Survivals Of Roman Religion

SDrtt to dBmce an& Kmw

EDITORS

GEORGE DEPUE HAPZSITS, PH.D.

University of Pennsylvania

DAVID MOORE ROBINSON, PH.D., LLD

TTtf Johns Hopkins University

SURVIVALS OF
ROMAN RELIGION

BY

GORDON J. LAING

Professor of Latin^ The University of Chicago

LONGMANS, GREEN AND CO.

55 FIFTH AVENUE

NEW YORK

1931

LAING
ROMAN RELIGION

COPYRIGHT 1931
BY LONGMANS, GREEN AND CO.

FIRST EDITION

PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMEKJCA

TO

MAURICE HUTTON

PRINCIPAL EMERITUS OF

UNIVERSITY COLLEGE IN

THE UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO

FOR FIFTY YEARS THE MAINSTAY

OF CLASSICAL STUDIES

IN CANADA

"When one religion finally supplants another, it
generally takes over from its predecessor such of
its usages as seem harmless or praiseworthy."

LEGGE, Forerunners and Rivals
of Christianity , 1.84-85.

PREFACE

IN THIS treatment of survivals the term
" Roman religion " has been used with its
current comprehensiveness and so includes
all the cults, of whatever provenance, that
found a following in Rome. It is not of course
a logical designation but it has the merit of be-
ing a convenient one. Strictly speaking, " Ro-
man religion " would mean that animism which
prevailed before the period of the Tarquin
dynasty when Greek influence, streaming into
Rome from Etruria on the north and Magna
Graecia on the south, transformed the whole
system through the introduction of imitative
temples and borrowed statue types. Nor did
the process of transformation and accretion
cease with the introduction of gods and forms
of ritual from other parts of Italy and from
Greece. As early as the Hannibalic war the
Romans showed interest in the worship of Cy-

[vii]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

bele, the Great Mother of the Gods, a Phrygian
nature-goddess, and established her cult on the
Palatine Hill. Later other Oriental divinities
were introduced, and although many of them
failed to obtain recognition by the state they
formed an important part of the religious com-
plex in Rome and Italy. Still another element
in the situation was the cult of the deified em-
perors which, initiated by the deification of
Julius Caesar, flourished till the time of Maxen-
tius.

Of the nature of these religions and -of the his-
tory of their development in Rome no attempt
has been made to give a detailed or systematic
account in this essay. Only those cults or
phases of cults have been mentioned of which
there seem to be survivals, and in the case of
those mentioned only enough has been said to
clarify the background of the survival. It is
only with survivals, that is with the " debt "
of later civilization to the religious beliefs and
practices of the Romans, that the book is con-
cerned.

[ viii ]

PREFACE

The order of presentation is only roughly
chronological. The survivals of indigenous
cults are given first, and these are followed by
a discussion of the traces that remain of the
foreign gods worshipped in Rome and of em-
peror-worship. Then various relics of ancient
religious belief, ritual or practice have been
described, and at the end a brief account of
material remains has been added.

The precarious character of any study in
survivals for the subject is even more peril-
ous than the search for traces of influence in
literary genetics has been kept in mind
throughout, and the plan has been to designate
nothing as a survival till after careful scrutiny.
The intemperate tone of some of the writings
on the subject for example Trede's books
which, though containing much valuable infor-
mation, are marred by exaggeration and hos-
tility to the Church has been sufficient warn-
ing of the danger of hasty conclusions. And in
cases where it has been difficult to distinguish
between survivals and parallels and these

[ix]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

are numerous the available data, often ob-
viously inadequate, have been given and the de-
cision left to the reader.

Baffling as the study of survivals often is, it
is none the less interesting, and the number and
importance of the remains become more and
more impressive as one pursues the quest. For
the investigation of the subject, by showing
that so many old beliefs and forms of ritual,
instead of perishing, have been drawn into the
fabric of modern religion, brings home more
vividly than any other kind of inquiry the con-
viction of the continuity of religious experience.

CONTENTS

PTER PAGE

I. THE DEPARTMENTAL IDEA
OF DEITY AND ITS SURVIVAL
IN THE VENERATION OF

SAINTS 3

II. GODS OF THE FAMILY. . . 16

III. SERPENT-WORSHIP 25

IV. GODS OF MARRIAGE ... 29
V. GODS OF FLOCKS AND HERDS 36

VI. GODS OF AGRICULTURE . . 42
VII. ANCIENT RIVER-SPIRITS AND

MEDIAEVAL DEVILS .... 70

VIII. PHALLICISM 75

IX. THE WORSHIP OF THE

SPIRITS OF THE DEAD. . . 78
X. DIANA AND THE VIRGIN

MARY 92

XL MINERVA AND THE

TEACHER'S PAY DAY ... 97
XII. THE GODDESS FORTUNA AND

GOOD OR BAD LUCK ... 98
XIII. HERCULES AND THE

OFFERING OF TITHES . . . 103
[xi]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

CHAPTER PAGE

XIV. CASTOR AND POLLUX AND

SOME ROMAN SAINTS . . . 105
XV. AESCULAPIUS AND INCU-
BATION 108

XVI. POSEIDON-NEPTUNE AND

SAINT NICHOLAS 114

XVII. THE MAN-GOD 117

XVIII. THE MOTHER OF THE GODS

AND THE BAPTISM OF BLOOD 122
XIX. THE EGYPTIAN DEITIES:
Isis, SERAPIS, AND HARPO-

CRATES (HORUS) 126

XX. ADONIS AND THE CRADLE OF

JESUS 141

XXI. MITHRAS, PERSIAN GOD OF

LIGHT 143

XXII. OTHER SUN-GODS 150

XXIII. PRAYER AND ADORATION . 155

XXIV. SACRIFICE 161

XXV. CEREMONIAL PROCESSIONS

AND DANCES 174

XXVI. DIVINATION 179

XXVII. SACRED EDIFICES: THEIR
FORM, ORIENTATION AND

CONSECRATION 188

XXVIII. RELIGIOUS USAGES

COMMON TO PAGANS AND

CHRISTIANS 197

[xii]

CONTENTS

CHAPTER PAGE

XXIX. THE IDEA OF REGEN-
ERATION 222

XXX. CONCEPTIONS OF THE AFTER-
LIFE 230

XXXI. MATERIAL REMAINS . . . 236

BIBLIOGRAPHY 253

CONTRIBUTORS TO THE
FUND 259

[ xiii ]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN
RELIGION

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN
RELIGION

I. THE DEPARTMENTAL IDEA OF

DEITY AND ITS SURVIVAL IN THE

VENERATION OF SAINTS

i. THE OLD ROMAN PANDEMONISM

THE EARLIEST Roman religion of
which we have any record was a sys-
tem of pandemonism. There was a
spirit a demon it was often called in
every object, every act, every process and
sometimes in every stage of a process. There
is no better example of this than the succession
of spirits that watched over each period of a
man's life from birth to death. Juno Lucina,
Candelifera and the Carmentes aided at birth.
It was Vagitanus only who could inspire the
first cry. Cunina guarded the infant in its
cradle, giving place to Cuba when the small
Roman attained the distinction of a bed. By

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

Rumina he was taught how to take his mother's
milk; Edusa and Potina watched over him in
the days of his weaning. Fabulinus taught him
to talk; Statilinus to stand; Abeona and
Adeona attended him in his first ventures from
the house; as he grew to maturity Catius
sharpened his wits, Sentia deepened his feeling,
while Volumna stiffened his will. And so he
was passed from god to god and the long line
of divine relays only ended when Viduus parted
body and soul. (Extreme specialization is also
seen in the list of twelve spirits to whom the
priest of Ceres appealed at the beginning of the
sowing seasoni] The special functions of these
covered every stage in the growing of crops
from the breaking of the soil to the storing and
distribution of the grain. The names of these
spirits are, like those of the spirits of the periods
of life just mentioned, obviously derived from
their special activities: x e.g., Obarator (arare,
to plough), Sarritor (sarrire, to hoe), Messor
(met ere, to reap), and Conditor (condere, to
store). Another instance of this characteristic
of Roman religion is seen in the case of the

1 The full list is: Vervactor, Reparator, Imporcitor,
Insitor, Obarator, Occator, Sarritor, Subruncinator, Messor,
Convector, Conditor and Promitor.

[4]

ROMAN GODS AND CHRISTIAN SAINTS

house, every part of which had its guardian
divinity, as Servius points out in his com-
mentary on Virgil/ where he specifies Forculus
(fores, door), Cardea (cardo, hinge), and
Limentinus (limen, threshold).

But the evidence of this particularistic
character of Roman religion is not confined to
these lists of obscure spirits. The gods of the
Roman pantheon in general even the great-
est of them showed, in their origin at least, a
high degree of specialization. In some cases
the original function of the divinity expanded
in different directions but in others the early
specialization maintained its old limits. Janus
was the god of the door, Vesta of the hearth,
Faunus of the forest, Pales of pasture land,
Fons of springs, Volturnus of running streams,
Saturn of sowing, Ceres of growth, Flora of
blossom, Pomona of fruit, and Consus of har-
vest. Even the great god Jupiter, manifold
as his powers subsequently became, was at first
only the spirit of the bright sky. 3

It is not necessary to give other examples of

2 Aeneid, II. 469: singula (membra) enim domus sacrata
sunt deis.

3 See Rose's discussion of Roman polydemonism in
Primitive Cultwe in Italy, 44.

[5]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

this tendency. It pervaded the whole religious
system. Its persistence, either with or without
modification, in the case of the well-known
gods of Rome is too familiar a fact to require
comment. And there can be but little doubt
that the highly specialized demonism exempli-
fied by the lists given at the beginning of this-
chapter endured also to some extent in the later
periods. Doubtless the introduction of gods
from foreign countries and the development of
an elaborate ritual in some of the Greek or
Oriental cults diverted the minds of many from
the old system. But there is no evidence that
it ever completely passed away, and there must
have been many people, especially in the rural
districts, whose belief in a world swarming with
spirits differed but little from that of their
remote progenitors. Particularization was too
inherent a part of Roman religious belief to
yield entirely to any influence. Plutarch speaks
of spirits who carried men's wishes to the higher
gods. Maximus of Tyre tells us of minor dei-
ties who healed disease, aided men in various
crises, accompanied and watched over them,
and guarded cities and countryside. The stories
of miraculous cures in temples told in his Ser-
mones sacri by the rhetorician Aristides who
[6]

ROMAN GODS AND CHRISTIAN SAINTS

lived in the time of Marcus Aurelius attest the
widespread belief in manifold agencies of super-
natural assistance. 4 The vogue of the Neo-
platonic philosophy in the third century after
Christ resulted in a renewal of belief in the
existence of great numbers of subordinate and
intermediate spirits. Nor has there ever been
a satisfactory demonstration of the theory
that in enumerating the names of these
minute and obscure departmental deities the
Church Fathers were merely resurrecting from
earlier records, for purposes of ridicule, reli-
gious conceptions that had long ceased to be
current.

So much for the pandemonism of the ancient
Romans. Enough has been said to show how
deeply rooted in their minds this attitude
toward supernatural powers was. It was one
of the most important phases of their religious
consciousness and was to such an extent of the
very essence of their faith that it was bound to
survive. And survive it did. For though there
is a notable difference in the character of the
supernatural beings that in the fourth century
succeeded to the multitudinous functions of the

4 Trede, Das Heidenthum in der romischen Kirche,
Anhang, I. 317.

[7]

SURVIVALS Off ROMAN RELIGION

old departmental spirits, there is little or no
change In the attitude of mind. Such a docu-
ment as the Sermones sacri of Aristides men-
tioned above demonstrates the facility of the
transition from the old to the new, from the
pagan to the Christian. For Aristides' accounts
of wonderful cures have often been spoken of
as forerunners of the legends of Saints.

2. THE VENERATION or SAINTS

AND it is in the doctrine of the veneration of
Saints that the polytheism of the old depart-
mental deities survives. It may be that the
founders of Christianity found that the belief of
the people especially the Illiterate class in
these specialized spirits of minor grade was one
of their greatest problems. They recognized
the people's predilection for spirits that would
help in specific situations, and they realized
also that the masses felt more at home with
beings who, while of divine nature or associa-
tions, were not too far removed from the human
level. They were keenly interested in winning
the pagans to the faith and they succeeded.
But undoubtedly one element in their success
was the inclusion in their system of the doc-
trine of the veneration of Saints. They seem to
[8]

ROMAN GODS AND CHRISTIAN SAINTS

have felt that in order to make any headway
at all, it was necessary for them to match the
swarms of spirits available for the pagans with
a multitude of wonder-working saints and mar-
tyrs. How far they were prepared to go is indi-
cated by their favorable attitude toward the
pagan veneration of Virgil that amounted al-
most to deification. Apparently most of the
churchmen of the period of the conflict of re-
ligions proclaimed the greatness of Virgil and
placed him almost on a level with the biblical
prophets. They sought evidence of the truth of
Christianity in pagan literature and insisted
that Virgil had prophesied the coming of
Christ. Everyone is familiar with the mass
of literature that has grown up around the so-
called Messianic Eclogue. Not only Virgil was
glorified but also the pagan Sibyls who were
thought to have inspired his words. The Sibyls
too were given a place beside the Old Testa-
ment prophets.

There have been many discussions of the
relation of the doctrine of jthe veneration of
Saints to various phases of Roman religion,
ranging from the notably temperate treatment
of Lucius 5 to the more positive statements

6 Die Anfange des Heiligenkults,

[9]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

of Renan 6 and Harnack 7 and the uncompro-
mising assertions of Trede, 8 " P. Saintyves " 9
and Salomon Reinach. 10 Renan for example
says that any peasant who prays to a particu-
lar saint for a cure for his horse or ox or drops
a coin into the box of a miraculous chapel is in
that act pagan. He is responding to the
prompting of a religious feeling that is older
than Christianity and so deep-set that Christi-
anity has not been able to root it out. Har-
nack sees in the veneration of Saints nothing
but a recrudescence of pagan polytheism.

The term " veneration of Saints " has been
used advisedly. For in any fair discussion of
this subject it should be remembered that the
Church has never taught the worship of Saints.
Every enlightened churchman knows this, but
whether the peasants of southern Italy and
other parts of Europe distinguish with any
degree of precision between veneration and
worship is another question. It is not likely
that they do, and for those who are looking for
evidence of the continuance of the creative

6 Hibbert Lectures, 32.

7 Lehrbuch der Dogmengeschichte, II. 442.

8 Op. cit.y passim.

9 Les Saints, successeurs des dieux.

10 Orpheus. Histoire generate des religions.

[10]

ROMAN GODS AND CHRISTIAN SAINTS

power of Roman religion, the beliefs of the
illiterate are of as much importance as the
formulated doctrines of the Church. Our sub-
ject is not survivals of paganism in the modern
Church but survivals in modern times.

A good example of the closeness of the re-
semblance of the specialization of function of
different Saints to that of pagan spirits is found
in the published lists of Saints used by Spanish
peasants. The very publication of the list em-
phasizes the similarity of the situation to that
which existed in ancient Roman times, when the
people, overwhelmed by the number and mul-
tiplicity of names of the departmental dei-
ties, used to appeal to the official list kept by
the pontiffs. Here are some of the examples
furnished by the Spanish index: San Serapio
should be appealed to in case of stomache-ache;
Santa Polonia for toothache; San Jose, San
Juan Bautista and Santa Catalina for head-
ache; San Bernardo and San Cirilo for indi-
gestion; San Luis for cholera; San Francisco
for colic; San Ignacio and Santa Lutgarda for
childbirth; Santa Balsania for scrofula; San
Felix for ulcers; Santa Agueda for nursing
mothers; San Babilas for burns; San Gorge for
an infected cut; Santa Quiteria for dog's bite;

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

San Ciriaco for diseases of the ear; Santa
Lucia for the eyes; Santa Bibiana for epi-
lepsy; San Gregorio for frost-bite; San Panta-
leon for haemorrhoids; San Roque for the
plague; Santa Dorothea for rheumatism; San
Pedro for fever; and Santa Rita for the
impossible !

There is a similar list for southern Italy, the
Saints and their functions sometimes coinciding
with the Spanish classification but in other
cases showing variations. San Roque for ex-
ample is associated with cases of plague in
Italian legends 1X just as in Spain. To the
Italians also the intercession of Santa Lucia is
efficacious for sore eyes. San Giuseppe, how-
ever, to south Italians seems to be connected
with the interpretation of dreams. Giuseppe
had interpreted dreams to Pharaoh during his
life time, and it was believed that he retained
his interest in them after death. 12 Santa Anna

11 Jameson, Sacred and Legendary Art, II. 425 ff.

12 Among other things San Giuseppe is sometimes asked
to bring his suppliant luck in the next drawing of the
lottery:

casto Giuseppe
Che spiegaste i sogni ,
A Faraone

Portatemi tre numeri
Per questa estrazione.

[12]

ROMAN GODS AND CHRISTIAN SAINTS

is the patron Saint of women in childbirth in
Naples and its neighborhood. The prayers ad-
dressed to her are strikingly like those with
which pagan women appealed to Juno Lucina;
and perhaps it is not entirely fanciful to trace
a connection between the candles with which
Santa Anna is worshipped and Lucina (from
lux, light), the epithet of Juno as a goddess of
childbirth.

The similarity in attitude of mind of pagan
and Christian devotees and the survival of the
polytheistic idea in modern times may be seen
in a comparison of the behavior of the people
who watched the procession which preceded the
circus games in ancient Rome and that of the
crowd which fills the streets of Naples today
on the occasion of the festival held in May in
honor of San Gennaro, the patron saint of the
city. In the old Roman procession a conspicu-
ous place was given to the images of the gods
that were borne along in floats; and as they
were carried past, pious Romans called upon
the names of those whom they regarded as
their special protectors. So too at the Naples
festival. In the procession referred to the
images of many Saints, each of them with
his own place in the affections of the Neapolitan

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

proletariat, are carried from the Cathedral to
the Church of Santa Chiara. Saints of all cen-
turies are there, some of whom attained the
dignity hundreds of years ago, while others are
more recent creations. As the procession moves
along, persons in the crowd call out the name
of their patron Saint, and when the image
of San Biagio a sort of Christian Aescula-
pius with special powers in diseases of the
throat passes by, the Neapolitan mothers
hold up their croupy bambini and implore a
remedy.

But it is not only in southern Europe that
the ancient particularism of divine function still
survives. For example in Prussia St. Goar is
the patron of potters, St. Crispin of shoe-
makers; St. Nicholas of boatmen; St. Apol-
lonia cures tooth-ache; St. Laurence rheuma-
tism; and St. Agatha is guardian of the
household fire. 18 In the region of the Vosges
St. Catharine helps women find husbands, St.
Sabina cures the pangs of love, while St. Abdon
is believed to drive away fleas. 14 This special-

13 Kerler, Die Patronate der Heiligen; Deubner, De
incubatione.

14 Kroll, in article on " Momentary Gods," in Hastings,
Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics (referred to in this
book as E. R. .), VIII. 778.

[14]

ROMAN GODS AND CHRISTIAN SAINTS

ization of the Saints is clearly recognized in
the Diario Romano where St. Blaise, St. Li-
berius and St. Martha are assigned curative
powers in the case of sore throat, gallstone, and
epidemics respectively.

II. GODS OF THE FAMILY

i. THE LARES

CHIEF among the domestic gods were
the Lares, called Lares domestici or
Lares familiares indifferently, who to-
gether with the Penates were regularly wor-
shipped in the Roman household. Originally
there had been only one Lar familiaris, 1 but
from about the beginning of the first century
B.C. they were two in number, and as we know
from the statuettes and the paintings found at
Pompeii and elsewhere, they were commonly
represented in the form of youthful dancing
figures. In houses of the humbler type these
little images were generally kept in a niche
near the hearth in the atrium (which was often
kitchen, dining room, and living room in one),
but in the more pretentious dwellings they were
placed in a small shrine (lararium), a sort of
miniature temple on a pedestal which stood in
a corner of the atrium or peristyle. They were

1 Cf. the prologue of Plautus* Aulidana.
[16]

GODS OF THE FAMILY

the guardian spirits of the family and watched
over its safety and prosperity. Their worship
was part of the daily life of the Romans. An
offering of food and wine was made to them by
the master of the house after the chief course
of the dinner every day. And there were
special offerings to them on occasions of par-
ticular importance, such as a birth, a naming
or a wedding. Many fond references to these
" little gods " are made by the poets. Horace 2
for example tells of their images crowned with
rosemary and myrtle, and Tibullus 3 recalls the
days of his childhood when he played about
their feet. One cannot read such passages as
these without realizing that the attitude of the
Romans toward them was one of affection, and
that in the whole pantheon there were no gods
nearer or dearer to them than these. All the
members of the family seem to have felt the
closeness of the relation; it was a part of their
religious heritage. For while they knew of
other and more powerful divinities, they had
not been brought up in such intimate contact
with any of them and so never attained the
degree of familiarity and homely constancy of

2 Od., in. 23. 15.
8 1. 10. 15.

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

faith that they felt toward the Lares. In this
distinctive quality of the Romans' attitude
toward them lies the explanation of the fact
that their worship more than any other re-
sisted the influence of the Greek and Oriental
cults imported into Rome. It showed little or
no change through the regal, republican and
imperial periods.

For this study, however, the significant fact
is not that the cult lasted through the whole
period of the Empire but that it has not even
yet entirely disappeared. The belief in these
friendly and protecting house-spirits was so
closely woven into the religious consciousness
of the people that in various parts of Italy it
survived the passing of that religious system
of which it had originally been a part. For
example the house-spirit called Monacello,
"Little Monk" whose diminutive wooden
image is found in so many peasants' houses in
the neighborhood of Naples and Salerno, is a
survival of the Roman Lar; 4 and the same is
true of the Aguriellu, " Little Augur," the spirit
of the household that is seen so often in
the houses of the peasantry in Calabria. 5

4 Trede, op. tit., I. 127.

5 Dorsa, La Tradizione greco-latina, 115.

[18]

GODS OF THE FAMILY

These are specific survivals of the cult of the
Lar.

In another example, of far greater interest
on account of its implications, we find not direct
survival indeed but a very strong probability of
influence. This is the case of the figurines of
the infant Jesus found in houses on the island
of Capri. 6 These are made of wood, just as
the Roman Lares often were, and in size and
equipment resemble their ancient prototypes.
But images of this class are not confined to
Capri. The most famous of all these figurines
of the child Christ is the Santissimo Bambino
of the Church of S. Maria in Aracoeli on the
Capitoline Hill in Rome. This image has had
a long and interesting history. It is believed
that when loaned to some faithful member of
the Church and taken to his house it bestows
blessings on his family. Placed on the bed of
some invalid it is thought to bring relief from
suffering and restoration to health. In a word
it has been a source of comfort, encourage-
ment, and well-being to afflicted families just
as the Lares were in the days of old.

A legend of the Penates, domestic spirits
closely associated with the Lares, is matched by

6 Trede, op. cit., II. 210.

[19]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

a story told of this image of the Bambino. It
is said that on one occasion when it had been
stolen, it found its way back to the Church.
This, it will be noticed, is substantially the
same story as that told about the oldest Pena-
tes in the history of Rome. For when Aeneas'
son Ascanius, after his father's death, took
the Penates from Lavinium to Alba Longa,
they returned of their own accord to Lavinium,
and it was then decided to leave them there/
While this tale, which is obviously an aetiologi-
cal legend invented to explain the continuance
of the worship of the Roman Penates at La-
vinium, may have been transferred directly
from them to the Bambino, it is more likely
that the story about the latter arose independ-
ently, similarity in conception of deity resulting
in similarity of legend.

In other places in Italy it is the Madonna
that has succeeded the Lar as the spirit of the
household; in still others Saints are found with
a similar function. 8

So far only one class of Lares has been men-
tioned, namely Lares domestici or familiares.
But there were many other kinds. In fact, as I

7 Preller- Jordan, op. tit., II. 162.

8 Daremberg-Saglio, Dictionnaire, III' 2 . 947.

[20]

GODS OF THE FAMILY

have pointed out elsewhere, 9 it is probable that
.the word Lares is a generic term for spirits,
and their special field is indicated in each case
by the epithet. Of some of these other classes
of Lares we find survivals in the veneration of
Saints in modern times. For example, the old
tradition that it was the Lares publici, also
called the Lares praestites, the guardian spirits
of the whole community, who drove Hannibal
away when he appeared before the walls of
Rome in 211 B.C., has its analogue in the story
that St. Matthew, who is the patron Saint of
Salerno and whose bones are said to lie in the
crypt of the Cathedral there, on more than one
occasion drove away the pirate fleets of the
Saracens and saved the city. Another well-
known class of Lares was that of the Lares
compitales, the spirits of the crossroads. There
were innumerable shrines in their honor
throughout the rural districts. Moreover,
especially from the time of Augustus, many
sanctuaries had been erected to them at street
corners in Rome and other cities. Of the popu-
larity of this worship of crossroads spirits there
is adequate evidence, and of its survival sub-
stantial indications are found in the attacks

9 Classical Philology, XVI, 124-40 (1921).

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

made by mediaeval writers on the custom of
offering sacrifices and lighting candles at cross-
roads. 10 Nor can it be doubted that the com-
mon practice in Italy and other countries of
erecting chapels to saints at crossroads goes
back ultimately to the pagan worship of
the Lares compitales. Apparently the earlier
churchmen found that it was impossible to
divert the people from their crossroads super-
stitions, and so they adopted a plan that they
used on many other occasions. They tacitly
recognized the sanctity of the site, but by sub-
stituting Christian saints for pagan spirits they
succeeded in giving the religious aspirations of
the devotees a new direction. Of the strength
of the belief in the efficacy of these wayside
shrines, we have evidence in an incident of the
epidemic of cholera in Naples in 1884. The
people attributed the scourge to the walling up
of many of the niches that had been used as
street shrines. So vehement was their protest
that the old niches were reopened and many
new ones added. The effect on the Neapoli-
tans was precisely the same as that recorded so
often for the Romans by Livy and other ancient
writers, when proper measures had been taken

10 Cf. Caspari, Kirchenhist. Anecdota, I. 172, 175.
[22]

GODS OF THE FAMILY

to placate divinities to the neglect of whose
rites they attributed the affliction of a plague
or some other disaster.

2. THE GENIUS

THE pagan idea of tutelary spirits dominating
particular fields contributed also to the Chris-
tian conception of angels. It was not the chief
source of the belief, which goes back to Jewish
or Chaldaean traditions, but it influenced cer-
tain phases of the doctrine. Mention has al-
ready been made of the numerous spirits which
watched over the different stages of life. In
addition to these there was a guardian spirit
for every man and woman a sort of double
or alter ego who attended one through life.
The spirit for men was called Genius, that for
women Juno. It was so closely bound up with
the person that it was not infrequently identi-
fied with him. " To indulge one's Genius " in
Latin means to indulge one's self; " to take care
of one's Genius" is the equivalent of taking
care of one's self.

This idea had influence on the early Chris-
tian conception of angels. The fathers of the
Church taught that every one had his guardian
angel who attended him from the day of his

[23]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

birth to his death. Touching descriptions of
the devotion of angels to their charges are
found in Christian literature; and students of
Dante will recall that passage where the guar-
dian angel visits the sinner in purgatory, com-
forts him with the thought that his expiation
will end at last, and finally when the term of
suffering is over bears him to the Savior. 11

Although the Church has never given formal
recognition to the belief, Christianity has none
the less its guardian angels. Chief among them
is the archangel Raphael, guardian spirit of all
humanity, whose function as inherited from
Hebrew sources found ready acceptance among
the early Christians in Italy in whose religious
beliefs tutelary spirits held so important a
place. 12 But there are other guardian angels
also. Certainly from Silvio Pellico's Le Mie
Prigioni one gets the impression of an Italian
belief not in one guardian spirit only but in
many. And in Naples there is an annual festi-
val of the Angeli Custodi.

11 Pwgatorio, C. VIII.

12 The famous painter Raffaello, who was the son of
Giovanni Santi of Urbino, was so named because he was
born on the festival day of this guardian angel.

[24]

III. SERPENT-WORSHIP

IN POMPEIAN houses and elsewhere we
frequently find a serpent or a pair of serpents
associated with the Lares and the Genius of
the paterfamilias the " three gods " men-
tioned in one of the Pompeian wall-inscriptions. 1
Some paintings represent the serpent as coiled
around an altar; others as approaching the altar
to partake of the offerings that had been laid
upon it; while still others show two serpents,
male and f emale ; crawling toward the altar from
either side. So far as we can determine, these
serpents are connected with the Genius. The
subject, however, is an obscure one, and even
the ancients were sometimes in doubt about it.
When Virgil speaks of the serpent that crept
from Anchises' tomb, he represents Aeneas as
uncertain whether it was the Genius of the
place or an attendant of his father. 2 At any
rate, whatever the significance of the serpents

1 C. I. L. IV. 1679: habeas propiteos deos tuos tresl

2 Aeneid, V. 95: Geniumne loci famulumne parentis esse
putet.

[25]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

may have been, the painted representations of
them were common in Roman dwellings, and
we know from many sources that tame snakes
were often kept in houses. 3

This serpent-cult has not entirely passed
away. In southern Italy, especially in Cala-
bria, harmless snakes are kept as house-pets. 4
They are regarded moreover as the incarnation
of protecting spirits and the departure of one
of them from its home portends disaster for
the household.

The Romans associated serpents with other
deities besides the Genius. Snakes were kept
in the precinct of the temple of Aesculapius on
the island in the Tiber, and there were some
also in one of the temple-buildings of the Bona
Dea on the Aventine. But the cult of Aescula-
pius was a Greek importation, and that of the
Bona Dea, although originally Roman, was
under strong Greek influence. 5 The serpent-

3 Pliny, N. H. f XXIX. 4. 22. 72 ; Servius on Aeneid, V.
95; Fowler, Roman Festivals (referred to in this book as
R. F.), 104.

4 Dorsa, op. cit., 28. He says that even lizards are so
treated.

5 Bona Dea was not at first the name of the divinity.
It was merely a descriptive term applied to the old in-
digenous deity Fauna. On the identification of the Bona
Dea Fauna with the Greek goddess Damia, whose cult

[26]

SERPENT- WORSHIP

worship in the cult of Aesculapius therefore
was certainly Greek and in that of Bona Dea
probably so. But there is no evidence of for-
eign influence in the case of the serpent con-
nected with the cult of Juno Sospita of
Lanuvium. It was kept in a cave near the
sanctuary and the story of its use as a test
of virginity is told by Propertius 6 and other
writers.

What has been said shows that serpents had
a place in more than one kind of Roman re-
ligious observance: namely in the worship of
the household gods, in that of divinities of
healing (for the Bona Dea was active in this
field as well as Aesculapius ), and in such a cult
as that of Juno Sospita who was primarily con-
nected with the functions of women. It is in-
deed probable that serpent-worship was indige-
nous in Italy at an early period. The ready
acceptance by the Romans of the serpents as-
sociated with Aesculapius or any other Greek
divinity was in all likelihood due to the fact
that no new or strange idea of divinity was

probably came to Rome from Tarentum, the Roman fea-
tures of the worship fell into desuetude. Cf. Wissowa.
Religion und Kuitus der Romer (referred to in this book
as R. u. K.), 216.
IV. 8.

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

involved. The conception was one with which
the natives of Italy had been familiar from
time immemorial. And we may reasonably
trace back to ancient times the widespread
belief in southern Italy that a snakeskin is a
magical agency. It is put under the pillow of
the sick. Moreover, it is probable that we have
a survival of an ancient cult in that annual
procession at Cocullo (near the country of the
ancient Marsi) in which men bearing live ser-
pents pass before the statue of S. Domenico of
Foligno, itself also hung with serpents. And
we find an odd example of the endurance of
local beliefs in the fact that the people of this
region today regard themselves as immune from
snake-bite and endowed with special power in
the taming of serpents. For, as we know from
ancient sources/ the Marsi of old prided them-
selves on similar qualifications.

7 Pliny, N. H., XXI. 13. 45. 78; XXVIII. 3. 6. 30;
Gellius, XVI. ii ; Solinus, 2. 27. Cf. E. R. E., XI. 404.

[28]

IV. GODS OF MARRIAGE

WHILE civil marriage was an old in-
stitution among the Romans, the
most ancient marriage rite of the
patricians (confarreatio) involved the partici-
pation of religious functionaries. Sacrifice and
prayer were part of the ceremony, and there
was a procession to the bridegroom's house
in the course of which appeals were made
to the gods of marriage. Even after the con-
farreate marriage rite had become obsolete
many of its characteristics survived in the
form of wedding most frequently practiced
by the Romans of the republican and imperial
periods.

There was a ceremony of betrothal, which
sometimes took place long before the wedding.
On this occasion the prospective bridegroom
gave his fiancee a ring which she wore on
the third finger of her left hand. Sometimes
guests were invited, and the bride-to-be received
presents.

Great care was taken in the choice of the day

[29]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

for the wedding. Certain seasons, on account
of the nature of the religious rites that fell
within them, were regarded as distinctly inaus-
picious, namely the month of May, 1 the first
half of June; 2 the third week in February, 8
the first half of March, and some other sin-
gle days, including all Kalends, Nones, and
Ides. Moreover festival days in general were
avoided.

The bride wore a veil over her head and was
crowned with a wreath of flowers. In the later
period it was usual for the bridegroom also
to wear a garland. The ceremony included
prayer, sacrifice, and the clasping of the right
hands of bride and groom. In the rite of con-
farreatio the bride formally renounced her own
family name and took that of her husband, and
they both partook of the sacred cake, libum
farreum, so named because it was made of the
coarse wheat called far.

