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Full text of "Suvoroff"

SUVOROFF 



BY 

LlEUT.-COLONEL SPALDING, 



LONDON CHAPMAN AND HALL 

LIMITED. 

1890. 
\_All nA/j reserved. \ 



LONDON : 

PRINTED BY GILBERT AND RIVINGTON, LIMITED, 
ST. JOHN'S HOUSE, CLERKENWELL ROAD. 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER I. PAGE 

CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH i 

CHAPTER II. 
FIRST POLISH WAR 12 

CHAPTER III. 
FIRST TURKISH WAR 38 

CHAPTER IV. 
STEPPE WARFARE . . .55 

CHAPTER V. 
SECOND TURKISH WAR 72 

CHAPTER VI. 
SECOND POLISH WAR .106 

CHAPTER VII. 
THE ADDA AND THE TREBBIA 126 

CHAPTER VIII. 
THE BATTLE OF Novi 163 

CHAPTER IX. 
SWITZERLAND 188 

CHAPTER X. 
CONCLUSION . 212 



SUVOBOFF. 

CHAPTER I. 

CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH. 

ALEXANDER SUVOROFF was born in Moscow on the 
24th November, 1729, in the same year as his great 
benefactress the Empress Catherine. His family was 
of Swedish extraction. In 1622 one Suvor crossed 
the Baltic and, settling in Northern Russia, left descen- 
dants who became faithful subjects of the Czars. 
Basil Suvoroff, his father, likewise a soldier, attained the 
grade of general and the dignity of senator. He was, 
it appears, well-educated for those times, having actually 
translated Vauban's works into Russian. He lived 
during Suvoroff's childhood in retirement, either at 
Moscow or at the family estate at Rojdestveno in its 
vicinity. It was the reign of the Empress Anne, whose 
minister and favourite, the notorious Biron, gradually 
drove all Russians from office in favour of his German 
countrymen. Fortunate were they who, forgotten in 
the obscurity of exile, escaped persecution. Basil 
Suvoroff was among the number, and employed his 
leisure on the education of his son. On the accession of 

B 



2 SUVOROFF. 

Elizabeth, however, he was restored to active employ- 
ment, and occupied important posts during the Seven 
Years' War. Young Sasha (or Sandy) being a sickly 
child and of small stature, was destined for a civil career. 
In those days it was customary to enroll children of 
noble parents in regiments as privates generally in 
the Guards and frequently at their very birth ; thus 
when they were old enough to join they had become 
officers. This was not done in Sasha's case for the 
above reason ; so he had to join as private and work 
through all the military grades. This placed him at a 
disadvantage, in one respect, but the completeness of 
his professional knowledge was due to the circum- 
stance. 

Notwithstanding physical frailty, Sasha burned with 
martial ardour. Bodily defects he tried to remedy by 
continual exercise and exposure to hardship. The 
tedious leisure hours of country life were devoted to 
military history and the memoirs of great commanders. 
Plutarch, Quintus Curtius, Cornelius Nepos, and Caesar 
were his favourite authors. His model hero, however, 
was Charles XI I., to whose character his own bore some 
resemblance ; though the prudence which tempered his 
valour might seem foreshadowed by his partiality for 
the campaigns of Montecuccoli. Nor was his attention 
monopolized by military subjects, for he is said to have 
perused the philosophical writings of the day. He was 
a good linguist, or he could not, in that age, have been 
an extensive reader ; for the day of Russian literature, 
had not yet dawned. He read French, German, Polish, 
and Italian in youth, acquired other tongues subse- 
quently, and still more remarkable accomplishment in 



CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH. 3 

those days he spoke and wrote his native Russian with 
elegance and propriety. But the father grew discon- 
tented with his studious son, being of opinion that he 
spent too much time in his chamber, poring over books 
and maps, for he rarely appeared in the family circle. 

Sasha was now twelve years old and the question had 
to be decided : Was he to be a soldier ? The father 
adhered to his own views ; but the son was obstinately 
bent on a military career. And thus the point was 
decided. An old comrade of the father's, a General 
" Hannibal," resided in the neighbourhood. He was a 
negro ; had been carried off from the shores of Africa in 
childhood and purchased in the slave-market in Con- 
stantinople by the Russian ambassador, who sent him 
as a present to Peter the Great. The Czar caused him 
to be baptized " Hannibal," educated in France, and 
placed in the Russian army, in which he attained the 
rank of general, dying at the ripe old age of ninety-two. 
One day this dusky warrior, calling on the elder 
Suvoroff, heard him complain about Sasha's unsociable 
behaviour. " Where is he ?" asked Hannibal, " I will 
go speak to him." " Up in his bedroom as usual," 
replied the father. Hannibal soon discovered the 
culprit amid maps, classical authors, histories, and 
biographies ; but was so charmed with the evidence of 
precocious talent which was thus afforded, that he inter- 
ceded with Suvoroff, and finally persuaded him to allow 
Sasha to pursue the career of his choice.* 

In 1741 then, at twelve years of age, young Sasha was 



* Hannibal was a maternal ancestor of Pushkin's. The poet's 
features bear witness to his Moorish descent. 

B 2 



4 SUVOROFF. 

enrolled in the Simeonowsky regiment of Guards, and 
during the five ensuing years was instructed in the mili- 
tary profession under his father's roof and supervision. 
At the expiration of this term, that is, at the age of 
seventeen, he joined his regiment as a private, and, we are 
informed, performed the duties of that humble rank in 
an exemplary manner. Such was his zeal that he 
cleaned his arms and accoutrements with his own hands, 
instead of employing a batman, as custom permitted. 
True, he did not reside in barracks, but outside that he 
might prosecute his studies undisturbed ; yet he loved 
their precincts and mixed freely with the soldiery, among 
whom he spe'edily became a favourite. Passionately 
fond of drill, he would persuade his comrades to do a 
little privately "just to oblige him." The character of 
the man was foreshadowed in the conduct of the youth. 
He affected a laconic style in speech and correspon- 
dence ; would reply to importunate interrogators, 
" Ucheess" or " Find out ;" and here is a specimen of his 
correspondence with his father : " Hail, I am serving 
and studying. Alexander Suvoroff." His comrades 
looked upon him as a cJmddk, or " oddity ; " and not 
unnaturally. For, when taunted with unsociability, he 
used to retort that he could not abandon old friends for 
new. His old friends were Quintus Curtius, Caesar, and 
the rest. Persistent in study, he not only learnt the 
army regulations by heart, and hammered away at drill, 
but obtained moral influence over his fellows main- 
spring of his power in after years. These early pecu- 
liarities deserve notice, as bearing on the question : To 
what extent were they adopted for a purpose, and how 
far the result of individual temperament ? 



CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH. 5 

A piece of luck soon befell this " oddity." When on 
sentry at Monplaisir, a kind of summer pavilion by the 
sea-shore at Peterhof, he attracted the notice of the 
Empress Elizabeth. Promenading in the gardens, she 
passed his post, when the young soldier saluted so 
smartly that the imperial lady, in spite of his low 
stature," was struck by his appearance and inquired his 
name, on learning which she exhorted him to become 
as good a soldier as his father before him, and presented 
him with a silver rouble. But the young sentry replied 
that it was against orders to accept money when on 
duty. Whereupon she, "patting him on the cheek," 
exclaimed : " Ah, my fine fellow you know your duty," 
placed the coin on the ground, and told him to pick it 
up when relieved. In this he did not fail, nor to preserve 
it with veneration to the end of his days. About this 
time he essayed composition, made verses, and contri- 
buted to the only periodical his country then boasted. 
His article was entitled " Conversations in the Realms 
of the Dead," and being signed with the initial S., was 
attributed to Sumarokoff, then considered a literary 
master, and it was in consequence extravagantly lauded. 
Alexander the Great is represented as exhorting Hero- 
stratus to observe the difference between true glory and 
an insane desire for notoriety. Montezuma inculcates 
on Herman Cortes that " mercy is indispensable to the 
character of a hero." 

Not till 1754 was Suvoroff, being then twenty-five 
years of age, promoted lieutenant in a marching regi- 
ment. His advancement was thus slow at first in com- 
parison with luckier contemporaries. Yet fortune not 
unfrequently redresses her wrongs with extreme rapidity, 



6 SUVOROFF. 

and in 1757, three years after his first commission, we 
find him a lieutenant-colonel. It was the second of the 
Seven Years' War, and he was appointed commandant 
of Memel, an important post on the Russian line of 
communications. His uncommon educational attain- 
ments procured him the post, but, his duties being, 
chiefly connected with supply, his impatience whilst 
the echoes of the cannon of Gross Jagerndorf and 
Zorndorf were resounding through Europe may be 
conceived. In the end his reiterated prayer was 
granted, and in the summer of 1759 he joined Sol- 
tikoffs army on the eve of the battle of Kuners- 
dorf. He was attached to the staff of General Fermor, 
commanding the right wing of the Russians, and greatly 
distinguished himself during the action. He was 
even charged with that offence to which staff officers are 
said to be prone excess of zeal in leading the troops, 
and defrauding their regimental comrades of the laurels 
which are their due. The assertion may well be true, 
for the conflict was obstinate and tumultuous, while 
Suvoroff s nature was pushing and impetuous. But the 
Russian army has always been under-officered ; there 
is room for all, and possibly no ill blood was stirred on 
the occasion. His conduct won him the admiration of 
Fermor, which was heightened by his abrupt excla- 
mation when the Prussians broke and fled, " To Berlin ! 
to Berlin ! there is the kernel of the nut which has 
broken our teeth !" But this great victory was barren 
of result. The following year, however, he tasted the 
satisfaction which was then denied him by accompanying 
the force which occupied the Prussian capital. 

In 1761 Suvoroff 's abilities became conspicuous in what 



CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH. ^ 

are termed the minor operations of war. Near Reichen- 
bach he defeated Frederic's advance-guard under General 
Knobloch, and since then was almost continuously 
employed at the outposts. The Russian General had 
found his man, and SuvorofFs rank was not yet so 
exalted as to expose him to jealousy ; but his exploits 
were all confined to partisan warfare, and history as a 
rule is oblivious of such details, which live alone in the 
memories of friends and biographers. They escape the 
chronicler's eye and are quickly lost in the great current 
of events. Perhaps his most brilliant deed of arms was 
at Landsberg, on the Wartha. When SoltikofFs suc- 
cessor, Buturlin, abandoned his Austrian allies before 
Bunzelwitz and retired across the Oder, Frederic des- 
patched 10,000 men under Platen to pass round the left 
of the Russians, destroy their magazines on the Polish 
frontier and proceed to the relief of Kolberg, which was 
besieged by a Russian army under Rumantzoff.* 
Though Platen had the start by two days, Buturlin, 
informed of his movements, hurried off a force under 
General Berg to protect his communications. Suvoroff 
was placed in command of the advance-guard, and 
though the Prussians destroyed a reserve column of 
supplies, he cut them off from the great depot of Posen, 
intercepting them by forced marches, and blocking their 
further advance. Platen then directed his march towards 
Pomerania by the left bank of the Wartha, followed by 
the Russians on the right. Suvoroff, aware that the 
enemy must cross the river by the bridge of Landsberg, 
decided on opposing his passage with a hundred 

* Commonly misspelt " Romanzoff." 



8 SUVOROFF. 

Cossacks. He swam the Netze at Driesen and at dawn 
appeared before Landsberg, having marched thirty miles 
during the night. Having captured some Prussian 
hussars who were posted in the town, he demolished the 
bridge before the enemy appeared on the opposite bank. 
Platen had to effect the passage in boats and the delay 
thus occasioned enabled the Russians to overtake him. 
The importance of this movement becomes apparent 
when we consider that the Russians, marching by the 
right bank of the Wartha, described an arc, while their 
opponents traversed its chord. Near Arnswald, during 
a tempest, Suvoroff lost his way at night in a wood, 
having no escort but two Cossacks. Wandering at 
haphazard, he stumbled on the pickets of a Prussian 
foraging party under Colonel De la Motte Courbi&re. 
Without losing his presence of mind he marked the 
spot, reconnoitered its approaches and turning his horse's 
head in the opposite direction, soon found himself in the 
midst of his troops, whom, without a moment's loss of 
time, he led forth in quest of the enemy. His Cossacks 
were routed by the Prussian hussars, but rallying them 
he not only put to flight the enemy's horse, but charging 
their infantry, broke their squares and compelled them 
to lay down their arms. At the conclusion of the 
campaign General Berg thus recorded his opinion : 
" Suvoroff is rapid and daring in reconnaissance, bold in 
action, and he never loses his presence of mind." 

" Gentlemen, remember that success of war depends 
on three things : a correct eye, rapidity, and dash'' Such 
was the maxim which Suvoroff habitually impressed on 
the minds of his subordinates. Steadfastly adhering 
thereto through a career which was never tarnished by 



CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH. 9 

defeat, though in the face of greatly superior numbers, 
the uninterrupted success which he enjoyed begets a 
curiosity regarding those moral qualities which render 
their possessor capable of deeds beyond the reach 
of ordinary men. Suvoroff executed no elaborate 
manoeuvres. Reaching the scene of action, he detected 
the enemy's weak point instantaneously, and directed 
the attack without a moment's vacillation. Such prompt 
decision has the air of inspiration, engenders equal con- 
fidence in others and prepares the victory. Hence the 
braggart spirit he displays, which as we proceed grows 
in intensity. He boasts he knows not the meaning of 
"retreat, fatigue, hunger, cold," himself being physically 
so feeble as to bend under the weight of his own sabre. 
But, seeing how carefully he studied the Russian soldiers, 
and the unbounded influence he possessed over them, 
we may safely assume that this style of address was 
calculated to arouse the dormant heroism of their breasts. 
It was, in fact a stratagem of war. 

His activity was now brought to a temporary standstill. 
On the 5th of January, 1762, the Empress Elizabeth 
expired, and was succeeded by Peter III., her nephew. 
Notorious is the partiality which this prince entertained 
for the Great Frederic, with the consequent court 
intrigues which, combined with the ill-health of the late 
Empress, had trammelled the action of the Russian 
armies during the war. Peter not only made peace but 
common cause with the Prussian sovereign, and his troops 
were actually seen 'ranged under the banners which 
shortly before had been the foe's. But the interlude 
was brief. In July of the same year he perished, and 
was succeeded by his consort, the able Catherine, who 



io SUVOROFF. 

forthwith ordered her troops' return home. Russia with- 
drew from further participation in the war, and Suvoroff, 
was fortunate enough to be selected to carry to the 
Empress the despatches which acknowledged the receipt 
of her orders. He was graciously received by Catherine, 
who possessed that rare endowment so indispensable for 
a ruler of mankind, the faculty of selecting talent from 
the mass of mediocrity. Promoted Colonel, he received 
command of the Astrakhan Grenadiers, but was soon 
after transferred to the Soozdal Regiment then quar- 
tered at Ladoga. 

Six uneventful years of peace and the dull round of 
regimental duty ensued, their monotony relieved only 
by an occasional field-day at Tsarskoe Selo. Here, on 
one occasion, the Empress, then in her prime, appeared 
at the head of 30,000 men, attired in the uniform of the 
Preobrajensky Guards, and to Suvoroff and his regiment 
was entrusted the guard of her person. This tranquil 
interval was, we are assured, turned to excellent account, 
for rarely did Suvoroff, though in the field, pass a day 
without devoting a portion of it to reading. Now and 
then he enlivened the monotony of existence by freaks 
such as the following : On the march to Petersburg 
with his regiment he passed by a monastery a building 
which, in Russia, closely resembles a fortress when sud- 
denly, and as by inspiration, forming columns of attack, 
he advanced at the double, and storming the walls, his 
men swarmed in, to the horror and confusion of its 
peaceful inmates. The superior laid his complaints at 
the feet of the Empress, who merely remarked with a 
smile: "Never mind Suvoroff. I understand him." 
Such proceedings, it is true, familiarized his men with 



CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH. 11 

the possibilities of war; but his object lay deeper. Aware 
that talents, however great, may languish for ever in 
obscurity unless brought into prominence by adventitious 
means, he resolved at all hazards to mark himself off 
from the common herd. To rivet the attention of man- 
kind and the Empress, from whom proceeded all good 
things, he had neither riches, good looks, nor exalted 
birth. He assumed the part of a buffoon to captivate 
the public gaze. It was consistently played out and by 
force of habit became a second nature to him. 



CHAPTER II. 

FIRST POLISH WAR. 

IN the year 1768 troubles in Poland interrupted the dull 
monotony of Suvoroff's garrison life. Before following 
his career in that country a brief summary of the events 
which led to its First Partition seems needful. 

The fall of Poland maybe traced to the fact that while 
the various States of Europe were gradually emerging 
from mediaeval anarchy through the consolidation of 
the royal power, that kingdom was undergoing a con- 
trary process the nobility were constantly encroaching 
on the rights of the Crown. Scotland and Sweden en- 
dured the miseries of feudal tyranny till late in the six- 
teenth century, but Poland had not freed herself from 
them late in the eighteenth. Commerce being carried 
on by the Jews, she possessed no middle class to whom 
the Crown might look for support against the aristocracy; 
and thus she became in the end a pure oligarchy, in 
which king and people were alike powerless. In the 
days when she was great her monarchs enjoyed absolute 
authority; but the dynasty of the half-mythical Piasts 
became extinct A.D. 1370, in the person of Casimir the 
Great, who was succeeded by their representative in the 
female line, Lewis L, King of Hungary, a descendant of 
Charles of Anjou, the conqueror of Naples. The nobility 



FIRST POLISH WAR. 13 

seized the occasion to extort the pacta conventa from the 
Crown, the provisions of which still further reduced its 
prerogatives ; while, to purchase the succession of his 
daughter to the throne, the newly-elected king added 
still more ample concessions. The hereditary principle 
was rudely shaken by these transactions, nor was the 
monarchy long in becoming purely elective. Lewis was, 
according to his wish, succeeded in this Polish throne by 
Hedwig, his daughter, who was wedded to Jagailo, or 
Jagellon, Grand Prince of Lithuania, the founder of the 
dynasty which in history commemorates his name. 
When Russia lay prostrate beneath the Tartar yoke, 
Lithuania, under the conqueror Gedimin, had made 
extensive acquisitions at the expense of her neighbour, 
and these provinces, united to Poland personally under 
Jagellon, but subsequently by a legal compact (1569), 
became in course of time the subject of renewed con- 
tention. For Russia, waxing powerful under the steady 
and uniform despotism of her Tsars, longed to recover 
the territory which had been snatched from her in the 
day of adversity ; whilst the increasing weakness and 
anarchy of Poland formed a standing temptation for her 
to gratify these desires. Sigismund of Sweden, grandson 
of the famous Gustavus Vasa, followed, after the brief 
but glorious interlude of Stephen Bathori's reign,* the 
last of the Jagellons upon the throne ; but, in 1668, his 
son, John Casimir, abdicated it in despair, after fore- 
telling the ruin which intestine commotion would bring 
upon his country. Each demise of the Crown was 



* That of Henrylof Valois can hardly be reckoned as such. 



i 4 SUVOROFF. 

made the pretext for renewed encroachment on its 
authority ; till, at last, the highest bidder among the 
neighbouring potentates secured the coveted prize by 
corrupting the most influential among the nobility; for 
its possession by a foreign ruler enabled him to intrigue 
for the ruin of the country. The glorious annals of the 
reign of John Sobieski formed a brilliant episode amid 
the ever-thickening gloom which gathered round the 
destinies of Poland, but the Saxon dynasty which 
followed him laid her bound hand and foot at the feet of 
Russia, who henceforward nominated her candidates for, 
and carried through their election to, the regal dignity. 
In 1764 Catherine II. caused her favourite, Stanislas 
Poniatowski, to be chosen king. Yet the epoch of 
Russian interference had but commenced. The Empress, 
possessing a pliant tool in her nominee king, soon dis- 
covered a plausible pretext for intervention in the 
question of religious freedom. The doctrines of the 
Reformation had found a ready and wide acceptance 
among the Polish nobility, though the wealth and 
influence of the Church remained in the hands of the 
priesthood of the ancient faith, a circumstance which 
soon led to repudiation of the tolerance which had been 
guaranteed to the Dissidents on the accession of Henry 
ofValoisin 1573- The Jesuits, who infested the land, 
used this advantage so skilfully, that in brief space they 
managed to effect the exclusion of Dissidents from all 
public employ. Crying grievances such as these 
Catherine resolved to turn to account. She instructed 
her envoy at the Court of Stanislas to demand the repeal 
of the obnoxious edict of exclusion, but, though sup- 
ported in this step by the Protestant Powers, Repnin, as 



FIRST POLISH WAR. 15 

Catherine from the first anticipated, met with a decided 
refusal from the Diet, who were instigated thereto by the 
clergy. Armed confederacies the constitution sanc- 
tioned these as lawful means of expressing discontent 
with the executive assembled to enforce the rights of 
the Dissidents All of them there were about two 
hundred coalesced at Radom under the leadership of 
the notorious Prince Charles Radzivill, a Lithuanian 
magnate of immense wealth and a personal enemy of 
the King's. But Repnin having in the meantime 
bullied the Diet into acquiescence with his demands, a 
new confederacy forthwith assembled at Bar, in Podolia, 
which pronounced the deposition of Stanislas for con- 
ceding those very liberties on which they themselves had 
not long ago so loudly insisted. Unable to suppress 
with his own unaided forces so formidable an insurrec- 
tion, the King appealed to Catherine for assistance, and, 
as may be conceived, his request met with joyful com- 
pliance. The Confederates of Bar were declared rebels 
by royal proclamation, while the Empress quietly 
prepared to set her forces in motion. In the winter of 
1768 a division was concentrated at Smolensk, then 
close to the frontier of Poland, and placed under the 
orders of General Nummers, in readiness to take the 
field with the advent of spring. The Soozdal regiment 
under Suvoroff was among those which were ordered to 
that town, where its chief was placed in command of a 
brigade with the corresponding rank. Having performed 
the march from Ladoga to Smolensk, a distance of 500 
miles in thirty days, he arrived at the rendezvous a 
whole month earlier than expected. Nevertheless, 
during the interval he found time to instruct his men in 



1 6 SUVOROFF. 

the various duties connected with actual warfare, even 
target practice, although he constantly exhorted them to 
trust to the bayonet. " The bullet is a hag, the bayonet 
a hero," was his favourite saying. On the march he was 
ever beside the column cracking jokes with the men, and 
diverting them by curious antics. His system would 
have struck the strick martinet with dismay. There 
were no halts made to allow the rear of the column to 
"close up." "The head must not wait for the tail," was 
a maxim which he constantly followed during the 
irregular warfare which engaged him for many years to 
come. " Stragglers," he averred, " were good riddance ; 
the best men kept up ; time was worth more than 
numbers." Yet he could adapt his methods to circum- 
stances. At this period the forces he directed were 
numerically weak and the inconveniences of such a 
system were not much felt. Essen, the Saxon envoy at 
Warsaw, estimated the Russian troops then in Poland at 
15,000, but added that they gave themselves out as 
double that strength to conceal their weakness. Leaving 
Suvoroff at Smolensk diligently employing the winter 
months in the instruction of his brigade, let us glance 
at the theatre of war in which he is about to act. 
Poland (the name probably derived from the Slavonic 
polie\ a plain or field) consists of one vast plain which 
extends from the shores of the Baltic to the base of the 
Carpathian mountains. Lying but little below the 
level of the sea, it must have been submerged beneath 
it at no remote period, since fragments of boats have 
been found imbedded in the earth very far inland. 
Consequently, marshes abound ; the rivers and streams 
are broad, sluggish, and deep; while extensive woods of 



FIRST POLISH WAR. 17 

fir occupy the intervals between these liquid obstacles 
to locomotion. The roads, to describe the country as it 
existed at that time, were very bad, or to speak more 
correctly, if we except the highways which united the 
principal towns, they had no existence. The wayfarer 
either found himself ankle-deep in sand, or engaged in 
the passage of a morass on a causeway of branches and 
trunks of trees. The villages were sparse and wretched, 
and consisted but of a few poor huts ; while the towns 
might have perhaps equalled in size, but certainly not 
convenience, a modern village. The castles of the 
nobility and the monasteries were in point of fact so 
many fortresses in which their proprietors sought pro- 
tection from the inroads of the Tartars and Cossacks 
who infested south-eastern Europe. Supplies both for 
man and beast, always inadequate, were exhausted after 
the first month of hostilities, when the face of the country 
assumed the aspect of an inhospitable wilderness. The 
difficulties to be overcome by bodies of regular troops, 
however small, operating in such a country may be con- 
ceived ; while, as to large masses, it was totally impos- 
sible to feed them. On the other hand the facilities for 
waging guerilla warfare were proportionally great. We 
shall observe how Suvoroff, by the rapid movement of 
small bodies of troops, overcame the difficulties incident 
to the situation. 

Russia, for the time being, was in no position to 
maintain large bodies of troops in Poland. The Porte, 
instigated by the French minister Choiseul, who secretly 
assisted the Polish confederations to embarrass Russia, 
was threatening war and at last seized on the pretext of 
a slight violation of her territory to declare it. It was 

c 



1 8 SUVOROFF. 

late in 1768, and no hostilities took place till the follow- 
ing year, though Russia was compelled to concentrate 
her forces to provide for the safety of her borders. 
Troops which might have been poured into Poland 
were stationed on the banks of the Dniester, which 
then formed the boundary between the two empires. 
In this neighbourhood the destinies of Poland were 
really to be decided. The confederate cause languished 
and again revived according to the vicissitudes of the 
strife which raged in Bessarabia. In the spring of 1769 
the Moslem armies, advancing to the Dniester, were 
confronted on the opposite bank by the Russians under 
Prince Galitzin. That conflict of the " one-eyed with 
the blind," over which Frederic the Great made merry, 
was then witnessed. Incapacity of the grossest kind on 
either hand terminated with the retirement of the Otto- 
man forces south of the Danube. 

As long as the chances of victory hung evenly in the 
balance the Polish confederates, inspirited by the Porte's 
intervention in their favour, saw in imagination the 
intruding Muscovite defeated and driven back to his own 
borders. The invaders of Poland were at this time 
commanded by General Weimarn who, fixing his head- 
quarters at Warsaw, awaited with much apprehension a 
popular insurrection such as that which in 1830 delivered 
the capital into the power of the national forces. Soli- 
citous for the support of Nummers' division, he directed 
that officer to expedite his movements, in consequence 
of which, on reaching Minsk, then a border-town, 
Suvoroff was sent ahead of the main body with his own 
regiment and a couple of squadrons of dragoons. To 
save time the infantry proceeded in country carts with 



FIRST POLISH WAR. ig 

fixed bayonets in momentary expectation of attack, and 
in two echelons, though this division of force was fraught 
with danger, for the confederates infested the neighbour- 
hood. At Brest (in Polish Brzesc-Litewski) he surprised 
and captured without bloodshed two Polish regiments 
which had embraced the confederate cause. He reached 
Praga, the suburb of Warsaw lying on the right bank of 
the Vistula, a distance of 400 miles, in twelve days ; in 
fact, before the despatch which announced his departure 
had reached its destination. He found the capital in a 
state of ferment. It was rumoured that Marshal Kotlu- 
bowski * was approaching with a force of 8000 men, and 
that the populace but awaited his arrival to rise in open 
revolt. Suvoroff at once started with a detachment 200 
strong to reconnoitre the enemy, and, after ascending 
the left bank of the Vistula for about five miles, he 
descried their vedettes on the opposite side of the stream. 
Having discovered a ford and crossed with fifty Cossacks 
and a squadron of dragoons, he attacked and routed the 
enemy; but subsequently ascertained from prisoners 
that a force of no more than 400 mounted volunteers, 
which rumour had magnified into a strong division, had 
been opposed to him. 

It is difficult to over-estimate the invigorating and 
tranquillizing influence of a resolute, fearless spirit like 
SuvorofFs in moments of panic, terror, and confusion. 
No sooner had the scare occasioned by Kotlubowski 
been dispelled than news arrived that the brothers 
Frank and Casimir Pulawski were marching on Brest- 



* This title indicated no military rank. It denoted the president 
of a confederacy. 

C 2 



20 SUVOROFF. 

Litovski at the head of 2000 horse. Suvoroff, ever on 
the alert, started with 1200 men and eight guns for that 
town an important strategic point commanding the 
passage of the Bug and reached it before the enemy 
could do so. Leaving one half his force in garrison, he 
pressed forward with the rest to seek the foe, and it is 
a significant fact that, whilst he was thus risking all 
with a handful of 600 men, two other Russian generals 
each at the head of 1500 men were timidly observing 
events from a distance. So little indeed did Suvoroff 
appear to value his antagonist that he requested no help 
from them before beginning the attack, though it is 
possible that he shunned his colleagues to avoid being 
superseded in the command. Taking with him a patrol 
of 60 dragoons, under Count Castelli, whom he came 
across by chance, he made straight for the enemy, who 
were posted at a village named Orechowo. " I learnt," 
he wrote, " that they were carelessly posted in a bad 
position, crowded in an open space in the wood not far 
from the village." The front was protected by a marsh, 
across which a causeway led to a bridge which was 
swept by two pieces of cannon. Suvoroff, having 
stormed the bridge, passed his men rapidly across to the 
opposite side, where he posted them with their backs to 
a wood, into which in case of defeat they might retire 
unmolested by the enemy's cavalry. Hardly had they 
assumed this position when the avalanche of horsemen 
swept down upon them. A fierce struggle ensued ; but 
the Russian squares were steady as rocks and their 
assailants at length withdrew to reform their shattered 
ranks at a distance. Suvoroff profited by the momen- 
tary calm to shell the village which lay behind them. 



FIRST POLISH WAR. 21 

When he saw the flames ascending, a general advance 
was ordered, and the Polish horse, alarmed by a con- 
flagration which threatened to bar their retreat, de- 
camped with precipitation. Their flight was gallantly 
covered by a squadron under Frank Pulawski who, 
while in single combat with Castelli, was stretched 
lifeless by a shot from the pistol of his opponent. An 
episode highly illustrative of Suvoroff's character 
occurred during the earlier moments of the combat. 
When the sea of horsemen came surging round the 
Russian squares an officer exclaimed, " We are cut off !" 
when Suvoroff at once placed him in arrest, in order to 
check the spread of panic in the ranks. This victory 
quelled the spirit of revolt in the surrounding district. 

Suvoroff now fixed his head-quarters at Lublin, where 
he was joined by the remainder of his brigade from 
Warsaw a central point in the Poland of those days. 
This town lies midway between the Vistula and Bug, and 
forms a knot where the principal roads unite. Its walls, 
though dilapidated, were strengthened by a castle or 
citadel, while the suburbs were made defensible by 
Suvoroff himself, who constituted the town his pivot of 
operations and depot of supplies. From this point he 
dominated the surrounding country by means of small 
movable columns, which darted out and crushed parties of 
the enemy collected within striking distance, and, having 
accomplished this, returned to their post of observation. 
So efficacious was this system that soon no hostile force 
was able to keep the open country. The confederates 
sought refuge in the fastnesses of the Carpathians, a base 
of operations all the more promising, that Austria, 
jealous of Russian successes on the Danube, was afford- 



22 SUVOROFF. 

ing secret aid to their cause. So complete was the 
subjugation of the plains that during the year 1770 they 
were the theatre of nothing more stirring than insig- 
nificant skirmishes. This collapse, it is true, was in 
part due to the great victories obtained in the same year 
by the Russians both by sea and land. In Bessarabia 
the battles of Larga and Kahul sent the Turks in panic 
rout across the Danube ; while the Ottoman fleet was 
destroyed at Chesmeh Bay, near Smyrna, by the Rus- 
sian squadron under Count Alexis Orloff, assisted by 
several British officers. The prestige of these events 
paralysed for a while the confederate cause in Poland, 
but, on the other hand, conjured up a peril for Russia 
to which she had not hitherto been exposed. The Great 
Powers took alarm at her successes, dreaded that the 
dissolution of the Ottoman empire was already at hand, 
and saw in their apprehensions the Muscovite armies 
advancing to universal domination. Austria was most 
of all perturbed. She concluded an alliance with the 
Porte, in addition to affording aid to the confederates of 
Poland. France likewise improved the occasion ; Choi- 
seul, desirous (as Dumouriez in his memoirs frankly 
avows) of kindling a general war with a view to invading 
England, liberally subsidized the confederates, and sent 
the above-mentioned officer to the seat of war as their 
military adviser. 

