. Though it deals with psychotherapy,
it uses technical terms more freely and is
better fitted for the specialist, or some one
who already can apply the methods that
these two physicians have used. There are
a number of case histories, with details of
treatment.

Home Adjustments

Neuroses have their place in determining
the future happiness of young people who
married hastily during the war excitement.
"The Veteran and His Marriage," by John
H. Mariano (Council on Marriage Rela-
tions, $2.75), discusses these and other
phases of the former serviceman's life for
the general reader. It stresses the need of
patience and thoughtfulness in helping him
make adjustment, because he is not relieved
of responsibility even if mismated.

Here again steady employment for the
man is excellent insurance. The author is
of the opinion that if wives continue to
work as they did in the war emergency,
they will hinder normal marriage relations;
that children will be neglected, husbands
will become irritable, and "a loss of femin-
inity" will result.

A laudable attempt to use fiction to bring
home to the reader the plight of a soldier
blinded in the war is to be found in Bay-
nard Kendrick's story, "Lights Out" (Mor-
row, $2.50). The author's special knowl-
edge of this disability lends more than usual
interest to the book. Mr. Kendrick is a
civilian instructor at Old Farms Convales-
cent Hospital in Avon, Conn., and has
been associated with the Valley Forge Hos-
pital at Phoenixville, Pa. When the Blinded
postpaid)

CTTD\7EV

Veterans Association was founded, he was
the only sighted adviser and was chosen
honorary chairman of the board of direc-
tors.

Mr. Kendrick has written mystery stories
about a blind detective, whose work must
be true to actuality. "Lights Out" is probably
a more serious work than any of these. It
deals with typical human experiences and
carries a lesson worth repeating. In it
Larry Nevin, the blinded soldier, is associ-
ated with two young women; one of them,
to whom he was engaged, is unable to
overcome her unfavorable reaction to his
injury; the other finds his helplessness an
opportunity and rises to the occasion.

Better yet is Larry's discovery that when
one is blind the superficial differences
among men fall away before new standards
of judgment and appreciation of human
character. Larry "found himself one with
every Negro and every Jew, one with
every sensitive soul who had ever been
buried in the hell of a lost minority." His
experiences at Valley Forge and Old
Farms are based on the author's intimate
knowledge.

Such a story, I am sure, will reach many
who are not in the habit of reading seri-
ous discussions of methods. The idea might
well be extended to other disabilities, des-
)ite the word from magazine editors that
hey do not wish "unpleasant stories about
wounded soldiers."

THE JEWISH DILEMMA, by Elmer Berger.
Dcvin-Adair. #3.

ARE THE JEWS TO REGARD THEMSELVES AS AN
ntegral part of the societies in which they
ind themselves, maintaining indeed their
separateness, but as other groups that join
n composing our society? Or are they to
nvcst all their hopes in a Jewish national
state in Palestine? This is the dilemma the
ews face, as Elmer Berger sees it.

What are the Jews? A race, a nation, a
religious community? These are questions
hat admit of scientific answers, insofar
as adequate data are available. The Jews
are not a race, but an amalgam of all the
races they have lived with during these four
housand years, possibly with a chemical
race of the blood of the Patriarchs. The
ews have not been a nation in any intelli-
gible sense of the term since the fall of
erusalem under the attack of Titus. At
most some fraction of them, now settled in
'alestine or determined to throw in their
ot with Palestine, may be considered a
nation in becoming.

The soundest view, scientifically, is that
the Jews are a religious community, or a
jroup of related religious communities.
This view is not adversely affected by the
act that a Jew who comes over to another
religion is still considered a Jew. Every
religion is the central core of a cultural com-
)lex which is its main visible embodiment
:o the outsider, and this complex may hold
:ogether long after the central core of doc-
:rine has been replaced. One can find a
Quaker character down to the third genera-
ion in persons who have Quakerism in
heir heredity.

Can anyone cavil at statements so in-

offensive as these? Certainly. Every word
spoken or written about the Jews will
rouse resentment somewhere. For Zionism,
in the youth of men still living, a cloud
perhaps a shining cloud no bigger than
a man's hand, has overspread the entire
Jewish sky and much of the sky that is
non-Jewish. It has elaborated a set of doc-
trines, a far-reaching system of policies. It
is a fighting creed, and whoever is not for
it among the Jews is anathema. So effec-
tive has been its propaganda that many
Gentiles have come to take it for granted
that all Jews are Zionists, ardent for the
creation of a Jewish national state in Pales-
tine. The Zionists need no longer speak for
themselves as Zionists. They undertake to
speak for the Jews.

But there is a very considerable body of
Jews who have never accepted the Zionist
doctrine. They regard Jewry as a religious
community like any other, and themselves
as nationals of their country of birth or
residence, like any other. They have not
forgotten the terrible persecutions of the
Jews in ancient, medieval, and early modern
times; they have not forgotten Kishenev
and they will never forget the most hor-
rible persecution of all times, under Hitler.

But they remind us that persecution of
religious minorities has never been limited
to Jews. The Albigenses, the Huguenots
paid with their blood for their religious
beliefs. If anti-Semitism persists even in our
own country, the Jews are not the only
sufferers from this form of persecution.
Consider how decisively we defeated for
the Presidency the best loved citizen of
New York, Al Smith.

With the appearance and extension of
the liberal movement in the eighteenth cen-
tury one disability of the Jews after another
has fallen away, until all political disabilities
had disappeared except in Central and
Eastern Europe. In spite of sporadic reac-
tions, social and economic discrimination
was gradually abating. But now Zionism
comes upon the scene, with its argument
that Jews can never be at home except in
a country of their own, that they are essen-
tially exiles in spirit however apparently
assimilated.

Elmer Berger writes from the point of
-view of the Jews who do not accept Zion-
ism but rest their faith with the liberalizing
process still operative in the world, in spite
of the recent horrible upheaval of barbarism
in Central Europe. He does not see in the
liberal movement a tendency to assimilate
the Jew, to destroy his peculiar character,
but to integrate him in the national life.
Berger traces the successive steps by which
Zionism rose to its present position. One
cannot read this account without experi-
encing a sense of admiration for the persis-
tent, valiant and sometimes ruthless efforts
of the Zionists to realize their ideal of a
Jewish state, an admiration, however, Ber-
ger does not share.

He is just as ardent as anyone for the
opening of Palestine as a refuge for Jews
suffering under oppression. It may be noted
that much of the marvelous advance in
agriculture and industry in Palestine has
been due to the investment of capital by

An invaluable

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working in

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inter-personal

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Emotional
Problems
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Avoiding the
Neurotic Pattern

0. Spurgeon English, M.D.
and C. H. ). Pearson, M.D.

A lucid description of the dif-
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Designed to give a point of view
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Philadelphia Record.

At all bookstores. $5.00

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Jews who do not accept the ideal of a
Jewish national state. They would like to
see a modern democratic state in Palestine,
wholly secular, welcoming Mohammedans
and Christians on equal terms with the
Jews.

"The Jewish Dilemma" is a well rea-
soned, well executed book. It will not be
judged on its merits by those who are
convinced that there is no hope for Jews
except in Zion. But liberals, whether Jewish
or Gentile, will find it profitable reading.
President Emeritus ALVIN JOHNSON

The New School for Social Research
Neu> Yor/( City

BLACK METROPOLIS, by St. Clair Drake
and Horace Cayton. Harcourt, Brace. #5.

IN AN INCISIVE FOREWORD, RlCHARD WRIGHT

introduces this intensive study of Negro
life in Chicago as "a definitive study of
Negro urbanization." Granting that the so-
called American race problem has changed
both focus and character by reason of the
ever-increasing dispersion and urbanization
of the Negro population, any exhaustive
study of a typical Negro urban community
challenges immediate, close attention on
the part of both professional and amateur
spectators of the social scene. One reviewer
has already called this volume the "Negro
Middletown."

Be that as it may, "Black Metropolis"
performs only one half of the task-problem
of the interracial crisis the diagnostic half.
And necessary as that is for any scientific
and objective understanding of the situa-
tion, therapy is the crying call of the hour.
Especially is that so if, as Mr. Wright
points out, it is the eleventh hour in such
matters both by the national and the in-
ternational clock.

One positive indication should be called
to serious attention. Both book and fore-
word shatter the hope and illusion of
gradualism, by which even well-intentioned
liberals have unwittingly made common
cause with race reactionaries in policies,
programs, and attitudes of avoidance and
postponement. The testimony of the study
is that, without radical social surgery, group
relations on most fronts in this area become
progressively more tense and inconsistent
with the passing of time. Indeed, they be-
come worse by the very virtue of the Ne-
gro's progress in the face of the growing
disparity between it and the recognition
accorded it. The problem intensifies with
the continuing adaptation of the Negro to
urban life and with his rising conformity
to American mores and ways of living.

Almost every chapter of "Black Metropo-
lis" says this with accumulative effect, par-
ticularly through the profound factual an-
alysis given each aspect of group life
investigated. Housing, employment, recre-
ation, education, church, social stratifica-
tion all under analysis show the same
symptoms of increasing external and in-
ternal tension under the imposed undemo-
cratic conditions of prejudice and proscrip-
tion.

Especially informative is the pioneer
study of urban class stratification among
Negroes; here are chapters of vital impor-

tance to social workers who need to under-
stand Negro attitudes as well as Negro
situations, and need further to learn to
regard them as changing and subject pri-
marily to environmental factors. Negroes,
likewise, need to understand themselves
more modernly and more objectively: to
that, also, the volume can and should be
contributory.

In last analysis, however, such compendi-
ous evidence of growing maladjustment
and mounting social and economic self-
contradiction should provoke not further
studies but explicit programs of reform
and remedy.
Howard University ALAIN LOCKE

BREAK FOR VETERANS

(Continued from page 17)

what was called a "virtual ultimatum" that,
if favorable action was not taken, he would
demand an answer when the next request
was made for money to expand hospital
facilities. At Muskogee, 35 miles from Ok-
mulgee, one veterans hospital already pro-
vides more than 400 beds. The Veterans
Administration wants to tap the medical
resources of the University of Oklahoma at
Oklahoma City. It proposes to build a new
1,000-bed hospital near the University, and
invite faculty specialists to serve as consul-
tants, rather than take over the army hos-
pital and then build up a full time staff of
its own at a time when civilians are clam-
oring for physicians from the armed serv-
ices.

Commenting in an editorial, the Wash-
ington Post accused the senator of "an-
achronistic thinking" and said that, if vet-
erans are to obtain the best in curative
treatment, additional hospitals should be
placed "in areas which are medically, not
politically, strategic."

The House Appropriations Committee in
reporting a deficiency bill late in November
recommended that the item for $158,000,000
for building new veterans hospitals be de-
ferred "without prejudice." The House
itself, however, overruled the committee
and authorized the money with which to
launch the program for hospital beds to
care for the veterans of World War II.
The present capacity will have to be ap-
proximately doubled within the next five
years or the ex-service men and women
will be unable to obtain the best in medical
care and treatment.

JUST AS THE JOINT CHIEFS OF STAFF AND THE

War Production Board could not have won
the war single-handed, so the Veterans Ad-
ministration in Washington, and its re-
gional offices, cannot solve all the problems
of the returning service men and women.

Reports already are available that some
communities have muffed their opportunity
to demonstrate to the former fighting men
that the abstract theories of democracy for
which they battled have a human side as
well. Other towns have pooled their re-
sources and given the returning soldiers,
sailors and marines not only a hero's wel-

come but assistance in readjusting to com-
munity life.

"It is in his community," General Brad-
ley has explained, "that the veteran rubs
shoulders with the civilian attitude that will
manifest itself in gratitude or unconcern.
Here the good intention can become the
good works. Here he can be welcomed and
encouraged as a useful member of his com-
munity or neglected and forgotten. Here
he can be guided to a job not just any job
but the right one or discarded as a prob-
lem. Mind you, the veteran is not a prob-
lem, but the community can make him one
by not attending to the problems he will
meet."

PUTTING TEETH IN HEALTH

( Continued from page 18)

year $10 per capita for adults would
maintain American mouths if they could
once get started right. A billion dollars a
year is, however, about twice what Amer-
icans are now spending for dental care, and
we haven't enough dentists even to do the
maintenance work.

And thus far we've left out the children.
Children show less dental decay than
grown-ups. They have had fewer teeth and
for less time. The cost of putting chil-
dren's mouths in order is much less than
half the $50 cost stated for adults. The
cost of keeping them in order is lower than
for adults; it is further lessened if dental
care begins in the earliest years and is pur-
sued systematically. One dental expert esti-
mates that 25,000 dentists could supply
complete care to the 25,000,000 children
from two to fourteen, thus bringing forth
annually a crop of some 2,000,000 fifteen-
year-olds whose teeth would be in good
condition and who would require there-
after only relatively inexpensive "main-
tenance care." If these youngsters then
kept going in the dental way they should
go, the now accumulating mass of neg-
lected adult teeth would disappear in a
couple of generations; provided, meanwhile,
tve had enough dental personnel. This is
a pleasanter thought than the full-blown
extraction bee, but it's "iffy.".

Especially because, for some years before
the war, dentistry was a declining profes-
sion in its numbers. Its uplift in educa-
tional standards and perhaps also the de-
gression were responsible for a decrease
n the number of dental students and grad-
uates, so that the annual additions to the
profession ran about 750 less than the loss
due to deaths and retirements.

Why Does Dentistry Hold Back?

Thus dentistry is in a box much more
tvork to be done than the available man-
Oower can do; an actual decline in that
nanpower; an increasing demand for more
icrvice due to health education; a profes-
ion maldistributed geographically and con-
centrated functionally on reparative and
tmergency work for adults, with relatively
5ttle attention as yet to work for children.

Many leaders in the profession and pub-

lic health officials outside of it recognize
these facts. The American Dental Associ-
ation has officially recommended:

"Programs developed for dental care
should be based on the prevention and con-
trol of dental diseases. All available re-
sources should first be used to provide
adequate dental treatment for children and
to eliminate pain and infection for adults."

It requires more than good resolutions,
however, to revamp the work of 71,000 in-
dividualists. Actually there is resistance to
many obvious forward steps, such as more
dental hygienists and other auxiliary per-
sonnel. There is the very practical fact that

adult work pays the privately practicing
dentist better than children's work. There
is little doubt that better organized services
and fuller use of various assistants would
enable a given number of dentists to do
more work, perhaps at lower cost. There
is urgent need for effective and diversified
experiments along these lines. Dentists now
enjoy the opportunities of an expanding
market, but unless research should enable
us to prevent caries soon, the increase in
popular demand might painfully override
dentistry's slow adjustment to its opportuni-
ties.
The American public as well as the den-

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fin answering advertisements please mention SURVEY Gft/WilCJ

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BLACK

A Study of Negro Life in a Northern City

by St. Clair Drake
and Horace R. Cayton

with an introduction
by Richard Wright

"It is profoundly gratifying to
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-THOMAS SANCTON, New Republic

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forthrightly written. It does
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-WILTON KROGMAN. Associate Pro-
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lists share responsibility for this situation.
For these are facts which say to the public
and to the profession, what the dentist him-
self does on certain occasions, as with a
slight smile he bends towards you "This
may hurt a little."

It is evident that no comprehensive den-
tal service for the whole population of the
nation, or of any state, could be included
in any scheme of public medical care or
health insurance. All that can be done,
said President Truman in his health mes-
sage, is to "cover dental care as fully and
for as many of the population as the avail-
able professional personnel and the financial
resources of the system permit." A na-
tional program for preventive and curative
medical service would benefit dentistry, for
it would offer a framework, local, state
and national, for many special provisions
for dental care, and would undoubtedly
stimulate increased expenditures for this
purpose.

It is a pity that some leaders in the Amer-
ican Dental Association seem to be follow-
ing the American Medical Association line,
attacking health insurance politically. A
negative attitude is dangerous for a profes-
sion unable to measure up to present de-
mands upon it. Dentistry should stand on
its own feet, should concentrate on positive
programs specific for dental service, and
should push hard to enlist public coopera-
tion to effectuate them. Dentistry will gain
no dignity by being a Medical Me Too.

Senators George Aiken and Claude Pep-
per have introduced a bill (S. 1099) which,
says the latter,

"... would provide funds to the states and
localities to assist them in putting into prac-
tice existing dental knowledge, as well as
the new knowledge that will be acquired
if Senator Murray's bill becomes law. Sen-
ator Aiken and I believe that our bill will
bring badly needed dental care to many
more people than are now getting it, that
it will help train sorely needed dental per-
sonnel, that it will help to improve both
the quality of dental care and the methods-
of payment for dental services, and especi-
ally that it will enable more children to
receive the dental care they deserve but do
not now get. The purpose of S. 1099 is to
get teeth filled; the purpose of S. 190 is to
discover means of preventing teeth from
having to be filled."

Start the New Year Right

Here in these two bills is an evolutionary
start. Their administrative aspects may
need adjustment to other legislation con-
cerning health service and research. Wide
support and no opposition to the bills was
expressed at the Senate hearings last June.

These bills should not be let slide because
of the press of bigger matters, these strenu-
ous days. Tell Senator Murray and Senator
Pepper you would like them passed. See
your dentist twice a year, if you can find
one and are able to pay him. Push your
local health department and school system
towards fuller dental services for the chil-
dren. Encourage your dentist to put health
into teeth and be busier yourself, Mr.
Citizen, putting teeth into health.

INDUSTRY'S DISCONTENT

(Continued from page 12)

ings were closed, the proceedings of these
negotiations were made available by GM
to the press. Judging from guarded news-
paper reports, these sessions, like the Octo-
ber-November negotiations which the citi-
zens committee studied in transcript, were
lurid in atmosphere and language. Angry
men clearly lost all control of themselves
and their words, and hurled unprintable
epithets at one another across the confer-
ence table.

The record is not a reassuring docu-
ment, with representatives of the biggest
union and the biggest corporation in the
world resorting to such violence of speech
when, supposedly, they had met to consider
their common problems. Democracy is
based on the supposition that "men of good
will" gathered at the conference table can
arrive at acceptable settlements of their
differences. This is the hope of "lasting
peace" in collective bargaining as in a
peace conference. But to read these records
is to realize afresh that words as well as
bullets can be used as weapons. Such "col-
lective bargaining" is not a reasonable pro-
cess; its outcome is not a settlement, but an
intensification of a struggle between in-
creasingly bitter opponents.

How the Lines Are Drawn

Behind the headlined accounts of picket
lines, and what the press gently termed
"Elizabethan" language, move the forces
which are bound to shape the economic life
of the nation. On one side of the GM-UAW
contest is the great corporation which holds,
in effect, that if it pays going wage rates
and turns out an acceptable product at a
price the consumer is willing to pay, it has
discharged its responsibility. On the other
side is a militant labor group, resting its
case on the contention that wages must be
fixed in relation to prices and profits that
is, that the workers' share in the produc-
tion enterprise must be bracketed with the
interest of the public and the shareholder.
But this is to strip the controversy to its
essentials.

Influencing these basic considerations are
many other factors.

There is, for example, the tug of war
within the union, between the communists
and their followers on one side and the
"straight unionists" on the other. Or, to
put it in terms of alignment, between the
Addes-Frankensteen faction and the Reuther
faction, with the slow-spoken UAW presi-
dent, R. J. Thomas, between them.

There is Walter Reuther's talent for
leadership and flair for publicity, which
make him both feared and loved, but make
men follow him.

At the other end of the scale, there is the
boredom of many of Detroit's younger
workers with mass production employment
as a "blind alley" and an uncertain one at
that. They grew up in the Thirties, and
wartime "full employment" has not wiped
out depression memories.

There is the "Ford revolution," with
Henry Ford's retirement and Henry Ford
II, in the Detroit phrase, "coming to the
Ford throne" as a very young man with
a much freer hand than his late father,
Edsel Ford, ever knew. "Young Henry" is
still untried, but certainly there has been
a major reorganization of the top com-
mand, and in Detroit he is spoken of as
having had "a liberal upbringing" and "a
sound education." Certainly the Ford Com-
pany is in a favored position if the strike
of GM drags on and the steel strike comes
to pass, for Ford has its own steel and its
own coal, and even if competing cars are
strikebound by a steel tie-up, the new
Fords can roll.

There is the "timing" of the strike, with
many Detroiters quick to say that "Reuther
made a bad play." For with the new tax
schedules coming into effect on January 1,
none of the motor makers was eager to "get
rolling" in the fall and early winter. And
if the UAW strike continues, it may delay
a steel settlement, since with its major cus-
tomers strikebound, steel could take its
time in reaching a settlement.

There are other new elements in the
proposals put forward which may affect
all subsequent contracts. The union offered
Ford far-reaching "company security,"
with leaders or instigators of unauthorized
strikes subject to dismissal by the company,
and participants liable to fines of $3 a day
for first offenders, $5 for second.

Hard on this came General Motors' can-
cellation of its contract with the union, and
its demand for a new contract which will
continue the open shop, eliminate "main-
tenance of membership" and provide "com-
pany security" against unauthorized strikes.

Increasing Tension

It is impossible, of course, to forecast the
turn of events or the outcome of the fact-
finding board's efforts to lay the founda-
tion for a reasoned consideration of the
controversy and the points at issue. The
situation between UAW and GM differs in
details, but not in attitudes and spirit, from
the situation between unions and manage-
ment in steel, electrical equipment, and in
other industrial areas where tension is
mounting.

To date, there is no evidence that the
great corporations draw from wartime ex-
perience the conclusion that full employ-
ment, capacity production, small unit
profits, are the economic essentials of the
mass production age. Yet this is the con-
clusion that has been drawn not only by
union leadership in Detroit but by many
outstanding economists and government
spokesmen as well.

In this first postwar winter, the unions
have substantial financial resources, sea-
soned leadership, a large membership
which now has had experience in collec-
tive action.

The big corporations have emerged from
the war with enormous profits, a highly
favorable tax situation, and a determina-
tion to try to recapture "the good old days."

In this, as in all industrial conflict the
general public itself has huge stakes. None

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of us are innocent bystanders. The out-
come will be determined in the final analy-
sis by the ability of the people as a whole
to put aside passion and prejudice, to weigh
issues and consider facts, and then to make
our influence felt.

'GIVE US EDUCATION"

(Continued from page 14)

advantage is the influence our soldiers have
had on some twenty thousand or more
Iranian boys and young men.

By that association, Persia's younger gen-
eration learned to want things they never
dreamed of before, and the most important
item in that list of wants is American edu-
cation. The example of Iran, I am sure,
is no isolated or unusual case. During
thirty centuries or more Iran has been
raided or occupied by foreign armies, but
here was a new kind of army from the
new world. It came not to loot, but to
work; not to rob, but to pay its way.

The Wealth We Gained in Persia

Iran is richer, but our own country is also
richer because of the good will resulting
from the wartime association of our soldiers
with Iranians. This is not the good will
that is reared on the insecure foundation
of propaganda. It rests on the more endur-
ing base of friendly intercourse and fair
dealing. The convincing evidence of this
good will is the sincere desire of young
Iranians to imitate us. Here is a type of
national wealth of which we should be
jealously proud, and we should not delay
long in laying plans to safeguard it.

I mentioned at the outset the young In-
dian who would like to study public wel-
fare in an American university; the Iranian
bank clerk who wants to visit the States
to study medicine; and the Iraqi mechanic
who wants to learn about irrigation engi-
neering as taught in American schools. I
am sure in India we could multiply these
(Continued on page 31)

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York 20. CI 7-0830.

FOREIGN BOOKS

SCHOENHOF'S FOREIGN BOOKS, INC.

1280 Massachusetts Avenue, Dept. SV

Cambridge 38, Mass.

"POWHATAN" INDIAN PIPE

SEND a dollar bill for genuine "Powhatan" hand-
made Indian clay smoking pipe, replica famous
original Virginia antique, two long stems, his
toric booklet, directions, enjoyment, and care ;
Rustic container, postage prepaid. PAMPLIN
PIPE CO., Richmond, Virginia.

REPRODUCTIONS

EXQUISITE MINIATURE reproduction of heir-
loom colonial ladderback chair. King-size ciga-.
rette height. My hobby is your whatnot's gain.
Every one I sell at $2.50 breaks my heart, so
you may as well take your choice of mahogany,
maple or black. THE DREWS. MAFLECLIFF
DRIVE, AVON LAKE, OHIO. '

EMPLOYMENT AGENCY

GERTRUDE R. STEIN, INC.
AGENCY, 64 West 48th Street. New
York. Wise. 7-4961. A professional
bureau specializing in fund-raising, group
work, institutional, casework and medi-
cal social work positions.

PROFESSIONAL SERVICES

SPECIAL ARTICLES, THESES, SPEECHES,
PAPERS. Research, revision, bibliographies, etc.
Over twenty years' experience serving busy pro-
fessional persons. Prompt service extended.
AUTHORS RESEARCH BUREAU, 516 Fifth
Avenue, New York, N. Y.

RESEARCH: Congressional Library, Government
Bureaus, etc. Questions, literary or scientific in-
vestigations, genealogy, business errands, attended
by experts. Circular free. CREHORE, Box
2329-G, Washington 13, D. C.

BOOK REVIEW drudgery done for you by experi-
enced lecturer, newspaper and SRL reviewer.
Henrietta Hardman, Central Village, Connecticut.

SITUATIONS WANTED

SUPERINTENDENT or assistant's position wanted
in child-caring institution by Protestant, 39 years
old, with achievement in programs, purchasing,
staff training, recreation, public relations and
fund-raising. Partial to children's needs; believes
thoroughly in the accepted standards of child-care.
Looking for a challenge. 3263 Survey.

ASSISTANT DIRECTOR of large Boys Club Or-
ganization desires opportunity to organize and
direct newly formed or established boys club.
Available at once. 8274 Survey.

WOMAN, trained, having excellent background
executive-supervisory experience in small psy-
chiatric units, now two years family case work,
wishes develop simple and effective case work
service beginning at agency Intake desk. 8267
Soirvey.

COTTAGE MASTER OR SUPERVISOR desires
position in Boys' Orphanage or Private School.
Fifteen years' experience in Homes, Settlements
and Boys' Clubs. Experience in Boy Guidance,
Recreation and Crafts. Available immediately.
8273 Survey.

WORKERS WANTED

CHILD WELFARE WORKERS wanted in public
agency. Require minimum of 55 quarter hours in
professionally recognized school of social work,
including child welfare courses and 600 hours
supervised field work of which 300 hours must be
in child welfare. Start at $1956 and mileage. Car
essential. Write fully as to training and experi-
ence and enclose recent photo to Director, County
Welfare Department, 27 E. Vermijo, Colorado
Springs, Colo.

NEGRO GROUP WORKER, man preferred, for
Youth Worker in Neighborhood House serving
community near Froebel School. Tremendous
challenge for right person. 8284 Survey.

CASE WORKERS with graduate training, super-
visors or students in Schools of Social Work in-
terested in working in children's agencies, public
or private, in the rapidly developing State of
Washington, are invited to discuss possibilities
with a representative who will visit midwestern
and eastern cities the latter part of February.
Appointments could be made in New York,
Washington, Cleveland, Chicago or Minneapolis.
Write air mail before February 10th to John F.
Hall, Box 90, University Station, Seattle 5,
Washington, regarding appointments. Send brief
outline of education, training, experience.

WANTED Trained case workers and working su-
pervisor. Agency is expanding its family and
child welfare services. Good supervision and ade-
quate salary based on training and experience.
Transportation paid to San Francisco. Write
Catholic Social Service, 995 Market Street, San
Francisco 3.

CATHOLIC Family and Child Care Casework
Agency needs graduate social worker. Oppor-
tunity for advancement. Good salary, according
to training and experience. Catholic Charities,
418 N. Twenty-fifth St., Omaha, Nebraska.

SUPERVISOR, professionally trained and expert
enced, to have charge of a family service depart-
ment in multiple service Jewish case work agency.
Responsibilities include supervision of workers and
students, administration of unit and community
committee work. Salary range $2700 to $3800
8215 Survey.

CASE WORKERS. Two, professionally qualified,
by Jewish Family and Children's Agency offering
good supervision and special interest assignments.
Classifications Case Worker I and Case Worker
II provide excellent lalary range. 8210 Surrey.

CASE WORKER for Private Agency, Suburb of
Chicago. Excellent opportunity. Good salary
Educational possibilities. Lutheran Child Welfare
Association, Addison, Illinois.

MANAGING EDITOR. Distinguished magazine
specializing in social-economic articles. 8236
Survey.

WORKERS WANTED

CASE WORKER for private child placing sub- 1
urban agency. Prefer one with professional train-
ing. Morris County Children's Home, 10 Park
Place, Morristown, N, J.

CASE WORKERS Required: Two year graduate
training plus experience in Psychiatric and/or
Children's and/or Family fields. Qualified super-
vision. Affiliation with professional School. Cars
provided. Salary range $2700 to $3300. Oppor-
tunity for skilled, courageous practitioners to par-
ticipate in moulding the new program of a re-
organized agency. Apply : Family Welfare Asso-
ciation, City Hall, Spokane 8, Washington.