After the ceremony and the wedding feast,
both of which generally took place in the bride's

1 The festival of the Lemuria, connected with the cult
of the dead, was held in this month; as also the rite of
the Argei.

2 The period of ancient rites at the temple of Vesta.

3 The time of the Parentalia, when rites were celebrated
at the tombs of deceased members of the family.

[30]

GODS OF MARRIAGE

father's house, there was a procession to the
new home, in which not only the bridal party
but the general public took part. On reaching
her husband's house the bride smeared the
door-posts with fat or oil and bound them with
woolen fillets. She was then lifted over the
threshold and taken into the atrium of the
house, where she prayed for a happy married
life and made her first offering to the gods of
the household.

Among the forms of marriage practiced by
the Romans one was called usus. The consent
of the contracting parties constituted the mar-
riage, but it was only after a wife had lived
with her husband for a year without absenting
herself from his house for three successive
nights that she passed, so far as her property
was concerned, from her father's to her hus-
band's control.

The Church maintained the pagan contact
of marriage with religion, and though in the
process of adaptation the content of the service
was materially changed, many of the old cus-
toms were retained. Among the survivals may
be mentioned the engagement-ring, still worn
on the third finger of the left hand, the choice
of the wedding-day, the bridal veil, the wed-

[3*]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

ding feast and in some countries the wearing
of garlands by both bride and groom ; the pro-
cession to the bridegroom's house and the car-
rying of the bride over the threshold.

In regard to the giving of a ring it seems
probable, in spite of Tertullian's 4 comment on
the pagan character of the custom, that it was
usual among most of the Christians even in his
time (about A.D. 200), and it is quite clear
that it was a universal practice from the fourth
century.

In the matter of the prohibition of certain
seasons for weddings a feeling similar to that
which actuated the Romans may be found in
modern times in the avoidance of Twelfth
Night, Walpurgis Night (when witches are
abroad), and the month of May.

While the ultimate origin of the veiling of
the bride is uncertain, it is probably of re-
ligious significance. Perhaps the belief was
that on so important and critical an event as
marriage every precaution must be taken to
ward off evil influences. Whatever its origin, it
has come down to us not only in connection
with weddings but also in the ceremony of
" taking the veil " by Christian nuns. Their

4 De Idol, 16.
[32]

GODS OF MARRIAGE

dedication to a life of devotion is regarded as a
mystical marriage with Christ. 5

Tertullian denounced the wearing of gar-
lands by bride and groom as a heathen practice,
but none the less they were worn both in his day
and afterwards. 6 The custom still obtains in
parts of Germany and Switzerland, and has
never been abandoned in the countries whose
religion is under the control of the eastern
Church. It is possible, however, that in this
matter the early Christians may have been
influenced by Jewish as well as by Roman
precedent. Jewish practice may also have been
contributory to the continuance of the wedding
feast. Wedding-processions that reproduce
many of the features of those of pagan times
including the unrestrained raillery and uncen-
sored jokes may be seen in some parts of
Italy today. 7

The custom of carrying the bride across the
threshold has continued in parts of England
and Scotland. 8 The more or less plausible
suggestion that this is a survival of the primi-

5 Duchesne, Christian Worship, 422.

6 Sidonius Apollinaris, Carmen 2, Ad Anthem.

7 McDaniel, Roman Private Life and Its Survivals, $o.

8 Gregor, Folklore of North East of Scotland, 51;
Trumbull, Threshold Covenant, 26.

[33]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

tive institution of "marriage by capture"
has often been made, and this may be the right
explanation. On the whole, however, it is
likely that the act is part of a ritual intended
to safeguard the reception and establishment of
a stranger in the house. For the bride was a
stranger to her husband's family and so in
primitive psychology involved possibilities of
peril to it.

Of the Roman marriage by usus it has been
suggested that the custom of hand-jesting,
attested for a Dumfries county fair in the
eighteenth century, was a survival. 9 At that
fair it was customary for unmarried men or
women to choose a companion for the year.
At the end of that period, if they so decided, the
marriage became permanent. If they preferred
to separate, they could do so. In later times
when this region fell under the control of the
Abbot of Melrose, a priest was sometimes called
in to confirm the marriage. Now this place was
close to the old Roman camp at Castleoe'r, and
it has been suggested that the kand-festing
may have had its origin in the Roman usus, the
participation of the priest being a Christian
accretion. This is interesting but hardly

9 Brand, Popular Antiquities, II. 88.

[34]

GODS OF MARRIAGE

probable. It is a parallel to, rather than a sur-
vival of, the Roman custom. There are traces
of hand-jesting in other parts of England and
Scotland and it was common among the ancient
Danes.

[35]

V. GODS OF FLOCKS AND HERDS

i. PALES AND THE PARILIA

PALES was a pastoral deity whose festival
took place on the twenty-first of April.
Whether the divinity was god or goddess
is not known. The day of the festival has been
celebrated both in ancient and in modern times
as the anniversary of the founding of Rome.
Fairly detailed accounts of both the rural and
the urban Parilia have come down to us. 1 In
the former we note the decoration of the sheep-
folds with green branches, the making of fires
of straw, laurel, and olive branches through
which the flocks were driven and the shepherds
leaped, an offering of milk and cakes to Pales,
a meal which the worshippers shared with the
deity, and a prayer asking forgiveness for any
inadvertent offense and also for the safety,
health, and increase of the flocks. The urban
festival, as celebrated on the Palatine, had simi-
lar features, especially notable being the purifi-

1 Ovid, Fasti, IV. 72 iff.

[36]

GODS OF FLOCKS AND HERDS

catory fires through which the people leaped.
The fires were of straw but on them was thrown
a mixture of the blood of the October horse
sacrificed on the fifteenth of October and the
ashes of the unborn calves of the Fordicidia
(April 15).

In the decoration of the sheep-folds we have
a custom that has survived in the almost uni-
versal practice of decoration at special seasons
like harvest and Christmas. 2 Fowler's 3 sug-
gestion that the intention was to influence the
powers of vegetation is hardly applicable to the
Parilia. He is, however, right in pointing out 4
that the prayer and all its concomitant features
as described by Ovid survive in the prayer of
the peasant of the Roman Campagna today:
the pagan shepherd turned to the east, wet his
hands with dew, and addressed to Pales the
supplication the content of which has been in-
dicated above; the modern shepherd, although
he addresses the Madonna instead of Pales,
prays for substantially the same things, and
like his pagan prototype turns to the east and
uses holy water.

2 Mannhardt, Antike Wald- und Feld-kulte, 310.

3 R. F., 81.

4 Op. dt., 82.

[37]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

Whether there is still another survival of
the Parilia in St. George's Day as celebrated by
the herdsmen of eastern Europe is doubtful.
To be sure, the Esthonians are accustomed to
drive their cattle to pasture for the first time on
St. George's Day (April 23), and the same is
true of Ruthenians, Bulgarians, and natives of
Little Russia. 5 But in all probability this prac-
tice is a survival of an ancient custom similar
to the Parilia rather than a relic of the Parilia
itself.

2. FAUNUS AND THE LUPERCALIA

THE Lupercalia, which fell on the fifteenth of
February, was one of the most ancient festivals
in Rome. With what divinity it was originally
associated is uncertain. Ovid, 6 it is true, refers
to a connection with the rustic god Faunus, but
this may have been a later development. The
celebration took place at the foot of the Pala-
tine Hill, the site of the earliest Roman settle-
ment, and was characterized by certain nota-
ble features. The ceremonies began with a
sacrifice of goats and a dog and an offering of

5 Frazer, Golden Bough, II. 330 ff. This work is re-
ferred to as G. B., and citations are from the third edition,
unless otherwise stated.

Fasti, II. 268; V. 101.

[38]

GODS OF FLOCKS AND HERDS

sacred cakes furnished by the Vestals. Then
two youths, the leaders of two groups of
Luperci (as the priests of the rite were called),
had their foreheads smeared with the knife that
had been used in the sacrifice and then wiped
off with wool dipped in 'milk, whereupon they
were expected to laugh. Next the two bands
of Luperci, led by the youths just mentioned,
naked except for goatskins about their loins,
ran around the boundaries of the Palatine, and
as they ran they struck with strips cut from
the hides of the victims all the women who came
in their way.

Into the explanation of the different features
of the festival it is not necessary to enter here.
No entirely satisfactory interpretation of all
parts of the ceremony has ever been offered,
although many theories have been advanced. 7
The circumambulation of the Palatine Hill by
the two companies of runners seems to indicate
a ritual purification of the original site of the
city. The striking of the women with the strips
of hide shows that at some time or other the
idea of fertilization became an important part
of the ceremonial complex.

7 The most important discussions are listed by Frazer
in his Fasti of Ovid, VoL II. p. 328.

[39]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

It was one of the most popular of all the
pagan festivals, and it was on its celebration on
the fifteenth of February in 44 B.C., a month
before his assassination, that Julius Caesar was
offered a crown by Antony. It lasted longer
than any other Roman festival. It was cele-
brated long after Christianity had been es-
tablished and was only suppressed by Pope
Gelasius I in A.D. 494.

It has often been said 8 that when Pope
Gelasius suppressed the Lupercalia, he insti-
tuted the Feast of the Purification of the Virgin,
celebrated on the second of February and
called Candlemas from the candles and tapers
carried in the procession. But this is a mis-
take. The Christian festival appears to be of
other than Roman origin, and it seems clear
that it was not introduced into Rome till about
A.D. 700. 9 Nevertheless there is a connection
between the Lupercalia and Candlemas. A
festival stressing purification as the latter did
and also occurring in February, the month long
associated through the Lupercalia with the idea
of purification, made a double appeal to the

8 Fowler, ,R. F., 321; Frazer, Fasti of Ovid, Vol. II.
p, 328.

9 Usener, Weihnachtsfest, 318; Barns in E. R. E. f
III. 190.

[40]

GODS OF FLOCKS AND HERDS

people and so found ready acceptance among
them. Moreover the relation to women, which
is so notable a feature of the pagan festival, has
appeared also in some modern celebrations of
Candlemas. In the north of England it used to
be called " The Wives' Feast Day/ 7

An interesting analogue to the striking of the
women by the Luperci is found in some festivals
of modern Europe. For example in the Upper
Palatinate the bride is struck with willow or
birch twigs as she walks up from the church
door to the place where the marriage service
is to be read. 10

It is probable also that the Lupercalia was
one of the festivals that contributed something
to that spirit of license that has always charac-
terized the mediaeval and modern Carnival. 11
That the latter does not go back to any one
Roman festival seems likely. It is of mixed
origin. And while, as will be seen later, the
Saturnalia was an important influence in its
development, the Lupercalia and possibly other
festivals also played their part in it.

1 Hartland, Primitive Paternity, I. 105.
n See pp. 67 ff.

[41]

VI. GODS OF AGRICULTURE

i. CERES AND THE CEREAUA

ON THE nineteenth of April, the day
of the festival of Ceres (Cerealia),
foxes were let loose in the Circus
Maximus with burning brands tied to their
brushes. The significance of this practice is
uncertain. Ceres 1 was an old Latin deity of
the productive powers of the earth but was
afterwards identified with the Greek Demeter.
Whether the foxes belong to the original festi-
val or are due to Greek influence it is not possi-
ble to say. Their reddish color is perhaps an
element in the question and has been connected
by Preller 2 with the rust to which the grain
is subject at this time of year and by Wis-
sowa 8 with the fiery heat of the sun. That the
ceremony had something to do with the pros-
perity of the crops seems certain.

1 The name Ceres is probably derived from the root
of creare.

12 Preller- Jordan, Rom. Myth,, II. 43.
s R. u. K., 197.

[42]

GODS OF AGRICULTURE

There are some apparent survivals of the
practice. Brand 4 quotes a statement from an
earlier writer 5 to the effect that in Elgin and the
shire of Murray farmers carry burning torches
around their crops in the middle of June " in
memory of the Cerealia." A similar custom
prevailed in Northumberland during the first
half of the nineteenth century, when fire-brands
used to be carried about the fields on the night
of the twenty-ninth of June.

For the connection of Ceres with the festival
of the Ambarvalia, see under Mars, page 48.

2. ROBIGUS AND THE ROBIGALIA

ROBIGUS was the spirit of mildew, whose hos-
tility to the growing crops it was the purpose
of the festival on the twenty-fifth of April
(Robigalia) to avert. Whether this divinity
was masculine (Robigus) or feminine (Robigo)
has never been definitely ascertained. We
have, however, data in regard to the festival.
A procession was organized in Rome which,
leaving the city by the Porta Flaminia, crossed
the Milvian Bridge and proceeded to a grove of

4 Op, dt. } I. 310.

5 Shaw in Appendix II to Pennant's Tour.

6 Ovid, Fasti, IV. 901 ff.

[43]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

Robigus at the fifth milestone on the Via
Claudia. There the exta of a dog and sheep,
which had been killed in the city in the morn-
ing, were offered to the divinity. This mile-
stone was doubtless the limit of Roman terri-
tory when the ceremony was first instituted,
and the benefit of procession, prayer, and sacri-
fice was supposed to extend to all the crops
within the boundaries.

Connected with the Robigalia but distinct
from it was another ceremony consisting of a
sacrifice of red puppies. Unlike the Robigalia
this was a movable festival. Moreover, it took
place not on the Via Claudia but near one of
the city gates, which indeed derived its name
(Porta Catularia) from the ceremony. The
color of the dogs sacrificed on this occasion has
been interpreted in the same way as that of the
foxes at the Cerealia. 7

Of this ancient ceremony we have record of
an interesting survival in the Litania Maior, or
Romana, of the Catholic Church on St. Mark's
Day, the very day of the Roman Robigalia
(April 2s). 8 Like the pagan ceremony this in-

7 See above, p. 42.

8 Duchesne, op. tit., 288; Mershman In Catholic Ency-
clopaedia, IX. 287; Lanciani, Pagan and Christian Rome,
164.

[44]

GODS OF AGRICULTURE

eluded a procession and prayers. The pro-
cession, starting from San Lorenzo in Lucina,
held a station at San Valentino outside the
Walls and another at the Milvian Bridge.
Then, instead of proceeding along the Via
Claudia as the old Roman procession had done,
it turned to the left and after stopping at a
station of the Holy Cross went on to St. Peter's
Basilica. 9 This litany was later discontinued
but its purpose was obviously the same as that
of the pagan ceremony, namely, to gain the
blessing of heaven for the crops.

3. FLORA AND THE FLORALIA

FLORA was one of the divinities of the old
Roman system. Her function, as her name in-
dicates, manifested itself in blossom. Of her
antiquity we have adequate evidence in the
well-attested existence of a flamen attached to
her service (flamen Floralis}. Possibly she
was ultimately of Sabine origin and was a repre-
sentative of the Sabine element in early Roman
religion. The month in the Sabine calendar
that corresponds to July is thought to derive its

9 The ceremony is described in the Liber Pontificalis,
in the life of Leo III (795-816).

10 Cf. Varro, L. L., VII. 45.

[45]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

name from her. Moreover, the oldest temple
of Flora of which we have record was in the
Sabine quarter of the city on the Quirinal Hill. 11
The fact that the festival is not designated in
capital letters on the stone calendars, as is cus-
tomary in the case of the oldest festivals, may
be due to its having been originally a movable
feast. We are told that games were first cele-
brated in her honor about 238 B.C. 13 This was
done in accordance with an oracle of the Sibyl-
line Books which had been consulted on the
occasion of a famine. We know that a temple
was dedicated to her in 238 and that the day
of dedication was April 2 8. 13 It is possible that
this was the day of the old Italic festival al-
though the games, especially after they became
annual in 173 B.C., contained many Greek fea-
tures, some of which were due to the points
of contact between the cults of Flora and
Aphrodite.

The festival was notorious for its license.
Among other things it was one of the feast-days
of the prostitutes of the city. Moreover, among
the gifts distributed were medallions whose ob-

11 Cf. Steuding in Roscher's Lexikon, under Flora.

1 2 This is Pliny's date, N. #., XVHI. 29. 3- 286;
Velleius I. 14 gives 241 B.C.

13 Cf. Aust, De aedibus sacris pop, Rom., 17.

[46]

GODS OF AGRICULTURE

scene content obviously pertained to the idea of
fertilization. Beans and lupines were also scat-
tered among the populace and it seems likely
that these were not merely largesses of food.
They were symbols of fertility, 14 and to this
practice we have something analogous in our
custom of throwing rice at weddings. It can
hardly be said, however, that the latter is a sur-
vival of the former. As Mannhardt 15 and
Frazer 16 have shown, customs of this kind have
prevailed among many peoples and the data
seem to indicate that our practice is only a par-
allel. The same is true of the relation to the
Floralia of some of the features of the Gypsy
spring festival on St. George's Day (April 23)
" Green George " as he is called as well as
some of the characteristics of May-day festivi-
ties. Such resemblances as exist between
these ancient and modern celebrations should
in all likelihood be attributed to the general
similarity to be found among many festivals
celebrated by different peoples at this time
of year.

^ Cf. Mannhardt, Kind. u. Korn, 351 ff.

15 Loc. cit.

is G. B., passim.

[47]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

4. MARS AND THE AMBARVALIA

THE Ambarvalia was celebrated at the end of
May (about the twenty-ninth), and consisted
chiefly of a procession in which the victims of
the threefold sacrifice pig, sheep, and bull
were driven thrice around the fields. It was
one of several ceremonies of purification of the
same type. Another was the Amburbium ( Feb-
ruary 2 ) , in which the procession passed around
the sacred boundary of the city; in another the
victims were driven around an assembly of
citizens on the Campus Martius; in another
around the bounds of a district (pagus} ; and
in another around a single farm. The lus-
tration festival hefd by the Fratres Arvales in
May has not been specifically included in the
list because there is a strong probability of its
being identical with the Ambarvalia. 17 Origi-
nally the triple sacrifice was to Mars, 18 although
by Augustus 5 time it was made to Ceres 19 and
the extant records of the Arval Brothers refer
to the Dea Dia as the divinity honored. A long

17 Mommsen, Henzen, Jordan and Wissowa are of this
opinion. Fowler inclines to it but does not think that
Marquardt's doubts are to be wholly disregarded.

is Cf. Cato, De agric., 141.

18 Virgil, Georgics, I. 338 ff.

[48]

GODS OF AGRICULTURE

inscription in the Umbrian dialect describes
similar ceremonies at the city of Iguvium (now
Gubbio), with circumambulating processions
and sacrifice of victims. 20

The purpose of the Ambarvalia was to gain
the favor of the gods for the growing crops, and
the festival has survived down to our own time.
In Italy on the Rogation days before Ascension
priests lead their parishioners around the fields
and with the Litania Minor 21 invoke the divine
blessing on their households and their crops.
Some modifications are of course inevitable,
but there is a striking similarity between the
content of the Christian and the pagan prayer.
Trede, who published his work in 1889, states
that he has seen in southern Italy processions
of the Ambarvalia type in which even animals
(lambs and calves) appeared. 22 These, vowed
to the Saint in whose honor the procession was
held, were afterwards sold, the money being
used for the benefit of the sanctuary. Among
the places which Trede mentions as the scene
of such a ceremony are San Giorgio at the foot
of Vesuvius, where two fat calves, adorned

20 Cf . Buck, A Grammar of Oscan and Umbrian, 260 ff.
121 Mershman in Catholic Encyclopaedia, IX. 287.
22 Op. tit., II. 43.

[49]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

with ribbons and garlands, formed part of the
procession; Pagani (not far from Pompeii),
where the offering, which was made to the
Madonna, consisted of fowls; and villages in
Calabria where goats, pigs, and bullocks,
decked like the animals in the Roman Ambar-
valia, were led to the sanctuary of the local
Saint. For the town of Angri, in the neigh-
borhood of Pompeii, an interesting custom is
reported. For there, if by chance drought oc-
curred in summer or excessive rain in winter,
a statue of St. John the Baptist was carried
about the fields in the belief that he would re-
store normal conditions. This ceremony was
followed by a festive meal in which Trede sees
a survival of the banquet mentioned by Tibul-
lus' 23 in his account of a purification of the fields
in the time of Augustus. There is a resem-
blance, but it is not at all certain that the festi-
val referred to by Tibullus was the Ambarvalia.
It may have been the Feriae Sementivae held
late in January. 24

Fowler, writing in i&gg? 5 describes a similar
ceremony as still observed in some parishes in
England on one of the three days before Ascen-
ts IL 1.21-30.

24 Cf. K. F. Smith, Elegies of Tibullus, 391.
|2B R. F., 127, Cf. also Brand, op. tit., I. 202.

[So]

GODS OF AGRICULTURE

sion Day. The minister, the church officials,
and parishioners pass in procession around the
boundaries of the parish and pray for a bless-
ing on the products of the farms and for the
safety of the parish. This was called " beating
the bounds." Fowler mentions specifically the
celebration of this ceremony at Oxford, al-
though from his account the practice there
seems to be somewhat in decline. Apparently
the lustration procession that used to be held
at Charlton-on-Otmoor near Oxford, on May-
day, has been given up. But till comparatively
recent times it was the practice there to carry
in procession through the parish a cross deco-
rated with flowers. Similar processions in
which tlie cross is carried are reported for
Holland and other parts of the Continent.

Traces of this old custom are found in
America also. German Lutherans living in the
neighborhood of Fox Lake in southern Wiscon-
sin used to celebrate a sort of Ambarvalia. 26
Farmers and their wives walked around the
boundaries of their lands, sprinkling salt and
offering prayers for the growing crops. This
was on Ascension Day in May. Although the

26 I am indebted to Miss Ann Gallagher, a student at
the University of Chicago, for this example.

SURVIVALS OP ROMAN RELIGION

record furnished refers to a period some twenty-
five years ago, it is possible that the custom still
obtains in some places. The Catholics in the
neighborhood held processions of the same kind,
the prayers used being Pater Noster and Ave
Maria.

Of the ceremony at the Umbrian city of
Iguvium, described in the famous inscription
of the Iguvine Tables, there may be traces in
the processional rite celebrated annually on
May 15 in the town of Gubbio, which now oc-
cupies this site. The connection, however, has
never been clearly demonstrated. For while
a procession forms the dominating feature of
both ceremonies, there is no similarity of pur-
pose. The ancient ceremony was for the lus-
tration of the people and the place; the modern
is chiefly in honor of S. Ubaldo, whose mon-
astery on the hill above the town is the objec-
tive of the procession of the Ceri which passes
through the streets. Nor can we be sure that
the word Ceri pedestals surmounted by fig-
ures of Saints is related to Cerf us Martius
who is mentioned as a local deity in the ancient
inscription. 27

27 Bower, The Elevation and Procession of the Ceri;
McCracken, Gubbio, Past and Present.

[52].

GODS OF AGRICULTURE
5. CONSUS AND THE CoNSUALIA

CONSUS (from condere, to store) was the god
of harvest. Tertullian 28 tells us that there was
a sacrifice to him on the seventh of July at his
underground altar in the Circus Maximus.
From the stone calendars and other sources
we know that a festival in his honor, the Con-
sualia, was celebrated on the twenty-first of
August and on the fifteenth of December.
There was also another ceremony that was
connected with his worship, namely, the Opi-
consivia on the twenty-fifth of August.

The fact that the sacrifice to Consus falls on
the same day as the Festival of Handmaids
(Feriae Ancillarum), the seventh of July, may
be a coincidence without significance. It is
possible, however, that there is a connection
between the two, and that the bizarre antics of
the maids were one form of harvest festivities.
On this day 29 the slave girls (ancillae) sacri-
ficed beneath a wild fig-tree (caprificus),
dressed themselves in their mistresses' clothes,
and ran about striking one another with
branches and pelting each other with stones.

28 De spectaculis, 5.

29 The day was called Nonae Caprotinae.

[53]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

Moreover, they railed with unbridled license
at any one passing by. It was maids' day out
in the widest sense of the term. It is in their
attitude toward persons passing by that Fow-
ler 30 sees a possible connection between their
festival and harvest celebrations. He cites as
a parallel the rough treatment accorded in many
parts of Europe to strangers appearing in the
fields at harvest-time, some of whom are tied
up in straw and only released on paying ran-
som, while others are made to submit to a
ducking. He makes special reference to the
survival of this custom in Derbyshire where
the stranger in the field is still made " to pay
his footing."

The Consualia celebrated on the twenty-first
of August was a harvest-home festival. There
were horse-races and mule-races, and the tra-
dition that it was on the occasion of this festi-
val that the rape of the Sabine women took
place, in its implication of the presence of
strangers from other communities, furnishes
some indication of the scale of the celebration.
The legend points also to sexual license as one
of the characteristics of harvest celebrations.
so R. p., 177-

[54]

GODS OF AGRICULTURE

6. MARS AND THE OCTOBER HORSE

ONE other ceremony apparently connected
with the harvest should be mentioned. This
was the annual sacrifice of a horse on the fif-
teenth of October. On that day there was a
race of two-horse chariots on the Campus Mar-
tius, and after the race the near horse of the
winning team was sacrificed to Mars at his
ancient altar on the Campus. The head of the
horse was cut off and, after being adorned with
cakes, was fought for by the inhabitants of two
of the regions of Rome, the Sacred Way and
the Subura. If the former were victorious they
fastened it up on the Regia in the Forum; if
the latter won, they fixed it on a tower 31 in
their part of the town. The horse's tail also
was cut off and taken to the Regia where the
blood from it dripped on the hearth. Although
the significance of these parts of the ceremony
has been the subject of much discussion, it
seems probable that they involve the familiar
religious idea of the continuance of fertility
from year to year and so tend to confirm the
classification of the rite as a harvest festival.
The decoration of the horse's head with cakes

31 Turns Mamilia.

[55]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

inevitably recalls the similar adornment of the
horses and mules at the Consualia and other
agricultural celebrations. And there is also the
statement of Paulus 32 that the rite was " on
account of the harvest." Fundamentally this
theory rests on the assumption that the cere-
mony goes back to a time when Mars was
thought of as a vegetation-spirit and had not
yet become specialized in men's minds as a god
of war. Wissowa 33 rejects this explanation,
and denying any connection of the rite with
the harvest contends that from the beginning
it was celebrated in honor of Mars as war-god
and marked the conclusion of the year's cam-
paigns. In his opinion the horse was a war-
horse. His arguments, however, are not con-
vincing.

At present it is the fashion among students
of comparative religion to disparage the " corn-
spirit " which explained so much to the scholars
of the last generation. Probably the theory was
applied with too little discrimination. But it
is in the main sound, and in all likelihood the
explanation of the October horse is to be found
here.

32 Page 277 (edition of Thewrewk de Ponor), ob jrugum
eventwn.

33 R, n. K. } 143.

[56]

GODS OF AGRICULTURE

Of this mid-October rite it is not possible to
mention any specific survival in modern times.
But it is not without pertinence to draw atten-
tion to the October festival held by the peasants
of the Roman Campagna today. Moreover, the
examples cited by Mannliardt 34 and Frazer 35
of horses and other animals appearing as the
corn-spirit in modern cultures, although not
survivals of the Roman rite, none the less find
their ultimate origin in a class of ancient reli-
gious ideas of which the ceremony of the Octo-
ber horse was one local manifestation. In the
same way the fundamental idea involved in
the fight for the horse's head between the men
of the Sacred Way and those of the Subura still
persists in such contests as Frazer 36 enumer-
ates. And to the fastening of the head on a
building many parallels are given by Mann-
hardt, 37 Frazer, 38 and Fowler: 39 a sheaf of
grain, a bunch of flowers, or the effigy of some
animal, in some cases that of a horse.

84 Mythologische Forschungen, 156 ff.

35 G. B. f VII. 292 ff.

86 Op. dt. t VII. 75 ff.

s? A. W.F.,*i4f.

ss Op. cit., VIII. 44.

39 R. p., 246.

[57]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

7. SATURN AND THE SATURNALIA

THE festival of Saturn fell on December 17,
but its popular celebration lasted for seven
days. It began as a country festival in the time
when agriculture was one of the chief activities
of the Romans, but it soon came to be cele-
brated in urban centers also. It was a period
of indulgence in eating, drinking, and gambling,
and during these seven days city officials con-
doned conduct that they would not have toler-
ated at any other season. One feature of the
occasion was the license allowed to slaves, who
were permitted to treat their masters as if they
were their social equals. 40 Frequently indeed
masters and slaves changed places and the lat-
ter were waited on by the former. Another fea-
ture of the celebration was the exchange of
gifts, such as candles (cerei) which are sup-
posed to have symbolized the increasing power
of the sunlight after the winter solstice, 41 and
little puppets of paste or earthenware (sigil-
laria) , the exact significance of which is obscure.
It was a season of hilarity and good-will, and

40 Accius, quoted by Macrobius, Sat., I. 7. 37; Horace,
Sat., II. 7- 5-

41 Fowler, R. F.> 272.

[58]

GODS OF AGRICULTURE

the universal greeting was " Bona Saturnalia! "
A " king " was chosen by lot, who would bid
one of his subjects dance, another sing, another
carry a flute-girl on his back and so forth. 42
In this play-king the Romans ridiculed royalty.
Frazer's 43 attempt to reconstruct the king
of the Roman Saturnalia on the basis of the
martyrdom of St. Dasius at Durostolum on the
Danube in A.D. 303 is ingenious but untenable.
The story of Dasius is told in a Greek manu-
script in the Bibliotheque Nationale. 44 Ac-
cording to this source the Roman soldiers at
Durostolum were in the habit of celebrating the
Saturnalia with a human sacrifice. Thirty days
before the festival they chose by lot a handsome
youth whom they arrayed as king and who, as
the representative of good king Saturn, was at-
tended by a brilliant escort and given full li-
cense to indulge in any pleasure. But on the
thirtieth day he was obliged to kill himself on
the altar of the god Saturn whom he was per-
sonating. In 303 the lot fell to a Christian sol-

42 Tacitus, Ann., XIII. 15, where Nero was "king" and
seized the opportunity to humiliate Britannicus ; also Seneca,
Apoc.y 8 and Ep., 47. 14; Epictetus, Diss., I. 25. 8; and
Lucian, Saturn., 4.

43 G. B., II. 310 f.; IX. 310 ff.

44 Cf. Cumont, Revue de Philologie, XXI, 143 ff. (1897).

[59]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

dier, Dasius, who, refusing to play a part that
involved a month of immorality, was beheaded
on the twentieth of November. 45 Frazer sees
in this practice at Durostolum a survival of the
original form of the festival and regards the
innocuous king of the Saturnalia, of whom Ro-
man writers speak, as merely a faint adumbra-
tion of a personage of much more tragic ex-
perience. But the theory will not hold. For
while there seems no adequate reason for
doubting, as Wissowa 46 does, the historicity
of the Dasius story, its features (especially the
human sacrifice) strongly suggest the influence
of Oriental rites. 47 It seems certain, indeed,
that the king of the festival celebrated at
Durostolum was some one quite other than the
king of the Roman Saturnalia, who was never
anything more than a merry-making master of
revels.

To be sure the festival suffered the usual
legendary accretions. From being the holiday
of country folk in a slack season of the year,
it came to be thought of as symbolic of the

45 Reinach, Cultes, Mythes et, Religions, I. 332 ff.

46 In Roscher, Lexikon, IV. 440, and R. u. K., 207.

47 Reinach, op. dt. f 334 ff.; Fowler, The Religiow Ex-
perience of the Roman People (referred to in this book as
jR. .), 112; Nilsson in Pauly -Wissowa, Real-Encyclopadie,
II A. 208.

[60]

GODS OF AGRICULTURE

golden age when Saturn had been king of
Latium, when all men were equal, when there
was no labor, and when life was a continual
round of pleasure. And in this interpretation
of it the king of the revels personified old King
Saturn. But a satisfactory analysis of the dif-
ferent elements in the festival has never been
made. It is known that it was subjected to
Greek influence but it is difficult to distinguish
precisely between original and acquired char-
acteristics. Moreover, in any study of it that
is undertaken it must be remembered that
many peoples have had and in some cases still
have a similar festival at this time of year.
And the similarity of the conditions that occa-
sion the festival whether it be the leisure
period of the farmer's year or the recognition
of the new solar year that begins after the win-
ter solstice, or both may easily result in the
independent development in different communi-
ties of analogous forms of celebration.

There are interesting survivals of the Satur-
nalia in some of the customs of our Christmas
and New Year's holidays, in the. Carnival, and
in the festivities of Shrove Tuesday. These
will now be discussed under their respective
heads.

[61]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION
(l) CHRISTMAS AND NEW YEAR

THE extremists who have said that Christmas
was intended to replace the Saturnalia have
vastly overstated the case. Nor is it of any
importance that Epiphanius, 48 the bishop of
Salamis in Cyprus in the fourth century, places
the Saturnalia on the twenty-fifth of December.
This is not the only error in the list of dates in
which it occurs. Without doubt, however,
many of the customs of the Saturnalia were
transferred to Christmas. Although the dates
did not exactly coincide, for the Saturnalia
proper fell on the seventeenth of December, the
time of year was practically the same, and it has
already been pointed out how frequently festi-
vals of the merry-making type occur among
various peoples at this season. Fowler, men-
tioning the good-will that so generally charac-
terizes these celebrations, raises the question
whether this was one of the reasons why Christ-
mas was put at the winter solstice. 49 Possibly,
as has also been suggested, 50 the postpone-
ment of the festivities from the date of the

48 Panar., 51.

49 R. F., 271, note. He cites John Chrysostom III. 4976
and Usener, Religions geschichtliche Untersuchungen, 217.

eo But cf. Duchesne, Christian Worship, 261.

[62]

GODS OF AGRICULTURE

Saturnalia to Christmas week was in part at
least caused by the institution of the Advent
fast covering the period of the four Sundays
before Christmas.