Dumouriez, on arrival at Eperies, in Hungary, where 
the confederates had fixed their head-quarters, found 
affairs in a chaotic state ; the Polish magnates, luke- 
warm -in the cause they had espoused, were engrossed 
in the pursuit of pleasures upon which both private 
resources and the public revenues were recklessly squan- 



FIRST POLISH WAR. 23 

dered. According to him they were desirous of laying 
the French King's subsidy likewise under contribution 
for similar purposes ; but he maintained a strict watch 
over the expenditure, and informed them that their mode 
of life indicated opulence rather than indigence words 
which so exasperated them that they sought revenge 
by throwing every conceivable obstacle in the way of 
the fulfilment of his mission. Nevertheless he set to 
work to remedy, so far as lay in his power, the confusion 
which reigned around. There was no artillery, no 
infantry in the confederate army ; nothing but a mass of 
irregular cavalry who scorned the restraints of discipline. 
Each magnate desired a separate command and ridiculed 
the idea of subordination to a superior. The first care of 
Dumouriez was to create a respectable force of infantry, 
and to this end he was constrained to employ agents 
who enlisted Austrian and Prussian deserters on the 
frontiers ; for the Polish nobles declined to place arms in 
the hands of their serfs. In this way, by the end of 1770, 
he had organized 1800 infantry and 8000 cavalry, which 
were in readiness to take the field. To establish some de- 
gree of unanimity among the magnates he had recourse 
to the mediation of the Countess Mnishek, an influential 
Polish lady who arranged that, pending the selection of 
a general-in-chief (who was to be a foreigner, for the 
magnates would not submit to one of their own number), 
the campaign should be directed by a council in which 
Dumouriez was to sit in the capacity of military adviser. 
His plan of operations aimed at menacing simulta- 
neously the city of Warsaw and the Russian magazines 
in Podolia : if Weimarn hastened to defend the latter, 
to march in force on the capital and there establish the 



24 SUVOROFF. 

seat of insurrectionary government ; if, on the other hand, 
the Russians concentrated for the protection of Warsaw, 
to direct the mass of his forces on Podolia. The plan 
was well conceived, but required a disciplined army for 
its successful execution. The first step was to burst 
through the cordon of Russian troops which blockaded 
every avenue from the Carpathians into the plains, 
extending in front c f Cracow from the Upper Vistula to 
the banks of the Donajec. This part of the enterprise 
was carried out on the night of the 29th April, when, as 
the French General learnt from his Jewish spies, a ball 
was to be given in Cracow, at which the majority of the 
Russian officers would be present. But the enemy once 
driven across the Vistula all semblance of discipline dis- 
appeared from among the victors. Each magnate acted 
according to his own inspiration, and Dumouriez found 
it impossible to unite them for further effort. May and 
the early part of June had been spent in wretched 
squabbles, when suddenly news arrived that Suvoroff 
had forced the passage of the Donajec, and was striding 
forward to the attack. 

Tnat commander (now a Major-General) had been dis- 
abled for some time through a mishap which befell him in 
crossing the Vistula. He fell from a pontoon bridge into 
the stream, but was rescued from death by a Grenadier, 
who, in hoisting him from the water, could not prevent his 
receiving injury by coming into contact with the wood- 
work of the bridge. He was bled profusely, according 
to the fashion of the age, and, as a natural result, lay for 
three months in a comatose state; but the early spring 
of 1771 found him sufficiently recovered to take the field. 
In March he defeated the Cossack leader Sava at 



FIRST POLISH WAR. 25 

Krasnik in the Lublin district. The latter escaped from 
the field severely wounded, but was captured at Szrensk, 
on the Prussian frontier. Though well cared for by the 
Prussians Weimarn sent him his own surgeon he soon 
after died of his wounds. Rulhiere,* a well-known but 
untrustworthy writer, intimates that the Cossack chief 
was murdered by SuvorofP s orders ; but at the time of 
Sava's death Suvoroff was at the other end of Poland, 
in Volhynia, where he was employed in dispersing a con- 
federate force under the command of Novicki. Ferrand.f 
in his continuation of Rulhiere's work, admits that there 
is not a tittle of evidence to support this accusation. 

Suvoroff was returning from Volhynia when he heard 
of the confederate advance and the consequent retreat 
of his countrymen beyond the Vistula. On the i$th 
June he started for the scene of action with about 1600 
men and eight guns. On the igih he forced the Do- 
najec, when Pulawski, who defended the passage with 
2000 men, fled into the mountains, abandoning the main 
body of the confederates. On the advance of the Rus- 
sians becoming known, Dumouriez indicated Skawina, 
a village near Cracow, as the point of concentration for 
his forces, and entreated Pulawski to proceed thither, but, 
according to the Frenchman's account, the Polish leader 
replied by an insulting message expressive of his deter- 
mination to act independently. It must be admitted 
that the spot chosen was too far in advance for secure 
concentration in the face of an active general like 



* Anarchies de Pologne, iv. 221. Duboscage, his countryman, 
styles this work a " defamatory libel." 

f Histoire des trots Deinembremens de Pologne. Suite de 
VHistoire de Rulhiere, 



26 SUVOROFF. 

Suvoroff, who had already reached Cracow and set free 
its garrison, 2000 strong. Repulsed in an attempt on 
the strong convent of Tyniec, near Cracow, he turned 
upon Dumouriez's detachment, which was now in full 
retreat towards the mountains. On the 22nd he over- 
took them, 3000 strong, posted on the heights of Lands- 
kron. Their position was a spur of the Carpathians ; 
their left covered by the castle of Landskron, their right 
by a wood and ravine, and front by a slope covered with 
brushwood. Some distance in advance, beyond an in- 
termediate ravine, lay another eminence. French tirail- 
leurs occupied the wood on the right and the brushwood 
in front. No sooner had Suvoroff arrived with his 
advance-guard than he seized, without a moment's delay, 
the eminence in front of the enemy's position, and with- 
out hesitation sent his Cossacks, supported by a squadron 
of regular cavalry, dashing across the ravine against 
the wooded slope. Having cut down the sharp-shooters 
which guarded the wood, these horsemen galloped on 
precipitately and in apparent disorder against the main 
position ; when Dumouriez, having marked their irregular, 
onset, endeavoured to lead his squadrons to the charge. 
In this, however, he did not succeed, for the greater part, 
after discharging their carbines, galloped from the field. 
A small band under Mionczinski endeavoured to retrieve 
the fortunes of the day, but the leader was taken prisoner 
and his followers perished or shared his fate ; while 
Prince Sapieha, in attempting to rally the fugitives, re- 
ceived death at their hands. The leftwing,alone protected 
by the guns of the castle, effected an orderly retreat. 
The action lasted but half an hour. Dumouriez escaped 
at the head of a few French horsemen, and soon re- 



FIRST POLISH WAR. 27 

turned in disgust to France. The Duke de Choiseul had 
been dismissed from office and was succeeded by the 
Duke d'Aiguillon, who looked coldly on the enterprise 
of his predecessor in Poland. 

Pulawski had profited by Suvoroff s absence to seize 
Zamosc, a town which the latter must pass in returning to 
Lublin, and when, after the action at Landskron the Rus- 
sian leader approached, he issued forth to the encounter. 
The Poles were defeated after a gallant resistance, and 
their commander retreated to the mountains with such 
skill, that Suvoroff next day sent him a porcelain snuff- 
box in token of his admiration. For these services the 
Empress bestowed on her general the Order of St. 
George, which he solemnly pinned on his breast in 
presence of his troops assembled on parade. He caused 
divine service to be performed ; he expressed his gra- 
titude to his " mother," the empress ; thanked his men 
for their bravery and conduct, nor forgot to improve the 
occasion with the artless joke : " Remember, boys, St. 
George the Victorious fights with us now." But his 
utterances, grotesque as they may seem, were suited to 
the mental calibre of his audience. " Bravo, heroes ! " 
he would shout to his men after each success. " Listen 
and remember : Obedience Discipline Instruction 
Order Cleanliness Health Drill Courage Victory 
Glory, Glory ! " These simple devices, we are assured, 
brought tears in the eyes of the uncouth soldiers ; and 
when desperate deeds were to be done, the whisper would 
pass through their ranks : " To conquer or die ; Father 
Suvoroff hath said it." 

Prince Oginski, Grand Hetman, or Commander-in- 
Chief of the Polish regulars, was stationed with several 



28 SUVOROFF. 

regiments in Lithuania. Having agreed to embrace the 
confederate cause, he had delayed action till too late, but 
was dragged into the movement through the influence 
of a mind more powerful than his own by Kossakowski, 
the colonel of the Black Hussars. Early in September 
(1771) the Prince attacked a Russian battalion, and 
compelled it to surrender at discretion, a misfortune 
which once more revived in Warsaw terrors which had 
but recently subsided. Suvoroff at once applied for 
instructions to General Weimarn, who rejoined by com- 
manding him to remain where he was. But this 
manoeuvre, so easy of execution, was not to the general's 
taste. Overcome with indignation and disgust, Suvo- 
roff acted for himself, and committed an act of insub- 
ordination which was of course judged by its results. 
We are assured that he returned the insolent reply, 
" The match to the gun, Suvoroff to the field ! " and at 
once set out for Lithuania with such troops as he had at 
his disposal. They were about 500 in number, but at 
Biala he received from Brest reinforcements which 
doubled his strength. Having reached the town of Slo- 
nim, in the province of Grodno, distant 120 miles, in four 
days, he learnt that Oginski lay with from 3000 to 4000 
men at Stolovitshi, a village some thirty miles in advance. 
He had lost, as usual, about 150 stragglers, but was in- 
different to this, exclaiming, " So much the worse for 
them ; they will not share in the victory ! " When the 
position of the enemy was ascertained, he decided to 
advance, after a halt of two hours, to the attack. The 
night was dark and tempestuous on the 22nd September, 
when, at 10 p.m., Suvoroff reached the town of Stolovitshi. 
The unsuspecting confederates lay wrapt in slumber as, 



FIRST POLISH WAR 29 

guided by a lamp which gleamed from a convent tower, 
he made the circuit of its walls without arousing the 
vigilance of the sentinels. He disposed his troops thus : 
Four companies of infantry in first line ; behind 
these, two guns, escorted by a company of foot ; three 
squadrons of cavalry in second line, and a reserve which 
consisted of one company of infantry and the Cossacks. 
During the advance four lancers belonging to the enemy 
were surprised and captured without raising an alarm, but 
an unforeseen obstacle was soon encountered in the shape 
of a marsh, which was traversed by a single causeway 
some 200 yards in length. The infantry, followed by 
the horse, slowly defiled across this passage, but the 
officer in charge of the guns in an attempt to drag them 
through the bog itself left them imbedded in the 
mire. When the Russians at length began to reform 
on the opposite side, a musket discharged from the 
walls of the town gave the alarm. The Poles sprang 
to their posts, but were not able to form their 
ranks in time to receive the attack ; the cavalry had 
not time to mount, but abandoned their horses ; the 
town was evacuated in haste and confusion. The sol- 
diers of Albutieffs battalion, who had been taken 
prisoners by Oginski, having been discovered in their 
places of confinement, were released, and equipped with 
the enemy's arms. Oginski himself narrowly escaped 
capture. When morning broke, the Poles offered battle 
outside the town, and Suvoroff accepted the challenge. 
Being outnumbered, he moved obliquely to his left, and 
attacked their right wing, a manreuvre he may have 
witnessed during the Seven Years' War. When he 
thought victory assured, a thousand Polish lancers 



30 SU VOROFF. 

galloped on to the field and renewed the conflict. 
Nevertheless the confederates, after brave resistance, 
at length gave way, and taking the direction of Slonim 
abandoned their military chest, containing 50,000 ducats 
(or 24,000), to the victors. After an hour's repose, the 
Russians followed, and their column, trailing out to the 
extent of two miles, owing to the quantity of booty and 
prisoners taken, might have been attacked with advantage 
by the Poles,had they possessed sufficient enterprise. Su- 
voroff, leaving sick, wounded, and prisoners at Slonim, 
returned to Lublin by Pinsk. "Well-conducted sur- 
prises," he wrote, " are generally successful. The soldier, 
startled from his sleep, seldom offers a stout resistance. 
The more sudden the danger, the greater it appears ; 
and his first thought when surprised is not of resistance, 
but escape and flight." On arrival at Lublin the insub- 
ordinate victor was placed in arrest by Weimarn's 
command. His disobedience of orders had, it is true, 
been flagrant, though justified by success ; yet it would 
have been prudent on the part of Weimarn to have 
simulated for the occasion a short memory. On the 
contrary, he applied to Petersburg for a court-martial 
on the delinquent, of course without success, and he 
might have foreseen that his own motives were certain to 
be called in question. The upshot of the affair was 
Weimarn's supercession in the command by Bibikoff, 
a general officer who enjoyed the advantage of personal 
friendship with Suvoroff. A generalissimo was required 
who could consent to work in unison with an eccentric 
but indispensable subordinate. A letter addressed by 
Suvoroff to this officer while in confinement pending 
reference of his case to the Empress, is subjoined as a 



FIRST POLISH WAR. 31 

specimen of his epistolary style. The fact of its being 
originally written in French is an additional reason for 
its selection, as no translation from the Russian would 
convey an adequate idea of the quaintness of the 
original : 

"KREUZBURG, 2$tk November, 1771. 

" Un animal, dis-je, de notre espece, accoutume aux 
soucis, malgre les inconveniens inevitables, se croit un 
bete quand il en manquerait, et les trop longs delasse- 
ments casuels 1'assoupissent. Que ces fatigues passees 
me sont douces ! Je ne visais qu'au bien patriotique 
enclave dans mon devoir au service de mon auguste 
Imperatrice, sans faire tort particulier a la nation ou je 
me trouvais, et les revers memes occasionnes par qui- 
conque ne faisaient que m'encourager. La reputation 
est le partage de tout homme de bien, mais je fondais 
cette reputation dans la gloire de ma patrie, dont les 
succes n'etaient que pour sa prosperite. Jamais un 
amour propre, occasionne le plus souvent par un instinct 
passager, n'etait maitre de mes actions, et je m'oubliais 
s'il y allait du patriotisme. Urie education farouche 
dans le commerce du monde, mais les mceurs innocentes 
de ma nature et une generosite de coutume m'aplanis- 
saient les travaux. Mes sentimens etaient libres et je 
ne succombais pas. Dieu ! me trouverais-je bientotdans 
des cas pareils ! A present je languis dans une vie oisive 
propre a ces ames basses qui ne vivent que pour elles, qui 
cherchent le souverain bien dans cette lassitude, et de 
voluptes a voluptes courent dans les amertumes. Une 
misantropie couvre deja mon front, et je crois prevoir 
dans la suite une plus grande detresse ; une ame labo- 



32 SUVOROFF. 

rieuse doit etre toujours nourrie dans son metier, et les 
frequentes exercisses lui sont aussi sains comme les 
exercisses ordinaires du corps." 

This may not be, as an admirer has declared, the 
literary style of the age of Lewis XIV. ; yet it presents 
to the mind a more solid attraction by reflecting the 
thoughts of a unique and original character. The genu- 
ineness of its sentiment can hardly be called in question ; 
for the writer was among those who, when they err in 
their utterances, do so by excess of candour. His epistles 
to Bibikoff were sometimes marked "a I'Anglaise" 
which seems to have indicated that more than usual 
candour was about to be used. To return to the facts of 
his career : he was not arraigned before a court-martial, 
but received the order of St. Alexander Nevsky with 
the thanks of his sovereign for his brilliant feat in arms. 

In the beginning of the year 1772 General Viomesnil 
assumed the post which had been vacated by Dumouriez. 
Though ill-supported by the French Ministry he set 
vigorously to work at repairing the disasters which had 
befallen the confederate arms. To reanimate the cou- 
rage of his crest-fallen allies he planned the surprise of 
the castle at Cracow, an edifice which, perched on a 
cliff overlooking the Vistula, was at that period encir- 
cled by walls of masonry thirty feet high and seven in 
thickness. The garrison of the city consisted of a de- 
tachment from the Soozdal regiment, now commanded 
by a Colonel Stackelberg, though the castle was guarded 
by no more than thirty men. Stackelberg was, unfor- 
tunately for himself, enamoured of a Polish lady in 
secret communication with the enemy, who succeeded 
in persuading him to remove the sentries[from a certain 



FJJtST POLISH WAR. 33 

portion of the ramparts where, she averred, their cries 
and challenges interfered with her slumbers. This turned 
out to be no other than the locality near which the main 
drain issued from the Castle, and by this sordid avenue 
did the French propose to effect an entrance. On the 
other side, the Russians having been recently strength- 
ened by fresh arrivals from their country, it was 
resolved to deal the insurgents a crushing blow in the 
very heart of their mountain fastnesses. Suvoroff him- 
self was about to start from Lublin on a distant raid, 
when information reached him of the danger by which 
the ancient capital of Poland was threatened. But, 
deeming its source suspicious, he neglected to act thereon 
and departed in prosecution of the business in hand. 

On the night of the 2nd February a band of volun- 
teers, under Captain Viomesnil, nephew to the general, 
proceeded to the execution of their adventurous design. 
With white shirts drawn over their uniforms, for snow 
lay on the ground, they crawled through the narrow 
aperture of the drain, surprising the feeble garrison of 
the castle, whom they instantly put to the sword. Their 
next act was to throw open the gates to Brigadier Choisy 
who, with a body of 500 picked horsemen, was awaiting 
the event outside. Stackelberg was at a ball, waltzing 
with his fair, when news of misfortune first assailed him, 
and he threw himself with such troops as he could collect 
in the direction of the castle. But his attempt failed, 
and the French remained masters of the place, in which 
were found ample stores excepting meat only. Two 
days later Suvoroff, having learnt what had passed, 
hurried to the spot with 800 infantry, five regiments of 
royalist Polish lancers and a few guns. Having dragged 

D 



34 SUVOROW. 

the latter to the roofs of houses in the vicinity of the 
castle, he opened fire and on the 29th risked an assault, 
which the French repulsed, inflicting on the assailants a 
loss of 150 men. After this rebuff the siege was con- 
verted into a blockade. 

The intrepid Kossakowski now approached Cracow 
with his Black Hussars, when Suvoroff, sallying forth 
at the head of his cavalry, engaged him and drove him 
from the neighbourhood, but nearly lost his life in the 
fray. An officer of lancers, Reich by name, having 
sworn to take his life, rode fiercely at the object of his 
aversion, and, after discharging his pistols without effect, 
attacked him with the sabre. Suvoroff, crossing swords 
with alacrity, returned blow for blow and thrust for 
thrust ; but must have succumbed in the end to his 
youthful and vigorous assailant, had not a Russian 
cuirassier galloped up in the nick of time and shot the 
lancer dead. 

Late in April provisions ran short in the castle, and 
Galibert, Viomesnil's second in command, appeared at 
Suvoroff 's quarters with proposals for surrender. Extol- 
ling the military exploits of the Russian chief, he wisely 
endeavoured to mitigate the terms by skilful adulation ; 
but was shown a chair and asked to commence business. 
The conditions offered were moderate ; but next day 
the envoy, returning in hopes of further concessions, 
had their stringency increased ; they were of course 
accepted, and the castle surrendered. The French 
officers retained their swords, Suvoroff merely re- 
marking to them as he invited them to dinner : 
"That his Empress was not at war with their King; 
consequently they were not prisoners, but his guests." 



FIRST POLISH WAR. 35 

Nevertheless, in spite of amenities, he marched them 
under proper escort into Russia, and when D'Alembert 
interceded with Catherine for their liberation, she 
replied, as Guizot laments, with " pleasantries " of the 
ne sutor kind. Suvoroff next laid siege to the strong 
convent of Tyniec, which had previously baffled his 
assaults, but was shortly afterwards relieved by an 
Austrian force. They entered Galicia in pursuance of 
the treaty of partition, upon which the three Powers 
implicated were now agreed, since Russia had been 
induced to relinquish her conquests on the Danube in 
exchange for a portion of the Polish spoil the transac- 
tion being confirmed by the Diet, coerced, it is true, 
by Russian troops. The confederates, outlawed and 
overwhelmed by numbers, thought further resistance 
useless ; Casimir Pulawski, having emigrated to America, 
was killed fighting under the banner of Washington. 
Those who remained behind perished or submitted to 
their fate. " Quiet reigned in Warsaw," as was declared 
on a subsequent occasion.* 

In September Suvoroff joined Elmpt's corps, which 
was slowly progressing through Lithuania on the way 
to Finland in view of a possible rupture with Sweden, 
whose young king, Gustavus III., had recently by a 
coup d'etat annihilated the preponderance of the aristo- 
cracy and possessed himself of almost absolute power. 
As a consequence the faction devoted to France gained 
the upper hand and war with Russia seemed imminent. 
But this anticipation was not realised and Suvoroff' s 
activity on the Finnish border was limited to the in- 

* By General Sebastian! in 1831. 
D 2 



36 SUVOROFF. 

spection of fortre-ses, and ascertaining the opinions of 
the inhabitants regarding the late revolution in Stock- 
holm. Such being the case, early in 1773 his fondest 
wishes were gratified, and he proceeded to the Danube 
to take part in that hereditary strife with the infidel 
which so powerfully appeals to Russian sympathies. He 
felt a deep antipathy for the Polish war, and ardently 
longed for a more congenial sphere of action. 

These three years of warfare in Poland, though every- 
thing was on a small scale, are worthy of close attention, 
if skilful adaptation of means to ends be the test of 
military capacity. In this art Suvoroff was a master, 
as we shall see. He fought Turks and Tartars, Poles 
and Frenchmen, each in a different way. In the present 
instance, having thoroughly comprehended the nature 
of the ground and the character of the struggle, he 
adhered to one simple plan, which alone in the long run 
could guarantee success. It would have been absurd to 
attempt to guard the whole extent of such an immense 
theatre of war, thus imitating the disjointed proceedings 
of the enemy. From his pivot at Lublin, whence the 
highways radiated, he darted like a spider in its web on 
the foe, and crushed him before he became formidable. 
At the same time he maintained a chain of posts which 
connected him with Warsaw and Cracow, the chief cities 
of the kingdom ; likewise at points commanding pas- 
sages over rivers, such as Pulawa and Sandomierz on 
the Vistula, Brest and Sokol on the Bug. The reason 
for his turning a deaf ear to warnings concerning 
Cracow may be found in the fact that men of his stamp 
abhor change of enterprise once commenced. If he 
suffered repulses from fortified towns, it must be re- 



FIRST POLISH WAR. 37 

mernbered that engineering science and its appliances 
were in that day extremely defective, a truth the British 
in Spain were soon to realise. Yet it may be at once 
admitted that his storming the Castle of Cracow, when 
a blockade would have answered every purpose, involved 
useless bloodshed. He excelled in rapidity of move- 
ment, but used to say when extolled in this respect : 
" It is nothing. The Romans marched faster. Read 
Caesar." If this be true, his sincerity may be called in 
question ; for he was fond of comparing his exploits 
with those of Caesar and Hannibal, not always to the 
advantage of those heroes, and justified his arrogance 
by asserting that the Romans boasted in public in order 
to excite an emulation in glory. He was honourably 
distinguished in Poland from some by the humanity of 
his conduct. The subjoined extract from a letter to his 
friend Bibikoff, written by him on quitting Poland, may 
throw light on his disposition at this period. " I 
follow my destiny. I approach home and quit a land 
where I have wished to do good, following the dictates 
of my heart where duty did not stand in the way. I 
am glad that the people recognize this. I love them 
and leave them with regret ; for I did my duty like an 
honest man." 



CHAPTER III. 

FIRST TURKISH WAR. 

THE progress of the war with the Turks, and the effect 
of the Moscovite triumphs in 1770 on the diplomacy of 
the European Powers having been already briefly nar- 
rated, it remains to sketch the course of events during 
the two years which immediately preceded the advent 
of Suvoroff to the seat of war. During 1771 nothing 
decisive occurred. The Russians, indeed, overran the 
Crimea, but lay inactive on the banks of the Danube. 
The splendid hopes to which their recent victories had 
given birth were doomed to partial disappointment ; 
for the Turk made no overture for peace. Austria and 
Prussia, however, alarmed at the progress of the Russian 
arms, interposed, offering their "good offices" the 
Empress would not hear of " intervention " for paving 
the way to negotiations. After it had been agreed 
between the three northern Powers to sacrifice Poland 
in the interests of the European equilibrium, a congress 
assembled in 1772 at Fokshani in Wallachia, and again 
at Bucharest, but in both cases without results ; the 
demand made by Russia for the liberation of the Crim 
Tartars from the suzerainty of the Porte proving an in- 
superable obstacle to successful negotiation. These 
nomads were wont to employ their leisure in harrying 
the southern provinces of Russia, carrying off immense 
numbers of slaves with rich booty, and occasionally 



FIRST TURKISH WAR. 39 

reducing Moscow itself to ashes. Their subjugation 
was, therefore, a constant object of the policy of the 
Czars. Marshal Miinnich overran their peninsula in 
1763 without durable effect ; and even after the crush- 
ing victories of 1770, two more ruinous campaigns 
were required to force the Sultan to abandon his 
rights over the Crimea. 

In the beginning of 1773 Suvoroff, having joined head- 
quarters at Jassy, was appointed to a command in the 
division of Soltikoff. The Russian army, though barely 
34,000 strong, nevertheless occupied the whole of 
Wallachia, and was extended in a thin cordon from 
Widdin to the Black Sea. It was thus distributed : 
Tekely's division, 3000 strong, at Kraiova, in Little 
Wallachia; Soltikoff 's 12,000, between the Aluta and 
the Jalomnitza ; Potemkin with 3500 was at Brailoff; 
Weissmann occupied Ismail with a like number ; while 
the Commander-in- Chief, Field-Marshal Rumantsoff, lay 
at Jassy with a reserve of 12,000 men. It is clear 
from the above enumeration that, making suitable 
deduction for masking the strong places on the Danube 
and guarding the communications with Russia, no force 
could be assembled adequate for offensive operations 
beyond that river. Yet the Empress Catherine, whose 
usually sober judgment was perhaps warped on this 
occasion by recent stupendous successes, was con- 
tinually urging her general to decisive action which 
should conquer a peace. She forgot that the army was 
now far distant from its base ; that it had plunged 
into a difficult and inhospitable country already ravaged 
by the enemy ; and that the line of the Danube, 
studded with its fortresses, presented an insuperable 
barrier to any but an army of great numerical strength. 



40 SUVOROFF. 

But peace was an absolute necessity ; the plague was 
ravaging Moscow and the southern provinces of the 
empire ; the Polish difficulty had not yet been solved ; 
the attitude of Sweden was ambiguous ; the Cossacks 
revolted in the region of the Caspian, murdered their 
officers, and raised a commotion which, though sup- 
pressed for the moment, was soon, owing to want of 
troops to break forth with renewed violence. Surrounded 
by such calamities as she was, we cannot wonder if the 
Empress demanded impossibilities from her generals. 
She wrote to Rumantsoff, in the classical slang of the 
day, "The Romans used to ask where was the enemy, 
not how strong he was/' and at last so badgered him 
that he complied with her wishes against his better 
judgment. 

There is no reason for believing that the talents of 
this commander were much above the common level. 
As Mr. Carlyle truly observes in Frederick the Great, 
" he saw considerably better than Galitzin," and, accord- 
ing to the Prussian monarch and strategist, " among the 
blind the one-eyed man is king." The victories of Larga 
and Kahul were apparently due to sheer courage and a 
happy tactical discovery. He found out how to beat Turks 
by attacking them in square without awaiting the tre- 
mendous charges of their janissaries and horsemen. The 
Osmanli, it was now perceived, were only formidable in 
a wild onslaught ; their disorderly masses were destitute 
of manoeuvring power. Impressed with this conviction, 
Rumantsoff cast away the chevaux de frise, which had 
hitherto protected the Russian squares, and marched his 
masses boldly in the open against the enemy. Success 
attended the novelty, but when it came to the scientific 
planning of a campaign the marshal showed himself to 



FIRST TURKISH WAR. 41 

be weak in conception, even vacillating in execution, if 
we are to judge him by a modern standard. To preserve 
intact the laurels he had already gathered ever seemed 
the thought uppermost in his mind. The difficulties 
with which he had to contend were great ; he was ill- 
supported by his subordinates ; yet he cannot be absolved 
from the charge of mediocrity. He was not the great 
commander Catherine conceived him to be. He acted 
on the faulty system of the age ; scattered his troops 
over vast tracts of country, and, endeavouring to do 
everything, effected nothing. At the opening of the 
campaign of 1773, directing Weissmann's division to 
move along the right bank of the Danube while his 
own corps ascended the left, in order to distract the 
enemy he directed isolated attacks to be made along 
the whole line of the river from Turnu to Silistria. 
Major-General Potemkin (in after times the celebrated 
favourite of Catherine), seized Hirsova, a post favourably 
situated for covering the passage of the Danube, whilst 
Suvoroff was commissioned to effect a descent on the 
fortified town of Turtukay which, lying on the right 
bank of the stream, was garrisoned by about 4000 
choice Ottoman troops. 

With a view to carrying out these instructions Su- 
voroff took post at Nigoyeshti, an ill-fortified convent 
on the banks of the Arjish, a stream which discharges 
into the Danube opposite Turtukay. The structure 
lay fourteen miles distant from the great river, and 
midway between them is the better known village of 
Oltenitza. The Danube at Turtukay flows in a channel 
some 600 yards in breadth between banks both high and 
steep. The detachment at Nigoyeshti under Suvoroff's 
command was over 2000 strong, of whom 600 were 



42 SUVOROFF. 

cavalry, with seven guns. He chose for embarkation 
purposes a point on the Danube somewhat lower down 
than the mouth of the Arjish, and his boats, which 
lay off Nigoyeshti, were to have been floated thither via 
the mouth of the smaller stream. But the Turks having 
moored an armed vessel so as to command its mouth, 
no course remained open but to transport the boats 
across country in ox-waggons. The vehicles and cattle 
requisite having been collected, Suvoroff was preceding 
them at the head of his troops, on the 2oth May, by 
Oltenitza toward the place of embarkation, when he was 
suddenly assailed by 900 Turkish Spahis, whose landing 
had been unperceived. Instantly directing his reserve 
column to make a circuit to the left under cover of a 
wood, in order to take the enemy in flank and rear, he 
charged when he deemed this movement effected, chas- 
ing the astonished Spahis in confusion to the water's 
edge. By nightfall it was observed that the armed 
vessel had been withdrawn from the mouth of the Arjish 
(possibly employed in rescuing the drowning Spahis), 
and the Russian boats were in consequence transported 
to their destination by water without molestation. 

Five hundred picked infantry, and 200 horse were 
employed in the nocturnal descent which followed. 
Suvoroff, on reaching the enemy's bank, formed his 
infantry in three squares, one of which with the whole 
cavalry he held in reserve. Preceded by a line of 
skirmishers, they charged the batteries in their front 
and in the confusion of a night attack carried them with 
but trifling loss. The town itself was next assaulted, 
captured and committed to the flames. At four in the 
morning, Suvoroff could write on a scrap of paper (which 



I7RST TURKISH WAR. 43 

lias since been discovered) to Soltikoff: " Your Excel- 
liKcy, we have conquered. Glory to God ! Glory to you ! 
Alexander Suvoroff" Six hundred and eighty-three 
Greek and Armenian Christians were collected for 
removal to the opposite bank for fear of Moslem 
vengeance. The Turkish flotilla, consisting of 5 1 craft 
of various kinds, was burnt, and at seven in the morning 
the victors with loud songs of triumph re-embarked and 
gained the Wallachian shore. The coup-de-main had 
been arranged with extreme care by Suvoroff ; his pre- 
liminary instructions embracing the minutest details. 
One paragraph must be quoted as an illustration of his 
mode of warfare which has been so much misrepresented 
from a humane point of view : 

" Be careful not to injure women, children, and the 
inhabitants, even if Turks, provided they do not carry 
arms ; likewise spare the mosques and the clergy, that 
our own holy places may be spared in turn." 

Considered tactically, the occasion was important. It 
is said to be the first on which columns of attack, backed 
by a proper reserve of one-third the total strength, and 
covered by a line of skirmishers, were employed a 
system of tactics commonly attributed to a somewhat 
later period. Hence arises the interesting inquiry : To 
what extent did Suvoroff anticipate the revolutions in 
military art initiated by the first of modern captains ? 
It is certainly remarkable that the Poles criticised his 
manoeuvres in terms similar to those in which the Aus- 
strians censured Bonaparte during his Italian campaigns. 
" Suvoroff/' they complained, " is only fit to fight bears. 
If you expect him in front he attacks you in flank or 
rear. We fled more from surprise and alarm than 



44 SUVOROFF. 

because we were beaten." Again, Dumouriez, in his 
Memoirs, labours hard to prove that, according to all 
the rules of the military art, Suvoroff ought to have 
been beaten at Landskron. 

Turning once more to the main Russian army, Weiss- 
mannonthe 3rd June crossed the Danube at Ismail and 
on the 7th defeated 12,000 Turks at Karassu (Bulgarian, 
Chernavoda, i.e. Blackwater). On the 23rd he protected 
the passage of Rumantsoff 's corps a little below Silistria, 
whither Osman Pasha had retreated with 30,000 men, 
intrenching himself in advance of the city, with his right 
resting on the hills and his left on the stream. The 
slopes of these eminences being thickly covered with 
vines and other obstacles, formed in conjunction with 
the Danube a defile extremely formidable for an as- 
sailant. On the 29th Rumantsoff delivered the assault ; 
the Turkish right was broken by the intrepid Weiss- 
man n, the favourite hero of the army ; but the left, sup- 
ported by a vigorous sortie from the town, gained a 
decided advantage over the Russians, who were con- 
strained to retire. In the heat of the engagement a 
mass of Turkish cavalry, coming from the direction of 
Shumla, burst into the Russian camp, and threw every- 
thing into the direst confusion, till Potemkin, arriving 
with the reserve, repelled them. They were the advanced 
guard of Nuuman Pasha, who, at the head of 20,000 men 
was hastening from Shumla with the intention of cutting 
the Russians off from the Danube. Rumantsoff upon this 
(ist July) abandoning the offensive, decamped from 
before Silistria despairing of success ; but the course he 
should have adopted was plainly indicated by a subordi- 
nate's success. For the better protection of his flank 



FIRST TURKISH WAR. 45 

he had detached Weissmann with 4000 men against 
Nuuman, who had by this time reached the village 
of Kutchuk Kainardji, near Silistria, with his army. 
On the 3rd July that Pasha was attacked and totally 
defeated by the heroic Weissmann, who however 
purchased victory with the loss of his valuable life. 
After this victory Rumantsoff might have securely re- 
sumed his attack on Silistria, but, continuing his retreat 
beyond the Danube, he alleged, as an excuse for his 
lack of enterprise, the scarcity of forage and the con- 
sequent exhaustion of the horses of his cavalry. Thus 
ended a campaign which earned for the general in com- 
mand the high-sounding title of Zadunaiski (Trans- 
Danubian). 