CASE WORKERS (2) School of Social Work
graduates preferred, but those with one graduate
year accepted. Scholarships available for com-
pletion of training. Midwestern private family
agency, with excellent staff development program
and psychiatric staff consultant. Write 8278
Survey.

WANTED: Director of Boys' Court Service. Grad-
uate training and experience in case work am
supervision required. Salary range, $3,300-$4,000.
Apply Department of Social Service, Church Fed-
eration of Greater Chicago, 77 West Washington
Street, Chicago 2, Illinois.

CASE WORKER, must have graduate experience,
for position in maternity hospital for unwec
mothers. Salary starts at $1920.00. Several open-
ings on West Coast. Write Mrs. Ruth Pagan,
101 Valencia Street, San Francisco, California.

DIRECTOR OF ACTIVITIES for Jewish Center
and to direct co-educational summer Camp. State
previous experience and education. Man betweei
30 and 35. Salary $3600 to $4000, depending 01
qualifications. Schonthal Center, 555 E. Ricl
Street, Columbus 15, Ohio.

DIRECTOR for Youth Council to be organized ii
West Coast metropolitan area on a city wide
inter agency level. Will have responsibility foi
guiding young people in developing their owl
project. Salary up to $7200.00. 3276 Survey.

CASE WORKER Male Certificated preferablj
with institutional case work experience. Writ
R. Koftoff, Hebrew National Orphan Home, 40)
Tuckahoe Road, Yonkers 2, New York.

MAN AND WOMAN single, college background
to assist with care and training of group of boy
in congregate Jewish Home. Position resident
State age, qualifications, salary expected. Writ
R. Koftoff, Hebrew National Orphan Home, 40!
Tuckahoe Road, Yonkers 2, New York.

LUTHERAN CASEWORKER: For work will
children in foster homes and institutions. One
year graduate work required. Associated Lutherai
Welfare, 307 Medical Arts Building, Seattle 1
Washington.

WANTED: Case Worker for Family Agency. Sa
ary according to training and experience. Mid
west. 8266 Survey.

WANTED: Director of Social Service. A womai
with graduate training and a number of year
experience in Chijd Welfare work for l Children'
Institution providing a foster home program. Lc

institution piuviuiiig a IUBICI IIVUIK

cated in Connecticut. 8265 Survey.

WANTED: Qualified Social Worker with chil
placing experience and ability to organize a sma
foster home program for temporary placement i
a Maryland city. Excellent salary. Good oppol
tunity to get executive and community organiz;
tion experience. Apply 8264 Survey.

WANTED: Woman for Superintendent of sma
Home 'for Children (St. Mary's Episcopal), Rruxi
Island. State references and qualifications. 826

Survey.

TRAINED CASE WORKER for well establishe
agency with progressive standards in Central Ne
York city of 100,000. Excellent opportunity f(
intensive case work in general family relatioi
ships, youth problems and with unmarried mot!
ers. Permanent position, immediate opening. Re
erences exchanged. 8255 Survey.

EXPERIENCED PROGRAM DIRECTOR f(
Adult Activities in association developing ne
and different adult program. Challenging jo
interesting colleagues, salary S2')00.00. Wrr
Executive Director, Y. W. C. A., Ninth & Hig
Street?. Des Moines 9, Iowa.

PSYCHIATRIC CASE WORKER in a small chi
guidance agency within the metropolitan area
New York. Opportunity for intensive psych
therapeutic work with children under direction
an outstanding nationally known psychiatri;
Apply Jewish Child Guidance Bureau, 682 Hif
Street, Newark, N. J.

QUALIFIED CASE WORKERS with or witho
experience for day nursery and family wor
Forty-five minutes from New York City. Pi
vailing salaries. Psychiatric consultation servK
The Bureau of Family Service, 439 Main Stre<
Orange, N. J.

'GIVE US EDUCATION"

(Continued from page 29)

cases by the thousand, and we could mul-
tiply them by hundreds in Iran and Iraq.
Obviously, many who say they want to mi-
grate as students would be happy if they
could remain permanently in our country.
Most of these youths, however, are realists.
They are not without a great measure of
loyalty to family and patriotic devotion to
country. They want education because they
believe that with education they can sur-
vive and serve better at home.

Here, then, is a challenge. What are
Americans willing to do to keep the good
will that so recently has come to them in
such volume? We can do nothing and lose
it eventually, or we can follow a program
of selfishness in our foreign intercourse and
lose it quickly. I am not in a position to
say what precisely should be done by way
of a positive program in order to retain
and cultivate good will. Naturally, there
are many things that might be done.

Highways for Youth

But there is one thing we can do, and
for this we are amply qualified. We can
provide exchange scholarships for the se-
lected youth of other countries. This is
the only kind of propaganda our people can
understand or engage in.

We can take the leadership in opening
the highways of the world so that the youth
of all nations and races, whether right wing
or left wing, can move freely in their search
for knowledge. We can also provide lead-
ership in finding the ways and means,
which in time will become a cost met by
governments. Today there are 10,000 stu-
dents from other countries in the United
States. Many of them are poor, and are
receiving some sort of scholarship aid. But
the need and desire for American educa-
tion and training far exceed present facili-
ties.

Should the way be cleared and the means
provided for a considerable flow of foreign
students to our schools and colleges, the
question of limitation and selection would
naturally arise. How wide should we open
the door? That would depend on various
considerations. For a country like India
the basis of selection should be different
from that for such undeveloped countries
as Iraq and Iraru

India is fairly well supplied with upper
level schools, both public and private. A
good share of the Indian students would be
of the postgraduate group. I remember
with interest my talks with several of these.
They were interested in government and
politics, economics and sociology, philos-
ophy and public administration. I met some
who wanted to study medicine and psy-
chology.

In Iran and Iraq there is greater interest
in technical training, and this we would
expect in an area where industry is only
beginning, where the people need roads and
transportation, where agriculture is rudi-
mentary and animal husbandry is in its in-

fancy. They need electric power and land
reclamation. They are interested in edu-
cation that will help them do things. The
number of students from these countries
would be small and they would come with
a limited amount of preparatory schooling.

Any large scale plan for helping foreign
students get American education should,
then, take into account the educational
needs and facilities of each country. Selec-
tions should be made in the light of these
different conditions.

I realize that proposals to open our edu-
cational institutions to a greater number of
foreign students have been made many
times before. American private funds and
modest public funds are now being spent
for this purpose. American private funds
also support colleges and universities in a
number of foreign countries. But the need
is much greater, so much so that responsi-
bility should be assumed by the federal
government.

But this problem of education as an in-
ternational matter also has its converse side.
It is just as important for American stu-
dents to go abroad for study as for young
people of other lands to come here. If
foreign students use our educational sys-
tem, then they are in a sense doubly
trained, for what they learn from us is
added to what they already had. The
American youth, to be comparably trained,
should add some foreign study to his study
at home. If we are to function effectively
in the international field, our education
should be more international than it is.

We are too much a one-language people.
Few of our professors, and fewer of our
students, can read the scientific works, or
the business and cultural journals of other
languages. Our business representatives
overseas, because of this lack, are much
handicapped, as are too many of our public
officials abroad. The British long ago
learned that their foreign representatives
should be informed about the people and
the languages in the countries of their as-
signment, whether in business or public
service.

We have much to give the world in the
field of education. If we give liberally we
will not only retain good will but continue
to deserve it. Also, the nations of the
world have much to give us.

BUY 1 01 ft BOOKS

from Snrvey Associates

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SURVEY ASSOCIATES, INC.

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SS&IAN D GERMAN

Name-

Address-
City

JANUARY 1946

(In answering advertisements please mention SUVEY GRAPHICJ

EDUCATIONAL DIRECTORY

BOSTON UNIVERSITY
SCHOOL OF SOCIAL WORK

PREPARATION FOR GOVERNMENTAL SOCIAL
WORK AND POST-WAR REHABILITATION

Beginning students may enter in May, September and
Tanuary.

WORK-STUDY PROGRAM

For practicing social workers who have not the profes-
sional degree.

The program is especially adapted for public welfare
workers, child welfare workers, and others who have an op-
portunity for part-time study or who are allowed educational
leave.

For information and catalogue, apply to

Richard K. Conant, Dean
84 Exeter Street Boston Massachusetts

BRYN MAWR COLLEGE

Carola Woerishoffer Graduate Department of Social
Economy and Social Research

Bryn Mawr, Pa.
Member, American Association of Schools of Social Work

Professional Education in social case work, medical social
work, child welfare, social welfare planning, international
relief administration, social and industrial research, adminis-
tration of public and private social agencies ; also graduate
study in sociology and the social sciences. Degrees awarded :
Ph.D. and M.A. in Social Economy and Sociology.

Apply to Secretary, Department of Social Economy

INTERESTING COURSES

ON VITAL QUESTIONS

OF THE DAY

SEND FOR NEW SPRING BULLETIN

Critical Periods in Western Culture

This Changing World

Problems of the Atomic Age

Psychiatry and Social Reconstruction

The Philosophy of Politics

Lives for Liberty

Philosophy of Democratic Socialism

Architects of Peace

Humor and Social Satire in Literature

The Poetry of Browning

The Plays of Shakespeare

Acting and Production Techniques

Short Story Writing

Youth Forum

Public Speaking

Russian, Spanish, English

RAND SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCE

7 East 15th Street New York City 3

Algonquin 4-3094-5-6

SIMMONS COLLEGE
SCHOOL OF SOCIAL WORK

Professional Education Leading to the degree of M.S.

Medical Social Work
Psychiatric Social Work
Community Work

Family and Child Welfare
Public Assistance
Social Research

Catalog will be sent on request.

51 Commonwealth Avenue

Boston, Mass.

SCHOOL OF NURSING of Yale University

A Profession Jar the College Woman

An intensive and basic experience in the various branches of nursing is
offered during the thirty months' course which leads to the degree of

MASTER OF NURSING

A Bachelor's degree in arts, science or philosophy from
approved standing is required for admission.

For Catalogue and Information address:

college of

The Dean. YALE SCHOOL OF NURSING

New Haven. Connecticut

REPRESENTATIVE AMERICAN
SPEECHES: 1944-1945

A. Craig Baird

328p.

$1.25

"Representative" means inclusive, the best of
many types, political orations, business ad-
dresses, broadcasts, sermons, educational
addresses. . . .

REPRESENTATIVE AMERICAN SPEECHES has
not only great value for speakers and writers,
but also for the historian and the student of
current events.

Notes introduce each speech and an appendix
contains biographical notes on all speakers.

Thirty-three of the year's outstanding
addresses delivered by:

Hllmer Baukhage
Bernard Iddingi Bell
Nicholas M. B.itler
Winston Churchill
Thomas E. Dewey
Anthony Eden
Dwight D. Eisenhower
William Ernest Hocking
Robert Maynard Hutchins
Eric A. Johnston
Ernest J. King
Archibald Mac Leish
Benjamin E. Mays
Karl D. Mundt
Reinhold Niebuhr

Kenning W. Prentls, Jr.
Robert Redfleld
Quentin Reynolds
John D. Rockefeller. Jr.
Franklin D. Roosevelt
Harlow Shapley
Bernard J. Shiel
Harold E. Stassen
Edward R. Stettinius
Alexander J. Stoddard
Harry S. Truman
Arthur H. Vandenberg
Henry A. Wallace
Andrew T. Weaver

THE H. W. WILSON COMPANY

950 University Avenue New York 52, N. Y.

(In

tniivering advertisements please mention SCHVEY GRAMUC,) SURVEY GRAPHIC

THE NEW YORK SCHOOL
OF SOCIAL WORK

Columbia University
Fellowships 1946-1947

COMMONWEALTH FUND: A limited number of fellow-
ships for a nine month period of advanced training in psy-
chiatric social work.

GROUP WORK: A limited number of fellowships for men and
women with or without experience living outside the metro-
politan area who are interested in group work training.

PORTER R. LEE MEMORIAL FUND: This fund and the
School, offer a number of loan-grant fellowships, to help
practicing social workers gain further training.

RECENT COLLEGE GRADUATE FELLOWSHIPS: For
men or women living outside the metropolitan area who have
graduated from college since 1943.

TUITION FELLOWSHIPS: Providing tuition for three
quarters. Preference will be given to applicants living outside
the metropolitan area.

WILLARD STRAIGHT: For a foreign student who has had
social work experience in his own country and expects to re-
turn there.

All applicant} must be eligible for admission to the School on
a graduate basis. Final date for filing blanks for all fellow-
ships is February 15, 1946. For further details apply to the
Registrar.

122 East 22nd Street, New York 10, N. Y.

SMITH COLLEGE
SCHOOL FOR SOCIAL WORK

A Graduate Professional School Offering Educa-
tional Programs Leading to the Degree of Master
of Social Science.

Plan A covers three summer sessions of academic
study and two winter field placements in qualified
case work agencies in various cities. This program
is designed for students without previous training
or experience in social work.

Plan B covers two summer sessions of academic
study and one winter field placement. This pro-
gram is designed for students who have had satis-
factory experience in an approved social agency
or adequate graduate work.

Plan C admits students for the first summer session
of academic study. Students who elect a full pro-
gram may reapply to complete the course pro-
vided a period of not more than two years has
intervened.

Academic Year Opens June 25, 1946

For further information write to

THE DIRECTOR COLLEGE HALL 8

Northampton, Massachusetts

WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY

GEORGE WARREN BROWN
SCHOOL OF SOCIAL WORK

St. Louis, Missouri

Professional Education leading to the
degree of Master of Social Work.

Basic curriculum and specializations in
Family Case Work, Child Welfare,
Medical Social Work, Psychiatric Social
Work, Public Welfare, Group Work,
Social Welfare Organization, Research.

Academic year 1946-47 begins September 30.
Summer sessions: June 17 July 26;

July 29 August 31.

For bulletins or further infor-
mation apply to the Dean.

&fje Hntoenrttp of Chicago

School at orii jSerbtrt A&mhietrtton

ACADEMIC YEAR 1945-46
Spring Quarter begins March 25, 1946

SUMMER QUARTER, 1946

First Term June 24-July 26
Second Term July 29- August 31

ANNOUNCEMENTS

Giving complete program and requirements

for admission will be sent on request.

BOOK-OF-THE-MONTH CLUB

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FEBRUARY 1046 CJ (J f^ \/ [= \^ 3O CENTS fl COPY

GRAPHIC

Homes for All "and How

by Leon H. Keyserling

The Clothing Industry Says We Beulah Amidon
eurath, Inventor of Modern Picture Writing -Waldemar Kaempffert

^urueu

PUBLISHERS OF SURVEY GRAPHIC AND SURVEY MIDMONTHLY 112 EAST 19 STREET NEW YORK 3, N. Y.

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OFFICERS

RICHARD B. SCANDRETT, JR., President
JOHN PALMER DAVIT, Vice President
MRS. HENRY G. LEACH, Vice President

PAUL KELLOGG, Editor

ANN REED BRENNER, Secretary

BOARD OF DIRECTORS: JOSEPH p. CHAMBERLAIN. Chairman

MRS. RICHARD J. BERNHARD

JACOB BILLIKOPF

MRS. CURTIS BOK

MRS. WILLIAM H. DAVIS

MRS. LUCIUS R. EAfiTMAN

EARL G. HARRISON
SIDNEY IIIt.LMAX
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MRS. HENRY ITTLESON

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WILLIAM W. LANCASTER
WILLIAM M. LEISERSON
JUSTINE WISE POLIER

WILLIAM ROSENWALD
BEARDSLEY RUML
LOWELL SIIUMWAY
HAROLD H. SWIFT
ORDWAY TEAD

Dear Readers of SURVEY GRAPHIC:

Last month the 82nd Airborne Division
marched up Fifth Avenue, 13,000 strong
in their 1945 fighting power and young
glory. After their jeeps and light howitz-
ers, came noisy cavalcade of visiting fire-
men from other services tank destroyers,
self-propelled guns, 36-ton Sherman tanks.
Over the Hudson waterfront flew 40 tow
planes, with gliders and fighter escort.

My companion along the milling side-
walks of New York was an army captain
who spent over two years in a war prison-
ers' camp until the Russians freed him.
Another young officer, an early casualty of
this same division, had gone to Washing-
ton Square as the parade formed but found
no one he knew drawn up in his old com-
pany. What peace holds out for them I
could only guess.

Meanwhile, we had watched history re-
peating itself fairly under our noses. The
82nd first came back from war 26 years
ago. Its present day paratroopers have
helped throw open a second chance to ring
in lasting peace on earth.

Yet history does not beat time. Since
Hiroshima, huge weapons like those thun-
dering up this city gulch may be on their
way out to join cross-bows and muskets.
Those young Americans, trooping nine
abreast in jump shoes, were the only self-
contained units not facing obsolescence in
an atomic age. Today we haven't a quarter
century's breathing spell. Nuclear energy
nudges the elbows of the new parliament
of man sitting in London.

* * *

You may ask why lead off my annual
overture for 1946 to you and other of our
Survey readers with stuff for a modern
parable? Because to me every great turn of
events these months has seemed not only
to set going a round of memories but to
cast swift shadows before. If your experi-
ence chimes in with mine that may help

us more than a thick report in getting
our bearings.

Clearly neither military logistics nor fis-
sions in physics belong up our street; but
when they bring hope or threat to human-
kind, they stop at every door.

For a third of a century now we have
proved the worth of swift research and in-
terpretation in fields of social, economic
and international concern we have made
our own. That's what fortifies our faith
(and yours, I hope) that once again such
work can make for common understanding
and hence for constructive action
wherever the general welfare is at stake.

This was not the first January in the
span of Survey Associates we have headed
into the strains and precarious promise of
postwar years. If hindsight counts, the call
on our fellowship is to recruit fresh
strength for a long pull ahead.

Your own self-enlistment as a SlO
Cooperating Member would renew
)our regular Surrey subscription when
due in 1946. The remainder will give
us precious footing from the start.

' >

In the change-over from war to peace,
demobilization and reconversion outran
public forecasts but industrial relations
deteriorated, legislation dragged.

That is why, with wartime controls
lifted, with pent-up enterprise and labor
freed, this "winter of our discontent"
engages our industrial editor, Beulah
Amidon. First, motor strikes (Surrey
Graphic January). Then, in contrast,
a national contract struck off in the
men's clothing industry (Page 42).

Why major assignments we made last
fall for expert analyses of new bills bear
on still unfinished business at Washing-
ton: Full employment Haber, October;
Health Insurance Davis, December;
Housing Keyserling, in this issue.

FOR YOUR CONVENIENCE ... .

SURVEY ASSOCIATES, Inc.
112 East 19 Street, New York 3, N. Y.
Enroll me as a $10 COOPERATING MEMBER OF SURVEY ASSOCIATES.

Check enclosed
Name

Expect remittance on

Address

A membership includes a joint subscription
to -Survey Graphic and Survey Midmonthly
tor the 12 months the membership runs.

Meanwhile 25,000 copies of a November
supplement to Survey Midmonthly "From
Veteran to Civilian" by Bradley Buell, ex-
ecutive editor have been seeded down
by agencies to spur community plans. The
month before came a Midmonthly special
in collaboration with the National Health
Council "From Yesterday to Tomorrow."
And in a fortnight comes a kindred
feature: "Recreation Charts Its Course."

* * *

Ten times last year a Council of Libra-
rians (Harper's) singled out the "10 Out-
standing Articles of the Month in Amer-
ican Magazines." All told, nine were ours.
December's poster carried "The Last
Hundred Thousand" Dean Earl G. Har-
rison's sequel to his report to President
Truman on displaced persons in Germany.
Next, January's poster listed "The Legal
Basis for the Nuremberg Trials" Col.
Murray Bernay's portrayal of a revolution
in international law enforcement. That
bears on chances for controlling manu-
facture of atomic bombs which James T.
Shotwell, a chief consultant at San Fran-
cisco, will take up in his third article on
reconciling Uranium-235 with UNO,
science with statesmanship.

* * *

The 10th of our CALLING AMERICA
series of Graphic specials last May, "The
British and Ourselves,," brought their com-
bined circulation to half a million copies.
Dealing with wartime situations, they threw
light on issues central today. Just as plans
ahead range from civil liberties, immigra-
tion, recreation, security, to rehabilitation
and regional planning as keys to rewind
clocks here and abroad.

In 1945 the overall monthly circulation
of Survey Midmonthly averaged 17,822;
Survey Graphic, 32,378. Their publishing
receipts covered ordinary publishing main-
tenance. It is the plus afforded by mem-
berships and contributions that enables
Survey Associates to win new readers. And
to carry on the work of opportune, first-
hand inquiry and interpretation that gives
depth and distinction to our service as an
educational society.

As a regular subscriber you have shared
in the results of this exploratory work.
Won't you share as a $10 Cooperating

Member in making it possible as we set

our sights forward in a new and crucial

We shall be glad to send the balance of
your present subscription to a friend of your
choice or to a military hospital library.

year.'

Sincerely,

Editor

The greatest power on earth

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This is the story of how he set about to prove it ... a blow-
by-blow account of a dirty, tough, heartbreaking battle. It
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TELEPHONE

WORKING

We are working on new cable
for the thousands of telephones
the public wants. The war put
us behind in buildings, switch-
boards, telephones and other
equipment but we are catching
up now.

Catching up on two million tele-
phones and pulling in two million
miles of Long Distance circuits is a
big job but we are hurrying it with
all possible speed. We shall not
let up until you can again have
all the service you want.

BELL TELEPHONE SYSTEM

Among Ourselves

IN HIS FIRST PEACETIME MESSAGE TO CONGRESS

on September 6, President Truman submitted
legislative proposals to forestall large scale un-
employment, speed reconversion, and raise the
standard of living. In the October Survey
Graphic, William Haber, adviser on manpower
and labor relations to the director of the Office
of War Mobilization and Reconversion, sum-
marized and interpreted this social-economic
program for "a new national defense."

When, last month, the President made his
annual report on the "State of the Union,"
these recommendations of the September mes-
sage were still on the "must" list of urgent
domestic action. Chief among them:

A full employment bill; large scale public
housing (see page 37 of this issue); increased
unemployment benefits; establishment of the
Fair Employment Practice Committee as a per-
manent federal agency; higher minimum wage
levels, under the Fair Labor Standards Act; a
comprehensive program of scientific research;
continued federal operation of the United
States Employment Service.

'THE CLOCK OF HISTORY," A BOOK BY ALVIN
Johnson, is announced for spring publication
by W. W. Norton. The book will bring to-
gedier the much quoted editorials which Dr.
Johnson wrote for the weekly bulletin of the
New School for Social Research, in New York
City, over the years he headed that outstand-
ing institution of adult education. Dr. Johnson,
who became president emeritus last month,
was succeeded by Bryn J. Hovde, former head
of the Division of Cultural Cooperation in the
State Department.

In his first editorial in the Bulletin Dr.
Hovde wrote of the forthcoming book:

"Dr. Johnson has written more and 'else-
where, of course. . . . But the Bulletin [edi-
torials] will reveal the more intimate thinking
of one of die truly great Americans of our day
on matters of current importance. In these
short spaces, making every word count double,
he has packed the wisdom of a long life. He
has posed problems and pointed issues so
sharply that diis column has often become the
wellspring of growing currents of American
public opinion. What he has said here has
often been taken up in the press and on the
radio, there to be expanded by others until
his own first clear voice has been lost among
the many."

JACOB BILLIKOPF, PHILADELPHIA LAWYER, WIDF.-
ly known in welfare and labor arbitration
fields, and a member of the board of Survey
Associates, is serving as co-chairman of one of
the War Department's special clemency boards.
These boards are reviewing every sentence in
the army's 35,000 general courts martial cases,
and in many instances recommending that sen-
tences imposed under combat conditions be
remitted or shortened.

Mr. Billikopf shares his board's chairmanship
with Judge Edward Lazansky, former justice
of the appellate division of the New York
State Supreme Court. Each presides over the
clemency board in the Pentagon Building in
Washington three days a week.

VOL. XXXV

CONTENTS

Survey Graphic for February 1946

Cover: The New House. Photo by Charles Phelps Gushing

Harry L. Hopkins: Inscription

Homes for All and How

The Clothing Industry Says "We"

Straight from the Man on the Job

Appreciation of an Elephant

The Neurath Way: Charts .'

The CORE Way

Learning by Doing: Photographs

Menu a la Carte

Letters and Life

No. 2

. . . LEON H. KEYSERLING 37

BEULAH AMIDON 42

HENRY KRAUS 44

WALDEMAR KAEMPFFERT 46

HELEN BUCKLER 50

MICHAEL M. DAVIS 54

SURVEY ASSOCIATES, INC.

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Board of Directors: DOROTHY LEHMAN BERNHAED, JACOB BILLIKOPF, NELLIE LEE BOE. JOAKFH
P. CHAMBERLAIN, GRACE G. DAVIS, EVA HILLS EASTMAN, EAILL G. HARRISON, SIDNEY HILLMAN, FEE*
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Cooperative Membership in Surrey Associates, Inc., including a joint subscription: Year, $10.

IN THE JANUARY Survey Mid month}}', PEARL
Case Blough, national director of USO services
to women and girls, writes in "The Waiting
Wife" of the special problems of young home-
makers whose husbands are in the army or the
navy. Other articles in the issue: "Waste of Ex-
pertness," by Lawrence K. Frank; "No More
Tin Cups for the Blind," by Dorice Mirick
Myers; "Prisons in a Democracy," by Herman
R. Rudolf; "Race Relations at the Grass
Rods." by Paul Jans.

A YEAR AGO (JANUARY 1945) WE PUBLISHED
'They Harvest New York's Crops," by Kath-
ryn Close, a preview of the findings of an in-
vestigation of the little known Joads of the
East, made by the Consumers League of New
York. Miss Close, ^n associate editor now on
leave to work with UNRRA in Europe, wrote
the league's widely quoted pamphlet report of
the study, on which her article was based.

Now the Consumers League brings out a
follow-up report, written by another Survey
Graphic editor, Beulah Amidon. "What Next
for New York's Joads?" gives the results of a
second investigation made by the league's field
workers who last summer visited 65 camps

located in thirteen upstate counties. The study
revealed notable gains in housing and the en-
forcement of die Sanitary Code, as compared
with 1944. But it found "no evidence of any
effort on the part of the State Labor Depart-
ment to enforce the provisions of the Child
Labor Law."

WE ARE SORRY TO NOTE WHAT IS, IN A SENSE, A

war casualty in the field of independent jour-
nalism. Common Sense, published since 1932
as "a liberal monthly exclusively devoted to
serious political and economic issues," appeared
for the last time in January. It has been sold
to Lawrence E. Spivak, and merged with his
American Mercury.

Seldon Rodman and Alfred Bingham estab-
lished Common Sense, and edited it until both
joined the army in 1943. Because editorial
services and articles were contributed, the
venture was able to operate on a modest bud-
get. Then came wartime increases in both edi-
torial and manufacturing costs, and revenues
failed to keep pace.

Common Sense suspends publication at ::
time when forums for forthright comment ami
criticism are particularly needed.

Jordan Sy

1890 HARRY L. HOPKINS 1946

"A strong, bright, fierce flame has burned out a frail body. . . . Alike in ardor and in wisdom he has rarely been excelled.
. . . His love for the causes of the weak and poor was matched by his passion against tyranny. . . ." WINSTON CHURCHILL

Harry Hopkins cared about people. What had happened
to an Iowa family uprooted by the panic of 1893 nudged his
elbows in breasting mass unemployment forty years later.

"If you just think of the suffering," he said, "you're sunk."
Yet his caring underpinned tenacious belief in the healing
dignity of work rather than doles or breadlines. It showed
through his direct, salty speech; his amazing gifts for nego-
tiation; his banter with his Chief at the White House as,
inch by inch, they gave their lives for their country.

It animated that sheer executive ability which made this
American social worker our first national conservator of the
human resources of the USA as head of federal relief and
then of the Works Progress Administration. Stepping stones
in New York had been Christodora House, the Association
for Improving the Condition of the Poor, and the Tubercu-
losis and Health Association. He had headed the city's Board
of Child Welfare, the state's relief administration; and also
the southern division of the Red Cross in World War I.

In World War II, his prowess was thrown into key posts in
manpower and mobilization, in projecting lend-lease, and at
the side of President Roosevelt at conferences of the Big
Three out of which came the great wartime team plays and
blueprints for peace. Trouble-shooter to the world, his last
mission for President Truman to Premier Stalin cleared
the way for the Golden Gate, as he had for the Atlantic
Charter.

In the thirties he said, "You can't debate hunger." Spend-
thrift? Rather, he spent to save millions of households yield-
ing vast byproducts in selfrespect and public services.

In the forties he said: "There is enough wheat to feed the
world; enough stone, brick, lumber to house it; enough cotton
and wool to clothe the whole human race. But no Utopia
was ever won without struggle; and to abolish poverty, to
attain a just and lasting peace, to eliminate race hatreds, is
a struggle to which every freedom loving people can sub-
scribe." Paul Kellogg

5 U RVEV

PHIC

Homes for All- and How

One of the first specific legislative programs for a postwar America working
and producing at full speed, deals with housing housing for every one of us.