Certainly many of the customs of the Christ-
mas season go back to the Roman festival. In
it lies the origin of the excessive eating and
drinking, the plethora of sweets, the playing
of games, and the exchange of gifts. Nor can
we fail to connect our custom of burning candles
with the candles (cerei) that were so conspicu-
ous a part of the Saturnalia. Moreover, our
Christmas holidays, like the Roman festival,
are approximately a week. In one part of Eng-
land at least (North Staffordshire) the farm-
servants' annual holiday extends from Christ-
mas to New Year. Nor is this the only point
of resemblance to pagan times afforded by the
Staffordshire holiday. For the license allowed
by masters during its continuance reminds one
of the liberties allowed to slaves during the
Saturnalia. And there are English hotels at
the present time where that inversion of role
that was one of the features of the Roman fes-
tival is practiced at Christmas, and servants
and guests change places.

In mediaeval times there were still other sur-

[63]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

vivals, and the king of the Saturnalia is obvi-
ously the prototype not only of the Abbot of
Unreason who at one time presided over the
Christmas revels in Scotland, but also of the
Lord of Misrule in England and the Abbe de
Liesse in Lille. This mock dignitary had other
titles. In some places (Rouen and Evreux) he
was called Abbas Conardorum; elsewhere he
was known as Rex Stultorum, Facetiarum
Princeps, Abbas luvenum, Papa Fatuorum, and
L'Abb6 des Foux. These masters of the revels
are all connected with the Feast of Fools
(Festum Fatuorum) of the mediaeval church,
and they masqueraded in clerical vestments.
Du Tilliot, 51 in tracing these customs back to
the Saturnalia, points out that not only during
the celebration of Christmas but through the
Feast of Fools or Festum Kalendarum (Janu-
ary i), as it was sometimes called, minor clerics
took the place of the superior clergy. The lat-
ter festival was indeed notable both for inver-
sion of role and for the unbridled conduct of
the young priests, who danced in the church,
sang obscene songs, played dice during the cele-
bration of the mass, and took part in the theater

51 In his book Mimoires a I'histoire de la Fete des Foux.
Cf. also Du Cange, Glossarium, under Kalendae; and Barns
in Hastings, E. R. E., I. 9.

[6 4 ]

GODS OF AGRICULTURE

in performances that were disgraced by wanton
gestures and immoral lines.

We hear also of the Boy-Bishop (Episcopus
Puerorum), whose authority lasted from St.
Nicholas' day (December 6) till Childermas
(December 28) and whose tradition (as well
as that of the Bishop of Unreason) still survives
to a certain extent in Santa Clans. Apparently
the compromise made by the early Church in
adapting the customs of the Saturnalia to
Christian practice had little or no effect in
checking the license of the festival. This con-
tinued through the whole Christmas festival
and sometimes lasted till the day of Epiphany
(January 6). We find many criticisms by
churchmen or councils. In England Henry
VIII issued a proclamation in 1542, abolishing
the revels, but Mary restored them in 1554.
The English mummers are said to have worn
caps of brown paper, shaped like a miter, and
these are traced back either to the Boy Bishops
or the Abbots of Misrule. Readers of Sir
Walter Scott's novel The Abbott will re-
member the " Right Reverend Abbott of Un-

52 Barns, loc. dt.> refers to the historical note in this
novel.

[65]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

There is nothing to be said in support of the
theory which Frazer, 53 citing Cumont's 54 ac-
count of the Dasius story and Wendland's 55
article, once advanced: namely, that the Satur-
nalia had originally been celebrated in the
spring; that this date was adhered to in some
of the outlying parts of the Empire, as at Jeru-
salem in the time of Pontius Pilate; and that
the treatment to which Jesus was subjected
the robe, the crown, the scepter, the mock hom-
age, and the tragic death finds its explanation
in the assumption that he was the king of the
Saturnalia as celebrated by the Roman garri-
son in Jerusalem that year. The improbability
of such a theory has been pointed out 66 and
the objections to it need not be given in detail
here. Frazer 57 himself has practically with-
drawn it in his third edition. But unlikely
as the theory as a whole is, it brings out one
point which deserves careful consideration, and
that is the similarity of the mockery of Jesus
to that of a king of the Saturnalia. It is in-

5 3 G. B., 2d ed., III. 186 f .

54 In Revue de Philologie, cited above.

65 " Jesus als Saturnalien-konig," Hermes, XXXIII,
175 (1898).

66 Andrew Lang in Magic and Religion, 79 ff.
<" G. B. t IX. 412 ff.

[66]

GODS OF AGRICULTURE

deed probable that the Roman soldiers were
influenced in their conduct by their recollec-
tion of the practices of the Saturnalia in which
they had often taken part. Ridicule of this
kind was probably not uncommon. At any rate
Wendland in the article already referred to has
commented on the resemblance between the
mockery of Jesus and that to which the Jewish
king, Agrippa I, was subjected by the Alexan-
drians in A.D. 38. 58 Moreover, the treatment of
Jesus seems to have followed lines already fa-
miliar to the people through the mimes pro-
duced at the Saturnalia as well as at other sea-
sons. For mockery of the burlesque king as
well as of the Jew was common in the mimes
of the period.

(2) THE CARNIVAL

BUT survivals of the Saturnalia are not con-
fined to Christmas festivities. In spite of the
difference in time of year they are found also
in the Carnival as celebrated in Catholic
countries today. The Abbe de Liesse of Lille,
whose relation to the king of the Saturnalia has
been indicated, presided at games celebrated at
Arras and neighboring towns during the Car-

58 Reich, in N. Jahrb. /. klass. Altert., XIII, 730 (1904).

[67]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

nival. Moreover, many of the special features
of the Saturnalia recur in the merry-making of
the Carnival. The confetti used so lavishly are
a relic of the grains of wheat or barley which
to the Romans represented the hope of a year
of abundance, The pointed " fooFs cap " of
the Carnival mummer reproduces the liberty
cap which in accordance with the custom of in-
verted roles slaves were allowed to wear during
the pagan holiday. And the spirit of untram-
meled mockery, hilarity, jesting, and mischief,
so characteristic of the Carnival, is an inherit-
ance from the Roman festival.

(j) SHROVE TUESDAY

THE festivities of Shrove Tuesday, the last day
of the Carnival, as organized by the primitive
Church were notably of the Saturnalian type.
Many examples indicating the degree of license
are recorded. 59 It has been suggested 60 that
the Holly-boy and Ivy-girl, as they appear in
the folklore of Kent, 61 are connected with the

59 Cf. Dekker, Seven Deadly Sinnes of London (1606) ;
Brand, op. dt. f I. 63 ff.

E. R, &., XL 479-

61 Brand, op. cit., I. 68, quotes a description of the
burning of a Holly-boy and Ivy-girl on the Tuesday before
Shrove Tuesday In 1779.

[68]

GODS OF AGRICULTURE

German Fastnachtsmann or Prinz Karneval
and so ultimately with the king of the Satur-
nalia. This connection, however, has never
been adequately established. We may also
consider the possibility of affinity between the
Holly-boy and Ivy-girl of Kent and the Roman
divinities, Liber and Libera, whose festival
(Liberalia) was celebrated on the seventeenth
of March. On this day old women sat in the
streets of Rome, their heads decked with ivy,
and sold cakes (liba) of oil and honey. 62 That
the pancakes still so commonly eaten in Eng-
land on Shrove Tuesday sometimes called
" Pancake Tuesday " go back to the cakes
of the Roman Liberalia has been suggested but
never satisfactorily demonstrated.

For the possibility of other Roman festivals
having influenced the Carnival, see under
Lupercalia, p. 41.

62 Ovid, Fasti, III, 725 ff.; Varro, L. L., VI. 14.

[69]

VII. ANCIENT RIVER-SPIRITS AND
MEDIAEVAL DEVILS

KERS of ancient Italy had their spir-
its. We hear specifically of the god
of the river Clitumnus in Umbria, and
also of one for the Numicus, a stream in Latium,
for the Sebethus * near Naples, and for the Po.
Curiously enough there is no specific reference
to a god of the Tiber in the early period, but
possibly the divinity of this river, as Mommsen
suggests, is concealed under the name of Vol-
turnus, from volvere, with reference to its roll-
ing waters. The latter was one of the indige-
nous gods of Rome, of whose flamen we have
record and whose festival, the Volturnalia, is
set down in the old calendar for the twenty-
seventh of August. The name Tiberinus
does not appear in the cult till much later.
But these are only a few examples of
what must have been a widespread religious
practice. We may safely assume that every

i C. I. L., X. 1480.

[70]

RIVER-SPIRITS AND DEVILS

river in ancient Italy was believed to have its
god.

This being the case, it is obvious that the
building of a bridge always involved the fear of
offending the tutelary spirit of the stream and
necessitated the undertaking of ceremonies cal-
culated to placate his anger. In many cases the
ceremony doubtless took the form of a sacrifice.
There may have been such a sacrifice when the
Pons Sublicius, the oldest of the bridges across
the Tiber, was built. And it has been suggested
that the ceremony of the Argei, in which straw
puppets were thrown from the bridge into the
river, finds its ultimate explanation in an origi-
nal sacrifice of human beings offered to the god
of the river in expiation of the nullification or
at least the infringement of his divinity in
building a bridge over his waters. 2 This, how-
ever, is only a suggestion and the ceremony of
the Argei presents so many difficulties of inter-
pretation that definite statements in regard to
it are hazardous in the extreme. But it is in
connection with propitiatory ceremonies of
some sort that we look for the explanation of
the term pontifex (from pons, bridge, and facia,
make) applied to the members of the ancient

2 Cf. G. A. Frank Knight in Hastings, E. R. E., II. 848.

[71]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

college of priests that was most closely associ-
ated with the rites of the oldest order of Roman
divinities.

This Roman belief in the offense to deity im-
plicit in the building of a bridge is illustrated
by examples, similar but of independent origin,
found among other peoples. There is a legend
that the security of London Bridge was due to
its stones having been sprinkled with the blood
of children. Another version makes the se-
curity of the bridge depend on the sacrifice of
a prisoner; and the children's singing game

"London Bridge is broken down
London Bridge is broken down
London Bridge is broken down
My fair lady

probably goes back to this form of the 'belief.
For in the game the children seize a prisoner
who is released only after a forfeit has been
exacted. 3

In some of the later religious systems the
river-spirit of the ancients survived in the form
of the Devil. It is said that the Mohamme-
dans of Herzegovina regard a bridge as evi-

3 Cf. Gomme, Traditional Games of England, Scotland
and Ireland,

[72]

RIVER-SPIRITS AND DEVILS

dence of an unholy compact between its builder
and the Evil One. Only on the assumption that
the Devil has received adequate compensation
can they account for the diminution of his
power indicated by the bridging of the stream,
and so they curse both bridge and builder as
they pass. 4 In Christian sects also the Devil
succeeded the pagan river-spirit. The appella-
tion " Devil's Bridge " found in so many parts
of the world goes back to this ancient heathen
idea, for the drift of the legends is that the
Devil would not allow the bridge to be built
till he had been placated by a human sacrifice.
The pagan associations of bridges survived
in still another form in mediaeval Christianity,
namely, in the bridge over the river of death in
the lower world. All the dread implications of
bridge legends and beliefs were intensified in
the case of this " Bridge of Death " or " Bridge
of Judgment " as it was variously called. For
over it the soul must pass. 5 Moreover, a bridge
has a conspicuous part in the mediaeval legends
of Alberic, St. Paul, and others, as well as in
that funeral chant, the " Lyke-Wake Dirge,"
which was sung in Yorkshire as late as the

4 Evans, Through Bosnia and Herzegovina, 316.

5 St. Patrick's Purgatory (Wright's edition, 1844),
chap. 4.

[73]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

seventeenth century. Whether the appearance
of this bridge in the legends of American In-
dians is due to original native ideas or is to be
attributed to their early contacts with Catholic
peoples is uncertain. 6

6 See G. A. Frank Knight, loc. dt.

[74]

VIII. PHALLICISM

PHALLICISM had its place among the
early cults of Rome and Italy. This is
apparent from the existence on the Velia
of the shrine of the divinity Mutunus-Tutunus,
whose double name has reference to the two
sexes. Matrons, closely veiled, made offerings
to him, and he played an important part at
weddings. 1 Further, the Liberalia, the festival
of Ceres and Liber, especially as celebrated at
Lavinium, was known far and wide for the
prominence of the phallic element, which in all
probability antedated the identification of Liber
with Dionysus. The cult of Priapus also, a god
of procreation and f ruitf ulness from Lampsacus
and other cities on the Hellespont, had reached
Italy, and his statue with sickle, club, and phal-
lic symbol, was frequently placed in Roman
gardens. Amulets in phallic forms were be-
lieved to have power to avert the evil eye and

1 Tertullian, Apol, 25; Ad nat., II. n. Augustine iden-
tifies him with Priapus, Civ. Dei, IV. u, 34. See Wissowa,
R. u. K., 169. "

[75]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

for this reason one was fastened to the car of
a Roman general celebrating a triumph. Many
phallic ex-votos have been found on excavated
sites.

Phallic beliefs did not pass away with pa-
ganism. A contemporary account of the cele-
bration of the feast of S. Cosma and S. Damiano
at Isernia in the Abruzzi in 1780 shows the
survival of pagan practices in an amazing de-
gree of detail. 2 These Saints seem to have had
in popular belief precisely the position held by
Mutunus-Tutunus and Priapus in the minds of
the Romans. They were petitioned by those
desiring children or seeking a cure for sexual
disease, and the offerings made to them were
wax models of the parts affected. In France
and Belgium during the Middle Ages there
were Saints of the same kind. We hear of St.
Foutin 3 at Varailles in Provence, from the ceil-
ing of whose chapel many wax ex-votos of phal-
lic form were suspended. In the north of
France there was a cult of one Guerlichon or

2 A letter from Sir William Hamilton, British Minister
to the Court of Naples, printed in Payne Knight's book on
the Worship of Priapus. Cf. Dulaure, Des dwinitis gen-
eratrices, 257.

8 Sometimes called Photin or Foustin. See Hartland,
Primitive Paternity, I, 63-64.

[76]

PHALLICISM

Greluchon, whose powers were supposed to be
similar to those of Saints Foutin and Cosma.
In Antwerp the figure of one Ters formerly
stood at the gateway to the Church of St. Wal-
burga in the Rue des Pecheurs. 4 The efforts of
the Church, apparently without effect in the
Middle Ages, have been more successful in our
own times, and the most flagrant abuses have
been stopped Yet traces of the old beliefs still
linger in the common use by Italians today of
amulets of phallic shape to protect them against
the evil eye. Some of the finger gestures made
for the same purpose are also of phallic origin.

4 Hartland, loc. cit.

[77]

IX. THE WORSHIP OF THE
SPIRITS OF THE DEAD

A CULT of the spirits of the dead was
one of the phases of Roman religion. 1
In February (from the thirteenth
to the twenty-first) there was a celebration
of rites at the tombs of deceased members of
the family. The festival was called Parentalia
(from far ens, parent, ancestor) and offerings
were made to the deified shades of the departed.
That the spirits of the dead were thought of as
gods is shown by the custom which Plutarch, 2
citing Varro, mentions, namely, that when the
sons on cremating the body of their father first
saw the bones freed from the flesh they called
out that the dead had become a god. There is
also the letter of Cornelia to her son, in which
she speaks of the divinity that would be hers
after death. 3 Moreover, the spirits of the dead

1 Fragment of Twelve Tables in Cic., Leg., II. 9. 22:
Deorum manium iura sancta sunto; suos leto datos divos
habento.

2 Quaest. Rom., 14.

8 Cornelius Nepos, Frag. 2 (Winstedt's edition, Oxford,

[78]

THE SPIRITS OF THE DEAD

were regularly called di manes (the good
gods). 4 The epithet manes was euphemistic
and its purpose was to placate them.

One of the elements in the attitude of the
Romans toward the dead was the hope that
through the performance of the prescribed cere-
monies and the making of offerings they would
win their favor and assistance; with their aid,
they thought, good fortune might be their lot.
Virgil brings this out clearly in Aeneas' words
at his father's tomb: " Let us ask him for fair
winds." 5

Besides the Parentalia there were two other
festivals of the dead, the Larentalia on the
twenty-third of December and the Lemuria on
the ninth, eleventh, and thirteenth of May. On
the occasion of the former an offering was
made by the pontiffs and the high-priest of
Quirinus at the so-called grave of Larenta in
the district of Rome known as the Velabrum.
But we know that it was not a grave; it was a
mundus, that is one of those round pits into

1904): ubi mortua ero, parentabis mihi et invocabis deum
parentem.

4 Varro, . L. y VI. 4: bonum antiqui dicebant manum.

5 Aeneid, V. 59-60:

Poscamus ventos, atque haec me sacra quotannis
Urbe velit posita templis sibi ferre dicatis.

[79]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

which offerings to the gods of the lower world
were cast. For it is clearly indicated in many
sources that the Romans believed that the spir-
its of the dead lived beneath the earth. La-
renta seems to have been a divinity of the lower
world, possibly of Sabine origin. 6 The cere-
monies of the May festival, the Lemuria, fur-
nish unmistakable evidence of the belief that
the spirits of the dead sometimes revisited their
former homes and unless placated would make
mischief* At midnight the head of the family
walked through the house and, spitting out
black beans as an offering to the ghosts, nine
times he bade them take their departure. 7

Mention should also be made of the festival
of Rosaria, a private ceremony, celebrated by
Roman families or organizations in May. On
this occasion tombs were lavishly decorated
with roses.

The account given indicates the general na-
ture of Roman eschatological belief. One of
its most obvious and notable features is fear,
as is seen not only from the euphemism of the
appellation di manes but also from the cere-
monies of the Parentalia and Lemuria. A de-

6 Varro, L. L., V. 74 (Larunda) .

7 Manes exite paterni (Ov., Fasti, V. 443).

[80]

THE SPIRITS OF THE DEAD

sire to prevent a hostile attitude on the part of
the spirits is seen everywhere. The perform-
ance of the ceremonies and the making of the
offerings were the fulfilment of the just re-
quirements of the divine beings (ius divinum).
Neglect of these would result in unfriendly re-
lations with the shades such as pious Romans
could not contemplate with tranquillity. The
fear, to be sure, was vague and indefinite, but
it was "none the less efficacious. Vagueness, in-
deed, is another of the notable characteristics
of the whole cult of the dead. In the early
period and almost to the end of the Republic
there seems to have been little individualiza-
tion of the spirits of the departed. The tend-
ency was to regard them as an indiscriminate
multitude. References to the spirit of a par-
ticular individual are more common in the im-
perial period. 8 When detailed descriptions of
the lower world or definite references to the
felicity of the blessed and the punishment of
the wicked in Hades appear in Latin lit-
erature, they are invariably borrowed from
foreign sources. They had no place in the old
Roman religion.

8 Tacitus, Ann., XIII. 14. 6: infernos Silanorum manes
invocare.

[81]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

The pagan festivals of the dead seem to have
been among those that showed persistence in
survival. 9 There are indications that they were
celebrated even under Christian emperors. For
a list of Campanian festivals approved by the
Christian emperor Theodosius in the year 387
includes a festival of the dead held at Lake
Avernus. The list occurs in an inscription
and it is noticeable that not a single Christian
festival is mentioned. Either the number of
Christians in Campania at the end of the fourth
century was negligible or the Christians par-
ticipated in pagan rites.

But even after the pagan festivals ceased to
be celebrated, the belief that the spirits of
the dead could and, if properly approached,
would give aid and protection to the living sur-
vived. The fathers of the Church saw that this
was one of those inherent beliefs to which the
people would cling with that unyielding per-
tinacity that manifests itself in the case of
hereditary ideas. They compromised, shifting
from the cult of the spirits of ancestors to the
veneration of persons whose virtues, sufferings,
or miraculous deeds justified their being re-
garded as intermediaries between God and man.

9 Cf. Preller-Jordan, Rom. Myth., II. 74.

[82]

THE SPIRITS OF THE DEAD

In other words the Saints succeeded to the
worship of the dead just as they succeeded to
the cult of the departmental deities and to the
" little gods " of the Roman household. What
happened in the case of the transfer of the cult
of the departmental deities to that of the Saints
has already been described. The same thing
occurred in the transfer of the cult of ancestors
to the Saints. For while the Church never gave
the Saints a higher place than that of interme-
diaries and intercessors whose aid might prove
efficacious in gaining the favor of God, the
masses of the population made no such fine dis-
tinctions, and confusing means and end came
to regard the Saints themselves as present helps
in trouble and addressed their prayers directly
to them. They were more interested in their
power to help them in their troubles than in
their virtuous lives or harrowing deaths. Prior
to the Reformation the efforts to check this
tendency toward polytheism took the form of
ecclesiastical legislation but this proved in-
effectual.

Apart from the general doctrine of the ven-
eration of Saints, there are some specific festi-
vals of the modern Church that go back di-
rectly to pagan customs connected with the

[83]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

dead. One of these is All Saints 7 Day, now
celebrated on the first of November but till the
time of Pope Gregory III observed on the thir-
teenth of May, which was one of the days of
the Roman festival of the dead, the Lemuria.
Whether there is any connection between these
dates or not, the rites of All Saints' Day are a
survival not of the Lemuria but of the Paren-
talia. For in the modern festival the faithful
visit the tombs of the Saints, venerate their
relics, and pray for their blessing. The next
day also, the second of November, All Souls'
Day, unquestionably reproduces some of the
features of the Parentalia. People go in great
numbers to the cemeteries and deck the graves
of the members of their family with flowers and
candles, and the mass, which takes the place of
the ancient sacrifice, is directed to the repose
of the souls of the departed.

Another survival may be noted here. On
the day after the Parentalia and forming a
sort of conclusion to it was the festival known
as the Caristia or Cara Cognatio (February
22). This was a feast in which the members
of the family, after performing their duties to
the dead, participated. It seems highly prob-
able that it was one of the contributing influ-

[84]

THE SPIRITS OF THE DEAD

ences to the agape or love-feast of the primitive
Christians. 10 It was not, however, the sole
source of this custom. Common meals were an
established institution among the Jews and
were a well-known feature of Roman trade
guilds and associations of other kinds. At first
the agape was attended by all the members of
the congregation rich and poor, and was either
preceded or followed by the celebration of the
Eucharist. Later it was separated from the
Eucharist and gradually came to be confined to
the poor members of the group. It was the
cause of increasing dissension in the fourth
century and at length was discontinued. Ves-
tiges of the custom, however, remained till the
Council of Basle in the fifteenth century. And
it has been revived in modern times by some
German Baptists, the Moravian Brethren, the
Wesleyan Methodists, and in Scotland by the
followers of Robert Sandeman.

Of the Lemuria with its prohibition of wed-
dings during the days of its celebration (May
9 ? ii, 13) we may have a survival in the prov-
erb; " Bad prove the wives that are married in
May."

A conspicuous and notable part of the reli-

10 Cf. Duchesne, Christian Worship, 49.

[85]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

gious ceremonies pertaining to the dead was the
funeral procession, which in the case of men
prominent on account of their birth or achieve-
ments was organized on a highly elaborate
scale. Starting from the home of the deceased
it passed to the Forum, where it halted for the
delivery of the funeral oration, and then pro-
ceeded to the family tomb, which was always
outside the city-walls and generally on one of
the highways. Component parts of the proces-
sion were musicians, professional mourners,
dancers and clowns, slaves freed by the will of
the deceased, carriages in which rode mutes
wearing the masks of ancestors, torch-bearers,
the funeral bier on which lay the deceased with
face exposed, the sons with covered, the daugh-
ters with uncovered head, and in some cases
painted representations of heroic achievements
by land or sea.

An analysis of this procession enables us to
reach a reasonable conjecture in regard to the
ultimate significance of its different elements.
For obviously it is not of single origin. To be
sure the desire to do honor to the dead was
present in ancient as well as in modern funerals.
But the fundamental motive lay deeper, and
was intimately associated with the belief of
[86]

THE SPIRITS OF THE DEAD

the Romans concerning the relations between
the living and the dead. Of one phase of this
belief perhaps the one indicating the lowest
spiritual level we have evidence in the pres-
ence of musicians and clowns. For on the
analogy of practices common in other cultures
the pipers and harlequins were there to counter-
act the evil influence of either the spirit of the
deceased himself or other demons of mischief-
making type. The dirge of the professional
mourners, with its set content of expression of
the grief of the survivors and praise of the
merits of the dead, can be traced back to
the days when there were no professional
mourners and the surviving members of the
family sought to appease the spirit of the de-
parted by the double compliment of the mani-
festation of their inconsolable grief now that
he was gone and the description of his high
qualities and the recital of his achievements.
This same desire to be in good relations with
the dead was one of the principal motives also
in the extravagant demonstrations of grief
sometimes shown by the relatives during the
funeral procession, such as tearing of hair, mu-
tilation of face, beating of breast, and rending
of garments. Not that the religious motive was

[87]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

always the operative one. Sometimes, it would
seem, the funeral hysterics of the survivors had
the extremely mundane purpose of averting sus-
picions of foul play, which were always rife in
a society in which poisoning at one time or an-
other had a considerable degree of vogue. The
torch-bearers have been explained as going
back to the time when funerals were regularly
held at night and lights were necessary. But
in the employment of the torch in funerals of
the historic period and its acceptance as a
funerary emblem there is probably more than
the remnant of a practical usage. Whether it
was believed that the torch served to light the
soul to the world beyond or cheer and comfort
it or ward off malicious spirits it is difficult to
say. Whatever its precise interpretation was,
it was firmly established in the ritual of the
services for the dead. So far as all the other
features of the procession are concerned the
parade of masks of ancestors, the files of manu-
mitted slaves and other retainers, the pictorial
representation of military or naval victories
we must recognize that below the desire to pay
honor lay that old fear of the spirit of the dead
and the uneasy feeling that if one were to ex-
pect any measure of success or prosperity in
[88]

THE SPIRITS OF THE DEAD

this world, it was essential to avoid the hostility
of those who had passed into the next.

Taken over by the Christian Church as early
as the fourth century, the funeral procession
has come down the ages essentially the same in
the general nature of its appeal to the specta-
tors and even retaining, though with changed
significance, some of the details of the Roman
practice. For example, it is reasonable to as-
sume that the placing of lighted candles near
the body of the deceased and the carrying of
them in funeral processions is derived from that
use of the torch at Roman funerals to which
reference has just been made. Moreover, pro-
fessional mourners are still employed at funer-
als in Campania and Calabria.

It has been thought that the " Dance of
Death," a species of spectacular play that has
been traced back to the fourteenth century,
shows the influence of the Roman funeral.
The resemblance is not striking, though there
is some similarity between the ancient funeral
march and the Trionfo della Morte as cele-
brated in Florence in the sixteenth century as
part of the Carnival. For in addition to the
Christian figure of the Angel blowing the last
trump and Death with his scythe there were

[89]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

men In black and white garb wearing death-
masks as well as singers chanting the " Mise-
rere."

Some scholars have held also that influence
of the Roman funeral procession may be seen
in the " Breton Pardon.' 7 But this is doubtful.
The most notable features of that institution
are obviously of different origin.

The custom of the funeral oration was taken
over by the Church. We know that St. Am-
brose delivered one in honor of his brother
Satyrus, that St. Jerome spoke in memory of
Paula, and St. Gregory on the occasion of the
death of Basil of Caesarea. The practice has
been continued down to our own times and the
addresses common at funerals or memorial
services in America and elsewhere reproduce
some of the characteristics of the Roman lau-
datio funebris.

The custom of adorning the tombs of rela-
tives with roses (the festival of Rosaria) sur-
vived the fall of paganism. The early Chris-
tians decorated the tombs of martyrs with
evergreens, violets, amaranths, and roses.
Churches also were frequently decked with
flowers on important anniversaries. More-
over, roses and other flowers were often

[90]

THE SPIRITS OF THE DEAD

carved on Christian tombs, and roses are
painted on the walls of the catacombs of Ca-
lixtus. Later the pagan Rosaria became incor-
porated in the Christian feast of Pentecost,
which the Italians still call the Pasqua Rosa. 11
Further, the conception of cemeteries as hal-
lowed ground, as it obtains among modern
Christian communities, is an inheritance from
Roman religion, which from very early times
set aside places of burial as loci sacri.

11 Lanciani, Pagan and Christian Rome, 50.

[91]

X. DIANA AND THE VIRGIN
MARY

THE CULT of Diana was of Italian
origin and in all probability was intro-
duced into Rome from Aricia. Both
in Rome and in Aricia she was especially,
though not exclusively, a goddess of women.
Even before her identification with the Greek
divinity Artemis she had other functions, and
after that identification the range of her ac-
tivities was still further extended. The epi-
thets applied to her show in how many fields
she was believed to be active. She is called the
goddess of childbirth (Lucina and Ilithyia),
the guardian of mountains and woods (custos
montium et nemorum}, the queen of the woods
(regina nemorum}, the lover of streams (laeta
ftuviis), the huntress (venatrix and iaculatrix) ,
the goddess of the moon (lunata), the glory of
heaven (decus caeK), the goddess of night
(nocturna), the queen of the skies (regina
polorum), the virgin goddess (virgo and
innupta'), and the immaculate one (cast a).

[92]

DIANA AND THE VIRGIN MARY

Some local epithets also, like those referring to
her cult on the Aventine Hill (Aventina) , on
Mount Tifata near Capua (Tijatina), and at
Ephesus (Ephesia)* are applied to her.

Of some of these numerous phases of the cult
a few traces may still be found in the cult of
the Madonna. For example, there are indica-
tions that the veneration of Diana as a virgin
goddess has contributed something to the wor-
ship of the Virgin Mary. We know that one
of the earliest churches erected in honor of
Mary occupied the site of the famous temple
of Diana at Ephesus. For although the original
divinity of this sanctuary was an Asiatic god-
dess, she had been identified with the Greek
Artemis and ultimately with the Roman Diana.
Possibly the tradition 2 that Mary had once
stayed in Ephesus was an element in the
foundation of this church, which Cyril in one
of his letters calls the Great Church (Ecclesia
Magna). It was at Ephesus in 431 that the
synod was held at which Mary was first desig-
nated Mother of God, and it is of some interest
that the procession with which the populace
celebrated the deification of Mary reproduced

1 Cf. Carter in Epitheta Deorum s. v. Diana.

2 A. Cuomo, Saggio apologetico della bellezza celeste
e divina di Maria S. 5. Madre di Dio > 209.

[93]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

in such essentials as smoking censers and flar-
ing torches the processions which for so many
centuries had been an important part of the
worship of Diana. Such processions have con-
tinued down to modern times on the occasion
of the crowning of the Madonna in various
parts of the world. The coronation of the Ma-
donna at Pompeii in 1887 is an example.

But while the widespread worship of Diana
as a virgin goddess undoubtedly facilitated the
establishment of the cult of the Madonna and
while there were direct contacts, such as that
at Ephesus, between the pagan and the Chris-
tian ceremonies, we must guard against the
danger of exaggerating the influence of any one
ancient deity in the development of the cult
of Mary. There were many virgin goddesses
in the ancient religions besides Diana: among
the Romans, Minerva (virgo), Bona Dea (like
Mary called sancta and sanctissima)] and
among the Greeks, Artemis and Athene Par-
thenos. These too had helped to familiarize
the world with the idea of a virgin goddess.

It is only in the same limited way that
Diana's appellation of queen of heaven can be
said to have influenced the designation of the
Virgin Mary as queen or sovereign of the uni-

[94]

DIANA AND THE VIRGIN MARY

verse. 3 For other pagan divinities had con-
tributed their quota to the establishment of
this idea in the minds of the people. The
Roman Juno had been called queen; the Greek
Hera had borne the same title; the Carthagini-
ans had their queen of heaven (Dea Caelestis) ;
the Egyptian Isis 7 the Phoenician Astarte, and
the Babylonian Mylitta had all been queens of
heaven. The source of this appellative as ap-
plied to Mary is as multiplex as the title of
immaculate virgin.

To the local epithets of Diana given above
there are parallels in the case of the Madonna.
For just as the ancients spoke of Diana of
the Aventine or Diana of Tifata or Diana of
Ephesus, modern churchmen speak of the Ma-
donna of Monte Verging the Madonna of
Pompeii 7 the Madonna of Einsiedeln ; and
many others. But here again the Madonna cult
has been influenced not merely by Diana but
by a practice that was common to many pagan
cults and is illustrated by such examples as
Juno of Argos, Juno of Lanuvium, and Venus
of Cyprus, of Cythera, and of Mount Eryx.

The contention that the Feast of the Assump-

8 Cf. St. Alfonso di Liguori, Le glorie di Maria, 8, 9, n,
17, 21, 97, 198, 446 for such titles as Sovrana, Regina and
Sovrana dell' Universo.

[95]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

tion of the Blessed Virgin owes the date of
its celebration to the festival of Diana seems to
be without adequate support. There is, more-
over, a discrepancy in date. The ancient festi-
val took place on the thirteenth of August, while
the modern feast is on the fifteenth.

[96]

XI. MINERVA AND THE
TEACHER'S PAY DAY

THE FESTIVAL of the nineteenth of
March (Quinquatrus), although it had
originally been' connected with the
cult of Mars, came to be associated with
Minerva and in historic times was regularly
celebrated in her honor. Among other things
she was a goddess of education and this day
was of unusual importance in the school-year.
Not only was it, like festal days in general,
a holiday for pupils and teachers, but on it
teachers received their stipend or honorarium
(minerval}. It was suggested by Hospinian, 1
a Swiss theologian of the sixteenth century, that
a practice that obtained in some schools in his
own time was a survival, with obvious modi-
fications, of the ancient tradition. He tells us
that it was the custom to call children to school
with songs and to give them a present on this
day that was sacred to Gregory the Great, the
patron of scholars.