While these operations were in progress a second 
descent on Turtukay had been effected by Suvoroff. 
Soltikoff had been directed to transport his corps across 
the Danube, in order to create a diversion in favour of 
Rumantsoffs operations near Silistria, but that com- 
mander, either grossly incapable or grossly insubordi- 
nate, failed to comply with the instructions of his chief. 
He preferred to hurl Suvoroff once more with his detach- 
ment against Turtukay.* 

On this occasion, 28th June, he disposed of 2500 
men of all arms. Of these 1700 were regular infantry, 
320 dragoons, or dismounted cavalry trained to the use 
of the musket, 180 regular cavalry, and 360 Cossacks 
and Arnauts. The expedition crossed in three detach- 
ments, the brunt of the fighting falling upon the first. 



* Suvoroff once said: " Kdmenski knows war ; war knows me ; 
but neither does Soltikoff know war, nor war him. 



46 SUVOROFF. 

It consisted of picked troops formed into three columns, 
one of which, under Major Rehbock, at once stormed 
the great redoubt which formed the key of the Turkish 
position. The struggle was protracted, murderous and 
long doubtful, because of the inaction of the remaining 
columns which, instead of supporting the troops engaged 
halted on an eminence in expectation of the second 
detachment from the opposite bank conduct which was 
near ruining the enterprise. Suvoroff was still on the 
left bank, so ill and feeble from recent attacks of fever 
that he had to be supported on either side by a soldier 
while an aide-de-camp repeated in a loud tone of voice 
the whispered orders of his chief. Observing that the 
supports failed to reinforce the attacking column, he 
threw himself hastily into a boat and crossed in com- 
pany with the second detachment. But fortunately by 
the time he arrived on the scene of combat Rehbock 
had succeeded in capturing the formidable redoubt. 
Thereupon Suvoroff, conducting his forces over its para- 
pets, posted them beyond, in a line of columns facing 
the Turkish camp. The Osmanli, headed by Sary 
Mehemed Pasha, a man conspicuous by his size, beauty 
and valour, dashed out with tremendous yells to the 
attack, but disheartened by the fall of their leader who 
was pierced by a Cossack lance, they finally turned and 
fled, with a loss in men and material amounting to not 
less than 1000 men and 15 guns. When the Russians 
returned to their own side of the river, they carried with 
them the corpse of the slain Pasha, which was indeed 
interred with due military pomp ; but the Turks deem 
it disgraceful to abandon the body of a chief to the 
enemy. Suvoroff reported his victory to Soltikoff in 



FIRST TURKISH WAR. 47 

these words : " Dear Sir, Count John, son of Peter, we 
realised yesterday the Veni, vidi, vici, and for me it 
was a fine experience. I am your Excellency's humble 
servant. I am a straightforward man, but get me as 
soon as you can the Second Class " (St. George). Su- 
voroff's almost childish fondness for badges and external 
symbols of distinction was a foible which, had it not 
been accompanied by the love of real greatness, would 
have appeared mean and despicable. In later days he 
used to carry his innumerable decorations with him into 
the field ; would cause them to be laid out before him 
during leisure moments, and would gaze on them with 
concentrated rapture. He wrote again to Soltikoff on 
the same subject: "At any rate, shall I obtain the 
coveted reward ? Do not forget me, dear Sir. The race 
for laurels is uncertain. Sometimes one breaks one's 
neck, like Weissmann. But even that is good, if with 
honour and usefulness. But what is not so may be such 
as I ; and what is good, that may I not be " the last 
phrase being worthy of himself, an enigma like him who 
penned it. He obtained the object of his desires. 

About this time he was severely injured by a fall down 
the steps of the Convent of Nigoyeshti, an accident 
which laid him up at Bucharest for the space of two 
months. On recovery he was transferred from Soltikoff's 
division to the command of the important fortified post 
of Hirsova, on the right bank of the Danube, where, on 
the 4th September, he was assailed by a body of Turks 
I r,ooo strong. The garrison consisted of four regiments 
of foot, about 2ODO men ; three squadrons of Hussars, 
and a troop of Cossacks, in all about 500 horses. He 
posted the two strongest of his infantry battalions with 



48 SUVOROFF. 

the whole of the cavalry in ambush on an islet of the 
Danube ; they were concealed from the enemy, by the 
rising ground, on which lay the Russian camp, and the 
islet itself was connected with the mainland by a pon- 
toon bridge. The Turks appeared next morning and, 
under the supervision of the French officers, formed a 
regular order of battle in three lines instead of rushing 
pellmell to the attack as formerly. Suvoroff was much 
amused. " See," he exclaimed, with a burst of laughter, 
" the barbarians are going to fight us in rank and file ! 
So much the worse for them !" Then throwing forward 
his Cossacks he endeavoured to draw the enemy on to 
an assault. The artifice succeeded, though the engineer 
was nearly hoist with his own petard. Their cavalry 
charged with such uncommon speed that they almost 
captured Suvoroff himself. There was just time left 
for him to spring over the chevaux de frise by which the 
camp was protected. The foot, closely following the 
horse, were on the point of gaining its interior, when 
they were assaulted in flank and rear by the troops in 
ambuscade on the islet and put to flight with heavy loss. 
This action was the only instance in which Suvoroff 
fought on the defensive but it was a judicious defensive 
which relied on the counter-stroke for victory. 

Suvoroff, suffering much from repeated attacks of 
fever, was now compelled to seek rest and relaxation in 
Russia. He passed the winter at Kieff, while Rumant- 
soff in obedience to the remonstrances of the Empress 
once more assumed the offensive. When early winter 
had dispersed the Turks to their homes, he organized a 
a second invasion of Bulgaria, but its conception and 
execution was so feeble as to inspire doubt whether any- 



FIRST TURKISH WAR. 49 

thing more was intended than ostensible compliance 
with the Imperial will. While Potemkin and Soltikoff 
threatened Silistria and Rustchuk, Ungern, the successor 
of Weissmann, was pushed forward with 3000 men from 
Babadagh ; Dolgoruki was thrown across the Danube 
at Hirsova with 5000, while both were directed to move 
on Shumla, where the Grand Visir was posted with 
that portion of the Turkish army which still remained 
present with the colours. Their junction was effected at 
Karamurad on the 27th October, when 10,000 Turks who 
had taken post at Chernavoda retired hastily to Bazardjik 
at their approach. On the 3Oth the Russian corps 
reached the latter town, but divided counsels and the 
insurbordinate spirit which was rife among the Russians 
produced their usual results. Unable to agree upon a 
plan of common action, the two leaders separated, thus 
subdividing a force which, even when united, was un- 
equal to the task assigned to it Dolgoruki marched on 
Shumla, Ungern on Varna. Reaching Varna on the 
4th November, Ungern attempted to carry it by storm, 
but discovered, though not till the troops were on the 
edge of the counterscarp, that they were unprovided 
with ladders and fascines. After keeping them in this 
position under a destructive fire for a considerable time 
with stupid obstinacy, he at length withdrew, and, dis- 
gusted with failure, abandoned Dolgoruki to his fate, 
returning to Ismail by the shores of the Black Sea. The 
other, left thus isolated in the midst of Bulgaria, loudly 
complaining of the treachery of Ungern, sought refuge 
behind the Danube in his turn. 

The campaign of 1774 began with loftier hopes. 
Partly owing to the more promising aspect of affairs in 

E 



50 SUVOROFF. 

Poland, and partly through the pressure brought by 
Frederic of Prussia to bear on his aspiring nephew, 
Gustavus of Sweden, Catherine was able to raise her 
Danubian army to the strength of 50,000 men. Peace 
was now more than ever an object of solicitude for the 
Czarina, since the Cossacks had risen again under the 
notorious Pugatchoff who, giving himself out for the 
late Czar Peter III., aimed at nothing less than the subver- 
sion of the Imperial government. Owing to the interior 
of the empire being denuded of troops, the disturbance 
rapidly extended in area, with its accompaniments of 
blood, murder,and rapine, and seemed steadily approach- 
ing the capital itself. Peace extorted at the point of the 
bayonet was once more demanded of Rumantsoff, 
who consequently planned a series of operations 
beyond the Danube which s if not more skilfully con- 
ceived than their predecessors, were at least crowned 
with success. Once again the bulk of his army was 
disseminated along the northern bank of that river, 
while not more than 14,000 were concentrated for the 
decisive blow against Shumla. Kamenski, who com- 
manded them, crossed the Danube on the 1st June at 
the head of 8000 men, and moved on Bazardjik, there 
to await Suvoroff, who, having crossed the Danube at 
Hirsova with 6000 men, lay encamped at no great 
distance from Silistria. But, though instructed to join 
his senior by the shortest road and with the least of 
possible delay, our hero manifested no eagerness to 
obey. On the contrary, jealousy, personal antipathy, 
perhaps mere " cantankerousness," combined to arrest 
his march till a peremptory order from head-quarters 
aroused him from apathy and conducted him to Bazard- 



FIRST TURKISH WAR. 5 1 

jik, where he arrived on the ipth of the month. Three 
days later the united Russian forces moved on Shumla 
and, plunging into the great forest of Deli Orman by the 
mere bridle-path which at that period traversed its 
depths, had proceeded no great distance when their 
advance-guard came in contact with the enemy, who, 
breaking up from Shumla on the same day that their 
opponents quitted Bazardjik, were marching swiftly on 
Hirsova, A "chance-encounter" was the result the 
battle of Kosludji, which decided the fate of the 
campaign. 

The Russian advance composed of cavalry, was already 
driven from the wood by the excellent Albanian infantry 
which headed the Turkish columns, when Suvoroff, 
flying to the rescue with two battalions of infantry, 
forced the victors once more to seek its shelter. Then, 
dashing along the narrow track, where four horsemen at 
most could move abreast, he fought his way steadily 
through the forest, his infantry being formed in a close 
column with a front of six men. Two thousand Arnauts 
in the pay of Russia threw themselves as skirmishers to 
his right and left, but he would not permit the regulars 
to engage in the wood, where disciplined valour would 
not have told with due effect. The advance was slow, 
being much obstructed by the waggons which, the enemy 
having killed the oxen, obstructed the path ; but, after 
plodding five miles the Russians at length emerged into 
the open and descried the Ottoman army drawn up on 
an eminence in their front. The heat was stifling. 
Many Russian soldiers dropped dead in their ranks ; 
though a smart shower of rain which fell refreshed and 
invigorated them, while it incommoded the Osmanlis in 

E 2 



52 SUVOROFF. 

their flimsy apparel, and wetted their ammunition, which 
was carried in cloth bags instead of leathern pouches. 

Suvoroff issued from the forest at the head of his 
column, and without stopping to consult Kdmenski, who 
indeed was far away to the rear, at once prepared for 
action. He had with him about 10,000 of the 14,000 
men who marched under Kamenski's orders. The 
strength of the Turks has been variously estimated.* 
Forming his infantry in a line of contiguous squares 
with the cavalry on either flank, he advanced rapidly on 
the enemy's position, and a struggle, deadly and pro- 
tracted, commenced. The Janissaries repeatedly burst 
sabre in hand into the interior of the Russian squares, but 
were immediately bayonetted by the reserves stationed 
inside. The line of squares steadily though slowly 
advanced ; the furious energy of the Osmanli by degrees 
abated ; disciplined valour prevailed and the position 
was won. On reaching the summit of the captured 
heights, the Russian chief, looking down their reverse 
slopes, beheld the small town of Kosludji at his feet, 
and hard by the immense mass of tents and baggage, 
the vast concourse of animals and hangers-on which con- 
stituted a Turkish camp. Panic and confusion there 
held undisputed sway, as Suvoroff, posting a battery of 
ten guns at a convenient spot, turned their fire on the 
struggling mass below. A terrible commotion and 
headlong rush to the rear followed upon the whizz of 
the first cannon-shot. Casting away their weapons, the 
Moslems scattered to all points of the compass, 

* Von Hammer (Gesch. des Osman-Rcichs) reckons their numbers 
at 25,000, other authorities as high as 40,000. All estimates of 
Turkish armies are, however, little more than guess-work. 



FIRST TURKISH WAR. 53 

threatening destruction to all who attempted to rally 
them. The foot shot the cavalry to get possession of 
their horses, and the whole army melted into a cloud of 
fugitives, which vanished from sight as if scattered by a 
whirlwind. Camp and baggage with thirty guns and 
eighty standards were the spoil of the victors, while 
3000 Turkish dead lay on the blood-stained field. 

So rapid had been SuvorofFs movements that Ka- 
menski's division did not arrive on the field of battle till 
the ensuing day, when a warm altercation arose between 
the two generals. Suvoroff had again won a great 
victory without orders, while Kamenski, in his official 
report, magnanimously abstained from details, and was 
congratulated in consequence by the Commander-in- 
Chief for the ability he had displayed and the triumph 
he had obtained. Rumantsoff however could not have 
acted otherwise without a breach of both etiquette and 
discipline. If an officer act without orders, or in 
contravention of them, he should be prepared for pro- 
fessional ruin in case of disaster, in that of success to 
see his laurels appropriated by his military superior. 
SuvorofFs philosophy was not equal to the strain thus 
put upon it. Wounded vanity, personal antipathy and 
exorbitant ambition combined to goad him into an act 
which in a military sense was crime. Deserting his 
post he appeared at Bucharest in the presence of the 
amazed and indignant Rumantsoff, who had already re- 
ceived Kamenski's report. A severe reprimand was the 
result, and few would have escaped thus lightly. But 
Suvoroff was already firmly established in the imperial 
favour, and extreme measures were un advisable. Granted 
leave of absence on account of sickness, he returned 



54 SUVOROFF. 

to Russia, where he found his services already in re- 
quest. 

Kamenski, on the other hand, sitting down with his 
small army before Shumla, cut off the garrison from all 
communication with the Balkans. Want was in con- 
sequence soon experienced within its lines which, not 
being completely invested, the garrison deserted in great 
numbers. Reduced to extremity, the Grand Visir sued 
for peace, and on the 2ist July 1774 the treaty of 
Kutchuk Kainardji was signed near the spot where a 
few months before Weissmann had expired in the arms 
of victory. The Porte recognized the independence of 
the Crim and Kuban Tartars, and ceded Kinburn, Azoff, 
Kertch and Yenikale to Russia, who likewise acquired 
the right of navigating the Black Sea together with a 
species of protectorate over the Christians of the Balkan 
Peninsula. 



CHAPTER IV. 

STEPPE WARFARE. 

THE Cossack Pugatchoff,* like Suvoroff himself and 
the Empress Cathrine, was born in the year 1729. 
Having served with credit in Prussia and Poland, he had 
risen to the rank of captain. Restless and turbulent by 
disposition, he was perpetually inciting the Cossacks to 
mischief, and was in consequence deported to Siberia 
whence he effected his escape. He is said really to 
have resembled the Czar Peter III. in person, though 
more probably his military experience had rendered him 
acceptable to the Cossacks as their leader. In 1773, at 
the head of 300 followers, he proclaimed himself Czar, 
and ascended the Ural river with a band which at length 
reached the formidable total of 30,000 men. Storming 
the military posts which obstructed his path, he hung the 
officers but enrolled the men of the different garrisons 
in his service. Nothing availed to arrest his progress 
till he reached Orenburg, to which he was obliged to 
lay formal siege. The nomad population of the Steppe 
among them many of the sect called " Old Believers," 
who feared that Government were about to deprive them 
of their beards joined the standard of revolt. Inca- 
pable generals were sent with inadequate forces to sup- 



Pushkin, History of Piigatchoff's Rebellion. 



56 SUVOROFF. 

press the movement till, after several disasters, Catherine, 
at length aroused to the gravity of the crisis, despatched 
Bibikoff to the seat of the disturbance. That general, 
recently arrived from Poland, having fixed his head- 
quarters at Kazan, adopted measures which would have 
put a speedy termination to the rebellion had fate so 
willed it. The towns of Orenburg and Ufa were relieved ; 
Pugatchoff was beaten and chased beyond the Steppe as 
far as the Tobol river. Bibikoff however died at this 
crisis and was succeeded by an officer of inferior capacity. 
Pugatchoff, pursued by a weak detachment, made his 
way to the foundries of the Ural mountains, where, 
seizing the treasure of Government, he caused ordnance 
to be cast for his own use. Thence marching on Kazan, 
he spread devastation and ruin around his path, putting 
to death all who refused to join his standard. Paul Po- 
temkin, cousin of the celebrated favourite, commanded 
in that city, and retired into the Kremlin (or citadel) on 
his approach, leaving the surrounding habitations to be 
sacked and burnt. The rebel next moved with his 
murderous hordes on Moscow. During the march the 
mansions of the nobles were demolished, their owners 
hanged and the serfs set at liberty. Though the Empress 
exchanged jests with Voltaire on the subject, dismay 
dwelt in her heart. The foundations of social order 
and the fabric of her government seemed about to dis- 
appear in the vortex of successful revolt. A dreadful 
reckoning might seem at hand for her complicity in the 
crime which had seated her on a throne. Michelson 
however succeeded in checking the rebel's advance at 
Arzamass, and eventually drove him in confusion be- 
yond the Volga. His hordes retreated, laying in ashes 



STEPPE WARFARE. 57 

the flourishing cities of Penza and Saratoff as they went, 
but, closely followed by their indefatigable pursuer, they 
were finally routed at Tzaritzin and thrust across the 
Volga deep into the Ural Steppe. 

Catherine, when the rebels were approaching her capi- 
tal, had announced the resolution of placing herself in 
person at the head of her forces.* Dissuaded from this 
step by the Minister Panin, she appointed to the command 
his younger brother Peter, who asked and obtained 
the services of Suvoroff as his coadjutor. The latter, 
summoned to Moscow post haste, proceeded forthwith 
to Saratoff on the Volga, where he arrived on the 24th 
August, 1774. During the sack of that town by Pugat- 
choff every serviceable horse had been swept off by the 
rebels, and Suvoroff had consequently to embarkhis escort 
on the Volga, while with his staff he followed the course 
of the river mounted on the few animals they possessed. 
In this way they reached Tsaritzin, the scene of the 
encounter in which Pugatchoff had just been worsted. 
The malefactor had plunged into the Ural Steppe, and 
Suvoroff, desirous of making a name by capturing so 
capital a rogue, collected a flying squadron and started 
in pursuit. It consisted of some 700 horse, among whom 
were 300 mounted infantry ; for Suvoroff's mind being of 
a practical turn he was in the habit of making horse and 
foot interchangeable. The Ural Steppe, part of the ancient 
bed of the Caspian, being a wide expanse of shell- 
covered sand, broken here and there by marshes and 

* A spirit of mutiny was manifest even among the regular troops. 
An officer once addressed Michelson as follows : " The soldiers 
will not march against their Emperor " (Pugatchoff). Equal to 
the emergency, the general seized a pistol and shot the offender 
dead. 



58 SUVOROFF. 

stagnant lakes of salt water, all supplies necessarily 
accompanied the expedition, which, under SuvorofFs 
guidance, moved with inconceivable rapidity. After 
crossing the barren Steppe, a wooded district presented 
itself, the valley of the Great and Little Usen rivers, 
where he learnt that a few days -previously Pugatchoff 
had been seized by his own Cossacks, and dragged 
in chains to Uralsk where he was surrendered to the 
Russian commandant. Suvoroff, on reaching that post, 
took charge of the prisoner together with his son, a 
savage lad of fourteen, lodging them both in a strong iron 
cage which he had had constructed for the purpose. In 
spite of their insults and annoyances, Suvoroff persisted 
in spending his nights in proximity to the cage, being 
resolved not to be cheated of his prize. At Simbirsk 
the arch-rebel was handed over to Peter Panin and, in 
1775, hanged at Moscow. One hundred thousand 
individuals lost their lives during the progress of this 
rebellion. 

Suvoroff spent the winter of 1774 at Moscow, where he 
married Barbara, the daughter of Prince Prozorovski. 
The union was an unhappy one and soon followed by 
a permanent separation. Already forty-five years of 
age and with a mind wholly absorbed by ambitious 
schemes, he was totally unfitted for entering on a domes- 
tic life, and probably did so merely in deference to the 
wish of his aged father. Yet, if an unsympathetic and 
careless husband, he was a fond and judicious parent. 
Two children resulted from the union: a son Arcadius, 
and a daughter Nathalia, with whom in after life he 
maintained an affectionate correspondence. With this 
brief notice his domestic life may be dismissed from 



STEPPE WARFARE. 59 

consideration. After spending the year 1776 in his wife's 
society at Moscow, he thus expressed his views on 
matrimony: "The duties of the imperial service are so 
engrossing that they swallow up private affections. 
Having spent a twelvemonth in retirement, I am con- 
scious of an increased longing for service and active 
employment in the career to which I have devoted 
myself," and soon afterwards he actually relinquished 
domestic life for ever. An instance of paternal love ; 
which in Suvoroff's case of course found an eccentric 
mode of manifestation, may be mentioned before quit- 
ting this subject. When journeying on a certain occa- 
sion from one extremity of the empire to another, he 
went a round-about way in order to visit Moscow and 
obtain a glimpse of his children. Alighting at his 
residence in the dead of night, he noiselessly made his 
way to their chamber, and drew aside the bed-curtains, 
silently gazing at them for some instants ; then, bestow- 
ing on them a curt benediction, he departed and, 
mounting his sledge, continued his journey. 

Mention has already been made of the designs enter- 
tained by Russia against the Crimea ; also of the Treaty 
of Kainardji as having greatly facilitated them by 
detaching that peninsula from the Ottoman Empire. 
For the space of nine years after its conclusion a secret 
conflict was waged between the two rival States for supre- 
macy in that quarter, a conflict which was brought to 
a termination by the Convention of January 1784, which 
aimed at establishing a modus vivendi. In the history 
of these fraudulent transactions Suvoroff played the part 
of a soldier who executes the behests of the civil power, 
while Potemkin was the crafty wire-puller of diplomatic 



60 SUVOROFF, 

intrigue. That celebrated character, a singular compound 
of mental grandeur and meanness, was gifted with a 
powerful imagination, whose fondest dream was the 
deliverance of Russia from the last vestige of alien 
supremacy, and the infliction on the followers of the 
Prophet of woes under which they had long made 
Christendom groan. The Tartar Khans, the descen- 
dants of Gengis, still possessed the Crimea ; their expul- 
sion would be the first step towards the realization of 
these designs. But beyond gleamed in airy magnificence 
the grandiose scheme known as the " Greek Project," 
the overthrow of the Turkish rule in Europe and the 
revival of the Byzantine Empire under a Russian prince. 
Potemkin's early religious training concurred with 
patriotism to direct his thoughts into this channel. In 
youth his choice had long vacillated between the 
clerical and military professions, while to the end of his 
days he is said to have discussed theological subjects 
with eager delight, more especially disputes between the 
Eastern Church and that of Rome. 

The Khan of the Crimea who was thus released from 
the suzerainty of the Porte was Sahib Ghirai, an adherent 
of Russia, whom Dolgoruki had 'enthroned after the 
successful campaign of 1771. When, four years later, 
the Khan handed over to Russia the towns which had 
been ceded to her by the Treaty of Kainardji, his 
subjects rebelled, drove him from the country and 
elevated Dewlet Ghirai, the leader of the Turkish faction, 
in his stead. Sahib appealed to Russia, and Suvoroff, 
overrunning the Crimea with troops, dispersed the 
adherents of Dewlet, who fled for safety to Constanti- 
nople. In 1777 Potemkin, requiring an instrument more 



STEPPE WARFARE. 61 

pliant than Sahib, promoted the election of Shahin 
Ghirai, but his candidate was successfully opposed by 
Selim Ghirai, who was devoted to the Turkish interest. 
Russian troops under Prince Prozorowski, Suvoroffs 
father-in-law, once more passing the frontier, captured 
the towns of Kaffa and Bakchi Serai, the capital of the 
peninsula ; when Selim in his turn fled to Constanti- 
nople and Russia remained mistress of his territory. 

Suvoroff during this campaign was attacked by a 
fever caught in the malarious district of Perekop, in 
which he had been quartered. After a brief sojourn 
at Poltava he recovered and was ordered to the Kuban 
district, to hold in check the Tartars who, backed by 
their Circassian neighbours, were committing wholesale 
depredations on Russian territory. To this end he 
repaired an ancient line of forts, which extended from 
the mouth of the Kuban river as far as Stavropol, but 
had already fallen into decay. Situated at intervals of 
fifty miles apart, each was garrisoned by a company of 
infantry and a couple of guns. Suvoroff himself acted 
as military engineer and, having caused 3000 labourers 
to be brought from the Don, placed the works in a state 
of thorough repair in six weeks. Early in 1778 Pro- 
zorowski was summoned to St. Petersburg, when his son- 
in-law assumed temporary command in the south of 
Russia, administering the government of the Crimea 
from his head-quarters in the palace of the Khans at 
Bagchi Serai. A delicate task fell to his lot that of 
preventing a Turkish landing without recourse to actual 
violence. For the Sultan, deeming his rights on the 
Crimea as valid as Russia's, had resolved to imitate her 
crafty policy and, having despatched a small squadron to 



62 SUVOROFF. 

the bay which is now the harbour of Sevastopol, in order 
to secure a landing-place, he supported it with a great 
fleet under the orders of Hassan, the Capudan pasha. 
To alarm them inside the bay Suvoroff began to erect 
batteries on either side its entrance, so as to cut off their 
retreat, upon which the intruders weighed anchor and 
departed. Soon afterwards the larger armament hove 
in sight a fleet of 160 sail and openly prepared to 
disembark. But Suvoroff had located batteries at every 
point which favoured a landing, so that wheresoever the 
enemy appeared he found Russian troops drawn up on 
the shore to repel him. Hassan tried artifice, requested 
permission to land and replenish his water-supply, but 
was refused on the ground that the peninsula furnished 
no more water than was requisite for home consumption. 
Thus baffled, the Turkish admiral returned to Constanti- 
nople. Suvoroff next superintended the emigration of 
some 20,000 Greek and Armenian Christians, the invari- 
able sufferers whichever Tartar faction held the reins of 
power. These departed to populate the new provinces 
of Russia in the south, where they founded the towns of 
Mariupol and Nakhitchevan. In 1779 a convention was 
concluded, in virtue of which the Sultan recognized 
Shahin as Khan, while Russia in turn withdrew her 
troops from his dominions. 

In 1780 Suvoroff assumed direction of the naval and 
military preparations which were being made at 
Astrakhan ; for the Empress and Potemkin appear at 
this time to have meditated designs on Persia. Nadir 
Shah, the conqueror, had just expired, leaving his 
dominions a prey to anarchy, and it is possible that the 
imperial conspirators hoped to seize a province in the 



STEPPE WARFARE. 63 

scramble which was likely to ensue. Georgia had long 
been the apple of contention between Russia, Turkey, 
and Persia; but in 1784 Potemkin persuaded its ruler, 
Heracles II., to acknowledge the supremacy of Catherine. 
Again, Russia entertained a vague project of diverting 
eastern trade from the ocean route to that of the Caspian, 
since at that period navigation was obstructed by the 
maritime warfare being waged between France and 
England. The development of trade with Central Asia 
was also aimed at, and to further these plans, Suvoroff 
was authorized to seize upon the town of Astrabad, 
situated on the Persian shore of the Caspian. He 
endeavoured to discourage Potemkin's visionary schemes, 
advising him that nothing useful could be effected at 
such a distance from the seat of empire till districts 
nearer home were better cared for, meaning the vast 
tracts extending between the Crimea and the Ural 
river which swarmed with predatory nomads ripe for 
mischief at every opportunity. At Astrakhan, to his 
disgust, he was compelled to remain till the close of 
1781, when, transferred to the command of the Kazan 
division, he conducted his troops next year to the 
mouth of the Dnieper. The Crim Tartars had once 
more revolted and expelled their Khan Shahin, who, 
as before, fled to Russia for assistance and protection. 
If this revolution was not the direct result of Potemkin's 
intrigues, at any rate that minister was prompt in turn- 
ing it to account. Six Russian corps being already 
cantoned along the Turkish frontier from Khotin on the 
Dneister to the mountains of the Caucasus, the Prince 
entered the Crimea in person at the head of one of 
them, the Turks having afforded a convenient pretext 



64 SUVOROFF. 

for the step by forcibly occupying Taman, on the Straits 
of Kertch. Meantime Suvoroff reached Azoff with his 
division, being entrusted with the subjugation of the 
Tartars of the Kuban. Shahin ceded his territories in 
1783 to Russia in consideration of a yearly pension ; 
the Empress in the same year annexed them to her 
Empire, the Kuban district included. Suvoroff now 
invited these Tartars to Yeisk, on the shores of the sea 
of Azoff, that they might take the oath of allegiance 
to their new sovereign. The solemnity, which took 
place on the anniversary of the accession of the Empress 
to the throne, was celebrated by a banqnet on a gigantic 
scale. The festivities were protracted for two entire 
days ; 100 oxen, 800 sheep, and 7500 gallons of brandy 
(the guests like good Moslems would not drink wine) 
were consumed during the orgy, which concluded with 
horse-racing and other national sports, and many a 
barbarian had drunk himself to death before these 
newly-fledged Russian subjects sought their homes 
delighted with their new rulers. But the ascendancy 
of the stomach was brief, and their loyalty evaporated 
with the fumes of the spirits which they had swallowed, 
Either through the caprice natural to savages, or on 
account of an attempt made to transplant some of them 
to the pastures of the Ural, the entire nation of the 
Nogai Tartars again flew to arms ; the emigrants, who 
had already reached the banks of the Don, broke away 
from their escort and returned to their homes ; and one 
of their sultans laid siege to Yeisk with a force of 10,000 
men during Suvoroffs absence. On the return of the 
Russian general to the relief of that post, the enemy 
raised the siege and fled to their desert fastnesses ; but 



STEPPE WARFARE. 65 

Suvoroff resolved to strike a blow at them which should 
for the future hold them within the bounds of obedience. 
He collected at Kopyl, near the mouth of the Kuban, a 
force consisting of 2500 regulars with 2000 Cossacks, 
while a second force of the latter, equally numerous, was 
instructed to join him en route. He had been informed 
that the principal camp of the Nogais lay near the con- 
fluence of the Laba with the Kuban, and to that point, 
ascending the right bank of the latter river, he directed 
his march. Moving by night only, he concealed his forces 
by day in hollows, ravines, &c., from the observation of 
the numerous scouts of the enemy. The difficulties 
which beset his path were immense ; roads of course 
there were none, and the line of march was everywhere 
intersected by marshy streams tributary to the Kuban. 
The country was likewise destitute of supplies, except 
the provision afforded by the captured flocks and herds 
of the enemy. At length he reached the confluence of 
the Laba and Kuban, where he was joined by the 
Cossacks of Ilovaiski, who had marched thither from 
Cherkask on the Don. Mounting an eminence, he de- 
scried beyond the river the distant smoke of the Tartar 
camps, and issued orders for crossing it the same night. 
The Cossacks, probing the current with their long lances, 
discovered a ford at a point where the channel extend- 
ing to a mile in breadth was of course shallow in propor- 
tion. The passage was facilitated by an islet in mid- 
stream, but the opposite bank was precipitous. The 
infantry stript before wading across, and held their 
muskets high above their heads ; for the water reached 
above their shoulders. The cavalry crossed higher up 
in order to break the force of the current before it reached 

F 



66 SUVOROFF. 

the infantry, and they carried the clothes of the latter. 
At dawn on the I2th of October 1783 the force, ascend- 
ing the right bank of the Laba, surprised the principal 
camp of the Tartars, who were in complete ignorance of 
the proximity of danger. A terrible carnage ensued. 
Four thousand of these warriors were slain on the spot 
with many women and children who, according to the 
habits of their race, shared the danger of battle with 
their adult defenders. The Cossacks could not be re- 
strained : an ancient blood feud existed between them 
and their victims. Neither side asked or granted 
quarter. The victory was complete and decisive. Suvo- 
roff retraced his steps to Yeisk. The struggle was con- 
cluded by the definite cession of the Crimea and Kuban 
to Russia, in January 1784, by the Ottoman Porte. The 
wretched Khan Shahin Ghirai, who resided at Voronej 
as a pensioner of Russia, suddenly fled the country, 
owing, as it was alleged, to the non-payment of his salary 
by Potemkin. Seeking an asylum in the Turkish capital, 
he was coldly received, and migrated to Rhodes, where 
he was ultimately strangled by the Sultan's command. 

Suvoroff, appointed to the command of the Vladimir 
military district, now took up his residence at Undol, an 
estate which he possessed in that neighbourhood. He 
prosecuted his studies in military history during this 
interval of comparative leisure ; read the lessons in 
church ; sang with the village choir ; rang the church 
bells, &c. &c., occupations with which he was accustomed 
to beguile his rural leisure. He was to be seen trotting 
about the village in white linen garments gossiping with 
the peasants about their affairs, arranging their marriages, 
playing with their children, and throwing ginger-bread 



STEPPE WARFARE. 67 

or coppers among them. Yet he speedily tired of 
inaction and begged Potemkin, with whom he was as 
yet on good terms, to restore him to a more active exis- 
tence. In 1785 accordingly we find him appointed to 
the command of the St. Petersburg military division; 
and in the following year, having attained the rank of 
full general, he was entrusted with a division of 10,000 
men which had been collected at Kremenstchug on the 
Dnieper. 