LEON H. KEYSERLING

FOR THE FIRST TIME EVER, THE WAGNER-

Ellenckr-Taft housing bill [S. 1592]* offers
a long range program to build enough
houses, over a long enough period, to sup-
ply a decent home in a suitable living en-
vironment for every American in every in-
come group in every section of the country.

"But," say those made frantic by the
present critical shortage of homes, "this is
no time for long range programs. Give us
the answer today."

We do need action today. But if we
think and plan only from day to day we
shall prolong the housing emergency for
another ten years. The very nature of the
current proposals to meet the emergency
make this clear.

"Give us barracks. We want Quonset
huts. Saw up temporary war housing at
outlying war plants, transport it, and re-
assemble it in our congested areas. Do
anything." Thus plead the rhayors in hun-
dreds of cities, where returning veterans
and their families by the hundred thou-
sands have literally nowhere to live.

"Use every available vacancy. We will
help you do it," say the real estate agents.

Certainly all these things should be done.
They are being done fairly well. But alto-
gether there are available only about 100,-
000 temporary war houses to be moved for
re-use, and even fewer suitable barracks.

The vacancy ratio is fast approaching
zero. Look at the chart on page 38. With
every possible resource utilized, there still
will be more than three million cases of
"doubling up" by the end of the year. This
means almost six and one-half million
"doubled up" families and that's almost
one fifth of all the non-farm families in
the country today.

These doubled up families are not being
lodged in outmoded country estates. Many
of them are being jammed into slums. As
long ago as 1940, two houses out of every
five in non-farm areas were substandard
lacking water, plumbing or major repairs.

* Introduced in the Senate originally in August,
945; introduced in amended form in November, with
Senators Robert F. Wagner and Allen J. Ellender
fine joined in sponsorship by Senator Robert A.

Mr. Keyserling brings to his deep in-
terest in housing, his training in law
and economics. As assistant to Senator
Wagner (1933-37), he helped in draft-
ing bills on social security, labor rela-
tions, public works, and housing.

He was deputy administrator and
general counsel of the United States
Housing Authority (now Federal Public
Housing Authority within the NHA)
until 1942. At that time the National
Housing Agency was created, consolidat-
ing the various federal agencies con-
cerned with private and public housing,
and Mr. Keyserling has since then been
its general counsel.

His notable article discussing "The
Full Employment Bill of 1945" (Survey
Graphic, March 1945) was reprinted in
full in the Congressional Record.

[See chart page 39.] Subnormal repairs
and replacements during wartime have
made things much worse today.

Emergency for One Year or Ten?

Let's be realistic. The housing shortage
is not of recent origin. It began twenty
years ago, when the depression in home
building got a four year head start on the
general depression. The decline in housing
construction sank lower and lasted longer
than in any other industry, though doubling
up to weather hard times kept the public
unaware of the acuteness of need. Before
the war we never began to catch up. Be-
tween 1930 and 1939, the construction in-
dustry averaged less than 275,000 new
houses a year in non-farm areas, contrasted
with more than 900,000 in 1925. Then
came World War II, stopping all residen-
tial construction for four long years (ex-
cept war housing for in-migrant war work-
ers). That's why we are where we are
today.

Under these conditions, to soothe the re-
turning veterans and their families with
emergency makeshifts alone (especially
when there is only a limited amount of

such makeshifts available), is either foolish-
ness or demagoguery. We must build more
than a million and a quarter houses a year
for at least ten years in non-farm areas to
take care of national population growth
and to replace only one half of the sub-
standard units. This is nearly twice as
much as we averaged each year between
1920 and 1929; almost five times greater
than the annual average between 1930 and
1939.

"Break the materials bottlenecks. Give
us priority claims on scant materials, and
we will build these houses for everybody."
So say the builders. The government is
rightly proceeding to break these bottle-
necks. It is also restoring the priority con-
trols that the builders a few months ago
were mistakenly eager to have removed.
But these measures are not enough. Taken
alone, they would only start a speculative
building boom for the lush but narrow
upper income market just as after World
War I. Most of the veterans, in fact most
of the rest of us, cannot afford to buy the
18,000 to $10,000 homes that would be
built first.

Look at the market distribution chart on
page 40. It shows how private enterprise,
even in the last prewar year after the lux-
ury market was somewhat satiated, con-
tinued to build enough for the upper in-
come groups, and only half enough for
middle income and almost nothing for low
income groups. The chart also contrasts
this prewar performance with the postwar
need. Is the selection of this prewar year
( 1940) fair? Yes, because it had a pro-
duction record 120 percent higher than the
average for the decade 1930-39 and 23 per-
cent higher than the average for the two
decades 1920-39.

"Impose price controls on new construc-
tion," say others. That, too, is desirable
but not enough. The cure for the inflation-
ary trend is more houses, and price con-
trols alone will not build them. N'or will
price controls entice builders to operate at
a loss; even before the war, with lower
building costs, there was no profit in build-
ing new homes for families with the in-

HOUSING REQUIREMENTS AND SUPPLY

COMPARISON OF GROSS NONFARM HOUSING REQUIREMENTS FROM OCT. 1.1945 TO DEC. 31.1946

GROSS
REQUIREMENTS

(DURING PERIOD)

SUPPLY

(DURING PERIOD)

EXISTING
VACANCIES

NEW
VACANCIES

NEW

CONSTRUCTION

TOTAL
DOUBLING

(AT END OF PERIOD)

^^^^^^SS:

1.632.000

1.268.000 560,000

1.200.000

29S.OOO

6SO.OOO

475.000

MARRIED VETERANS WITHOUT ESTABLISHED HOMES
SINGLE VETERANS WHO MARRY
NON -VETERANS WHO MARRY

g88S88888888 <* DOUBLED FAMILIES AS OF OCT. i. I

ITOTAL DOUBLED FAMILIES AS OF DEC. si, io

3.240.000

Four charts courtesy of National Housing Agency

come of most veterans. Witness: the new
price . control encourages houses up to
$10,000. It's hard to conceive that build-
ers will go in for constructing sufficient
lower priced housing without additional in-
centives.

"Build a half million houses in six
months in factories with new types of ma-
terials," say still others. Of course, we need
new materials and methods. But we can-
not discover them overnight. The war
housing experience indicates that tested
methods will be prevalent for a long time.
Sound innovations are desirable; but taken
alone they are no panacea.*

So there is only danger and delusion in
the argument from another quarter that we
do not need long range legislation now
this time on the ground that there is al-
ready enough money and credit available
to build as many houses as the shortages
of labor and materials will permit during
1946.

The real issues are two-fold: First,
whether in the face of the critical shortage
the relatively few new houses that can be
produced within the next year will be built
for those who need them least or for those

The Mitchell-Kilgore bill (S. 1729), introduced
December 21, 1945, proposes that the government
finance (with expectation of repayment) extensive,
intensive, and immediate efforts to enlarge house pro-
duction and reduce costs by discovery and application
of technological innovations. This bill deserves close
attention; it cannot be detailed here.

who need them most; and second, whether
our housing effort during this formative
year will turn backward toward the "boom
and bust" type of effort of 1922-29, or
whether it will lay the foundation for a
well-balanced housing program for all the
people when materials and labor begin to
flow freely. .It is during the next few
months that the crucial battle between these
alternatives will be fought. The fate of
the Wagner-Ellender-Tajt bill will decide
the outcome.

Housing for the Average Family

The bill, according to its preamble, seeks
"to realize as soon as feasible the goal of
a decent home and a suitable living en-
vironment for every American family." For
the first time through this bill we shall
consider people's incomes before we start
to build houses, and then tailor the prod-
uct to meet the actual need.

Even assuming a postwar annual national
income averaging 50 percent higher than
before the war, the million and a quarter
non-farm dwelling units that we need to
build each year for ten years must fit these
income facts:

1. About 360,000 units a year, or 28
percent of the total, will be needed for
families who can afford only $20 a month
or less for rent or toward purchase fami-
lies having annual incomes of less than
$1,000, or at any rate less than $1,200.

These may be called "low income" families.

2. About 480,000 units a year, or 38 per
cent of the total, will be needed for fami-
lies who can pay between $20 and $40 a
month families having incomes above
$1,000 -$1,200 and below $2,000 - $2,400.
These may be called "middle income"
families.

3. About 420,000 units a year, or 34 per-
cent of the total, will be needed for families
who can pay more than $40 a month
families having incomes above $2,000-$2,-
400. These may be called "upper income"
families.

Of course, these figures represent national
averages. They would be higher in some
big northern cities, lower in some small
southern towns.

The market distribution chart on page
40, already referred to, indicates these three
main areas of need.

The Wagner-Ellender-Taft bill gives u<
the tools to meet these needs.

Serving Middle Income Families

At present, the Federal Housing Ad
ministration insures loans made by privatt
lenders to prospective homeowners. Bui
most of those served through FHA art
upper income families. To encourage pri
vate enterprise to build for middle incotru
families, who up to now have been largel)
in a no man's land between public housing
and private endeavor, the bill now befor<

SURVEY GRAPHIC

Congress adds these four provisions to the
FHA system:

1. To make initial purchase easier, the
insured loan would cover 95 percent of the
total cost of the house compared with 90
percent today so that the homeowner
would have to put up only a 5 percent
down payment in cash. (A veteran could
get this down payment through a G. I.
loan.)

2. To lessen the monthly financing
charges by which the homeowner would
pay off this loan, repayment would be ex-
tended over 32 years instead of 25 years
and the interest rate (now a maximum
of 5 percent by law and about 4V 2 percent
in practice) would be reduced by about one
percent.

3. To reduce the original cost of build-
ing the house, builders would be encour-
aged to engage in larger scale operations
with consequent economics in construction
and improvements in planning. This would
be accomplished by insuring construction
loans to builders, which would enable them
to build more houses at once with the same
amount of personal capital. It would also
reduce their marketing risks, by removing
the necessity that they find a sure purchaser
for each house before they build it. This
would make for volume and reduce costs.
To make doubly sure that under this new
plan builders would concentrate on the
needs of middle income families, it would
be limited to houses costing not more than
$5,300.

4. To protect the homeowner further,
he would be entitled to receive from the
builder a warranty of sound construction,
and also to defer his monthly financing
payments in case of unemployment or other
misfortunes beyond his control.

Similarly, the bill assists private enter-
prise to serve middle income families with
rental or mutual ownership housing
projects. Here again, longer term insured
loans (in this case 40 years) and lower in-

terest rates (3'/ 2 percent top) plus induce-
ments leading to other economies, would
reduce the cost to the occupant. The bor-
rowers, who would develop these projects,
would be nonprofit or mutual ownership
housing corporations, or state or local pub-
lic bodies.

All these plans involve traditional mort-
gage lending by groups or individuals who
do not own or operate the housing. An-
other interesting feature is included in the
bill to stimulate direct investment in rental
housing by insurance companies and other
large holders of funds who would build,
own, and manage middle income projects.

In all these new insurance plans for
middle income housing, FHA would col-
lect premiums to cover both estimated
losses and administrative expenses.. None of
them should involve financial outlay by the
government.

Striking at the Root Cause

The details of these middle income plans
may be omitted here, for they are less im-
portant than the broad significance of the
plans. These measures strike at a root cause
of the high cost of housing the extremely
small, scattered, and disorganized state of
the home building industry and they will
tend to enlarge the average size of the
building undertaking. Particularly when
combined with the technical research pro-
visions of the bill ($12,500,000 for a five-
year federal program), they will help to
lower the cost of houses. They will en-
courage long term investment rather than
speculative promotion, with reward de-
pending upon good planning and prudent
management rather than upon get-rich-
quick deals.

The opposition to these plans, voiced by
some self-styled "spokesmen" for private
enterprise, is obviously motivated primarily
by their implacable and unreasoning hos-
tility to any housing bill which includes
any public housing.

QUALITY OF EXISTING HOUSING

NONFARM DWELLING UNITS CLASSIFIED ACCORDING TO
STATE OF REPAIR AND SANITARY FACILITIES. 1940

<27.723,008 UNITS REPORTING^

There are other and wiser men of en-
terprise who sense the limitless economic
opportunity which the bill offers them to
serve the mass middle income market. In-
stead of unfounded fears that "lower in-
terest rates will hurt insurance companies
and banks," these men hail the chance to
make sound housing investments at 3'/2
percent with funds that otherwise would be
idle or would flow into government securi-
ties at about 2 percent. These men also
recognize the fundamental inconsistency of
building bright new public housing for
low income families, while families of mid-
dle income continue to live in slums. They
will reject the foolish and reactionary drive
to kill public housing.

These wiser men will welcome the pro-
posals of this bill, which they can clearly
see will accord private enterprise the major
role in the challenging task of meeting the
housing needs of the whole American
people.

The Role of Public Housing

Public housing has become one of our
great American social and economic re-
forms. It has rejected and disproved the
monstrous dogma that "the people make
the slums." It has already brought health
and sunshine and hope to several hundred
thousand families. It has set standards of
land planning and building which have
stimulated a complete reorientation of the
private builder's ideas about suitable hous-
ing accommodations.

Public housing not only transforms the
slums; it transforms popular attitudes
about the kind of housing that the Amer-
ican nation needs, deserves, and can afford.
That, in a nutshell, is the real 'reason some
few people hate public housing.

Today, this same opposition, which in
the past has dampened our progress on
other grounds, is exuberantly proclaiming
that we are going to be so prosperous in
the future that there will be no more need
for public housing. When there was a de-
pression they said we could not afford it;
now they say we do not need it because
we have not yet gotten over the war boom.

Let's consider this latest argument. There
is absolutely no reputable authority for the
proposition that even the highest attainable
levels of postwar prosperity and employ-
ment would do away with the need for
public housing. The estimate, shown on
the chart on page 40, that we need 360,000
units of low income housing a year and
that private enterprise cannot provide most
of it, is based upon optimistic goals for fu-
ture national income. And remember also
that these goals will not be achieved with-
out such things as public housing to help
assure a full supply of jobs and investment
opportunities.

The Wagner - Ellender - Taft bill would
provide financial aid to communities, under
the successful and now familiar formula
of the United States Housing Act, for low
rent public housing for families of low in-
come. This federal aid, along with local
assistance, would produce 500,000 addi-
tional units of low rent housing at the rate
of 125,000 a year during a four-year build-

FEBRUARY 1946

ing program. While this figure is low com-
pared to the need, it should be noted that
the President is empowered to accelerate
the program in response to housing or em-
ployment conditions. Besides, cities and
states may of course initiate as New York
already has done supplementary programs
of their own.

On the Farm

We have neglected our housing needs
everywhere, but nowhere so shockingly as
in rural areas. The bill will inaugurate in
these areas a program about one third as
large as the program in urban communi-
ties. Weighing both population factors and
housing circumstances, this distribution
seems fair.

For rural areas, the bill authorizes the
Secretary of Agriculture to make long term,
low cost loans to farm owners to house
themselves and their workers. It also pro-
vides for subsidized housing in rural areas.
These provisions significantly include farm
workers, sharecroppers, migratory labor,
and other rural families such as those in
mining areas or on public lands under the
Department of the Interior.

Cities in Modern Dress

Housing is the appropriate central frame
of reference for general urban redevelop-
ment. But this redevelopment, in accord
with a master city plan, should include the

assembly and clearance of slums and
blighted areas, and their rebuilding for a
variety of purposes including privately
financed housing for upper income and
middle income groups, public housing for
families of low income, commercial projects,
recreational facilities, parks and play-
grounds.

Our slums have grown and our cities
have run down hill --to the despair of
mayors, businessmen, social workers, tax-
payers, property owners, and planners. Up
to now, the insuperable obstacle to urban
redevelopment except to a limited extent
in conjunction with public housing has
been that the cost of land acquisition has
been too high to enable profitable re-use.

Under the Wagner-Ellender-Taft bill, the
federal government would employ both
loans and subsidies to help cover the dif-
ference between the cost of acquiring and
preparing this land, and its value in re-use
for the appropriate purpose, whatever that
may be. This difference may be called the
necessary "write down."

Two thirds of this "write down" would
be borne by the federal -government for
the problem obviously has national impli-
cations. One third would be borne by the
localities in a variety of ways, including
cash, donations of land, materials or labor,
and tax remissions. The total "write down"
would not be 100 percent of the cost of the
land. A good part of the land cost, vary-

ing with the community and the area with-
in the community, would be realized by
the sale and rental of the land for re-use.
The chart on page 41 shows in outline how
the plan would work.

Through this initial program, slums and
blighted areas held at a present value up
to about $1,250,000,000 could be dealt with.
This would be a sizable beginning, al-
though it represents somewhat less than
one tenth of the total areas of this char-
acter throughout the country.

Public aid for urban development will
give impetus to construction and employ-
ment programs far outweighing the cost
to the public purse. It is estimated that the
land acquisition program under the bill
would generate from six to seven and one-
half billion dollars worth of rebuilding ac-
tivity, most of it with private funds. It is
hard to suggest any other public expendi-
tures of comparable utility.

All of us know the terrific economic and
social costs of slums and blighted areas.
We are aware of the affirmative revenue-
producing quality of newly developed areas.
Everyone can envisage the creative impulses
that would be released by the conversion
of our nineteenth century cities into twen-
tieth century cities.

The bill is insistent that no slums be
cleared unless decent housing is provided
for the displaced families (though not
necessarily on the same site). The Metro-

MARKET DISTRIBUTION-NEW RESIDENTIAL CONSTRUCTION

NONFARM DWELLING UNITS STARTED IN 1940 ft AVERAGE NEEDED 1946-1955 1940 PRICES
MONTHLY RENT
UNDER 10

*IO TO

* 20 TO *29

*30

*50 OVER

LOW >l \KKi:i

J 160.000

34.000

1.000

40.000

200,000

33,000
14,000
22,000

WIHHJ M \IUil I

230,000

60,000

Y5.000

3,000

250,000

UK. II M IHIil'l

220.000

200,000

PRIVATELY FINANCED WITHOUT MORTGAGE INSURANCE , 1940
PRIVATELY FINANCED WITH MORTGAGE INSURANCE . 1940
PUBLICLY FINANCED, 1940
AVERAGE ANNUAL DWELLING UNITS NEEDED, 1940-1955

SURVEY GRAPHIC

PROPOSED TREATMENT OF HIGH PRICED SLUM LAND

EXISTING LAND VALUES IN A TYPICAL CITY...
COST OFIOUTLYINGllMPROVED

SITE

COST OF ISLUMISITE

PER DWELLING ON SITE

politan Life Insurance Company has torn
down certain tenements in New York City
in order to build a housing project of its
own, Stuyvesant Town. Such a project is
to be welcomed. But the fact that many
dispossessed families of low income were
forced to seek a crowded haven in other
slums should not be overlooked. This was
not entirely the company's fault; it is not
a charitable institution. Nonetheless, the
company received public inducements
through preferential tax treatment, and
therefore it becomes even more clearly
than before a public responsibility to in-
tegrate slum destruction with additional
adequate housing for all income groups.

The Veteran's Stake in the Bill

Recently, opponents of the Wagner-
Ellender-Taft bill have said that the bill
would make it even harder for veterans to
get homes by making it easier for other
people to get them. They said it would
cause undue competition for scarce mate-
rials and labor. This is merely part of the
grand strategy to defeat progressive legisla-
tion by dividing our country into hostile
camps. The veterans themselves, when in-
formed of the real facts, will have none of
this. Actually the bill gives veterans' fami-
lies an occupancy preference for half a
million new units of urban low rent hous-
ing, for new rural housing, and for per-
manent public war housing as it becomes
vacant.

While the G. I. Bill of Rights enables a
veteran to purchase a home without putting
up cash, the veteran of middle income will
find that there are no sources where he can
borrow money cheaply enough and not
enough medium priced houses for sale to
go around. There are provisions in the
housing bill to fill both these gaps.

On the other hand, many young vet-
erans with new families are not ready to
buy homes. The bill will make privately
financed rental housing available at mod-
erate costs. At educational institutions, this
will help veterans who are now being
turned away because there is nowhere for
them to be lodged.

Supporters of the bill are not content to
house veterans for a long period in trail-
ers, barracks, and slap - down temporary
houses so inferior that Congress has re-
quired their removal within two years after
termination of the state of "national em-
ergency" (declared by the President in
1939 and still in effect). The bill is con-
cerned not only with decent homes for vet-
erans and their children, but also with the
development of pleasant and modern com-
munities in which they will live and work.

Home Building for Full Employment

The bill is not founded upon scarcity, in-
flation, and profiteering. It is founded upon
the abundance which is part of the birth-
right of every American family. It recog-
nizes that this abundance depends upon

PLAN FOR COST REDUCTION

LOCAL REUSE VALUE

ASSISTANCE COMWRABLE TO OUTLYING srrc

FEDERAL ASSISTANCE

full employment, not just during a brief
postwar boom but for all time, for every-
one.

A few months ago, some people predicted
eight million unemployed by early 1946.
Up to now these forecasts have not been
borne out. Consequently, plans for con-
tinuous full employment have slackened.

In the very short run, there may be room
for this easy optimism. If we look only
two or three years ahead, there is some jus-
tification for soothing pronouncements.
Even more than after the last war, the
ways are well greased for the immediate
transition from war to peace with high
individual and industrial savings, favorable
tax laws, pent-up demand, and various cash
payments to veterans. Industrial resistance
to wage adjustments may slow us up.

But in full perspective, the historic issue
now confronting the American people is
not merely the speed of reconversion. It is
rather where we shall find ourselves later.

Shall we achieve the abundance which
wartime technological gains have made
feasible? Shall we equitably distribute this
abundance among all the people? Shall we
utilize available knowledge to make our
postwar prosperity stable and secure?

Or shall we find ourselves in a period
similar to 1922-29, with all the old in-
stability, all the old job insecurity, and all
the old maladjustments moving us in-
evitably toward bigger depressions? In
(Continued on page 63)

FEBRUARY 1946

The Clothing Industry Says "We

Here is a story that did not make the headlines a peaceful agreement between
an industry and its 150,000 workers, setting new levels of wages and security.

BEULAH AMIDON

THE FRONT PAGES OF THE PAPERS ARE FILLED

with the news of industrial conflict and the
threat of conflict. Sometimes these stories
obscure the rest of the industrial picture,
particularly the thousands of workers and
employers who go their civilized way with-
out noise or fanfare. Thus in mid-January,
the fact that the vast steel industry and its
workers are at loggerheads is page one
news. The_ same is true of autos, meat
packing, electrical equipment. But the fact
that another nationwide industry has signed
a far-reaching agreement with the union
of its employes is noted only in a brief and
inconspicuous item.

On December 12, The New YorJ( Times
reported in a five-inch story on an inside
page the signing of an agreement by the
Amalgamated Clothing Workers, a CIO
affiliate, and the Clothing Manufacturers
Association of the U. S. On the same. day
headlines shouted: "Nationwide Steel
Strike Called by CIO for January 14." As
always, the news of war was more dramatic
than the news of peace.

Terms Across the Table

The contract, covering more than 150,000
clothing workers, sets new wage levels for
the industry, with some increases as high
as 30 percent. It provides for six paid holi-
days a year, and establishes a system of re-
tirement allowances, supplementing federal
old age benefits, to be financed by the em-
ployers. In many respects, it goes far be-
yond the demands of labor in any of the
headlined controversies. And yet the agree-
ment was reached around tbe conference
table, without strike or threat of strike, and
without news photographers, radio discus-
sion, or paid advertisements in the press.

On the same day, the Amalgamated an-
nounced two other major contracts. One,
the first over-all agreement with the cot-
ton garment manufacturers, was concluded
with a group of the largest firms in the
country, and also the 70-odd members of
the New York Shirt Institute, and the
Philadelphia shops. A second peaceful set-
tlement provided higher wages and better
working conditions in New York City's
laundry industry. These two contracts
affect more than 100,000 workers.

The background of the peace news, how-
ever, was a story of bitter conflict. It be-
gan with the sweatshop revolt of more than
thirty years ago, when the young union of
clothing workers went through struggles
paralleling today's bitterness. Then, as
now, friction between worker and employer
bore more heavily on the striking worker
than on the manufacturer. As a union
spokesman reminded me, "The employer
lost his profits, but some of the workers
lost their lives."

The Amalgamated Clothing Workers is

By an associate editor of Survey
Graphic, who, last month, viewed "In-
dustry's Winter of Discontent" from the
Detroit vantage point, and this month
reports an example of mature and har-
monious industrial relations.

a young organization as compared with the
carpenters, the brewers, the miners, and
many others. But it is old as compared
with the industrial unions in the great mass
production fields. Its first victory, in the
1911 strike in the Chicago market, was or-
ganized and led by Sidney Hillman, a
young immigrant from Lithuania, who had
found his way to Hull-House and the
friendship of Jane Addams and Graham
Taylor. Sidney Hillman is still the presi-
dent of the Amalgamated. His labor states-
manship has been, perhaps, the most im-
portant single factor in the development of
sound relations between workers and em-
ployers in the industry.

Out of the Chicago strike came the im-
partial machinery set up by the young
union and Hart, Schaffner and Marx, then
the largest men's clothing house in the
country. The impartial machinery was a
"safety valve.'' To it, all disputes and mis-
understandings under the union - manage-
ment contract were brought for discussion
and settlement. It was also a training
ground for both parties in the practice of
the conference method of handling thorny
issues.

The late James Mullenbach of Chicago
was the first impartial chairman. For some
years, William M. Leiserson, later the head
of the National Labor Relations Board,
filled the corresponding post in the Roches-
ter and other eastern markets. In the be-
ginning, the impartial machinery was in
operation most of the time, with the chair-
man often at his desk from eight-thirty in
the morning until late in the evening. But
in time the first impartial chairman asked
to resign, because he had so little to do.
Both union and employer begged Mr. Mul-
lenbach to keep his job because, they
pointed out, his increasing leisure only
proved the effectiveness of his work. To-
day, as spokesmen for both the union and
the employers point out, the impartial ma-
chinery is established in all the clothing
centers, but it is far less busy than it used
to be.

Yesterday's Story

Union officials are, quick to resent any
suggestion that the peaceful postwar settle-
ment in their industry is any reflection on
striking workers in other areas today
autos, steel, electrical equipment, transit,
meat packers. "All that kind of thing is

behind us," one leader reminded me. "We
got where we are as a result of warfare
the same kind of thing they are going
through. Men fought and suffered to make
possible what we have today. There isn't
any easy way to industrial peace, any more
than there is any easy way to international
peace. The- difference is that we went
through all that a good many years ago,
and most people seem to have forgotten it."

And an official of the employers' organi-
zation had the same thing in mind when
he told me, "We had our battles but not
today or yesterday."

The new contract between the Amalga-
mated and the Clothing Manufacturers is
nationwide.

Negotiations began in July with a com-
mittee of the union's General Executive
Board and the labor committee of the em-
ployers' association sitting down together
in a process long familiar to both parties.
The negotiations "really got down to brass
tacks" in October. The agreement was an-
nounced on December 11.

The postwar contract followed a series
of wartime wage adjustments. In 1941, the
workers received a 13 percent increase; fol-
lowed by a ten cent increase in 1942 (about
12 percent); and 15 cents (roughly 17 per-
cent) in 1945.

Under the new agreement, wages go up
as much as 30 percent in some brackets.
These are the lower ones. The over-all
raise of fifteen cents an hour represents,
of course, a higher .percentage of increase
for the lower paid groups than for the
highly skilled.

Security Benefits

During the war, an agreement between
the union and the employer established a
system of life and sickness insurance, paid
for by the employer through a 2 percent
payroll levy. The scheme provides tor the
clothing workers death benefits of $500;
sickness and accident allowances of $8 a
week for women, and $12 for men, run-
ning for 13 weeks in case of illness, and
double that time for accidents; maternity
benefits of $50; hospitalization at $5 a day
for 31 days, with an additional payment
of $25 to help defray the expenses inci-
dental to serious illness in the family.

The new agreements provide this same
coverage for the shirtmakers and the New
York City laundry workers. But for the
clothing workers the group longest or-
ganized new ground is broken. Under
the contract, a trust fund is established to
be built up by a 3 percent payroll levy paid
by the employer. Out of this retirement
allowances will be granted, supplementing
the modest old age insurance benefits pro-
vided under the Social Security Act.

The clothing agreement is a result of

what both union and employers view as
"mature" industrial relations. The industry
is 97 percent organized. Union spokesmen
say, "We have learned to use our organized
power for the benefit of the people."' The
organization does not confine its activities
to collective bargaining with the employers.
The Amalgamated Bank, a successful in-
surance company, large scale housing
projects, credit unions, are outstanding fea-
tures of the union's program "for the bene-
fit of the people."

The new wage rates mean an increase
in "real wages." In shops that had war
contracts, the new wage levels will ap-
proximate wartime "take home" pay. As a
union official put it, "The increase prac-
tically meets the official estimates ol change
in cost of living."