1 Cf. Brand, op. dt., I. 417 ff.

[97]

XII. THE GODDESS FORTUNA
AND GOOD OR BAD LUCK

THE FESTIVAL of Fortuna, "the god-
dess who brings " (fero), was held
on the twenty-fourth of June. Diffi-
cult as is the question of the original signifi-
cance of the cult, there is no doubt of an early
connection with agriculture. We know that
the farmers regarded Fortuna as a power who
could bring them good crops or on the other
hand manifest her displeasure by a lean year.
Moreover, the time of year at which the festi-
val took place and the nature of the festivities
support the theory of an agricultural connec-
tion. It was the season of harvest and rustic
celebrations were appropriate. Whether the
fact that this was the time of the summer sol-
stice was an element in determining the date
of the festival is not certain, but in all proba-
bility it had something to do with it. The occa-
sion was one of great merriment and the festival
has sometimes been described as a summer
Saturnalia.
The twenty-fourth of June is now St. John

[98]

THE GODDESS FORTUNA AND LUCK

the Baptist's Day, and the modern festival may
owe its date to the pagan celebration. It is
almost certain that it does if the summer sol-
stice was a factor in the dating of the Roman
holiday. Some even claim that the midsummer
fires and other quaint customs till recently so
common at this season in Great Britain and
Ireland and on the Continent may be traced
back to this festival. This contention, how-
ever, hardly admits of demonstration in detail.
To be sure both the ancient and modern cus-
toms belong to the sphere of rustic merry-
making, and the practice of leaping over a fire
cited by Brand 1 for various places in Great
Britain has ancient Roman precedent. But
neither of these facts bears directly on the ques-
tion of actual influence of the ancient on the
modern festival. For in the first place we have
no evidence that the lighting of bon-fires was
a part of the Roman festival; and secondly the
leaping over a fire was a feature not of the
festival of Fortuna on the twenty-fourth of
June but of the feast of Pales (Parilia) on the
twenty-first of April.

But the function of Fortuna was never in
any period confined to agriculture. Even in the

1 Op. dt., I. 306 ff.

[99]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

agricultural sphere her name, meaning as it
does " the one who brings," connoted the idea
of what we call fortune or luck. And this con-
cept was equally apparent in another sphere
in which her cult attained distinct importance,
namely, that of women's lives and especially
childbirth. Obviously there might be good or
bad luck there. Indeed the cult showed its
greatest development along this line of Fortune
or Chance. We hear of the Fortune of the
Imperial House, the Fortune of the Equestrian
Order, the Fortune of the State, the Fortune
that stays with one, the Fortune that deserts
one, and so forth. Many other divinities in
the Roman pantheon declined as the centuries
passed but the history of the cult of Fortune
shows constant expansion and steadily increas-
ing vogue.

Of this goddess of Chance we have a sur-
vival in our frequent personification of fortune.
Moreover, one of the emblems of the Roman
goddess was a wheel, symbolizing mutability;
and the " wheel of fortune " still survives in
modern literature and life. It must be men-
tioned here, however, that according to one
theory 2 the wheel that appears as an attribute

2 Gaidoz, Etudes de Myth. Gaul., I. 56 ff.

[100]

THE GODDESS FORTUNA AND LUCK

of Fortuna is not a symbol of mutability or in-
stability but a representation of the orb of the
sun. Under this interpretation Fortuna was a
solar divinity, and in support of this view much
emphasis is naturally laid on the occurrence
of the festival at the summer solstice. The
midsummer fires are pressed into service and
burn briskly in illustration of the theory. At-
tention is also drawn to the practice attested
for some places in England of rolling a wheel
down a hill on St. John the Baptist's Eve. 3
Sometimes straw is twisted around the wheel
and lighted. This is held to symbolize the de-
cline in the power of the sun as the days begin
to shorten. But plausible as some of the phases
of this explanation are, the evidence adduced
is not convincing.

There was another festival of Fortuna on
the first of April. This was the day on which
Roman women of the lower class honored For-
tuna Virilis, who represented good fortune in
relations with men. As an important part of
the ceremonial of the day the women bathed in
the men's baths. In view of this fact it is not
surprising that on the introduction of the cult
of Venus Verticordia, a goddess of Greek and

3 Brand, op. ctt. } I. 298 ff.

[101]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

ultimately Oriental origin, her festival (the
Veneralia) was put on the same day. That the
celebration involved a very considerable degree
of license and foolery may be assumed. But
there seems to be no evidence to support the
suggestion that the practices of our April Fools'
Day have their origin here. No satisfactory
contact has ever been made between the cus-
toms now prevalent on the first of April and the
rites either of Fortuna Virilis or of Venus Verti-
cordia, who to large extent superseded her.
Equally inconclusive is the theory of Barns, 4
who, partly on the basis of the affinity between
Venus and the maiden-mother Arianrhod
pointed out by Rhys in his Hibbert Lectures,
thinks that All Fools' Day should be traced
back to a Celtic form of this worship of Venus.

* M. JR.. E. } L 332.

[102]

XIII. HERCULES AND THE
OFFERING OF TITHES

IN THE offering of tithes by successful gen-
erals, traders and others at the Great Altar
of Hercules in Rome on the twelfth of
August, we possibly have a development of
some simple offering of first-fruits made by the
early Romans at a time when the community
was chiefly agricultural. That it was the cus-
tom in various parts of ancient Italy to offer
first-fruits to the gods we know. Sanctity still
adheres to the first-fruits of the harvest in many
countries of Europe, as Mannhardt and Frazer
have shown. Such a custom as that which once
obtained in some parts of Yorkshire, namely
the cutting of the first grain by the vicar and
its use in making the bread for communion,
must be regarded as the relic of a religious idea
that was widespread among the ancient peoples
of Europe.

On the other hand it has never been finally
demonstrated that the tithes offered to Hercules
at the Great Altar were originally first-fruits

[103]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

of the harvest. All we can say is that they may
have been offerings of this kind. According to
some scholars the tithes were of Semitic origin,
having been instituted in the cult of Hercules
as a result of his identification with the Phoeni-
cian divinity Melcarth. 1

Nor can we accept without many reservations
the suggestion that the tithes of Hercules in-
fluenced the institution of tithes in the Christian
Church. This system was adopted by the
Christians from Semitic sources. They were
familiar with it from their study of the Old
Testament. At most, the tithes of Hercules
could have influenced the Christian practice
only in so far as they served to accustom the
Romans to the system and thus paved the way
for its establishment on the more comprehen-
sive plan which the Christians adopted.

1 Cf . Gardner in The Journal of Hellenic Studies, XIII,
75 (1892).

XIV. CASTOR AND POLLUX AND
SOME MODERN SAINTS

THESE gods, generally called Dioscuri
(sons of Zeus), although originally of
Greek provenance, had been intro-
duced into Rome from some Latin city, possibly
Tusculum, and so were always considered by
the Romans as of Italic origin. It was for this
reason that their temple was built within
the sacred boundary (pomerium) of the city.
Among other things Castor and Pollux were
protectors of sailors. Both Greek and Roman
ships often carried their images or used as their
emblem the stars that so frequently appear in
representations of the twin divinities. 1 This
ancient emblem has not yet disappeared and
may still be seen among the fisher-folk on the
islands of the Mediterranean and along the
coasts of southern Italy. Moreover, the electri-
cal phenomenon that plays about the spars of
ships on the Mediterranean after a storm was
regarded of old as a manifestation of the gods'

1 Cf. Acts, 28. ii.

[105]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

presence, 2 This belief still survives in modi-
fied form. Modern sailors see in these lights
indications of a divine presence but they at-
tribute them to St Elmo, a patron Saint of
sailors. We do not, however, know very much
about St. Elrno. Rendel Harris, pointing out
that Romulus and Remus had attained some
degree of sanctity among the Romans even be-
fore the introduction of Castor and Pollux,
thinks that St. Elmo's name is connected with
Remus, who is commemorated in San Remo
on the coast of Italy, and indeed, so far as some
of its forms are concerned, there is a resem-
blance. 3 But this theory is ingenious rather
than convincing.

Professor Harris is also inclined to think that
we have a reminiscence of Castor and Pollux
in the pair of Saints Cosma and Damiano.
Nor is he alone in this belief. Deubner, 4
though approaching the question from a dif-
ferent angle, has come to the same conclu-
sion. The latter is of the opinion that the cult
of these Saints, which flourished especially in
Constantinople, inherited the tradition of Cas-

2 Cf, Horace, Od., I. 3. 2.
s Cf. E. JR.. K, Xn. 499.
4 De incubatione, chap. IV,

[106]

CASTOR AND POLLUX

tor and Pollux who, as he thinks, were wor-
shipped as gods of healing in that city and in
whose temple the sick were accustomed to sleep
in hope of a cure (incubatio} . That Cosma and
Damiano were medico-saints and that incuba-
tion was commonly practiced in their churches
in Constantinople is a well-established fact. 6
And there can be little doubt that the same
custom obtained in their churches in other
places, for example in Rome, where they had
a famous sanctuary in the Forum. To be sure
the function of healing is not a feature of the
cult of the Dioscuri as we know it in most
places, but there are passages in ancient authors
which show that their temples were sometimes
used for incubation. 6

5 Hamilton, Incubation, 112.

6 Ibid., 120.

[107]

XV, AESCULAPIUS AND
INCUBATION

'"' I 'HE PRACTICE of incubation, re-
I ferred to in the preceding section, was
J^ chiefly associated with Aesculapius,
god of healing. He was a Greek divinity whose
cult was brought to Rome from Epidaurus in
293 B.C. An outbreak of plague was the imme-
diate occasion of the introduction. The story
is that as the ship bearing the envoys who had
been sent to Epidaurus in regard to the estab-
lishment of the worship, sailed up the Tiber on
its return to Rome, the sacred snake which had
been brought from the Epidaurian temple
slipped overboard and swam to the island in
the Tiber. This was regarded as an indication
of the divine will and the temple of the god
was erected there. A few remains of it may
still be seen but they are not sufficient to enable
us to visualize it in detail.

While the Roman worship never attained
the fame of the cult at Epidaurus and other
places in Greece, it seems to have enjoyed a
[108]

AESCULAPIUS AND INCUBATION

moderate prosperity and in the second century
of the Empire gained the favor of the em-
peror Antoninus Pius. Doubtless the system
followed at the Roman sanctuary was the same
as that at other temples of the god. The
patients slept in the temple or In some other
building equipped as a sleeping place within
the precinct. Their belief was that the god
would heal them while they slept or would tell
them in a dream what they must do in order
to be cured. While therapeutic treatment was
applied in some cases, in the main it was a sys-
tem of faith-cure, and innumerable successful
cases were reported. Many inscriptions found
at Epidaurus and elsewhere attest the gratitude
of those who had regained their health through
incubation. 1 It was, moreover, usual for the
person cured to make a gift to the sanctuary.
These offerings took different forms: an image
of the part of the body that had been cured, or a
statue or bas-relief or money. Ex-voto inscrip-
tions also have been found at Rome and other
places in the neighborhood. One inscribed on
a marble stand discovered on the Tiber island
records that it supported a silver image of a
spleen that had been healed by the god. 2

1 Hamilton, Incubation, 17 ff. 2 Ibid., 67.

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

Incubation was adopted by the Church and
has never ceased to be practiced. It was com-
mon in the early days of Christianity, flourished
in the Middle Ages, and is still popular in some
Catholic communities. That the cult of
Aesculapius had more influence than any other
in establishing the practice seems certain, but
as has already been indicated, it was used in
connection with other deities also. In the
Christian churches it was Christ, instead of
Aesculapius, who healed through the interces-
sion of the Saints to whom the churches were
dedicated. Hamilton 8 cites examples for the
mediaeval period from Italy, Gaul, Germany,
and Britain. The system was very similar to
that of the pagans, and a vision that came to
the patient as he slept in the church dedicated
to some of the famous medico-saints was often
the medium of the cure. Among the Saints ven-
erated as physicians in the Middle Ages we
hear of St. Martin at Tours, St. Julian at Ar-
vernus, St. Maximinus at Treves, and St. Peter
and St. Paul at Cambridge. 4 Some of the mala-
dies cured were paralysis, epilepsy, insanity,
lameness, and blindness. The mediaeval Saints
were as courageous in the face of serious dis~
8 Op. tit., 113, 114. 4 Ibid., 113.

[no]

AESCULAPIUS AND INCUBATION

eases as the priests of Aesculapius had ever
been. Among the churches where incubation is
still practiced may be mentioned the Cathedral
at Amalfi, 5 dedicated to St. Andrew, and chap-
els of St. John in Calabria and Sardinia, in
which incubation is especially common on St.
John's Eve. Trede 6 points to Santo Giro of
Portici near Naples as the Aesculapius of that
town and its neighborhood. He was a physician
in his life time, and the power of healing has
been predicated of him ever since he became a
Saint. San Roque, the patron Saint of several
communities in Campania, is also thought to
continue those healing functions through which
in his life time he brought aid to so many of
those suffering from the plague.

As in the pagan Roman system, preliminary
rites always precede the sleeping in the sacred
edifice with a view to the establishment of the
proper attitude of mind on the part of the per-
son seeking divine aid. That in both ancient
and modern times faith has proved salutary
and in some cases even resulted in cures is too
well-known to call for further demonstration.
In Marius the Epicurean 7 Pater speaks of the

5 Hamilton, op. dt., 185 f. 6 Ibid., 203.

7 Chap, III.

[Ill]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

period of the Antonines, when the cult of Aes-
culapius was especially popular, as " an age of
valetudinarians." Without stopping to discuss
the historical accuracy of the phrase, it may
be admitted at least that such cults as those of
Aesculapius or of the healing Saints of medi-
aeval or modern times would be sure to make
a particularly strong appeal to valetudinarians
and hypochondriacs.

An interesting little item of medical history
has been pointed out In connection with the
temple of Aesculapius on the Tiber island.
When Christianity prevailed over paganism,
the sleeping porches of Aesculapius yielded to
the hospital of San Bartolomeo, which after so
many centuries still remains one of the hospi-
tals of Rome. But the therapeutic associations
of the place have gone even further. For it was
this Roman hospital of San Bartolomeo that
furnished inspiration and name for St. Bar-
tholomew's, the famous hospital in London.
Without a break the connection runs from the
Tiber island in the third century before Christ
to London in the twentieth century of the
Christian era. 8

The usual attribute of Aesculapius was a

8 Cf. Carter, Religious Life of Ancient Rome, 42.

AESCULAPIUS AND INCUBATION

staff with a serpent coiled around it. The sug-
gestion that the staff symbolized the peripatetic
function of the physician must be rejected as
untenable insomuch as patients came to Aes-
culapius ; he did not go to them. It is possibly
of Oriental origin and its explanation may lie
in the field of the magic wand. That the con-
nection of the snake with healing is very an-
cient is as certain as the precise interpretation
of the association is doubtful. Both staff and
serpent have survived in the symbolistic devices
of medical schools and societies all over the
world. Error, however, sometimes creeps in,
and the wand of Mercury, around which two
snakes coil, is sometimes substituted for Aes-
culapius 7 staff with its single serpent. Medical
organizations would be less favorable to the
wand of Mercury as a symbol of their art if
they bore in mind the fact that one of that
god's functions was to conduct souls to the
other world.

["3]

XVI. POSEIDON-NEPTUNE AND
SAINT NICHOLAS

IT WAS only after his identification with the
Greek god Poseidon that Neptune had any
connection with the sea. That the identifi-
cation had already been made by 399 B.C. is
clear from his appearance in the lectisternium
held at Rome in that year. There he is paired
with Mercury and the combination obviously
reflects ideas of over-seas trade. The cult
came to Rome from southern Italy, where it
was established in many places, the temples
at Tarentum and Paestum being especially
famous.

Some traces of this cult still remain. There
is one in a statue of St. Anthony at Sorrento
which shows a dolphin, a common attribute of
the ancient sea-god Poseidon-Neptune. And it
seems probable that in southern Italy, as in
Greece, 1 St. Nicholas has to some extent taken
the place of the pagan god. There is, for ex-
ample, one feature of the festival held in honor

1 Hyde, Greek Religion and Its Survivals, 62, 66.

[114]

POSEIDON-NEPTUNE AND NICHOLAS

of St. Nicholas at Bari on the Adriatic coast
that has all the appearance of a survival of the
Roman god. In a procession in which priests
and the general public participate boatmen and
fishermen carry the statue of the Saint down to
the seashore. There they place it on an elabo-
rately decorated barge and take it out to sea.
Hundreds of boats follow in a sort of marine
triumphal procession. 2

Moreover, in the command of the sea at-
tributed to St. Nicholas in a devotional leaflet
of the Church,

Santo Eroe, il quale col commando di sua voce
calmava i venti e le tempeste,

there is a striking reminder of the picture of
Neptune given by Virgil: 3

Sic cunctus pelagi cecidit fragor, aequora postquam
Prospiciens genitor caeloque invectus aperto,
Flectit equos, curmque volans dat lora secundo.

Trede is convinced that there are traces of
the Neptune cult in many other coast-towns of
southern Italy where St. Nicholas is especially
venerated. He even imagines that many of the

2 Trede, op. tit., II. 333.
8 Aeneid, I. 154 ff:

["51

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

statues or pictures of the Saint in the churches
show the influence of the pagan representations
of Poseidon and Neptune. But the evidence
he furnishes is anything but convincing. It
falls as far short of demonstrating his case as
his argument that in the horse-breeding now
carried on in the neighborhood of Paestum
(called Poseidonia by the ancients) we have a
survival of the pagan connection of Poseidon
with horses and horse-racing.

[116]

XVII. THE MAN-GOD

EjENDS of early Rome contain stories
of the deification of mortals. Aeneas was
said to have been deified and worshipped
as Aeneas Indiges on the banks of the River
Numicus. Romulus was reported to have been
carried up to heaven from the Campus Martius.
These were legends, but with the beginning of
the Empire the deification of the ruler became
an established part of the Roman system,
lulius Caesar was declared a god Divus was
the term used by senatorial decree and his
worship was put on a full ceremonial basis with
temple, priests, and ritual. The same thing
was done in the case of Augustus, Claudius,
Vespasian, and Titus. This was one of the
phases of Roman religion that showed exten-
sion and growth as the generations passed.
For while only four of the first eleven emper-
ors attained deification, from Nerva on almost
all were made Divi. The last of the Divi was
Romulus, son of Maxentius, who was deified
in 307. The formal deification of a member of

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

the imperial family never took place at Rome
till after death. There is, however, plenty of
evidence pointing to the worship of emperors in
the provinces and in various parts of Italy dur-
ing their life time.

Nor was deification confined to emperors or
members of the imperial house. The poet Vir-
gil attained after death a virtual deification,
and apparently there were many who believed
that Apollonius of Tyana had divine powers
during his life time.

The surprising nature of this worship of mor-
tals by the Romans fades out when we study
their religious system as a whole, and recognize
that in their minds no such chasm separated
the human and the divine as modern theology
has been prone to postulate. They believed in
intermediate beings whose powers so far tran-
scended those of ordinary men that they de-
served to be classed with the gods. That so
deep-seated a religious tradition as this was not
likely to pass away is obvious ; that it did not
pass away we know from the evidence furnished
by the cult of the Saints.

In this connection we must remember also
the prevalence in the world at the beginning of
our era of a belief in the coming of a deliverer.

THE MAN-GOD

This idea took different forms in different
countries. To some persons Augustus was such
a deliverer, as is seen from an inscription re-
ferring to his birthday. 1 With such an idea as
this permeating the civilized world, men were
more and more ready to recognize potentiali-
ties of divinity in men and to acclaim them as
gods.

One phase of this cult of deified mortals has
a very clear tradition, namely, the veneration of
relics. Definite evidence of its existence among
the Greeks is furnished by the oracle that
emanated from Delphi that the Athenians
should bring the bones of the hero Theseus to
Athens. In Italy the bones of Virgil attained
sanctity, and as the centuries passed they were
regarded more and more as a guaranty of safety
to the city of Naples where they were deposited.
Furthermore, places associated with deified
heroes were considered sacred, for example, the
hut of Romulus preserved century after century
on the Palatine Hill and the house of the Fla-
vian family on the Quirinal Hill. We know
also that Augustus regarded earth from a tomb
as sacred.

1 Mitth. Arch. Inst. Ath., XXIV, 275 ff. (1899) ; Ram-
say, Letters to the Seven Churches, 436 ; Iverach in E. R. E, t
under Caesarism.

SURVIVALS OP ROMAN RELIGION

Reports of miracles wrought by human be-
ings were common among the ancient Romans
and were accepted by the great mass of the
people without question. The Emperor Ves-
pasian was believed to have the power of heal-
ing; Apollonius of Tyana was credited with
miracles; and many other examples might be
cited. How prevalent the belief was in the sec-
ond century is indicated by Lucian's 2 ridicule
of it.

Roman society, therefore, at the time when
Christianity emerged, was wholly familiar with
the ideas of a man-god ; the sacrosanct quality
of relics, and the frequent occurrence of mira-
cles. The Christians adapted themselves to
the pagan attitude. They matched the miracle-
workers of the pagans with wonder-working
Saints; and with their success the number of
miracles increased. The sanctity of relics, well-
established as it had been among the pagans,
acquired far greater vogue in Christian times
and was given a degree of emphasis that it had
never had before. The idea showed extension
also in the division of the remains of a Saint and
in the efficacy attached even to the smallest
relic. Moreover, we find the term Divus which

2 De dea Syria.
[120]

THE MAN-GOD

had acquired its special connotation through
the deification of emperors applied to Christian
Saints. Examples are Divus lanuarius (S. Gen-
naro), Divus losephus (S. Giuseppe), and Diva
Agatha (S. Agatha). And at the end of this
word's long history is its faded application in
modern times to actresses and opera-singers.

Like the deified heroes and emperors of
pagan times the Saints were honored with altars,
sacred edifices, incense, lights, hymns, ex-voto
offerings, festivals with illuminations and high
hilarity, prayers and invocations. They be-
came intermediate divinities with intercessional
and tutelary powers.

That St. Paul and Jesus himself would have
regarded many of these beliefs and practices
as wholly foreign to the spirit of Christianity is
certain. Some of the early Christians them-
selves protested against the cult of the Saints :
for example, Vigilantius arid Faustus in the
fifth century. But on the other side were such
great apologists as Augustine, Jerome, Am-
brose, Chrysostom, and Basil, who though
claiming that God alone was worshipped, ex-
pressed full belief in the efficacy of the inter-
cession of the Saints.

XVIII. THE MOTHER OF THE

GODS AND THE BAPTISM

OF BLOOD

THE CULT of this Phrygian divinity,
variously called the Mother of the
Gods, Cybele, the Great Mother or
the Idaean Mother, was introduced into Rome
in 204 B.C. Doubt, discouragement, and fear
in regard to the issue of the war with Hannibal,
who was still in Italy with his army of invasion,
drove the Romans to seek the aid of foreign
gods. A commission was sent to the East, the
sacred stone, the symbol of the goddess, was
brought to Rome and the cult was established
on the Palatine Hill. It was the first Oriental
cult introduced into Rome.

The goddess was a nature divinity, mother
of gods, and mighty mistress of all forms of
life. With her was associated Attis, whose
death symbolized the dying of vegetation and
his resurrection its revival in the spring. What
part Attis had in the Roman cult of the Mother
in republican times is not clear, but during the
[122]

THE MOTHER OF THE GODS

empire, especially from the time of the monu-
ments and inscriptions pertaining to the tauro-
bolium, the references to him are numerous. He
is one of the redeemer-gods of pagan religion.
Although this cult was one of the last to
yield to Christianity and persisted obstinately
after most of the other pagan forms of wor-
ship had passed away, it left but few traces of
its protracted dominance. To be sure points
of contact with the Virgin Mary have been
pointed out. One of Mary's titles, "the
Mother of God" (Gran Madre di Dio), has
inevitable reminiscences of the pagan " Mother
of the Gods." Moreover, many a visitor to
Rome and student of sculpture has commented
on the resemblance between the statues of the
two. Furthermore, we know that the shrine
of the Virgin on Monte Vergine near Avellino
in the Apennines not far from Naples, which is
visited each year by thousands of pilgrims, at-
tracted by the fame of the wonder-working
image there, was once the site of a temple of
the Great Mother. That they were confused
in people's minds is shown by the question
which an unbeliever addressed to Abbot Isidore
of Pelusium in the sixth century. He asked
what the difference was between the Magna

[123]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

Mater of the pagans and the Magna Mater
Maria of the Christians. But mother-god-
desses, whatever their origin or special char-
acteristics, are bound to have certain features
in common. Nor is there much reason for sur-
prise in finding in Claudia's prayer x to the
Great Mother a tone analogous to that of any
prayer to the sanctissima Maria in modern
times: "Hear my prayer, thou who art the
gentle mother of the gods."

During the days of the Megalesia, the festi-
val celebrated in honor of the Great Mother
on the fourth and the tenth of April, her priests
collected money from the people. We cannot,
however, see in this the origin of the institution
of begging friars. There were mendicant
Orphic priests as early as the time of Plato,
and in all probability other cults had a similar
system. All that can be said in regard to the
influence of the begging priests of Cybele is that
they were among those who contributed to the
establishment of the practice.

In regard to the relation of the taurobolium
to Christianity no satisfactory results have ever
been reached. The rite was among the most
striking and curious of all those pertaining to

1 Ovid, Fasti, IV. 319.

THE MOTHER OP THE GODS

the cult of the goddess. The devotee passed
into a crypt the top of which consisted of
boards widely spaced or of a metal grill, and
down upon him rained the blood of a bull sac-
rificed above. It was literally a baptism of
blood. It cleansed the sins away. The person
who submitted to it was " born again." Some
ancient records speak of its efficacy as limited
to twenty years; according to others it lasted
forever. Everyone will observe the parallel-
ism with the Christian doctrine of rebirth to
righteousness. But apparently it is only a case
of parallelism. It is a manifestation in two
contemporary religions of an idea that was
then filtering through the Mediterranean world.
There is certainly no evidence that the Chris-
tians derived it from the cult of the Great
Mother. The earliest known taurobolic in-
scription is dated A.D. 133, but Paul had
preached the doctrine that men must be born
again long before.

[125]

XIX. THE EGYPTIAN DEITIES:

ISIS, SERAPIS, AND
HARPOCRATES (HORUS)

IT WAS the Hellenized cult of Isis as organ-
ized by Ptolemy the First that the Romans
knew. While retaining some of the charac-
teristics of the Isis of the older Egyptian reli-
gion ; she had, through the Ptolemaic reorgani-
zation or in the process of syncretism, acquired
other functions. She was goddess of heaven,
of earth, of the sea, and of the world below.
The syncretism that made her in the eyes of
her devotees the supreme arbitress of man's lot
in life and resulted in her worship as Isis-
Fortuna, manifested itself with still wider com-
prehensiveness in the cult of Isis Panthea, in
which she seemed to have absorbed the func-
tions of all other divinities.

With Isis in the Ptolemaic form of the cult

were associated Serapis and Harpocrates. The

origin of the former has been the subject of

long and divergent discussion. Apparently his

[126]

THE EGYPTIAN DEITIES

cult was introduced by Ptolemy the First and
it may have been brought to Alexandria from
Sinope. While the identification with Osiris,
who in earlier Egyptian belief was the husband
of Isis, explains some phases of the worship
of Serapis, there are other aspects of his cult
that show distinct Hellenistic influence. Like
Isis he had wide and various functions. Among
other things he appears as a sun-god.

Harpocrates, a phase of the old Egyptian
Horus, was the son of Isis. He too had con-
tacts with solar worship and was adored as the
newly-risen sun.

There is evidence that the cult of Isis and
her associates spread from Alexandria to the
island of Delos. And from there it may have
been taken to the Campanian port Puteoli, as
there was a brisk trade between the two places.
Its existence in Puteoli in the second century
before Christ is well attested. 1 It may have
come to Rome from Campania or it may have
reached the city more directly. There is a
strong probability that the tradition which as-
cribes its introduction to the time of Sulla is
correct. At any rate we know that it was suf-

1 C. /. L., X. 1781; Dubois, Melanges d'archtologie
et d'histoire, XXII, 47 ff. (1902).

[I2 7 ]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

ficiently strong by the year 58 B.C. to cause
some alarm among the Roman authorities, for
the altars of Isis on the Capitoline Hill were
destroyed at that time by order of the Senate.
Persecution, however, seems to have had the
usual result of defeating its own purpose. In
the first century of the Empire, probably in
Caligula's reign, 2 Isis and Serapis were recog-
nized as state gods. From that time on their
worship flourished. It was in a temple of Isis
and Serapis in the Campus Martius that Ves-
pasian and Titus passed the night before they
made their triumphal entry into Rome in 71.
In the second and third centuries the cult was
one of the chief rivals of Christianity. There
were as many as seven temples of the cult in
Rome at this time. 3

Many features of this Egyptian cult were ab-
sorbed by the Christian Church and still sur-
vive:

i. THE IDEA OF A DIVINE TRINITY

To mention first a fundamental point of the-
ology, it is probable that the worship of the
Egyptian triad Isis, Serapis, and the child Horus

2 Wissowa, op. cit., 354.

3 Legge, Forerunners and Rivals of Christianity, I. 79.

[128]

THE EGYPTIAN DEITIES

helped to familiarize the ancients with the idea
of a triune god and was not without influence
in the formulation of the doctrine of the trinity
as set forth in the Nicaean and Athanasian
creeds. 4 One cannot of course be sure that the
doctrine of trinity emerged first in Egypt. In
Indian religion there is the trinity of Brahma,
Siva, and Visnu, and this may be of very early
origin. But it was not only the religious think-
ers of the Orient who had been attracted by the
concept of trinity. The Neoplatonists had
elaborated trinitarian theories, and in the writ-
ings of Plotinus, who was doubtless influenced
by Plato's Timaeus, the Supreme Reality ap-
pears in the trinitarian form of the Good, the
Intelligence, and the World-Soul. 5 That Neo-
platonism was one of the operative factors in
the development of Christian theology seems
certain.

2. Isis, MOTHER OF HORUS, AND THE
MADONNA AND CHILD

FURTHER, the idea of Isis as the mother of the
child Horus was in many minds transferred to
Mary, mother of God. " Remember," said

4 Legge, op. tit., I. 88 f.

5 Fulton in E. R. E., XII. 458.

[129]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

Gregory the Great, when issuing his instruc-
tions to a missionary to the Saxon heathens,
" that you must not interfere with any tradi-
tional belief or religious observance that can
be harmonized with Christianity." And the
policy of the Church toward the Saxons was
not unique. The same method was used in
dealing with pagans everywhere. It was the
bridge over which untold thousands passed
from paganism to the new faith. Without this
adaptability Christianity might not have suc-
ceeded. The shift from Isis to Mary was one
of the easiest and most obvious. There are
extant statuettes and figurines of Isis nursing
Horus which are marked by a striking similar-
ity to familiar representations of the Madonna
and Child. It is said that sometimes images of
this kind have been mistaken for representa-
tions of Mary and Jesus and have actually been
worshipped in Christian Churches. 6 Nor is it
only as the infant son of Isis that Horus has
been confused with Jesus. On the wall of a
crypt in Alexandria there is a painting in which
a youthful Christ of the beardless type is rep-
resented as treading on serpents and trampling
on a lion and a crocodile. This is said to

6 Drexler in Roscher's Lexikon, II. 431.

[130]

THE EGYPTIAN DEITIES

go back to a well-known representation of
Horus. 7

3. IMAGES OF Isis AND OF THE MADONNA

MOREOVER, in the bedizened images of the
Madonna in many Churches in southern Italy
and elsewhere one cannot but see a repetition
of the extravagant ornamentation that charac-
terized some of the statues of Isis, such as the
figure of the goddess described in an inscrip-
tion 8 in Spain, with its emeralds, pearls, and
other jewels.

An interesting religious tradition lies in the
statement of Mackenzie Wallace 9 that an
image of the Madonna, of especial sanctity, was
from time to time taken by rich residents of
Moscow to their houses. Its presence there
was believed to bring a blessing on the family.
This practice is one of great antiquity, for we
know that the image of Isis was sometimes
taken to the house of a devotee and left there
for a brief period. Whether the modern prac-
tice is derived directly from the ancient is dif-
ficult to say. The evidence is hardly conclu-

7 Ibid., where other examples are given.
* C. I. L., II. 3386.
9 Russia, 353-

[131]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

sive. But at least we have in the practice as
it exists in the Madonna cult the survival of a
belief that was well established in ancient times.
Nor is the custom confined to the Madonna.
The holy Bambino of the Church of the Ara
Coeli on the Capitoline Hill in Rome has some-
times been borrowed from the Church and
taken to private homes.

4. CULT-EPITHETS OF ISIS AND THE
MADONNA

THE similarity between the cult-epithets of Isis
and those of the Virgin Mary has often been
pointed out. 10 While many of the parallels
claimed, especially in the list given by Beaure-
gard, 11 are imaginary, others are undoubtedly
valid and furnish us with additional evidence
of the contact of the two cults. Correspond-
ing to Isis Regina are familiar appellations of
the Virgin: Sovrana, Sovrana delP Universo,
Regina. To Isis Mater corresponds the Chris-
tian Mater Domini; to Isis Furva the Madonna
Addolorata, to Isis Pelagia the Regina Maris
(Madonna del Porto Salvo), to Dea Potens 12

10 Hampson, Medii aevi kalendarium, 16-17, 145-146.

11 Les divinitSs dgyptiennes, 174, 175, 341.

12 Apuleius, Met., XL i, 16, 22.

[132]

THE EGYPTIAN DEITIES

Maria della Potenza, to Isis Soteira 13 Madonna
del Ajuto.