Just then Catherine was meditating that triumphal 
progress through her southern provinces which had 
such important political results. It was through no 
suggestion of Potemkin's that the project took shape : 
a faction hostile to him whispered to the Empress that 
the vast sums which she had lavished in colonizing 
Southern Russia were squandered by the favourite on 
unworthy or useless objects. Thus it was that she decided 
to satisfy herself by personal inspection. Potemkin was 
struck with dismay on learning her intentions, but soon 
recovered his composure and resolved to confound the 
machinations of his foes. Though a great genius, he 
was likewise an arrant impostor. There is reason for 
believing that he had acccomplished marvels in the new 
colonies and advanced their material prosperity. Yet, 
too suspicious to depend for justification on the solid 
basis of truth, he had recourse to a system of deception 
which was insulting to the intellect of the princess for 
whose eye it was devised. The imperial cortege, leaving 
Petersburg in January 1787, journeyed by sledge as far 
as KiefT, but only to spend the rest of the winter in 
that city. In the spring, embarking on the Dnieper in a 
fleet of magnificently decorated galleys, they followed 

F 2 



68 SUVOROFF. 

the course of the stream through the provinces subject 
to Potemkin's administration. To the astonishment of 
all on board, the banks presented a fertile and blooming 
aspect ; for the despotic Minister had assembled crowds 
of peasantry from the neighbouring districts ; wooden 
cabins had been constructed on the margin of the flood ; 
groves of trees adorned its banks, on which flocks and 
herds driven there for the occasion browsed in the most 
picturesque situations, while the measureless expanse 
behind was stript bare as a deal board, It is not pro- 
bable that these stage decorations deluded the acute 
understanding of the Empress, who without doubt 
saw through the deception practised, while she recog- 
nized the solid work which had actually been ac- 
complished. Delighted to perceive that her favourite 
was not wholly guilty, she was also spared the 
necessity of publicly disgracing one who had gained a 
marked ascendancy over her. On the 3rd May she was 
met at Kaneff by King Stanislas of Poland, and on the 
loth she reached Kremenstchug, where Suvoroff had 
drawn up his division to receive her. Two anecdotes, 
illustrative of Suvoroff's character have reached us from 
this period. At a ball given at Kieff, he met Count 
Alexander Lameth, then on a visit to the Russian Court. 
Stopping short in front of the stranger, he cried : 
" What are you ? your rank, and name." Lameth 
replied : " Frenchman, Colonel, Alexander Lameth !" 
" Good !" returned Suvoroff. But the French Count, 
nettled at this abrupt address, demanded in turn : 
" What are you ? your rank, and name." " Russian, 
General, Suvoroff," was the prompt rejoinder. " Good ! " 
exclaimed the other ; and Suvoroff, who was apt to form 



STEPPE WARFARE. 69 

a mean opinion of those who were abashed by his sudden 
queries, burst out laughing and shook him warmly by 
the hand. Again, at Kremenstchug, Catherine, having 
passed his division in review, was so pleased with the 
precision of its movements that, prior to leaving the 
ground, she distributed rewards to the officers broadcast. 
Suvoroff regarded in grim silence the obsequious crowd, 
and when at length the Empress, turning to him, 
inquired, " And you, General, do you require nothing ? " 
" Well, mother," he replied, in the familiar style affected 
by him when addressing the Sovereign, " pay the hire 
of my lodgings." " Is it much then you are in debt ?" 
inquired the Czarina. "Three and a half rubles," 
replied this " Alexander Diogenes," as he was nicknamed 
by the Prince de Ligne. After this adventure he was 
accustomed to boast that the Empress had "paid his 
debts." He felt a natural disgust for the obsequiousness 
and rapacity which was too common amongst his con- 
temporaries. 

At Kaidak, Joseph II. having joined the Imperial 
party, all journeyed in company first to Kherson, which 
had recently been founded by Potemkin on the estuary 
of the Dnieper, and thence into the Crimea. At Sevas- 
topol, which had been selected by that minister as a 
maritime post, they beheld from the heights of Inkerman 
the Black Sea fleet, his latest creation, riding at anchor 
below. They next visited Bagchi Serai, the romantic 
capital of the old Khans, taking up their abode in the 
palace but lately inhabited by the descendants of Gengis 
Khan. Thence retracing their steps to the banks of the 
Dnieper, the Imperial pair separated and sought their 
respective capitals. At Poltava, the fatal battle which 



70 SUVOROFF. 

sealed the fate of Charles XII. was rehearsed by the 
troops under Suvoroffs command, when the Empress, 
scanning the field from the lofty tumulus which is called 
the " Grave of the Swedes," involuntarily exclaimed, 
" One moment decides the fate of nations," an appropriate 
but rather common-place sentiment. 

Suvoroff, bidding adieu to the Empress at Poltava, 
hastily returned in company with Potemkin to Kremens- 
tchug ; for the Porte, justly irritated by the provocations 
offered by the two Monarchs, had declared war against 
Russia (i6th August, 1787). Since the Crimea seemed 
likely to bear the first brunt of attack, Suvoroff trans- 
ferred his head-quarters to the fortress of Kinburn, 
which covers the approaches to that peninsula. The 
second Turkish war, in which he was to acquire imperish- 
able glory, had broken out. A glance at his person at 
this period may not be out of place. It is thus described in 
Polevoi's biography : " Suvoroff was in 1787 fifty-eight 
years of age. Already in the decline of life, with thin 
grey hair, wrinkled face, stooping attitude and low 
stature, his appearance was well-nigh decrepit ; yet he 
was strong and healthy, active and enduring, and an 
excellent horseman. He could endure fatigue, hunger, 
thirst and want of sleep. His blue eyes sparkled with 
intelligence. His eccentricities astonished no one, for he 
had long since lost the power of dissembling them. His 
invincibility had become an article of faith in the army 
and among the people, who, in narrating, exaggerated 
his eccentricities ; how he ran, leaped and crowed like 
a cock; spoke the truth to every one ; went without furs 
in the depth of winter, and rode in front of his troops 
in an old threadbare cloak." In explanation of the above, 



STEPPE WARFARE. 71 

Suvorofif, a very early riser, on issuing forth before dawn 
was accustomed to salute the first comer with a ringing 
cock-a-doodle-doo, sung out at the top of his voice. Du- 
boscage states that this piece of buffoonery meant in 
words : Honour to the active and vigilant soldier ! But it 
is needless to analyze the motives of such remarkable 
proceedings. This was the man who was about to make 
Europe ring with the fame of his exploits. 



CHAPTER V. 

SECOND TURKISH WAR. 

THE liman or estuary formed by the rivers Bug and 
Dneiper, witnessed the outbreak of hostilities. The 
entrance to that broad sheet of water was commanded 
on the north by the Turkish fortress Otchakoff, on the 
south by Kinburn, which had been ceded to Russia by 
the Treaty of Kainardji. The latter, built on a sandy 
spit which projects into the Euxine, covered the ap- 
proaches to the Crimea, while Otchakoff, on the 
opposite shore, obstructed an advance on the Danube. 
Near Kherson, at the head of the liman, was Glubokoi, at 
that time Russia's principal naval station, where a 
flotilla suitable for navigating its shallow waters had 
been assembled. Such was the situation of affairs when 
Suvoroff established his head-quarters at Kinburn. 

In the autumn of 1787 the Russian armies were split into 
two principal masses: that of the Ukraine, 37,000 strong, 
which was stationed in Podolia under Rumantsoff, and 
the main body of 80,000 men under Potemkin's imme- 
diate command on the Dneiper. The duty assigned to 
the former was to observe Poland and cover the army of 
Potemkin, which was about to undertake the siege of 
the border fortresses. Of these, Otchakoff was in a 
neglected condition, destitute of supplies, fortifications 



SECOND TURKISH WAR. 73 

out of repair ; and had Potemkin acted with due vigour, 
its fall could not have been long delayed. But, war 
once declared, an unaccountable lethargy seems to 
have descended upon the prince, and it soon became 
manifest that, whatever the scope of his genius, a talent 
for war was not comprised in its endowments. 

Afflicted with a mania for vast conceptions in the 
abstract, he appeared paralysed when the moment came 
for action. A twelvemonth was spent by him before 
Olviopol in dilatory preparations for the siege of 
Otchakoff, whilst he indited plaintive letters to the Em- 
press descriptive of the embarrassments incident to his 
situation. But the Turks were of a more practical turn. 
The Pasha of Otchakoff, first informing Suvoroff that 
war was declared, added with commendable frankness 
that he intended to commence hostilities forthwith, and 
attack certain Russian vessels which lay at anchor off 
Kinburn. Accordingly, on the 3Oth August, he fulfilled 
his word, though the ships after a smart action escaped 
to Glubokoi. A descent on Kinburn now appearing 
imminent, Suvoroff prepared for the contingency. His 
forces consisted of seven battalions, twelve squadrons of 
regular cavalry, and three regiments of Cossacks, in all 
about 5000 men. Posting his infantry inside Kinburn, 
his cavalry were distributed in a cordon along the shore 
as far as Kherson, so that timely notice might be given of 
approaching danger ; and he began to throw up bat- 
teries for the protection of Glubokoi, one masked and 
intended for 27 guns at the extremity of the sandy spit 
on which Kinburn stands. 

On the 1 2th October the Turkish fleet approached, 
and, under cover of a heavy fire, commenced disembark- 



74 SUVOROFF. 

ing troops at the point where the masked battery was in 
course of construction. Having thrown ashore 5000 
picked Janissaries, the Turkish vessels ran out to sea, 
leaving the troops no hope of safety but in fight. 
Having hastily entrenched themselves on the shore, 
they began throwing up approaches to the fortress ; but 
the sandy nature of the soil, and the presence of water 
at a little distance below the surface, soon necessitated a 
recourse to sandbags. Suvoroff, strange to say, did not 
interrupt the landing, nor did he allow a single shot to 
be fired till the enemy had carried his approaches to 
within 200 yards of the glacis. Whether he hoped to 
destroy the whole of them, or was merely desirous of 
gaining time for the arrival of his cavalry is uncertain, 
but the prudent course would have been to sally forth 
and drive them into the sea, when but half their force 
was ashore. Still, when fighting with Asiatics, more 
venturesome tactics are permissible than in operating 
against a scientific foe, as our Indian annals proclaim ; 
and this, no doubt, would have been Suvoroff's answer 
to critics. When the Turks had arrived within the 
above range he caused a general volley to be poured 
into them from the ramparts, and charged forth at the 
head of his infantry, having first despatched the few 
horse he possessed to make the circuit of the fortification 
and fall upon their right flank. These stumbling 
across the ladder party of the enemy cut them to pieces 
with ease ; but the Russian infantry, who on this occa- 
sion fought in line, their flanks being protected by the 
sea, and the enemy having no cavalry in the field, 
met with a more formidable resistance. The Janissa- 
ries opposed to them were picked warriors headed by 



SECOND TURKISH WAR. 75 

fifty dervishes, who advanced waving their Korans above 
their heads. They repulsed the Russians, but Suvoroff 
brought up his reserves, and restored the fight. A can- 
non-shot killed his horse ; he was precipitated to earth 
and speedily surrounded by the enemy. He thereupon 
summoned a mounted Turk to surrender his horse, (mis- 
taking him, no doubt for a Cossack, since the Turks 
brought no horses, and this one must have been cap- 
tured), but the stranger rushed at him, and was about to 
deal a fatal blow, when a fusilier named Novikoff slew 
him with a bayonet-thrust. The cry was raised, "Our 
general is in danger," and a universal rush was made to 
rescue him. But he was already mounted on a fresh 
animal and superintending the action, which, renewed 
with obstinacy, lasted till evening. The Russians were 
already wavering and seemed about to turn, when, 
suddenly to their joy the ten squadrons which had 
been employed on outpost duty made their appearance 
and charged with decisive effect. In the thickest of the 
fray Suvoroff received a bullet in the arm ; but retiring 
to the sea-shore with his suite, he bathed it in sea-water, 
bound it with a portion of his shirt, and returned to the 
conflict. The fortune of the day was already decided, 
for the Turks, driven to the extremity of the sandy spit, 
were perishing by the point of the bayonet or drowning 
in the waves of the sea. Only 700 out of a total of 
5000 survived ; the dervishes being slain to a man. 
A Frenchman named Lafitte, who had been repairing 
the works of Otchakoff, led the expedition and was for- 
tunate enough to escape. Thus went Kinburn fight, 
which concluded hostilities for the year. The Turks 
made no further attempts on that fortress, whose de- 



76 SUVOROFF. 

fences Suvoroff improved during the winter, when the 
frost was so severe as to cover the liman with ice, which 
he caused to be broken up near the shore to prevent a 
surprise. 

About this time he writes to his daughter Natalia : 
" Although I am still weak from the effects of my wound, 
my zeal is as constant as ever ; and I am gradually 
recovering without in the least neglecting my duties." 

Thus passed the winter of 1787. In February, the 
following year, the Emperor Joseph united his arms to 
Russia according to treaty, though reluctantly, being 
probably aware of the antagonism which must ever reign 
between Russian interests in the Balkan peninsula and 
those of Austria ; distrusting also the uncertain and 
capricious temper of Potemkin. " What am I going to 
fight for ? " he is said to have exclaimed : " Potemkin 
begins things without finishing them. He wants the 
St. George of the first class ; when he gets it he 
will make peace." Yet, faithful to engagements, he 
assembled an army of 200,000 men, which he placed 
under the command of Lascy, a leader almost as 
incapable as Potemkin himself. Both Emperor and 
general were imbued with the preposterous theory of 
the age, viz. the cordon system which disseminated 
troops in so vast a line as to cover every point but pro- 
tect none. This great army, distributed into six corps, 
which occupied the vast tract included between the 
Adriatic and Euxine Seas, awaited motionless the attack 
of the enemy, who, entering Wallachia, inflicted crushing 
defeats on the imperial forces at Slatina and Lugos, and 
carried desolation into the heart of Hungary. The Aus- 
trian armies were in consequence consigned to inactivity 
for the remainder of that year. 



SECOND TURKISH WAR. 77 

In May 1788 the Ottoman fleet reached Otchakoff 
and several naval contests took place for the possession 
of the linian. The Russians were usually victorious, in 
part through a more accurate knowledge of the naviga- 
tion, for the coast is beset with shoals, on which the 
vessels of the enemy frequently stranded. On the 28th 
June, Hassan, the Turkish admiral (the same who was 
defeated by Alexis Orloff at Chesmeh Bay in 1770), 
made a general attack, but had to retire to Otchakoff 
with the loss of many vessels which had run ashore or 
been taken, and next night he attempted to regain the 
open sea. With the leading vessels of the squadron he 
successfully weathered the spit of Kinburn under cover 
of night, but the remainder were discovered and over- 
whelmed by a tempest of red-hot shot from the masked 
battery which Suvoroff had now completed. The Turk- 
ish vessels, getting into dreadful confusion, began to 
catch fire ; they blew up and ran ashore in every direc- 
tion. Ignorant of the very existence of the battery 
which was raking them, their commander judged that 
they had strayed beneath the guns of Kinburn, and 
knew not whither to steer. A dreadful spectacle met 
the eye, vessels floating aimlessly to and fro amid smoke, 
flame, and uproar, till they fell victims to the certain 
destruction which awaited them. At daylight the 
Prince of Nassau's flotilla co-operated, and with his 
assistance the work of destruction was made com- 
plete. 

At length, on the 9th July, Potemkin broke up from 
Olviopol and, with an army which numbered 40,000 men, 
sat down before Otchakoff ; but it was soon perceived 
that the season was too far advanced to admit of a 



78 SUVOROFF. 

formal siege being undertaken. The principal generals 
therefore entreated him to risk an assault, which would 
put an end to the intolerable sufferings of the troops 
from want and exposure. Among the most importu- 
nate of these advisers was Suvoroff, now in command of 
the left wing of the besieging forces. But Potemkin 
pertinaciously refused compliance, alleging aversion to 
bloodshed as an excuse, though lives were daily being 
sacrificed through disease which would soon exceed in 
the aggregate the deaths consequent on an assault 
obstinacy which gave occasion for the display of the 
fiery impatience and insurbordinate temper of Suvoroff ; 
for, on the 7th August, seizing the occasion of a sortie 
from the town, he pursued the routed enemy to within 
the circle of its defences, hoping thus to force Potem- 
kin's hand, and compel him to support an engagement 
which was already in progress. Nevertheless, the Prince, 
when informed of the occurrence, declined to interfere, 
and sent peremptory orders to bring the troops out of 
action. Meantime, Suvoroff, wounded by a bullet which 
lodged in his neck, had been constrained to quit the field 
and return to camp, while the officer who succeeded him 
in command executed the retreat so ill, that a loss of 400 
men was incurred through his awkwardness. The 
wounded chief was conveyed to Kinburn in great pain, 
and there he stayed till convalescence. 

At this point of time the difficulties of Russia were 
augmented by the policy of Gustavus III. of Sweden, 
who, conceiving the moment opportune for the recovery 
of the Baltic provinces which had been wrested from his 
country by Peter the Great, declared war upon the 
Empress. But he was in too great a hurry ; for a fleet 



SECOND TURKISH WAR. 79 

which she had caused to assemble at Cronstadt for opera- 
tions in the Mediterranean was detained on news of the 
rupture reaching St. Petersburg. Several naval actions* 
ensued, which ended in the Swedish ships taking refuge 
under the guns of Sveaborg, were they remained until 
the conclusion of hostilities, while on land the progress 
of the King was arrested by a mutiny among his nobles, 
who denied the right of the Crown to wage offensive 
war without the consent of the Council. But the action 
of Sweden, in combination with the threats of England, 
Prussia, and Poland, all interested in the maintenance 
of the Ottoman Power in Europe, made it desirable that 
a blow should be struck for the restoration of the pres- 
tige of Russia, which had suffered through her recent 
inaction. This consideration weighed with Catherine 
and her minister and decided the fate of beleaguered 
Otchakoff. The winter an intensely cold one was 
long remembered in Russia as the " Otchakoff winter." 
From thirty to forty soldiers were daily frozen to death 
in the trenches, and Potemkin, moved alike by humanity, 
the remonstrances of his generals, and the open murmurs 
of his troops, at length gave orders for the assault 
of the city. It took place on the i/th of December 
1788. The garrison numbered 20,000, the assailants 
no more than 14,000; who, formed into six columns of 
attack, two of which were held in reserve, steadily moved 
to their sanguinary task. The assault of the fortress 
itself lasted but one hour and a quarter, after which the 
butchery which is characteristic of Eastern warfare com- 

* The sound of the cannon was heard in the palace at Peters- 
burg, eliciting from the Empress the cry : " Truly Czar Peter 
placed the capital too near the frontier !'* 



8o SUVOROFF. 

menced. The Moslems fought desperately from house 
to house ; neither age nor sex were spared ; 10,000 were 
slain and 4000 taken prisoners, while the loss inflicted on 
their assailants amounted in killed and wounded to no 
less than 4000. The hard frost which prevailed had a 
ghastly effect on the appearance of the dead, who lay 
rigidly fixed in the posture assumed at the moment of 
death. During this awful scene Potemkin was stationed 
in a battery which commanded a view of the city, giving 
no orders, but imploring celestial aid. Catherine was 
ill when the welcome intelligence arrived, but at a ban- 
quet held to celebrate the event she exclaimed : " I was 
sick, but joy has cured me." Otchakoff, rased to the 
ground after capture, has never recovered the blow. 

Suvoroff lay wounded and in disgrace. He had in- 
curred the displeasure of a domineering upstart, whose 
vanity could neither forget nor forgive the slight on his 
courage and capacity which an audacious surbordinate 
had inflicted at the siege of Otchakoff, and who, conceal- 
ing his rancour beneath the cloak of humanity, had 
written as follows to the object of it : " My soldiers are 
such a treasure that they must not be uselessly sacrificed. 
Without rhyme or reason more lives have been lost than 
the whole town of Otchakoff is worth. It is strange 
indeed that my subordinates should order the move- 
ment of troops without my sanction." The influence of 
Potemkin was at its zenith, and the Empress, notwith- 
standing her partiality for Suvoroff, seemed unable or 
unwilling to screen him from her favourite's animosity. 
His luck was indeed at a low ebb ; for, when lying 
wounded at Kinburn, a powder-magazine blew up, and 
a live shell, bursting into his apartment, severely injured 



SECOND TURKISH WAR. 81 

him, while it shattered into fragments the bedstead on 
which he was stretched. It is surprising that a man of 
his years should have survived the physical trials to 
which he was subjected. He recovered, however, and in 
the course of. the ensuing winter visited St Petersburg, 
where the Empress bestowed on him a diamond aigrette 
in memory of the victory at Kinburn. Potemkin likewise 
repaired to the capital, where he was greeted with plau- 
dits and ovations such as might have accompanied the 
triumphal entry of a Caesar or a Hannibal. But, though 
on the summit of human greatness,his creditwith the Em- 
press was on the decline. He possessed a formidable rival 
in the person of Prince Zuboff, whose brother was married 
to Natalia Suvoroff, and it was probably owing to this 
circumstance that her father was restored to active em- 
ploy, and appointed to command a division of the army 
of the Danube, where Potemkin now reigned supreme ; 
for through the Prince's intrigues, Rumantsoff had been 
removed from the command. That army was divided 
into two principal masses : one under Prince Repnin (of 
Warsaw celebrity) was destined for offensive operations, 
while the second, led by the Commander-in-Chief in 
person, laid siege to various fortresses under cover of the 
first. Repnin's head-quarters were at Jassy ; his left 
communicated with Potemkin at Kherson by a division 
posted at Bender ; his right, with the Austrains of Prince 
Coburg, 18,000 strong, who lay between the Sereth and 
the Transylvanian mountains ; while his front was covered 
at Berlat a central point in Moldavia, whence the 
courses of the Sereth, Danube, and Pruth could be con- 
viently watched by a division under Suvoroff. 

Arriving at Berlat in May 1789, that officer learnt 

G 



82 SUVOROFF. 

from Derfelden, whom he replaced in the command, 
that the enemy, having invaded Moldavia in the pre- 
ceding March, had been defeated and pursued as far as 
Galatz by his own division ; that he had attacked the 
Ottoman forces in that town, but, deeming its position 
too much in advance of the Russian main body, he had 
burnt and abandoned it, returning afterwards to Berlat. 
All these proceedings Suvoroff approved with the ex- 
ception of the burning of Galatz, and the devastation of 
the enemy's country ; " for," he justly observed, " by so 
doing we have chiefly injured ourselves." May and June 
passed idly by ; but shortly afterwards the Sultan Abdul 
Hamid, who had just mounted the throne, all at once 
became vigorous and active. Having crippled the 
Austrians in the preceding campaign, the Osmanli now 
determined to rid themselves of their Russian foes. 
In July their advance, 40,000 strong, crossing the Danube 
at Braila, moved on Fokshani with the intention of 
crushing the Austrian corps of Coburg, which lay at 
Adjud, near the junction of the Trotush with the Se- 
reth. Repnin upon this ordered Suvoroff to march to 
the rescue, who, informing his ally of the intended move- 
ment by the laconic epistle, " I come," quitted Berlat at 
the head of 5000 men, while 2000 remained to guard 
the camp, and reached Adjud at 1 1 p.m. on the 28th 
July, having travelled forty-eight miles in thirty-six 
hours. Early next morning the Prince of Coburg sought 
an interview, which was declined by his eccentric ally on 
various comical pretexts. First he was informed that 
the general was asleep ; next that he was at prayers ; 
till, abandoning his design, the Austrian departed in 
great perplexity. In the course of the day, how- 



SECOND TURKISH WAR 83 

ever, a note from Suvoroff was placed in his hand to 
the effect " the troops having rested sufficiently will 
march at 2 a.m. in two columns, the Imperialists on 
the right, the Russians on the left. March straight for 
the enemy, without waiting to clear the ground on either 
flank, so as to reach the Putna in good time, cross and 
attack the enemy early. They say the infidels are 50,000 
strong, with another 50,000 in their rear. A pity that 
they are not all in one body ; then we could beat them 
all at once. But as this cannot be, let us begin with 
these and put the rest to rout afterwards." Coburg, a 
man of easy temper, and not improbably forewarned of 
the peculiarities of Suvoroff, yielded a full compliance 
with these dispositions. 

At an early dawn on the $oth July 1789, the allies 
passed the Trotush on three pontoon bridges, and next 
day encountered the enemy's cavalry, which; after a 
lively skirmish, were defeated and driven beyond the 
Putna to the camp at Fokshani. While advancing 
Suvoroff was careful to hide from the enemy as far as 
possible the presence of his Russians. His advance 
guard was therefore composed exclusively of Austrians, 
while at every halt he caused his own men to bivouac in 
some spot screened from observation. On the morning 
of the ist of August he moved towards the Putna, the 
Austrians, who were on the right, being distributed into 
nine squares placed chequer-wise (en echiquier) ; five 
being in ist line and four in 2nd, covering the intervals 
between those in front of them ; the guns were placed 
between the squares, the cavalry in reserve in rear of 
the whole. The Russians adopted the same formation, 
though their squares were no more than six in number. 

G 2 



84 SUVOROFF. 

Communication between the two wings was maintained 
by Karaczay's brigade, which had formed the advance- 
guard on the line of march. In this order the Allies 
approached the banks of the stream, which the infantry 
crossed by the pontoon bridge, the cavalry by a ford. 
Having corrected their formation on the opposite bank, 
the forces advanced, music playing and colours flying, 
towards the enemy's position at Fokshani, though 
Count Spleny with the two squares which composed the 
extreme right of the Austrian line, had not yet come up. 
Before long what seemed to be a vast sandstorm was 
descried rapidly sweeping towards them. A rumbling 
sound like that of thunder was heard, while flashes of 
steel glittered from the midst of the cloud. Fifteen 
thousand Asiatic horsemen were galloping in mass down 
upon them. After expending their fury upon the 
Austrian right, they were assailed in flank by the fire of 
Spleny's squares, which, arriving opportunely on the 
field, caused them to wheel to the right and charge the 
Russians. Unsupported however by infantry, these 
fanatical horsemen, after an obstinate struggle, aban- 
doned the field, and the Allies, resuming their advance, 
encountered an impenetrable wood, which caused their 
wings to separate right and left. Reuniting at the 
opposite end, the camp of the enemy was descried 
an intrenchment which, defended by 6000 Janissaries, 
covered the passage of the Milkoff close to the village of 
Fokshani. The intervening space was thickly inter- 
spersed with prickly bushes, which considerably impeded 
the advance, actually drawing blood from both men and 
horses as they picked their way through the obstacle. 
In spite of this nuisance the original formation was 



SECOND TURKISH WAR. 85 

maintained till, the foot of the intrenchments reached, 
the charge was sounded, one volley delivered, and the 
post carried with a rush. The enemy fled panic- struck 
to Braila, but a handful of resolute Turks, shutting 
themselves up in the convent of St. Samuel, resisted to 
the last, when their place of refuge was carried at the 
point of the bayonet by an Austrian battalion, and all 
perished. It was near this spot that the two allied gene- 
rals met for the first time. A carpet was spread upon 
the turf, and they breakfasted together with their staffs. 
Coburg asked his colleague's reasons for refusing to see 
him on the previous day, receiving this answer : " In- 
terviews are useless. I was convinced that my friend 
Coburg would not consent to act according to my views ; 
for my plan was contrary to the rules of tactics. We 
should have spent the whole day in deliberation. 
Meantime the enemy would have attacked and routed 
the tacticians." Suvoroff probably formed his opinion of 
the Austrians from his experience of the Seven Years 
War, and was not far wrong, ashistory proves. The enemy 
lost in this action 1500 men and 10 guns. Coburg re- 
mained at Fokshani while Suvoroff returned to Berlat. 

The forces defeated at Fokshani were but the advance- 
guard of the Grand Visir's army, which lay 90,000 strong 
at Braila, in readiness to burst into Wallachia. On the 
2 ist August the main army of Russia, having reached 
the banks of the Dneister, prepared to invest the fortresses 
of Bender and Akkerman, when the Grand Visir, cross- 
ing the Danube at Braila, advanced towards Coburg's 
camp at Fokshani, while another Turkish army, under 
Hassan Pasha, penetrated into Bessarabia by way of 
Ismail. Suvoroff, uncertain for a moment how to act, 



86 SUVOROFF. 

took up a central position on the Sereth, which enabled 
him to strike, as opportunity offered, at either the Grand 
Visir or Hassan, while he posted a detachment on the 
Pruth to secure the passage of that river. Repnin 
meanwhile had passed into Bessarabia and forced the 
enemy back on Ismail ; and Suvoroff, having received 
positive intelligence of the Grand Visir's arrival on 
the Rymnik, a small tributary of the Sereth, left Berlat 
on the i pth September, and, in spite of the horrible state 
of the roads caused by continuous rains, reached Tekutch, 
eighteen miles distant, by noon the same day. After a 
brief halt the march was resumed, when nine more miles 
brought his division to the Sereth, where it was hoped 
that a bridge had been laid for them by the Aus- 
trians. Owing, however, to some misunderstanding it 
had been constructed nine miles farther up the stream, 
and, amid a terrific storm, the troops continued their 
march to that point. But when half only had effected a 
passage, the bridge was swept away by the force of the 
current, which was in flood, and thus separated, the Rus- 
sians spent the night without shelter from the tempest, 
except that afforded by a small plantation of fir-trees. 
Nevertheless, the bridge having been repaired during 
the night, and the next morning the storm and rain having 
somewhat abated, the march was resumed. On the 2ist 
June Suvoroff, on approaching the Rymnik, curtly 
announced his arrival to Coburg by a message inti- 
mating that he intended to attack the Turks after an 
hour or two of repose. The Austrian chief having 
repaired to the tent of his colleague, found him stretched 
on a truss of hay, and occupied in consulting the map. 
when, taking a seat by his side, he was addressed by him 



SECOND TURKISH WAR. 87 

to the following effect : " We must attack without delay ; 
for since the Grand Visir has halted on the Rymnik this 
must be in expectation of reinforcements. We must 
forestall him in this by attacking before their arrival 
and by a surprise neutralize his superior numbers." 
The other objected that " the disproportion of numbers 
was too great almost four to one." " So much the 
better," retorted Suvoroff, " the greater will be their 
trouble and confusion/' declaring at the same time his 
firm resolve to attack, even if assistance were denied him 
by his allies. The Prince, however, consented, and 
Suvoroff at once galloped off to reconnoitre the position 
of the enemy. On an adjacent hillock he dismounted 
and, with agility rare at his age, climbed into the boughs 
of a tree, from which elevated station he surveyed the 
country around at leisure. The enemy was posted 
between the Rymna and Rymnik, tributaries of the Se- 
reth, his right resting on the latter at Martineshti, his left 
on the former at the fortified post of Tirgokukuli ; the 
village of Boksa and the forest of Krungameilor, both on 
the same hill, formed his centre ; his main body, under 
the Grand Visir in person, lay at Martineshti on either 
bank of the Rymnik. 

It followed from the above dispositions of the enemy 
that, his right wing being thrown back, the passage of 
the Rymna in its front was undefended, and of this 
circumstance Suvoroff resolved to take advantage the 
more willingly that the direct line of advance approached 
the stream where the opposite bank was lofty, steep, 
and swept by the fire of the enemy. Diverging to his 
left, he discovered a ford near the village of Choresti, 
and issued orders for crossing on the following day, the 



88 SUVOROFF. 

22nd of September, the anniversary, it so chanced, of his 
victory over Oginski at Stolovitshi, eighteen years before. 
The Turkish army, with its vast impedimenta, had reached 
Martineshti on the i8th, i.e. a day before Suvoroff left 
Berlat, and so, with due diligence, might have crushed 
the Austrians before his arrival to assist them. On 
the 1 9th they had driven the Imperial troops across 
the Milkoff, but next day contented themselves with 
occupying the convent of Tirgokukuli with their right 
wing, and placing it in a state of defence. But 
on the 2 1st Suvoroff appeared, and his right wing 
composed of Russians 7000 strong, his left of Austrians 
about 18,000 in the evening crossed the Milkoff. A 
march of eight miles beyond brought them to theRymna. 
The night was dark; the stream about 150 yards in 
breadth, but shallow, the water not reaching higher than 
the knee. Squares arranged chequerwise in two lines 
were employed as at Fokshani ; the cavalry was 
in reserve, the guns being in the intervals between 
the infantry. The Austrians, having to make a circuit 
down stream, did not come into action till later in the 
day ; but the Russians on reaching the opposite bank 
wheeled to the right and advanced in battle array 
against the enemy's left at Tirgokukuli, a wide interval 
being thus left between the two wings, which were con- 
nected as at Fokshani by the advance-guard of Karacsay. 
The defenders of Tirgokukuli, 12,000 strong, were 
completely surprised, but gained time to form their ranks 
owing to the fact that the Russians were obstructed in 
their advance by a defile which admitted no more than 
a single square at a time. There were six squares in all, 
three in first and three in second line. Numbering them 



SECOND TURKISH WAR. 89 

from right to left, so that No. I represents the square 
on the extreme right of the ist line, and No. 6 the one 
on the extreme left of the 2nd, this is what took place : 
No. I square having threaded the defile, charged the 
battery opposed to them and routed its defenders. These, 
however rallied at some distance beyond, when 3000 
Turkish horsemen, each carrying a Janissary en croupe, 
swiftly returned to the scene of conflict. The Janissaries 
leaping to earth, scimitar in hand, rushed impetuously 
on No. I square, which was compelled to retire on its 
supports ; but at this moment Suvoroff came up with 
No. 2 square and, aided by a cavalry charge delivered 
on the right flank of the enemy, forced them in turn to 
abandon the field. In the meantime No. 6 square was 
violently assailed by 5000 Turkish cavalry, which had 
been, detached from Boksa, and a long and dubious 
struggle ensued. But Suvoroff, whose watchful eye had 
marked the occurrence, caused squares Nos. 3 and 4 to 
take post on the flanks of No. 6, so as to subject the 
enemy to a cross fire of musketry. This manoeuvre, 
assisted by a flank charge of a few squadrons, repelled 
the Turkish horsemen, who sought refuge behind their 
centre in the wood of Krungamelior, while the Russians 
remained masters of this portion of the field. 