Clothing workers who were employed
on war contracts enjoyed high levels of
earning, due in large part to the advantages
of working on uniforms of fixed material
and style, with resulting economies both in
cutting and sewing. As they shift over to
civilian work, there are many factors to
slow production and hence lower earnings
variety in style, and also in fabrics. This
means reduced output in all stages from
cutting to finishing. Tropical worsted, for
example, is "very slow," blue serge is
"easier," cheviot is "very easy." The new-
wage rates will help reduce the differences
in earnings due to differences between con-
tracts based on army specifications and
those based on civilian tastes.

The country's shirtmakers and the New
York laundry workers, the other two
groups benefiting from the new agreements,
are more recently organized than the cloth-
ing workers, and less highly skilled. The
organization of the cotton garment work-
ers has gone forward rapidly in the last
decade largely due to the effective leader-
ship of Jacob S. Potofsky, general secretary-
treasurer of the Amalgamated, and one of
Mr. Hillman's ablest associates. Under the

new contract, the shirtmakers gained a
wage increase of ten cents an hour, six paid
holidays a year, and life and health insur-
ance benefits paralleling those of the
clothing workers.

The New York City laundry workers
were for decades a group with notoriously
low wages and long hours of work. Prior
to the state minimum wage law, there was
no fixed level in the industry supply and
demand set an uncertain floor to the earn-
ings. From the 35 cent minimum estab-
lished in 1937, the wage has risen to the
new minimum level of 60.5 cents with a
40-hour work week. This basic wage
means $24.20 a week, plus time and a half
for overtime beyond forty hours, and rep-
resents an unprecedented measure of se-
curity for this group. In addition, the new
contract provides an annual paid vacation
after one year's employment, five paid holi-
days a year, and establishes a life and health
insurance system comparable to that in
effect in the men's clothing industry. The
agreement runs for two years. The con-
tracts governing clothing and shirt workers
are nationwide. The laundry workers' con-
tract affects only Greater New York.

Some of the Answers

If you ask spokesmen for the Amalga-
mated Clothing Workers why it is that
their organization can gain such advantages
through peaceful means, you will get a va-
riety of answers. Each begins by speaking
of Sidney Hillman. "He's had a lot of ex-
perience," they tell you. "He's a genius."
"We trust him and the employers trust
him." They go on to add: "We fought it
out a long time ago we're beyond that
now." "The employers have learned to deal
with the union we taught them, the hard
way." "In this industry, we're used to
handling things across the table."

The picture the outsider gets is that of a
seasoned organization, conscious of its
power, but equally conscious of the respon-

TO-DAY WE
STAND UPON
THE EFFORTS
OF YESTERDAYS
WORKERS

THE KEY

THAT OPENED THE
POOR. TO

Hanlcy in Tkt Ad-can

sibilities that go with power. The Amal-
gamated Clothing Workers have out-
stripped most unions in carrying out that
responsibility. Through collective bargain-
ing, the union has gained from the employ-
ers over the years better wages, shorter
hours, improved working conditions for its
members. But the organization has also
studied the problems of the manufacturer,
realizing that only if an enterprise is sound
and profitable can its workers enjoy steady
employment at good wages. The union has
brought to the management substantial con-
tributions in increased efficiency, in better
organization of the work, and in saving
of time and material. Many employers have
been enabled to weather a business crisis
by a loan from the union.

In the recent negotiations, the union rep-
resentatives took their stand not on the
ability of the employers to pay, but on "rea-
sonableness." The questions of price, of
concessions from OPA, of profits, were left
to the employers. "That was none of our
business," a union spokesman told me. Or,
as The Advance, the union publication
pointed out: "President Hillman and mem-
bers of the General Executive Board . . .
proved conclusively that the union's de-
mands were reasonable with no TOOIII left
for bargaining on any terms, and that they
could not be made contingent on the solu-
tion of whatever problems the employers
might justifiably have had." Rut an -di-
torial in the same issue of The Advance
commented:

"The Amalgamated has always been
militant in the real sense of the word. This
does not mean, however that it has been
truculent or that it has taken advantage of
the power that has come to it to damage
in any way the industry in which its mem-
bers worked."

The employers are matter of fact in their
attitude toward the union, which they just
take for granted as they do their jobbers,
(Continued on page 64)

FEBRUARY 1946

Straight from the Man on the Job

A California shipyard worker who learned about labor-management cooperation the
hard way, shows how wartime lessons can help solve postwar production problems.

HENRY KRAUS

ONE QUESTION THAT THE SURPLUS WAR

property authorities will probably not
handle but which ought to be given serious
consideration is: What shall we do with
the more than 5,000 labor - management
committees set up during the war?

Unfortunately, many of these committees
already have been allowed to lapse in the
turmoil of swiftly truncated contracts, mass
layoffs, and reconversion. Perhaps some of
these will be reconstituted when the prob-
lems of postwar adjustment have been set-
tled. For it is difficult to believe that the
cooperative program which accomplished
so much in the crisis of war will fail to
have a continuing influence upon our in-
dustrial life.

But there will have to be some major
adjustments in the cooperative plan as . it
operated during the war, if it is to succeed
in peacetime. The recent experience only
scratched the surface. Of course, a factor
during this period was a weakening of the
great urgencies of competition and survival,
since profits for even the most inefficient
producers were assured. The day has
passed when, as occurred in a local ship-
yard, a million-dollar deficit in building
four ships was wiped out by subsidy pay-
ments under subsequent contracts. Under
ordinary circumstances, the company in
question would have been wiped out.

Henceforth, the cooperative plan will
have to function under normal competitive
conditions. Whether or not full value is
derived from it will depend upon how com-
pletely and intelligently its possibilities are
utilized and on the avoidance of mistakes
and shortcomings revealed in the great lab-
oratory of the war.

Suggestions in a Shipyard

More than three years ago I went to
work in a West Coast shipyard as a ship-
fitter's helper, to play my part in what was
then called "the battle for production."

Nearly nine months before, Donald Nel-
son, head of the War Production Board,
had proclaimed labor-management coopera-
tion as a national wartime policy. Our own
yard, I happened to know from the news-
papers, had such a committee. Yet though
I asked dozens of workers about it and
perused every notice on the bulletin boards,
I could find no evidence of the fact. Finally
I discovered a suggestion box outside the
outfitting office. It was battered and dusty
and seemed not to have done any busi-
ness for a long time. But it was an en-
couraging sign.

On the strength of it, I broached the
subject of making a contribution one day
at lunchtime. The men in my group were
always griping about this and that, I
pointed out. Why not put it into writing?
One of us might even win a prize.

Before Pearl Harbor, Mr. Kraus was
a union organizer on the West Coast, a
labor editor in Cleveland and Detroit,
a public school teacher in Ohio. Born in
Tennessee, he has spent most of his life
in the North, and holds two degrees
from Western Reserve University. He
writes occasional magazine articles on in-
dustrial relations, and is at work on a
book based on his shipyard experiences.

Our leadman knocked the idea right on
the head. "A poor sucker's gonna think
up some gadget and save a coupla hours,"
he said. "But that's not where your trouble
is. You wanna know where the whole
trouble in this yard is? Production Control.
Just let them get the material to us on time
and we'll take care of the rest."

The other men agreed vigorously.

"Or take engineering," one of the more
experienced fitters said. "Look at this
change they just made in the telephone
booth; cut the width five-eighths of an
inch. That means we gotta rip out the
telephone booth on every boat on the
docks. That's two days lost right there on
every damn hull."

Someone only had to * mention a thing
like that and the men were launched on
their favorite topic. One of them had just
finished moving a lube oil tank foundation
five times, first an inch forward and then
two inches aft, and the foundation finally
ended up at the identical spot from which
it started. Another recalled how, not so
long before, the electrical shipfitting crew
had to rip out and reset a hundred feet of
wireway, which meant the waste of hun-
dreds of man-hours.

"The best one I ever seen," someone else
remembered, "was that ladder in the super-
structure on the Liberties we outfitted for
X Company. They switched it from port
to starboard so many times, the guys work-
ing on the bridge deck used to say they
always had to look twice when they wanted
to go down to see which side it was on
just then."

That brought a laugh and almost an end
to the discussion. However, I dragged up
the subject once more. "All you say is
true," I admitted, "but that's exactly what
the suggestion program is for. Maybe the
company doesn't realize these things.
We're closer to the picture ourselves."

"Who don't know about it?" the lead-
man demanded ironically. "How many
times you think I took up things like that
with Bill [the superintendent of outfit-
ting]? This company ain't interested in
speeding up production. Why should they
be? The longer it takes to finish these
boats the more profits they make. Figure
it out for yourself."

There it was again, the argument one
always came back to: the cost-plus contract.
Everybody you talked to assumed the com-
pany was operating on that basis. It wasn't,
as I learned later, but the v.ast majority of
the workers in our yard were convinced
otherwise. At that particular time, more-
over, the solid proof of this assumption
seemed patent in the yard's lamentable rec-
ord. With sixteen ships launched off the
ways in a year, not one had been com-
pleted. As it happened, there was a good
reason even for this situation: a holdup on
delivery of turbines. But no one had
bothered to explain this important fact to
the workers who looked at the cluttered
outfitting docks and grew cynical.

During the three war years since that
time there were changes in our yard. We
saw a hundred of our ships cargo, trans-
port, destroyer escorts delivered and com-
missioned, and heard how some of them
played significant roles in the African land-
ings, on D-Day, and in the battles of the
Pacific. But the reticence of the manage-
ment continued and there was no change
in its unwillingness to share, where feasible,
facts and explanations with the men who
were building these ships.

Hank's Escape Ladder

By dint of continuous urging, I finally'
got my group to make a joint contribution
to the suggestion program. Probably their
reaction to my idea for an escape ladder
in the boiler uptake had something to do
with this. The ladder occurred to me while
reading the tragic account of the sinking
of the British heavy cruiser "Repulse" in
Cecil Brown's "Suez to Singapore." How
about our own ship, I wondered. What if
it were hit and a seaman were caught way
up between the boilers? He would have
to come all the way down into the engine
room to reach a ladder, perhaps with only
seconds in which to get away.

The other men pitched in enthusiastically
, on the escape ladder, studying the area with
me and working out the best route. Then
we started on the group suggestions. Some-
one proposed a method of coordinating the
work of the three shifts to avoid the con-
stant confusion that existed among them.
Another suggested stocking scrap bolts and
angle and other material in orderly com-
partments to save the time spent searching
in the scrapheaps. We ended with a dozen
ideas like that, discarding those which after
discussion did not make sense and retaining
the ones that did.

The closest to an acknowledgment that
we ever got for all this was what happened
to the escape ladder. One day about a
month later our leadman brought in a print
and opened it on the machinery flat at the
feet of one of our fitters. The fitter stooped

for a closer squint when all of a sudden he
let out a shout:

"Hey, Hank, it's your damn escape lad-
der!"

The whole group rushed over to see.
And sure enough, there it was: the ladder
shown in two views, almost in the exact
location I had indicated. There was a min-
ute of great enthusiasm, but then some-
one said something and the zeal changed
to disgust:

"How do you like them so-and-sos pick-
ing up your idea without giving you credit
for it?"

Much later, this seemingly inexcusable
occurrence was explained to me: one of
those coincidences which in a great plant
are not too rare. But meanwhile, there was
no talking to the fellows about the sugges-
tion box.

Changes in the Program

This is the cooperative scheme at its
worst. Though the plan in our yard soon
after underwent a great improvement, this
is an accurate picture of the wartime pro-
gram as it remained in many other places.
Of the six major shipyards in the Los An-
geles harbor, for example, all supposedly
participating in the national program, only
three up to the end of the war had a func-
tioning plan. The directors of one of them, a
member of a great nationwide corporation
with total contracts exceeding those of any
other firm in the country, privately ex-
pressed himself about the program thus:

"It's just a foolish idea they got up in
Washington to give some lousy bureaucrats
a cushy job."

It is not surprising, perhaps, that this
yard, with 10,000 workers, averaged a mere
twenty-five suggestions a month.

In our own yard, the program was
turned over to the Standards (industrial
engineering) department and placed in
charge of a young man who brought to it
energy, imagination and, most important
of all, a real sympathy and understanding
for working people. Soon after, I was
transferred te this department and could
see firsthand the way the program func-
tioned. Every suggestion was acknowledged
and carefully investigated, often on the job.
The awards were made at open noonday
ceremonies. There was plenty of publicity,
and the supervisory force, so often negative
about the program, was brought into it
wherever possible. Labor-management co-
operation flourished under this care. With-
in ninety days the number of suggestions

received monthly increased from 50 to 300.

And yet within six months a decline be-
gan to set in. Additional prizes were
granted by the Maritime Commission. Pub-
licity was increased. Big lunchtime pro-
grams were held, with Hollywood stars as
morale builders. A harbor coordinating
committee was organized to exchange ideas
among the various yards. But the reces-
sion continued and the program settled
down finally to an average of about 100
suggestions a month.

What was the reason for this trend?
Did it reflect a general experience? The
program in our yard was acclaimed as one
of the best on the West Coast. It was
credited with having saved the equivalent
of one ship's production. That is admir-
able but it is after all only one percent
of the total. Yet, when the program of
labor-management cooperation was enunci-
ated by Donald Nelson early in 1942, the
prediction of a 25 percent increase in pro-
duction was widely made. And even two
years after, Washington drive headquarters
announced a production slogan for the year
as: "20 percent more in '44!" Critical
shortages until then had been showing up
in several important fields.

Were the sponsors of the program too
optimistic? Was there some flaw in its
form or operation? In peacetime, coopera-
tive plans in several industries, particularly
garments and steel, have been responsible
for improvements exceeding even those un-
attained wartime goals, often pulling com-
panies out of bankruptcy into sound finan-
cial condition. But in such cases the work-
ers usually were assured that the profits
from their extra efforts would not go solely
to benefit the company. It is deplorable
that a similar assurance could not have
been given during the nation's greatest em-
ergency.

There can be little doubt that the funda-
mental shortcoming of the war program
was its failure to draw in the majority of
workers. T. K. Quinn, Washington direc-
tor of the drive, recognized this weakness.

"During the past month," he wrote on
one occasion, "we have talked with many
workers employed in labor - management
committee plants, and too many of these
men and women are unaware of the activi-
ties- and often, of the very existence of
their production committees." And again:
"There remains the still only barely touched
reservoir of workers' potential ideas and
contributions that too many war plants do
not seem to 'know how to use."

But ignorance of the program was not
the chief difficulty, as the unsatisfactory re-
turns of even the best publicized plans
clearly indicates. On the part of both labor
and industry there were psychological fac-
tors that militated against its greater suc-
cess, for example the continued fear by in-
dustry of "labor taking over management,"
which acted as a brake on the plan's
progress.

It cannot be mere chance that the com-
mittees' work almost universally was cen-
tered in the suggestion box: cold, imper-
sonal, and depending wholly on the initia-
tive of the worker. There* was no provi-

sion for the fact that he might not be able
to express himself fluently on paper or that
he might even be chilled into silence by
having to write. The rich creativeness of
a conscious, collective effort was lost.

The committee itself, made up of top of
ficials of company and union (often busi-
ness agents not even working in the plant),
usually did little except meet once a month
to pass on the suggestions. Seldom was its
work subdivided on a departmental basis,
to bring the program closer to the workers.
And often an excellent idea worked out in
one division would not be communicated
to others where it was applicable. This
occurred repeatedly in our yard.

Mistakes and Shortcomings

Given this set-up, perhaps it is not sur-
prising that labor continued during the
war to maintain some of its reservations
toward the program. Certainly the record
shows few examples of far-reaching par-
ticipation of unions in solving production
problems. On the other hand, the sec-
ondary work of the labor-management
committees was much less restricted and,
accordingly, important accomplishments
were registered along such lines as car
pooling, contributions to blood banks, bond
sales, absenteeism, and accident prevention.

With one or two notable exceptions the
unions (AFL) in our yard showed slight
enthusiasm for the cooperative program,
and CIO unions displayed hardly more in-
terest in yards under their jurisdiction.
The business agent of the electrical work-
ers union made the program a regular item
at union meetings, commending members
who had offered meritorious suggestions
and at one time threatening to take over
the plan if the number of prizes was not
increased. On the other hand, the com-
pany head of the corresponding depart-
ment was openly hostile to the plan. He
refused to put even outstanding ideas into
general practice and when prizewinners in
the department were hounded by jealous
supervisors, the business agent withdrew
his support.

Labor's traditional unwillingness to co-
operate with management in solving pro-
duction problems has been based on fear
of the speed-up and the breakdown of wage
rates or of "working oneself out of a job"
by abnormally increasing output. In gen-
eral, labor continued to look askance at in-
centive pay systems during the war. And
yet there can be little doubt that workers

(Continued on page 60)

From a War Production Board Handbook

FEBRUARY 1946

.Yea* York Times from Press Association

Appreciation of an Elephant

Otto Neurath signed his letters to friends with the drawing of an elephant,
usually cheerful, sometimes subdued. Now those brilliant letters have ceased.

WHEN OTTO NEURATH, SOCIAL SCIENTIST,
first visited this country in 1933 and lec-
tured to welfare organizations and to
students in universities, his audiences beheld
a bald, massive fellow. They quickly found
him a genial, effervescent ex- Viennese who
talked about man as if he were really a
man not a psychological or economic ab-
straction whose reactions were to be mea-
ured to the fraction of a second when a
pistol was fired behind his back, or whose
wages were to be counted to the last penny
and evaluated in the light of his needs. Not
that the measuring of reaction time or
wages were unimportant. But since the pur-
suit of happiness should be the principal
occupation of man, social relations had to
be approached in a new way.

No cloistered sociologist, Neurath car-
ried his principles into practice in the Social
Museum which he created and directed in
Vienna, and in the International Founda-
tion for Visual Education which he later
founded in The Hague as a refugee and
then reestablished in Oxford. He incorpo-
rated them in community enterprises that
relied on his guidance. One of the last to
do so was Bilston. Because of his inter-
national reputation and his standing as an
occasional lecturer at Oxford University,
this little English town turned to him
when it decided that it was time to rise
out of old slums and the rubble left by
German bombs.

Beginning with the People

The Bilston corporation expected the
usual blueprints of a garden city. It got,
instead, a formula which had to be adopted
first. People want happiness. Therefore,
the new town must be built on happiness
as much as on paleozoic rock and alluvial
clay. Not a stone was to be removed before
the town had learned what happiness
means and how it is to be achieved.

Happiness has much to do with wages
and worry. It has also much to do with

WALDEMAR KAEMPFFERT

The science editor of The New York
Times here writes about a remarkable
man and international figure, whose
recent death ended a friendship begun
in 1911.

It is interesting to note that Mr.
Kaempffert's appraisal of Neurath's
former museum in Vienna as "the Small-
est and most important in Europe,"
conies from one who was for three years
director of Chicago's Museum of Science
and Industry.

health. Neurath could do nothing much
about wages, but he could make a good
beginning with health. "We'll exhibit films,
pictures, diagrams, models, and talk things
over with the people and make them learn
at least what good health is and how it
can be achieved. We'll call this the 'Bilston
Venture.' 1 don't like the word 'experi-
ment.' Human beings are not guinea pigs."

So Neurath was all for giving working
people their fling. If in their ignorance they
kept coal in the bathtub, the remedy was
not to fine them but to put in a coal bin.
If fences were torn down lor firewood, it
was the business of the community to sup-
ply fuel. If floors could not be kept clean,
better ones were to be provided.

Most English city planners solved the
problem of the aged, when they did not
ignore it, by providing separate hostels.
That was not good enough for Neurath.
The old have their interests, and to sustain
these interests, there must be participation
in community life. Neurath went so far as
to suggest "silence rooms" where the old
could sit in peace, if peace was what they
wanted.

Of course there were to be libraries for
all as a means of achieving intellectual
happiness, a main library and a small
branch on every street. "If books are stolen,
buy new ones," Neurath counseled. "Be-
sides, most people are fundamentally hon-

est." The whole system was based on his
axiom that "you can't organize kindness
and happiness, but you can organize the
conditions that make both possible."

We wonder what is to become of this
new conception of town planning. Neurath
died suddenly in Oxford on December 22
of a heart attack. A successor will be hard
to find. A lifetime of experience had gone
into the plans of Bilston, and that experi-
ence was enormous. For Neurath was an
economist, a sociologist, a philosopher, a
scientist and, above all, an educator. The
late Sir Patrick Geddes was the only man
I ever knew who resembled Neurath in his
vast erudition, in his practical sense when
it came to planning cities and improving
social conditions, and in his boundless
energy.

Like his Scottish predecessor, Neurath
left behind him little in the form of solic
books but much in the form of solid but
scattered articles and pamphlets. Some
disciple ought to edit these, not only as
a monument to a distinguished personality
but as a guide to scientists and engineers
aldermen and statesmen who are engaget
in the enormously difficult task of con
strutting a new society.

A Philosopher in Motion
I first met Neurath in Vienna in 1911
He was then a young if long-bearded pro
fessor in the Commercial High School
who made business as exciting as a Holly
wood thriller. I attended one of his lee
tures, and I shall never forget how hi
listeners were electrified when he drov
home that "there is no zero in bookkeep
ins;, for everything has some value in busi
ness." They were just as electrified wher
he advised them to change their vocation
every five yeais. "If you don't you wil!
rot," he admonished. Neurath lived up tt
l he principle.

The next time I met Neurath was ii
1928. By then he had established him

SURVEY GRAPHIC

self as a sociologist and philosopher with
a. European reputation. Meanwhile, as a
socialist he had taken part in the Eisner-
Luxemburg uprisings in Bavaria at the
close of the first World War. A few
friends saved him from the tiring squad.
Anyone who ever talked to him knew
that he was no bomb-thrower and that
he was committed to education as the one
way of achieving a social end. On his
return to Vienna he had lent a hand in
designing municipal apartment houses
which still are a model of their kind, if
they have not been bombed away.

More significantly, he had become the
director of a social museum located in
the Rathaus his first effort in mass social
education. - There was and there is no
institution like this Gesellschaft und Wirt-
schaftsmuseum in the world. I had gone
to Europe to study the principal museums.
Here was the smallest and most important.
A suburban house of moderate size could
hold all the exhibits. It was not a collec-
tion of curiosities but an educational in-
stitution in which men, women, and chil-
dren with no more than a primary school
education might learn what communal life
meant learn how it was affected by
disease and death, agriculture and industry,
and how dependent it was on remote coun-
tries in these days of rapid transportation
and communication. There were no stuffed
animals, no bales of cotton with price labels,
no specimens of any kind. Nothing but
statistics, statistics, statistics, explanatory
diaurams and models of houses and towns.

The Language of "Little Men"

Theoretically such a museum ought to
be dull. ul this one was fascinating be-
cause of Neurath's imagination^ his ability
to strip nonessentials away. His isotype
method was devised to drive home facts
international pictographs, intelligible to a
Turk, an American or a Chinese at a glance.

Here were rows of little men that re-
vealed at once how the population of Latin
America declined even before the Spaniards
came: here were lines of babies in coffins
to present a tragic story of unnecessary in-
fant death. Each symbol stood for ten,
a hundred, or any other convenient sta-
tistical unit. After counting the units you
had at once the gross facts of life and death,
transportation or production.

Neurath dispensed with percentages and
decimal points. It was enough for ordinary
men and women to know that the post-
office was approximately a mile away and
not exactly 5.678 feet and seven inches.
For most of us, 11,000 homes are as good
as 10,764 in sizing up a community. "It
is better to remember simplified quanti-
tative pictographs or isotypes than to for-
get exact figures." was Neurath's way of
putting it.

The same method was carried out in
Neurath's book "Man in the Making."
There the isotypes were an integral part
of the text. Education was to be acquired
with a minimum of words and of visual
aids to achieve a maximum understand-
ing of great social movements which have
'played their part in history.

[FEBRUARY 1946

This graphic method had been intro-
duced everywhere in the Western world
before the war. Yet comparatively few
knew about Neurath who invented it. Out
of it grew an international thesaurus of
symbols which was to be used everywhere
not only to present statistics but to explain
machine production, to make maps, to
elucidate almost anything for the benefit
of peoples who did not understand one
another's spoken and written language.

The symbols are unmistakable. A Hin-
du is always identified by his turban; a
Latin American by his sombrero; an
American or a European by a bowler hat;
a physician by the stethoscope that hangs
Irom his neck; a wounded man by a sil-
houette with one arm in a sling; a medi-
cine by a black bottle with a white cross:
water by a few wavy lines.

The isotypes were only one expression
of a cardinal principle, which Neurath
stated thus: "As soon as all men can
participate in a common culture and the
canyon between the educated and the un-
educated is bridged, life will be more fully
understood and lived. Perhaps everyone
will work as a specialist, but at the same
time all will and must vividly take part
in the common life and in the main prob-
lems of this world and share responsibility."

So it happened Neurath used to call
himself a "bridge builder" who conceived
it to be his mission to span canyons of
misunderstanding. As a follower of Ernst
Mach he was what William James would
have called a pragmatist. ' Today, "logical
empiricist" would be more appropriate.

With Rudolf Carnap, now a professor
at the University of Chicago, the late Dr.
Moritz Schlick, Dr. Philip Frank now at
Harvard, and others, he created the "Vien-
nese Circle" of logical empiricists, all
philosophers as hardheaded as so many
Irish foremen of railway section gangs.
Only workaday experience mattered to
them. All else, particularly metaphysics,
was so much moonshine. To fulfill his
function as a social bridge builder and to
do for the philosophy of science what he
had done for workers and their children in
his museum, Neurath organized several
international congresses, which were attend-
ed by leading scientists and philosophers.

Congresses are fleeting. Neurath was
building for the future. So he conceived
a new encyclopedia to bridge the gaps that
yawned between the sciences. Here were
physicists telling the world that within the
atom an electron was "free" to choose cer-
tain orbits; and here were poets, poli-
ticians, and businessmen talking about
"free will." What did "free" mean? And
there were the biologists who discussed
"stimulus and reaction." Did they mean
"cause 'and effect"? If so, a special
terminology was unnecessary. So the vo-
cabulary of every science was examined
and its deficiencies revealed as the source
of much confusion.

The outcome of all this activity is the
International Encyclopedia of Unified Sci-
ence, which the University of Chicago Press
has been publishing for years in pamphlet
form. Onlv the fundamentals of the philos-

ophy of science and language are discussed.

Not that Neurath had little use for the
usual encyclopedia (indeed he had consid-
ered it indispensable) but he had another
purpose in view. His encyclopedia was to
act as a pilot to scientists. They had been
independent navigators who paid little at-
tention to whistles, flags, semaphores, radio
or other means of intercommunication.
Neurath issued his encyclopedia in pam-
phlet form to tell each navigator what
other ships were doing and what could be
learned from signals, movements, and er-
rands.

A heterogeneous collection of vessels on
the vast ocean of thought, each going its
own way, was to be transformed into a
homogeneous fleet not by an admiral who
gave orders but by common consent about
ideas, about illogicalities, about outworn
formulas that have come down from the
days of superstition and animism.

Neurath wrote some pamphlets himself.
His associates, collaborators and contribu-
tors were Rudolf Carnap, John Dewey,
Niels Bohr, Charles Morris, and others fa-
mous in science and philosophy. Thus were
the sciences to be unified.

An Irrepressible Man

What struck anyone who knew Neurath
was his unflinching faith in humanity and
his bubbling optimism. Dollfuss exiled
him and dismantled the Social Museum
in Vienna, but Neurath and his small staff
had rescued what they could and cheer-
fully established themselves in The Hague.

Hitler's armies reached there in 1940
and, leaving all behind him, Neurath took
to an open motorboat in which he and
others made their way to the English Chan-
nel, exposed to the elements for forty-
eight hours. The British picked up the
castaways and interned Neurath as an
enemy-alien on the Isle of Man until his
record had been examined.

His letters written to friends in this
country betrayed no sign of discontent with
camp life. That incurable optimism made
it impossible .or him to think of himself
as a martyr. On his release he was imme-
diately engaged by the British government
to make isotypes for reports, and picto-
graphic films for propaganda and educa-
tion. With the same optimism, he estab-
lished a new institute for visual education
at Oxford. The work was to continue,
this time in the liberal atmosphere of Eng-
land which Neurath extolled in his letters
to his American friends.

And usually he signed himself not only
with his name but with the drawing of
an elephant. Symbolically, Neurath's ele-
phant was not nearly so static as Whistler s
butterfly but was cheerful and mourn-
ful to suit the occasion. When a good
article or a good poem had been written,
the trunk waved a congratulatory bouquet;
when news was had the head dropped.

The elephant is gone. But Otto Neu-
rath lives on in that little institute at Ox-
ford and in the memories of a hundred
disciples who have caught something of the
enthusiasm that only an irresistible spirit
can impart.

Annual Immigration into the U.S.

1911-1914

1915-1917

1918-1919

1920

1921

1922

1923

1924

1925-1929

1930

1931

1932-1935

The Neurath Method

The statistical symbols known as isotypes were
created by Otto Neurath to enable men every-
where to participate in a common knowledge.
Survey Graphic was the first American maga-
zine to use Neurath's charts (1932) and there-
after turned to him for original work whenever
the element of time permitted. On this page
are three of the many charts he and his staff
made for Survey Graphic.