5. Isis, HORUS, AND SAINTS

SOME legends of saints have also been attrib-
uted to the influence of the Isis cult. Usener 14
sees traces of Isis Pelagia in the legends of St.
Pelagia; others see the influence of the Egyp-
tian divinities in the stories of St. Onuphrius
and St. Catherine. But the arguments ad-
vanced are not convincing. A more plausible
case is made for the influence of the Horus cult
on the legend of St. George. For some monu-
ments show Horus as a young man, on horse-
back, killing a crocodile with a spear ? and it
may easily be that this representation has in-
fluenced the familiar group of St. George and
the dragon. 15 Still another theory seeks to es-
tablish a connection between Horus and St.
Michael.

6. THE ELEVATION OF SACRED OBJECTS

BUT there are still other features of the cult of
Isis that have left their impression on modern

18 Cf. Apuleius, ibid., XL 25, human! generis sospita-
trix. Beauregard, op. cit., 341, compares the appellation
Notre Dame de Bon-Secours.

14 Die Legende der k. Pelagia, Bonn, 1879.

15 E. Meyer, in Roscher's Lexikon, I. 2748.

[133]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

religious rites. Among the wall-paintings un-
covered at Herculaneum there is one which
shows a priest of Isis on the portico of a temple
holding up a vase, presumably containing the
holy water of the Nile, for the adoration of
the devotees in the precinct below. 16 Obvi-
ously this is an example of the gesture of ele-
vating sacred objects, the continuance of which
is seen in the Catholic ceremony of the mass.

7. MONACHISM, PAGAN AND CHRISTIAN

IT is probable also that the organization of the
Christian clergy was influenced by the system
that obtained in the cult of Isis. That the
priestly service of the Church should show signs
of its contacts with the other religions in the
midst of which it grew up was, in view of its
policy of adaptation, inevitable; and a study
of all the priestly systems in vogue during the
second and third centuries indicates that it is
in the elaborate and specialized service of Isis
that we must look for the prototype of the
Christian clerical body rather than in any of
the sacerdotal groups connected either with
other Oriental cults in Rome or deities im-
ported from Greece or indigenous cults of Italy.

i fi Mam-Kelsey, Pompeii. Its Life and Art, 177, 178.

[134]

THE EGYPTIAN DEITIES

But perhaps the most important phase of
Isiac influence in the field of service and per-
sonnel is to be found in that monachism which
we know to have been part of the worship of
Isis and which has from the fourth century been
so significant an element in the organization of
the Catholic Church. This is an old and vexed
question. Many scholars have denied any in-
fluence of the recluses of Isis and Serapis on
Christian monachism. They have suggested
other theories of its origin, variously attribut-
ing it to Neoplatonism or the practices of the
Druids or Orphism or Buddhist asceticism or
Jewish monasticism with special reference to
the Essenes. And there are some writers who
refuse to admit the possibility of any outside
influence. For example, Cabrol 17 says that
" Christian monasticism is a plant that has
grown up on Christian soil, nourished exclu-
sively on principles of Christianity." So sweep-
ing a statement will carry conviction to no one
who has studied the question. Only those will
accept it whose habit is to bury their heads in
the dry sands of unthinking credulity.

The explanation of the question does not
really involve any special difficulty. From the
17 E. R. E., vm. 783.
[i3S]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

data industriously collected by so many gen-
erations of scholars it is clear that asceticism
was a traditional feature of many ancient cults.
Originating in an intense desire for closer com-
munion of the spirit with God a common and
natural religious attitude it became estab-
lished under various forms in different commu-
nities, and in the early days of Christianity
was part of the religious conditions of the pe-
riod. The verses in the New Testament to
which the advocates of an independent origin
for Christian monachism always appeal are in
no sense an indication of independent thinking
on the part of the Christian brotherhood. They
are merely a sign of the times.

But apart from the inheritance of a common
religious practice the evidence seems to point
to something more specific. For while it seems
likely that influence should be attributed to
the Essenes as well as to the teaching of the
Orphists and Neoplatonists, the most direct
source lies in the recluses connected with the
cult of Isis and Serapis. 18 Of the existence of
these we have known for a long time. The

18 Weingarten, Der Ursprung des Monchtums im nach-
constantinischen Zeitalter. Cf. Bouche-Leclerq in his ar-
ticle " Les reclus du Serapeum de Memphis," Melanges
Perrot, 1903, 17.

[136]

THE EGYPTIAN DEITIES

fragments of papyrus containing records of the
hermits of the Serapeum in Memphis were
found as far back as 1820. These fragments
make it clear that anchorites devoted to the
worship of the Egyptian divinities lived there.
Some of them took part in the services, while
others seemed to have lived in the strictest se-
clusion. Kenyon 19 dates the papyrus in the
second century before Christ. Doubtless there
were similar monastic groups in other centers
of the Egyptian cult. That there were dev-
otees of this kind in Alexandria is known.
And Legge 20 has reason for giving credence
to the story that when the Serapeum was
destroyed toward the end of the fourth cen-
tury after Christ and the Alexandrian religion
perished after a notably successful career of
seven centuries, many of the devotees trans-
ferred their allegiance to the Christian faith.
Moreover St. Anthony, who is often spoken of
as the father of Christian monasticism, was a
hermit in Egypt, and in its early days monasti-
cism both in Italy and other parts of the West-
ern Empire showed the influence of the An-
tonian system. Nor can the influence of St.

19 The Palaeography of Greek Papyri, 4, 38.

20 Op. cit., I. 84.

[137]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

Pachomius, who established the first monastery
(cenobimri) about A.D. 320, near Dendera in
southern Egypt, be disregarded in the history
of Christian monasticism.

8. OTHER ISIAC SURVIVALS

OTHER points of survival or resemblance should
be noted briefly. A characteristic feature of
the service of Isis was the use of the bronze
rattle called sistrum. This may be the source
of the practice of tinkling a bell in certain cere-
monies of the Catholic Church. An instrument
of the ancient form is said to be still in use in
religious ceremonies in Abyssinia. 21 Further,
the shaven heads of the initiates of Isis are said
to be the ultimate source of the tonsure in the
Catholic priesthood. 22 Moreover, the veiling
of women in Isiac ceremonies has been sug-
gested as the origin of the custom of women's
heads being covered in church. 28 There may
be influence in both these cases, but it should
be pointed out that so far as the tonsure is con-
cerned the tradition is somewhat precarious.
As a matter of fact the tonsure did not become

21 Roscher, Lexikon, II. 429.

22 Bury, in Gibbon, Decline and Fall of the Roman
Empire, IV, App. 3, 527.

23 Legge, op. cit., I. 86.

F 1*8 1

THE EGYPTIAN DEITIES

a matter of ecclesiastical ordinance till the sev-
enth century. There is more continuity of
practice in the use of the white linen robe as
an article of sacerdotal costume. Worn by the
priests of Isis, it is still an essential part of
ecclesiastical dress. Again, there is a striking
survival in the field of ex-voto offerings. Isis,
among her numerous functions, was a goddess
of health, and it was the custom of those who
believed that they had been healed by her di-
vine favor to hang up in her temple a sculp-
tured or painted representation of the part of
the body that had been affected. " Help me,
Goddess, for the many painted tablets in thy
temples show that thou hast healing power."
So wrote Tibullus 2 * of Isis. And Juvenal's 25
line that Isis provided a living for painters
doubtless refers to the same thing. The offer-
ings made by devout Catholics after recovery
from illness and displayed in churches consti-
tute a direct continuation of the ancient prac-
tice. Finally, the Isiac processions had many
features that cannot but impress the student of
religious survivals: the carrying of sacred
images, the elaborately decorated places where

24 I. 3- 27-28.

25 XII. 28: Pictores quis nescit ab Iside pasci?

[139]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION .

the procession paused, the burning of incense,
the marching of the white-clad priests, and the
whole-souled devotion of the initiates as they
invoked the favor of their goddess, who could
give them happiness in both this world and
the next. The scene has undeniable points
of similarity to the religious processions in
Catholic cities of Europe, Well might the Em-
peror Hadrian, 26 writing from Alexandria in
A.D. 124, say that it was difficult to distinguish
between the Christians and the devotees of
Serapis.

26 The letter is to the consul Servianus: Illic (i.e., in
Alexandria) qui Serapem colunt Christiani sunt, et devoti
sunt Serapi qui se Christi episcopos dicunt (Historia Au-
gusta, Saturninus. Teubner edition, Hohl, II. 227).

[140]

XX. ADONIS AND THE CRADLE
OF JESUS

THE CULT of Adonis was known to the
Romans at least as early as the Au-
gustan age, as is shown by Ovid's ref-
erence, 1 and there are a number of allusions to
it in the later imperial period. The Hellenized
form in which it reached Rome seems to indi-
cate that it was introduced from some Greek
site rather than from Byblos in Phoenicia where
it originated. Of it we have in all probability
a survival in the worship of the cradle of Christ
in Catholic Churches on Christmas Eve. For
the rite as celebrated in such churches as
S. Maria Maggiore in Rome goes back to the
adoration of the cave in Bethlehem where
Christ was born. The institution of the prac-
tice there is as early as the time of Constantine,
and we have Origen's testimony that almost
any one in Bethlehem could point out the scene
of the birth. But this cave had had earlier
religious associations. It was the place where

1 Ars Amatoria, I. 75.

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

the youthful Adonis, beloved of Aphrodite, who
died before his time, was bewailed by his dev-
otees. 2 Helena, the mother of Constantine,
rescued it from the heathen and built a basilica
there, to which Constantine himself added rich
equipment.

2 See Usener, Weihnachtsjest, 283.

XXL MITHRAS, PERSIAN GOD
OF LIGHT

WHILE Mithras, a Persian god of
light, was known to some Romans
at an earlier date, 1 his cult does not
seem to have been introduced into Rome till
about the end of the first century of the Em-
pire. Nor is there any evidence that it made
much headway in the first period of its estab-
lishment. The earliest sanctuaries that can be
dated with any degree of certainty belong to
the reigns of Trajan and Hadrian. The favor
of the Emperor Commodus, who is said to have
been initiated into the mysteries of the cult,
gave it prestige, and from that time its popu-
larity steadily increased. From the inscrip-
tions we see that not only the poor and lowly
were numbered among the adherents of the
god but also persons of noble birth and exalted
social or official position. By the Emperors
Diocletian and Maximian Mithras was desig-
nated " patron of .their Empire " (fautor imperil
1 Plutarch, Pomp., 24.

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

sui}. The cult attained its greatest popularity
in the second and third centuries. It did not
pass away till the fourth.

Our records of the cult chiefly sculptured
monuments and inscriptions show a certain
amount of confusion. For example, on more
than one monument Mithras is seen with the
Sun-god, either seated at a table with him and
others, or riding in his chariot with him, or as-
sociated with him in some other way. On the
other hand many inscriptions identify Mithras
with the Sun-god, dedications being found " To
the Invincible Sun Mithras," In view of these
facts we must infer that while the sculptured
monuments found in such profusion through-
out the western part of the Empire include
the representation of beliefs or legends of Per-
sian or Babylonian origin, in the minds of many
Roman devotees Mithras was identical with the
Sun-god.

There are numerous indications of contacts
and mutual influence between Mithraism and
Christianity. Of their similarity we have evi-
dence in St. Augustine's 2 statement that Mith-

2 Johann. Evang. Tract., VII. But Cumont, T. et M.,
II, 59, pointing out that Mithras is not mentioned by
name, contends that the words used, iste pileatus, "the one
in the cap," refer to Attis rather than to Mithras.

[144]

MITHRAS, PERSIAN GOD OF LIGHT

raists used to say that their god was a Chris-
tian too.

1. LEGENDS OF THE BIRTH OF MITHRAS

AND OF JESUS

IT HAS been suggested 3 that the gospel story
of the birth of Jesus and the adoration of the
Magi 4 contains elements derived from the
Mithras legend. More concretely and effec-
tively Cumont 5 draws attention to the parallel
furnished by those sculptured monuments
which show shepherds watching the miraculous
birth of Mithras from the rock to the story of
the adoration of the shepherds at the birth of
Christ. 6

2. MITHRAS AND THE ASCENSION STORY

ANOTHER Mithraic relief shows Mithras as-
cending to heaven in the chariot of the Sun-god,
and comparison has often been made with the
ascension of Elijah. Points of contact with the
account of Christ's ascension have also been
claimed. At any rate it is clear that both cults
stressed an ascension story.

3 Jean Reville in Etudes publites en kommage & la
faculte de thtologie de Montauban, 1901, 339 f.
* Matthew, 2. iff.
s Cf. Legge, op. tit., II. 242.
6 Luke, 2. 8ff.

[145]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

3. BAPTISM, CONFIRMATION, AND
COMMUNION

BUT there are still more striking resemblances.
The Mithraists prescribed baptism for their
initiates, seeing in immersion a means of ex-
piating sin. 7 They had also a confirmation,
which conferred the power of combating evil
demons. And perhaps the most notable re-
semblance of all they had a communion.
Certainly this is the most plausible explanation
of that scene on the sculptured monuments
where Mithras, the Sun-god, and initiates of
Mithras are shown at a table, eating and drink-
ing. It was these resemblances that drove
Justin Martyr 8 to exclaim that Mithraism was
a diabolical imitation of Christianity. But it
is not always clear which is the borrower.

4. " BROTHERS " AND " FATHERS " AMONG
THE MITHRAISTS

THE practice of calling one another " brother "
and designating their priest as " father " may
easily have passed from the Mithraists to the
Christians.

7 Porphyry, De antro nymph., 18; Tertullian, De prae-
scrip., 40.

8 First Apology, $6.

[146]

MITHRAS, PERSIAN GOD OF LIGHT
5. MlTHRAISM AND THE DlVINE

RIGHT or KINGS

ONE of the tenets of Mithraism was the di-
vinity of kings, though it is not possible for us
to determine whether this doctrine was the
cause or the effect of the favor which the cult
found with the kings of Persia and other Asiatic
countries. The influence of this belief was
profound and long-enduring. It undoubtedly
tended to develop that attitude of mind, so
common among Asiatics, that insisted on seeing
in rulers and other men of high station indica-
tions of divinity which merited ceremonial ven-
eration during their life time and formal deifi-
cation after death. We have the record of
Roman generals in Asia who were honored with
sacred rites, and these were merely forerunners
of the long list of deified emperors of Rome.
But while this idea of deified mortals found its
most notable exemplification in the Divi, it did
not pass away when the cult of the emperors
perished. It lingered long in dynastic theories
of Western Europe. It survives in such phrases
as "sacred majesty' 3 and "divine right of
kings."

[I47l

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION
6. MlTHRAI&M AND RlTES OF THE GYPSIES

AN interesting suggestion has been made that
traces of Mithraism may be found in the reli-
gious ceremonies of some tribes of Gypsies. 9
A specific example is cited from the practices
of the Gypsies who pay such special attention
to the veneration of St. Sara in the lie de la
Camargue ; Bouches du Rhone. It is claimed
that just as the shrine of St. Sara rests upon an
ancient altar dedicated to Mithras, so the wor-
ship of the Saint still retains elements of the
Mithraic cult upon which it has been super-
imposed. The Gypsies of this neighborhood
are supposed to be the descendants of the an-
cient Iberians, who are known to have been
acquainted with Mithraism.

7. MITHRAIC ORIGIN OF SUNDAY

OUR observance of Sunday as the Lord's Day
is apparently derived from Mithraism. The
argument that has sometimes been used against
this claim, namely that Sunday was chosen be-
cause the resurrection occurred on that day, is
not well supported. As a matter of fact the

9 E. R. E. f VI. 464. Cf. Journal of Gypsy Lore Society,
N. S., I, 92-95 (1907) and I, 391 (1908). Cf. also Winstedt,

*m,n, 338 ff. (1909).

[148]

MITHRAS, PERSIAN GOD OF LIGHT

first Christians adhered to the Jewish practice
of keeping Saturday. Apparently the ob-
servance of Sunday began with the Pauline
Churches in Asia Minor, where the Mithraists,
numerous and influential, had celebrated Sun-
day long before the Christian era. For even
in those forms of Mithraism that did not iden-
tify Mithras with the Sun-god, the latter was
always prominent in the cult. An interesting
and significant phrase occurs in the Didache,
" on the Lord's Day of the Lord," 10 which
shows that there was another Lord's Day be-
sides that of the Christians. This could have
been none other than the Mithraists 3 day of
their Lord, the Sun. On that day there were
special Mithraic services and prayers. And
when they prayed, the Mithraists like other
sun-worshippers, faced the east in the morning,
the south at noon, and the west at sun-set.
Nor has this practice entirely passed away.
There is a survival of it in the custom still
followed in Catholic and some Episcopalian
Churches of facing east during certain prayers.
10 E. R. E,, under " Sunday."

[149]

XXII. OTHER SUN-GODS

ONE OF the dominant religious ideas
of the second and third centuries was
the belief in the divinity of the Sun.
We have already seen the elements of solar
worship involved in the cults of Attis, Serapis,
Adonis, and Mithras. But there were other
important sun-cults also. The Emperor Ela-
gabalus introduced into Rome the worship of
the Syrian sun-god Elagabal, whose priest he
had been in the East and for whom he was
named. And in the year 274 the Emperor
Aurelian dedicated a magnificent temple in
Rome to " the Unconquerable Sun-god " (Deus
Sol Invictus), who probably was the chief di-
vinity of Palmyra in Syria.

i. THE SUN-GOD OF AURELIAN AND
CHRISTMAS

THIS divinity is of especial interest for our in-
quiry, for his annual festival fell on the twenty-
fifth of December and its relation to Christmas

[150]

OTHER SUN-GODS

has been a matter of protracted discussion. 1
Obviously the season of the winter solstice,
when the strength of the sun begins to increase,
is appropriate for the celebration of the festival
of a sun-god. The day in a sense marks the
birth of a new sun. But the reason for its be-
ing chosen as the day for the commemoration
of Christ's nativity is not so evident. Accord-
ing to some scholars the time of year of the
birth of Christ most widely accepted in the
earlier period in the West was the end of March.
The author of the pseudo-Cyprianic treatise
De pascka computus, which was written in 243,
gives the twenty-eighth of March as the date.
He states that Sunday, the twenty-fifth of
March, the vernal equinox, was the first day
of creation; and that the sun and moon were
created on Wednesday the twenty-eighth.
Then after a highly fanciful series of computa-
tions he arrives at the conclusion that Christ
was born on the same day of the year as that
on which the sun was created. Apparently
others in this early period thought that the
twenty-fifth of March was the date. But this
discrepancy of a few days is not important.

i Duchesne, Christian Worship, 261 ff.; Kirsopp Lake
in E. R. E., HI. 601 ff.

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

Subsequently, it has been claimed, the date of
the birth was shifted from the twenty-eighth
or twenty-fifth of March to the twenty-fifth
of December as a result of the belief that while
the March date marked the conception in a
sense the beginning of the Incarnation of
Jesus, the birth took place nine months later.
On the basis of this argument the fact that the
date of Christ's birth falls on the same day as
the festival of "the Unconquerable Sun" is
said to be an accident. But this is hardly a
satisfactory explanation. The identity of date
is more than a coincidence. To be sure the
Church did not merely appropriate the festival
of the popular sun-god. It was through a
parallelism between Christ and the sun that
the twenty-fifth of December came to be the
date of the nativity. That an equation be-
tween the two had been instituted at a period
earlier than any celebration of the nativity we
know from the De pascha computus referred to
above. Indeed the most significant element in
that document is just this parallelism. Once
the equation had been made, the appropriate-
ness of selecting for the commemoration of the
nativity that day on which the power of the
sun began to increase was obvious enough.

OTHER SUN-GODS

Even Epiphanius, 2 the fourth century metro-
politan of Cyprus, though giving the sixth of
January as the date of birth, connects the event
with the solstice. Moreover, the diversion of
the significance of a popular pagan holiday was
wholly in accord with the policy of the Church.
Of the actual celebration of a festival of the
nativity, it should be added, there is no satis-
factory evidence earlier than the fourth cen-
tury. Its first observance in Rome on De-
cember the twenty-fifth took place in 353 or
354 (Usener) or in 336 (Duchesne). In Con-
stantinople it seems to have been introduced in
377 or 378.

2. SUN-WORSHIP AND ST. ELIAS

ANOTHER trace of ancient sun-worship may
possibly be found in southern Italy in the cult
of St. Elias. Those who favor this theory point
to the wheel which appears in some representa-
tions of the Saint. They see in it an inheritance
from the chariot of the Greek sun-god Helius.

2 ffaer. LI. 22. 3-11 (ed, Holl): "The birth of our
Lord Jesus Christ, or the perfect incarnation, which is
called Epiphany, took place thirteen days after the begin-
ning of the increase of light. For it was necessary that
this also be a type of the number of our Lord Jesus Christ
himself and of his twelve apostles, which filled up the
number of the thirteen days of the increase of the light."

[153]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

There may be something in this contention.
There is, moreover, some degree of similarity
in the names Elias and Helius. On the whole,
however, it seems likely that any connection
with Helius that may be found here is distinctly
subordinate to the influence of the story of the
Hebrew prophet Elijah whose chariot of fire
furnishes quite as satisfactory a prototype for
the symbolism of St. Elias as the chariot of the
sun-god. 3

3 See Hyde's discussion of St. Elias and Helius in Greek
Religion and Its Survivals, 78-80.

XXIII. PRAYER AND ADORATION

A A RULE the ancient Romans stood
while praying, as we know from many
passages in Latin authors. And while
there is evidence to show that kneeling was
an old Italic practice, it seems probable that
in historic times worshippers knelt only when
the occasion was one of such urgency as to
call for a special demonstration of humility
and self-abandonment. It is also undoubtedly
true that the increase in the influence of the
cults imported from Greece and the Orient
tended to make the practice more common. In
the ceremony of the supplicatio , for example, a
rite of Greek origin, the women knelt before
the statues of the gods. We hear also of cases
where worshippers beat their heads against the
door-posts of temples, or wholly prostrated
themselves, sweeping altars or the floor of tem-
ples with their hair.

During his enunciation of the prayer it was
usual for the worshipper to raise his hands to
heaven, and there are sepulchral inscriptions

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

containing reliefs that show raised hands and
open palms. On some occasions, however, the
procedure was different and it was essential
that the one praying should touch the altar with
his hands. This contact with the sacred ob-
ject was believed to intensify the coercive
efficacy of the prayer upon the god.

The Romans said grace before dinner; * and
there was at least a silent grace when after the
dinner proper, before the dessert was served,
parts of the food were offered to the household
gods. Before the banquet at Anchises 7 tomb
Aeneas made libations and addressed his
father's spirit. 2

Closely connected with prayer in the minds
of the Romans was adoration (adoratio). This
was sometimes a preliminary to prayer but was
practiced on many occasions when no prayers
were said. It consisted in placing the right
hand upon the mouth (ad or a) as one stood
before or passed by a temple or altar or statue.
In ancient times indeed to throw a kiss to a
deity was a sufficiently solemn bit of ceremonial
practice. Nor was the kiss always thrown.

1 Quint., Decl., 301, p. 187, Ritter: Invitavi ad cenam
. venisti . . . et adisti mensam, ad quam cum venire

coepimus, deos invocamus.

2 Aeneid, V. 77 ff.

PRAYER AND ADORATION

Cicero tells us of a statue of Hercules at Agri-
gentum whose mouth and chin were worn away
by the kisses of devotees. 3 A passage in Lu-
cretius 4 probably refers to something similar.
The practice was not of course distinctively
Roman. The Greeks kissed sacred objects con-
nected with some of their cults and the Arabs
seem to have done the same from early times.

The forms of adoration developed in the cult
of the emperors were chiefly of Persian origin.
Not only bowing and genuflexion were cus-
tomary, but kissing the robe, hand, foot, or knee
of the emperor became common. And while
these practices were more definitely established
from the time of Diocletian, some of the previ-
ous emperors, for example Caligula and Ela-
gabalus, had encouraged them.

Christian customs in prayer have undoubt-
edly been influenced by the pagan usages just
mentioned. Here, however, as in so many
other instances, we must guard against the as-
sumption of an exclusively pagan source.

3 Verr., TV. 43. 94.

4 I. 317. Merrill, however, in his note on the passage,
expresses the opinion that the reference is not to kissing but
to touching the hands of statues.

[157]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

i. POSTURE IN PRAYER

THAT the early Christians stood while praying
seems to be established from the pictures of
persons praying (orantes) in the catacombs,
and one cannot but feel that the Roman prac-
tice of standing during prayer has played some
part in the determination of this attitude. On
the other hand we must recognize the proba-
bility of Semitic influence, for the Hebrews
stood when they prayed and Christ himself
prayed standing. This posture still continues
in the Lutheran Church and until recent times
was usual among the Presbyterians.

The gesture of the raised hands found on
Roman tombstones is reproduced in churches
and tombs of the middle ages. 5

The data available seem to indicate that the
first Christians, like their pagan contempora-
ries, practiced kneeling only on occasions of
unusual emotional stress. To be sure we are
told in Acts 6 that both Peter and Paul knelt
in prayer, and as the Acts were probably writ-
ten about A.D. 80, this statement is of some
significance for the custom at least in the latter

5 Evans in The Journal of Hellenic Studies, VII, 47
(1886).

6 940, 20.36, 21.5. Cf. Ephes., 3-14; PMt-> 2 -i-

[158]

PRAYER AND ADORATION

part of the first century. But there is no defi-
nite evidence at hand to prove satisfactorily
that this was the prevailing practice. The full
development of the custom of kneeling in prayer
came with the organization of the Protes-
tant churches after the Reformation. In the
Catholic Church it has always, to some extent
at least, involved the idea of penitence or urgent
supplication.

2. GRACE AT MEALS

THE custom of saying grace at meals was so
widely extended among the peoples who formed
the milieu in which Christianity developed (for
it was usual among the Greeks and Hebrews
as well as among the Romans) that its continu-
ance by the early Christians was inevitable.
They had the institution indeed from the begin-
ning. On the occasion of the feeding of the
five thousand Jesus kissed the loaves and fishes
and in the account of the miracle of the four
thousand we are told that He gave thanks.
There are numerous references to the custom
in the writings of the Church fathers. 7

7 E. R. E., VI. 372.

[159]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

3. KISSING SACRED OBJECTS

OF THE ancient custom of kissing sacred ob-
jects there are some survivals in our own time.
The foot of the bronze statue of St. Peter in
his basilica in Rome shows the attrition result-
ing from the kisses of countless worshippers.
The rings of cardinals and the foot of the Pope
are kissed by the devout. The kissing of the
Bible in taking an oath is an obvious survival
of this pagan practice. While these examples
are in all probability immediately derived
from Graeco-Roman culture, they may ulti-
mately go back to some Oriental source.
The tradition has indeed survived in the East
as well as in Europe. The black stone of
Mecca has been worn smooth by the kisses of
countless generations of faithful Mohamme-
dans, and this may reasonably be regarded as a
survival of some earlier rite.

[160]

XXIV. SACRIFICE

THE ROMANS offered gifts of various
kinds in honor of their gods, such as
garlands, incense, lights, first-fruits,
and cakes. They practiced animal-sacrifice
extensively, and held sacramental meals
through which they entered into communion
with the gods. As examples of such meals may
be mentioned the one celebrated on the Alban
Mount on the occasion of the Latin Festival,
when the delegates of the peoples belonging to
the League participated in a meal in honor of
Jupiter of the Latins (luppiter Latiaris) and
by eating parts of the sacrificial victim entered
into communion with him. Of a similar char-
acter were the sacramental banquets to Jove
held during the Ludi Romani and the Ludi
Plebeii on the Ides of September and Novem-
ber respectively. Mars and Silvanus were also
honored in this way; and at the Feast of Ovens
(Fornacalia), held in February, the gods were
believed to participate in the meal that was
given. A common meal formed part of the

[161]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

ceremonies of the Arval Brothers. Meals were
also held in connection with the festivals of the
Parilia and Terminalia but the data are inade-
quate to enable us to determine whether they
were of a sacramental character or not. In
domestic worship the practice of offering to
the spirits of the household pieces of food from
the table indicates the belief that they were
present at the meal. Some scholars have
thought that these sacramental meals are the
oldest form of Roman sacrifice. However that
may be, they are undoubtedly of great an-
tiquity.

Sacrifices were often made in expiation of
some offence. Any one who had violated the
sacred law (ius dlmnum) could re-establish
friendly relations with the gods only by mak-
ing an expiatory sacrifice. Violations of this
law generally took the form of neglect or faulty
performance of some sacred rite. Acts of
penance for " sins " in our sense of the term
played no part in the old Roman religion.
They do, however, appear in connection with
some of the foreign cults that established them-
selves among the Romans. It is probable that
the idea was familiar to those under the influ-
ence of Orphic teaching, although we have no
[162]

SACRIFICE

detailed knowledge of the extent of Orphic in-
fluence. In the case of the cult of Isis, however,
we know of the existence of the practice from
Juvenal's * account of the women who were dev-
otees of the goddess.

For expiatory sacrifices connected with the
use of iron, see page 219.

Many offerings were made in fulfilment of
vows (ex voto), which were common in both
private and public life. The things vowed and,
if the prayer were answered, subsequently dedi-
cated to the god were of infinite variety, rang-
ing from small objects of little intrinsic value to
altars, shrines, and temples. It was customary
for one depositing his offering in a temple to
hang up there a tablet commemorating the cir-
cumstances of the vow. Horace 2 speaks of the
person who having escaped shipwreck hung up
the clothes he had worn, accompanied by a
votive tablet to the god of the sea. A tablet of
this kind on which was painted a picture of the
event sometimes itself constituted the offering,
and it is apparently to such paintings in temples
of Isis that Tibullus and Juvenal allude. 3

Cakes appear frequently in Roman ritual.

1 VI. 522ff.

2 Od., I. 5- 13-16. Cf. Sat., II. i. 33 and A. P., 20.

3 1.3.28; Sat.,Xtt. 28.

[163]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

They are mentioned as offerings at the festival
of the Liberalia 4 in March, at the Parilia 5 in
April, at the Matralia 6 and the feast of Sum-
manus in June, at the Feriae Sementivae (Pa-
ganalia) in January, and at the Fornacalia,
Lupercalia, and Terminalia in February. In
domestic worship also they had their place, and
reference has already been made to the custom
of making an offering to the household gods
during dinner by throwing into the hearth-fire
or placing on a movable altar a piece of the
sacred salt-cake (mold salsa}. Cakes in phal-
lic shapes are also mentioned. 7

Oil and honey were among the ingredients of
the cakes used at the Liberalia, and Ovid gives
us an interesting picture of the scene on the
streets of Rome where old women who were
called priestesses of Liber (sacerdotes Liberi)
sold the cakes to passers-by. At every sale
the vendor would break off a piece of the cake
and offer it on a little altar that stood by her
side. The sale seems to have been brisk, as
well it might be when the purchaser got a cake
and a hope of divine aid, all for a penny. The

4 Ovid, Fast., III. 725,
* IbM., IV. 743-
6 Ibid., VI. 482.
^ Martial, XIV. 69.

[164]

SACRIFICE

cakes offered at the Parilia were of millet.
Those used at the Matralia (liba tosta) were
not baked but cooked in earthenware of a very
primitive type. The cakes of wheat (far) of-
fered at the Fornacalia were also made by some
traditional process of great antiquity. Of es-
pecial interest are the cakes (liba farinacea)
offered at the festival of Summanus, which were
made in wheel-shaped moulds. And in this
connection we should consider the moulds for
sacred cakes described by Sir Arthur Evans in
his article on " Recent Discoveries of Tarentine
Terra-cottas." 8 That the objects he mentions
arfe cake-moulds seems clear from the evi-
dence he adduces, and we find on them, besides
symbols of several gods, wheel and cross im-
pressions. Moreover, some of the moulds are
divided into segments and Evans plausibly
suggests that the cakes were made in this way
in order to facilitate distribution. In the
British Museum also there are representations
of round cakes, apparently used as offerings,
which are divided into four parts, like the
loaves found at Pompeii.

In the instances mentioned above the cakes
themselves constituted the offerings. In other

8 The Journal of Hellenic Studies, VII, 44 ff. (1886).

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

cases they were merely a concomitant of sacri-
fice. For example, pieces of sacred salt-cake
(mold salsa) were regularly thrown on the
head of the victim at a sacrifice. The head
of the October Horse was decked with cakes
before its immolation. A similar decoration
appears on an occasion other than that of sac-
rifice in the case of the donkeys at the celebra-
tion of the festival of Vesta in June. The
animals were probably so adorned because
they turned the mills that ground the grain
from which the bread was made.

A different use of cake in ritual is seen in
the eating of the cake of far (libum farreum)
by the bride and bride-groom at the ancient
patrician marriage rite of confarreatio. The
importance of this part of the ceremony is
shown by the fact that it is from it that the
name of the whole ceremony is derived. It
seems to have been regarded as a sacrament
through which the participating parties entered
into a sort of communion with the god, called
in this connection luppiter Farreus.

Only certain priests could officiate at the
various acts of sacrifice, and membership in
the priestly colleges generally involved the ful-
filment of many conditions and sometimes the
[166]

SACRIFICE

imposition of troublesome taboos. There were
eleven colleges or organizations of priests, some
of which included two or more groups. The
higher magistrates also had sacerdotal powers;
and in domestic religious services the head of
the household (paterfamilias) officiated. It
should be observed, however, that with some
notable exceptions like the Vestals, a priestly
office was not a full-time appointment. Mem-
bership in a priesthood did not exclude
one from the ordinary activities of private
or political life. On the other hand the
priests of the Greek or Oriental cults adopted
by the Romans frequently had no other
occupation than that of the service of their
divinity.