In the opposite quarter, though somewhat later, the 
Austrians moved against the centre of the enemy at 
Boksa, but were immediately assailed by a vast mul- 
titude of cavalry numbering 15,000 sabres. The conflict 
raged for two hours, when the Osmanli, being as usual 
unsupported by infantry, were thrust back behind their 
intrenchments, which it was now seen, had been thrown 
up by the enemy in front of their centre. Suvoroff, mean- 



90 SUVOROFF. 

while, reforming- his line and leaving a single battalion 
at Tirgokukuli to protect his rear, wheeled the whole 
mass to the left and advanced, a manoeuvre which soon 
brought him into touch with the Austrian right, when 
the allies formed a continuous line which confronted the 
Turkish intrenchments near Boksa. The first act of the 
sanguinary drama had closed. It was midday, and the 
allies halted for a brief interval of repose. The cavalry 
watered their horses, while the soldiers consumed their 
meagre fare. At one in the afternoon however the whole 
line, starting up, fell into their ranks and advanced in 
perfect order to the strains of military music against the 
intrenchments and wood in their front, whose defenders 
had meanwhile been strengthened by nearly 4000 men 
from Martineshti under the Grand Visir in person. 
The village of Boksa, being situated to the left and a 
little in front of the intrenchments, so as to afford a 
flanking fire in their defence, the Russians under Suvoroff 
moved obliquely to the right, in order to turn a great 
battery there which enfiladed the Austrian line. The 
movement at once reopened the gap between the right 
and left wings of the allies, and this tempting oppor- 
tunity was seized upon by the Grand Visir, who hurled 
his cavalry in mass upon the front, flanks, and rear of 
the Austrians. Coburg sent urgent entreaties for assist- 
ance to Suvoroff, who, having in the meantime carried 
by storm the village of Boksa, and silenced its batteries, 
had halted to reform his line, and now, wheeling- 
to his left, moved perpendicularly on to the left 
flank of the Turkish troops as they fought with 
the Austrians. The manoeuvre brought the Rus- 
sians into a position at right angles to the Aus- 



SECOND TURKISH WAR. 91 

trians while the gap between them constantly dimi- 
nished as the advance continued. At length both 
joined hands at the foot of the intrenchments, which 
they enfolded, and Suvoroff, moving up the cavalry into 
the intervals between the infantry squares, ordered a 
general advance. When at the distance of 800 yards 
from the enemy's works, this mass of horse charged at 
speed over and into them, inflicting terrible losses on the 
confused mass inside, while Suvoroff, placing himself at 
the head of the infantry, advanced swiftly to their sup- 
port. The Osmanli fled in panic rout. In vain the 
Grand Visir, Koran in hand, endeavoured to arrest their 
flight ; entreaty and menace were alike thrown away. 
The desperate expedient of firing on the fugitives was 
employed, but to no purpose. By four in the afternoon 
the field of battle and the camps of the Turks were in 
undisputed possession of their foes, whose exertions 
were rewarded with an immense booty, one hundred 
standards, and eighty cannon. In despair the Grand 
Visir accompanied the flight of his troops as far as Braila, 
while the bridge over the Buzeo, was blown up to retard 
pursuit, and taking himself to Shumla, he shortly after- 
wards died of a broken heart. 

The victory at Rymnik did not produce results com- 
mensurate with its magnitude, partly owing to Potem- 
kin's irresolution, partly to diplomatic considerations 
which rendered an invasion unadvisable. Nevertheless 
it afforded opportunity for Suvoroff to display a tactical 
ability which entitled him to take rank as a first-rate 
military commander. He took full advantage of the 
dissemination of the enemy's forces in several camps, 
surprising and attacking them in detail before they could 



92 SUVOROFF. 

arrange for mutual defence. The decisive cavalry charge, 
closely supported as it was by the infantry squares, 
stands out in marked contrast to the isolated and spas- 
modic attacks of the Turkish horse, executed with 
furious elan but unsupported, and therefore void of 
permanent results. The cordial relations which existed 
between the two allied commanders contributed to suc- 
cess. Coburg, with rare good temper and judgment, 
gave way to the eccentric genius with whom his lot 
was cast, and Suvoroff, on his part, was wont to com- 
pare their friendship to that which united Marlborough 
and the Prince Eugene. For the exploit the Emperor 
created him count of the Roman Empire, while he ob- 
tained the same rank in Russia with the additional title 
of Rymnikski. Other marks of Catherine's favour were 
not wanting, among others a sword set with brilliants, 
valued at .6000. Every Russian soldier engaged in the 
battle received a silver medal perhaps the first instance 
on record of the decoration of privates for service in the 
field. In the hour of triumph Suvoroff wrote to Natalia : 
" Tell the sisters " (of the convent where she dwelt) " that 
I have brain fever. Hast heard, my darling? More from 
my generous 'mother.' A rescript filling half a sheet, as 
if addressed to Alexander the Great: the insignia of St. 
Andrew, and above all the first class of the St. George. 
Dost see what manner of man thy father is ?" At this 
epoch an Austrian officer thus draws his character : 
" This Suvoroff is a remarkable man. He is so old and 
so crippled by wounds that he is unable to carry his 
sabre. A Cossack riding behind him carries it, and 
hands it to him when in action. At other times he bears a 
riding-whip, which serves him for truncheon. He rides 



SECOND TURKISH WAR. 93 

any sorry jade he comes across, having no equipage. 
His mode of life is very peculiar. As a rule he appears 
in his shirt, on which are pinned his orders, but which 
bears no other distinction of rank, while, if he wears 
uniform it is always private's. He is on the alert all 
night, visiting the sentries and piquets in person. At 
8 a.m. he eats his dinner, which is very simple, sitting on 
the ground. He is a great oddity yet nevertheless an 
amiable, well-educated man, who is adored by his own 
men and much esteemed by ours. Twice already has 
he assisted us in gaining glorious victories, acting on 
his own responsibility without waiting for the orders of 
Potemkin, who might have disapproved." 

Shortly after the battle of the Rymnik (called Mar- 
tineshti by the Austrians), Bender and Akkerman sur- 
rendered to Potemkin ; Belgrade and Semendria to 
Loudon, who had at last been placed in command of the 
Austrians. Suvoroff wintered with his division at Berlat. 

In the beginning of 1790 the European situation 
underwent a change unfavourable to the interests of Rus- 
sia. Prussia concluded a peace with the Porte which 
guaranteed the integrity of that empire, and contracted 
an alliance with Poland ; both with a view to resisting 
aggression from the north. In February the Emperor 
Joseph died ; Catherine had to mourn the loss of a 
faithful ally, and it seemed as if England and Holland 
also were about to swell the coalition in course of forma- 
tion for the protection of Turkey. The new Emperor, 
Leopold II., being anxious for peace, on the 26th June 
the Congress of Reichenbach assembled, which Russia 
declined to attend and, menaced in every quarter, with- 
drew her troops from the Turkish frontier to strengthen 



94 SUVOROFF. 

her forces elsewhere. Her generals on the Danube lay 
inactive, while the enemy collected an army of 200,000 
men in Bulgaria for offensive operations. Coburg, who 
occupied Wallachia with 45,000 men, in the month of 
June laid siege to Giurgevo ; but the defenders, sallying 
forth, captured his siege artillery and compelled him to 
retire to Bucharest. In the same month 12,000 Turks 
crossed the Danube at Widdin, but were repulsed by the 
Austrian general Clairfait. Informed of these events, 
and likewise of the Grand Visir's advance on Rustchuk. 
Suvoroffleft Berlat, crossed the Sereth, and took post on 
the Buzeo to be within reach of Coburg in case of need. 
Further news that 70,000 Turks had entered Wallachia 
induced him to seek an interview with that general at 
Bucharest, where they arranged a combined attack on 
the enemy. At this juncture however a courier brought 
news that a convention had been signed at Reichenbach, 
whereby Turkey and Austria agreed to a suspension of 
hostilities. Suvoroff therefore returned to Berlat, Wal- 
lachia having been neutralized by the terms of the 
armistice ; while Coburg remained at Sistova during the 
negotiations for peace which, though commenced on the 
ipth September 1790, were not concluded till the 4th 
August in the following year. 

Through the peace of Verela, which had been concluded 
with Sweden on the I4th August, 1790, Russia was 
enabled to put forth more energy than hitherto upon the 
Danube ; but, owing to the neutralization of Wallachia 
by the terms of the armistice, her efforts were neces- 
sarily confined to the space between the Sereth and the 
Black Sea, inclusive of the delta formed by the Danube 
a marshy tract, uninhabited, and used in the summer 



SECOND TURKISH WAR. 95 

only for grazing purposes and of Ismail, Kilia, Tulcha, 
and Isakchi. Potemkin, after demolishing Bender, took 
counsel with Suvoroff as to the further prosecution of 
the war, when the latter replied : " The flotilla should 
seize the mouths of the Danube, capture Tultcha and 
Isakchi, combine with the land forces, storm Ismail and 
Braila, and make Sistova tremble." Potemkin acceded, 
and as the possession of Kilia and Tultcha, which com- 
mand the navigable branches of the Danube, was 
requisite before investing Ismail, the Russian flotilla, 
under Ribas, entered the Kilia and Sulina mouths, while 
Gudovitch laid siege to Kilia itself by land. On the 28th 
October that fortress surrendered ; Ribas captured a 
Turkish flotilla in the Sulina branch, while in the ensuing 
month the fortresses Tultcha and Isakchi fell. Having 
thus gained command of the Danube, the Russians 
proceeded to invest the great fortress of Ismail, which, 
situated on the northern bank of the Kilia branch, 
was protected by earthen ramparts from thirteen to 
twenty-four feet in height and by a ditch thirty-six feet 
wide and twenty-four deep, but possessing no outworks 
of any description. In two places only were masonry 
defences to be found on the northern front and also the 
western, where the rampart ended with the Danube, 
The river front was badly protected, for the flotilla was 
thought sufficient for its protection ; though after the 
commencement of the siege it was provided with addi- 
tional earthworks. The fortress mounted 250 guns of 
various calibre ; and the garrison, commanded by the 
intrepid Aidos Mehemet Pasha, consisted of 35,000 
choice Turkish troops with ample supplies of provisions 
and other necessaries of war. The siege was commenced 



96 SUVOROFF. 

in November by General Gudovitch ; but want and 
disease decimated the Russian battalions, and further 
operations were postponed till spring. The troops had 
set out for their winter quarters ; the siege train was 
packed in Kilia ; the storm which menaced the be- 
leaguered garrison seemed about to disperse. Suddenly 
Potemkin, changing his intentions, addressed to Suvo- 
roff the curt message : " You will take Ismail at any cost" 

It found him at Galatz. Issuing urgent orders for 
the recall of the troops which had departed, he selected 
a detachment from his own division to take part in the 
operation, and caused large quantities of facines, gabions, 
and escalading-ladders to be forwarded to Ismail, whither 
he betook himself in person, escorted by a guard of forty 
Cossacks. 

On the 1 3th December two horsemen mounted on 
sorry Cossack ponies were observed approaching the 
Russian camp before Ismail. It was Suvoroff, who, in 
his eagerness, had outstript his escort, and was riding 
attended by a single guide, who bore his more than 
scanty field equipment. Potemkin's command that 
" General Suvoroff will undertake the capture of Ismail " 
was published, and in a moment gloom and despon- 
dency yielded to hope and confidence; faces bright- 
ened up ; hunger, cold, and misery were forgotten in the 
assured prospect of victory. " Do you see that fortress ? " 
asked Suvoroff of the soldiers who flocked around him ; 
" the walls are high, the ditches are deep, yet it must be 
taken ; the Empress, our mother, has ordered it, and she 
must be obeyed. With your assistance this will be 
accomplished." 

The besiegers numbered 31,000, but half of these were 



SECOND TURKISH WAR. 97 

Cossacks, armed with no more formidable weapons than 
their lances. The siege guns had not returned, but with 
his field artillery Suvoroff armed several batteries which 
he caused to be thrown up at about 400 yards from the 
city. His flotilla anchored in two detachments above 
and below it, and batteries were erected in the island of 
Tchatal on the opposite side of the river. These pre- 
parations made, he summoned the Seraskier, who in reply 
exhorted him for his own sake to abandon his rash 
design : " the season," he argued, " is advanced ; the 
besiegers were in want of everything, the garrison of 
nothing." To a second message the Turk replied with 
bombast which rivalled the usual style of his foe : 
" Sooner shall the Danube cease its flow, sooner shall 
heaven fall to earth than the city of Ismail surrender." 
Yet a third time, Suvoroff wrote : " If the white flag be 
not hoisted this very day, the city will be stormed and 
no quarter granted." Upon this, such was the terror 
inspired by Suvoroffs name, that several pashas are said 
to have advised a parley ; but Aidos Mehemet deigned 
no further answer. 

Suvoroff held a council of war, not that his resolution 
wavered, but in desperate enterprises it is prudent to 
obtain thus the hearty concurrence of subordinates. 
He relied on his moral influence to electrify those whom 
he consulted and hoped to inspire them with a heroism 
equal to his own. In his speech he set forth how " a 
retreat would destroy the moral of the army, be trum- 
peted throughout Europe and thus increase the arrogance 
of the Turks and their allies," and ended by expressing 
his firm resolve " to plant the Russian flag upon the 
walls of Ismail, or perish in the attempt." Brigadier 

H 



98 SUVOROFF. 

Platoff (afterwards renowned in the Napoleonic wars), 
voted first as junior member, and of course in favour of the 
undisguised wishes of his chief ; the rest followed suit ; 
and Suvoroff in a transport of joy embraced Plotoff, 
crying : " To-day for prayer, to-morrow for drill, the next 
day victory or a glorious death" " Victory or a glorious 
death," repeated in a loud tone the assembled chiefs. 

But Potemkin soon began to hesitate, his firmness to 
give way. He wrote to Suvoroff, commanding him that 
" unless he were certain of success" he should abandon 
the enterprise, which drew forth the reply that " a retreat 
would now be disgraceful. No man could make certain 
of success ; he could merely answer for himself and the 
troops committed to his charge. Nothing that prudence 
could do would be neglected ; the rest must depend on 
God." He was resolved on executing his design at all 
hazards, and, we may be sure, equally so not to survive 
defeat. On the iQth and 2Oth details of the plan of 
attack were carefully rehearsed under his personal super- 
vision. The army was divided into three attacks ; two 
by land, the third by water, each attack being executed 
in three columns. Paul Potemkin commanded on the 
right; Samoiloff the left, while Ribas led the flotilla. 
The cavalry, 2500 strong, was held in reserve under 
Suvoroff 's personal command. Each column of the 
land attack contained five battalions, and was thus 
arranged tactically : 

A company of skirmishers. 

Fifty pioneers with axes, spades, picks. 

Three battalions with ladders (main body). 

Two battalions reserve. 
Two of the columns thus led by Orloff and Platoff, 



SECOND TURKISH WAR. 99 

were composed of the dismounted Cossacks who, as 
before observed, were armed with lances only, but 50 
sharp-shooters preceded them and they were supported 
by two regular battalions. The river attack included 
eleven regular battalions with 4000 marine Cossacks ; 
the vessels were formed into two lines, the heaviest and 
best-armed in rear to cover the disembarkation with 
their fire. General instructions were to this effect : 
" The columns to be conducted, under cover of darkness, 
to within 600 yards of the place, there to await the signal 
of attack. No descent to be made from the ramparts 
into the town till the gates are thrown open and the 
reserves introduced. Guards to be placed over the 
enemy's mines and magazines. Nothing to be set on 
fire. The unarmed population, women, children, and 
Christians not to be molested." On the 2 1st a heavy 
cannonade was opened on the fortress, whose defenders 
made aware by deserters of the impending attack, replied 
with vigour, and exploded with red-hot shot a Russian 
brigantine on the river. Night descended, a night of 
anxious suspense, a sleepless night, passed round the 
bivouac fires in the bitter December cold. Suvoroff 
approached in turn each martial group, speaking to 
the soldiers with that easy familiarity which great men 
alone can safely assume in their intercourse with in- 
feriors. " What regiment ? " he would ask ; and on 
receiving the reply, " Gallant fellows ! excellent soldiers ! 
you did wonders in the past ; now you are going to 
outdo yourselves ! " 

At 3 a.m. a rocket ascended, illuminating the darkness 
which hung over the Russian camp. It was the prepara- 
tory signal. At 4, a second discharge warned the various 

H 2 



ioo SUVOROFF. 

columns to fall in, and all moved noiselessly to their 
respective posts. A third exploding at 5, they glided 
through the misty night towards an invisible goal. The 
enemy received them with a burst of musketry which in 
an instant converted the ramparts into a semicircle of fire. 
The edge of the ditch was reached, the fascines pitched 
into it, and the skirmishers, haltingon the brink, protected 
by their irregular fire the storming parties, who, leap- 
ing boldly from the counterscarp, planted their ladders 
against the ramparts. These in many instances proving 
too short, the assailants were obliged to climb the upper 
portion of the parapet, scrambling up by aid of musket 
and bayonet as best they could. Lascy who led the 
second column from the right, was the first to reach the 
top. Not having marked the ascent of the third rocket, 
owing to the density of the fog, he had timed his move- 
ments by the watch, and thus chanced to anticipate the 
other columns by some instants. The first column 
passed round and over the palisades abutting on the 
Danube, and, though repulsed from the masonry bastion 
at that point, succeeded in communicating with the 
column of Lascy to their left. The third column met 
with a more obstinate resistance. Their ladders were 
too short by eleven or twelve feet and, although by plant- 
ing one above the other the summit was attained, yet 
the accident entailed heavy losses, which included Gene- 
ral Meknob,* the commander of the column, who fell 
mortally wounded. Meantime, the poor half-armed 
Cossacks had been severely handled. Their loose gar- 
ments, wetted in crossing the ditch, disabled them from 

* Perhaps originally Macnab. 



SECOND TURKISH WAR. 101 

climbing the ramparts. They were repulsed, and the 
Turks, seizing the opportune moment, issued sword in 
hand from the Bender gate, and falling upon their right 
flank made great havoc among them. The lances of the 
unfortunate Cossacks were easily severed by the highly- 
tempered blades of their adversaries, and left them 
defenceless. But Suvoroff noted their mishap, and sent 
five squadrons to their assistance ; while at the same 
moment the reserve of two battalions arriving on the 
spot, the Turks in their turn were obliged to retire 
although numbers, by the premature closing of the gates, 
were excluded from the town and cut to pieces by the 
pursuing cavalry. The Cossacks, again conducted to 
the assault, gained a footing on the parapet and com- 
municated with the troops on the right and left. 
Many women, it is stated, took part in this sortie, 
taking their station poniard in hand beside their male 
relatives. 

Kutuzoff 's column,on the extreme left,had experienced 
in the meantime a serious reverse. Though headed by 
their chief in person, who was the first to scale a ladder, 
all were hurled back into the ditch by the defenders of 
the rampart. Suvoroff remarking this, sent word to 
Kutuzoff that " he had already appointed him com- 
mandant of Ismail, and informed the Empress that 
the city was taken." Thus encouraged, Kutuzoff, by 
aid of his reserve, recommenced the attack, cleared 
the walls of defenders, and drove them into the 
city ; and Suvoroff, now master of the fortified enceintei 
made preparation for the more obstinate and sanguinary 
conflict which he knew was impending inside. The 
gates having been thrown open by the stormers, the guns 



102 SUVOROFF. 

and cavalry were admitted, and the ramparts and 
magazines secured, while the columns of infantry fought 
their way step by step through the streets to the centre 
of the town. Its numerous khanas, or inns stone 
buildings of great size and strength formed so many 
citadels, wherein the several pashas sought refuge with 
their retainers and fought to the death. One near the 
Bender gate, occupied by the Pasha of Kilia with 2000 
Janissaries, was peculiarly formidable, but was ultimately 
stormed at the point of the bayonet, its garrison with 
the exception of 300 men being put to the sword. 
Another, near the Khotim gate, sheltered Adios Mehe- 
met himself, but, after a gallant defence lasting two 
hours, its gates were blown open and the seraskier sur- 
rendered. .Unfortunately, as the captives were departing, 
a Russian soldier snatched from the Pasha's girdle a 
richly-jewelled poniard ; when a Janissary, drawing his 
scimitar in defence of his chief, accidentally wounded a 
Russian officer who stood by. A scuffle, which became 
a massacre, ensued. It cost the lives of the unfor- 
tunate prisoners and their chiefs. 

Suvoroff, having brought twenty field-pieces into the 
town for the purpose of clearing the streets, strongly 
reinforced the guards which secured the powder-maga- 
zines, the enemy having made repeated attempts to 
blow them up. Morning broke, yet still the con- 
flict raged with unabated violence. Women, even 
children, took part in it, till a fair fight degenerated 
into ruthless slaughter. No quarter was asked or 
accepted neither age nor sex were spared. An 
exception to the charge of savagery must be claimed 
in favour of the assailants of the Armenian con- 



SECOND TURKISH WAR. 103 

vent, whose defenders obtained their lives. " Kill 
the little infidels," cried the Muscovite soldiery, drunk 
with blood, " that they may not grow up into enemies !" 
The Duke de Richelieu (Byron has utilised the incident 
in Don Juan} with the utmost difficulty and personal 
risk saved a girl of twelve from the sabres of two ruffians 
who were in pursuit. Resistance, gradually dwindling 
away, was at last extinguished. Kaplan Ghirai, a 
descendant of the Crimean Khans, offered a desperate 
resistance to the Cossacks, but fell pierced by countless 
wounds, preceded in death by five sons, who had fought 
around him. Then succeeded the awful three days of 
plunder which Suvoroff was wont to grant his troops 
after a successful assault. Seated on the blackened ruins 
of the city he had destroyed, and encircled by heaps of 
the slain, he informed Potemkin in these brief words of 
his victory : " The Russian standard floats above the 
walls of Ismail ; " while the report which he addressed 
to the Empress was this : " Proud Ismail lies at your 
Majesty's feet." 

The Turks lost 26,000 men in killed, and 9000 taken 
prisoners, among the former being five pashas and six 
Tartar sultans. The victors captured 10,000 horses, 245 
cannon, provisions for a whole month, and innumerable 
standards, which now hang in the church of the Petro- 
pavlovski citadel of St, Petersburg, still bearing the 
impress of the bloody hands which once grasped them. 
Booty estimated at half a million sterling rewarded their 
exertions, all property for miles around having been 
deposited within the fortress for security. The Russians 
lost 10,000 in killed and wounded, and of 650 officers 
who took part in the assault 400 fell hors de combat, in 



io 4 SUVOROFF. 

most cases shockingly hacked and hewn by the razor- 
like gashes of the scimitar. Suvoroff refused all partici- 
pation in the spoil ; nor would he accept of so much as 
an Arab horse which one of the generals eagerly pressed 
upon him. "A pony of the Don," he replied, " brought 
me here, and a pony of the Don shall take me away." 
" But," objected the other, " he will now be unequal to 
bearing the weight of your laurels;" the rejoinder was, 
" A Don pony has always carried me and my fortunes," 
and the fortunate chief took the road to Galatz in the 
same simple guise in which he came a few days pre- 
viously. 

Thus happened the storming of Ismail, a feat regard- 
ing which Diebitch, the hero of the Balkans in 1829, thus 
expressed himself : "I consider the capture of Ismail 
the most daring exploit recorded in the annals of war- 
fare. For myself, I could never have made up my mind 
to undertake it." It affords a striking illustration of the 
value of promptitude in war, in which the golden oppor- 
tunity, once let slip, rarely or never returns. A single 
day's delay in this instance would have defeated the 
enterprise ; for a dense fog set in, which, lasting all 
through the winter, rendered all objects around invisible, 
while the soil became so soft and clammy as to render 
movement difficult, an escalade impracticable. 

" How can I recompense you, Alexander, son of 
Basil ? " exclaimed Potemkin, when Suvoroff appeared 
in his presence at Jassy. " No one can reward me," was 
the startling reply, " except God and the Empress ; I 
have not come to haggle about a recompense,'' an im- 
prudent outburst of suppressed envy and spite, the more 
unexpected that he had lately been obsequious in his 



SECOND TURKISH WAR. 105 

conduct to the powerful favourite. It rekindled in the 
breast of Potemkin that jealous wrath which had in a 
measure been assuaged, and doubtless the consequences 
would have been disagreeable to Suvoroff. But in 
1791 Potemkin enjoyed his last triumph. At St. 
Petersburg he endeavoured to appropriate the glory of 
Ismail's capture, and at a banquet, given in celebration 
of the event, Suvoroff was conspicuous by his absence. 
The Empress, apparently powerless to protect him from 
the hate of the omnipotent minister, hurried him from 
the capital on a mission to Finland. The favourite's 
career on earth however was rapidly drawing to a close. 
During his absence in the capital Repnin crossed the 
Danube and, on the 7th of August, defeated the Turks at 
Matchin, a victory which was immediately followed by 
the Treaty of Jassy, which advanced the Russian frontier, 
to the Dniester, ratified her sovereignty over the Crimea, 
and confirmed the provisions of the Treaty of Kainardji. 
Potemkin, aghast at the conclusion of peace without his 
participation, returned to Jassy in hot haste, oppressed, it 
is said, with dismal forebodings of approaching dissolu- 
tion. Seized by a mortal distemper, he was being 
removed at his own request to Nikolaieff, in order to 
expire in the city which he had founded, when death 
surprised him on a barren heath some twenty-five miles 
from Jassy, where, laid upon the turf, he expired beneath 
the open vault of heaven, on the i6th of October, 1791, 
at the comparatively early age of fifty-five. 



CHAPTER VI. 

SECOND POLISH WAR. 

SUVOROFF spent the next eighteen months, which he 
used to call his " eclipse," in Finland. The post he 
occupied meant honourable exile ; its duties were the 
supervision of the defences of the frontier against Swe- 
den.* After Ismail it seems as if he actually regarded 
himself as Potemkin's equal in authority, but was mise- 
rably deceived, as the " eclipse " unmistakably proved. 
Nor did the death of the omnipotent favourite in the 
first instance ameliorate his lot, for he had raised against 
himself a cloud of enemies. Apart from those which 
success inevitably engenders, he had made others un- 
necessarily by the indiscriminate exercise of his powers 
of ridicule. Hating and despising courtiers as he did, 
his pleasantries at their expense were probably, like those 
of the jester in Verdi's opera, saturated with the gall of 
truth. Besides, he had not as yet reached the point of 
prosperity where calumny tends to subside and rivals 
grow obsequious. He was still a personage whom his 
enemies thought it possible to suppress by their united 
efforts, and thus the " eclipse " continued after the dis- 



* It will be remembered that Sweden retained almost all Fin- 
land till 1809. 



SECOND POLISH WAR. 107 

appearance of his arch-persecutor from the scene. Un- 
fortunately Suvoroff failed to support this trial with due 
equanimity. He was a philosopher, but only in theory 
as the reader has doubtless by this time discovered for 
himself. Ambition and pent-up energy agitated his 
breast as before, while a consciousness of neglected merit 
exasperated his temper. Disappointment rendered him 
envious, discontented, and intractable, but happily the 
" eclipse " was of brief duration, and he was soon restored 
to the active life for which nature had so well equipped 
him. 

In 1792 he was appointed to the command of a dis- 
trict in the south of Russia, which comprised, in addition 
to the Crimea, the newly colonized provinces of Ekateri- 
noslaff and Kherson. His head- quarters were the city 
of Kherson ; and the army under his orders numbered 
100,000 men. But a brief narrative of political events 
in Poland seems requisite before passing to the con- 
sideration of the campaign which sealed the fate of that 
monarchy. 

The professed object of Prussian diplomacy at this 
epoch was the integrity of the Ottoman Empire, its real 
design to extort from Poland the cession of the province 
of West Prussia with its prosperous and celebrated cities 
of Dantzic and Thorn. Poland, relying on the encou- 
ragement afforded by this neighbour, had recently torn 
in pieces the treaty concluded in 1775 with Catherine, 
which guaranteed the continuance of the elective 
monarchy, of the liberum veto, and other evils in its 
constitution which crippled the power of reform. On 
the 3rd May 1791, King and Diet published a consti- 
tution which suppressed the most crying abuses and 



io8 SUVORQFF. 

made the crown hereditary in the electoral house of 
Saxony. These innovations, following closely on the 
revolutionary excesses of which Paris was the scene, 
were extremely distasteful to most of the Polish nobility, 
to the neighbouring monarchs, and lastly to Russia, as 
destructive of the schemes of aggrandizement which she 
founded on the anarchical condition of her neighbour. 
A confederacy of nobles assembled at Targowice ap- 
pealed to the Czarina for aid, who at once replied by 
summoning the Polish sovereign to restore the status 
guaranteed by the treaty of 1775. On the rejection of 
this demand, and while the attention of Europe was 
riveted on French affairs, she poured her troops into 
Poland, and after a brief struggle became mistress of 
Warsaw. The first partition of that country had ren- 
dered a second act of spoliation necessary ; for had 
Poland been permitted by reform to acquire stability of 
government, she would have become a source of danger 
to Russia or, at all events, to the ambitious projects of 
the Tsars. The Empress herself became seriously 
alarmed at the progress of revolutionary doctrines which 
she had in a dilettante manner once fostered. When the 
confederates of Targowice implored her intervention 
having first won Prussia over by exciting the jealousy it 
entertained of Saxony, that ancient rival in Germany to 
whom the throne of Poland seemed about to pass, she 
carried into effect the second partition. The time- 
honoured anarchy was re-established, the army restricted 
to 15,000 men, and the protectorate of Russia definitely 
acknowledged. But these humiliating terms, though 
ratified by the Diet, incited the nation to hazard one 
more blow for independence. 



SECOND POLISH WAR. 109 

The first move was made by Madalinski, who, when 
ordered to disband his regiment early in the year 1794, 
marched on the city of Cracow, and erected the standard 
of national revolt. Joined by the famous Kosciuszko, 
he marched northwards at the head of a force composed 
of regular troops and peasantry armed with scythes, and 
in the month of April defeated a Russian detachment at 
Raslawice. On receipt of this news the citizens of 
Warsaw, rising in revolt, drove the Russian garrison from 
the city ; but the King of Prussia, Frederic William II., 
having entered Poland at the head of an army, defeated 
the insurgents and laid siege to the capital in concert 
with the Russians of Fersen. But the insurrection 
breaking out in his rear, that monarch raised the siege 
and returned to his own borders, while the Russians 
retired, ascending the left bank of the Vistula. Such 
was the unpropitious aspect of the affairs when Suvoroff 
became de facto commander of the Russian forces in 
Poland, the appointment of Rumantzoff being merely 
nominal. He had already disarmed, without effusion of 
blood, the Polish regiments in Podolia who had accepted 
the Russian uniform after the second partition. Those 
who desired to remain with the colours were distributed 
among other regiments ; those who objected to this were 
provided with passes to their homes. 

Suvoroff left Nemirow in Podolia on the 2$th August 
at the head of 8000 men. He reached Warkowice, dis- 
tant 220 miles, in seven days, though the further march 
to Kovel, only eighty-four, owing to continuous rains 
which broke up the roads, occupied as many as six. 
Raised by reinforcements which joined on the march to 
the strength of 12,000, and informed that Sirakowski 



no SUVOROFF. 

was with 20,000 Polish troops at Kobrin, he resolved to 
surprise that chief in his quarters. The Polish armies 
were thus distributed : Kosciuszko was at Warsaw with 
10,000 men ; Makranowski, at Grodno with 20,000, con- 
fronting Repnin's corps at Wilna ; Sirakowski lay 
between Brest and Kobrin ; while Poninski, with 5000 
on the right bank of the Vistula, was opposed to the 
Russians of Fersen on the Pilica. Warsaw thus formed 
a centre from which the Polish commander could 
strengthen any given point of his front with greater ease 
than the enemy ; or, technically speaking, he occupied 
interior lines of operation. Suvoroff, in the brief space 
of two months, was able to annul and even reverse these 
conditions. 