Power Equipment in Industrial Plants in U.S. A

1900

1920

II II

1930

Jl J

Each man symbol represents 100,000 immigrants isomi

Power purchased
Each horse's head represents 10 million H P

Power generated

Wheat Production

Man labor per acre

1878-1882

prior to harvest

harvest

1898-1902

1928-1932

Each clock represents 1 hour

INMNI

Th International Foundation for Visual Education

aim

Above: Neurath's New Year greeting for 1940 before
he and his associates had to flee from invaded Holland.
Its fanciful presentation of the isotype symbols setting
forth in little boats, turned out to be prophetic. The two
charts on this page were made for recent British books.
Below: An interesting comparison in "The Soviets and
Ourselves: Two Commonwealths," by K. E. Holme,
Harrap 8i Co., Ltd. Right: Unemployment in Britain,
from "There's Work for All," by Michael Young and
Theodor Prager, Nicholson & Watson, London.

Illiterates and Literates

Great Britain
1901

1921

1941

India

1901
1921
1941

Itttttlttf

mmm
mum

Soviet Union
1897

1926

1939

Tadjikistan

1897

1926
1939

iimttt
mit
tt

mmmt
imttntt
tti

llillltiri

tttfttttt!

iimtttit

inn

mum

mmt

Unemployment by Industries, 1932

Coal mining

employed unemployed

Each symbol represents 5 % of workers in each industry

tceh lymbol rtpf*}nli 10 p con', ot population ovel 9 /on of <

The CORE Way

CORE'S way is disciplined, non-violent action directed against the color line; the
letters stand for a vigorous young organization, the Congress of Racial Equality.

HELEN BUCKLER

I.\ THE LATE SUMMER OF 1941, SIXTEEN

boys twelve white, four Negro purchased
tickets at the entrance gate of a large out-
door swimming pool in Cleveland. The
Negroes were not refused. The manage-
ment's methods of discrimination were
more subtle than to break outright the
Ohio State Civil Rights Law. The youths
put on their swimming trunks and went
out to the pool where a large number were
enjoying the cool water. As the sixteen
plunged in, up went a cry of "Nigger!"
All previously in the pool got out and
stood, ominously, on the bank. The new-
comers continued to swim about.

Presently the management's tactics were
divulged. As one of the Negro lads stood
on the edge of this pool, a "toughie" ap-
proached and shoved him. The Negro
chose to take it as an accident and only
smiled at the white fellow. Finding he had
not provoked a quarrel and not wishing to
lay himself open to arrest by more overt
action, the toughie shrugged his shoulders
and departed. The sixteen, when they had
finished their swim, clambered out to sun
themselves, still surrounded by the poten-
tial mob. Again a Negro lad was shoved.
He smiled and extended his hand to the
white fellow, who was so surprised that,
caught off guard, he shook the proffered
hand. No hostilities developed.

Later, as the group left the park, police,
called by the management, took their names
and admonished them not to return. When
the boys pointed out that, as they under-
stood it, the law said all people had the
right to enjoy public facilities, the police
asked: "Who are you, communists?" "No,
Christians," answered the boys. "Then," a
policeman demanded, "why are you com-
ing here trying to stir up trouble?"

Trouble, felt the youths, who had been
doing some thinking on the matter, had
been going on for a long time. They sus-
pected that crowds might be led toward
tolerant action as well as away from it, if
some would only concern themselves about
the matter.

Two weeks later they returned to the
park. This time they sent in an "advance
guard" of white boys to mingle with those
in the pool, enter into their play, and es-
tablish comradeship. Later, when the
mixed group entered the pool, the taunting
cry went up again. As before, boys started
to leave the water. "What's the matter?"
the advance guard asked their new com-
panions. "Look, Niggers," came the reply.
"Aw, heck, what's the cliff? Come on,
have fun. They've got the right to be here
anyhow." Hardly anyone left and the
whole crowd swam on amicab'y without
incident.

Some months later, in Yellow Springs.
Ohio, site of Antioch College, white stu-

By an experienced newspaper woman
who has worked for journals both at
home and abroad. Miss Buckler's expose
of conditions in our county jails a decade
ago evoked countrywide editorial com-
rnent. More recent articles on teen-age
problems and their solution have
brought her a flood of queries from par-
ents, teachers, recreation leaders, and
teen-agers themselves..

At present Miss Buckler is working on
a biography of Daniel Hale Williams,
noted Negro surgeon, which will be pub-
lished by Appleton-Century.

dents, taking seriously some of the discus-
sions in their sociology classes, invited
Negro students from nearby Wilberforce
University to go with them to a movie. In-
stead of remaining in the segregated sec-
tion at the back of the movie house, the
Negroes went forward with some of the
white students. The manager asked the
Negroes to move. Without a word they
shifted to prearranged vacant seats beside
other white friends, seats scattered all over
the front of the house. They kept on mov-
ing. The manager could not be everywhere
at once. Finding that most of the audi-
ence was quite neutral, he finally gave up,
and another Jim Crow custom that had
no actual validity in popular demand
melted away.

Restaurant Experiment

In Chicago, hue one night in the spring
of 1942, two men, one white, one Negro,
entered a small, htit well set-lip coffee shop
in a good residential neighborhood. They
asked for a cup of coffee and were refused
service. Several ensuing interviews with
the management failed to dislodge the pol-
icy of discrimination, which was said to
be due to the unwillingness of patrons to
eat beside Negroes. The management,
asked how it knew patrons felt this way,
admitted that the question had never been
put. It was suggested that the management
try serving Negroes for a short period, and
if the trial resulted in loss of business, the
loss would be made good. The manage-
ment refused to experiment.

After several weeks of such efforts, dur-
ing which the management had put up a
sign reading, "We reserve the right to seat
our patrons where we choose," a group of
twenty-one persons entered the coffee shop
in the late afternoon. Among them were
university students, business and profes-
sional people, men and women, a young
minister or two. The majority were white,
but included in the group were Negro men
and women. All were well mannered and
quiet. They distributed themselves in the
coffee shop, some at the counter, some in

the booths. Since the shop could seat only-
forty, the newcomers fairly well filled the
place.

The management immediately asked the
Negro men, who had seated themselves at
the counter, to descend to the basement
where, it was said, Negroes were served.
They refused, saying they wished to sit
with their friends. The management then
tried to persuade two Negro women, who-
had entered a booth with white friends,
to move to a booth in the rear of the shop.
They, too, refused. Whereupon the man-
agement telephoned for the police.

Meanwhile, though food had been placed
before the whites in the group, they would
not eat unless their Negro companions
were served. All maintained an unruffled
demeanor. Some read, others chatted
quietly. Two police officers arrived. Ap-
prised of the situation, they declined to
have anything to do with it, since there
was no disturbance whatever. Asked by
the management if they would not eject
the group on the grounds that the coffee
shop reserved the right to seat its patrons
where it wished, the officers replied, "There
is nothing in the law that permits us to
do that," and they left. After an hour the
management, seeing that this new style sit-
down strike was costing business, capitu-
lated and served the entire twenty-one.

How did the general public react to this
experiment to secure racial equality as guar-
anteed by law? Those who entered late
seated themselves beside the Negroes at
the counter without any fuss. As customers
took in the situation, they lingered with
interest to see the outcome. One elderly
gentleman who, with his wife, had been
present throughout, approached members
of the group in the street afterward and
said: "I had no idea there was discrimina-
tion here in Chicago. I thought that was
what we were fighting against in the war.
Good luck to you!" A woman patron asked
to join the group in any further endeavors
to break the color bar. Subsequent visits
to the coffee shop found the management
amiably serving all alike nor did there
appear to be any fall-off in business.

A New York Skating Rink

In Syracuse, early in 1943, two young
men, a white and a Negro, applied for
tickets at the window of a large down-
town roller skating rink. The clerk stated
there was a capacity crowd. The boys stood
aside, watching others arrive and be ad-
mitted. They pointed out the fact to the
clerk, who maintained these newcomers
had had reservations. The young men
asked the next prospective customer if he
had a reservation. When he said he had
not, they took his name and address for
evidence. He was not refused a ticket.

When the two approached the . clerk a
third time, she grew flustered and called
the manager. Irritated, he thundered that
no Negro or Italian had entered his rink
for twenty years. The two young men left.
Later, a committee presented its plea tor
non-discrimination with the confident as-
sumption that the manager would want to
comply with it. They were quiet and calm,
but firm. They showed they knew the law
and had collected concrete evidence that it
had been broken. The manager gave the
usual argument that, interracial attendance
would lead to rowdyism. After forty min-
utes discussion, he agreed to a trial period
of uon-discrimination. No difficulties have
ensued and the New York Civil Rights
Statute is now observed by that rink.

The People Behind It

A few score more such incidents could
be cited, from New York to Seattle. In
each case individuals, frequently young
college students, sometimes business and
professional people or religious workers,
had begun by looking at discrimination
in a new light. They saw the absurdity
of practicing at home a doctrine of racial
superiority that was being combated abroad.
They saw, too, their own guilt in ac-
quiescing in the refusal of public services
to Negroes hotels, hospitals, theaters, resi-
dences, schools. They concluded that they
must act as well as talk, that temporizing
would no longer do.

These conclusions seem to have cropped
up after field trips by James L. Farmer,
graduate of the School of Religion, Howard
University, and former race relations sec-
retary of the Fellowship of Reconciliation.
Groups formed, some of the members be-
ing from the Fellowship of Reconciliation
but not all. Later the spontaneous and
isolated groups united to form the Con-
gress of Racial Equality, with headquarters
in Cleveland. The national body now has
held its third convention.

So far the organization's national treas-
ury is a nominal one. Postage, mimeo-
graphed material, cheaply printed handbills
are covered by small local contributions.
Legal services, seldom required, have been
contributed by members or their friends.
Leadership is voluntary. CORE's executive
secretary is George M. Houser, an ordained
Methodist minister, who has become race
relations secretary of the Fellowship of Re-
conciliation which contributes about a third
of his time to the project.

Today nine groups are affiliated in New
York, Syracuse, Cleveland, Columbus,
Oberlin, Detroit, Chicago. Kansas City, and
Denver. Others are working, on the pro-
grain in Washington, D. C., Flint, Mich.,
Indianapolis. San Francisco, Los Angeles,
and Seattle. All are vigorous, hard-hitting
local COREs who hope to send over the
country a tidal wave of public conscience
about our cynical double standard of first
and second-class citizenship, of foreign and
domestic policy.

An unusually rigorous discipline is main-
tained. COREs are committed to direct
but non-violent action. They are com-
mitted not to compromise with racial segre-

FEBRUARY 1946

gation, but to use constructive, not destruc-
tive approaches to the situation. Groups,
all interracial, submit to careful training.
They do not enter upon negotiation that
promises difficulties until they are sure that
all members will be able to "absorb pos-
sible violence without retaliation." A two-
months training school for CORE work-
ers from all parts of the country was held
in Chicago last summer.

It is the procedure to try to understand
the persons with whom they are dealing
and what influences their actions, then to
act confidently so that no one will retaliate
on the level of fear, to talk factually, never
vindictively, to express courtesy and friend-
liness at all times. In other words, to use
means harmonious with their ends. This
relatively unexplored method of non-violent
direct action, they feel, may develop a really
powerful technique for dealing with social
conflicts.

In a campaign to open certain restaurants
in Chicago to white and Negro alike, the
local CORE has carefully evolved a de-
tailed procedure. First of all, members arc
informed what to expect in the way of dis-
crimination. It may mean, they are told,
outright refusal of service or even forcible
ejection: it may mean being seated in an
obscure corner; or being served small por-
tions or food not fit to eat; it may involve
being overcharged. CORE outlines cer-
tain helpful hints:

"Be confident," they say, "and assume
you will have no trouble being served: dress
neatly and appropriately; be observant at
all times, watch the reactions of customers
and capitalize on sympathetic responses;
tip your waitress and always pay your bill,
even when overcharged, though calling at-
tention to the fact. If served inferior food,
take away a sample of it for evidence, in
case it is decided to call a court case. If
no difficulty is encountered, express appre-
ciation for courteous service to the oashicr."

CORE campaigns are based on careful
planning. Every step is worked out in ad-
vance, and unforeseen on-the-spot decisions
are made by a leader chosen beforehand,
whom all have agreed to obey. Where
service is refused or is poor, the follow-up
is to attempt negotiation first. This is done
through personal contact and by an inter-
racial committee. If repeated negotiation
fails, action then moves into passing out
leaflets, picketing, talking to patrons, sit-
down strikes. If all this fails the law may
be appealed to in any of the twenty-two
states* where a civil rights statute is on
the books. But this is resorted to only
when all other efforts fail and is not con-
sidered the most satisfactory solution.
Usually they do not fail.

Tough Going

In a (Chicago restaurant, a place seating
about four or five hundred people and hay-
ing a big balcony, the manager, a promi-
nent church-goer whom we shall call Mr.
X, had refused to serve a white minister

California. Colorado. Connecticut, Illinois, Indi-
ana, Iowa, Kansas, Louisiana, Maine, Massachusetts,
Michigan, Minnesota, Nebraska New Hampshire,
New Jersey New York. Ohio, Pennsylvania, Rhode
Island", Utah, Washington, Wisconsin.

and his Negro friend. Repeated efforts at
persuasion failed. Then handbills were pre-
pared and distributed on the street to
patrons of the restaurant.

"In a democracy," read the first, "should
all people be able to choose where they wisl
to eat?" Mr. X "states that his patrons
uphold his policy of refusing to serve
Negroes. We refer the question to you."

The next handbill said: "X's discrimi-
nates. Is this lawful?" and quoted from
the Declaration of Independence and the
Illinois State Law, Criminal Code 38, end-
ing: "Racial discrimination and intolerance
wherever they exist undermine the founda-
tions of democracy. No nation which is
guilty of treating unjustly any segment of
its people can be a potent force in a just
and durable peace." A coupon was at-
, tached which carried the request to "tear
<>(T and leave with the cashier when paying
bill." It said: "To the Management of
X's: I believe in 'freedom and justice for
all' . . . and protest at finding them mocked
by undemocratic practices."

A Sunday flier carried quotations against
discrimination from Protestant, Catholic,
and Jewish churchmen. "Is religion for
Sunday or every day of the week? Is re-
ligion what you say, or what you do?"

Students and workers gave up their lunch
hours to stand in all sorts of weather hand-
ing out leaflets which recounted the his-
tory of attempted negotiations and an-
swered such hypothetical questions as Why
Pick on X's: Who is Behind These Leaf-
lets: What You Can Do About It. Many
patrons tore off the coupons on the fliers
and registered their protest with the cashier.
Others came to the offices of CORE to
report similar cases of discrimination, or
to ask to join in the effort to "secure de-
mocracy on the home front.

Sitdown Strike

Attempts continued to be made by whites
and Negroes to be served in Mr. X's restau-
rant. Once they found egg shells in the
sandwiches served them; another time gar-
bage. Finally after months it was decided
that a sitdown strike would be necessary.

At the dinner hour on the date chosen,
shock troops of three and four whites en-
tered the restaurant at intervals until about
fifty were sitting at scattered tables on the
main floor. Then a mixed group of two
whites and seven Negroes entered. They
were left standing in line while whites who
came after them were promptly seated.
They continued to stand. At the end of a
half hour, Mr. X gave the order to seat
them, which was done at a rear table where
silver and dishes were heaped in disorder.
Ten more CORE members arrived, all
Negroes except one; they vrere kept stand-
ing an hour and a half.

During this time, the fifty whites in the
advance guard refused to eat and quietly
informed neighboring patrons of what was
taking place. Patrons became so interested
in this "democracy test" that they lingered
to sec the outcome.

Mr. X telephoned for the police, who
(Continued on page 60)

American Red Cross photos by Wallace

Learning by Doing

On Philadelphia's playgrounds last
summer, children played and worked
together on "projects" like any young-
sters having fun in vacation rime. Yet
there was plan in the summer play-
ground program.

Prepared by the Junior Red Cross,
Southeastern Pennsylvania chapter,
and carried out with the cooperation
of the directors of both public and
private playgrounds, this was an ex-
periment in improving interracial and
intercultural understanding through
carefully chosen songs, movies, games,
and ideas for exhibits and bazaars.

Menu a la Carte

TWO FISH

ONE OF THESE FISH I CAUGHT WHILE WADING

through the hearings on the original So-
cial Security Act in 1935:

"Legislation of this class will permanently
weaken the fiber of the American people.
Self-reliance has been the key to American
success. It has been the initiative, thrift,
and self-sacrificing foresight of the indi-
vidual and the family which has brought
this country to its proud position. This
legislation starts this country on a pathway
from which there will be no retreat in the
course of the next two generations. When
the time comes as it surely will to re-
verse these policies, incalculable harm will
have been done to the character of the
population." (Statement by Ohio Chamber
of Commerce: Hearings before the Senate
Committee on Finance, 74th Congress,
f. 1107.)

I took the other fish from the editorial
current of the Weekly Bulletin of the Jacf(-
son County Medical Society (that's Kansas
City, Missouri), December 8, 1945:

"The present planning for all-out social
security is a step backward. All of this
has been tried and failed again and again
down through the pages of history. It is
yet to be found how the needy can be
helped without perpetuating the cause of
such need. No social security plans that
support the indigent through taxation have
ever been tried that did not fail because of
encouraging indolence, lethargy, and sloth.
Mankind has always had those who will
gain personal security by leading the shirk-
ers of competition. The shirker will always
follow the leader who promises him a share
from the efforts of others."

These fish smell alike, despite their dif-
ferent ages.

ENGLISH MUTTON CHOP

Does coffee stimulate your imagination?
Take a big black cupful and picture the
professor of medicine at the Harvard Medi-
cal School writing an article advocating
that all physicians be on full time, state-
provided salaries! Take another cup and
then, if you can, imagine that his article
is published in the Journal of the American
Medical Association along with signed com-
ments by several other physicians, pro and
con. The British equivalent of this event
happened in 1942 (substitute Oxford for
Harvard). The British Medical Journal ac-
tually practices freedom of speech.

Take something stronger thaa coffee, and
imagine the chairman of the board of trus-
tees of the American Medical Association
declaring coolly, in his official journal, that
he expects most of the people of this coun-
try to obtain their medical care after the
war through compulsory health insurance.
The chairman of the council of the British
Medical Association did this just four years

MICHAEL M. DAVIS

HEALTH TODAY &. TOMORROW

A series by the chairman, Committee
on Research in Medical Economics; as-
sociate editor, Survey Graphic.

ago. Two years later Winston Churchill
declared that

"Our policy is to create a national health
service, in order that everybody in the
country, irrespective of means, age, sex, or
occupation, shall have equal opportunities
to benefit from the best and most up-to-date
medical and allied services available."

Since then, this mutton chop has been
cooking over a slow fire. The British Medi-
cal Association takes for granted that the
Health Service will be established by gov-
ernment and supported by a combination
of health insurance contributions and gen-
eral taxation. Negotiations about details
got under way -between Churchill's Min-
ister of Health and the British Medical As-
sociation. Then the election of a Labour
Government in 1945 shook things up.
There was anxiety in official medical cir-
cles. How would the new chief proceed?
Last November this official, Minister of
Health Aneurin Bevan, wrote reassuringly:

"I shall be happy to meet the negoti-
ating committee before the government
finally decides what proposals they will
submit to Parliament. Neither of us, I
think, contemplates beginning afresh a long
series of protracted negotiations.

"I fully appreciate that the medical pro-
fession as represented by the committee are
concerned in the matter of the new health
service, not merely with the terms and
conditions on which they will take part in
it, but all the wider considerations, the pub-
lic interest and the general technique of
health services organization."

Thus encouraged, the negotiating com-
mittee of the association drew up, shortly
before Christmas, some fundamental prin-
ciples as starters for cooperative cookery.
These begin with three general statements:

For a quarter of a century the medical
profession has stressed the need for a com-
plete health service.

The profession is willing and anxious to
cooperate with the government in evolving
this service, for it believes that the t(nowl-
edge and experience of the profession are
indispensable contributions to its success.

It reemphasizes that good housing and
social, economic, and environmental cir-
cumstances are the principal factors in the
maintenance of health and the prevention
of disease. It urges the expansion of medi-
cal research.

They go on with seven specific pro-
nouncements, including, among other
points, the right of physicians to freedom
in diagnosis, treatment, and choice of loca-
tion: and the right of patients to choice

and change of doctor. The first and last
read thus:

/. The medical profession is, in the pub-
lic interest, opposed to any form of service
which leads directly or. indirectly to the
profession as a whole becoming full time
salaried servants of the state or local au-
thorities.

VII. There should be adequate represen-
tation of the medical profession on all ad-
ministrative bodies associated with the new
service in order that doctors may make
their contribution to the efficiency of the
service.

British physicians have learned by expe-
rience that medical care belongs to both
people and doctors. Unlike some of our
state medical societies, they do not seek
control over the administration of health
insurance plans. They ask to share, not
control.

Mr. Bevan has many responsibilities. He
is now wrestling with the acute housing
shortage. When he comes to prepare the
health legislation, he will deal with a pro-
fession which, like the Canadian Medical
Association, accepts the basic principle of
a national health insurance program.

NEW ZEALAND SPINACH

"MEDICAL RACKETS GRIP NEW
ZEALAND .... GOVERNMENT
WEIGHS SCRAPPING OF FREE
PHYSICIANS SERVICE .... BILLS
THICKLY PADDED .... FREE
MEDICAL CARE CALLED FAILURE."

These were the headlines in The New
Yorl( Times last autumn over two articles
from a correspondent in Wellington. Ever
since, American opponents of national
health insurance have been pointing to
New Zealand with a warning finger. They
shock themselves with the fact that the
costs of the health benefits trebled between
1939 and 1944. They quote statements
from the articles that some doctors arc
seeing a lot of patients in a hurry, that
some patients make unreasonable demands
on doctors, that hospitals are overcrowded,
that doctors are getting big money by un-
necessary calls and by padding their mile-
age allowances.

Is this broccoli ? Or is this what the little
boy said about his spinach?

New Zealand is a country about twice
the area of New York State, but with a
population of only 1,600,000. The pre-war
relation of physicians to the population
averaged only about one to 1,100 people
much lower than the corresponding ratio
in the United States. Then the war took
many doctors into service, just when health
insurance was getting under way. The
articles do not mention these facts.

New Zealand established comprehensive
social security provisions in 1938, extending
and codifying much previous legislation
and including national health services.
These were put into effect gradually. They

began early in 1939 with care in mental
hospitals. Then came maternity benefits;
then general hospitalization. In 1941 medi-
cines began to be paid for and general prac-
titioner services were included on a limited
scale, extended later. Home nursing was
not added until 1944. One obvious reason
for the mounting expense has been the
step-by-sti-p extension of benefits. Another
reason is the increasing use of the services.

Health Insurance Costs The actual ex-
pense figures, however, are disarming.
Thus, the cost of the services of general
practitioners in 1943-1944 was only about
13.15 per capita of the population. This
low figure makes it clear that over-use of
services must be limited to a small per-
centage of doctors and of patients, and that
while some doctors may milk the funds, the
average doctor isn't making an unreason-
able income. Doctors are "doing well," as
one said, but wartime doctors' incomes
have risen here in the United States, with-
out health insurance.

The Times correspondent displays a one-
sided picture if we compare his reports
with the opinions of Dr. Douglas Robb, a
topnotch surgeon of Auckland who has
long studied and written about New Zea-
land medical affairs. Writing in the Can-
adian Medical Association Journal (Janu-
ary 1945, p. 84), Dr. Robb said: "The re-
sulting services at present may be criticized,
but the principle promises to go on."

In a recent personal letter. Dr. Robb sum-
marizes his observations more fully:

"It would be hard to say that anything
quoted in this article is not true in fact
I could assure you that I know of examples
of almost everything there stated in the way
of abuse. But again, that is not the whole
picture. There are remote country districts
and other places where abuses are notori-
ous, but that is not the. true picture.

"In sum, one may say this, that the gov-
ernment's plans to put all branches of
medical care on a public basis by collecting
a special social security tax constitute a
great step forward. The principle has been
accepted by public and doctors alike, and
is almost certain to stay. The tragic thing
is that it should have been implemented so
badly, leading us into a worse state medi-
cally than we were before, particularly the
creation of vested interests against rational
progress.

"This failure can be attributed to lack of
confidence between the government and
the medical profession, and this state of
affairs still exists. The medical profession,
however, is much more aware of the un-
satisfactory state of affairs than it was for-
merly, and there are signs that it is prepar-
ing to set its own house in order."

The official medical leaders, Dr. Robb
adds, "had maintained a stout, unyielding
front against any substantial change and
against any further negotiations with the
government." Rut last autumn referendum
votes among rank-and-file doctors forced a
change in attitude. A large majority of the
profession was shown to approve carrying
on negotiations and tt> be in favor of, or at
least open-minded toward, various changes.

FEBRUARY 1946

Doctors and Government Undoubtedly
bad relations between Medical Association
officials and the government have been re-
sponsible for much of the trouble. When
the social security bill was under considera-
tion after the election of the first New Zea-
land Labor Government in November
1935, the Medical Association wanted a
complete tax-supported medical service for
the indigent, plus contributory insurance for
small income people for hospital care and
specialist services only. The government
wanted something much more comprehen-
sive, but its negotiations with the physi-
cians were neither frank nor fruitful. Re-
lations grew further strained when, in the
next election (1939). leading officers of 'the
association worked actively but unsuccess-
fully to defeat the Labor candidates.

Then, in 1941, the government set out to
introduce the general practitioner service, in
a form under which each doctor would be
paid a fixed annual fee for each patient
who selected him as his personal physician
the capitation system long favored by the
health insurance practitioners in England.
Only about one doctor in fifteen accepted
and still uses this method.

The leaders of the Medical Association
were up in arms. They insisted that doc-,
tors should be compensated on a fee-for-
service basis and demanded the basic rate
of 10s. 6d. per visit. The government
finally yielded. Fee-for-service payment was
accepted as a method, but only at the rate
of 7s. 6d. No methods for adequate profes-
sional supervision of the service were sug-
gested by the association. No adequate
fiscal controls were imposed by government.

In other words, the system which the
government accepted was one under which
professional laxness and financial abuse are
given opportunity to flourish among that
minority of people, professional or lay. who
seek to take advantage of such opportun-
ities.

Did the government yield to the doctors
because its administrative officers did not
appreciate the evils they were inviting? Or,
were these public officials willing to accept
the system because they knew that it would
break down, with the onus upon the doc-
tors? Were the medical leaders naive or
stubborn? There is no way of answering
these questions.

Much more background and foreground
would be necessary to understand the New
Zealand medical situation fully and fairly.
Of one point we may be sure: New Zea-
land is not going to scrap the national
health services. Negotiations between the
government and the Medical Association
are now under way. Officials of neither
group will express themselves until they
have reached a definitive point. There is
no doubt, however, that the issue which
they are discussing is the extension and im-
provement of national health insurance, not
its abolition.

So we may come to two conclusions.
First, New Zealand spinach has vitamins.
Second, as with other vegetables that grow
close to the ground, you will find grit in
your mouth unless the leaves are washed
well before cooking.

GATEAUX AUX CHOIX

Samples from the recent bakings of the
American Medical Association's House of
Delegates:

Why Antagonism to Organised Medicine?

"The surveys seem to have shown that
the public acceptance of the American
Medical Association and its policies is favor-
able so far as concerns scientific progress,
health education and protection of the pub-
lic against inferior medicine and quackery.
Antagonism of some elements of the public
toward medical organizations seems to rest
on the basis that opponents of organized
medicine offer a specific program which
promises complete medical care on what
seems to be a relatively small financial out-
lay, whereas the medical profession has not
yet come forward with a specific program
for the extension of medical service on a
nationwide basis with a system of payment
easily available and sufficiently attractive to
insure early enrollment of a large propor-
tion of the public.

"The task of public relations would be
rendered much easier if those concerned
could be put in possession of a construc-
tive program which they could promote to
the public, rather than in a position of con-
tinuous defense against programs coming
from other sources." (Report of a sub-
committee on Public Relations, four. .In:.
Mcd. Assn., Dec. 22, 1945, p. 1184.)

National Health Insurance Disapproved

"1. The Wagner-Murray-Dingell bill is
founded on the false assumption that so-
lution of the medical care problem for the
American people is the panacea for all of
the troubles of the needy.

"2. This is the first step in a plan for
general socialization not only of the medi-
cal profession but of all professions, indus-
try, business, and labor.

"3. Positive proof exists from experience
in other countries that inferior medical serv-
ice results from compulsory health insur-
ance.

"4. A program such as outlined is enor-
mously expensive. It will result in greatly
increased taxes for the entire population ot
the United States.

"5. Voluntary prepayment medical plans
now in operation in many parts of the
L^nited States and which are rapidly in-
creasing in number will accomplish all the
objects of this bill with far less expense
to the people and under these plans the
public will receive the highest type of medi-
cal care." (Resolution adopted by the
House of Delegates, lour. Am. Mcd. Assn.,
Dec. 22, 1945, p. 1207.)

forward, March!