But it was not only the personnel of the
priesthoods that was subject to strict regula-
tions. Every detail in the ceremony of sacri-
fice must conform to sacerdotal prescription.
Only those who were ceremonially clean could
perform the act of sacrifice. Moreover, any
divergence from the recognized ritual, any
error on the part of the priest, any word or
occurrence of ill-omen during the ceremony
vitiated the sacrifice and involved the neces-
sity of its repetition. It was probably to pre-

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

vent the person officiating from hearing sounds
of evil omen that his head was veiled,

Of these pagan ideas of sacrifice; some traces
still exist:

i. CANDLES

CANDLES are burned in Catholic Churches in
honor of saints or the Virgin Mary.

2. THE EUCHARIST

THE sacrifice of the Eucharist as celebrated in
the Greek and Roman churches involves some
of the beliefs inherent in the sacred meals
mentioned in the preceding paragraphs, through
which the pagan worshippers believed that they
established communion with their gods. The
Eucharist, however, cannot be said to be a di-
rect descendant of any or all of the Roman
sacramental meals. The evidence seems to in-
dicate that the institution of the Last Supper
was of Jewish origin, and was merely com-
memorative. On the other hand it seems prob-
able that in the course of the centuries of
conflict, under the influence not only of the
conceptions implicit in the sacred meals of the
Romans but also of those of Oriental cults like
Mithraism, the sacramental idea of communion
with God was more and more developed till it
fi681

SACRIFICE

finally crystallized in the doctrine of transub-
stantiation. To attempt to specify a single
source for this dogma is idle. The idea of en-
tering into communion with gods through par-
ticipating in meals at which they are believed
to be present or through eating parts of victims
which, having been sacrificed to them, are
thought in a sense to be identified with them,
may be found in the religions of many peoples.
The records of anthropologists and students of
comparative religion show how prevalent the
idea of " eating the god " has been throughout
the history of cults. 9

3. EXPIATORY OFFERINGS

OF THE expiatory practices of early Roman
religion there are no specific survivals in mod-
ern times, for the whole conception of what
constitutes an offense to deity has changed.
But on the other hand, while there is no spe-
cific survival, it can hardly be doubted that the
rigid training which Romans received in the
exact fulfilment of ritual requirements con-
tributed substantially to the formation of a
habit of mind that must needs continue to seek
forgiveness for anything offensive in the sight
9 Frazer, G. B. f VIII. 48 ff.

Ti6ol

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

of God, even though the nature of the offense
should be something wholly different. The
maintenance of satisfactory relations with the
divine powers what the Romans called pax
deorum was an essential of pagan piety; it
is also a large part of contemporary piety.

Of expiatory offerings or ceremonies in the
foreign cults something more similar to sur-
vival may be found. For if we may assume
that the Orphic propagandists of lower grade
continued in Italy that traffic in remission of
sins which Plato condemned, we have here a
fore-shadowing of the abuse in indulgences
which has so often been made the basis of at-
tacks on the Catholic Church. Whatever the
facts may be in regard to Orphic practice in
Italy, there is no doubt about the matter so
far as the priests of Isis are concerned. For
Juvenal in the passage cited above represents
an Egyptian priest as promising a woman that
Osiris will grant her indulgence (veniam) for
her son, if her bribe be adequate. The question
of course arises whether this was a recognized
part of the Isiac cult or whether it was merely
a case of a delinquent priest. We have not suf-
ficient data to decide definitely. That there
were some excellent ethical elements in the
[170]

SACRIFICE

Egyptian cult we know from various passages
in Latin writers; 10 but it is equally true that
many of the priests were unscrupulous. In the
same way every one who has even a slight
knowledge of Roman Catholic doctrine knows
that the Church does not sell indulgences and
that her Councils have taken all kinds of pre-
caution to prevent the abuse of them; but yet
it is equally certain that in the long history of
indulgences unscrupulous priests often have
sold them.

4. EX-VOTO OFFERINGS

OF THE pagan practice of affixing votive tab-
lets to the walls of temples we have many sur-
vivals in the churches of Italy and other Catho-
lic countries. At the fair held in connection
with the feast of SS. Cosma and Damiano at
Isernia in the Abruzzi many wax ex-votos were
sold to the devout and deposited by them in
the church. 11 And just as temples were often
erected by the Romans in fulfilment of vows,
so in modern times votive churches have been
built. One example is furnished by the Church
of St. Gennaro in Naples, which was vowed at
the time of a plague; 12 another is the Church

10 For example, Tibullus, I. 3. 25; Juvenal, XIII. 92.

11 See under Phallicism, page 76.

12 Trede, op. at., I. 21.

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

of San Paolo in the same city, which was built
by King Ferdinand early in the nineteenth cen-
tury in accordance with a vow, 13

5. SACRED CAKES

IT SEEMS probable that some of the Roman
customs connected with sacred cakes have sur-
vived. For example, the hot cross buns that
we eat on Good Friday have an obvious affilia-
tion with the sacred cakes made in such moulds
as those found at Tarentum. Again, the Simnel
cakes eaten on Mid-lent Sunday are stamped
with the figure of Christ or the Virgin Mary,
replacing in all probability representations or
symbols of pagan divinities. The marking of
segments on some of the cakes used on festi-
vals of the Christian year, as for example on
Twelfth Day, certainly suggests the idea of dis-
tribution which has been mentioned as the
probable reason for the dividing lines on the
sacred cakes of the ancients. In the case of
Twelfth cakes there seems to have been a part
for every person in the house and for Christ,
the Virgin, and the wise men from the East as
well. And it is not too far a call to trace back
to the sacred cake of the conf arreate marriage

Ibid., I. 22.

SACRIFICE

in Rome the importance of the wedding-cake
in modern marriage.

Nor did the custom of offering cake or bread
as sacrifice pass away with paganism. We are
told 14 that in Franconia persons entering a for-
est make an offering of bread to the spirit of
the woods ; and that in Bohemia bread is thrown
into a stream in which a man has been drowned.
In Devonshire offerings of pieces of cake, ac-
companied by libations of cider, used to be
made to the trees in the orchards. 15

6. CEREMONIAL PARTICULARITY

OF THE Roman regulations covering the per-
sonnel of the priestly colleges, of their numer-
ous prescriptions in regard to the ceremonial
cleanliness of those engaged in sacred offices,
and of the stress laid upon the performance
of sacrifices in exact conformity with ritual re-
quirements there are doubtless traces in the em-
phasis laid on the importance of form and ritual
in some of our modern ecclesiastical systems.
They have survived even where the sacrifices
that once formed the most notable occasions for
their manifestation have passed away.

14 Tylor, Primitive Culture, II. 195, 369.

15 Chambers, Book of Days, I. 62-3; Brand, op. dt. y
I. 29 ff.; MacCulloch, E. R. E. } III. 60.

[173]

XXV. CEREMONIAL PROCESSIONS
AND DANCES

i. PROCESSIONS IN ANCIENT AND IN
MODERN TIMES

EFERENCE has already been made
to the survival of Roman ceremonial
processions in modern festivals of
saints (see page 13), in marriage rites (page
33), in country-side " beating of the bounds "
(pages 49 ff.), and in funerals (page 89). There
was also the ceremony of the Amburbium, con-
sisting of a procession around the bounds of
the city with a view to its lustration and held
annually on or about the second of February.
One or two other examples may be mentioned.
One of the spectacular ceremonies which the
Romans adopted under Greek influence was the
Supplication (supplicatio) . It was resorted to
in times of national danger or of public thanks-
giving. The whole populace, both men and
women, wearing garlands and carrying laurel-
branches in their hands, took part under the
direction of the priests in a procession that

[174]

PROCESSIONS AND DANCES

passed from temple to temple through the
streets of Rome. If the occasion were one of
national peril, the men made offerings of wine
and incense at each temple where there was a
pause, while the women, with hair down, knelt
before the altars in supplication. If the occa-
sion were a joyful one, prayers of thanksgiving
and praise took the place of the petitions for
divine aid.

We hear also of a processional rite first cele-
brated in 207 B.C. in expiation of an alarming
prodigy. A choir of twenty-seven young
women, accompanied by the members of the
priestly College of Ten, marched from the
temple of Apollo outside the Porta Carmen-
talis to the temple of Juno Regina on the
Aventine. Pausing in the Forum they sang
in honor of Juno a hymn which Livius Androni-
cus, one of the earliest of Latin poets, had
composed. Other processions of girls are re-
corded, and it is to this type that the proces-
sion of twenty-seven boys and twenty-seven
girls who sang Horace's Carmen Saeculare
belongs.

There was, moreover, a ceremony of prayer
for rain of which a procession was a notable
feature. For in time of drought, at the bidding

[175]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

of the Pontiffs, the matrons with bare feet and
flowing hair and the magistrates without the
insignia of their office marched in procession
through the city and prayed to Jupiter for
rain, 1

To these processions ordained on special oc-
casions we see a striking resemblance in those
processiones extraordinariae of the Rituale
Romanum, either enjoined in time of war,
plague, famine or in quacumque tribulatione,
or ordered as a form of thanksgiving. 2

2. THE SACRED DANCE OF THE ANCIENTS

AND ITS SURVIVAL AMONG THE

EARLY CHRISTIANS

CONNECTED with the procession in ancient
times was the dance. In some ceremonies
the two were combined as in the parade of the
Salii, the priests of Mars. For when in the
month of March the Salii, equipped as war-
riors, with shield in left hand and spear or staff
in right, passed through the streets of Rome,
they paused at various places and danced,
striking their shield with the staff and singing
their archaic song to Mars, the great spirit to

1 Petronius, Cen. Trimakh., 44.

2 H. Thurston in C. E, t under " Processions," XII. 447.

[176]

PROCESSIONS AND DANCES

whose power the quickening of vegetation in
the spring was ascribed. Whether the leaping
and dancing was supposed to accelerate the
springing up of the crops as Frazer 8 has sug-
gested or whether the clatter of the shields was
intended to frighten away evil spirits who
might injure the produce of the fields, it is
hardly possible to say. There are, however, as
every one will remember, plenty of parallels
for the belief in the efficacy of noisy demon-
strations in driving off mischief -making demons.

The dance appears in other forms of Roman
ritual. The Arval Brothers danced as they
chanted their song to Mars. The girl-choir
referred to above accompanied their hymn to
Juno with dance movements. Moreover,
dances were characteristic of the cult of sev-
eral of the foreign gods introduced into Rome,
as for example, the Greek Bacchus, the
Phrygian Cybele, the Cappadocian Ma-
Bellona, and the Egyptian Isis.

The early Christians also recognized danc-
ing as a form of worship. It is well-known that
in the days of the primitive Church both bish-
ops and people took part in dances before the
tombs of martyrs and in churches. And there

3 G. B., II. 210.

[177]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

is evidence that the ordinance of A.D. 692 for-
bidding the practice, was not successfully en-
forced. It is attested that even in the eight-
eenth century French priests in the provinces
led sacred dances on saints' days. 4

That any of the pagan Roman dances re-
ferred to contributed directly to the institution
of the sacred dance among the Christians can-
not be maintained. There is much more likeli-
hood of direct influence from Jewish sources.
The Jews, we know, practiced the sacred dance.
David, to quote the most familiar example,
" danced before the Ark," and we may be sure
that his act was of religious significance,
whether the idea was that of "moving" the
god or something else. But while we cannot
ascribe any direct influence to the Roman
dances, it is equally obvious that they played
their part in familiarizing the people with this
form of sacred act and contributed indirectly
to the establishment of the idea that dance-
movements were an acceptable form of
religious devotion.

4 Saturday Review, 1896, 52.

XXVI. DIVINATION

i. THE LIVER AND OTHER PARTS OF THE BODY

A1ONG the Romans, seers known as
haruspices divined the future by the
examination and interpretation of the
internal organs of sacrificial victims. These
seers had originally been summoned from Etru-
ria on special occasions but by the time of the
Emperor Claudius a college of Roman harus-
pices had been organized.

They specialized in liver-lore, and to the
importance they assigned this organ may be
traced that belief in its magic powers that we
find in the Middle Ages and in much later times.
Mediaeval writers, for example, refer to the
superstition that eating the liver of a goat en-
abled one to see in the dark. Vesalius speaks
of the spirit that came from the liver. And the
witches in Macbeth used the liver of a Jew
in one of their magical concoctions. Supersti-
tious Italians today believe that one may
obtain magical power by eating a human
liver.

[179]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

Analogous to divination by the liver is the
reading of bones of animals, especially the
shoulder-blade of lambs and kids, so common
in Macedonia and Albania today. 1 While this
is not derived from the Etruscan or Roman
liver-practice, it obviously had its origin in a
similar attitude of mind. It survives in Eng-
land in the reading of the speal-bone. Possibly
here belongs also our use of the wishing-bone
of a chicken, and the " merry thought" to
which the person who gets the larger part is
entitled. 2

2. BIRDS

THE flight and notes of birds constituted an
important part of the Roman augural system,
and many modern superstitions connected with
birds may be traced in part at least to Roman
times. The geese that are kept in the precinct
of the cathedral in Barcelona inevitably sug-
gest the sacred geese of the temple of Juno
Moneta on the Arx in ancient Rome. The
hooting of owls, the croaking of ravens, the
chattering of magpies have their significance
for the superstitious in modern as in pagan

1 Abbott, Macedonian Folklore, 96 ff.

2 Wood-Martin, Traces of the Elder Faiths of Ireland,
II. 141.

[180]

DIVINATION

times. A sixth-century divining-rod, adorned
with figures of birds, has been found near
Ballymoney in County Antrim. 3 Our saying
" A little bird has told me " finds its ultimate
source in the ancient systems of bird-lore.

3. EARTHQUAKES

THE occurrence of an earthquake was almost
universally regarded as a portent by the Ro-
mans as well as by many other peoples of
ancient times. And there was sporadic expres-
sion of this old superstition among the illiterate
on the occasion of the seismic disturbances in
California in 1906.

4. ASTROLOGY

FURTHER, astrology appealed to many Ro-
mans. The attacks made on astrologers by
Cato the Elder are a matter of record, and in
139 B.C. the feeling against them was so strong
that they were banished from Italy by sena-
torial decree. But the law of exclusion was
probably not enforced long. At any rate they
were active in Rome in the beginning of the
first century and their influence increased from
that time. More and more persons believed

3 Wood-Martin, ibid., II. 143.

[181]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

that the aspect of the heavens at the moment
of their birth determined the events of their
life. The general belief that Nigidius Figulus
had successfully prophesied the career of
Augustus by casting his horoscope undoubt-
edly had enormous influence in increasing the
vogue of astrologers. Their art flourished all
over the Empire.

These ideas were current in the early days
of Christianity, flourished for a thousand years
afterwards and have not entirely disappeared
in modern times. When St. Matthew recorded
the star in the east he was conforming to a
widespread belief among both the Jews and
the Gentiles of the period. In the Middle Ages
the list of portents eclipses of the sun and
moon, spots on the sun, etc. that warned the
world of the impending death of Charlemagne
inevitably reminds one of those lists of prodi-
gies that appear so often in Livy's history of
Rome. A French author, Pierre Bayle, 4 writing
in the seventeenth century, protests against the
superstitious ideas which many of his contem-
poraries had in regard to comets and eclipses.
Of the part once played by astrology in popular
belief we have relics in such English words as

4 Pensfas diverses a Voccasion de la comete de 1680.

[182]

DIVINATION

jovial, martial, and saturnine. Moreover,
newspapers still publish " daily horoscopes."

5. WATER

OF THE Roman practice of divining by water
(hydromantla) , of which St. Augustine 5 gives
us an account, traces may still be found in the
modern pretense of reading the future in tea
leaves or coffee grounds. With us this is a mild
form of afternoon-tea jesting, but the serious-
ness with which it was sometimes taken as late
as the eighteenth century may be seen from
the reference to the subject in the Gentleman's
Magazine for March, 1731.

6. ORACLES AND RHAPSODOMANCY

ORACLES also were frequently consulted by the
Romans in times of doubt or danger. Espe-
cially famous were the Sibylline verses, which
were brought to Rome from Cumae in Cam-
pania toward the end of the regal period and
deposited in the Capitoline temple of Jupiter.
The Roman historians record many occasions
on which the college of priests in charge of
them was ordered by the Senate to search them
for guidance. They played an important part

5 De tivitate Dei, VII. 35.

[183]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

in the religious life of Rome and it was only
in the fifth century after Christ that they were
destroyed. There were other oracles in Italy
also and we hear with special frequency of
the lots (sortes) of the temple of Fortune in
Praeneste. These consisted of small inscribed
tablets or tokens of more of less general or
ambiguous content in the interpretation of
which the persons concerned had considerable
range. The Romans consulted foreign oracles
also, such as that of Apollo at Delphi and Zeus
at Dodona.

Another way of reading the future was divi-
nation by books (rhapsodomancy). One
would open a book at hazard and the first line
the eye lighted on was regarded as an oracle.
Homer was so used (sortes Homericae*) and,
according to Bouche-Leclercq, Hesiod also.
VirgiPs works were frequently employed in
this way from the time of Hadrian (sortes
Virgilianae)*

The early Christians seem to have believed
in oracles as much as their pagan contempo-
raries. Their explanation of them, however,
was different. They regarded them as the in-
struments of evil demons, as we see from the

6 See Pease in note on Cicero, De. div., I. 12.

[184]

DIVINATION

statements of Ambrose, Jerome, and Augustine.
At any rate these writers show no signs of be-
lieving that the oracles were manipulated by
trickery. Some of the Christians thought that
the Sibylline oracles had foreshadowed the
coming of Christ, nor do they anywhere hint
that such of these oracles as might bear this
interpretation could have been inserted in the
collection by some Christian whose honesty had
yielded to the urge of his piety. Even a Chris-
tian emperor like Theodosius consulted pagan
oracles and the extent to which the old prac-
tice was continued is shown by the number of
prohibitory laws passed from the time of Theo-
dosius to that of Justinian. In general, how-
ever, the policy of the Christians was to sub-
stitute oracles of their own for those of pagan
origin. Intead of oracles connected with the
shrine of some pagan god or demi-god we find
oracles attached to the church or tomb of a
saint. The Praenestine and the Virgilian lots
yielded place to the lots of the Saints (sortes
Sanctorum}. A Bible would be placed on a
saint's tomb and opened, and the first verse
which one saw was accepted as a divine sign.
Not that the use of Virgil's writings as oracles
passed away entirely. Christians of the Middle
[185]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

Ages sometimes sought guidance in them and
Pease T cites an interesting example of survival
in much later times. He tells us that King
Charles I of England consulted Virgil in this
way.

7. VISIONS

THE pagan belief in the validity of visions seen
in dreams and trances recurs in a number of
passages in the New Testament. St. Matthew 8
tells us of the dreams of Joseph and of Pilate's
wife. In Acts 9 we hear of the trances of Peter
and Paul,

8. CHRISTIAN ATTITUDE TOWARD
DIVINATION

IN BRIEF, while the Christian attitude toward
divination of all sorts may have been affected
in some degree by considerations of policy
for any religious system that eliminated oracles
and other supernatural manifestations would
have suffered in that era of religious com-
petition the chief element in the situation
seems to have been a genuine belief in the
efficacy of supernatural signs. It is a belief of

7 Loc. cit.

8 i. 20; 2. 12, 13, 22; 27. 19.

9 10. 10; 22. 17. Cf. II Cor., 12. 2.

[186]

DIVINATION

unusual durability. Trede tells us of the pres-
tige enjoyed in high places by the prophetess
who truthfully foretold the return of Pope Pio
Nono to Rome after his flight in 1849. Nor
even in our own day are prophets and signs
wholly without honor among some classes of
society.

[187]

XXVII. SACRED EDIFICES: THEIR

FORM, ORIENTATION AND

CONSECRATION

i. ARCHITECTURAL FORM

A /THOUGH temples of Roman or
Graeco-Roman gods were frequently
appropriated by the Christians and
used as churches, their architectural plan had
little or no influence on the form of the Chris-
tian church. The origin of the latter has been
a subject of controversy for a long time, but
now appears to be solved. This solution, how-
ever, is not to be found in the current theory
that the Christian basilica is a development of
the plan of the Roman house, either of the
front part with its recess (tablinum) and cen-
tral space (atrium), or of the inner part (peri-
stylum) with its recess (exedra) and large open
area with colonnades on either side. 1 The
right explanation was first suggested by Ga-

1 Lowrie, Christian Art and Archaeology, 94-101 ; Hoi-
born in E. R. E., I. 697.

[188]

SACRED EDIFICES

briel Leroux, 2 who pointed out that the type
of the Christian basilica goes back to the sanc-
tuaries used by the adherents of oriental cults.
As Bagnani 8 has shown, this theory seems
confirmed by the discovery in 1917 of the
subterranean basilica just outside the Porta
Maggiore in Rome. A glance at its plan with
atrium at the entrance, central hall and apse,
must bring home to every one the degree to
which it reveals the chief characteristics of the
early Christian churches. The presence of the
atrium is especially convincing. Bagnani aptly
compares this subterranean basilica with the
sanctuary of Mithras found under the garden
of the Baths of Caracalla, which with its ves-
tibule and columns supporting a vault offers
distinct points of resemblance. It is difficult
to date the sanctuary at the Porta Maggiore.
It may belong to the end of the first century.
Nor do we know what cult was practiced there,
although the stucco decorations make it clear
that the immortality of the soul was one of
its chief tenets. That it was one of the
oriental mystery religions seems probable.

2 Exploration arch&ologique de Delos, II: " La salle
hypostyle."

3 The Journal of Roman Studies, IX, 78-85 (1919).

[189]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

Cumont, 4 however, thinks that it was the meet-
ing place of a Neopythagorean sect.

2. ORIENTATION

VITRUVIUS 5 tells us that the Romans built
their temples to face west so that the person
standing before the altar would look east; and
in such a system of orientation one might plaus-
ibly see the origin of the common plan of build-
ing churches with doors at the west end and
altar at the east. But what we have learned
from excavations in regard to the sites of
Roman temples does not tend to confirm Vitru-
vius' statement. Assuredly if the Romans had
such a rule as that indicated by him they
regarded it as one more honored in the breach
than in the observance. As a matter of fact it
is extremely difficult to demonstrate any plan
of orientation for Roman temples. Even Nis-
sen's 6 elaborate theory that the orientation of

4 Rassegna d'arte antica e moderna, XXI. 37-44.

6 IV. 5: aedis signumque . . . spectet ad vespertinam
caeli regionem, uti qui adierint ad aram . . . spectent ad
partem caeli orientis et simulacrum. Hyginus, De Urn.
const. (I. p. 169 in edition of Agrimensores by Blume, Lach-
mann and RudorS), says something of the same kind but
confines the practice to the earlier period.

6 Templum, 162; also in Rhein. Mus., XXVIII. 513-575
XXIX. 369-433; XL. 38-65, 329-70; XLII. 28-61; and
in Orientation, 298 ff. See Wissowa's note, R. u. K., 472 A 1 .

r loo i

SACRED EDIFICES

a temple was determined by the position of the
rising sun on the day of the foundation is con-
fronted by many difficulties.

We seem to be on surer ground when we
turn to the Greek and Roman temples in Asia,
for although there were notable exceptions,
most of these had their door at the east end
and the image of the god at the west. It has
been claimed by some that the early Christians
adopted this system and that the orientation
of St. Peter's basilica in Rome goes back to this
tradition. But whether the church with east
door and west altar was the original one or
not, it is quite certain that later the regular
system of orientation was that with west door
and east altar. This system established itself
in the eastern Church earlier than in the west-
ern. Indeed there is some probabilty that the
western Church objected to it as too suggestive
of the practice of the numerous sun-cults whose
adherents turned to the rising sun in prayer
and adoration. Finally, however, the western
Church followed the example of the eastern
and the orientation with west door and east
altar became fairly general.

What was the ultimate significance of this
orientation? Was it due to the influence of

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

sun-worship? Cults of the sun, as we know
from many sources, had attained great vogue
during the second, third, and fourth centuries.
Sun-worshippers indeed formed one of the big
groups in that religious world in which Chris-
tianity was fighting for a place. Many of them
became converts to Christianity and in all
probability carried into their new religion some
remnants of their old beliefs. The complaint
of Pope Leo in the fifth century that worship-
pers in St. Peter's turned away from the altar
and faced the door so that they could adore
the rising sun is not without its significance in
regard to the number of Christians who at one
time had been adherents of some form of
sun-worship. It is of course impossible to say
precisely in what way their influence mani-
fested itself. We do know, however, of ana-
logues between Christ and the sun; he was
designated the Sun of Righteousness; and our
Christmas falls on the date of the festival of
a popular sun-god in Rome. 7 On the whole
sun-worship seems to have been the chief in-
fluence in determining the prevailing form of
church-orientation. It was not however the
sole influence. The sun-worshippers were not

7 See pp. 150-53.
[192]

SACRED EDIFICES

the only ones who turned to the east in prayer.
The Romans had done this even in the early
days of their history, long before Oriental sun-
cults had been introduced among them. This
position is directly attested for the Master of
the Arval Brothers, and many other examples
might be cited. 8 It is reasonable to suppose
that some of those Christians who were com-
pared by Tertullian 9 to sun-worshippers be-
cause they turned toward the east in prayer
had never had any affiliations with sun-wor-
ship, but in looking east were merely adhering
to the old Roman ritual in which they had
been brought up.

3. CONSECRATION

THE Romans used to consecrate their temples
and it was customary to hold a festival on the
day of consecration. In a great many cases
the festival had been celebrated prior to the
building of the temple, but when under the in-
fluence of Greek religion temples were erected,
the dedication day of the temple was made to
coincide with the date of the ancient festival of

s See Aen., VIII. 68, XII. 172; Ov., Fast., IV. 777; Val.
Place., Argon., III. 437.
9 ApoL, 16.

[193]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

the god. By the act of consecration the temple
became the possession of the divinity and any
one who violated its sanctity was subject not
to civil but to sacred law. Not only temples,
but altars and statues were consecrated.

While the custom of dedicating a temple and
of holding a festival on the anniversary of the
dedication is not confined to the Romans
for the Jews consecrated the Temple in Jeru-
salem and regularly celebrated the anniversary
of the ceremony it seems probable that the
Christian custom of consecrating churches is
derived from the Romans. About the precise
source of the Catholic form of consecration,
however, there has been a good deal of discus-
sion. The ceremony consists in the conse-
crating priest's making a St. Andrew's cross
on the pavement of the church by sprinkling
ashes. This, according to some, goes back to
the cross drawn by a Roman augur in marking
out a temple. Others see in it a reminiscence
of the methods of Roman surveyors but explain
the cross as a representative of the initial letter
of Christ's name in Greek ( X ) . 10 The plausibil-
ity of this explanation of the cross does not

10 de Rossi, Butt. arch, christ., 1881, 140; Duchesne,
Christian Worship, 417.

[194]

SACRED EDIFICES

preclude the high probability of the act of con-
secration as a whole being of Roman origin.

Of the relation of Christian dedication-day
celebrations to pagan festivities we have some
records for England. 11 For when the Anglo-
Saxons were converted to Christianity, Pope
Gregory the Great instructed the abbott Melli-
tus who had participated in the mission to the
island, not to prohibit the pagan festivals but
to tell the people to erect their booths around
the temples which had now been turned into
Christian churches and to celebrate the anni-
versary of the dedication of the church or the
birth of the martyr for whom it had been
named. 12 The celebrations wakes, as they
were called continued for centuries in Eng-
land. When early in the seventeenth century
an attempt was made to suppress them, King
Charles I interfered and ordered their continu-
ance. In the northern counties of England
these feasts have not yet been abolished. The
" Patron's Day " celebration in Ireland belongs
to the same class of festival.

" Brand, op. tit., II. 2 ff.

12 Brand, ibid.: ut die dedicationis vel nataliciis sanc-
torum martyrum, tabernacula sibi circa easdem ecclesias,
quae ex fanis commutatae sunt, de ramis arborum faciant.
(Bed., I. 30).

[195]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

Finally it may be noted that the modern
practice of dedicating buildings other than
churches (for example college, lodge or club
buildings) is derived from the same ancient
observance.

XXVIII. RELIGIOUS USAGES

COMMON TO PAGANS

AND CHRISTIANS

i. HOLY WATER

THE LUSTRAL use of water was famil-
iar to the Romans at an early date.
Livy 1 records an incident of the time
of King Servius which presupposes a belief in
the necessity of ablution before sacrifice. In
many cases a laurel-branch, dipped in water,
was used to sprinkle a place or object that
needed lustration. 2 Tacitus 3 speaks of the lus-
tration by means of water of the site of the
Capitoline temple of Jove on the occasion of
its rebuilding in the time of the Emperor Ves-
pasian. And Tertullian 4 mentions the purifi-
cation of residences, temples, and whole cities

1 I. 45. 6: "Quidnam tu, hospes, paras" inquit "in-
ceste sacrificium Dianae facere? Quin tu ante vivo per-
f underis flumine ? "

2 Ov., Fast., IV. 728; V. 677.

3 Hist., IV. 53.

4 De Baptismo, 5.

[197]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

by the same method. There is, however, no
evidence that water was used on the dies lus-
tricus the ninth day after birth in the case
of a boy and the eighth in that of a girl when
a child was given its name. It is difficult to see
on what grounds the statement is made that on
this occasion "the child was passed through
water." 5 Macrobius 6 refers to some kind of
lustration but he does not specify water.

In some of the Oriental cults established in
Rome and elsewhere in Italy holy water had a
still more important part. It was for example
a feature of the cult of Isis, as is shown by the
fresco of Herculaneum referred to on page 134.
Moreover, one of the buildings in the precinct
of the Isiac temple at Pompeii contains a tank
apparently intended for the storage of the holy
water from the Nile. Further, we know from
Apuleius 7 that baptism by the priest was a
prerequisite for initiation into the mysteries of
Isis, its purpose being purification and remis-
sion of sins. The worshippers of Sabazios also,
a Thraco-Phrygian deity known in Rome at
least by the end of the second century, were

5 E. R. E., under " Baptism."

6 Sat., I. 16. 36: est autem lustricus dies, quo infantes
lustrantur et nomen accipiunt.

7 Met., XI. 23: sacerdos ... me ... abluit.

[198]

COMMON RELIGIOUS USAGES

baptized before initiation. And the followers
of the Mithras cult also practiced baptism.

The examples I have cited both from early
Roman practice and from the Oriental religions
show how common the ritual use of water
among the pagans was. And while it cannot
be maintained that the Christians derived their
rite of baptism from this source for it is
much more probable that the dominating in-
fluence was the Jewish practice yet it may
reasonably be said that the stress laid upon the
rite by so many pagan cults and the strength
of its appeal to the masses, who doubtless found
a special satisfaction in the simplicity of its
symbolism, contributed materially to the in-
stitution of the Christian doctrine.

The ancient Roman custom of touching a
baby's forehead and lips with spittle on the
day on which it received its name is men-
tioned by Persius 8 with caustic comment. The
purpose of the act apparently was to avert the
machinations of witch or demon. 9 A similar
use of spittle survives in the baptism service
of the Roman Church today, in which the

* Sat., 2. 31.

9 The subject is discussed by Nicolson in his article
" The Saliva Superstition " in Harvard Studies in Classical
Philology, VIII. 23-40 (1897).

[199]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

priest touches the ears and nostrils of the
candidate for baptism with spittle, using
among other phrases the words : tu autem effu-
gare y diabole. Doubtless the immediate source
of the Catholic usage is St. Mark's 10 account
of Christ's cure of the deaf-and-dumb man.
But the Roman belief in the efficacy of spittle
against malign influences was also an element
in the establishment of the practice.

2. Music

SONG was a very old tradition in Roman cult,
and chants of religious content in the primitive
Italian measure constituted some of the earliest
attempts of the Romans in the field of lyric
poetry. Examples are the songs of the Arval
Brothers and of the Salii. We have evidence
also of a lyrical element in supplications ad-
dressed to other gods. 11 Moreover, flutists
regularly played during sacrifices and took part
in many other religious ceremonies. It has
been maintained by some that the original pur-
pose of this music was to drive away evil
spirits. 12 Others have thought that it was used

10 7* 33, 34-

11 R. Peter, " De Romanorum precationum carminibus "
in Comment ationes in honorem A. Reifierscheidii, 67-83.

12 Granger, The Worship of the Romans, 283.

[200]

COMMON RELIGIOUS USAGES

in order to prevent the person performing the
sacrifice from hearing any words of ill-omen.
Whatever its origin, there developed in the
course of time adequate realization of its effec-
tiveness in inducing a feeling of piety and in
intensifying religious emotion. This was mani-
festly the idea that motivated the greatly in-
creased emphasis on music that marked all
ceremonies that were conducted in accordance
with the forms of Greek ritual, and the popu-
larity of Greek rites grew steadily from the
early days of the Republic. To Greek influ-
ence for instance must be attributed the use
of the lyre in sacred ceremonies, although
this instrument established itself so slowly
that Horace 13 speaks of its use in religious
service as something relatively new in his
time.