On the 1 6th September he reached Kobrin, to the 
inexpressible bewilderment of the Poles, whose advance- 
guard was posted there. As usual, he employed no 
scouts, contending that they merely served to warn the 
foe of impending danger. We must, however, bear in 
mind that the Poles were exceedingly negligent in the 
performance of outpost duty, so that by approaching 
them stealthily at dead of night, it was possible to 
surprise them in the early morning in fact, before they 
were awake. In such cases Suvoroff used to send 
forward his cavalry in order to hold the enemy fast till 
the arrival of the guns and infantry. Resuming his 
march at midnight, he found Sirakowski, when morning 
broke, strongly posted near the convent of Krupczice, 
his flanks resting on forests, his front covered by a morass. 
Though his strength exceeded that of the Russians, a 
portion were mere peasantry armed with scythes. Suvo- 
roff carried the position by a frontal attack of infantry 



SECOND POLISH WAR. m 

combined with a flank movement of cavalry, and when 
Sirakowski attempted to change front always a critical 
movement under fire his troops fell into disorder. 
Forming them into three dense columns, and protecting 
their retreat with cavalry, he crossed the river Bug and 
pitched camp close to the town of Brest-Litovski. 
Suvoroff bivouacked on the field of battle, having 
ordered up his provision-train from Kobrin when he 
perceived the tide of conflict to be setting in his favour, 
and, on the 1 8th, encamped on a concealed spot near the 
Bug. On the iQth, having crossed by a ford, he drew 
his troops up at right angles to the right wing of the 
enemy, who, again attempting a corresponding change 
of front, once more, as at Krupczice, fell into disorder. 
Upon this Suvoroff launched the whole of his cavalry on 
the exposed flank (the right) of the Polish line, at the 
same time throwing forward a body of light infantry to 
menace the enemy's retreat on Warsaw. Sirakowski, 
despairing of victory, formed his infantry into close 
columns of great size and compactness, and, protecting 
them with cavalry, began to evacuate the field. This 
proved however to be a difficult task, for a marshy 
stream obstructed the movement; while the Russian 
cavalry at last broke into the Polish squares and sabred 
all who opposed them. But little quarter can have been 
granted, not more than 500 prisoners being made, and 
an inconsiderable remnant of the Polish army escaping 
from the field. It was exclusively a cavalry action, so 
far as the assailants were concerned, since the mass of 
their infantry and the whole of their artillery did not 
arrive in time to take part in it. The exasperation on 
either side was intense ; for the Russians were infuriated 



ii2 SUVOROFF. 

by the massacre of their comrades at Warsaw the Poles 
violently incensed at the wanton devastation of their 
country by the invaders. The battle of Brest- Litovski* 
was most important in its strategic results, apart from its 
tactical consequences : the enemy's line of defence was 
broken through, and his unity of action destroyed. 
Derfelden, who had arrived with a division at Slonim, 
was directed to expel Makranowski from Grodno ; Fersen 
to remain stationary on the Pilica in observation of 
Poninski. On the other side, Kosciuszko, who had 
assembled 10,000 men at Lukow for the protection of 
Warsaw, instructed Makranowski to break up from 
Grodno and fall perpendicularly on SuvorofFs right flank ; 
but he was too hard pressed by Derfelden to execute the 
task ; abandoning Grodno, he retreated on Warsaw in 
three columns, that on the left being of course most 
exposed to the enemy. Suv6roff, after the battle, re- 
mained awhile at Brest, feeling himself too weak to 
advance further without support. Holding fast by the 
abundant stores with which the town was provided, he 
threw out Cossacks in every direction for the purpose of 
collecting information regarding the enemy. Fersen, 
however, crossed the Pilica and moved to Kosiennice, 
thus commencing an operation which proved decisive of 
the fate of the campaign; for, early in October, having 
misled Poninski by a feigned march on Pulawa, he threw 
a bridge across the Vistula lower down the stream, and 
crossed to the eastern bank with his entire division, when 
Kosciuszko,deceived by Poninski's report that the enemy 



* The Russian spelling is adopted ; the Polish version is 
Brzesc Litewski. 



SECOND POLISH WAR. 113 

were crossing at Pulawa, hastened from Lukowto Okrzeja 
in support of his lieutenant. There he unexpectedly 
found himself in presence of Fersen's entire division 
drawn up at Maciejowice to receive him. Deeming a 
battle less hazardous than a retreat with raw troops in 
the presence of a veteran foe, the Polish general intrenched 
himself and calmly awaited the attack. This took place 
on the nth October, the Polish army being destroyed ) 
and their leader taken prisoner, narrowly escaping with 
his life. Poninski, owing to non-receipt of orders, had 
remained immovable at Pulawa during the progress of 
the battle. 

Suvoroff, when informed of the victory, ordered the 
Russian division his own, Derfelden's, and Fersen's 
to concentrate in front of Praga, the eastern suburb of 
Warsaw, from which it is separated by the Vistula.- At 
the same time he struck swiftly at the left-hand column 
of Makranowski, as it was moving from Grodno on War- 
saw, in the hope of intercepting its retreat. Marching 
in person on Janow and Wengrow, he directed Fersen 
on Stanislawow, while Derfelden pressed the enemy 
closely in rear. On the 25th October, having effected a 
junction with Fersen, the united Russians amounted to 
17,000 men ; but at midnight they separated, the latter 
moving on Okoniew, Suvoroff himself on Kobelka, a vil- 
lage not far from Praga, where he surprised the column 
he sought for as it was rapidly making its way to the 
capital. Halting before daybreak, he sent his cavalry in 
advance according to custom. The Polish forces were 
drawn up in two lines on a plain, a forest in their rear, 
flanks protected by cavalry, their front by a line of 
skirmishers. The engagement closely resembled the 

I 



ii 4 SUVOROFF. 

actions near Krupczice and Bret, the Russian cavalry 
deciding the victory without assistance from the in- 
fantry. The Poles attempted a retreat on Warsaw in 
heavy columns, which were successively attacked and 
broken by the pursuing horse. Makranowski with the 
other two columns, 15,000 strong, reached Warsaw by 
moving behind the rivers Bug and Vistula, and this ac- 
cession of strength emboldened the citizens to resistance. 
Suvoroff, having pitched his camp on the field which 
he had won, returned their swords to the captive Polish 
officers, and, with his habitual courtesy, invited them to 
share a frugal repast. He remained a week on the spot, 
and was joined by Derfelden, whose arrival raised the 
Russian forces to 22,000 men. 

Zayonchek, having assumed command in Warsaw, sent 
a letter to Suv6roff which proposed certain bases for 
negotiation. Its style, however, was somewhat haughty, 
and this aroused the ire of the Russian chief, whose 
answer was not more urbane : " You frantic rebels," 
he dictated, " desire to measure swords with Russia. 
Zayonchek, false to his sovereign, imagines himself a 
revolutionary general on a small scale, and dares to 
address Suvoroff. Let this Jacobin's letter be returned 
unanswered. None of your equality here, and no mercy 
for mad rebels. Submission alone can purchase obli- 
vion of the past. No other trumpet will be received 
unless to express repentance for the past." After 
despatching the above missive, he remained three more 
days at Kobelka, probably in expectation of further 
proposals ; but on the fourth he rode to Praga with his 
staff, and, while his cavalry escort skirmished with the 
enemy's outposts, carefully reconnoitred the locality. 



SECOND POLISH WAR. 1 1 5 

On the 2nd November he left Kobelka, marching in 
three columns, colours flying and drums beating, and 
pitched camp in front of the suburb selected for attack. 
Around its antique walls the Poles had constructed a 
vast intrenched camp, within whose circuit they had 
concentrated an army which, including volunteers from 
Warsaw, was 30,000 strong. Its approaches were de- 
fended by six lines of trous^de-loup, while 204 pieces of 
artillery peered from the parapets. Suvoroff, in spite of 
the strength of the works and of the superior numbers 
of the enemy, decided to attack them openly, for the 
flower of the Polish army had perished at Maciejowice, 
and his veterans, though inferior in number, were 
infinitely more formidable than the hasty levies and 
volunteers who lined the opposing trenches. Besides, 
he possessed no siege-train, and the season being far 
advanced, the choice lay between retreat and assault, 
and he knew by experience that an attack by storm 
was less destructive of human life than the prolonged 
miseries of a formal siege. There was also a political 
consideration: the Prussians were advancing, and it was 
desirable to forestall them in the occupation of Warsaw. 
Anxious to conceal his intentions, during the night 
following his arrival he set immense working parties 
to construct batteries armed with eighty pieces of field- 
artillery. At dawn the garrison were saluted with a 
tremendous salvo, whose roar seemed to announce that 
a formal siege was contemplated. 

The cannonade was kept up all day long, but with 
nightfall preparations were made for the intended assault. 
The army was distributed into seven columns, each being 
preceded by a company of sharpshooters and a party 

I 2 



1 16 SUVOROFF. 

carrying ladders, fascines, and hurdles to lay across 
the trous-de-loup ; then followed the stormers, and, 1 50 
paces behind these, the main body and guns. The 
cavalry formed a cordon outside the whole to prevent 
the escape of the garrison. The columns on the ex- 
treme right and left were instructed to press towards 
the bridge which spanned the Vistula, and thus cut off 
the enemy's retreat. It was well arranged that the 
four columns on the right should attack half an hour 
before those on the left ; the supposition being that the 
raw levies who composed the greater part of the garrison 
would hurry in mass to the point first assailed, thus 
leaving their posts denuded of troops. Written instruc- 
tions were issued by the Russian chief, one clause of 
which is here quoted as throwing light upon a page of 
history which requires elucidation : " The troops will 
devote their attention to the armed Poles : those without 
arms, and those who ask quarter will be spared" The 
reserves were instructed to cut passages for the cavalry 
through the ramparts, while the artillery after the cap- 
ture of the intrenchments, were to drag their pieces to 
the top of them, and thus co-operate in the attack of 
Praga itself. 

Before dawn on the 4th November, Suvoroff, taking 
post at the village of Bielolenka, awaited the precon- 
certed signal of assault. At 5 a.m. a rocket flew into 
the air, and the four columns on the right noiselessly 
advancing, crossed the ditch and scaled the opposing 
rampart. The clamorous struggle which ensued, as had 
been anticipated, engrossed the attention of the besieged, 
who flocked from every quarter to what appeared to be 
the point of danger ; so that when, half an hour later 



SECOND POLISH WAR. 117 

the three columns on the assailants' left were set in 
motion, they encountered but feeble resistance, and 
bursting into the camp, drove the defenders clean out 
of it into the suburb. Masters of the outer circle, the 
Russians prepared for the attack of the inner defences, 
whilst cavalry, guns and reserves were poured into the 
intervening space. Praga fell amid a scene of slaughter 
which the mutual hatred and exasperation of the com- 
batants made inevitable. The two flank columns of the 
victors, having gained the bridge, cut the fugitives off 
from Warsaw. Though naturally kindly and docile, the 
Russian soldier maddens at the sight of blood, and often 
turns a deaf ear to the voice of his officers. In spite of 
Suvoroff's injunctions, quarter was refused, and the 
helpless crowd at the bridge were ruthlessly massacred 
in full view of their despairing relatives who thronged 
the opposite bank. To rescue Warsaw from pillage, 
Suvoroff directed the fire of his guns against the bridge, 
which, being a wooden structure, was easily demolished, 
though a hot fire from beyond the Vistula proved more 
fatal to the Russians than had been the artillery of the 
intrenched camp. During the bombardment which 
followed, a shell, descending into the council-chamber of 
the revolutionary committee, killed the secretary as he 
sat at work. Suvoroff, on approaching the spot, stopped 
the bombardment of the city and endeavoured to assauge 
the fury of his troops. Nevertheless, the losses of the 
Poles on this fatal day amounted to no less than 13,000 
killed in action, 2000 drowned, and 14,860 prisoners.* 
Among the former were 4000 citizens of Warsaw who 

* Lieut. -Colonel Anting's Campagnes de Suvoroff. 



n8 SUYOROFF. 

had taken arms in its defence, a fact which doubtless 
gave rise to the malicious statement that the defenceless 
townsfolk were massacred in cold blood. Eight thousand 
prisoners were released on the spot, whilst the remainder 
obtained their liberty on the following day ; but the 
officers were detained and hospitably treated by the 
victorious general. Suvoroff reported this achievement 
to the Empress in the laconic style which was habitual 
to him : " Most Gracious Lady, hurrah ! Warsaw is ours." 
The reply, " Hurrah ! Field-Marshal Suvoroff," curtly 
intimated his reward. 

On the following day, when deputies arrived asking a 
week's armistice for the conclusion of peace, Suvoroff 
before receiving them dictated his terms : " No treaty 
is requisite. The enemy must submit unconditionally. 
The King's authority must be re-established The 
Russians will enter Warsaw forthwith. The lives and 
property of the inhabitants are guaranteed. An answer 
is required within twenty-four hours." When they 
were admitted into his presence, casting away his sword, 
he advanced to meet them, exclaiming in the Polish 
tongue, " Peace, Peace." On their return to Warsaw the 
deputies found the Polish army engaged in evacuating 
the city, carrying with them both the King and the 
Russian prisoners ; but this attempt was frustrated by 
the vigilance of the townspeople. Suvoroff, suspecting 
an intention to gain time under cover of negotiation, 
threw Fersen's corps across the Vistula above Warsaw, 
thus menacing the rear of the insurgent forces, who, on 
the 8th of November, decamped, and the city opened its 
gates to the victors. Next day, that is the fifth after 
the capture of Praga, Suvoroff entered Warsaw at the 



SECOND POLISH WAR. 119 

head of his troops, the municipality issuing forth in 
procession to meet him with the keys of the city. He 
received them with a display of some emotion, and 
expressed his joy that they had been obtained without 
more effusion of blood. The populace, exhausted by 
revolutionary violence, displayed no signs of hostility. 
On the following day he paid a formal visit to King 
Stanislas, who consented to surrender the arsenal and 
sanctioned the disarmament of his capital ; while 
Suvoroff in return set at liberty several favourite officers 
of the King whom he had taken during the recent 
engagements. The insurgent forces, after marching in 
a southerly direction in the hope of gaining the moun- 
tains of Galicia, were surrounded on the road thither, 
and forced to capitulate. 

The foregoing campaign ranks among the most 
brilliant and decisive on record. Quitting Podolia on 
the 2$th August, the Russian general first came into 
contact with the enemy at Kobrin on the i6th Septem- 
ber, and the 9th November witnessed his triumphal entry 
into Warsaw. He found at the outset the Polish forces 
in a state of concentration, his own troops disseminated 
on a broad front encircling the enemy. By rapidity 
of movement, and bold enterprise combined with well- 
timed inactivity, he shattered the defensive line which 
Kosciuszko opposed to him, intercepting its outlying 
sections and inspiring that leader with apprehensions for 
the safety of Warsaw. A rash advance after the victory 
at Brest might have proved fatal ; but after the rout of 
the Poles at Maciejovice, he furnished ample evidence of 
promptitude and resolution by the way he turned that 
triumph to account. The resolve to carry Praga by 



i2o SUVOROFF. 

storm was audacious, but the alternative was a disastrous 
and ignominious retreat which would have ruined the 
prestige of the Russian arms ; for a protracted siege 
lasting through the winter months was not to bethought 
of in that rigorous climate. Delay might also have 
afforded opportunity for foreign powers to intervene in 
Polish affairs, a misfortune which it was of the highest 
importance from a Russian point of view to avert. 

As Governor-General of Poland Suvoroff remained at 
Warsaw till November 1795, when he was summoned to 
St. Petersburg by Catherine, who at that time meditated 
intervention in the affairs of revolutionary France. She 
presented him with a diamond snuff-box on which was 
depicted the portrait of Alexander the Great with the 
inscription : " No other man has so well earned the 
likeness of your namesake. You are as great as he." 
An estate containing 7000 serfs formed a more solid 
recognition of imperial regard and gratitude. He was 
admitted to familiar intercourse with his Sovereign, who 
at court entertainments would draw him aside to some 
secret cabinet where, before outspread maps, these hoary 
schemers would discuss the problems and ambitions of 
the future. 

Suvoroff shared to the full the hatred felt by his 
mistress for the Revolution, and the alarm she expe- 
rienced at the progress of its doctrines. " Mother, 
mother, send me against the French," he was constantly 
reiterating, and his desire seemed at last attained when 
she resolved to join the Allies in 1796. Though Prussia 
had withdrawn from the contest, fresh treaties had 
leagued Austria, England, and Russia together against a 
foe who threatened to subvert the foundations of social 



SECOND POLISH WAR. 121 

life. In May 1796 Suvoroff took command of 80,000 
Russian troops who were concentrated in Podolia in 
readiness to take the field. But the triumphs of 
Bonaparte in Italy startled the Empress, and, though 
Suvoroff had already crossed the frontier, he was 
directed to retrace his steps. On the i/th November 
Catherine, struck down by apoplexy, breathed her last, 
being succeeded on the throne by her son Paul. " Mother 
Empress/' cried Suvoroff, overwhelmed with grief, 
" without thee I should have seen neither Kinburn nor 
Rymnik, Ismail nor Warsaw ! " 

The new Emperor, eccentric and perhaps insane, 
introduced a variety of changes in the military service 
which shocked Suvoroff's ideas of propriety : pig-tails, 
hair-powder, and other vexatious minutiae copied from 
the Prussians. The military milliner is apt to believe 
that his art can compensate for the lack of military 
genius. But Suvoroff knew that pipe-clay and pig-tails 
had no part in Frederic's victories, and openly derided 
these novel devices. An estrangement, which was care- 
fully fomented by the new favourites at Court, arose 
between the Emperor and his general. A remonstrance 
was addressed to the field-marshal in respect of his 
eccentricities, which were said to be prejudicial to dis- 
cipline. <l Tell the Emperor," was the reply, " that his 
mother Catherine put up with them for thirty years. 
I played my pranks at Rymnik and Warsaw. I am too 
old for the new system." Matters soon came to a crisis. 
There arrived at head-quarters a packet of rods for 
measuring pig-tails, in order to ensure a uniform length. 
It was the last straw. Filled with contempt and indig- 
nation he blurted out a doggrel verse to this effect : 



i2 2 SUVOROFF. 

Hair-powder is not gunpowder, 
Curls are not cannon, 
Pigtails are not bayonets. 

The sally was duly reported where its sting would be 
sure to rankle. In February 1797 Suvoroff was dis- 
missed from his command, and some weeks later a fresh 
indiscretion caused his removal from the active list. It 
must be admitted that his conduct had been improper. 
The temper of Paul, though hasty, violent, and eccentric, 
was in a certain distorted way chivalrous and noble ; 
and a field-marshal should respect even the caprices of 
his Sovereign. A personal interview would doubtless 
have smoothed away difficulties, but Court intriguers 
were able to prevent this, whispering at the same time 
that Suvoroff 's popularity with the army was dangerous 
to the security of the State. Before departure the 
field-marshal assembled the troops on parade, and, 
having deposited the insignia of his rank on a pyramid 
of drums, thus addressed them : " Farewell, comrades, I 
leave with you all I have earned by means of you. 
Children, heroes, pray to God. Prayer to God, and 
fidelity to the Tzar are not in vain. We shall meet 
once more. Once more we shall fight side by side. 
Suv6roff will reappear in your midst." Then, entering 
his chaise, he drove swiftly away amid general lamenta- 
tions. 

He took up his residence in Moscow, but was not 
permitted to stay there long. A police officer one day 
alighted at his house presenting an order for his removal 
into the country. " How much time to pack up ? " he 
inquired. " Four hours," was the reply. " Time and to 
spare," he ejaculated, " I've packed up and beaten Turks 



SECOND POLISH WAR. 123 

and Poles in less than that ! " Finding a coach at the 
door, he refused to enter, demanding an ordinary post- 
cart " What do I want with a coach ? " exclaimed 
this cantankerous veteran : " I've driven to the palace in 
a post-cart ere this." Leaving Moscow for ever he 
travelled with his police attendant to the family estate 
of Kantchansk in the province of Novgorod, and there, 
amid forests, marshes, lakes and all the gloomy majesty 
of the north, he settled down in a small wooden house 
perched on the summit of a hill, which house exists to 
this day. 

Here, during the day, he led the mode of life which 
was peculiar to him when rusticating, and which has 
been referred to before in these pages ; while at eve he 
retired to a solitary cabin in his garden, and, like 
Marcus Aurelius, devoted his declining years to study, 
his lucubrations not unfrequently lasting till dawn. 
Still delighting in the perusal of those classical authors 
who had been the friends of his youth, he devoured 
with eagerness the story of the young chief who was 
now dreaming of universal dominion while plodding 
through the burning sands of Egypt. " Oh, 'tis time, 
'tis time to stop him ! The youngster's going too fast,' 
was the cry which often escaped his lips. 

The career of Suvoroff has been compared to a drama 
of Shakspeare's which passes abruptly from the ludi- 
crous to the sublime. Now we behold him, an eccentric 
buffoon in his rural solitude, engrossed in trivial occu- 
pations ; now he mounts the world's stage and directs 
the fate of nations. Like many other powerful minds, 
his could stoop to the humblest details : the arrangement 
of a village wedding or a question of farmyard economy, 
and return with equal facility to public affairs of the 
highest moment. 



124 SUVOROFF. 

The alliance concluded in December 1798 between 
England and Russia against France was about to draw 
him forth from his retreat. Since Great Britain partially 
defrayed the expenses of the Coalition she claimed a 
voice in the selection of the general who was to lead its 
armies, and, through the mediation of the Emperor 
Francis II., she proposed Suvoroff as commander of the 
Austro-Russian army which was about to act in Italy. 
Paul, flattered by this marked recognition of Russian 
merit, acceded, and acquainted Suvoroff with his good 
fortune in a letter written in a conciliatory spirit. The 
joy of the aged marshal knew no bounds. He kissed 
the scroll, and gave directions for instant departure. 
His written instructions for the journey are extant : 
" One hour for packing then away. Three to accom- 
pany me. Get ready eighteen horses, and take 250 
roubles for the road. Send Yuri over to the village 
bailiff, and ask him for the loan of that sum. I'm not 
joking. So, having sung bass as sacristan, I am now 
going to perform as Mars." At St. Petersburg he was 
received with acclamation. He was invested with the 
Grand Cross of the Maltese Order, of which the Tzar 
was Grand Master, and overwhelmed with his atten- 
tions. The courtiers followed suit, but had to submit to 
the lash of the inveterate cynic, who now gave vent to 
his long pent-up bitterness. When an upstart parasite 
of the Court bowed low to him one day, Suvoroff, 
instead of returning the salute, made a succession of 
deep reverences to a statue hard by. The error being 
pointed out by one who attributed it to defective vision, 
he made answer : " Never mind ; no knowing what this 
may become in a few days." Meeting a parvenu covered 
with decorations, he stopped him, and taking them one 
by one in his fingers, inquired by what services they had 



SECOND POLISH WAR, 125 

been earned. The poor victim, who durst not lie to 
Suv6roff, stammered in reply, " For usefulness," when 
Suvoroff, bursting into a loud laugh, strode away mutter- 
ing contemptuously, "Usefulness! usefulness!" On 
the arrival of a certain distinguished guest to dinner, he 
ran to the entrance and escorted him back into the 
dining-room, crying, " Oh, where shall I seat so great a 
man ? Proshka, a chair another a third ! " and, 
having piled one on the top of the other, he resumed, 
" There, friend, get up ; and if you fall off, mind, 'tis no 
fault of mine." 

Suvoroff reached Vienna on the 26th March. Over- 
taking the Russian columns en route to the seat of war, 
he leaped from his conveyance and shouted, " So, my 
children, I am with you again ! " and proceeded on his 
way. At the Austrian capital he alighted at the Russian 
embassy, in which abode of luxury he preferred to sleep, 
as usual, on a truss of hay. He was appointed an 
Austrian field-marshal, with a salary of 3200. When 
the Aulic Council of War inquired for his plan of 
campaign, he replied that he had none ; while to the 
Emperor himself he was not more complaisant, saying 
that if he had one, he would not reveal it to his Majesty, 
because " the Aulic Council would know it to-morrow ; 
the enemy a day after." In truth, his plans were traced 
mentally but only in outline, to be filled in according to 
the turn taken by events. Even a military genius like 
Suvoroff is the slave of circumstances, which he can 
influence but not compel. He used to boast, " I am 
like Caesar. I make no detailed plans, but take a broad 
view of things. For the whirlwind of events destroys 
the best concerted plans." But the inert forces of routine 
were in the end to ruin his noblest combinations. 



CHAPTER VII. 

THE ADDA AND THE TREBBIA. 

THE French Directory having treated the ma/ch of the 
Russian columns through Moravia, in December 1798, as 
a casus belli, on the ist March following Jourdan crossed 
the Rhine at the head of 40,000 men, and entered the 
defiles of the Black Forest. To his left at Mannheim 
lay Bernadotte with 25,000, while Massena occupied the 
eastern cantons of Switzerland with 30,000, intending to 
turn the sources of the Adige and so dislodge the 
Austrians from the quadrilateral Verona, Peschiera,. 
Mantua, Legnago. On the 4th the Archduke Charles 
passed the Lech with 70,000 men, and, operating in the 
defile formed by the Danube and the Lake of Constance, 
on the 25th defeated Jourdan at Stockach. On the 6th 
April the French general recrossed the Rhine, thus losing 
his communication with Massena in Switzerland. 

The latter on the 6th March, throwing himself into 
the valley of the Upper Rhine, had compelled the divi- 
sion of Auffenberg to capitulate near Coire, while his 
right, under Lecourbe and Dessoles, advancing by the 
Engadine and Valteline, dispersed the troops of Laudon 
at Martinsbruck. But this was the term of French suc- 
cess; for, repulsed in two consecutive attacks on Feld- 
kirch a post commanding the valleys of the Upper 
Rhine and the 111 Masse'na's progress was arrested ; 



THE ADDA AND THE TREE B I A. 127 

while Bellegarde, advancing from the Tyrol, pushed 
Lecourbe and Dessoles back into the Orisons. Severe 
weather then set in and stopped active operations for a 
season. On the 3<Dth April, however, Hotze, the Austrian 
commander in the Vorarlberg, assaulted the French 
position on the Rhine, but without success, and a fort- 
night of inaction followed, during which the energetic 
Lecourbe marched by the Via Mala and the St. Bernardin 
Pass on Bellinzona in order to occupy the St. Gothard 
Pass, and thus cover the extreme right of the French 
position. For six weeks after the battle of Stockach 
the Archduke remained in his Suabian cantonments, 
while in Italy the French arms were incurring disaster. 
On the 26th of March, General Scherer incapable and 
distrusted by his men, but possessing an able coadjutor 
in Moreau attacked the Austrians near Verona with 
partial success ; but on the 3Oth Serrurier, having crossed 
the Adige at Polo with inadequate forces, was over- 
whelmed by Kray next to the Archduke the most 
talented of the Austrian leaders who had sallied from 
Verona in superior strength. On the ist April the 
French, having concentrated on the banks of the Tartaro, 
passed the Adige below Verona, but Kray, debouching 
from the fortress, marched on Peschiera, thus menacing 
their line of communications. Scherer, by Moreau's 
advice, instantly turned and attacked him; the battle of 
Magnano followed, wherein the French, defeated with 
great loss, were compelled to recross the Mincio, and 
continue their retreat beyond the Oglio and the Chiese. 
On the I4th April, Melas, having superseded Kray in 
the command, led his army across the Mincio, but on 
the 1 5th had in his turn to hand it over to Suvoroff, 
who reached Valeggio on that date. 



128 SUVOROFR 

Quitting Vienna on the 4th April the Field-Marshal 
had overtaken the Russian columns at Villach, and so 
accelerated their movements that the remainder of their 
journey was accomplished in one-third the time calculated 
by the Austrian War Office. At Vicenza he was met 
by the Austrian Marquis Chasteler, who had been 
assigned him as chief of the staff, and who, taking a seat 
beside his commander, endeavoured to elicit information 
from him touching future operations. But Suvoroff 
kept his own counsel, muttering " Bayonets, bayonets," 
in reply to all inquiries and representations. At the 
gates of Verona he was boisterously welcomed by the 
populace, who, removing the horses, dragged his vehicle 
to the Emilio Palace, which had been prepared for his ac- 
commodation. All looking-glasses and articles of luxury 
known to be hateful to him had been previously removed, 
and a simple truss of hay prepared for his couch. A 
levee of officers was at once held, at the conclusion of 
which he began to pace the floor absently, muttering 
with closed eyes his favourite military catch-words, as 
for instance : " Flop ! like snow on the head ! The head 
waits not for the tail. The bullet is a hag, the bayonet 
a hero," &c. He then said, " We've come to fight the 
frivolous, conceited> godless French. They fight in 
column and we must beat them in column." Then turn- 
ing abruptly round on Rosenberg, who commanded the 
ist Russian Army Corps, he exclaimed : "Your Excel- 
lency, oblige me with some infantry and Cossacks." 
Certainly," was the reply ; " from which regiments does 
your Excellency desire them ?" But the answer causing 
evident annoyance, Bagration, who knew his chief better, 
stepping forward, announced : " Your Excellency, the 
troops are in readiness." "God bless you, Prince Peter/' 



THE ADDA AND THE TREBB1A. 129 

was the reply. " Remember, the head waits not for 
the tail. Flop ! like snow on the head !" Bagration's 
troops were soon defiling out of Verona amid the shouts 
of the people, the soldiers singing in chorus as if assured 
of victory, so great was the confidence they had in their 
chief. 

At Valeggio he warmly congratulated Kray on his 
recent success, assuring him that he had paved the way 
to victory. Action was, however, delayed until the 
arrival of the Russian corps, whose advance-guard only, 
under Bagration, had reached head-quarters. The two 
divisions it contained were marching from Vienna in 
eight echelons, or detachments, with an interval of 
twelve marches from front to rear, and, though on paper 
they numbered 20,000 there were no more than 19,000 
combatants in the ranks. On the iSth April the leading 
division, 11,000 strong, under Lieut-General Pavalo- 
Shvekovski, reached Valeggio ; the other, under Lieut. - 
General Forster, not till a subsequent period in the cam- 
paign. A halt of four days was employed by Suvoroff 
in drilling the Austrians to charge home with the 
bayonet, an implied ignorance which appears to have 
displeased their officers. Chasteler proposed a recon- 
naissance, but Suvoroff flatly refused in no very select 
language. " A reconnaissance ! No ! They are for 
poltroons who desire to give the enemy notice of their 
approach. One can always find the enemy if one wants 
to. Columns, bayonets, cold steel, attacks, charges, 
these are my reconnaissances ! " 

Though the French in Italy, together with the army 
of Naples, amounted to 117,000 men, no more than 
46,000 could be assembled on the Mincio under Scherer 

K 



1 3 o SUVOROFF. 

for field operations. Their losses around Verona from 
the 26th March to the 7th April amounting to 18,000 
and reinforcements thrown into Mantua and Peschiera 
to 8000, their active strength was reduced to 25,000. 
This small army, lacking confidence in its leader, 
and dispirited by recent failure, was now confronted 
by one twice its strength, and inspired with bound- 
less confidence in the invincibility of its chief. In 
spite of dilatory instructions from the Aulic Council 
of War, Suvoroff resolved to push rapidly forward along 
the roads which traverse the spurs of the Alps as they 
sink into the Lombard plain, and thus preserve his 
communications with Switzerland and the Tyrol, with a 
view to the invasion of France in conjunction with the 
Archduke Charles. He thus turned the excellent posi- 
tions which the northern affluents of the Po offer to a 
retreating enemy. These follow a south-easterly course, 
and consequently an army advancing from the Mincio, 
by massing its strength to the right, turns position after 
position of an opponent who seeks to defend the line of 
these rivers. On the ipth April the Allies, crossing the 
Mincio in three columns, moved on the Chiese, while a 
fourth under Hohenzollern passed the Oglio at Marcaria, 
in order to cover their left. The 2Oth was a day of rest, 
and Suvoroff availed himself of the opportunity to dis- 
tribute his Cossacks among both the Austrian and 
Russian columns, while eight Austrian regular squad- 
rons were posted to the Russian infantry division. 
Meantime the French continued their retreat towards the 
Adda, their columns moving by the divergent routes 
of Lecco, Cassano, and Lodi ; but they abandoned in 
their haste the richly stored arsenal of Cremona. 



THE ADDA AND THE TREBBIA. 131 

Wukassowich, who had been detached by Bellegarde 
from the Tyrol, in descending the valley of the Chiese 
had captured Rocca d'Anfo, a fort on the shores of Lake 
Idro, which barred his passage, and thence continued his 
march to join the main body of the Allies at Brescia. 
On the 2 ist that important city surrendered after a 
feeble resistance. Next day the centre of the Allies, 
under Melas, during their advance to the Mella lost the 
way and fell into confusion ; a tempest was raging at 
the time, the roads soon became impassable and the 
water-courses flooded by the downpour. The Austrians, 
it is said, murmured at having to ford streams, a circum- 
stance which drew from Suvoroff the following reproof : 
" I hear that the infantry complain of wet feet. The 
weather is to blame. The march was ordered in the 
Emperor's service. Only women, dandies, and sluggards 
wait for fair weather. The grumbling babbler will 
henceforth be treated as an egoist and deprived of his 
command. Operations when decided on should be 
executed without a moment's loss of time, that the 
enemy may have no opportunity of looking about him. 
Those who are out of health may stay behind. Italy 
must be delivered from the yoke of the French atheists, 
and every brave officer should be prepared to sacrifice 
his life to that end. Grumblers cannot be tolerated in 
an army. A correct eye, rapidity and dash. Enough 
for the present." 