"The Board of Trustees and the Coun-
cil on Medical Service and Public Relations
fare directed | to proceed as promptly as
possible with the development of a spe-
cific national health program, with em-
phasis on the nationwide organization of
locally administered prepayment medical
plans sponsored by medical societies."
(Resolution of House of Delegate.,, Jour.
Am. Mcd. Assn., Dec. 22, 1945. p. 1209.)

LETTERS AND LIFE

THE NORTH ATLANTIC TRIANGLE;
the Interplay of Canada, the United States
and Great Britain, by John Bartlet Brebner.
Yale University Press. #4.

THIS BOOK HAS BEEN BREWING FOR MORE

than a decade, but the result is well worth
the waiting. In October 1931 Mr. Brebner
opened the discussion at an historical meet-
ing in Ottawa, and his remarks on that oc-
casion led Prof. James T. Shotwell to in-
augurate, with the aid of the Carnegie
Endowment for International Peace, a com-
prehensive study of Canadian-American re-
lations. That study has already led to the
publication of a score of scholarly volumes,
and Mr. Brebner, whose insight set the
scheme in motion, has now presented in
this volume the final flower of a splendid
effort.

Although much of the factual material
incorporated in "The North Atlantic Tri-
angle," as well as the maps and statistical
tables, has previously appeared in the more
specialized volumes of the series, the book
is in no sense a mere summary. It offers
in brilliant prose a new and richer inter-
pretation of history, and it should be re-
quired reading for every intelligent citizen
of the three countries with which it deals,
since the history books that are typical in
each one of the three are seldom accurate
or impartial in recording the importance of
the other two.

"Histories of the United States and Great
Britain have paid too little attention to the
early emergence [of Anglo-American un-
derstanding]. For one thing, national his-
tories are usually periodical. For another, in
both countries a great many existing things
were happening whose color and drama
easily eclipsed the more humdrum, grudg-
ing growth of an understanding which per-
sistent tradition made not a little strange,
and even unwelcome, to Mother Country
and Independent Daughter alike."

If the two great partners in the' trinity
have paid too little attention to one
another's story, Canada has been in the
even worse position of utter neglect. For
almost a century, Anglo-American rap-
prochement was usually at the expense of
Canadian interests, which Great Britain
underestimated and the United States ig-
nored, so that the development of Dominion
status, as a result of steady and determined
effort, was the only way in which Canada
could establish her place in the councils
of the two great powers to which her
national life is inseparably linked.

On the morrow of a great war in which
all three nations were equal partners, there
is no need to recount the recent chapters
of their cooperation and interaction, but it
is worth while to remember that the part-
nership was not formed yesterday. The
concept of lease-lend was created in the
troublous years preceding the War of 1812,
when the British government sent to the
United States from the Canadian port of
Halifax "a parcel of iron 24-pounders" that
were needed for the defense of Charleston,

(All books

and Timothy Pickering knew his friends
when he remarked that "altho' the guns
and shot are only loaned. ... I presume
they will never be redemanded." It is
worth remembering, too, that 53,532 Cana-
dian born soldiers fought in the Armies of
the Republic during the Civil War, and
that a British battle squadron played a part
of no small importance in Admiral Dewey's
victory at Manila Bay.

These are but incidents out of a complex
pattern. The three countries are not identi-
cal. Great Britain and the United States
proved this during the War of Indepen-
dence, but we are apt to forget that Canada,
as early as 1760, showed her desire to main-
tain a separate entity from both and, in
spite of the suggestion from Seward and
many others "that Nature designs that this
whole continent . . . shall be, sooner or
later, within the magic circle of the Amer-
ican Union," the North Atlantic triangle
still represents the lines connecting three
separate and distinct nations.

Why then have these three nations co-
operated more effectively than any others?
Economically speaking, all three are inter-
ested in "the great region whose corners
were Newfoundland, Lake Superior, the
mouth of the Missouri, and the mouth of
the Hudson, as it lay curved and compact
in the terrestrial sphere, instead of flat and
distorted on the maps." This was the heart
of the North American continent before the
west was opened up, the great reservoir of
natural resources and the region that still
contains the two keenly competitive gate-
ways from North America to Europe the
Hudson and the St. Lawrence. North
American prosperity rested upon the activ-
ities of this area, while for more than a
century the Hudson and the St. Lawrence
have been the channels for that great vol-
ume of American-British-Canadian trade
which is of vital importance to all three
participants.

"The economic triangle of buying and
selling, investing and dividend paying,
migration and production, into which Great
Britain, the United States and Canada
poured their efforts, became the mightiest
thing of its kind on earth: . . . The whole
apparatus of tariffs, quotas and preferential
duties among these nations, plus the ex-
clusions, diversions and enhanced prices of
goods which it has produced, has been far
less important than the irresistible floods of
goods which have flowed 'through, by or
over' these nationalistic locks, dams and
weirs."

Such economic interdependence is a par-
tial explanation of the triangle, but it is
not the whole explanation. What Mr. Breb-
ner says of those later incidents when, twice
in twenty-five years, "the British people
sacrificed their prestige to their belief that
war with the United States was unthink-
able," offers a more penetrating explana-
tion:

"Imponderable forces were at work, as
ordered through Survey Associates, Inc., will be

they had been in the days of Burke and
the Revolution, during the independence
movements in Latin America and during
the American Civil War, and as they were
to be again. Great Britain and the United
States (and Canada, it might be added) had
common interests in the Atlantic region and
in the world, and were to discern these and
more, but they also had a host of less tan-
gible things in common language, tradi-
tion, and perhaps most important of all,
the elevation of the citizen above the state
which made many of their peoples re-
spond to instinctive urges toward coopera-
tion and understanding."

Honest readers, whether they be Amer-
ican, British or Canadian, will close this
book with less self-confidence in the record
of their own country, but they will find a
just pride in the record of the trinity and,
it is to be hoped, a greater respect for the
partners. It is no small thing, in these time
when the lesson has urgent importance, t
have written a book that achieves this aim

F. CYRIL JAME
Principal, McGill University, Montreal

THE NEW VETERAN, by Charles G. Bolte
Reynal 8i Hitchcock. #2.

as well as an account of the aims and ac-
tivities of the A. V. C. It is an objective,
fair, and logical survey of a matter of deep
national concern. This reviewer, a veteran
who is not affiliated with any group, con-
siders it a privilege to recommend the
American Veterans Committee as worthy
of the attention of every thoughtful ex-
serviceman, and to recommend Charles
Bolte's book to all citizens.
New Yor/( City RALPH ADAMS BROWN

NATIONALITIES AND NATIONAL MI-
NORITIES (With special reference to East-
Central Europe), by Oscar I. Janowsky.
Macmillan. #2.75.

REJECTING FORCIBLE ASSIMILATION AND
population transfers as impossible solutions
of the minorities problem, Professor Jan-
owsky stresses the simple and compelling
argument that the multi-national state must
recognize multi-nationalism. His logic runs
somewhat as follows:

The minorities of East-Central Europe
e so complex that national states like
ranee and England can never be created
ut of them. The Paris Peace Settlement
1919 erred in trying to create such
ates under dominant nationalities, while
rotecting minorities only through treaty
ghts. Although aware of this difficulty,
e peacemakers succumbed to pressure
om leaders of the majority nationalities,
"his error must now be corrected by formal
ecognition of the multi-nationalism of the
ates concerned through the creation of
mlti-national states in which minorities
'ould cease to be thought of as minorities,
nd would become equal partners under a
stem of "national federalism."
To bolster this argument, the author uses
early half his text to describe three lead-
ig examples of successful multi-national
ates, Switzerland, South Africa and the
oviet Union. As a result, he does not have
luch opportunity to show how he would
)ply his own blueprint to East-Central
urope. He suggests, however, that the
roblem should be tackled through the
amework of existing states.
Yugoslavia, for example, would be di-
ded "into "national territorial subdi-
sions," such as Serbia, Croatia, and Slo-
enia, "each enjoying full equality, especi-
ly with respect to language and culture."
he language of the majority in each sub-
ivision would be official and the majority
'ould control local administration. Small
nd scattered minorities would have their
ghts upheld in the last resort by the
nited Nations Organization. Finally, to
rovide the economic unity essential for the
access of the scheme, the multi-national
ate of Yugoslavia would join a regional
Dnfederation of Balkan states.
Although Professor Janowsky is success-
-il in his aim of writing a "reasonably
;adable" book for the general reader, he
>metimes indulges in abstractions which
ive his work an air of unreality. For
<ample, he tells us that "national federal-
m" is a better term than "cultural plu-
ilism" to describe his plan because, among
.her things, it has the "virtue of suggest-
ig unifying; centripetal, rather than dis-

AMERICANS UNITED FOR WORLD ORGANIZATION, INC.

I860 Broadway, New York 23, N. Y.
Circle 7-1800

ana f^i

roaram

Americans United for World Organization is a national non-partisan group,
devoted to world cooperation for peace, which is political in the sense of striving to
bring public opinion to bear upon public representatives. Its record and program rest
upon alertness and action. With the advent of atomic energy, it reflects widespread
conviction that political leadership must catch up with science if further frightful
warfare is to be precluded.

The major purpose of Americans United is to work through the United
Nations Charter to develop a representative world government capable of controlling
atomic energy and other weapons of war under an accepted code of law. This
supports the premise of the President and many other leaders that the United
Nations Organization is an important beginning.

Americans United holds that security and freedom are inseparable aspirations
of all peoples. Therefore, it stands for action making good the specific pledges of the
United Nations Charter for diminishing intolerance, repression, injustice and want,
so that world organization will have the support and faith of peoples everywhere
without distinction as to race, sex, language or religion.

It opposes those elements, alien or domestic, which seek to implant fascist,
narrowly nationalistic or imperialistic doctrine. It opposes governmental secrecy. It
proposes militant, non-partisan action respecting candidates for public office in the light
of these principles.

OFFICERS

MRS. J. BORDEN HARRIMAN,

Acting President

ULRIC BELL, Executive Vice-President
]. A. MlGEL, Treasurer
ARTHUR J. GOLDSMITH, Secretary
MRS. GEORGE L. BELL, Director

Washington Office

RAYMOND SWING,

Chairman of the Board
Vice-Presidents

DONALD J. COWLING, Northfield, Minn.
MARK ETHRIDGE, Louisville, Ky.
WALTER WANGER, Los Angeles, Cal.
W. W. WAYMACK, DCS Moines, Iowa.

William Agar

Mrs. Robert Low Bacon

C. B. Baldwin

Courtenay Barber, Jr.

Robert F. Bass

Mrs. Mary McLeod Bethune

Charles G. Bolte

Mrs. Sidney F. Brody

Harrison Brown

Henry B. Cabot

Mrs. John Alden Carpenter

F.verett N. Case

Leo M. Cherne

Morris L. Cooke

Norman Cousins

Alan Cranston

Samuel H. Cross

Hartley C. Crum

BOARD OF DIRECTORS

Officers and the Following
David Dubinsky
George Fielding Eliot
Thomas H. Eliot
Marshall Field, Jr.
Thomas K. Finletter
Harry W. Flannery
Frank P. Graham
Alan Green
William Green
Senator Carl A. Hatch
Paul Henshaw

Rt. Rev. Henry W. Hobson
Howard Huntington
Maxwell A. Kriendler
Clarence H. Low
Thomas H. Mahoney
Cord Meyer, Jr.
Merle Miller

Edgar Ansel Mowrer

Philip Murray

Rt. Rev. G. Bromley Oxnam

F. LeMoyne Page

James G. Patton

A. J. G. Priest

Mrs. Ruth Bryan Owen Rohde

Richard B. Scandrett, Jr.

L. H. Schultz

F. E. Schuchman

M. Lincoln Schuster

Robert E. Sherwood

Spyros Skouras

Rex Stout

Michael Straight

Henry P. Van Dusen

Mrs. Charles Vidor

James JP. Warburg

Russell Davenport ..*" C 7.. W fi'"

AMERICANS UNITED for World Organization, Inc.
1860 Broadway New York 23, N. Y.

I wish to enroll as an associate member at $2.00 D! as a Member at $5 (includes weekly legislative
bulletin) D; as a sponsor at $10(3.

Please send me literature D-

Name

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3BRUARY 1946

(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC^

ruptive and centrifugal tendencies." A cer-
tain amount of vagueness is inevitable in
so comprehensive a proposal, however; it
does not nullify the validity of the book's
central idea. VERNON McKAY

Foreign Policy Association

HUMAN LEADERSHIP IN INDUSTRY,
by Sam A. Lewisohn. Harper. $2.

THIS IS THE MOST SATISFACTORY BOOK ON

labor relations that it has ever been my good
fortune to read. One of the things that
makes it interesting is that it pays much
attention to what might be called "em-
ployer relations." It considers the rela-
tions of employer and employes as being
tw'o-way, which in truth they are.. It is
wholesome for the public to be reminded
occasionally that the difficulties the wage
earner encounters in getting along with
management parallel the difficulties which
management finds in getting along with
labor.

This point of view is developed to a
considerable extent in Chapter 3, "The
Mind of the Employer" and Chapter 4,
"Managers of Tomorrow." Mr. Lewisohn's
analysis of the temperament, motives,
prejudices, and useful driving forces on the
employers' side should be required read-
ing for those on both sides of the table
wherever labor relations are discussed and
determined.

The theme of the book is "sound hu-
man organization." Industry has been en-
trusted with the fundamental functions of
our material civilization. Industry is com-
posed of men and women of all sorts and
conditions. The basic problem affecting
the interests of all members of our indus-
trial society is that the organization shall
be soundly adapted to its purposes, which
include not only the effective production of
goods and services, but also allowance for
self-development and self-realization in a
framework of cooperative endeavor.

It may be worthwhile to quote a few
paragraphs from the excellent chapter on
"managers of tomorrow":

"The technical man who possesses the
right personality and interest may, indeed,
be at a great advantage in labor relations.
A man who takes up engineering does
learn to be dispassionate and objective, to
seek the truth undisturbed by prejudice or
preconception, and to lie thorough. The
old-fashioned owner-manager has too often
been hampered by the conventions of his
class. He may have been 'human,' but it
was a dogmatic humanity. The scientific
approach of the engineer, however, is un-
friendly to intolerance. Engineer-managers
who have not neglected a scientific study
of human relations are usually superior to
other industrial managers in their approach.

"To sum up, we have to face these facts:
the increasing importance of engineers as
industrial executives: the fact that the man-
agement of labor relations is often in their
hands: the overwhelming importance of a
proper administration of these relations:
and the lack of preparedness of graduates
of some engineering schools to handle these
matters to the best advantage.

"This points to the need of introducing

into the curriculum of every technical in-
stitution, for all students who by any
possibility may in later life have charge of
men, thorough courses in social science,
modern labor relations, and the technique
of labor administration. Such courses
should be 'required' and should be under-
stood* to be an integral part of the training
of the students. In posts of industrial re-
sponsibility there are both technical and
human, we might say 'political,' phases
which must have their proper place if suc-
cess is to be attained."

Mr. Lewisohn's book deals rather more
with fundamentals than with current criti-
cal situations, although his treatment of
the necessity that management shall be free
to manage is full and satisfactory. Other
current problems do not receive adequate
consideration. There is, for instance, the
virtual establishment as public policy of the
principle that coercion and intimidation
when practiced by union labor are not sub-
ject to restraint and control by the con-
stituted authorities, even when they take
the form of physical violence. Perhaps this
policy seems so absurd as not to require
extended discussion. Absurd though it
be, however, it is a fact and no full dis-
cussion of our present labor situation is
complete without looking this thing in the
face.

Effective leadership and effective pro-
duction constitute Mr. Lewisohn's theme.
Perhaps we may find that if the lessons
set forth are absorbed and applied the final
submission of issues' to determination by
strike . will be avoided, and the occasions
for coercion and intimidation will not arise.

Readers of this book should be found
by the thousands in the ranks of both man-
agement and organized labor.

RALPH E. FLANDERS
President, Federal Reserve Bank, of Bos/on

SCIENCE, TODAY AND TOMORROW
(Second Series), by Waldem.ir Kaempffert.
Viking. $2.75.

SCIENCE YEAR BOOK OF 1945, edited by
John D. Ratcliff. Doubleday, Doran. $2.50.

WALDEMAR KAEMPFFERT, SCIENCE EDITOR OF
The New Yorf( Times and one of the most
competent of our science reporters, has
brought up to date a survey of the various
fields of research in his revised edition of
an earlier book. Developments born of the
war but equally significant in the peace-
time world to come are highlighted in this
new revision. For example, the increasing
interest of both scientists and the general
public in the social applications of scientific
pioneering is stressed repeatedly in the later
edition. Illustrative of this trend are the fol-
lowing headings for newly added chapters:
"Boundless Frontiers of Science," "Sick
Medicine Needs a Doctor," and "Through
Science to World Unity." Formerly in-
novators turned loose their brain children
and sat back unworried until, like Alfred
Nobel, who discovered dynamite, they
sought belatedly to undo. an unanticipated
development with anti-social complications
by creating a prize for peace.

Mr. Kaempffert does not pull his
punches, striking out at what he considers

to be conservatism in medicine, education,
and other fields. Thus, he recommends a
supreme Health Authority, composed of
the leaders of medicine and selected, sub-
ject to Presidential approval, by the general
medical schools and research institutions.
Why? "Neither the American Medical As-
sociation nor politicians can be trusted," an-
swers the author.

This book, like most collections of earlier
published material, is a string of beads
which sometimes vary in size and appeal.
But the book deserves wide circulation
among the men of science who want to
know what is going on in the laboratory
across the street and the folk who have no
access to the laboratory the average citizen
who has the deciding voice in the future
direction of world affairs and thus should
be well informed.

John D. Ratcliff, himself a professional
science writer, has collected in his four
annual volume what he considers the belt
articles on the scientific marvels of the ye
as published in popular magazines. Si
nificantly, the largest number deal wi
medicine, a recognization of man's ove
whelming interest in himself and wh
makes him tick.
Washington, D. C. HILLIER KRII-GHBAU

MEN, MIND, AND POWER, by Dav
Abrahamsen, M.D. Columbia Universi
Press. $2.

DR. ABRAHAMSEN STUDIES CONDITIONS
Germany and the personalities of her leae
ers in the light of his knowledge of crim
inals and psychiatry. With this as a bas
he offers definite suggestions as to wh
can be done to prevent a third world wa
which he feels will come if we do not se
the situation as it is and cope with it.

He writes: "Even if it seems too fa
fetched to say that wars are usually man
factured by Germans, nevertheless the ps
chological phenomenon as it has been ma
ifest in Germany is so particular that
warrants an investigation of the facto
leading to war." In every population, h
points out, there is a neurotic element whic
can be aroused by a neurotic and impa
sioned leader such as Hitler was. The Ge
mans have had more difficulty than mo
nations in making a healthy social adapt
tion to life with others.

Dr. Abrahamsen feels that this goes bac
to the time when they lived in dark forest
and needed to band together for protection
The nations along the ocean develope
more initiative. In the Germans, force an
violence were developed as a means of fee
ing secure. "Their fight for a bare physica
existence at that time, may be related t
their fight today for a physical exis
ence expressed, for instance, by their d<
mands for colonies." The German fear
loss of status. He feels threatened and then
upon shows aggressive and resentful a
titudes which appear paranoid.

Another factor stressed in the book
the German family, which is unlike othe
present-day families. The German father
very dominating, like the father in the ol
tribes, while the mother is weak and sul
missive. This tends to build up in th

children a type of personality that is sub-
missive but full of fear and resentment.

Case studies are made of important lead-
ers Hitler, Goering, Goebbels, Himmlcr,
Quisling, Laval. The writer shows by not-
ing family history, developmental and en-
vironmental situations, how many factors
led to their maladjusted personalities. The
scars left by lack of enough affection, by
too strict discipline, physical deformities,
and so on, led to withdrawal from society,
resentment, aggression, and later criminal
acts.

Long before these men came into power,
they exhibited the same traits of character
and type of histories that have been found
repeatedly in criminals. In a community
with adequate facilities for caring for such
maladjusted people, they would have been
recognized as mentally and emotionally
sick and would have received the necessary
guidance either by out-patient psychiatric
and social work care, or if necessary would
have been hospitalized. They should not
have been at large to act as leaders for
other emotionally unstable people.

Perhaps the most important chapter of
the book as far as the future is concerned
is the last on remolding the minds of the
Germans. This should be carefully studied
by all those who are in any way working
on the problem of Germany or Japan.

Dr. Abrahamsen writes: "The task of re-
educating Germany is a challenge to all
humanity and we cannot emphasize too
much that reeducation must bring a change
in the character structure of the German.
This must be brought also in German in-
stitutions and German outlook. All other
treatment would be only symptomatic. . . .
Peace has to come from the people them-
selves according to their desires and needs.
It is these desires and needs which have
to be developed in the Germans to make
them able to undertake citizenship in man-
kind."

Among his suggestions for bringing
about this change is one that has to do
with the family. It would be necessary to
decrease the authority of the father and to
"strengthen the role of the mother." In
countries that have progressed, women have
taken a more active part. A healthy family
should be a biological unit, neither paternal
nor maternal.

Dr. Abrahamsen thinks that by using a
specially trained group of women teachers,
rather than men who have come back from
war bitter and resentful, and by starting
the children early in nursery school and
keeping them in school longer, a good deal
could be accomplished. There should be
clinics in Germany to diagnose and treat
individuals suffering from maladjustment
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THE CORE WAY

(Continued from page 51)

came, saw there was no disorder, and left.
Then a white woman guest, not a member
of the CORE group, asked one of the
Negro girls standing in line to share her
table. This inspired CORE members al-
ready seated to do likewise. In this man-
ner all but two of the Negroes were seated
and at this point the hostess ushered them
to a table. Spontaneous, unrestrained ap-
plause swept the big restaurant.

Over a Widespread Area

It is not the plan of CORE to enroll
large memberships. Groups must be co-
hesive and extremely well disciplined to
carry out such programs. This is best done,
the organization feels, by keeping numbers
small. Memberships usually run about fif-
teen or twenty to a hundred, at the most,
and are in all cases of both races.

Results are being achieved over a wide-
spread area. In Denver, all movie theaters
now admit Negroes to any part of the
house. But before victory was won a Negro
corporal in uniform was arrested by an
MP on the call of the manager when he
attempted to sit with a white friend on
the main floor. The white friend accom-
panied them to the police station with a
copy of the Civil Rights Statute of Colo-
rado in his pocket. Upon its presentation,
,the police decided they had no grounds
upon which to hold the corporal.

In Colorado Springs, the policy of sev-
eral restaurants has been changed and
groups are now at work on movie houses.

In Detroit, an interracial cooperative
house and store have been set up.

In Chicago, two interracial cooperative
residences, one for young men, another for
young women, now exist in otherwise seg-
regated areas. There were friendly talks
with the neighbors and no complaining
witnesses appeared when the real estate
companies attempted to invoke restrictive
covenants in court.

In Oberlin, faculty, students and towns-
people, finding that there was no place
where a Negro could get his hair cut,
formed a cooperative, sold shares, and set
up an interracial barber shop which is do-
ing a flourishing, fine quality business.

In Columbus, court action was finally re-
sorted to, which has ended segregation in
the big downtown movie houses. Here, it
was necessary to bring suit simultaneously
in a multiple number of instances to show
a recalcitrant city administration that its
more democratic citizenry meant business.
Following upon this success, representatives
of practically every independently owned
theater in central Ohio agreed no longer
to discriminate. Says a field report, there
have been "no complaints by operators
showing that any of the white patrons
have complained, nor has there been any
racial friction or decline in business re-
sulting."

CORE carried on a campaign in several
parts of the country against the Red Cross
policy of segregating the blood of whites
I In aiiftt'ering advertisements please mention SURVEY

and blacks for transmittal to the wounded.
"Give your blood," urged CORE, "but pro-
test this Jim Crow policy." Thousands of
leaflets were distributed pointing out that
"it's all the same to him (the wounded
man) and to science too!" Three hundred
seventy-two protesting physicians, the
American Association of Physical Anthro-
pologists, and the Journal of the American
Medical Association were quoted to the
effect that chemical, physical, and micro-
scopic tests have proved that white and
Negro blood are identical and that "the
segregation of the blood ... is therefore
not only unscientific, but is a grievous af-
front to the largest minority in the coun-
try."

CORE has collected and publicized state-
ments of employers showing satisfaction
with Negro employes. It has tackled dis-
crimination in department stores, barber
shops, federal housing, universities,
YMCA's. It has issued pamphlets listing
restaurants which do not discriminate and
inviting thoughtful people to patronize
them. It is attempting to have restrictive
covenants in real estate transactions de-
clared illegal.

Because of its good will approach, CORE
has in most cases been able to secure the
willing concession of those whose policy it
seeks to change. "But we have no failures,"
points out Mr. Houser, "because we never
regard a job as finished until we have
won." CORE is eager to leave behind not
a defeated opponent but a real supporter
of racial justice. Its difference from other
movements lies in its belief that education
alone is insufficient, that violence is self-
defeating, and that withdrawal would be
immoral.

CORE members have taken as slogan
the words of Henry Thoreau: "What I
have to do is to see, at any rate, that I do
not lend myself to tne wrong which I con-
demn."

FROM THE MAN ON THE JOB

(Continued from page 45)

individually are favorable to the idea of
extra remuneration for extra accomplish-
ment. Hence, a thoroughly successful plan
would include this motive, while providing
ample protection for the original wage
structure.

How completely wartime plans disre-
garded this essential starting point is illus-
trated by the fact that the estimated $25,-
000,000 savings in shipbuilding were ob-
tained "at a cost (quoted with mistaken
pride of economy) of only $100,000." The
original arrangement of granting four
prizes monthly f 100, $75, $50 and $25
bonds to each participating yard was un-
der pressure by the various committees for
nearly two years before it was extended to
cover supplementary awards for ideas of
merit. But the basic demand of contrib-
uting workers for remuneration related
to the savings effected by their ideas was
never met.

The protest on this issue which arose at

many times and in varying forms was on

GRAPHIC)

one occasion a source oi extreme embar-
rassment to our company. It was during
the monthly presentation of awards by the
plant manager that one of the prizewinners,
when called on to receive his bond, asked
if he could say a few words. The sur-
prising request was granted. Looking the
plant manager straight in the eye the work-
er, a serious, thoughtful man of thirty-five,
took the microphone:

"Back in New Mexico where I come
from," he began rather ambiguously, "a
man's reputation travels fast. My dad was
known to be one of the fairest men in
the country but he was a good business-
man, too. I remember well how he said to
me on repeated occasions: 'Son, for God's
sake, if you have to give something away
give it away freeheartedly. But if you
sell something get a decent price for it.'

"That's the way I feel about my sugges-
tion. It's worth more than $18.75. The
man who investigated it said it would save
100 man-hours per hull. That ought to be
about $5,000 a year, the way I figure.

"There's the patriotic angle, I know, and

'm just as patriotic as the next man. But

my genius is inspired also by the thought

of an adequate reward for my efforts. And

as for honor, there are few of us who are

ike the Irishman who was ridden out of

own on a rail. Pat said: 'If it wasn't for

he honor of the thing, I'd much rather

lave walked.'

"I've talked this whole matter over with
my fellow workers and they have all agreed
hat what I am going to do is rieht and
ome didn't use very polite language, either.
So, remembering the advice of my dad,
'm going to give back this bond frec.-
heurtcdly and you can turn it over to the
USD. ..."

The meeting broke up then and there
md the whole suggestion program almost
iroke up with it. The worker's foreman
ater told him he had to fight for him for
in hour. But the management finally de-
cided that it would be ill-advised, consid-
ering the publicity he had obtained, to fire
he man.

Bringing in the Men

A cooperative program so designed as to
enlist the efforts of all the workers, would
basically democratic in structure and
spirit. Workers of each homogeneous
;roup, including supervision, would meet
regularly to talk over their problems and
o consider ways of solving them.
Above this mass participation would rise
pyramid of coordinating committees,
since it is often impossible to solve produc-
tion problems except on a plantwide, in-
dustrywide, or even a national scale. Such
plan is admittedly a radical departure,
Hit it is not wholly new. It has been tried,
f only on a limited scale, and often with
Brilliant results.

Toward the end of my employment in
the shipyard, I had a hand in something
of this nature and can vouch for its pos-
sibilities. There was a serious bottleneck
n the skid (subassembly) department and
mi department was called in to help. My
hief gave me the assignment. The hold-up

was in production of the inner bottom sec-
tions of the hull which had to pass through
two jigs and welding positioners; hence
output was definitely limited. A full set
of these units had to be completed every
three days to keep up with other sections
of the ship, whereas the best that had as
yet been done was a full set in five days.
The number of men employed on the jigs
had reached its maximum and little in the
way of improvement could be expected by
changes in operating procedure.