But other causes besides the growing popu-
larity of Greek ritual were operating to give
greater prominence to the musical element in
worship. Music was one of the most striking
features of the Oriental cults that from the end
of the third century before Christ till the third
or fourth century of our era played so im-

13 Od.j III. n. 3: Tuque, testudo . . . , Nee loquax
olim neque grata, nunc et Divitum mensis et arnica templis.

[201]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

portant a part in Roman religious history. The
street processions of the priests of the Great
Mother were accompanied by the beating of
tambourines, the blaring of horns, and the
clashing of cymbals. Inscriptions referring to
the cult indicate an elaborate musical person-
nel: drummers, players of cymbals, flutists,
and hymnists. In the worship of Isis music was
one of the most important elements. A notable
feature of the November festival was the choral
ode sung by a choir of twenty-seven members.
In the processions both vocal and instrumental
music were employed. Now it was the rattle of
the sistrum, now the flute, now the voices of
choirs of young people, clad in white robes,
who sang the praises of Isis or Serapis. 14 But
wildest of all cult-music was that of the priests
of Ma-Bellona, the Cappadocian goddess, as
they paraded to the accompaniment of trum-
pet and tambourine.

Such was the tradition of religious music
into which Christianity in Rome was born.
At first many of the Christians, associating
music with all that was pagan, were bitterly
opposed to it and we find writers of the fourth
and fifth centuries condemning the use of song

i* Apul., Met., XI. 9.
[202]

COMMON RELIGIOUS USAGES

and instruments in cult. So rigid an attitude,
however, could hardly have been universal
even in the early days, especially in the matter
of vocal music. The earliest Christians used
song in worship as we know from the New
Testament, and there was besides the inevi-
table influence of the Jewish use of instrumen-
tal music in cult. St. Ambrose, toward the
end of the fourth century, is said to have in-
troduced the chanting of psalms by responsive
choirs and St. Gregory the Great, who lived two
centuries later, is credited with the institution
of a musical ritual for the churches of Rome.
But the whole question of the steps in the
transition from classical to Christian music is
involved in obscurity. The extensive use of
music in many of the cults practiced in Rome
must have had some influence on the Chris-
tians in the organization of their service; it is
probable also that even such early Christian
music as the Ambrosian chants may have per-
petuated the tradition of some Greek or
Graeco-Roman melody. But too little is known
about the nature of the original Ambrosian or
Gregorian music to justify a positive statement.
Even the relation of what is now called Am-
brosian or Gregorian music to the original
[203]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

systems of the two bishops is a matter of great
uncertainty.

3. BELLS, GONGS, RATTLES

THE use of bells in religious services was com-
mon in India and China long before it was
adopted in Europe. We have, however, some
fairly early examples in Greece and Etruria.
For we are told that at the sanctuary of Zeus
at Dodona bells were rung or gongs sounded;
and the tomb of the Etruscan prince Porsenna,
near Clusium, was equipped with a number of
little bells that vibrated in the wind. On Ro-
man soil we hear of a gong at the second temple
of Jupiter Capitolinus, dedicated by Catulus in
69 B.C. Its purpose, like that of the bells at,
Dodona and on Porsenna's tomb, was probably
to frighten away malicious spirits.

Bells were used in some of the foreign cults
introduced into Italy. For example in the
Bacchanalia both Bacchants and Bacchantes
sometimes carried a bell in their hand or had
one tied to their wrist or fastened on the
thyrsus. The priests of the Great Mother and
Attis also made use of bells, as is shown by
the bas-reliefs connected with this cult in which
a number of small bells are seen suspended
[204]

COMMON RELIGIOUS USAGES

from the branches of a tree. In the cult of Isis
the rattle (sistrum) was in constant use both
in processions and in services at the temple.
In these cases also the most probable explana-
tion of the practice is the belief that the sound
warded off evil demons.

Of this prophylactic use of bells there are
still other examples. The inscription on a small
gold bell that was dug up on the Esquiline Hill
in Rome makes definite reference to the evil
eye. Probably the bells sometimes attached
to the car of a general celebrating a triumph
were intended to furnish protection against
malign influences. And the same may be said
of the bells so often hung on the head or neck
of horses and other animals in Roman times.
One of the mules in Phaedrus 7 fable 15 and the
ass in Apuleius 7 Metamorphoses 16 wore a bell.

From more than one Latin author we know
that the ringing of bells and the sounding of
gongs were among the noises used to drive
away the evil spirit that caused an eclipse. 17

It is doubtful whether executioners or the
criminals whom they executed wore bells, as

15 II. 7 (MuH duo et latrones).

16 X. 18: tintinnabulis perargutis exornatum.

^ Juvenal, VI. 441 ff. Cf. Liv., XXVI. 5 ; Tac., Ann.,
I. 28. 3.

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

has sometimes been claimed. Certainly the
passages cited from Plautus 18 in support of the
contention do not furnish adequate evidence.

Of special interest for our study is a bell
found at Tarragona in Spain. It belonged to
one Felix, a slave in a temple of the city, who
used it in the rites of the cult of the Emperor
(sacris Augustis}. He may have rung it to
indicate the moment of sacrifice or some other
important point in the ritual.

Of these Roman examples of the use of bells
there are some survivals. Certainly the bells
that one sees today on the harness of horses in
Italy go back to the ancient practice of which
some instances have been given above. In
Italy, especially among the lower classes, there
is still belief in and fear of the evil eye, witch-
craft, and other hostile influences of super-
human character.

And it is likely that in the use of the bell
found at Tarragona to which reference has
just been made we have the origin of the cus-
tom of ringing a small bell (the sanctus) at the
celebration of the mass. Apparently an analo-
gous use was made of the sistrum by the priests
of Isis. In the fresco from Herculaneum de-

18 Pseud., 332; True., 782.
[206]

COMMON RELIGIOUS USAGES

picting the adoration of the holy water the
priest and priestess on either side of the offi-
ciant are represented as shaking a sistrum. It
is to this use of the sistrum that some scholars
attribute exclusively the ringing of the bell in
the ceremony of the mass, but the analogy is
not sufficiently close to justify this conclusion.
There were probably other uses of bells in
the earlier days of the Church. We have for
example an illustration in which St. Patrick is
represented in the act of giving a bell to a
bishop on his consecration as if it were an es-
sential of his office. We may assume also that
the pagan practice of ringing bells to ward off
evil spirits did not pass away with the establish-
ment of Christianity. It may have contributed
to the ringing of bells at funerals so often at-
tested in mediaeval times. Tyack 19 in his
comments on the representation of the funeral
of Edward the Confessor draws attention to the
two boys attending the corpse, each of whom is
ringing a pair of handbells. He says that this
practice was derived from paganism. To a cer-
tain extent this may be true. Probably the
ringing of the bells by the boys was intended to
protect the dead king from evil spirits. We

19 A Book About Bells.
[207]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

know that the Romans sometimes blew horns
and beat tambourines when a soul was pass-
ing, 20 and the idea may have been similar.
That evil spirits prowled around the dying and
might injure the dead seems to have been a
widely accepted belief. The original signifi-
cance of the " passing-bell " in England is cer-
tainly the same as that of the horn and tam-
bourine just mentioned.

The ringing of bells to summon people to
worship was a development of the Christian
era. There is no evidence of such a custom
among the Romans in pagan times, nor is it
likely that the Christian practice was instituted
till after the persecutions had ceased. It is
probable that it is not earlier than the fourth
century.

4. LIGHTS

LIGHTED lamps and torches appear in various
cults and ceremonies of ancient Rome. The
women who marched in procession from Rome
to the sanctuary of Diana on Lake Nemi car-
ried torches. Lights too were used in rites con-
nected with the dead. One of the reliefs on the
monument of the Haterii now in the Lateran

20 See fig. 3358, Daremberg et Saglio, Dictionnaire,
under Funus.

[208]

COMMON RELIGIOUS USAGES

Museum shows lighted lamps at the head and
foot of the corpse; and lamps, placed in or
near tombs, were lighted on certain occasions.
Moreover, there can be little doubt that lights
had an important part in the ritual of several
of the Greek and Oriental divinities in Rome.
The torch was one of the symbols of Ceres
(Demeter), and the lamps found in one of the
rooms in the precinct of Isis in Pompeii were
doubtless used with symbolical significance in
the cult of the Egyptian goddess. Further,
the polemical writings of Tertullian (about
A.D. 200) and Lactantius (about A.D. 300) make
it plain that the placing of lights before the
images of gods and on votive objects was a
common pagan practice.

At first the Christians scrupulously refrained
from a ritual use of lights. In their eyes appar-
ently the practice had the taint of paganism.
But from the end of the third century their at-
titude seems to have changed and after the rec-
ognition of Christianity by Constantine the
symbolical use of lights established itself firmly
in many kinds of ceremonies. Candles were
burned before images of the Madonna or Christ
or the Saints, and were a conspicuous part of
numerous ceremonial processions and sacred
[209]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

ceremonies such as baptisms, marriages, and
funerals. While some of the Christian writers
continued to protest against this pagan element
in the Church, others defended it. 21 Lights be-
came and still are an inevitable concomitant of
many forms of religious service. Their re-
introduction into cult after the primitive sim-
plicity of the first few centuries of Christianity
had passed away, was only one phase of that
externalism that came to be a notable character-
istic of Christianity after and partly as a result
of the imperial favor which it attained. '

5. INCENSE

LiVY 22 speaks of a ceremony in Rome in
296 B.C. at which incense (tus) was used; Plau-
tus 23 mentions an offering of incense and wine
to the Lar of the family; and Cato 24 specifies
a similar offering to Janus, Jove, and Juno. In
view of this it is probable that Arnobius 25 and
Ovid 26 overstressed the lateness of the date of
its introduction among the Romans. In any

21 Cf. Hieronymus, II. 2: Ulud fiebat idolis et idcirco
detestandum est; hoc fit martyribus et idcirco recipiendum
est.

22 X. 23. 2.

23 AuL, 24. 25 vil. 26.

24 De agric., 141. 26 Fast., I. 341.

COMMON RELIGIOUS USAGES

case it is clear that even if they did not have
incense proper in their early days they had
some other fragrant material that served the
same purpose. Its use doubtless increased with
the growth of Greek influence in Roman ritual,
and among other occasions it was offered lav-
ishly at supplicationes. In the days of reli-
gious conflict the practice of burning incense
distinguished pagans from Christians. Pru-
dentius calls the pagan idolaters " the incense-
bearing crowd " (turifera grex), and one of the
tests imposed on persons suspected of being
Christians was the offering of a few grains of
incense on the altar of some Roman god. St.
Cyprian 27 applies the term " incense-offerers "
(turificati} to Christians who recanted.

Perhaps it was the bitter associations of the
Christians with incense that inhibited its use
by them during the first four centuries of the
Church. At any rate there is no evidence of its
being employed ritually till nearly the end of
the fourth century. At that time there is a
reference to its use in a church in Jerusalem.
In the sixth century it is attested for Antioch,
and by the eighth century we hear of censers
being swung in western churches during the

27 Ep, 5$. i.
[211]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

procession from the sacristy to the altar. Only
gradually was its use extended in the west to
the celebration of the mass and other solemn
services of the Catholic church. This had, how-
ever, become the practice by the fourteenth
century and now obtains. In the Anglican
church the use of incense, which was abolished
at the Reformation, was resumed about the
middle of the nineteenth century and at pres-
ent is increasing. 28

6. VEILING

REFERENCE has already been made to the veil-
ing of the bride (page 30) and to the custom
of the celebrant's covering his head during
sacrifice (page 168). Another notable exam-
ple of veiling is attested for the Romans. For
when the priests of Jupiter, Mars, and Quirinus
sacrificed to Good Faith (Fides) on the Capi-
tol on the first of October, their right hands
were wrapped in white cloth. The uniqueness
of this ritual for it does not occur in the cult
of any other Roman divinity shows that the
idea was not so much that of approaching the
goddess with clean hands as that of saf e-guard-

28 Athcley, History of the Use of Incense in Divine
Worship.

[212]

COMMON RELIGIOUS USAGES

ing and preserving the purity and sanctity of
the right hand which was regarded by the Ro-
mans as the abiding-place of Good Faith. For
they too clasped their right hands when they
made pledges. That this is the dominant con-
ception of the act seems clearly indicated by
Livy, 29 There is no evidence that the right
hand of the statue of Fides was also covered,
as Fowler has suggested on the basis of a pas-
sage in Horace. 30 The poet has probably
transferred to the goddess the attribute of the
priests.

But while the ultimate explanation of the
covering of the hand is such as has been de-
scribed, the act also came to connote respect
and homage, and of this aspect of it we have
survivals. In Christian art the hands of Peter
receiving the keys are sometimes represented
as covered. There are pictures also of martyrs
holding their crowns with veiled hands. And
in our own time cardinals have their hands cov-
ered when they receive the hat from the Pope
and when they approach him to do homage.

29 I. 21. 4: significantes fidem tutandam, sedemque eius
etiam in dextris sacratam esse.

so Od., I. 35. 21-22: albo . . . Fides . . . velata panno.

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

7. GARLANDS

GARLANDS were extensively used in Roman re-
ligious rites. 31 They were put on statues of the
gods, were worn by worshippers, formed part
of the equipment of bride and groom at wed-
ding ceremonies, and were even placed on the
heads of the dead. Whether the original idea
was that the garland was a magic circle which
protected from evil influences that which it en-
circled, cannot be stated positively. This ex-
planation suits some of its uses, but in others
the notion involved seems to be that of de-
voted adherence to divinity or cult or religious
system.

In the early days of the Church the garland
was a symbol of paganism, as is clear from Ter-
tullian's 32 story of the soldier whose adherence
to Christianity was detected through his re-
fusal to wear one. The more rigid Christians
carefully avoided chaplets and wreaths of all
kinds in religious rites and ceremonies. Ter-
tullian, Clement of Alexandria, and Cyprian
are outspoken in their condemnation and de-
nounce them as emblems of heathenism and all

31 Kochling, De coronarum apud antiques vi atque usu,
33 ff.

32 De corona, i.

[214]

COMMON RELIGIOUS USAGES

that was bad in pagan practice. But little by
little the attitude of the Christians changed.
It was pointed out that more than one passage
in the Scriptures referred to "the crown of
life." 33 Moreover, chaplets were used by the
Gnostics in their mystic rites, and in the bap-
tismal ceremony of the Coptic and Aethiopian
Christians a garland of myrtle and palm leaves
was placed on the head of the baptized. To
these Christian sects the wreath, like the girdle
which they also put on the person baptized,
probably symbolized consecration and com-
plete devotion to God.

Of the ancient use of garlands in connection
with the dead we have traces of survival not
only in the almost universal funeral wreath
but also in the frequent sculptured repre-
sentations of garlands on sepulchral monu-
ments.

Nor is the Roman custom of decking statues
of gods with chaplets entirely gone. For the
same spirit that in Horace's ode 34 " crowned
the little images of the gods with rosemary and
myrtle " still finds expression in the images
of the Madonna decked with garlands that

83 Revelation, 2. 10; James, i. 12; I. Peter, 5. 4.

84 HI. 23. 15-16.

[215]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

may be seen along the roads in southern
Italy. 35

8. TONSURE

THE shaven head was one of the characteris-
tics of the priests of Isis. Moreover, the shav-
ing of the head was a necessary preliminary to
initiation into the mysteries of the Egyptian
goddess. The Isiac custom probably had a
certain degree of influence on the attitude of
the early Christians toward the practice and
had something to do with the later adoption of
the tonsure by priests and monks. But the
influence was neither immediate nor direct nor
exclusive. Tonsure was known to other Orien-
tal religions besides Isiaism and Christianity.
It was practiced by the Hebrews, and its exist-
ence in Brahmanic and Buddhist rites may
indicate a long anterior history in the Far
East.

There is no evidence that it was extensively
practiced in the early days of the Church. To
be sure both Peter and Paul are said to have
had tonsured heads, and of its occasional use
there seem to be clear indications in the New
Testament. Perhaps the references in the lat-

85 Trede, op. cit. } IV. 208; MacCulloch, in . R. E.,
IV. 340.

[216]

COMMON RELIGIOUS USAGES

ter point only to special penitential occasions.
But even so they are significant of a tendency
and the oft-quoted saying of St. Jerome S6 that
Christian priests should not appear with shorn
head lest they be confounded with priests of
Isis and Serapis or other heathen deities sug-
gests the possibility that Christian clerics had
sometimes done so. One gets the same impres-
sion from the action of the Council of Carthage
(398); which prohibited the cutting of the
beard and hair. It is a mistake to say that the
tonsure was not practiced in the fourth cen-
tury. All that can be safely said is that it was
not authorized.

In heathen and Christian rites the signifi-
cance of the tonsure was the same. It indicated
the separation of the devotee from the world
and his ascription to divine service. The prac-
tice probably first grew up among the Chris-
tians as a form of penitential devotion, to the
development of which such customs as those
of the Nazarites as described in the Old Testa-
ment 37 and those referred to in Acts 38 and in
the First Epistle to the Corinthians S9 as well as
the example of the priests and initiates of Isis

36 In Ezech., 44. 88 21. 24-26.

37 Numbers, 6. iB. 11. 14, 15.

[217]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

made their respective contributions. It was
firmly established among orders of monks as
early as the fifth century.

9. KNOTS

A ROMAN bride always wore at her wedding a
girdle tied with a "Herculean knot" (nodus
Herculaneus). After the ceremony was over
and she had been escorted to her new home,
this knot was loosed in the bridal chamber by
her husband. So closely associated with the
marriage rite was this tying and untying of the
girdle that both processes were believed to be
under the direct supervision of Juno, goddess
of marriage and childbirth, sometimes called
on account of her connection with this custom
"Juno of the Girdle" (luno Cinxia). The
symbolism shifts from the permanence of the
marriage bond indicated by the tying of the
knot to the removal of restrictions signified
by its untying.

Of this Roman "knot of Hercules" there
may be, as has been suggested, 40 a survival in
the modern love-knot, which is regarded as an
emblem of true and abiding affection. Possi-

40 Thomas Browne, Works (London edition of 1904),
II. 366.

[218]

COMMON RELIGIOUS USAGES

bly, however, the latter is a parallel rather
than a survival.

Ovid tells us that a pregnant woman must
undo her hair before praying to the spirits of
childbirth and that she must not have any
knots in her clothing. Billing 41 cites a parallel
to this in Bilaspur, where women's hair must
never be knotted during childbirth; and the
same writer draws attention to the fact that
in some Jewish communities, when there is a
difficult labor in the house, the unmarried
girls let down their hair.

10. TABOO ON IRON

THERE was a taboo on iron among the Romans
as well as among other ancient peoples. If the
Arval Brothers ever used an iron tool within
the precincts of their sacred grove, they were
obliged to make a piacular sacrifice. The high-
priest of Jupiter (flamen Dialis} could not be
shaved or shorn with an iron razor or shears,
and some Sabine priests seem to have been sub-
ject to a similar restriction. No iron was used
in the building or repairing of the Pons Sub-
licius, which was the oldest bridge across the
Tiber and always had sacred associations for

E. R. E., VII. 748.
[219]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

the Romans. An iron plough could not be used
in marking the sacred boundary (pomerium)
of a newly-founded city. The same attitude
toward this metal is seen in the fact that it was
only by special provision that the temple of lup-
piter Liber at Furfo could be repaired with
iron tools. We are told also that cutting with
an iron knife impaired the medicinal efficacy
of mistletoe. 42

There are traces of this taboo among the
Greeks and Hebrews also. The council-chamber
at Cyzicus on the Propontis was constructed
entirely of wood without any nails, nor was any
iron used in the temple at Jerusalem. But the
fear of this metal was still more widespread
than this. It probably existed among the Hin-
doos and numerous tribes of Europe, Africa,
and North America. The taboo is probably to
be traced back to the time when iron was a new
discovery and therefore subject to suspicion.

There are survivals of this superstition and
though they cannot be said to be descended di-
rectly from the Roman tradition they are trace-
able to a psychological complex to which Roman
religious belief made its contribution. Some
of the most notable of these survivals are

4 2 Pliny, N. H., XXIV. 4. 6. 12.
[220]

COMMON RELIGIOUS USAGES

found among the Highlanders of Scotland. 43
For example, when making a need-fire these
Scots take special precautions to have nothing
made of iron on their persons. Similarly no iron
is ever used by them in making a Yule-tide
fire-wheel. Nor will they put iron in the
ground, either to dig a grave or plough a field,
on Good Friday. Taboos of the same kind are
observed in the Hebrides. In Russia wizards
who use the plant called loose-strife in the prac-
tice of their art never cut it with an iron knife.
The introduction of iron ploughs into Poland
aroused the superstitious fears of the peasants
and furnished them with an explanation for
bad crops. Other examples of taboo on iron
are cited by Frazer 44 from Africa, Madagascar,
Corea, and North America.

43 Frazer, G. B., III. 229.
4* Ibid., 225 ff.

[221]

XXIX. THE IDEA OF
REGENERATION

WHILE the idea of regeneration is not
stressed in the old Roman religion,
it is a mistake to suppose that it
appears only with the cults imported from
Greece and the Orient. It is true that the
dominant place occupied by it in some of the
foreign cults resulted in a reconstruction of re-
ligious thought, which, especially in regard to
the spiritual experience of individuals, marks
an epoch in the history of religion. But even
in the early religious observances of Rome there
were practices the whole purpose of which was
the attainment of that communion with deity
which is a basal element in all doctrines of re-
generation. Examples may be found in the
sacred meals connected with the worship of
some Roman gods (page 161). But while the
idea of communion emerged here, it failed to
develop into a medium of personal regeneration.
It did not develop at all. Roman religion
passed more and more under the sway of sacer-
[222]

THE IDEA OF REGENERATION

dotalism, and people came to think of the flaw-
less performance of rites as the chief means
of religious efficacy.

Doubtless this failure of Roman religion
to satisfy the religious longings of indi-
viduals had much to do with the success of
the emotional cults from the East that be-
ginning at the end of the third century be-
fore Christ continued to invade Rome for five
hundred years. Several of these cults stressed
the idea of regeneration and the ultimate at-
tainment of perfect spiritual purity and eternal
felicity in a world beyond the grave. Some of
the more important phases of this attitude as it
manifested itself in the different cults have al-
ready been touched upon in a previous chapter.
It has been pointed out, for example, that in the
worship of the Great Mother a person who had
participated in the taurobolium was believed
to be reborn (page 125). And this idea was
emphasized to such a degree that devotees after
taking part in the rite were not infrequently
treated like infants and their diet restricted for
some time to milk. Moreover, the whole story
of Attis, the associate of the Great Mother,
bears immediately on the doctrine of regenera-
tion. Originally symbolizing the vegetation
[223]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

that dies in the autumn and revives in the
spring, he came to be a symbol of that spiritual
rebirth that all true followers of the cult might
aspire to. Such information as we have about
the rite of the pine-tree felled, carried into
the temple, and regarded as Attis himself
shows clearly that all those who attended were
believed to participate in the regenerative proc-
ess so dramatically represented. 1 And the re-
generation held for the next world as well as
for this. In a word, Attis was a redeemer god.
Initiation into the mysteries of Isis, as we
know from Apuleius, involved a baptism that
washed away the impurities of man's imperfect
nature and made him fit to commune with God.
It is of especial interest that the same word
" reborn " (renatus) is used by Apuleius of
the initiate of Isis as by the followers of the
Great Mother when they wrote the text of the
inscriptions recording the taurobolia. The new
life manifested itself in chastity and devotion
to the service of the goddess. Faithful ad-
herence to the doctrines of the cult assured the
initiate not only happiness in this life but also
everlasting felicity in the next; he was reborn
to righteousness during his mortal span and to

1 Willoughby, Pagan Regeneration, 122.
[224]

THE IDEA OF REGENERATION

immortality under the benign favor of the god-
dess. A dramatic representation of the resur-
rection of Osiris, the husband of Isis, was part
of the mysteries of the cult and in this the
devotees were taught to see the assurance of
their own resurrection to eternal life. 2 For
Osiris also was a redeemer god.

In Mithraism (page 146) the idea of regen-
eration is still more prominent. It is the moti-
vating conception in the long series of prelimi-
nary tests, in the mock killing of the candidate,
in the baptismal rite, and in the sacred meal of
bread and wine. Through the tests, moral as
well as physical, courage and steadfastness were
measured and developed. The pretended kill-
ing symbolized the end of the old impure life
and implied the idea of a resurrection to a
life of new and higher spirituality here and
hereafter. Baptism, either by sprinkling or
immersion, washed away the sins and impuri-
ties of the flesh. And finally the sacred
commemorative meal, so well illustrated by
the relief found at Konjica in Bosnia, brings the
initiate into immediate communion with the
divine Mithras. Data in regard to the details
of many phases of Mithraic ritual are woefully

2 Willoughby, op. cit., 175,
[225]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

inadequate, but some information is available
from ancient authors, especially the Church
Fathers. Among other curious things we are
told that after baptism honey was put on the
tongue of the initiate, apparently in the belief
that it was a medium of spiritual growth. It
is reported also that the initiates were branded
on the forehead as a sign of adherence to the
faith and even as a means of identification by
the god himself. If we could accept Die-
terich's 3 view that part of the contents of a
magical papyrus found in Egypt belongs to a
Mithraic liturgy, we should point to it as at-
testing with an unusual degree of clearness the
importance of the doctrine of regeneration in
Mithraism. But Dieterich has not established
his case. It must, however, be added that while
this document does not refer to Mithraism, it
furnishes incontestable evidence of the preva-
lence of the idea of regeneration in the re-
ligious conceptions of the third and fourth cen-
turies of our era. For in its text we find some
of the most striking expressions of the idea of
spiritual rebirth.

Other influences also were active in the pagan
world in the propagation of the doctrine of re-

3 Eine Mitkrasliturgie.

[226]

THE IDEA OF REGENERATION

generation. The Orphics taught the possibility
of regeneration and final salvation through
cycles of incarnation and purgatorial suffering.
The doctrines of the Neopythagoreans fol-
lowed the same lines. As further evidence of
the prevalence of the idea of regeneration we
may cite the Hermetic literature, for although
the compilation of this Corpus may not have
taken place till the end of the third century,
some of the tractates are as early as the first
century. 4 In these writings, especially in the
dialogue between Hermes and his son Tat, re-
generation has a notably prominent place.

Finally pagan philosophy was helping to
build up the belief in regeneration. Neo-
platonism, which had great influence in the first
three centuries of the Christian era, constructed
as it was on the basis of passages in Plato's
dialogues which dealt with the aspiration of
the soul toward the ultimate source of all that
was good and beautiful, taught the possibility
of purification from sin and the communion of
the soul with God. And Stoicism, which in the
age just before the end of the Republic and
during the first centuries of the Christian era
constituted the religion or at least was the chief

4 Reitzenstein, Poimandres, n ff.

[227]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

ethical control of many Romans of the cultured
class, turned men's minds in the same direction.
The ideas of freeing the soul from evil, of com-
muning with the divine, and even of instan-
taneous regeneration appear in the writings of
the Stoic philosophers. It was from Stoicism
that Cicero drew the phrase " not emended but
transfigured." 5

The theories of regeneration mentioned above
tell their own story, and it is hardly necessary
to point to the similar doctrines that form an
important part of Christian teaching. The
purifying power of baptism, communion with
God through sacred meals or other media, and
the higher spiritual life that could be thus at-
tained, redemption through a god who died and
rose again, hell, purgatory, and heaven are all
parts of the common stock of religious ideas
that were current in the first centuries of the
Christian Church. Large numbers of those
who listened to the early preachers of Christi-
anity were, from their knowledge of the mys-
tery religions, wholly familiar with many of
the doctrines of the new faith. Nor is it pos-
sible or even important to indicate from what
particular source Isiac, Mithraic, Orphic, or

6 O'n whole subject see Willoughby, op. cit., 221 ff., 269 ff.
[228]

THE IDEA OF REGENERATION

other the Christians drew this or that doc-
trine. Justin Martyr's remark on the imita-
tion of Christian rites by the Mithraists has
already been quoted. Perhaps his statement in
regard to the matter was true so far as it went,
but there is every reason to believe that the imi-
tation was not always on one side. In addi-
tion to the fundamental fact of the general
prevalence of the idea of regeneration and
of certain methods of consummating it there
doubtless was inter-action among the different
religions, and what had proved effective propa-
ganda material for one cult was sometimes
adopted by another. For example the branding
of initiates of Mithras on the forehead may
perhaps be the source of the custom that pre-
vailed among some Gnostic sects of branding
adherents on the right ear. And here too we
may see the ultimate origin of the present cus-
tom of making the sign of the cross over candi-
dates for baptism and confirmation.

[229]

XXX. CONCEPTIONS OF THE
AFTER-LIFE

THE ROMANS of the early period had
only the vaguest ideas about the con-
dition and nature of souls after death.
It is, however, clear that they conceived of
them as living, and if not always active, at least
capable of action. In their belief apparently, if
burial rites were properly performed and the
customary offerings at the tomb duly made, the
spirits were likely to be quiescent. But if these
ceremonies were neglected, they would become
hostile. Whatever activity the Romans at-
tributed to them they thought of as being mani-
fested in the affairs of this world, especially in
those of the families to which they belonged.
The idea of a hell does not appear in early Ro-
man religion.

But when Greek religious beliefs became cur-
rent in Rome, the idea of an abode for the
spirits of the dead a place of torture for the
damned and an elysium for the innocent sit-
uated somewhere under the earth became more
and more familiar. Nor can we say that ideas

[230]

CONCEPTIONS OF THE AFTER-LIFE

of this kind existed only among those whose
culture included a knowledge of the literature
and religion of the Greeks. To be sure it was
chiefly through them that such beliefs spread,
but that they did reach many of the less cul-
tured classes seems beyond question. It is
hardly likely that Lucretius would have written
as he did about the horrors and absurdities of
Hades unless there had been in his time a con-
siderable volume of belief of this kind.

Greek influence in this field, however, was
not confined to the spread of such ideas about
the lower world as are found in Homer. Much
more potent was the influence of the Eleusinian
Mysteries and Orphic doctrines. The former
made a profound impression upon Graeco-
Roman society; and Orphism was established
in southern Italy as early as the fifth century
before Christ. It preceded Pythagoreanism in
that region and many of its doctrines were
adopted by the Pythagoreans. Both in the
Eleusinian Mysteries and in Orphism the doc-
trine of hell involves not merely the idea of
punishment for sins committed in this life but
also purgatorial suffering through which one
might ultimately attain purity and that eternity
of happiness which is its reward.

[231]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

Doubtless also the various Greek stories
about descents to hell, such as those of Or-
pheus, who went down to rescue Eurydice,
Dionysus who made the descent in search of
Semele, Theseus and Pirithous who planned to
carry off Persephone herself, and Castor and
Pollux all of which are frequently mentioned
by the Latin poets helped to disseminate the
idea of a hell.

An important document for the study of the
religious attitude of the time is the sixth book
of VirgiPs Aeneid. It is a link between the age
of Augustus and the Christian era. This is
especially true of that passage where the poet
seems to give expression to his belief on the
question of life and death. The lines are of
notable significance. He speaks as though he
were a seer in the highest sense of the word and
were distilling the truth out of the confused
mass of the religious thinking and philosophical
speculation of the age. His period was one of
transition in the history of religion. Prescott x
has aptly said that " the sixth Aeneid is a bridge
between paganism and Christianity." The old
Roman religion had broken down. Thoughtful
men had turned to philosophy. Some of Vir-

1 Prescott, The Development of Virgil's Art, 427.
[232]

CONCEPTIONS OF THE AFTER-LIFE

gil's lines in this part of the sixth book might
serve as an outline of the belief of an advanced
theist of our own day. For example these:

One Life through all the immense creation runs,

One Spirit is the moon's, the sea's, the sun's;

Ml forms in the air that fly, on the earth that creep,

And the unknown nameless monsters of the deep,

"Each breathing thing obeys one Mind's control,

And in all substance is a single Soul.

First to each seed a fiery force is given;

And every creature was begot in heaven;

Only their flight must hateful flesh delay

And gross limbs moribund and cumbering clay.

So from that hindering prison and night forlorn

Thy hopes and fears, thy joys and woes are born,

Who only seest, till death dispart thy gloom,

The true world glow through crannies of a tomb. 2

He had struck a similar note in a passage in the
Georgics (IV. 223 ff.) :

Then since from God those lesser lives began,

And the eager spirits entered into man,

To God again the enfranchised soul must tend,

He is her home, her Author is her End;

N0 death is hers; when earthly eyes grow dim,

Starlike she soars and Godlike melts in Him?

2 Translation by Myers, Essays-Classical, 173.

3 Translation by Myers, ibid.

[233]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

There were other influences also. The cults
of the Great Mother, Isis, and Mithras stressed,
as a telling part of their propaganda, the
certainty of a blessed immortality. Accord-
ing to the teaching of the Mithraists, more-
over, the soul of the devotee, purified by the
rites connected with the seven successive
degrees of initiation, passed through the
seven spheres that lie between the earth and
the upper regions of the sky and found its
final resting-place in a heaven among the fixed
stars. 4

The influence of these pagan cults, together
with that of Jewish teaching for the Jews
also placed the souls of the dead beneath the
earth is manifest in Christian doctrines of
eschatology. Probably the mystery religions,
chiefly through the scenes of their initiation
ceremonies, made the largest contribution to the
building up of those ideas of the ultimate des-
tiny of the soul which from the second or third
century on through the Middle Ages dominated
Christian teaching and have not entirely disap-
peared today. Indeed, in the doctrines of the

4 There is a good discussion of the whole question of
the attitude of the ancients toward the after-life in Clifford
H. Moore's Pagan Ideas oj Immortality during the Early
Roman Empire,

[234]

CONCEPTIONS OF THE AFTER-LIFE

less advanced forms of Christianity there are,
with numerous and manifest modifications and
changes, substantial remains of the old Homeric
ideas of a hell for the wicked and a paradise for
the blessed as well as of those beliefs in regard
to the efficacy of purgatorial suffering which
find their origin in the mystery religions. For
the influence of the Mithraic conception of a
heaven among the fixed stars the case is not so
clear.