On the 24th the French rear-guard, drawing up at 
Palazzolo behind the Oglio, awaited the onslaught of 
the enemy ; but the Russian General Shvekovski, 
instead of at once proceeding to the attack, waited for 
his column to " close up," incurring in consequence the 

K 2 



132 SUVOROFF. 

angry censure of the field-marshal. The head had 
waited for the tail, and the French gained time to defile 
through the town of Bergamo, which on the same 
evening was occupied by the pursuing Cossacks. On 
the 22nd the French stood fast hehind the Adda, and 
three days later the Allies arrived. A swift, unfordable 
stream, the western bank of the Adda in most places 
commands the eastern ; its channel is in many parts 
deeply imbedded, while bridges existed at Lecco, Cas- 
sano, Lodi, and Pizzighettone only. The French army, 
though reinforced from various quarters, did not exceed 
28,000 men ; for Montrichard's division had marched 
south of the Po in order to watch the issues of the 
Apennines. Extended along the right bank of the 
Adda from Lake Como to the Po, these weak divisions 
covered an extent of not less than seventy miles, and 
were posted as follows : Serrurier at Lecco ; Grenier at 
Cassano ; Victor at Lodi ; the brigade of Laboissiere 
at Pizzighettone. The consequences of this dissemi- 
nation soon became apparent. With the mass of his 
army, no less than 45,000 men, Suvoroff marched by 
his right on Lecco, and Cassano, while weaker corps, 
under Seckendorf and Hohenzollern, approached the 
French right at Lodi and Pizzighettone. On the 26th Ba- 
gration occupied Lecco, and the Adda only separated the 
combatants. On the same day Scherer, dismissed from 
his post by order of the Directory, was succeeded by 
Moreau in the command, who, reaching French head- 
quarters at Inzago, at 6 p.m., made a vain attempt to 
rectify the faulty distribution of his troops. The right 
wing he ordered to close in on the centre ; Victor from 
Lodi to Cassano ; Laboissiere from Pizzighettone to 



THE ADDA AND THE TREE B I A, 133 

Lodi. Serrurier was already marching in the required 
direction, and had reached Trezzo, when Moreau, hear- 
ing that Wukassowich was attempting a passage at 
Brivio, countermanded him to the menaced point. Thus 
at the decisive moment, the French general was engaged 
in repairing the errors of his predecessor. 

SuvorofFs boastful confidence at this juncture would 
have been ridiculous had it not been deliberately 
assumed. Having learnt Moreau's accession to the 
command, he remarked : " Here also I see the finger of 
Providence. There would have been little credit in 
beating a charlatan like Scherer. The laurels of which 
we shall rob Moreau will be more fresh and green." 
During the night of the 2Oth he caused a pontoon bridge 
to be laid at Trezzo, a short distance above Cassano, 
and, having effected this without arousing the enemy's 
suspicions, at dawn he threw across the divisions of Ott 
and Zopf, in all 10,000 men. Preceded by Cossacks, 
these troops on reaching the opposite bank, wheeled to 
the left and marched direct on Cassano, whilst Melas 
assailed it in front and Wukassowich crossed the river 
at Brivio. Moreau, when informed of these disquieting 
events, instantly perceived that the attack on Trezzo 
was in force ; that at Brivio merely a feint. He there- 
fore directed Serrurier to suspend his march on the 
latter point and halt at Verderio, which lies about mid- 
way between the two an injunction which he only too 
faithfully obeyed. He next stationed a brigade of 
Grenier's in strong position at right angles to the Adda, 
between the villages of Vaprio and Pozzo, and directed 
Victor to hasten his approach. But so rapid had been 
the advance of the enemy, that in galloping to the 



i 3 4 SUVOROFF. 

menaced point the French commander narrowly escaped 
falling into the hands of the Cossacks, who already 
inundated the plain. With Grenier's 2nd brigade he 
attacked with some success the right flank of the Allies 
in his immediate front, but the advantage was soon 
neutralized by the arrival of Denissoff's Cossacks, who, 
extending to the right, occupied the village of Gorgon- 
zola, and thus cut off the French from the direct line of 
retreat on Milan. Moreau, menaced now both in flank 
and rear, was constrained to retreat before the arrival of 
Victor, while Melas, under a concentrated fire of thirty 
guns forced his way over the canal Ritorto, which barred 
approach to the river ; carried the bridge-head of Cas- 
sano with a rush, and debouched in triumph behind the 
French left wing. Moreau, conducted the retreat with 
his usual prudence and firmness, and, closely pursued by 
the enemy, led Grenier's division by a circuitous route 
into Milan, having suffered a loss of 2000 men. Throw- 
ing a strong garrison into the citadel, he left the city, 
marching on the Ticino by Buffalora, while Victor's 
division retired by Melegnano on Pavia. 

Serrurier, on the other hand, had remained all the day 
with half his division at Verderio, observing the letter, 
not the spirit of his instructions. His position, five 
miles above Trezzo, clearly afforded the opportunity to 
attack in rear the Austrian divisions which had crossed 
at that point and were engaged with Moreau at Vaprio. 
Like Grouchy's conduct at Waterloo, or, as just related 
in these pages, Poninski's at Maciejowice, Serrurier's in- 
activity at Verderio entailed disastrous consequences. 
The accepted rule in similar dilemmas is to march to 
the sound of the cannon. As things fell out, the Allies, 



THE ADDA AND THE TREBBIA. 135 

advancing next morning on Milan the right by Monza, 
the centre by Gorgonzola surrounded Verderio, and 
the French general was compelled to surrender with 
3000 men, though the remainder of his division escaped 
from Lecco by Como and the shores of the Lago Mag- 
giore. The French forces actually engaged in the con- 
flict amounted to only 18,000, for Victor and Laboissiere 
did not arrive in time to share in it, while their losses 
were 2500 Jiors de combat and 5000 prisoners. Taking 
into account the numerical weakness of his army and 
its faulty distribution, it is creditable to Moreau that a 
worse catastrophe was avoided. 

On the 29th, Suvoroff approached the walls of Milan, 
where he was met outside the gates by the archbishop 
and a procession of clergy. Kneeling down, the devout 
Russian kissed the crucifix, and, pressing the prelate's 
hand to his lips, said : " I am sent to restore the ancient 
papal throne, and to lead back the people to their 
allegiance. Assist me in this holy cause." The Milanese 
are said to have been reassured by the civilized aspect of 
the northern " barbarian," who visited their city. He 
did not enter however at the head of his troops, 
but caused his secretary Fuchs to array himself in a 
gorgeous diplomatic uniform, and ride at the head of 
the cortege, while he himself followed simply attired as a 
member of the staff. Great, though hardly decent, 
was his merriment, when the proxy, gracefully bowing, 
acknowledged the deafening cheers of the populace. 

Next day, the 3Oth April, solemn thanksgiving was 
offered in the cathedral, and the archbishop bestowed 
his benediction on the Russian chief. " Let us pray," 
replied Suvoroff in Italian, " that God may assist me to 



136 SUVOROFF. 

rescue the altar and the throne." A gorgeous throne of 

o o 

crimson velvet had been prepared for his use, but he 
declined to occupy it. It was Easter, and Suvoroff in- 
sisted on the French " atheists," his prisoners and guests, 
replying to the Easter Sunday greeting, " Christ hath 
risen," by the proper formula, " In truth, He hath." 

The Russian leader has been accused* of inactivity 
after the capture of Milan, and it has been hinted that 
he was dazzled by the splendour of his reception. The 
criticism accords neither with SuvorofFs character nor 
the testimony of the most reliable authorities. Jomini 
expressly states : " L'eclat de son entree a Milan n'im- 
posa pas a Suvoroff." His sojourn in the Lombard 
capital lasted but three days, while the advance of his 
troops was resumed on the day after the occupation, the 
1st May, when the Allies approached the Po in pursuit 
of Victor, and the division of Wukassowich followed 
Moreau in his march on the Ticino. Having reorgan- 
ized the civil government, left in confusion by the flight 
of the Cisalpine Republican officials, Suvoroff transferred 
his head-quarters from Milan to Pavia on the 3rd 
instant. He found the army under his immediate com- 
mand reduced to 36,000 men, though Forster's Russian 
division, 7000 strong had recently joined him. The 
total allied strength in Italy was 97,000, but the policy 
imposed by the Aulic Council of War necessitated a dis- 
semination of forces. Thugut, fixing a covetous eye on 
the rich plains of Lombardy, to secure their permanent 
possession insisted on besieging the fortresses in the rear 
of the army, and so crippled its activity for offensive 

* Among others by Alison, in the History of Modern Europe. 



THE ADDA AND THE TREBBIA. 137 

purposes. Had Suvoroff literally complied with in- 
structions, he would have done nothing of consequence ; 
but he ignored them to a great extent, excusing this 
conduct as best he might. 

The position of the army of Naples under Macdonald 
demands passing notice. That the destinies of penin- 
sular Italy are ever decided on the plains of Lombardy 
is a strategic truth confirmed by long experience. It 
was thus a gross error on the part of the French Direc- 
tory to shut up 34,000, men in the Neapolitan kingdom, 
where they remained destitute of influence at the de- 
cisive point, irretrievably cut off from their base in the 
event of disaster. And so it proved ; for Macdonald, 
when constrained to evacuate the kingdom, did so too 
late to secure a victorious issue to the campaign. Suvo- 
roft" was, however, in complete ignorance of the progress 
made by the French chief in his passage northward, deem- 
ing his march much further advanced than was actually 
the case. He therefore threw the bulk of his army across 
the Po, between Pavia and Piacenza, in order to inter- 
pose between Macdonald and Moreau and prevent their 
junction. Shortly afterwards, altering his plan, he massed 
his forces north of that river to meet a different combina- 
tion on the part of the enemy for, as a matter of fact, 
Macdonald had not yet quitted Neapolitan territory. 

The French having destroyed the bridge of Piacenza, 
the Allies had to construct a new one, which was not 
completed till the 6th of May, when the divisions of 
Zopf and Frohlich were pushed across, their outposts 
being advanced as far as Bobbio on the Upper Trebbia. 
Meantime Suvoroff, having thrown Rosenberg's corps 
across the Ticino, it advanced to Dorno, while Bagration, 



138 SUVOROFF. 

crossing the Po at Cervesina, occupied Voghera, where 
Suvoroff on the 7th fixed his head-quarters. Thus the 
allied army was posted astride the Po, and to secure the 
communication of its parts, a bridge was constructed at 
Mezzana Corte, where the high road from Pavia to 
Casteggio cuts the river. By that date, consequently, 
the Allies had attained an important strategic advantage. 
With their left they separated Moreau from Macdonald, 
while their right threatened Turin and the passages 
of the Po at Casale and Valenza. The favourable 
opportunity of separating the diverging columns of 
Moreau and Victor by a swift march on the Ticino, at 
Vigevano, hadibeen neglected, the assumption that Mac- 
donald was close at hand having saved them. Moreau 
had adopted this double line of retreat in order at the 
same time to maintain his communications with Mac- 
donald in the Genoese riviera, and provide for the 
security of the Piedmontese capital. But the inhabi- 
tants of the latter (among whom with misplaced confi- 
dence arms had been distributed by the French) rising 
in revolt, compelled him to depart, when, turning south, 
he joined Victor on the 7th May, taking post in the 
angle formed by the junction of the Tanaro and Po. 
This impregnable position is flanked on the right by the 
great fortress of Alessandria, and on the left by the 
fortified town of Valenza. Thus on the 7th of May the 
opposing armies of Moreau and Suvoroff were mustered 
in close proximity, their head-quarters being at Alessan- 
dria and Tortona respectively. 

At this critical juncture Suvoroff once more received 
false intelligence which entailed a serious check. Igno- 
rant as yet of Moreau's arrival at Alessandria, he was 



THE ADDA AND THE TREBBIA. 139 

informed that the enemy had executed a general 
retreat, and at once ordered Wukassowich from Novara 
to Casale ; Rosenberg from Dorno to Valenza, with a 
view to the passage of the Po. On the Qth Rosenberg's 
advance-guard seized Mugarone, an islet in the Po near 
Bassignano, below Valenza, and during the next two 
days made the needful preparations for forcing a pas- 
sage. Next day Suvoroff, having discovered Moreau's 
presence at Alessandria, countermanded his previous 
order, and instructed Rosenberg to join him with all 
speed at Tortona, marching by Cambio. But that 
general, deceived by the withdrawal of great part of 
Victor's division to Alessandria, took the responsibility 
of disobeying the order, though more than once re- 
peated. Deeming the detour by Cambio "unneces- 
sary/' he crossed the Po on the I2th, and, seizing the 
heights which dominate the village of Bassignano, dis- 
lodged with ease the feeble detachments left there to 
observe his movements. But no sooner was the sound 
of his cannon heard at Alessandria than Moreau, has- 
tening with Victor's division to the spot, vigorously 
assailed the captured heights and hurled the Russians 
back into Bassignano. In this village their rear-guard 
took post, gallantly covering the retreat of the remainder 
under command of Miloradovitch, then a young major- 
general, but in after times so renowned in the Napo- 
leonic wars. During the uproar and confusion of 
retreat, the Grand Duke Constantine's horse leaped into 
the stream, and was being rapidly swept away by the 
current, when a brave Cossack, Panteleye ff, a dexterous 
swimmer, casting himself into the stream, rescued the 
prince when nearly exhausted. In the thick of the fray 



MO SUVOROFF. 

an aide-de-camp of SuvorofFs arrived, bringing a mes- 
sage threatening Rosenberg with trial by court-martial 
if he failed to comply with his instructions. But to 
withdraw troops in good order when once committed to 
action is more easily ordered than performed, and the 
combat cost the Russians 1200 men and two guns. 
The attack on Casale likewise miscarried through the 
rapidity of the current, though the repulse did not in- 
volve so serious a loss as that of Bassignano. Suvoroff 
advanced as far as Cambio to support Rosenberg's re- 
treat, but returned to Tortona on the following day. He 
generously shielded Rosenberg from the consequences 
which his misconduct might have incurred, palliated 
his disobedience, and described the affair to the Tzar 
as follows : " News came that Valenza was evacuated. 
Rosenberg was ordered to occupy it. The news was 
false, and the order was countermanded. But he, consult- 
ing his valour alone, crossed the Po at Borgo Franco* on 
the 1 2th of May, and engaged the enemy at Bassignano." 
Events in Switzerland contributed at this time to 
modify Suvoroff 's plans. Lecourbe, having retired into 
the Orisons before Bellegarde and hastily crossed the 
Alps for the protection of the St. Gothard Pass, was at 
Bellinzona on the iithofMay, when he attacked and 
defeated the Allies under Prince Victor Rohan on the 
Monte Cenere. Their destruction would have been 
complete had not the Austrian general Strauch sent 
parties of infantry by unfrequented paths from Chia- 
venna over the intervening ridge into the Vai Mi- 
socco, and by thus threatening Bellinzona arrested the 

* On the opposite bank to Bassignano. 



THE ADDA AND THE TREBBIA 141 

enemy's advance. Leaving Loison's brigade behind to 
make head against the Allies, Lecourbe retired, hasten- 
ing to secure the all-important defile of the St. Gothard. 
These events, secondary as they now seem, convinced 
Suvoroff at the time that a powerful diversion was con- 
templated by the enemy from Switzerland. Converting 
therefore the siege of the Milan citadel into a blockade, 
he reinforced Rohan with the troops set at liberty, who, 
with forces thus augmented, attacked Loison on the i8th 
of May and drove him beyond Bellinzona. Hereupon 
the troops from Milan, returning to that city, resumed 
the siege of the citadel. Having meantime ascertained 
the actual position of Macdonald, and being convinced 
that Moreau at Alessandria was unassailable, the Rus- 
sian chief resolved on approaching Turin by the left 
bank of the Po, thus to sever the French in Italy from 
their countrymen in Switzerland. On the i$th he issued 
orders directing the passage of the Po on the following 
day, the various columns to concentrate behind the lower 
Sesia, while a demonstration was to be made at the same 
time on the Tanaro in order to attract attention to 
Alessandria. But Moreau had already resolved on 
sallying from that fortress, hoping either to effect his 
retreat on Genoa by the Bochetta Pass, or at least to 
ascertain the strength and distribution of the enemy. 
The position around Alessandria had become untenable ; 
supplies had run short, while retreat had become difficult 
owing to an insurrection of the peasantry. Having laid 
a bridge across the Bormida during the night, the French 
general crossed on the i6th May with Victor's division, 
when the outposts of the enemy were at once driven in 
on their main body. But the Allies had not yet crossed 



142 SUVOROFF. 

the Po in execution of their new plan ; the troops facing 
Moreau were consequently reinforced, and Bagration's 
division suddenly appearing from Novi on his right at 
Marengo, the French General deemed it prudent to 
recross the Bormida. The movement was executed with 
admirable steadiness and precision, the infantry retiring 
by alternate brigades under the personal supervision of 
Moreau, who conducted them in safety beyond the 
Bormida, destroying the bridge behind them. Had he 
delayed the sortie a single day, success might have 
crowned his efforts, for the Allies would in that case 
have been already beyond the Po in obedience to 
Suvoroff s instructions. 

After this failure Moreau marched with the division 
Grenieron Asti, Victor at the head of his own on Acqui. 
Suvoroff, for his part, reached the Sesia on the 2Oth 
May, where he halted two days while bridges were being 
constructed. On learning the retreat of the French, he 
occupied Casale and Valenza, and on the 23rd, crossing 
the Sesia, moved in two columns on Turin. On the 
25th that city was invested, and on the refusal of its 
commandant, Fiorella, to surrender, cannonaded from 
the heights of Superga. But the citizens, according to 
previous agreement, threw open their gates to the 
Allies, when Fiorella, having retreated into the citadel 
with his garrison, bombarded the city as a punishment 
for the treachery of its inhabitants. Upon this Suvoroff, 
denouncing such conduct as contrary to the usages of 
war, threatened to expose his French prisoners on the 
esplanade of the citadel to the fire of their countrymen. 
The menace had the desired effect, the bombardment 
ceased, the citadel was invested, and columns were 



THE ADDA AND THE TREE B I A. 143 

pushed forward on the track of the enemy towards the 
passes which lead into France. But Moreau was in a 
critical condition. Though Victor, passing by Acqui, 
Dego, and Ceva, had surmounted the Apennines and 
reached the Mediterranean coast, he himself, after 
sending his heavy baggage by the Mont Genevre Pass 
into France, was committed to the ardous task of forcing 
a way through a hostile population in order to join his 
lieutenant. But Ceva was already in the power of the 
Allies, and all attempts at its recapture were vain, while 
the defile over the Col di Tenda was choked by a land- 
slip. From the cul-de-sac in which he was entrapped 
Moreau escaped through combined energy and presence 
of mind. One half of his force laboured hard to repair 
the mountain path which leads by Garessio and the 
valley of the Corsaglia to the sea, while the remainder, 
posted at Mondovi, protected their efforts. On the 6th 
June, having thrown reinforcments into Coni, he reached 
Loano on the Mediterranean coast. 

Suvoroff remained at Turin while the French were 
effecting the passage of the Apennines without molesta- 
tion. Hampered by the absurd orders of the Austrian 
Court, and disgusted with its intrigues, he was unusually 
apathetic at this crisis, though he had hitherto troubled 
himself but little about Thugut and his plans of cam- 
paign. That minister, we are told, having been a casual 
spectator of a skirmish with the Turks, considered him- 
self ever afterwards a passed master in strategy, much as 
Frederic the Great was proud of his reputation as a 
poet. Having traced a plan of campaign which Suvo- 
roff had rejected with contumely, Thugut was resolved to 
make him feel what manner of man he had offended. A 



M4 SUVOROFF. 

system of espionage was established at the general's head- 
quarters; supplies and transport were withheld at critical 
moments; intrigues were set on foot for the removal of the 
Russian troops from Italy. Austria, in fine, was exposed 
to the possibility of disaster that her first minister might 
gratify at the same time his military hobbies and his 
spleen. Political differences also wrought dissension 
among the Allies. The Emperor looked for compen- 
sation in Italy for the loss of Flanders, while the Tzar 
insisted on the restoration of the status which had 
been destroyed by the arms of revolutionary France. 
Suvoroff after the capture of Turin considered the resto- 
ration of the King of Sardinia as a matter of right; 
Thugut entrusted the government to Austrian officials. 
Suvoroff became obstinate ; the Imperial Government 
grew anxious to be rid of him, and were eventually 
successful. Such was the tangled web of intrigue which 
impeded the movements of his victorious troops. 

A glance at events in Switzerland now becomes 
necessary. Massena, retiring before the Archduke 
Charles, halted at length in front of Zurich, where, on 
the 4th June, he was attacked with indecisive result ; 
but two days later he withdrew to a stronger position on 
the Albis ridge in his rear. The retreat exposed 
Lecourbe in the St. Gothard Pass to considerable 
danger ; for Bellegarde, ascending the sources of the 
Rhine, threatened his retreat on Altdorf. But one only 
of the Austrian's brigades pursued this direction, the 
mass of his corps having been ordered to SuvorofFs 
head-quarters in Italy. Nevertheless, in Lecourbe's 
absence, Loison, assailed both in front and rear, was 
compelled to abandon the Pass, retreating on Altdorf. 



THE ADDA AND THE TREE B I A. 145 

On the return of his chief, however, the offensive was 
resumed and the Austrians driven from the Devil's 
Bridge. But Lecourbe, now made acquainted with 
Massena's retreat, returned to Altdorf, whence transport- 
ing his troops by water to Lucerne, he left the stupen- 
dous defile of the Reuss in the possession of the Allies. 

His right flank guarded through the definite conquest 
of the St. Gothard, and Moreau reduced to impotence, 
Suvoroff was now in a position to devote his undivided 
attention to Macdonald, who was fast approaching the 
scene of action. The Army of Naples had, after numerous 
unforeseen delays, quitted Caserta on the 7th May, 
marching in two columns, whose total strength was 
19,000. The one following the sea-shore, the other 
forcing a road through mountains which were infested by 
insurgent peasantry, both arrived at Rome ten days 
later, when their strength was augmented by the greater 
part of the division of Gamier. Florence was entered 
on the 2$th, when the junction of Gauthier raised their 
numbers to 23,000 ; Lucca, on the 29th, where a halt of 
ten days was conceded for purposes of reorganization 
and repose a delay which probably involved the loss of 
the campaign. But no communication had as yet been 
opened with Moreau, who, it will be recollected, did not 
reach Genoese territory until the 6th June. 

A map of recent construction conveys the idea that 
the junction of the two French armies might have been 
best effected by the eastern riviera, while guarding the 
issues of the Apennines with suitable forces. But at 
that time no road practicable for artillery existed beyond 
Sarzana, while the shore was commanded by the guns 
of the British fleet. Moreau therefore, arriving at 

L 



146 SUVOROFF. 

Genoa on the 7th June, directed Macdonald to cross the 
Apennines and cut the enemy's communications on 
the Lower Po ; to raise the siege of Mantua and 
endeavour to destroy in detail his scattered forces. The 
Army of Naples lay extended along the southern declivi- 
ties of the Apennines from the Florence-Bologna road 
on the right to Lucca on the left ; Dombrowski's Polish 
division was pushed in advance to Pontremoli ; while 
Victor, detached by Moreau, to the valley of the Taro, 
acted as a connecting link between the two armies. It 
was agreed that Moreau, advancing from Geneo on 
Tortona, should strike a blow at Suvoroffs rear while 
that chief was engaged with Macdonald. The Army of 
Naples, including Victor's and Montrichard's divisions, 
reached the total of 36,000 men, against whom the 
Allies, though over 100,000 strong could bring into the 
battle-field no more than 32,000. Haddik, with 16,000, 
watched the St. Gothard and the neighbouring Alpine 
passes ; Ott with 7400 confronted Montrichard at 
Bologna : the siege absorbed 20,000 ; the blockades of 
Alessandria and Tortona, 10,500 ; of Ferrara, 4500. 
Bellegarde, who as already stated was approaching with 
8200 men, did not reach Como till the 28th May. The 
28,000 under SuvorofFs immediate orders were encamped 
around Turin with divisions pushed in advance to Asti 
and Acqui. It was Moreau's part to distract attention 
from Macdonald's movement, and induce his opponent to 
concentrate in the opposite direction. Rumours were 
therefore disseminated that large bodies of French troops 
had been landed at Genoa, while the recent visit of 
Bruix's powerful fleet to that port lent colour to the 
assertion. These endeavours proved so far successful as 



THE ADDA AND THE TREE B I A. 147 

to cause Suvoroff to believe that offensive action from 
Genoa through the Bochetta Pass was in contemplation ; 
yet, Macdonald's exact position being still uncertain, he 
adopted a resolution valid in most circumstances ; that 
of concentrating his field army at a central point whence 
he might attack an enemy from whichever side he might 
approach. On the loth June he marched with 20,000 men 
from Turin, leaving 8000 behind under Kaim to continue 
the siege of the citadel ; reached Asti, distant thirty-five 
miles, at 8 a.m. on the following day and, resuming his 
march at 10 p.m., entered Alessandria at 2 p.m. on the 
1 2th. Here, Bellegarde having arrived on the 8th June, 
the Russian chief found himself at the head of 34,000 
men, including the troops blockading the citadel and 
that of Tortona. But difficulties arose regarding sup- 
plies, the Austrian Commissariat declaring their inability 
to support so great a mass of men concentrated at one 
spot. Suvoroff, therefore, was in the act of cantoning 
them over a wider area, when, on the I3th June, he 
received positive information that Macdonald, having 
crossed the Apennines, had inflicted a severe reverse on 
Hohenzollern at Modena. 

In fact, on the 9th June Macdonald had commenced 
his advance at the head of 36,000 men. His right, com- 
posed of the divisions Rusca and Montrichard, followed 
the great highway which leads from Florence to 
Bologna ; his centre, Olivier and Watrin, marched from 
Pistoja on Modena ; his left, under Dombrowski, by 
Castel Nuovo on Reggio ; Victor, by the Taro valley on 
Parma ; while Lapoype, with 3000 Ligurian troops, 
descended on Bobbio by the valley of the Trebbia. On 
the 1 2th the French centre attacked Hohenzollern a 

L 2 



148 SUVOROFF. 

Modena, while their right wing, moving from Bologna, 
endeavoured to cut the enemy off from the Po. Driven 
through the town with severe loss, the Austrians would 
have been surrounded had not Klenau, abandoning 
the investment of Fort Urbano, taken post behind the 
Panaro, and covered their retreat before effecting his 
own on Ferrara. During this engagement Macdonald 
was himself severely wounded. A party of the French 
emigres hussars of Bussy, finding themselves cut off, 
proceeded to hew their path through the ranks of the 
enemy, when the French commander- in-chief becoming 
entangled in the fray, received a sabre-stroke which dis- 
abled him from riding. Leaving the divisions Montri- 
chard and Olivier at Modena for the purpose of observing 
Mantua, he continued his march on Reggio and Parma. 
On the 1 4th Victor joined the advance-guard under 
Dombrowski, and next day their united divisions reached 
Firenzuola. On the other side of the Arda, Ott, with 
5300 men, observed their movements, and, on learning the 
defeat of Hohenzollern at Modena, retired to Piacenza, 
while his outposts remained on the Nura. On the i6th, 
assailed by the enemy in vastly superior numbers, he was 
driven beyond the Tidone, not however till he had demo- 
lished the bridge over the Po at Piacenza. On the follow- 
ing day the main body of the Allies came to his assistance. 
Suvoroff, as soon as he had ascertained the exact posi- 
tion of Macdonald, resolved to crush him without giving 
Moreau the time to march to his support. The requisite 
orders were issued on the I3th, though by an unlucky 
accident the bridge over the Bormida was not completed 
till two days later. But at 10 p.m. on the i5th the 
Allies passed the river in two columns the right Rus- 



THE ADDA AND THE TREBBIA. 149 

sians, the left Austrians and pointed their march on 
Casteggio, leaving Bellegarde to maintain the blockade 
of the Alessandria and Tortona citadels, and to repel 
Moreau in case that leader should stir himself. In- 
cluding Ott's division already engaged with the enemy, 
no more than 30,000 men remained at SuvorofFs dis- 
posal wherewith to oppose the 36,000 of his opponent. 
Kray, indeed, who with 20,000 men surrounded Mantua, 
had been enjoined to convert the siege into a blockade, 
and join head-quarters with the utmost speed ; but 
secret orders from Vienna prevented him from com- 
plying. At 5 a.m. on the i6th the Allies reached the 
Scrivia, whence, after a rest of three hours they resumed 
their march on Casteggio, there halting for the night 
with their advance-guard at Stradella, having covered 
thirty miles in twenty-four hours. 

At this juncture SuvorofFs superb confidence in 
himself did not blind him to the contingency of defeat. 
Writing to Kaim during the above march he thus 
expresses himself: "I am off to the Trebbia to beat 
Macdonald. Make haste with your siege of the Turin 
citadel, or I shall sing Te Deum before you." Ad- 
dressing his troops, he does not admit the possibility of 
defeat. His general orders contain the following pas- 
sage : " The kettles arid light baggage to be at hand 
when approaching the enemy, so that, after his defeat, 
the dinners may be cooked. But victors should be con- 
tent with the bread in their knapsacks and the water in 
their canteens." Yet his arrangements accurately pro- 
vide against defeat. A bridge and tete-de-pont were 
constructed at Valenza to ensure Bellegarde's escape in 
the event of the main army being driven across the Po ; 



150 SUVOROFF. 

the fortresses were revictualled for a siege ; the heavy 
baggage sent north of the river by the bridge of Mez- 
zana Corte, which was fortified and garrisoned with a 
battalion and four guns ; a second bridge was laid at 
Parpanese, opposite Stradella, as an- alternative passage, 
in case Mezzana Corte fell into the hands of Moreau. 
Lastly, 700 men were pushed up the valley of the 
Trebbia to observe the movements of Lapoype. 

At 8 a.m. on the I7th June, when the advance of the 
Allies, moving by the high road from Casteggio, had 
reached Stradella, Ott was assailed in his position behind 
the Tidone by the divisions Victor and Rusca, while 
Dombrowski menaced his right by a circuitous route 
among the mountains. Driven from his post with heavy 
loss, the Austrian took up another farther to the rear, 
where he endeavoured to maintain himself till succour 
should arrive. Suvoroff was now close at hand, and his 
troops, aware that Ott was being crushed by overwhelm- 
ing numbers, were running in a long straggling column 
along -the great highway. The pace increased by 
degrees ; Suvoroff, in his bare shirt down to the waist 
and followed by a single Cossack orderly, continually 
galloped from front to rear, while he encouraged his 
men with jests, ejaculations, and proverbs. "Forward, for- 
ward," he kept hallooing, " The head doesn't stop for the 
tail." The column, indeed, was trailing out to a dangerous 
length, the weakly continually dropping out, unable to 
endure the tremendous pace. At times outriding the 
foremost troops, Suvoroff would conceal himself; then 
suddenly darting forward he would ride at full speed 
towards them. Enthusiastic shouts greeted him and 
the worn-out soldiers redoubled their exertions. 



THE ADDA AND THE TREE B I A. 151 

At 3 p.m. Ott, unable to maintain his latest position, 
was being hotly pursued along the high road by the 
French cavalry, when SuvorofF, accompanied by Bagra- 
tion and four regiments of Cossacks, arrived on the 
field. After a brief pause the Russian chief divided 
the Cossacks, sending two regiments in support of each 
flank of hardly pressed Austrians. In an instant the 
pursuit relaxed, and Ott obtained breathing-time to 
reform his shattered ranks. Dombrowski, on the French 
left, being charged by the Cossacks with Austrian 
dragoons in support, was driven from the field in the 
greatest disorder. At 4 p.m. the heads of the foremost 
Russian infantry columns were seen pushing forward to 
support the cavalry ; yet so great was the fatigue of the 
men and so thinned were their ranks by straggling that 
even the impetuous Bagration counselled delay, affirm- 
ing that there were not forty men in each company. "For- 
ward, forward ! " yelled Suvoroff in reply, " attack in 
God's name. Macdonald has not twenty." The nature 
of the ground, intersected with hedges and ditches, 
obstructed the advance ; yet before 9 p.m. the entire 
French line had been thrust back across the Tidone, 
with a loss of 1000 killed and wounded and 1400 pri- 
soners ; nor did they stand fast till they were behind the 
Trebbia. Their advance-guard being posted on its 
western bank, the Tidone separated their picquets from 
those of the Russians, whose main body bivouacked at 
San Giovanni at some distance from the stream. 

It was not Macdonald's wish or intention to fight 
before the ipth, because his divisions left at Modena, 
11,600 strong, were still a day's march in the rear, and 
besides, every hour's delay increased the chances of 



152 SUVOROFF. 

Moreau's co-operation. But Suvorofif was not a likely 
man to wait the onset of the enemy. His strength, ex- 
clusive of Chubaroffs detachment 1300 strong still in 
rear, was 27,000, while the French, in the absence of their 
rearmost divisions, could muster no more than 22,000 to 
oppose him Determined therefore to attack next day, 
he arranged his army in three columns and a reserve. 
The two on the right, chiefly Russians, were commanded 
by Rosenberg, the left-hand column and reserve being 
Austrians led by Melas. The French left was the deci- 
sive point both in a tactical and strategic sense ; for, by 
forcing it back, communication with Moreau would be 
prevented, and their whole army, backed against the Po, 
might be compelled to surrender. Suvoroff accordingly, 
concentrating on his right, ordered the attack to be 
executed in direct echelon from that wing. It was 
his intention that the reserve also, consisting of Froh- 
lich's division, though using the high road for conve- 
nience of movement, should, as the day wore on, move 
obliquely to its right, throwing its weight in the same 
quarter. To maintain the bold assurance of victory 
which he was wont to assume, he indicated villages on 
the Nura, which flowed in rear of the enemy's position, 
as directing points for his columns ; and when Melas, in 
confusion because no line of retreat had been indicated, 
ventured a question on the subject, he retorted 
" Retreat ? retreat ? across the Trebbia to Piacenza ! " 
The following were his final instructions : " If, contrary 
to expectation, the enemy wait for us, deploy into line 
at once without confusion, yet without pedantry and 
useless precision. If he retire, let the Cossacks and 
cavalry pursue without losing an instant, supported by 



THE ADDA AND THETREBBIA. 153 

the infantry, which in this case will not form line but 
column. The cavalry will move by alternate squadrons 
chequerwise." They conclude with the characteristic 
injunction: "The word halt is not to be used. We 
are going to a fight, not a field-day ! Cut, stab 
hurrah ! drums and music ! " The divisions were formed 
in two lines, the second at a distance of 300 yards from 
the first; cavalry on the flanks. The i8th June being 
the 42nd anniversary of the battle of Kolin, the names 
Theresa and Kolin were given as parole and countersign 
for a day which was destined in after years to acquire 
a still greater celebrity. Owing to the fatigue of the 
troops consequent on marching and fighting in summer 
under a broiling Italian sun, Suvoroff did not give the 
signal for attack until ten o'clock ; but at this hour his 
columns advanced, plunged into the Tidone, and reached 
the opposite bank without molestation from the 
enemy. 