Analysis of the work indicated that co-
ordination between the shipfitters and the
welders was not all it should have been.
The optimum arrangement would have
been exact alternation between the two
jigs, with the welders working on one and
the shipfitters on the other, and vice-versa.
But whenever the fitters had completed
work on their jig they usually had to wait
for from thirty minutes to several hours
for the welders to finish on theirs, and the
reciprocal situation was often the same.

A rigid hour-by-hour schedule seemed
indicated. The way such a schedule works
is very simple. Every unit assembled is
marked for the number of hours it re-
quires to fit up as well as weld, with the
timing based on actual experience; and the
units are so arranged in sequence that the
fitters and welders can pass without break
from one to another. Such a schedule has
often been considered impractical in a ship-
yard where unforeseeable circumstances are
the rule. However, with allowance in the
time allotted for such emergencies, the skid
department got firmly behind such a sched-
ule as an experiment.

We then called a meeting of the work-
ers and explained to them how the sched-
ule operated. It was by no means a case
of speed-up, we stressed, since the time al-
lowed in each case had been determined
by the performance record of the men
themselves. They seemed interested.

"Now, this is all good and well," I told
them further, "it's a nice game but you
aren't a bunch of kids playing games. The
question comes up: 'What do / get out of
it?' Well, for one thing it will help finish
these ships on time and that surely is im-
portant tor the war. But there's something
else that perhaps strikes even closer. You
know that new shipbuilding is rapidly run-
ning out. There's still work to be done
but it won't need as many men or yards
as before. All other yards in the area ex-
cept the naval drydocks are laying men off
by the thousands. Our own yard will be
on a competitive basis hereafter. You've
heard that we recently lost a contract for
a number of tankers to an eastern yard.
If we are to get such contracts in the fu-
ture it will be because we can cut man-
hours by methods such as these. No speed-
up, but better coordination and elimination
of friction. ..."

But I was thinking all the time: If this
thing works out, by rights you should all be
getting a nifty bonus for it!

The schedule proved a real success, as
indeed it could hardly have failed to do.
The workers watched the schedule with
hawkeyes and if they fell behind due to

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breakdown of a crane or other cause, it
never took them long to "get back on the
beam." Most of the time they never got
off it. Once, when lackers were unavail-
able, the fitters grabbed their helmets and
stingers and continued the work. The
bottleneck was broken in a week, and in
two the innerbottom jigs were "way out
in front." Five hundred man-hours a hull
were slashed off the production time. Soon
the extra units began to accumulate, and
before the safety department complained
about it, the proud skid superintendent had
them mounted one upon another in two
great piles each nine units high. It was, I
felt, a notable symbol of the efficacy of
planning and particularly of including the
man on the job in the planning.
Peacetime Possibilities
The labor-management cooperative plan,
at least as practiced on a mass scale, is a
new thing. This partly explains its failure
to achieve greater success during the war.
It would be wrong, however, to gloss over
its shortcomings for that would be to shut
the door to progress. We might have ma-
terially shortened the fighting and so saved
many lives if we had utilized fully the re-
sources of our working men and women.
That loss is irretrievable. Our peacetime
industry presents its own great possibilities.
Full employment those sixty million jobs
may to a considerable degree depend
upon taking advantage of the opportunity
to build on wartime experience and de-
velop sound labor-management cooperation.

1946

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II provide excellent salary range. 8210 Survey.

WANTED Trained case workers and working su-
pervisor. Agency is expanding its family and
child welfare services. Good supervision and adt--
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Transportation paid to San Francisco. Write
Catholic Social Service, 995 Market Street, San
Francisco 3. ____^

DIRECTOR for Youth Council to be organized i
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inter agency level. Will have responsibility i. t
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ADOPTION AGENCY wants professionally trained
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home finders and adoption placement department.
Salary $1800. to $2400. Write Miss Julia Ann
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SOCIAL SERVICE WORKER (woman) for
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Give full details. Apply Home Service, Spring-
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Springfield. Mass.

WANTED ASSISTANT HEAD WORKER, fe-
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EXECUTIVE FOR GROUP WORK or Comm-
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AGENCY EXECUTIVE, male, 42, Protestant, 14
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Last four years with Special Services, comm-
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TRAINED WOMAN CASEWORKER. Seven
years family, chijd welfare and supervisory ex-
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United States or Pacific. Free to travel. Age 11.
Negro. 8310 Survey.

kSSISTANT DIRECTOR of large boys' club de-
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a newly formed or established boys' club in the
middle west or far west. 8308 Survey.

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EBRUARY 1946

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93, '' nhrliifl 4?. I

HOMES FOR ALL AND HOW

(Continued from page 41)

short, are we moving forward or "back to
normalcy"?

Housing is Exhibit A in support of the
general truth that "back to normalcy"
would bring alternate periods of boom and
bust. It woulrl not bring enough houses or
enough jobs. In each typical postwar year
we would need to invest about $7,000,-
000,000 in residential construction to help
sustain an annual gross national product of
f 170,000,000,000, the minimum gross prod-
uct required for reasonably full employ-
ment.

This would be more than twice as much
as in the last year before the war. And
that was one of the best prewar years.

This tells how far we shall fall short
in housing if the future program is pat-
terned on the past. If we fall short to the
same extent in other endeavors, we may
run into an unparalleled depression before
the veterans of this war reach middle age.

By that time, with the aid of American
financing, some other nations will have re-
stored their economies. Their more rigor-
ous, though less free, systems will be at-
taining full employment, just when we our-
selves may again be demonstrating a strik-
ing incapacity to do so. That contrast, held
up for all to see, would imperil our influ-
ence in world affairs at the very time when
it may be needed most.

The Opportunity Here and Now

Full employment in a free society is not
just jobs. Hitler provided jobs while he
lasted. Full employment in a- democracy
means supplying the kind of jobs that add
most to meeting a people's physical needs
plus the kind of leisure that adds most
to their cultural advancement.

We know from experience that we can-
not plan for continuous full employment
when we are sick with depression. Then
we can only give ourselves shots in the
arm. We can plan soundly to f^eep pros-
perity only when we have prosperity. For
this, there is no time like the present.

The Full Employment bill calls for an
annual over-all budget for full employment
and full production. But this would be a

futility without specific programs to fill in
the details.

The Wagner-Ellender'-Taft bill is about
the first specific program for postwar
America. It contains the plans and ex-
presses the intent to achieve housing's part
of "full production and full employment."

It implements this intent with the neces-
sary teamwork to carry through:

Teamworl{ within the government,
through one permanent National Housing
Agency executing one clearly defined na-
tional housing policy, instead of numerous
conflicting agencies.

Teamworl^ between communities and the
government, with a five year, $25,000,000
federal program of grants to localities, on
an equal matching basis, to help them study
their housing and community development
needs and how best to meet them.

Teamwork^ at all levels, among industry,
labor, agriculture and government, in plan-
ning and in doing.

Teamwor\ between an executive agency
and Congress, through the requirement
that the National Housing Agency submit
annually to Congress a current inventory
of housing progress, with recommendations
for bringing housing ever nearer to the
goal of a decent home for every American
family.

No one can say that the bill will "cost
too much." Most of it deals with repay-
able loans or insurance of private lending.
When all of the programs are in full swing
five years after enactment the total cost
to the federal government will be only
$133,000,000 a year. It cost us more than
twice that much every day to win the war.
The housing bill is therefore at the core
of the struggle to realize in our time the
full promise of a peaceful America. No
such struggle ever got under way without
bitter opposition. No such struggle ever led
to victory without first becoming a people's
cause and enlisting their indomitable sup-
port.

That support is what the Wagner-
Ellender-Taft housing bill needs NOW*

(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHIC,)

* President Truma endorsed the bill in his mes-
' sage to Congress on January 21.

SIMMONS COLLEGE
SCHOOL OF SOCIAL WORK

Professional Education Leading to the degree of M.S.

Medical Social Work
Psychiatric Social Work
Community Work

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Social Research

Catalog will be sent on request.
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by
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THE CLOTHING INDUSTRY SAYS

(Continued from page 43)

'WE"

their supply houses, and the other factors
of their business life.

As the Employers See It

"It's like this," a spokesman for the
Clothing Manufacturers Association ex-
plained to me, "we married the union a
good long time ago. It wasn't a love match.
Both parties were forced into it, you might
say, but from the beginning we all realized
that no divorce was possible. It was for
keeps. Now you take a marriage that has
gone on for twenty-five years there aren't
any fireworks left. If it has lasted that
long, the parties have learned how to get
on together, and take the ups and the
downs together, and work things out to-
gether. And that 's the way it is with the
union and us. We've had our good times
and we've had our bad times. We've given
each other a lot. We haven't a lot of illu-
sions about each other. But we've learned
to get along. We had to. I'm not making
any comments on any other industry. But
in our industry, the big point was that we
took each other, for better or for worse,
and for keeps."

As to the recent settlement, "We aren't
celebrating. Did you ever see anybody cele-
brate because he had to pay out money?
But we worked it out around the table, its
what we agreed to, and it will work be-
cause we'll make it work I mean the in-
dustry. When we say 'we' it's all of us,
the union and the manufacturer."

Thus both union and management em-
phasize the fact that this agreement was
arrived at "across the table." It was ham-
mered out by representatives of the work-
ers and of the employers, after weeks of
discussion. Government had no part in the
negotiations at any stage, nor were photog-
raphers on hand to record the signing of
the agreement.

It furnishes, perhaps, an example of the
orinciple recently laid down bv William
H. Davis, former head of the War Labor
Board, when according to The New Yor^
Times he told a Senate committee on Jan-
uary 15 that government intervention in

labor disputes in peacetime defeated "the
basic purpose of collective bargaining, and
rendered the achievement of industrial
peace far more difficult. So long as there
was held out to each side in a labor dispute
the possibility that it might gain more from
government intervention than it could by
its own efforts, any legislation would ag-
gravate rather than ameliorate the prob-
lem."

The "mature" labor relations of the mem-
bers of the Amalgamated and their employ-
ers were reached the long, slow way. In
discussing the negotiations, union leaders
and management spokesmen alike re-
minded me that "it wasn't always like
this." Both harked back to the stormy days
of the Chicago strike in 1911', the New
York City lockout in the Twenties, the or-
ganizing drives in Baltimore, Philadelphia,
and other cities.

Both groups point to the Wagner act,
which spelled out the right of the workers
to collective bargaining, as a milestone in
industrial relations in this country. "It
changed the whole labor picture," a union
spokesman said, "but we don't need the
machinery." An official of the manufactur-
ers association made the same point when
he said, "The Wagner act put collective
bargaining on a different level but of
course this industry didn't need the act."

A Shortcut to Peace

The clothing industry has followed a
long and difficult road from the sweatshop
era to the new agreement. Today's indus-
trial warfare echoes the bitter strife in the
clothing industry twenty and thirty years
ago. But in a few instances, it is possible
to shortcut that long and costly process.

The outstanding example today is of
course that of Henry J. Kaiser, who made
production history as a wartime shipbuild-
er, and now is pioneering almost as spec-
tacularly in postwar industrial relations.
While the General Motors plants were
strikebound, and the Ford negotiations
with the union hanging fire, Kaiser-Frazer,
the newcomer in the auto field, agreed on

January 7 to sign a contract with th
United Auto Workers (CIO) which set
new levels not only of wages, but of union
management relations in the industry.

The same papers that brought news o
the start of the steel strike, also carriee
front page stories of Henry J. Kaiser's set
dement with the United Steel Workers, 01
the terms proposed by President Trumai
to "Big Steel." The agreement, providinj
the 18 Yi cent increase in hourly wages cov
ers the Fontana steel plant, the largest 01
the Pacific coast, with between 3,000 anc
4,000 workers. The wage increase entaile<
no price concession from the government
The plant has been charging the genera
west coast rate of $2.80 a hundred, whic
is below the $3.35 ceiling, and a spokesmai
for the management said there was no in
tention of increasing that price.

In commenting on the steel contract, Mi
Kaiser said:

"As I understand the principle of col
lective bargaining as established by law i
means that all parties have an obligatioi
to find a basis on which they mutuall
agree. I have signed this agreement toda
in the belief it will have the support of th<
people of America. I believe this becaus
I cannot conceive that a sum of 3J/2 cent
[the difference between the Truman pro
posal and the U. S. Steel offer] should b<
permitted to retard or destroy the possibility
of real peace and prosperity for the nation.'

These are days when news from the re
conversion front is grim news. With short
ages of civilian goods in this country am
tragic need overseas, our vast productive
machinery is grinding to a halt in crucia
areas. At such a time, the examples o
sound, constructive industrial relations gaii
new significance not only to the worker
and employers directly involved, but to al
employers and workers, and to the genera
public as well. For. in the final analysis
strike issues are determined by what Presi
dent Truman has termed "the greates
pressure group of all" the Americai
people.

(In answering advertisements please mention SURVEY GRAPHICJ

SMITH COLLEGE
SCHOOL FOR SOCIAL WORK

A Graduate Professional School Offering Educa-
tional Programs Leading to the Degree of Master
of Social Science.

Academic Year Opens June 25, 7946

For further information write to

THE DIRECTOR COLLEGE HALL

Northampton, Massachusetts

PENNSYLVANIA SCHOOL OF
SOCIAL WORK

University of Pennsylvania

A New Publication
Now Available

"THE ROLE OF THE BABY IN THE
PLACEMENT PROCESS"

Introduction and Conclusion
Jessie Taft, Ph. D.

The Integration of Agency Service
in Placement of Babies

Mary Frances Smith, M. S. W.

Helping the Baby Through the
Temporary Foster Home

Louise Leatherland, M. S. W.

Helping the Baby to Move into
an Adoption Home

Florence M. Pile, M. S. W.

120 Pages, with copious case material.
Price .85; 10 copies, 7.50

Address:

Publication Division

Pennsylvania School of Social Work
2410 Pine Street, Philadelphia 3, Pa.

WESTERN RESERVE UNIVERSITY

SCHOOL OF APPLIED SOCIAL SCIENCES

Professional Education in Social Work
with Specialized preparation for:

Administration

Child Welfare

Community Organization

Family Case Work

Group Work
Home Economics in Social Work

Medical Social Work
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Catalogue will be mailed upon request.

2117 Adelbert Road
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UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH

SCHOOL OF APPLIED SOCIAL SCIENCES

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FOR THE SOCIAL SERVICES

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1st Semester begins September 23rd, 1946.
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For information on admission and fellowships

apply
Office of the Dean

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StTTUFA GTiAPHIC for March. 194<i. Vol. XXXV. No 3. Published monthly and copyright 1940 by SURVEY ASSOCIATES. IXC. Composed and printed
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Milestones

More than 50 awards from learned and professional societies have
been presented to staff members of Bell Telephone Laboratories
for their scientific discoveries and inventions.

Awards include the Nobel Prize in Physics, the Hughes Medal of
the Royal Society, London, the Willard Gibbs Medal, the Franklin
Gold Medal, and the John Scott Medal.

Bell Laboratories scientists and their associates explore every scien-
tific field which offers hope of bettering communications. That is
why Bell System research is so important to the future of sound
and television broadcasting, as well as to the ever-improving
standards of telephone service.

BELL TELEPHONE SYSTEM

Among Ourselves

AMERICANS OBSERVED BROTHERHOOD WEEK.
from February 17 to 24, with men, women,
and children of diverse faiths and from all
walks of life participating. President Truman
was honorary chairman of the vast program;
former Governor Harold E. Stassen of Min-
nesota, general chairman. The slogan of the
week was: "In Peace As in War Teamwork."
Millions of Americans joined 'The American
Brotherhood," each pledging to his fellow
Americans "all the rights and dignities I de-
sire for myself."

A feature of the week was the short mo-
tion picture, "The American Creed," shown
in 10,000 theaters. Every person seeing the
film was given an opportunity to join the
Brotherhood, and to contribute to the $4,000,-
000 extension fund being raised to finance
research and education in ways of promoting
understanding and good will.

WHILE CONGRESS HESITATES OVER MODEST RE-
inforcement of our social security system (see

age 83), the British House of Commons, by
tactically unanimous vote and after only
hree days of debate, has passed what has
>een described as "the broadest social security

rogram ever undertaken by a Western na-

ion."

Based on the Beveridge plan, the measure
vers both wage earners and the self-em-

loyed, and sets up an integrated system of

nemployment, sickness and old age insurance,
naternity benefits, death grants, and widows'

nd guardians' allowances.
To the question whether Britain can afford
his, Prime Minister Attlee replied: "I can-
lot believe that our national productivity is
o low, that our willingness to work is so
eeble, that we admit to the world that the
nass of our people must be doomed to
>enury."

EDUCATIONAL AGENCIES LOST A VALIANT

Ily in the deadi last month of William Allan

Jeilson, president emeritus of Smith College,
t the age of seventy-nine. Teacher, scholar,

ditor, college president, Dr. Neilson was an
ntiring but never solemn fighter for democ-

acy, on the campus, and in the larger com-

nunity of state and nation.

Readers and editors of Survey Graphic re-
all with special appreciation Dr. Neilson's

>enetrating book reviews, and his much dis-

ussed and widely reprinted article, "Educa-
on Can't Be Better Than the Teachers," in
ie special number on "Schools," second in

ur "Calling America'" series.

iy MID-FEBRUARY, THE LAST OF THE 982 REFU-
ees who had been in the "temporary shelter"
t Fort Ontario, N. Y., for eighteen months
lad been either repatriated or admitted to
tizenship in this country. (See "Displaced
ersons: a USA Close-up," by Ruth Karpf in
urvey Graphic, June 1945.)
Simultaneously with this announcement
ame news of progress in carrying out Pres-
icnt Truman's Christmas Executive Order
Dr the admission each month of 3,900 refugees
rom Central Europe under existing quota
tgislation. Some 200 Foreign Service officers
nd clerical and administrative assistants are

VOL. XXXV CONTENTS No. 3

Survey Graphic for March 1946

Cover: The Family Poc\etbool{. Photo by Lawrence D. Thornton

The Bowles-Porter Team: Photographs 68

Everybody's Stake in Price Control OSCAR E. NAUMANN 69

Strikes and Public Policy WILLIAM M. LEISERSON 72

Shifts on the Atomic Front JAMES T. SHOTWELL 76

France Shakes Herself MALCOLM W. DAVIS 79

Basic Issues in Social Security JOHN J. CORSON 83

Preview of a Sporting Event MICHAEL M. DAVIS 85

Letters and Life .... 87

Economic Thought in the Making HARRY HANSEN 87

The Nuclear Physicists: Poem by Peggy Pond Church 88

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in Europe to expedite the handling of ap-
plications in special visa offices that have been
set up in a number of cities.

Officials hope that the first refugees will
sail this month, on a Victory ship from Brem-
erhaven to New York.

OF THE POEM ON PAGE 88, PEGGY PoND

CHURCH writes from her home in Taos, N. M.:
"I made this after hearing the Los Alamos
scientists speak at the laboratory in Santa Fe
very sincere, very moving people they are.
They sound warnings with the terrible urg-
ency of Biblical prophets. . . . Witter Bynner
read the poem at a later mass meeting which
had been addressed by the scientists."

THE SIXTH ANNUAL HONOR ROLL OF RACE RE-

lations, based on a poll conducted by the
Schomburg Collection of Negro Literature of
the New York Public Library, this year in-
cludes the names of five white and eleven
Negro Americans "who have distinguished
themselves during the past year in the effort to
improve race relations in terms of real de-
mocracy."

The names of two Survey Graphic authors

appear on the 1945 Roll: Sterling Brown, "foi
his teaching and popularity as visiting pro-
fessor of English at Vassar College"; Lester
B. Granger, "for his inspection tour of naval
installations in the United States and the South
Pacific, after which marked improvement was
made in the navy's race relations policies."

LAST MONTH, A SMALL GROUP OF AMERICAN

experts took off for Tokyo, at the request of
the War Department, to study the wages and
conditions of Japanese workers. One member
of this Labor Mission is Helen Mears, pro-
duction editor of Survey Graphic and Survey
MidmontMy from 1929 to 1934. Before coming
to us, Miss Mears had spent two years in
China, on the staff of the North China Daily
News. She was in Jarjan for most of 1935, and
out of that experience came her delightful and
informative book, "Year of the Wild Boar."

FEATURED IN THE FEBRUARY Survey Midmonth-
ly a special section on Recreation, die five
articles describe going programs, and discuss
what can and should be done by every Amer-
ican community to meet the need of adults
and young people for leisure time activities.

CHESTER BOWLES

The Bowles-Porter Team

This team, points out Oscar Naumann, provides "the
closest approach to unified price control since the start
of the stabilization program in 1941." However, if Con-
gress fails to comply with President Truman's request to
extend price control and stabilization laws beyond their
present expiration date, June 30, what chance has even
a good team to win the battle against inflation?

Chester Bowles, staunch director of the Office of Price
Administration since July 1943, is now administrator of
the reestablished Office of Economic Stabilization. He is
key man in executing the entire wage-price policy.

Paul A. Porter, who succeeds Mr. Bowles as head of
OPA, organized the present rent-control program when,
as deputy administrator, he was in charge of the rent
division of the organization, 1942-43. He has worked
with the War Food Administration, the Office of
Economic Stabilization, and more recently has beer
chairman of the Federal Communications Commission.

TC-- A^ociation

PAUL A. PORTER

S U RVEV

GRfl PHIC

Everybody's Stake in Price Control

Can we hold our own in the grim race with inflation? Here are the
policies and the men on whose wisdom and stamina we now depend.

N AMERICA PRODUCE A FLOOD OF CON-
mer goods in the next six to nine months
and at the same time hold prices stable?
If it can, most of the danger can be re-
oved from the inflationary pressures
reatening the country. The alternative is

set off a chain reaction terminating in
plosive inflation.

Chester Bowles, the newly-appointed eco-
mic stabilizer, has reiterated time and
ain that the only sure cure for inflation

high-volume production of consumer
xids. In this view he has been em-
atically supported by the business corn-
unity. At the same time, however, Mr.
wles has insisted that the price line be
Id tightly, and one of his first actions
er announcement of the new wage-price
licy was to state that "there will be no
reat to a new line on prices and rents."
siness is not unanimously in agreement

this point.

The consumer will lose his shirt if prices
eak through the line now, says Mr.
wles. He won't be able to buy a shirt
lose if they are not lifted, say most critics

the price control program. The chasm
parating Mr. Bowles from most of his
siness and congressional critics is the
ethod by which high production is to be
ained. The new economic stabilizer
aintains that existing price ceilings are in
e main profitable, while OPA opponents
im that they are so low as to stifle pro-
iction.

Stable prices are a definite aid to pro-
iction, while soaring prices tend to under-
ine increased output, Mr. Bowles believes,
sing prices create no new workers and
:ablish no new production lines, he argues,
stead, they lead to materials hoarding,
ake production planning difficult, and di-
rt the attention of management from pro-
.ction to speculation.
More important than this difference of
inion, however, is a split within the Ad-
inistration itself on prices and production.
at only is Mr. Bowles confronted with a
ige unsatisfied demand for goods, with
jmendous pent-up buying power in the
of liquid savings and the high pur-

OSCAR E. NAUMANN

By the Washington correspondent of
the New York Journal of Commerce,
assigned for the past four years to day-
by-day coverage of the nation's stabiliza-
tion program.

From the early days of Leon Hender-
son's Office of Price Administration and
Civilian Supply through the administra-
tions of ex-Senator Prentiss M. Brown,
Chester Bowles, and now Paul A. Porter,
Mr. Naumann has interpreted the poli-
cies and actions of OPA. His background
experience is in commodities generally
and food in particular.

chasing power of almost full employment
at good wages, but he has had to battle
weakness and vacillation at the White
House.

The Split in the Administration

On the surface, an affable, easy-going in-
dividual who was once described by Senator
Kenneth S. Wherry (R. Neb.), one of the
most vocal of all OPA critics, as "the grear
est salesman in America," Mr. Bowles has
found himself steadily opposed by John W.
Snyder, director of the Office of War Mobi-
lization and Reconversion. Mr. Snyder
firmly believes that the only way to get pro-
duction is through "flexibility" in exercising
price controls.

On the other hand, Economic Stabilizer
Bowles and Paul A. Porter, his successor
as OPA administrator, think that there is
already too much "flexibility" in the stabi-
lization program and that it should be
tightened up. Until the announcement of
the Administration's new wage-price policy,
Mr. Bowles received lip service from Presi-
dent Harry S. Truman. The President in
public statements and speeches called for
the extension of OPA, warned of the
dangers of inflation, and emphasized that
the "line" must be held. Mr. Snyder fre-
quently held opposite views and, almost as
frequently, these opposite views were up-
held by the President.

The new wage-price program is a culmi-
nation and a compromise of the differing

viewpoints. For months, Mr. Bowles and
Mr. Snyder, as personally unlike as their
policies, had fought a running battle on
issue after issue.

Last fall, for instance, Mr. Snyder advo-
cated the elimination of the War Produc-
tion Board's L-41 order, which limited the
construction of new homes to those below
S8,000 and channeled building materials so
that they would be available for such home
construction. Mr. Bowles, then OPA chief,
wanted L-41 continued, because he believed
that without it building would be con-
centrated in high priced homes and build-
ers would not be able to obtain materials
to complete all the homes they started. Mr.
Snyder won out, however even though the
Administration has since had to institute
a controlled building program far more
stringent than any contemplated under
L-41.

A similar difference of opinion developed
over price ceilings for residential buildings.
Before the Senate Small Business Commit-
tee late last year, Mr. Bowles testified that
such price ceilings were "absolutely essen-
tial." Mr. Snyder, who was present when
the statement was made, and who testified
the same day, could not bring himself to
favor a bill that would give the govern-
ment authority to price-control residential
properties.

The reconversion chief, a conservative
banker from St. Louis, and a personal
friend of the President, then removed the
matter of raising steel price ceilings from
OPA's hands. During the negotiations be-
tween Mr. Snyder and the steel companies,
OPA officials were literally in ignorance of
the price which the reconversion director
was offering the industry in an attempt to
prevent the steel strike and then to settle it.

The New Chain of Command

It was to this scene that Mr. Bowles re-
turned from a vacation in Florida, where
he had gone for a short rest before the
House Banking and Currency Committee
opened its hearings on the extension of the
price control laws. Discussions followed
among President Truman, Mr. Snyder, Mr.

Bowles, and their assistants, and Mr. Bowles
finally came to the point of offering his
resignation.

Instead of accepting it, the President pre-
vailed on the protagonists to work out a
new policy on wages and prices and ap-
pointed Mr. Bowles to the post of economic
stabilizer.

After his appointment, Mr. Bowles said
that "there is no question in my mind at
all that I have the authority to carry out
the program. I have all the assurances I
need." Nevertheless, the way the new chain
of command on the economic front has
been established still leaves doubts as to its
ultimate workability. The reconstituted Of-
fice of Economic Stabilization is a part of
the Office of War Mobilization and Recon-
version, and Mr. Bowles is to report to Mr.
Snyder rather than directly to the President.

Even though the administrative set-up is
thus open to question, the policy evolved
represents a victory for Mr. Bowles. What
it does is to state that the government favors
the "voluntary" raising of wages up to the
levels generally attained in an industry or
labor market since last August.

It then gives business some reassurance
by providing that an industry or a com-
pany which grants such wage increases may
ask OPA for a price increase if the new
higher wage costs reduce its earnings below
the peacetime rate. Since only some 30-odd
industries, out of thousands, are now earn-

ing less than their peacetime rate, and since
industry profits on the average are some
400 percent above recent peacetime years,
OPA does not expect that it will have to
grant numerous price increases as a result.

Those Who Stand to Lose

As a protection to the consumer, OPA
will require that all retailers absorb the
price increases to the maximum possible ex-
tent. The effects of the policy on the cost
of living should be comparatively small,
Mr. Bowles believes. The bulk of the items
going into the complete index have rela-
tively low labor costs, and since the policy
provides for higher prices to offset higher
labor costs, such products as food, clothing,
and rent which have low labor costs will
not be too seriously affected.

Most of the price increases will be con-
centrated in consumers metal goods, which
represent only 9 percent of the total cost of
living index. This will mean that while
the cost of living index can be held fairly
steady, reconversion goods are probably go-
ing to cost more than they did in 1942.

Any substantial failure of the wage-price
policy, and most OPA economists do not
think that the price line could stand still
another nudge without touching off an in-
flation, would have disastrous consequences
for consumers. For instance, if consumer
prices were to rise as they did after the
first World War, annual living costs of con-

sumers would increase by $30,000,000,OOC
by the spring of 1947, an average of abou!
$850 a year for each family in the country

Labor, which has had a 33 percent gair
in real earnings during the war years
would soon find that spurting living cost:
would rapidly overtake and outstrip fur
ther rises in wages. Farmers would alsc
stand to lose heavily as the prices of thing:
that farmers buy rose faster than prices foi
farm products. If investors were to experi
ence only the comparatively mild inflatior
that took place after the first World War
they would find that the value of each
dollar invested in war bonds, industria
bonds, savings deposits, and life insurance
would be reduced by 22 cents.

Business also stands to lose heavily in ar
inflation. After the last war's inflation anc
collapse, business returns fell from a profii
of $6,400,000,000 in 1919 to a $55,000,00(
loss in 1921. In the next five years, 106,00(
businesses failed, or 40 percent more thar
in the five years before the war.