Nor is it unlikely that the story of the descent
of Jesus into hell has been influenced by the
stories of similar descents by pagan heroes re-
ferred to above. 5 Those 6 who on the ground
of dissimilarities in the stories scout this theory
as " unproved " and " in the highest degree im-
probable " do not make out a very strong case.
Of course, there are differences in the stories;
in each case pagan or Christian the set-
ting is different. But none the less all the
stories belong to the same class. The descent-
idea was a part of the general fund of religious
ideas in Graeco-Roman times.

5 Clemen, Religions gesch. Erklarung d. N. T.; Gardner,
Exploratio Evangelica, 263-74.

6 See Friedrich Loofs in E. R. E., IV. 651.

[235]

XXXI. MATERIAL REMAINS

MANY material remains of the various
cults practiced by the Romans may
still be seen. These consist of pagan
temples that have been converted into churches;
of statues originally pagan that have been
adapted to Christian usage; of statues, fres-
coes, or mosaics that while belonging to the
Christian era show the influence of pagan art;
and of certain other miscellaneous relics.

i. PAGAN TEMPLES USED AS CHRISTIAN
CHURCHES

OF THE Roman temples taken over by the
Church the most famous was the Pantheon,
erected in the Campus Martius in 27 B.C. by
Agrippa, minister of Augustus. Early in the
seventh century it was dedicated by Pope Boni-
face IV as the church of S. Maria ad Martyres,
and for more than thirteen centuries it has been
used for Christian services. Another example
which in spite of the doubt about the identifica-
tion of the remains may be mentioned, is the
[236]

MATERIAL REMAINS

temple of Augustus, built by Tiberius, part of
which was converted before the sixth century
into the church of S. Maria Antiqua. The
latter was replaced in the ninth century by the
church of S. Maria Nuova, on the site of which
in turn the basilica of S. Maria Liberatrice was
erected in the thirteenth century. 1 The temple
of the deified emperor Antoninus and his wife
Faustina in the Forum became in the seventh
or eighth century the church of S. Lorenzo
in Miranda. The Ionic temple in the Fo-
rum Boarium, possibly a sanctuary of Mater
Matuta, was changed into the church of S.
Maria Egiziaca in 872. The small round tem-
ple in the same neighborhood, which with some
degree of plausibility has been identified as the
temple of Portunus, was the church of S. Ste-
phano Rotondo in the twelfth century, of S.
Stephano delle Carrozze in the sixteenth, and
later became the church S. Maria del Sole.

Nor was it in Rome only that pagan temples
were used for Christian purposes. The so-
called temple of the Sibyl at Tivoli was used as
a church in the Middle Ages. At Cori in the
Volscian hills part of the so-called temple of

1 Plainer and Ashby, Topographical Dictionary of An-
cient Rome, 62 ff.

[237]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

Hercules was incorporated with the church of
S. Pietro. At Nola a temple of Victory became
the church of the martyr Victoria. In the same
town a temple of Apollo was converted into a
church of Christ, and some of the attributes and
functions of the pagan deity were transferred
to his successor. On a promontory near Croton
on the east coast of Bruttium in southern Italy
once stood a temple of Hera, the religious cen-
ter for all the Greek colonies along that coast
and the objective of great pilgrimages, whither
each year a gorgeous procession passed, as in
Athens to the Parthenon. A temple of forty-
eight columns it was, set in a grove of pine-
trees. There was great treasure deposited there
also, which even Hannibal feared to touch.
When the Romans conquered this part of Italy,
they merely changed the name of the goddess
from Hera to Juno Lucina. Then in the fifth
century the Bishop of Croton made the temple
into a church and instead of Juno the Madonna
was worshipped there. But certain features of
the old cult remained. As before, processions
passed to the temple; as before, vows were
made and paid there; as before, women went
there in the crises of their lives. In pagan times
women used to lay down their ornaments before

[238]

MATERIAL REMAINS

the image of Hera or Juno; in a later age
Christian girls did the same when they re-
nounced the world and entered a nunnery. The
temple stood till the sixteenth century. In
Sicily the Madonna has taken possession of
sanctuaries of Ceres and Venus, and the peas-
ants have transferred to her the worship their
forbears once paid to her pagan predecessors.
In the instances cited above it was the actual
pagan building or at least part of it that was
used by the Church. There are many examples
also of pagan religious sites being used for
Christian worship. In some cases this was
nothing more than coincidence, in others there
was some degree of continuity of cult, while
doubtless in still others and this is probably
true also of many of the buildings cited in the
preceding paragraphs the Christians acted
deliberately, glorying in the displacement of
pagan by Christian rites and regarding it as a
sign manifest of the victory of the true religion.
The examples are numerous. About the middle
of the ninth century Pope Leo IV built the
church of S. Maria Nuova in the ruins of the
temple of Venus and Rome in the Forum. This
is now the church of S. Francesca Romana.
The church of SS. Cosma and Damiano is on

[239]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

the site of the temple of the Penates as re-
stored by Augustus. 2 The church of S. Maria
in Cosmedin is built partly on the remains of
an ancient temple, identified by some topog-
raphers as that of Hercules Pompeianus. Sub-
stantial ruins of a temple, the identification of
which is uncertain, lie beneath the church of
S. Niccolo ai Cesarini in the Campus Martius.
In the same region is the church of S. Stephano
del Cacco, which stands on the site of a temple
of Isis and Serapis. Its specific designation
(Cacco, " Baboon ") is derived from the figure
now in the Vatican gallery, which once formed
part of the decoration of the sacred avenue that
led to the double temple. At Terracina on the
coast of Latium the church of S. Caesareo
stands on the site of a temple of Caesar Augus-
tus. The monastery founded on Monte Cassino
by Benedict in the sixth century was built on
the site of a temple of Apollo. Benedict is
said to have driven out the false god Apollo
with holy water and to have established St.
Martin there. Thus the bow-bearing Apollo
yielded to St. Martin, but the bow still remains
as an attribute of the Saint. One of the oldest
churches of the Madonna in Naples is built

12 Platner and Ashby, op. tit., 389,
[240]

MATERIAL REMAINS

on the ruins of a temple of Diana, and it may
easily be that the prayers which matrons today
address to the Madonna do not differ very
much in content from those formerly made to
Diana. In Naples a church of John the Bap-
tist occupied the site of a temple of Antinous,
the favorite of Hadrian, who was deified at the
instance of the latter. The church of S. Resti-
tuta, which adjoins the cathedral in Naples, is
said to be built on the site of a temple of Apollo,
and the ancient columns in the nave are sup-
posed to have originally belonged to that struc-
ture. There is a church of St. Paul in Pozzuoli
on the site of a temple of Castor and Pollux
where statues of Peter and Paul have replaced
the statues of the Dioscuri. At Posilipo the
church of the Madonna del Faro has been built
on the site of a shrine of Venus Eupleia, and
like its pagan prototype is much frequented by
sea-farers. In Nola it was a temple of Jupiter
that yielded its site to the basilica of St. Felix,
wonder-worker and patron of the town. In
Meta near Sorrento there is the church of a
Madonna who performs marvels of healing simi-
lar to those which Minerva Medica formerly
wrought on the same site. In Messina the
church of St. Gregory occupies the site of a

[241]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

temple of Jupiter. At Marsala a church of St.
John has been erected above the cave and magic
spring of an ancient Sibyl, and the place long
retained a reputation for oracular responses.
On the western promontory of Sicily there is a
famous statue of the Madonna on the site of
the ancient temple of Venus Erycina.

2. STATUES, RELIEFS, FRESCOES AND
MOSAICS

IN A few cases ancient statues have been
adapted to Christian worship. The torso of
S. Helena in the church of S. Croce in Gerusa-
lemme, in Rome, probably once belonged to a
statue of Juno with a scepter in the right hand
and a vase in the left. A cross has been sub-
stituted for the scepter and a nail from the cross
for the vase. The figure of S. Sebastiano in
the church of S. Agnese in the piazza Navona
is an adaptation of an ancient statue. A statue
of Ariadne on the banks of a stream near Mon-
teleone in southern Italy is used today as a
representation of S. Venere. The tomb of the
poet Sannazaro in the church of S. Maria del
Parto in Naples has a bas-relief with figures of
Neptune, Pan, and nymphs, and on either side
statues of Apollo and Minerva. It was not till
[242]

MATERIAL REMAINS

the eighteenth century that the Apollo was
inscribed with the name of David and the
Minerva with that of Judith. 3

But although the number of pagan statues
that have been used in Christian worship is
relatively small, there are numerous examples
of the influence of Graeco-Roman art on Chris-
tian representations of divinity or saints. While
there is no possibility that the well-known
statue of St. Peter in his basilica in Rome is an
adaptation of a statue of Jupiter nor any rea-
son for believing that the keys have been sub-
stituted for a thunder-bolt, it doubtless does
show the influence of pagan statues of seated
divinities. To this same Graeco-Roman type
of a seated divinity, if not to an ultimate pro-
totype in Assyrian sculpture, may be traced
also some of the Christian representations of
God the Father as an old man seated on a
throne. Moreover, the pagan multiple-headed
divinities such as Hecate with three, Hermes
with two, three, or four, and Janus with two
heads survived in the Christian representations
of the Trinity with three heads or three faces
and even in those of Satan who is occasionally
depicted with three faces.

3 Landani, Pagan and Christian Rome, 25.

[243]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

While the early type of Christ, without beard,
is thought by some to show reminiscences of
the Graeco-Roman Apollo, there is a much
clearer case of pagan influence in the repre-
sentation of Christ as the Good Shepherd with
a lamb on his shoulders. Going back as it does
to the statue of Hermes carrying a ram (the
original of which seems to have been a priest
bearing a victim to sacrifice), this figure, in its
preservation of the essential elements of the
original with a complete change of symbolism,
constitutes an unusually good example of the
relation of Christian to pagan art. In a num-
ber of paintings and reliefs found in the cata-
combs Orpheus is substituted for the Good
Shepherd. In these he is playing on his lyre
as he watches his flock. In other represen-
tations Orpheus, taming wild animals, sym-
bolizes Christ instructing mankind.

The pagan Sibyls became an important ele-
ment in Christian art. It was believed that the
Sibyl of Tibur had prophesied to Augustus the
coming of Christ, and the traditional explana-
tion of the name of the church of S. Maria in
Aracoeli, erected in the ninth century on the
Capitoline hill, is that it occupies the site of
the altar erected by Augustus after the revela-

[244]

MATERIAL REMAINS

tion. This tradition finds expression in the
companion paintings of Augustus and of the
Sibyl on the walls on either side of the arch
behind the high altar. Michelangelo incor-
porated the Sibyls in his paintings in the Sistine
Chapel; Raphael painted them in the church
of S. Maria della Pace, where they are repre-
sented as recording the revelations imparted
to them by angels; Pinturicchio depicted them
in the Borgia apartments. They appear also in
the Casa Santa at Loreto and in the pavement
of the cathedral at Siena.

There are many other adoptions or adaptions.
Psyche, who already symbolized the soul in
pagan art, was used in the same way by the
Church. Christian sarcophagi of the fourth
and fifth centuries reproduce in their bas-reliefs
pagan scenes of genii busy with the vintage, the
vine here being the true vine. The same decora-
tive motive is employed in the blue mosaics of
the fourth century in the vaulting of the ambu-
latory of S. Costanza. The peacock which be-
longed to the Hera- Juno cult became an emblem
of the resurrection. In pagan art also origi-
nated that extensive use of the nimbus found on
Christian monuments. Among the pagans it
was used in the representation of sun-gods; in

[245]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

some cases rays were made to emanate from the
head; in others the nimbus had the form of a
circular disk behind the head. The Christian
development showed variety of form and greatly
increased frequency of use. Sometimes the
nimbus was circular, sometimes triangular; in
other examples, it was square, in still others
(especially in the case of divine persons) it was
cruciform. It was used for the heads of the
persons of the Trinity, the Madonna, angels,
and saints. The immediate source of the Chris-
tian nimbus may have been the representation
of the sun-god, with rays shooting from his
head, found on monuments of Mithras. How-
ever this may be, Mithraic art is certainly re-
sponsible for other elements on Christian monu-
ments: for example, the images of the sun and
moon, ocean, earth and sky, the signs of the
Zodiac, the winds, and the seasons.

Pagan and Christian motives were often
used together. In the church of S. Andrea,
constructed by Pope Simplicius in the fifth cen-
tury out of the basilica of Bassus on the Es-
quiline hill in Rome, mosaics of Christ and his
apostles were combined with others of Diana,
Hylas, and the Great Mother. These survived
till the sixteenth century. Among the bas-
[246]

MATERIAL REMAINS

reliefs that adorned the side-walls of the church
of S. Martina, built in the ruins of the Secre-
tarium Senatus, an annex to the Senate House,
there was one which represented the emperor
Marcus Aurelius sacrificing to Jupiter. This
is now in the Palazzo dei Conservatori. The
doors of St. Peter's show a strange contrast of
Christian and pagan subjects, for while the
main panels are decorated with Christian mo-
tives, the borders are adorned with such scenes
as Phrixus and Helle on the ram, Europa on the
bull, Ganymede and the eagle, and Leda with
the swan.

That the Christians should have used so
freely the plastic and pictorial inheritance that
had come down to them from Roman times is
not surprising. Their practice presents noth-
ing novel in the history of religion. The ad-
herents of other faiths have done the same.
The followers of Buddha have been equally
quick to adapt the images of the cults which
their faith has superseded. Nor has Christian
practice confined itself to the use of Greek or
Roman images or motives. Leroy-Beaulieu 4
tells us that there is an old Buriat idol in a
monastery on Lake Baikal that has been trans-

4 La religion dans I' empire des Tsars, 113.

[247]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

formed into a statue of St. Nicholas and is wor-
shipped with equal zeal by Christian and non-
Christian devotees.

3. ALTARS AND STREET SHRINES

PAGAN altars sometimes found a place in Chris-
tian churches. Till the eighteenth century an
ancient altar supported the high altar in the
church of S. Teodoro in Rome. Another, in
the church of S. Michele in Gorgo, was adorned
with bas-reliefs of the Great Mother and Attis.
The altar now in the Capitoline museum, which
some devotee of Isis dedicated to the goddess in
gratitude for her protection during a journey,
long stood in the church of Aracoeli, and in the
same place there was another to the goddess
Annona.

4. ANCIENT STANDARDS OF WEIGHT

THE round black stones that may be seen in
some churches in Rome constitute a curious
survival from pagan times. These stones,
sometimes explained in connection with the
martyrdom of saints, are nothing more than
standard weights which the Romans used to
keep in their temples. When churches super-
seded the temples, the weights were transferred,
[248]

MATERIAL REMAINS

and doubtless at first were used for their proper
purpose. In the course of time, however, and
with change of customs their significance was
lost sight of. The best set is that in the church
of S. Maria in Trastevere.

5. THE INSCRIPTION ON THE ARCH 01
CONSTANTINE

EVEN the Arch of Constantine in Rome built
in A.D. 316 to commemorate Constantine's vic-
tory over Maxentius in 312 shows a blend-
ing of pagan and Christian elements. For
while on the most plausible interpretation the
words of the inscription, instinctu divinitatis
(" through the inspiration of God"), ascribe
the victory over the tyrant to the aid of the
God of the Christians, other parts of the arch
are adorned with reliefs taken partly from a
building of the period of Hadrian and partly
from some monument of the Antonine age and
representing scenes of pagan sacrifice. To be
sure, the reference to Christianity lacks defi-
niteness, but probably this was intentional.
It was a compromise between the pagan and
Christian parties in the state. The pagans
could interpret it as a recognition of any god
in their pantheon; to the Christians it meant

[249]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

only Christ. Physically this arch stands at
the beginning of the road that runs between
the Palatine and the Caelian, but spiritually
it marks the parting of the ways in the religious
history of Rome.

[250]

BIBLIOGRAPHY

BIBLIOGRAPHY

i. GENERAL

AUST, A., De aedibus sacris populi Romani. Marburg, 1889.

BOUCHE-LECLERCQ, A,, Histoire de la divination dans I'an-
tiquite. Paris, 1879.

BOULAGE, T. P., Les my stores d'Isis et d'Osiris. Paris, 1912.

BTJREL, J., Isis et Isiaques sous I'empire remain. Paris, 1911.

CARTER, J. B., The Religious Life of Ancient Rome. Boston
and New York, 1911.

CUMONT, F., Textes et monuments figures relatifs aux
mysteres de Mithra. Avec une introduction critique.
Bruxelles, t. i. Introduction, 1899; t. 2. Textes et
monuments, 1896.

CUMONT, F., Les mysteres de Mithra. Bruxelles, igis. 3
English translation of earlier edition by T. J. Mc-
Cormack, Chicago, 1903.

CUMONT, F., Les Religions orientates dans le paganisme
romain. Paris, i93o. s English translation of earlier
edition by Grant Showerman under the title Oriental
Religions in Roman Paganism. Chicago, 1911.

CUMONT, F., Astrology and Religion among Greeks and
Romans. New York, 1912.

CUMONT, F., After Life in Roman Paganism. Lectures de-
livered at Yale University on the Silliman Foundation.
New Haven, 1922.

FOWLER, W. WARDE, The Roman Festivals of the Period
of the Republic. An Introduction to the Study of the
Religion of the Romans. London, 1899.

FOWLER, W. WARDE, The Religious Experience of the
Roman People. From the Earliest Times to the Age of
Augustus. The Gifford Lectures for 1909-10. Lon-
don, 1911.

FOWLER, W. WARDE, Roman Ideas of Deity in the Last
Century before the Christian Era. London, 1914.

[253]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

GASQUET, A. L., Le culte et Us mysteres de Mithra. Paris,
1899.

GRAUXOT, H., Le culte de Cybele, Mere des Dieux, a Rome
et dans V empire romain. Paris, 1912.

GRANGER, F., The Worship of the Romans. London, 1895.

HALLIDAY, W. R., Lectures on the History of Roman Re-
ligion. Liverpool and London, 1922.

HASTINGS, J., Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics. New
York and Edinburgh, 1922.

HEPDING, H., Attis, seine My then und sein Kult. Giessen,
1903.

HERBERMAN, C. G., and others, The Catholic Encyclopedia.
New York, 1907-22.

DE JONG, K. H. E., Das antike Mysterienwesen. Leyden,
1919.2

LAFAYE, G., Histoire du culte des divinitis d f Alexandrie.
Paris, 1884.

LANCIANI, R., Ancient Rome in the Light of Recent Dis-
coveries. Boston and New York, 1888.

LANCIANI, R., The Ruins and Excavations of Ancient Rome.
Boston and New York, 1897.

MACCHIORO, V., Roma Capta. Saggio intorno alia religione
romana. Messina, 1928.

DE-MARCHI, A., // culto privato di Roma antica. . 2 vols.
Milano, 1896-1903.

MARQUARDT, J., Das Sacralwesen (Romische Staatsverwal-
tung, dritter Band, besorgt von Georg Wissowa. Leip-
zig, 1885).

MATT, A., Pompeii: Its Life and Art, Translated into Eng-
lish by F. W. Kelsey. New York, 1907.

MOORE, C. H., Pagan Ideas of Immortality during the Early
Roman Empire. Cambridge (Mass.)? 1918,

MOORE, G. F., History of Religions. 2 vols. New York, 1920.2

PAULY-WISSOWA-KROLL, Real-Encyclopadie der classischen
Altertumswissenschaft. Stuttgart, 1894.

PEASE, A. S., M. Tulli Ciceronis de divinatione libri. With
commentary. In University of Illinois Studies in Lan-
guage and Literature, Vol. VI, nos. 2 and 3, Urbana,
Illinois, 1920, and Vol. VIII, nos. 2 and 3.

[254]

BIBLIOGRAPHY

PLATNER, S. B., The Topography and Monuments of An-
cient Rome. Boston, ign. 2
PLATNER, S. B. 7 A Topographical Dictionary of Ancient

Rome. Completed and revised by Thomas Ashby.

London, 1929.

PRELLER, L., Romische Mythologie. 3. Auflage von H. Jor-
dan. 2 vols. Berlin, 1881-83.
PRESCOTT, HENRY W., The Development of Virgil's Art.

Chicago, 1927.
ROSCHER, W. H., Ausfiihrliches Lexikon der griechischen und

romischen Mythologie. Leipzig, 1884.
ROSE, H. J., Primitive Culture in Italy. London and New

York, 1926.
SAMTER, E., Familienfeste der Griechen und Rb'mer. Berlin,

1901.
SEOWERMAN, GRANT, The Great Mother of the Gods.

Madison, Wisconsin, 1901.
STRONG, MRS. ARTHUR, Roman Sculpture from Augustus to

Constantine. London and New York, 1907.
STRONG, MRS. ARTHUR, Apotheosis and After Life. New

York, 1915.
TOUTAIN, J., Les cultes patens dans Vempire romain. 3 vols.

Paris, 1907-1917.
WISSOWA, G., Religion und Kultus der Romer. Miinchen,

1912.2 In Iwan von Miiller, Handbuch der Klassi-

schen Altertumswissenschaft, V. 4.

2. Or SPECIAL INTEREST FOR THE STUDY OF
SURVIVALS

ANGUS, S., The Environment of Early Christianity. New
York, 1915.

ANGUS, S., The Mystery-Religions and Christianity. A
Study in the Religious Background of Early Christi-
anity. London, 1925.

ANGUS, S., The Religious Quests of the Graeco-Roman
World. A Study in the Historical Background of Early
Christianity. New York, 1929.

BAILEY, CYRIL, The Legacy of Rome (chap, on Religion
and Philosophy, pp. 237-264). Oxford, 1924.

[255]

SURVIVALS OF ROMAN RELIGION

BRAND, J., Observations on the Popular Antiquities of Great
Britain. Revised by Sir Henry Ellis. Bohn's Anti-
quarian Library. 3 vols. London, 1890.

BUDGE, E. H. T. W., Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection.
London, 1911.

CASE, S. J., The Evolution of Early Christianity. Chicago,
1914.

CASE, S. J., The Social Origins of Christianity. Chicago, 1923.

DIETERICH, A., Eine Mithrasliturgie. Leipzig, 1910.

DUCHESNE, L. M. O., Early History of the Christian Church f
from its Foundation to the End of the Fifth Century.
Rendered into English from the fourth edition. Lon-
don, 1909-24.

DUCHESNE, L. M. 0., Christian Worship: Its Origin and
Evolution. A Study of the Latin Liturgy up to the
time of Charlemagne. Translated by M. L. McClure.
London, 1912.

FRAZER, J. G., The Golden Bough. A Study in Magic and
Religion. London, I9U-I922. 3

FRAZER, J. G., The Fasti of Ovid. Edited with a transla-
tion and commentary. 5 vols. London, 1929.

GARDNER, P., Exploratio Ev angelica; A Brief Examination
of the Basis and Origin of Christian Belief. New York,
1899.

GARDNER, P., The Growth of Christianity. London, 1907.

GLASSE, J., The Mysteries and Christianity. Edinburgh,
1921.

GLOVER, T. R., The Conflict of Religions in the Early Ro-
man Empire. London, 1909.2

GLOVER, T. R., Progress in Religion to the Christian Era.
London, 1922.

HALLIDAY, W. R., The Pagan Background of Early Christi-
anity. Liverpool and London, 1925.

HAMILTON, M., Incubation or the Cure of Disease in Pagan
Temples and Christian Churches. London, 1906.

HYDE, W. W., Greek Religion and Its Survivals. In series
Our Debt to Greece and Rome. New York, 1923.

KENNEDY, H. A. A., St. Paul and the Mystery Religions.
New York, 1913.

[256]

BIBLIOGRAPHY

LANCIANI, R., Pagan and Christian Rome. Boston and New

York, 1892.
LEGGE, F., Forerunners and Rivals of Christianity. 2 vols,

Cambridge, 1915.
LOISY, A. F., Les mysteres paiens et le mystere chretien.

Paris, 1921.2
McDANiEL, W. B., Roman Private Life and Its Survivals.

In series Our Debt to Greece and Rome. New York,

1927.
MACCHIORO, V. D., From Orpheus to Paul A History of

Orphism. New York, 1930.
MANNHARDT, W., Antike Wald- und Feld-kulte aus nord-

europdischer Ueberlieferung erlautert. Berlin, 1904-5.2
MOORE, C. H., Ancient Beliefs in the Immortality of the

Soul. In series Our Debt to Greece and Rome. New

York, 1931.

PASCAL, C., Feste e poesie antiche. Milano, 1926.
PETRIE, W. M. FLINDERS, Personal Religion in Egypt before

Christianity. New York, 1909.

REINACH, S., Cults, Myths and Religions. English transla-
tion by Elizabeth Frost. London, 1912.
REITZENSTEIN, R., Die hellenistischen Mysterien-religionen.

Leipzig, 1927.3

ROSTOVTZEFF, M., Mystic Italy. New York, 1928.
SAMTER, E., Geburt, Hochzeit und Tod. Leipzig und Berlin,

1911.
TREDE, TH., Das Heidentum in der rb'mischen Kirche.

Gotha, 1889-91.
TREDE, TH., W under glaube im Heidentum und in der alt en

Kirche. Gotha, 1901.

TYLOR, E. B., Primitive Culture. 2 vols. New York, 1877.2
USENER, H., Das Weihnachtsfest. Bonn, 1889. In Religions-

geschichtliche Untersuchungen, Erster Theil.
WHITEHEAD, P. B., " The Church of SS. Cosma e Damiano,"

in American Journal of Archaeology, XXXI. 1-18

(1927).
WILLOUGHBY, H. R,, Pagan Regeneration. Chicago, 1929.

[257]

CONTRIBUTORS TO THE

"OUR DEBT TO GREECE AND ROME FUND"
WHOSE GENEROSITY HAS MADE POSSIBLE THE LIBRARY

SDrtt to <&uttt attti l&ome

Philadelphia

DR. ASTLEY P. C. ASHHURST

THOMAS G. ASHTON
WILLIAM L. AUSTIN
JOHN C. BELL
HENRY H. BONNELL
JASPER YEATES BRINTON
GEORGE BURNHAM, JR.
JOHN CADWALADER
MORRIS L. CLOTHIER
Miss CLARA COMEGYS
Miss MARY E. CONVERSE
ARTHUR G. DICKSON
WILLIAM M. ELKINS
H. H. FURNESS, JR.
THOMAS S. GATES
WILLIAM P. GEST
JOHN GRLBBEL
Miss M. S. HENCHMAN
EDWARD HOPKINSON, JR.
SAMUEL F. HOUSTON
CHARLES EDWARD INGERSOLL
JOHN STORY JENKS
ALBA B. JOHNSON
Miss NLNA LEA
HORATIO G. LLOYD
GEORGE MCFADDEN
MRS. JOHN MARKOE
J. WILLIS MARTIN
JULES E. MASTBAUM
J. VAUGHAN MERRICK
DAVID MLLNE
EITINGHAM B. MORRIS
WILLIAM R. MURPHY
JOHN S. NEWBOLD
S. DAVIS PAGE (memorial)
ELI EJRK PRICE
OWEN J. ROBERTS
JOSEPH G. ROSENGARTEN
Miss CAROLINE SINKLER
WILLIAM C. SPROUL
JOHN B. STETSON, JR.
DR. J. WILLIAM WHITE (memorial)
GEORGE D. WIDENER
MRS. JAMES D. WINSOR
OWEN WISTER

The Philadelphia Society for the
Promotion of Liberal Studies

Boston

ORIC BATES (memorial)
Miss MARY H. BUCKINGHAM
FREDERICK P. FISH
WILLIAM AMORY GARDNER
JOSEPH CLARK HOPPIN
WILLIAM CALEB LORING
Miss ELLEN F. MASON

Chicago

JOHN C. SHAFFER
HAROLD H. SWIFT
HERBERT W. WOLFF

Cincinnati

HERBERT G. FRENCH
CHARLES PHELPS TAFT

Cleveland
SAMUEL MATHER

Detroit

)HN W. ANDERSON
EXTER M. FERRY, JR.
HENRY G. SHERRARD (memorial)

Doylestown, Pennsylvania
"A LOVER or GREECE AND
ROME"

Kansas City
CHARLES BALRD

Lancaster
WILLIAM H. KELLER

New York

"ANONYMOUS"

JOHN JAY CHAPMAN

OTTO H. KAHN

WILLARD V. KING

THOMAS W. LAMONT

DWIGHT W. MORROW

MRS. D. W. MORROW

Senatori Societatis Philosophiae,
<1>BK, gratias maximas agimits

ELLHU ROOT

MORTIMER L. SCHLTF

WILLIAM SLOANE

GEORGE W. WICKERSHAM

Miss NELLIE C. WILLIAMS

And one contributor, who has
asked to have his name with-
held:

Maecenas atavis edite regions,

et praesiditim et duke decus meum

Providence
JOHN NICHOLAS BROWN

Washington

The Greek Embassy at Washington,
for the Greek Government

SDrtt to 6rtc anti ftomc

AUTHORS AND TITLES

AUTHORS AND TITLES

1. HOMER. John A. Scott \ Northwestern University.

2. SAPPHO. David M. Robinson, The Johns Hopkins

University.

3. EURIPIDES. F. L. Lucas, King's College, Cambridge.

4. ARISTOPHANES. Louis E. Lord, Oberlin College.

5. DEMOSTHENES. Charles D. Adams, Dartmouth College.

6. THE POETICS OF ARISTOTLE. Lane Cooper, Cornell

University.

7. GREEK RHETORIC AND LITERARY CRITICISM. W* Rhys

Roberts, Leeds University.

8. LTJCIAN. Francis G. Allinson, Brown University.

9. CICERO AS PHILOSOPHER. Nelson G. McCrea, Columbia

University.

10. CICERO AND His INFLUENCE. John C. Rolfe, University

of Pennsylvania.

11. CATULLUS. Karl P. Harrington, Wesleyan University.

12. LUCRETIUS AND EPICUREANISM, George Depue Hadzsits,

University of Pennsylvania.

13. OVID. Edward Kennard Rand, Harvard University.

14. HORACE. Grant Showerman, University of Wisconsin.

15. VIRGIL. John William Mackail, Balliol College, Oxford.

16. SENECA, THE PHILOSOPHER. Richard Mott Gummere,

The William Penn Charter School.

17. APULEIUS. Elizabeth Hazelton Haight, Vassar College.

1 8. MARTIAL. Paul Nixon, Bowdoin College,

19. PLATONISM. Alfred Edward Taylor, University of

Edinburgh.

20. ARISTOTELIANISM. John L. Stocks, University of Man-

chester.

AUTHORS AND TITLES

21. STOICISM. Robert Mark Wenley, University of Michigan.

22. LANGUAGE AND PHILOLOGY. Roland G. Kent, University

of Pennsylvania.

23. AESCHYLUS AND SOPHOCLES. J. T. Sheppard, King's

College, Cambridge.

24. GREEK RELIGION. Walter Woodburn Hyde, University

of Pennsylvania.

25. ROMAN RELIGION. Gordon J. Laing, University of

Chicago.

26. MYTHOLOGY. Jane Ellen Harrison , Newnham College,

Cambridge.

27. ANCIENT BELIEFS IN THE IMMORTALITY OF THE SOUL.

Clifford H. Moore, Harvard University.

28. STAGE ANTIQUITIES. James Turney Allen ; University of

California.

29. PLAUTUS AND TERENCE. Gilbert Norwood, University

of Toronto.

30. ROMAN POLITICS. Frank Frost Abbott, Princeton

University.

31. PSYCHOLOGY, ANCIENT AND MODERN. G. S< Brett,

University of Toronto.

32. ANCIENT AND MODERN ROME. Rodolfo Lanciani, Rome.

33. WARFARE BY LAND AND SEA. Eugene S. McCartney,

University of Michigan.

34. THE GREEK FATHERS. James Marshall Campbell, The

Catholic University of America.

35. GREEK BIOLOGY AND MEDICINE. Henry Osborn Baylor,

New York.

36. MATHEMATICS. David Eugene Smith, Teachers College,

Columbia University.

37. LOVE OF NATURE AMONG THE GREEKS AND ROMANS.

H. R. Fairclough, Leland Stanford Junior University.

38. ANCIENT WRITING. B. L. Ullman, University of Chicago.

39. THE FINE ARTS. Arthur Fairbanks, formerly of the

Museum of Fine Arts, Boston.

AUTHORS AND TITLES

40. ARCHITECTURE. Alfred M. Brooks, Swarthmore College.

41. ENGINEERING. Alexander P. Gtf/, Rensselaer Polytechnic

Institute.

42. MODERN TRAITS IN OLD GREEK LIFE. Charles Burton

Gulicky Harvard University.

43. ROMAN PRIVATE LIFE. Walton Brooks McDaniel,

University of Pennsylvania.

44. GREEK AND ROMAN FOLKLORE. William Reginald

Halliday^ University of Liverpool.

45. GREEK AND ROMAN EDUCATION. J. F. Lobson,

University of Bristol. '

GREEK POLITICS.

GREEK HISTORIANS.

ROMAN HISTORIANS. GugUelmo Ferrer v, Florence.

ROMAN LAW. Roscoe Pound, Harvard Law School.

ROMAN POETRY AND ITS INFLUENCE UPON EUROPEAN

CULTURE. Paul Shorey, University of Chicago.
ROMAN RHETORIC AND LITERARY CRITICISM.
CHRISTIAN LATIN WRITERS .
Music.

ASTRONOMY AND ASTROLOGY.
ECONOMICS AND SOCIETY.

128273