Recognizing the need for higher produc
tion of certain essential materials, especial!;
building materials, OPA has since the enc
of the war in Europe issued 150 "incentive'
price increases to aid production in the
transition period. Since V-J Day alone, th(
price agency has issued 60 such amend
ments to stimulate production of lumbe;
and building materials. OPA officials poin
to this record with pride when the claim i:

Consumer Advisory Committee, OPA the kind of leadership that spearheads the consumers' movement throughout the country

Seated (1. to r.) Mrs. Herman Lowe (Tenn.), presi-
dent, Women's Auxiliaries, AFL; Mrs. Florence Wyckofl
(Calif.); Clara Hardin (N. Y.), secretary, for Economic
Education, National Board, YWCAf MM. Marion W
Weir (Mo.), chairman, St. Louis Consumers Federation
Helen Hall (N. Y.), National Federation of Settlements
Hazel Kyrk (111.), Dept. of Home Economics, Univer
ity of Chicago (chairman); Mrs. Harriet Howe (D.
C.), American Home Economics Association; Katharine
Armitage (N. J.), chairman League of Women Shoppers;
Mrs. Grace Hamilton (Ga.), executive secretary, Atlanta
Urban League; Mrs. Frances F. Gannon (N. Y.), spe-
cialist, New York City Department of Markets; Mrs.
Paul W. Jones (Mich.), former president, State League
of Women Voters; Mrs. Esther E. Sizer (Colo.),
National Farmers Union; Mrs. Gerson B. Lev! (111.),
National Council of Jewish Women.

Standing (1. to r.) Mrs. Elizabeth Rohr (O. C.),
Washington Representative, Consumers Union; Mrs.
Howard Peck (Conn.), executive committee, Farm
Bureau; Colston E. Warne (Conn.), president, Con-
sumers Union, professor of economics, Connecticut
College for Women; Mrs. Katharine Van Slyke (N. Y.),
former executive secretary Junior League; Mrs. Esther
Cole Franklin (D. C.), Consumer Relations Adviser,
OPA; George Tichenor (N. Y.), Eastern Cooperative
League; Hael Davis (D. C.), Research Department,
National Education Association; Anna Lord Strauss
(D. C.), president, National League of Women Voters.

The members serve as individuals. Officers: chairman,
Dr. Kyrk; vice chairman, Miss Hall; secretary, Caroline
F. Ware, chairman, Consumer Clearing House (D.C.).
Other members, not present, are:

Mrs. Ruth Lamb Atkinson (D. C.); Ella Bake
(N. Y.), director branches, National Association fo
Advancement of Colored People; Mrs. James A. Bourn
(D. C.), 'asst. executive secretary, Food for Freedom
Inc.; Mrs. LaFell Dickinson (D. C.), president, Gee
eral Federation of Women's Clubs; Mrs. Laura Essma
(Mo.), grand president of the Ladies Auxiliary
Brotherhood of Railroad Signalmen; Mrs. Eleano
Fowler (Md.), executive secretary, Congress of Women*
Auxiliaries, CIO; Mrs. William A. Hastings (111.)
president, National Congress of Parents and Teachers
Mrs. Thomasina Johnson (D. C.), Alpha Kappa Alph
Sorority; Pauline Beery Mack (Penn.), director, Ellei
H. Richards Institute, Pennsylvania State College
Elizabeth Morrissy (Md.), National Council of Catholi
Women; Emma C. Puschner (Ind.), national director
Child Welfare Division, American Legion.

This is what happened to the buying power of
the dollar in our three previous major wars:

AFTER INFLATION IT WAS WORTH...

War of Revolution flB 33 cent 5

This is what has happened to living costs

Civil War

(Jf 307V,*

AUGUST 1939

^4 Monthi

OCTOBER I94S

44cents

It will be helpful to note the trend of
individual elements of living costs.

FOOD

RENT

FUEL. ICE &
ELECTRICITY

World War I

40cenfs

At the end of World War II" the greatest
war of all it was worth ..

World War II

"76 cents

I5X of living co.t. y/. of l.y.nj <o.ti 21% of living cot.

From the level of May 194 J living costs have risen only 3 percent.

Charts from OP A booklet "Price Control, December, 1941"

made that price ceilings are holding down
production.

There is a good deal to the industry con-
tention, however, that these price increases
have been insufficient to bring out the pro-
duction. Why, for instance, did OPA have
to raise the ceiling for cast iron soil pipe
four times since V-J Day? If the first price
increase was adequate, there should have
been no necessity for the subsequent three
actions. Similar recurrent price increases
have been issued for other building mate-
rials because the initial price ceiling increase
proved too small to bring out production.

OPA and OES

With Mr. Porter former Federal Com-
munications Commission chairman ap-
pointed price administrator, and Mr. Bowles
at the head of the Office of Economic
Stabilization, there is certain to be a closer
liaison between the two agencies. Created
fay President Roosevelt, the first OES was
established to act as a referee in disputes
between the various war agencies, and par-
ticularly between the War Food Adminis-
tration and OPA. When Judge Fred M.
Vinson, now Secretary of the Treasury, held
the post of economic stabilizer he was fa-
miliar with OPA problems and sympathetic
:o them.

William H. Davis was appointed OES
:hief from the War Labor Board, of which
ic was chairman. Mr. Davis was not in-
Jationary, and was inclined to hold a tight
Jrice line. His background was primarily
n industrial relations and wage adjust-
nents. With his resignation, the office was
ibolished as an independent entity and was

then reestablished in the Office of War
Mobilization and Reconversion, with Judge
John Caskie Collet as chief. Judge Collet
was also sympathetic to OPA's problems,
and his chief counsel, Henry M. Hart, Jr.,
of the Harvard Law School, was formerly
OPA's associate general counsel.

None of his predecessors, however, had
anything like the firsthand experience with
price control and its problems that Mr.
Bowles brings to the OES. In leaving
OPA, moreover, he did not abandon the
price agency to the directorship of an un-
known quantity. Mr. Porter served OPA
as deputy administrator in charge of rent
under Leon Henderson and for a short time
under ex-Senator Prentiss M. Brown, who
.directed the agency in the term between
Mr. Henderson and Mr. Bowles. Under
Mr. Porter, OPA held rent ceilings closely,
and even now rent ceilings have advanced
less than one percent in almost three years.

Not only have all Mr. Bowies' top as-
sistants at OPA indicated that they will
continue with the price agency, but the
Bowles-Porter team provides the closest ap-
proach to unified price control since the
start of the stabilization program in 1941.
Technically at least, Mr. Bowles now has
control not only of prices and wages, but
also of subsidies, food prices, and the allo-
cation and inventory controls of the Civilian
Production Administration.

Always in the background, however, is
Mr. Snyder, and a dispute which Mr.
Bowles might resolve against one of the
other agencies might well be carried
through above the economic stabilizer's
head.

In mid-February, as this is written, hear-
ings on extension of the price control and
stabilization laws beyond the present June
30 expiration date have begun. President
Truman has asked Congress for a one-year
extension of OPA, for continuation of food
subsidies, and for extension of the Second
War Powers Act, which is the source of
priority and allocation powers. In addition,
he has asked for price ceilings on new
homes.

Extension of Controls

The request for such an extensive pro-
gram of legislation mirrors the fact that
most government and private economists
climbed out on a limb last fall, and by
November found the limb being chopped
off behind them. Fears of deflationary
forces, of mass unemployment with reduc-
tions in purchasing power, and predictions
of a higher volume of consumer goods have
not materialized as then predicted.

Although reconversion production was
ahead of schedule at the end of 1945,
strikes in December, January, and February
have choked it back. Unemployment has
not approached the levels forecast, and con-
tinuing easy money is burning a hole in
many a consumer's pocket.

For these and allied reasons, Mr. Bowles
has found it necessary to seek a one-year
extension of the Emergency Price Control
Act of 1942, as amended, and the Stabiliza-
tion Act of 1942, as amended. Products
which Mr. Bowles only last October said
could be removed from price control early
this year, will have to remain under maxi-
(Continued on page 92)

MARCH 1946

Strikes-and Public Policy

An outstanding authority discusses the industrial conflict bedeviling reconversion,
and shows how we can set up and implement a workable scheme for peace and order.

FOUR YEARS AGO POSTWAR PLANNERS WERE

already engaged in proposing and blue-
printing programs of labor relations for
peacetime use. Now, in the midst of indus-
trial turmoil little is heard of those model
plans.

What the planners generally overlooked
was that postwar labor relations policies
were being shaped by what we did or did
not do in handling wartime labor problems.
During the war, the government rejected
organized labor's contention that, in order
to maintain the wage earner's relative pre-
war position, basic straight time wage rates
must be raised in proportion to the rise in
cost of living. Instead, take-home earnings,
increased by overtime and premium pay,
were adopted as the measure of labor's
relative position.

It is hardly surprising therefore, that now
the unions should be demanding wage in-
creases to maintain the weekly take-home
rather than adjustments in basic rates of
pay on the grounds they had customarily
advanced.

The Roots of Conflict

Thus did the government's wage policy
during the war create the issue which
labor and management have been righting
out this winter in the big strikes over wages.
Similarly, the government's wartime prac-
tice of fixing terms of employment led
to the present so-called "fact-finding"
boards and the proposal that such boards
be authorized by Congress, with strikes
prohibited during a fixed "cooling off"
period. These boards in effect determine
wages and working conditions, although
their reports take the form of recommenda-
tions rather than directive orders. Thus
when the board in the General Motors
case recommended a wage increase of \9 l / 2
cents an hour and renewal of a maintenance
of membership contract, it determined about
what would be done in many industries.

What the government actually wanted
in the transition from war to peace was to
get out of the business of wage-fixing, and
to restore collective bargaining. But be-
cause government did not plan ahead for
the transition, we now have the familiar
"labor crisis" which usually foreshadows
improvisation of a new "labor policy." An
Executive Order after V-J Day authorized
free bargaining as to wages, provided the
agreements reached called for no price in-
creases. As one labor paper put it: "You
can have it, if you can get it out of
profits." Naturally, the unions have con-
tended that their wage demands could be
met without raising prices.

Meanwhile, it is plain from official state-
ments that the government wants wages
raised. How much, is the question. The

WILLIAM M. LEISERSON

By the former head of the National
(Railway) Mediation Board; member of
the National Labor Relations Board,
1939-43; now on the faculty of Johns
Hopkins University.

This article is based on the paper
Professor Leiserson read before the an-
nual meeting of the American Economic
Association in Cleveland.

answer is being sought in the current tur-
moil of strikes and shutdowns.

Wanted: A Government Policy

By authorizing free collective bargaining
with the limitation that it shall not result
in price increases, the government attempted
to allow wages to rise, and to fight the
battle against inflation by controlling prices.
At the same time it sought to check the
deflationary tendencies involved in wage
reductions and down grading of workers
by making these subject to approval by
stabilization authorities. Apparently the
idea was that genuine collective bargain-
ing could be restored by thus modifying
the wage control method.

This was far from complete relinquish-
ment of control over wages. When the out-
break of strikes followed, it soon became
evident that the transition from the war-
time, compulsory labor policies to volun-
tary adjustment of labor relations was not
to be made so easily. Employers began to
demand that the government establish a
definite wage-price policy as a basis for bar-
gaining, and the unions (especially those
affiliated with the CIO) also urged gov-
ernment action to determine the wage
issue.

Thus, both management and labor have
been pressing the government for what is
in effect a continuation of the wartime
policy of government wage-setting; and
the pressure of general public opinion has
been in the same direction. We know that
employer and worker representatives on
the War Labor Board wanted the board's
control of wages ended so that free collec-
tive bargaining could be resumed, and the
government was anxious to get rid of the
WLB for the same reason. Nevertheless, if
a recent Gallup poll is to be relied on, ma-
jority sentiment favors forcing strikers back
to work and compelling arbitration.

The Wartime Experience

Something like this contradiction between
the policy we wanted to pursue and what
we turned out to be pursuing also hap-
pened during the war. It will be recalled
that the war labor program did not start
out to be a compulsory program with the
government fixing details of the labor bar-

gain. The pledge not to strike or lockou
was made and the War Labor Board wa
established by agreement of representative
of labor and industry.

This voluntary method, after the manne
of collective bargaining, was proposed an<
accepted as a substitute for compulsor
legislation passed by the House of Repre
sentatives and pending in the Senate to
ward the end of 1941. The compulsory bil
was dropped and the war labor progran
was launched shortly after Pearl Harbo
as a voluntary method of agreeing 01
terms of employment in line with the col
lective bargaining policy established in 193:
under the National Labor Relations Act

By 1943, however, the War Labor Boan
had been given the power and the duty t(
"provide by order the wages and hour
and all other terms and conditions [cus
tomarily included in collective bargaining
agreements] governing the relations of thi
parties" to labor disputes. President Roose
velt vetoed the Smith-Connally act whicl
authorized this, but the pressure of publii
opinion made it the law over his veto.

Do such developments as these mear
that we must look forward to some form o
compulsory arbitration and governmen
wage-fixing to determine the major pro
visions of union agreements? There an
many who think so. A common view i:
that when powerful and well financed na
tional labor organizations are pitted in bar
gaining against great industrial corpora
tions, the inevitable result is either indus
trial strife or else collusion against the con
suming public; and, however reluctant th<
government may be to decide the issues
public opinion will force it to do so. Tha
the trend is in this direction can hardh
be denied. But whether it is inevitable
whether there is no other choice, may wel
be doubted.

An examination of what we have beei
doing about our labor relations during th<
last decade will reveal, I think, that ouj
labor troubles are more largely due to wha!
the government has done, or left undone
to meet crucial industrial situations thai
to the rising power of unions or to break
down in collective bargaining. The experi
ence makes plain also that, in the long run
setting terms of employment by govern
ment fiat assures neither peace nor justice
in labor relations.

In 1944 while the war was at its heigh
the number of strikes was the greatest 01
record, despite the anti-strike provisions o
the Smith-Connally act and the compulsioi
of the wage stabilization law. Time los
by strikes, however, was relatively low; am
it is significant that this was largely du<
to the fact that most of the strikes wen
unauthorized, that the unions continuec

to honor their voluntary no-strike pledge,
and that they helped to get strikers back
to work quickly.

The current labor conflicts make plain
that the spread of strikes in 1943 and '44
after the passage of the compulsory arbi-
tration law, was mild compared with what
it might have been if the unions had not
felt bound by their pledge, and what it is
likely to be if government control of the
labor contract is continued as a peacetime
policy.

A Weakness of the Wagner Act

Let us go back ten years. When Congress
adopted the Wagner Labor Relations Act
in 1935, it laid the foundation for a na-
tional labor policy that was at once a wage
policy and a scheme for regulating labor
relations. It chose to avoid any setting of
rates of pay and other details of working
contracts by the government. It sought in-
stead to equalize bargaining power be-
tween industrial managements and their
labor forces, and leave both free to find
agreement through the process of collective
bargaining.

The statute compels such bargaining but
it does not compel agreement. Congress
recognized that individual bargaining
meant, in effect, management dictation of
terms of employment. By eliminating un-
fair labor practices by management it tried
to establish what the law refers to as "ac-
tual liberty of contract," and thus at the
same time avoid dictation by government
officials. The aim was to see wages and
working rules determined around the con-
ference table by collective agreement and
mutual consent.

This policy was adopted not only be-
cause equality in bargaining and freedom
to organize are desirable ends in them-
selves, but also because such a course
would further the public interest in in-
dustrial peace and justice in labor rela-
tions. This is made plain in Section 1 of
the Act which recites that the practice of
collective bargaining is necessary for the
following reasons, among others:

to remove "certain recognized
sources of industrial strife and unrest";

to stabilize competitive wage rates
and working conditions between and with-
n industries;

to secure ''friendly adjustment of in-
dustrial disputes arising out of differences
as to wages, hours and working conditions."
The Labor Relations Act, after it met the
test of constitutionality in 1937, accom-
plished its immediate aims quite success-
:ully. Labor organizations and union mem-
bership multiplied, and the practice of col-
ective bargaining was extended to all the
major industries of the country. But why
lave not the larger ends been achieved in
a reduction of industrial strife and ami-
table adjustment of labor-management dif-
ferences?

A clue to the answer may be found in
the fact that the first part of the labor rela-
tions policy was implemented with an ad-
Tiinistrative organization to produce the de-
tired results, while the second to secure
i*friendly adjustments of industrial disputes"

"It Certainly Is Needed"

Little in The Nash-cille Tenncssean

was left to chance. No effective adminis-
trative machinery was provided to prevent
industrial warfare and to aid in maintaining
industrial peace.

When new agreements are to be made,
and also when disputes arise about the
meaning of contracts that are in effect, col-
lective bargaining often comes to a dead
end in disagreement. Therefore, it might
have been anticipated that with the growth
of unionism and the extension of collective
contracting which the Labor Relations Act
tended to bring about, greatly expanded
facilities would be required for government
intervention in labor disputes. Moreover,
that appropriate methods, machinery, and
an administrative organization would be
needed to assist in continuing peaceful ne-
gotiations until all effective means of reach-
ing voluntary agreement had been ex-
hausted.

The Act, however, did not deal with the
eventuality that collective bargaining may
and often does end in disagreement. Con-
gress made no provision for such an out-
come. And the government itself merely
announced that the Conciliation Service of
the U. S. Department of Labor would han-
dle such disputes.

Apparently then, Congress did provide
ten years ago a fairly definite and compre-
hensive labor relations policy designed to
compel free collective contracting and to
maintain industrial peace and order. But
it neglected to implement the latter part
of this policy. As a result of this neglect
a pattern of strike eruptions and labor
crises developed in the last decade, each
bringing some hastily improvised, so-called
"labor policy."

This may explain why we hear again and
again that the government needs a definite
labor policy, that the lack of such a policy
is responsible for the increasing labor
strife in recent years. Public opinion, al-
ways undiscriminating as to detail, blames
the National Labor Relations Act and its
fostering of unions and collective bargain-
ing rather than lack of necessary machinery
to make its labor peace policy work.

Economic history goes to show that every
period of rising prices or increasing employ-
ment opportunities brings an increase in
labor disputes. That is usually true also
at the beginning of a period of declining
prices when employers try to reduce wages
or other established labor standards. This
is to be expected, for tensions are bound to
develop whenever important readjustments
have to be made. But there is no compelling
reason for having a great increase in strikes
every time disputes increase.

The fact that strikes parallel the curves
of labor disputes merely shows that there
is no effective machinery for settling dis-
putes before they break out in strikes.

Boards

When the national defense program got
under way in 1939 and manhours lost in
strikes doubled the figures for the preced-
ing year, a Labor Division was set up in
the Office of Production Management to
mediate labor disputes. This division
largely duplicated the work of the U. S.
Conciliation Service. By 1941 when the
number of strikes and workers involved
again doubled, another agency, the Na-
tional Defense Mediation Board, was cre-
ated by executive order. That made three

agencies, for the other two were continued.
This new one, despite its name, also arbi-
trated and made decisions in the form of
recommendations much as do today's fact-
finding boards. These multiple functions
led to its undoing.

It was the Defense Mediation Board that
made the original decision recommending
that a shipbuilding company agree to in-
clude a provision for maintenance of union
membership in a collective bargaining
agreement. When the company refused to
accept the recommendation, and the pres-
tige of the board was threatened, the gov-
ernment took over the company.

and More Boards

The board blew up under the stress of
mounting work-stoppages culminating in
the miners' strike for a closed shop late
in 1941. Thereupon, the War Labor Board
was established by Executive Order as al-
ready indicated, on the basis of the volun-
tary no-strike agreement.

President Roosevelt's order authorized
the WLB to make final determinations in
labor disputes after failure of efforts of
the Conciliation Service to settle them by
mediation. This made clear that the new
board was to arbitrate and not confine it-
self to recommendations; but whether the
awards would be compulsory and enforce-
able, or compliance merely a moral obliga-
tion like the pledge not to strike or lock-
out was left in doubt. The doubt was pre-
sumably resolved in 1943 when the Smith-
Connally act authorized the board to pro-
vide by order the terms of labor contracts;
but the Attorney General of the United
States contended, and the courts upheld the
view, that there was no legal compulsion
to obey the board's decisions.

Although WLB awards thus were held
to be merely advisory, the government took
over industries if either management or
unions refused to abide by them. This was
done, however, under the President's au-
thority to protect the war program. Here,
no doubt, was a sound legal distinction,
but to workers and employers it meant
compulsion either way.

Under these conditions, the frequent and
urgent attempts of the War Labor Board
to induce labor and management to settle
more of their differences by collective bar-
gaining proved futile. When some of them
did agree, it was often necessary to set
aside or modify the agreements because
they did not conform to the administra-
tion's stabilization policy.

Thus we drifted into the policy of com-
pulsory government arbitration because we
had built no organization with appropriate
administrative functions either to reduce in-
dustrial strife or further amicable labor ad-
justments for which the Labor Relations
Act laid the basis. Put another way, our
present state of industrial war is largely
due to government efforts to impose terms
of employment while it attempts at the
same time to encourage the practice of
collective bargaining.

The fact that new national boards have
to be called into existence whenever seri-
ous labor disputes arise, and the fact that

the President himself must from time to
time become involved in mediating and
arbitrating the controversies, are impressive
evidence of the need for a permanent or-
ganization to make the national collective
bargaining policy work as intended to the
ends of industrial peace.

A Scheme for Peace and Order

In contrast, the Railway Labor Act en-
acted in 1926 did provide the organization
and machinery necessary to accomplish this
purpose when it made collective bargaining
the official policy and implemented that
policy with a system of appropriate ma-
chinery. The result has been that rail trans-
portation has continued with only minor
interruptions through nearly two decades
when other industries were settling their
labor disputes by industrial wars.*

The detailed provisions of the Act are
not applicable to all industries. But its prin-
ciples and methods, and its organization of
agencies for settling various types of labor
disputes so as to make strikes unnecessary,
are essential to any orderly plan for avoid-
ing labor conflict by providing peaceful
methods of adjustment.

The basic principle of the Act is that
main reliance for maintaining peace must be
placed on mediation not on arbitration,
or so-called fact-finding, or other devices
that are sometimes used. All these are valu-
able aids at times as supplementary mea-
sures, but if the mediation system is not
adequate to settle peacefully the vast ma-
jority of disputes, they can do little to
prevent strikes.

Mediation is essentially a continuation of
free collective bargaining with the aid of a
mutual friend of both parties. Arbitration
and the other methods involve passing judg-
ment on the merits of issues in contro-
versy, and neither management nor labor
wants this done by the government or any
other third party if a test of strength is
likely to resolve the issues in their favor.

But if some of the issues are settled in
mediation, and the parties are brought
closer together on the rest, then what re-
mains may not be worth the cost of a
strike, and arbitration or recommended de-
cisions are frequently welcomed. Media-
tion proceedings must be directed to bring
the parties to such a state of mind.

At this point the duties of the mediator
or mediation board must end. They must
not arbitrate, or otherwise pass judgment on
the issues, for they are likely to destroy
their future usefulness as mutual friends
by deciding in favor of one party or the
other. The making of decisions is a duty
to be assigned to other agencies.

This should make plain another funda-
mental principle: namely, that the govern-
ment program for peaceful adjustment of
labor disagreements must be organized as
a continuing process. It must begin with
joint negotiations of the parties themselves,
pass on to mediation, then to efforts to

induce arbitration, then either to agreed-
upon arbitration procedures or, if either
party refuses to arbitrate, to public investi-
gations with recommended decisions.

Integrated with this process there also
must be adjudication of disputes arising
out of the meaning of existing agreements.

The importance of such an organized
process cannot be overemphasized. It dif-
ferentiates the functions of the various
kinds of boards or agencies which may
be necessary to bring disputes to a peaceful
conclusion, and it provides connecting links
at the different places where negotiations
commonly break off and strikes seem neces-
sary. That there are these links in the
chain makes plain that the break is only
temporary, that there are more procedures
ahead for peaceful settlements.

Labor disputes are not all of a kind. Our
failure to settle so many of them without
strikes is due in large part to the notion
that the same kind of a board can deal with
any dispute. Types of disputes need to be
differentiated, and agencies equipped with
appropriate methods and policies for deal-
ing with each type must be available.

The bill now pending in Congress em-
bodying President Truman's proposal to
establish fact-finding boards is an example
of how a device that can be useful toward
the end of the process of dealing with dis-
putes, and then in emergencies only, is
assumed to be capable of dealing with any
kind of a controversy. Labor strife has often
been intensified rather than reduced when
government agencies have applied methods
appropriate for one type of dispute to
others for which they are not suited.

The Basis of the Scheme

Any permanent organization adequate to
maintain industrial peace and reduce strikes
to a minimum, must be built around a
federal mediation or conciliation board.
This must be the main agency with pri-
mary responsibility to intervene in disputes
early enough to prevent strikes. It must be
the top board, just as was the WLB under
the compulsory wartime policy.

At present the Conciliation Service in
the U. S. Department . of Labor is a sub-
ordinate agency which is not expected to
deal with major disputes. For these, new
boards have been hastily created from time
to time, and national figures called in on
temporary assignments. They are more or
less volunteers enlisted to help put out in-
dustrial conflagrations. Such national figures
need to be permane'ntly on the mediation
board to which the nation can look to
prevent the fires, and when outbreaks do
occur, to keep them from spreading.

Such a board would need a nationwide
organization of regional offices with a staff
to keep in touch with developing disputes
in all parts of the country, and to conduct
mediation proceedings locally. When these
fail to bring agreement, the disputes would
go to supervising mediators and ultimately
to the board members. The board itself,
and not individual mediators, would de-
termine when further mediation would be
useless, and when to begin the procedures
for inducing the parties to arbitrate. If

agreements to arbitrate dispose of the dis-
pute, the parties should be free to select
their own arbitrators, although the board
might recommend experienced arbitrators
from an approved panel.

To decide disputes involving interpreta-
tion or application of collective bargaining
agreements, a series of adjustment boards
would be needed, one in each region and
one in Washington. These should be com-
posed of members nominated by manage-
ment and labor organizations, with a neu-
tral chairman. The same boards may be
authorized also to arbitrate disputes about
new agreements, or changes in agreements,
if mediation has failed to settle them, and
if the parties prefer arbitration by an ad-
justment board, instead of setting up a
board of their own by agreement.

If either party refuses to arbitrate, as it
must have the right to do, the complainant
might feel the issue not worth a strike or
Dckout, and the case would end there. But
steps were taken to stop production, and
le impending strike or lockout would seri-
usly affect the public, then and only then,
ic final agency in the process of handling
isputes would come into play. This would
e an ad hoc board, appointed by the chair-
nan of the mediation board or by the
iccretary of Labor (preferably not by the
'resident) to investigate the merits of the
ontroversy and to make recommendations
or a just settlement.

Such boards have become known as
act-finding boards, but this is a misnomer,
'hey are really arbitration boards which
ear the parties, decide the issues, and pub-
sh the facts to support their decisions;
ut these decisions are treated as recom-
nendations, not as awards binding on the
arties. Pressure of public opinion is re-
ed on to secure compliance, a process
vhich makes it essential to center public
ttention on the recommendations. Also,
nless the number of such boards is strictly
mited, the many decisions scatter the at-
ention of the public and the expected
ressure does not materialize.

Labor, Management, Government

To make all this machinery operate
ffecdvely in a continuous process, labor
nd management alike must assume cer-
ain obligations and responsibilities. The
vay is prepared by the negative provision
n the Labor Relations Act that employers
hall not refuse to bargain collectively. But
lis needs to be translated into a positive
uty of employers and managers, workers
nd unions, to exert every reasonable effort
o make and maintain collective bargaining
greements and to try in good faith to settle
11 disputes in joint conferences of their
uthorized representatives.

In addition, they should have a responsi-
lity to notify the mediation board of
lending disputes, and to participate in the
ppropriate procedures.

Finally, and most important, is the obli-
;ation to maintain the status quo while
be machinery for peaceful settlement is
perating. Management must not change
Onditions out of which a dispute arises,
nd unions must take no action to force

such change while conferences are being
held, and pending the outcome of orderly
efforts at settlement.

Such obligations immediately raise the
question: How will they be enforced? It
will be noted that the process outlined
above and the agencies involved in its
operation, require the government to ' act
either as a mutual friend or a judge. In
mediation it is a friend; when it arbitrates
or recommends decisions it is a judge. The
question is: Shall it also act as a policeman
in connection with the adjustment of dif-
ferences about wages and other terms of
the labor contract?

There are a number of bills pending in
Congress, several of which, if combined,
would provide the complete machinery for
promoting peaceful settlement of disputes
as here outlined. But in response to insistent
demand that a law be passed "with teeth
in it," most of the bills, notably the Case
bill, require government to police the pro-
cess of negotiating working contracts and
settling differences about terms.

Now, we have tried this with the Smith-
Connally act. That law restricts the right
to strike, provides what is alleged to be a
cooling-off period, authorizes damage suits

and, in some cases, criminal prosecution.
The result has be