The bed of the Trebbia (scene of Hannibal's memo- 
rable exploit B.C. 218) is at this part of its course 1000 
yards in breadth, sandy, and studded with numerous 
islets. In summer its channel is dry or extremely 
shallow ; so that, oddly enough, owing to the enclosed 
nature of the surrounding district, it forms the most 
favourable space in the neighbourhood for the action of 
cavalry. Add to this that the battle-field itself is a 
defile between the mountains and the Po, and a fair idea 
may be formed of the contracted area which was to be 
the scene of conflict. 

The divisions Victor and Dombrowski being already on 
the left bank of the Trebbia, the latter was first assailed 
by Bagration, who conducted the extreme right of the 



154 SUVOROFF. 

Russian wing. Both sides fought with equal rage : for 
the memory of Warsaw was fresh and furious in their 
minds. At length, however, the Poles sought refuge 
behind the river, when Victor, seizing the opportunity, 
fell upon Bagration's left flank which had become ex- 
posed in pursuing the enemy, throwing his ranks into 
dangerous confusion, from which he was only extricated 
by the timely arrival of Schvekovski's division, the 
second rung of the echelon. The divisions Montrichard 
and Olivier having meantime reached the field from 
Modena, Macdonald found himself at the head of 
33,000 men, i.e. 6000 more than the Allies. Montrichard 
crossed the Trebbia in support of Victor and Rusca 
while Olivier stayed in reserved behind it. Yet, not- 
withstanding this accession of strength, the French centre 
was gradually pushed, disputing the ground step by step, 
through the stream to the opposite bank. The decisive 
moment had arrived ; the enemy's left and centre had 
been forced back ; and Suvoroff gazed anxiously for the 
arrival of his reserve to complete the victory. But he 
gazed in vain. The attention of Melas had been fixed 
on Salm's brigade, which, crossing the Trebbia near its 
junction with the Po, seemed to threaten his left flank. 
Alarmed by its progress he retained the reserve of Froh- 
lich instead of despatching it to the right, its proper 
destination, and Salm, having paralysed by this diversion 
for it was nothing more one half the allied army, 
easily retreated beyond the Trebbia by taking advantage 
of the intersected ground, and the protection afforded by 
Olivier's division on the opposite bank. Without a 
reserve Suvoroff was unable to reap the fruits of victory. 
Night and the Trebbia separated the combatants after 



THE ADDA AND THE TREE B I A. 155 

a drawn battle of ten hours as bloody as any recorded in 
history. So completely had Suvoroff attained his object, 
that Rosenberg's trDops had penetrated to the rear of 
the French left, where they remained all night, in square 
and under arms, ignorant of events and filled with dis- 
quietude till, with the first streak of dawn, abandoning 
their point of vantage, they joyfully retraced their steps 
to the main body. Thus, owing to the timidity and 
obstinacy of Melas, nothing resulted from all this blood- 
shed. The wearied soldiery sank to sleep, but were 
soon aroused by one of those unaccountable panics to 
which assembled multitudes are liable. Three batta- 
lions of the French left wing, suddenly and without 
apparent cause springing to arms, rushed into the bed of 
the Trebbia and assailed their nearest opponents. A 
promiscuous melee ensued ; the artillery played indiscri- 
minately on friend or foe ; and, in the words of Jomini, 
the extraordinary spectacle was presented of cavalry 
fighting by moonlight in the channel of a river. The 
irrational conflict presented a grim picture of the hor- 
rors of war. Two hours elapsed before it was appeased 
by the united exertions of the generals on either side. 

Next day, the ipthofjune, both armies seemed by 
common consent to postpone the conflict till the late 
hour of ten o'clock in the morning, by reason of physical 
exhaustion. Suvoroff's dispositions were identical with 
those of the preceding day, i.e. he massed his forces on 
his right, while his left was refused, or thrown back, and 
withheld from action. The reserve marched on the high- 
way as the day before, to keep it fresh for action, but Me- 
las was peremptorily enjoined to conform to orders as to 
its eventual use. Macdonald, on the other hand, adopted 



156 SUVOROFF. 

the extraordinary course of attacking simultaneously 
the centre and both flanks of his adversary a grave 
error which no superiority of numbers in this case 
justified. Both sides simultaneously advancing, were 
astonished by the unforeseen collision. The French were 
in the act of crossing the Thebbia ; Watrin commanded 
their right, Olivier their centre, Victor their left ; while 
Dombrowski again made a circuit in the mountains 
to gain the right rear of the enemy. They moved in 
close columns covered by skirmishers, the intervals 
being filled by cavalry, while a few deployed battalions 
remained behind the Trebbia to protect a possible 
retreat. Again Dombrowski's Poles were attacked and 
overthrown, but Bagration by a flank movement to the 
right left a gap into which Victor promptly thrust his 
own and Rusca's divisions. Thus Shvekovski, who 
followed next in echelon, found himself surrounded by 
forces triple his strength, and here the most determined 
struggle of the day was fought to a conclusion. The 
regiment of which Rosenberg was titular colonel, not 
having time to form square, faced its third rank about, 
and in this formation repelled the enemy. The same 
commander, having ventured to pronounce the word 
retreat, was sternly reproved by Suvoroff, who had 
galloped to the spot. Relief was, however, at hand ; 
for Bagration, after driving Dombrowski across the 
Trebbia, had retraced his steps by Suvoroff's order, and, 
falling upon Victor's right flank, succeeded in dislodging 
his division and pushing it across the river. As to 
Melas on the allied left, Watrin had turned his position 
by filing along the right bank of the Po, and, in spite of 
positive orders, the Austrian again withheld the greater 



THE ADDA AND THE TREBBIA. 157 

portion of the reserve, while allowing the cavalry com- 
manded by Prince Liechtenstein to proceed to its desti- 
nation. This pig-headed obstinacy was rewarded with 
results not unfortunate, though the measure of success is 
unknown which might have followed a literal execution 
of orders. Liechtenstein's horsemen, moving at full 
speed to the right, fell haphazard and headlong on the 
right flank of Montrichard's division as it stood contend- 
ing with the Russians of Forster, and drove it in confusion 
beyond the Trebbia ; then, wheeling to the left, and 
flushed with success, these victorious squadrons fell upon 
Olivier's division and obtained a similar result ; when 
Watrin, exposed to imminent peril by the defeat of the 
French left and centre, skilfully effected his retreat as 
Salm had done on the previous day, behind ditches, 
hedges, canals, and other impediments which divided 
him from the enemy. At nightfall the opposing armies 
resumed their former positions, and the chances of vic- 
tory still seemed to hang in an even balance. 

The losses on both sides had been almost equally 
severe, but those of the French included an extra- 
ordinary number of superior officers. The same night 
Macdonald, who had travelled in a litter since his wound, 
assembled a council of war, whereat it was resolved that, 
owing to the disorganization which had overtaken the 
army, and the fact that Kray with the army from Mantua 
had shown himself in their rear, a general retreat should 
forthwith be sounded. Montrichard's division set out at 
once ; the artillery parks and baggage followed, and the 
main body at a considerable interval, while cavalry ve- 
dettes patrolled the banks to the Trebbia, feeding the 
blaze of the bivouac fires to conceal the movement from 



158 SUVOROFF. 

the enemy. Suvoroff at dawn on the 2Oth was about to 
concert a new attack, when the joyful news came in of 
the disappearance of the enemy. The pursuit was 
organized ; ChubarofTs men, who had joined on the 
previous evening, not having taken part in the battle, 
took the lead. Victor, facing about at San Giorgio on 
the Nura, offered a vigorous resistance, but was at length 
dislodged, on which occasion the celebrated demi- 
brigade D'Auvergne laid down their arms. Melas dis- 
played little capacity at this juncture, and less prompti- 
tude. Throwing his strongest division (Frohlich), which 
had not yet been in action, into Piacenza, he entrusted 
the pursuit to his weakest (Ott), which had been deci- 
mated in the previous engagements. Watrin checked 
the pursuit on the Nura, till Victor's defeat becoming 
known, he quitted that position and retired to the Arda. 
On the 2 1st Macdonald was at Reggio, where he halted 
to reorganize his army, having covered fifty-six miles in 
two days. On the 23rd he renewed his movement on 
Tuscany, crossing the Apennines by the same route he 
had used for his advance, and after undergoing the 
severest privations, arrived at Genoa on the 1st July, 
with an army in a state approaching dissolution. During 
this movement, Ott, approaching the Secchia in pursuit, 
passed a battalion across the river to block the road to 
the mountains, which, enveloped by the enemy's 
retreating columns, met the fate of Vandamme at Culm 
after the battle of Dresden. 

On the 1 6th the day of the action of the Tidone 
Lapoype with his 3000 Ligurian troops was at Bobbio, 
high up in the Trebbia valley, a position which menaced 
the right flank of the allied army. Had he acted with 



THE ADDA AND THE TREBBIA. 159 

promptitude, and had reliable troops been at his com- 
mand, he might have effected much. But, motionless 
until the ipth, he did not arrive in sight of San Giorgio 
till the defeat of Victor had been assured. Retracing 
his steps, he found Bobbio in possession of the Russians 
whom Suvoroff had detached to watch his movements. 
Repulsed in attacking them, his troops dispersed with 
alacrity to their homes in their mountainous districts, 
with which they were of course familiar. Suvoroff 
pursued Macdonald as far as Firenzuola, where, on the 
23rd, hearing of Moreau's advance from Genoa, and his 
engagement with Bellegarde on the Bormida, he faced 
about, and, marching with the utmost despatch, fell in 
with the outposts of the enemy on the same day near 
Voghera. But their main body was already beyond his 
reach, securely lodged in the defiles of the Apennines 
above Genoa. 

On the day of the action on the Tidone, Moreau had 
issued from the mountains in two columns, which directed 
their march on Tortona and Novi. Next day, having 
learnt Suvoroff's departure, he resolved on pursuit, but 
moved not with the requisite celebrity. On the 2Oth, 
having raised the blockade of the Tortona citadel, he 
pushed his outposts as far as Voghera, some thirty 
miles from the Trebbia. Had he used more despatch, 
it is doubtful whether he could have effected his purpose, 
for Bellegarde, crossing the Bormida, offered him battle 
at Marengo, convinced that a step thus bold was needed 
to ensure the safety of the allied army while engaged 
with Macdonald. The French leader could not safely 
pass round a body of troops established on his flank, 
and rear ; he must dislodge them. Suspending there- 



160 SUVOROFF. 

fore his advance on the 2Oth, he attacked with Grouchy's 
division and was in the first instance repulsed, but 
bringing successive reinforcements into line, he at length 
drove the Austrians across the Bormida with a loss of 
2000 killed and wounded and five guns. Bellegarde 
however, though defeated in the field, had accomplished 
the strategic task allotted him. He had stopped Moreau 
by a bold offensive stroke, and the material lost thereby 
signified nothing in comparison with the respite obtained 
by his chief. Moreau was pursued to the foot of the 
mountains by Suvoroff, till, on the 26th, withdrawing his 
troops, the latter pitched camp in the neighbourhood 
of Alessandria, while Bagration took post in advance at 
Novi. 

Thus, in the brief space of about two months had 
Suvoroff, driven the French out of Lombardy and 
Piedmont, cooped them up within the narrow limits of 
the Genoese riviera. Were it not that his forces were 
greatly superior to the enemy's, these achievements 
might seem to rival Bonaparte's youthful exploits in the 
same area of conflict. The Archduke Charles, in his 
criticisms on this campaign, seems to forget the existence 
of the Aulic Council of War at Vienna. That illustrious 
commander, when accusing Suvoroff of the absence of a 
fixed plan in his operations, must have been aware that 
in war a " whirlwind of events " arises to scatter the best 
concerted plans, and he should have remembered that 
many of the faults he criticizes really lay at the door of 
the House of Habsburg. It is easy to find fault after 
the event : a schoolboy may then expatiate on the errors 
of Napoleon. After the occupation of Milan, the Rus- 
sian chief made straight for the point on the theatre 



THE ADDA AND THE TREE B I A. 161 

of war, which, according to the information possessed by 
him at the time, was the decisive one, the banks, of the 
Scrivia, near Tortona, a position which had placed him 
between the armies of Moreau on the one hand and 
Macdonald on the other. The moment the true situa- 
tion of Macdonald had been ascertained, he modified his 
plans accordingly, throwing himself on the Piedmontese 
capital, to reappear on the banks of the Scrivia at the 
proper moment. His inactivity at Turin, trammelled 
though he was by the obstructiveness of the Austrian 
authorities, seems indeed to require some sort of expla- 
nation. Perhaps this may be found in advanced age, 
for we instinctively feel that Napoleon in his prime would 
have destroyed Moreau while crossing the Apennines, 
whatever the obstacles which lay in his path. The 
Russian chief however was already in his seventieth year. 
The French leaders have likewise shared in the indis- 
criminate censure which defeat usually involves. Moreau 
doubtless fixed the date of his advance from Genoa too 
late, since on that day, the i/th, was fought the combat 
on the Tidone which practically decided the strategic 
issue. As for Macdonald, the ten days lost by him in 
Tuscany were probably fatal to his hopes, but as we 
have already seen, he could not act without instructions 
from Moreau, who did not arrive in Genoa till the 7th of 
June, and consequently was not in a position to furnish 
them earlier. His tactical dispositions on the field 
appear, nevertheless, open to objection. He attacked 
his opponent at every point of the line simultaneously, 
without possessing that great superiority in numbers 
which perhaps justifies the proceeding. Jomini aptly 
contrasts his conduct in this respect with that of the 

M 



162 SUVOROFF. 

French king Charles VIII. three centuries before, who, 
after evacuating Naples, found his homeward progress 
barred at Fornuvo, near Modena, by an Italian army 
quadruple his own ; when, forming his troops in a com- 
pact phalanx, he charged and broke the enemy's centre, 
and pursued his march without further molestation. 

For the battle of the Trebbia Suvoroff was raised to 
the rank of Prince, with the cognomen of " Italiski," or 
the " Italic," added. 



CHAPTER VIII. 

THE BATTLE OF NOV1. 

THE battle of the Trebbia was followed by a period of 
inactivity due to the action of the Aulic Council of War. 
Suvoroff was forbidden to prosecute his victories till the 
imperial rule in Italy had been consolidated by the 
capture of Mantua, Alessandria, Tortona, and other 
strong places in Lombardy and Piedmont. He therefore 
remained in camp on the Bormida, covering the siege of 
the Alessandrian citadel which was in active progress. 
On the 22nd July it capitulated, and four days afterwards 
the allied head-quarters were transferred to Rivalta on 
the Scrivia, to protect operations against the Tortona 
citadel and watch the issues of the Apennines leading 
from Genoa. 

The Aulic Council of War had, through the Emperor, 
insisted on Suvoroff presentiug his plans for their 
approval prior to carrying them into execution. He 
complied and they were rejected. The Emperor wrote 
enjoining him " to renounce distant and hazardous 
enterprises," reminding him of the promise he gave when 
at Vienna, to " report all his proposals beforehand ; " and 
later, " at present you must direct your attention exclu- 
sively to the subjugation of Mantua; then by degrees to 
obtaining possession of Alessandria, Tortona, Com", &c." 

M 2 



1 64 SUVOROFF. 

Suvoroff complained : " His Roman Majesty wants 
me to ask permission at Vienna before righting a battle. 
In war, circumstances are momentarily changing; conse- 
quently there can be no precise plan of action. I never 
foresaw that I should follow in the footsteps of Hannibal 
to the Trebbia ; nor that I should seize Turin, till the 
opportunity presented itself of mastering its resources; 
nor Milan, till Vaprio and Cassano opened its gates to 
me. Fortune's poll is bare behind, but flowing locks 
hang from her forehead. Her pace is swift as lightning. 
Seize her hair while you can, or she may never again 
confront you." At the same time the jealousy which 
rarely fails to spring up between allies in the field grew 
daily more intense; exasperated in this case by the con- 
duct of the Austrian Court, who surrounded Suv6roff 
with spies and issued orders to the army without his 
knowledge. In addition, the Austrian officers are said 
to have murmured at the hardships and exertions which 
the Russian general imposed upon them, for his methods 
in war were not in accordance with their preconceived 
ideas. As usual in this envious world, his triumphs 
were ascribed to luck. The Emperor Francis, unwittingly 
perhaps, irritated him by adverting constantly to his 
good fortune. " Luck, indeed," ejaculated the Field- 
Marshal, " luck to-day ; luck to-morrow ; but next day 
brains will be wanted." There was a still more serious 
ground of complaint : the inefficiency of the imperial 
Commissariat and Transport services, the fatal conse- 
quences of which were soon to be made apparent. So 
great was Suvoroffs disgust with the proceedings of his 
allies that he contemplated resigning the command. 
" The timidity of the Court of Vienna," he wrote to the 



THE BATTLE OF NO VI. 165 

Tzar, " their jealousy of me as a foreigner, the intrigues 
of certain hypocrites among their officers who are in 
daily communication with the Aulic Council of War, my 
inability to act without asking permission a thousand 
versts away these things compel me to ask your 
Imperial Majesty to recall me should matters continue 
in their present state. I desire to lay my bones in my 
fatherland and pray God for my Emperor." In conse- 
quence, the Tzar adjured the Emperor Francis to forbid 
the Aulic Council of War to interfere in the details of the 
campaign, but to no purpose. Besides Thugut's meddle- 
someness, conflicting interests were too abundant for 
mere verbal representation to be operative. The bonds 
of the alliance were strained by success ; disaster was to 
snap them asunder 

Festivities, martial pageants, and manoeuvres occupied 
the leisure of the troops encamped on the Bormida. At 
field-days the Russian chief was accustomed to push 
mimic warfare to the threshold of reality. Charges 
were always made home ; that is to say, there was actual 
contact between the opposing masses, the troops passing 
through each other's ranks. This was effected in the 
infantry by alternate files dropping to the rear ; in the 
cavalry, by opening out to extended order. For the 
mounted branch this practice must have proved espe- 
cially beneficial, since without it horses are apt to con- 
tract the habit of stopping short just before the moment 
of collision. He even ordered nose-bags with oats to 
be in readiness behind the infantry attacked, in order to 
obtain the required momentum from the horses. Acci- 
dents were of course of frequent occurrence. A newly 
arrived colonel, anxious to distinguish himself, served 



1 56 SUVOROFF. 

out grog to his regiment before their first field-day under 
the eyes of Suvoroff, and, in consequence, his troopers 
charged with extraordinary dash and vigour ; sabre-cuts 
were liberally exchanged with their opponents, and 
serious wounds inflicted. Suv6roff did not notice the 
occurrence, or perhaps feigned ignorance thereof. 

On the 8th July Rehbinder's corps, which had arrived 
lately from Russia, marched into camp, 8500 strong. 
Rosenberg, relieved by Derfelden of the command of 
the 1st corps, was placed at the head of the fresh arrival, 
which raised the Russian contingent in Italy to the 
strength of 27,000 men. But the Allies could assemble 
no more than 45,000 men around Tortona; 30,000 under 
Kray were besieging Mantua ; Rosenberg's division was 
at Piacenza ; Ott's and Klenau's in Tuscany ; Kaim 
defended Piedmont against the army of Championnet, 
which was in course of formation behind the Savoyard 
Alps ; and Haddick still guarded the passes which unite- 
Switzerland with Lombardyand Piedmont. On the 3Oth 
July, however, Mantua capitulated, after a feeble defence 
of twenty-one days, and at last Suvoroff was in a position 
to assume the offensive. Of Kray's army, 5000 were 
left in garrison at Mantua, the same number reinforced 
Klenau at the eastern extremity of the Riviera di 
Levante, while the remainder, 20,000, joined Suvoroff at 
Tortona on the nth August. The original plan of 
campaign submitted by the Russian chief for approval 
by the Aulic Council of War was as follows : to pene- 
trate the Apennines in three columns of equal strength, 
by the Col di Tenda, the Bochetta, and Pontremoli, with 
a general reserve stationed near Alessandria. But on 
reconsideration the project was abandoned, and a single 



THE BA TTLE OF NO VI. 167 

line of operations substituted through the Col di Tenda, 
in order to menace the enemy's communications with 
France by Nice, while a containing- force, under Kray, 
was to remain at Alessandria for the protection of flank 
and rear. The I5th August was the date fixed for the 
advance ; but the enemy anticipated the movement. 

In consequence of changes in the composition of the 
French Directory (18 June), General Joubert received 
command of the army of Italy, while Moreau was trans- 
ferred to the Rhine. The generous temper of the latter 
officer impelled him to offer his services for awhile to 
his youthful successor, a proposal which was frankly 
accepted, and this disinterested act, viewed by the light 
of after events, seems to have been the means of saving 
the French army from total destruction. Joubert was 
now thirty years of age. A lawyer originally, he had 
entered the ranks of the army as a volunteer, and 
attained the grade of general with remarkable rapidity. 
Born in 1769 that year so fertile in military genius, if 
indeed, it saw the birth of Napoleon as well as Welling- 
ton* he served in the Italian campaign of 1796, and 
earned the following encomium from Bonaparte : " The 
intrepid Joubert is in valour a grenadier, but in know- 
ledge and capacity an excellent commander." Having 
contracted marriage just before setting out for the seat 
of war, the parting words addressed by him to his bride 
were : Tu me reverras mort on victorieux. The army of 
which he now assumed the direction, though 45,000 



* Guizot affirms in his History of France that Napoleon, really 
born in 1768, postponed the date a twelvemonth in order to pass 
for a born Frenchman ; Corsica having been ceded to France in 
1769 by the Genoese Republic. 



1 68 SUVOROFF. 

strong, was mainly composed of conscripts ; while want, 
exposure, and disease had played havoc in their inex- 
perienced ranks. The resources of the Genoese territory 
were unequal to the maintenance of so large a mass of 
men. While the Allies occupied the passes of the 
Apennines, the British fleet blockaded the seaports, and 
Klenau, posted with his division at Sarzana, interrupted 
communication with the fertile south of Italy, the French, 
once more, as in 1796, were under the necessity of 
bursting their bonds in order to find the means of 
subsistence. On the 4th August Joubert arrived at 
Genoa, where, after consultation with St. Cyr, who, con- 
vinced of the great strength of the enemy, counselled 
delay, a general advance was resolved on. Joubert 
attached no credit to the rumour which announced the 
fall of Mantua, and the consequent augmentation of the 
enemy's forces ; and to this fond hope he clung with fatal 
pertinacity. 

He distributed his troops into five columns, which 
converged on the plain in front of Tortona. The three 
on the right, under St. Cyr, moved by parallel roads on 
Novi ; two on the left under Joubert in person on Acqui. 
Deducting those left behind to guard the communi- 
cations with Genoa, they did not exceed 40,000 in all. 
The nth and I2th were the dates fixed for departure, and 
the left wing, having a greater distance to traverse, 
started a day in advance of the right. Suvoroff, on his 
side, having for some days remarked increased activity 
on the part of the enemy's outposts, drew in Rosenberg 
from Piacenza to Broni, and Bellegarde to head-quarters 
from beyond the Bormida. On the 4th August he 
invested the fort on the Monte Buffo, which overlooks 



THE BATTLE OF NO VI. 169 

the town of Serravalle and blocks one of the chief roads 
to Genoa. Batteries were constructed during the night, 
nre opened at dawn, and on the 7th it surrendered. On 
the same day he transferred his head-quarters to Novi. 
Although the day fixed for his own advance was the 1 5th 
of the month, informed by the injudicious restlessness of 
the French that an attack was impending, he resolved to 
manoeuvre so as to entice the enemy into the plain, where 
his great superiority in cavalry 9000 against 2OOO 
would tell in his favour with decisive effect, His forces, 
in all 65,000, were distributed in the following manner : 
Kray, on the right, with 19,000 men confronted Joubert, 
who was advancing from Acqui with the French left. 
The main body, lying between the Orba and the Scrivia, 
consisted of the following divisions : Bellegarde, 6200, on 
the right ; Bagration, 5700, in the centre ; and Rosenberg 
8300, on the left beyond the Scrivia. His general 
reserve, 20,000 strong, lay in the rear of all at Rivalta, 
while Alcaini, 5300, maintained the blockade of the 
Tortona citadel. 

On the 1 2th August, the extreme right of St. Cyr, 
consisting of Watrin's division, driving in the Allied 
outposts on the Upper Scrivia, occupied the town of 
Serravalle which led Suvoroff to believe that the enemy, 
descending that stream in force, aimed at the deliver- 
ance of Tortona. Since this movement endangered his 
communications with Milan, he posted Rosenberg's divi- 
sion so as to guard them, an arrangement which con- 
siderably influenced the fate of the pitched battle which 
was approaching. On the I3th, St. Cyr took possession 
of the heights above Novi ; next day of the town itself; 
while Joubert, driving Bellegarde before him, reached 



170 SUVOROFF. 

Pasturana, a village behind the left of the heights of 
Novi destined for disastrous notoriety in the forthcoming 
conflict. Having ascended in company with his principal 
generals the heights which overlook the Allied camps, 
the French leader discovered the unwelcome presence of 
Kray, whose corps, 19,000 strong, lay extended in a 
formidable mass at his feet. Then it was seen that 
Joubert, though skilful and resolute as a subordinate, 
was unfitted for supreme command. The painful surprise 
caused him to vacillate ; he assembled a council of war, 
where, after a sad display of mental agitation, he finally 
resolved to return to the mountains, and dismissed the 
assembled generals with the assurance that the requisite 
orders would shortly be promulgated. But the conflict 
between disappointed aspirations and the dictates 
of prudence was protracted and no orders appeared. 
At day-break the French columns, instead of being 
far out of reach of the enemy, were discovered 
bivouacked on the spots occupied the previous evening. 
Nor had the position they were about to defend been 
as yet militarily occupied, though an attack might be 
looked for at any moment. Not a battery was in 
position. 

SuvororFs original design, as already stated, was to 
entice the enemy into the plain ; but, perceiving 
Joubert's evident hesitation, he prepared for an imme- 
diate attack, fearing the intrenchment of Novi's already 
formidable heights. He therefore instructed Kray to 
assail the French left, for by forcing it in, their principal 
line of retreat by the Gavi road would be laid open. 
That evening, desirous of reconnoitring the enemy, he 
approached them under cover of a chain of skirmishers, 



THE BATTLE OF NO VI. 171 

who were extended in some fields of standing corn, 
followed by a single Cossack orderly. The enemy, 
easily recognizing him by his fantastic costume a 
white linen shirt and pantaloons conceived the hope of 
making him prisoner. A body of horse, assembled 
under cover of a sharp musketry fire, dashed forward to 
seize him, but the enterprise was frustrated by the 
interposition of a handful of troopers under the Grand 
Duke Constantine. On the eve of so eventful a day he 
indulged with usual freedom his gasconading propensi- 
ties ; composed some doggrel German verses,* which 
triumphing by anticipation, and complimentary to his 
Allies, showed a certain amount of sly tact on the part 
of the author. 

General Miliutinf thus describes the position of Novi : 
" The heights on which the French army was drawn up, 
are formed by the last slopes of the Apennines which 
extend from the Scrivia to the Orba. A low but steep 
ridge runs from one river to the other, decreasing in 
altitude as it approaches the latter. Its declivities near 
the plain are entirely occupied by vineyards and gardens, 
dotted with detached houses, and intersected by walls 
and ditches. At the foot of the most salient portion of 



* Es lebe Sabel und Bayonett, 
Keine garstige Retraite ! 
Erste Linie durchgestochen, 
Andere umgeworfen. 
Reserve nicht halt 

Weil da Bellegarde und Kray der Held. 
De Letzte hat Suworow 
Den Weg zu dessen Siegen gebahnt. 

t History of the War between Russia and France in 1799: St. 
Petersburg, 1852. 



172 SUVOROFF. 

the ridge lies the town of Novi. It was defended by a 
high crenelated masonry wall with towers, and sur- 
rounded by suburban residences with their gardens." 
But notwithstanding intrinsic strength, serious defects 
neutralized its advantages as a defensive position ; the 
ground in its rear was cut up by deep ravines, formed 
by the Lemma and its tributary streams ; it offered no 
facilities for retreat, the roads on either flank being 
commanded or menaced by the enemy, and that leading 
from the centre through Pasturana, being rendered 
extremely dangerous by a narrow defile in rear of the 
village. The French had 35,000 in the field, exclusive of 
Dombrowski's division left to watch Serravalle ; the 
Allies 50,000, without Rosenberg's and Alcaini's troops 
at and around Tortona, who took no part in the battle ; 
but 9000 men, under Melas, lay inactive almost all day. 
At dawn on the I5th, Kray opened the conflict by 
assailing the French left in front, while one of his 
brigades under Seckendorf endeavoured to reach Pas- 
turana in their rear. His corps, including Bellegarde, 
who had been placed under his orders, numbered 25,000. 
The enemy were completely surprised. The divisions 
Lemoinne and Grouchy were in the act of forming on 
the crest of the ridge when the storm burst upon them. 
Even then not a gun was to be seen on the heights. 
The cavalry of Richepanse, dashing to the front, gal- 
lantly endeavoured to cover the formation of their 
infantry, but failed to arrest the advance of the Austrians, 
who, uttering loud cries of victory, pushed up the 
vine-clad slope* and triumphantly crowned its summit. 
Had Suvoroff been in readiness to support the attack, 
the fate of the day was already decided. But it was far 



THE BA TTLE OF NO VI. 173 

otherwise. For Bagration, who stood in advance of the 
centre, when appealed to for aid, stated the positive 
orders of his chief to abstain from action till the signal 
was given. Joubert, in the meantime, aroused in his 
quarters by the continuous rattle of musketry, galloped 
to the scene of conflict, where, impelled by bravery or 
despair, having thrown himself among the foremost 
skirmishers, he was struck to the earth by a bullet, and 
shortly afterwards expired. This untoward accident, 
had there been no capable successor at hand, would 
have brought ruin on the French army ; but Moreau, 
hurrying to the spot, rallied the broken troops, at the 
same time sending urgent messages to St. Cyr for assist- 
ance. Colli's brigade was detached by him for this 
purpose, and Perignon -bringing up the reserve from 
Pasturana, Kray was in turn compelled to execute a 
retreat, which he succeeded in accomplishing without 
disorder. 

During the progress of the above struggle, the beha- 
viour of Suvoroff had given occasion for no little con- 
sternation. Though aware of the crisis, he lay asleep 
in his quarters, or feigning slumber, while it seemed as 
if none would venture to awake him. The danger to 
which Kray was exposed was not, however, overwhelm- 
ing, for his corps numbered 25,000 combatants, while the 
entire French army was not more than 10,000 stronger. 
Still the Russian chief seems to have paraded on this 
occasion an ostentatious indifference which cost his sol- 
diers dear. At 9 a.m., however, springing to his feet 
with the cry " it is time," he mounted his horse, and 
issued orders for attacking the French centre at Novi. 
The manoeuvre was, however, an isolated one, for Kray 



174 SUVOROFF. 

had just experienced a second rebuff; the Russian divi- 
sions of Derfelden and Forster were still on the march 
from Rivalta, while Melas was many miles from the 
scene of action. Bagration, in carrying into effect the 
order of his chief, was compelled to move in close 
columns, owing to the numerous obstacles which 
blocked his march, but soon found himself engaged in a 
hand-to-hand contest with Laboissiere's division, which 
was posted between Lemoinne's men and the walls of 
Novi. It raged awhile with destructive violence, but was 
finally decided in favour of the French by a sortie which 
Gardanne executed from the town. His left flank thus 
assailed, the Russian general withdrew, though in good 
order, and under the protection of his cavalry ; but on 
the arrival of Forster, the attack was renewed, on this 
occasion to the east of the town, when the perils of a 
disconnected movement were at once made manifest ; for 
Watrin, who occupied the extreme right of the French 
line of battle, wheeled to the left, and fell upon the 
exposed flank of the Russians before Novi, Melas not 
having as yet taken up the place assigned him. Bagra- 
tion was once more baffled in his attack, though 
Derfelden's division, appearing opportunely in the field, 
protected his retreat, and pushing forward, compelled 
Watrin to seek a refuge on the heights originally occu- 
pied by him. It was by this time one in the afternoon, 
and, oppressed by their prolonged exertions under a 
broiling Italian sun in summer, the contending hosts 
desisted as by common consent from the work of 
slaughter. The attempts of Kray on the French left 
had been uniformly and signally defeated, wherefore 
Suvoroff, abandoning all hopes of weakening that flank 



THE BATTLE OF NOVI. 175 

of the enemy's line by exerting pressure on their centre, 
resolved to transfer his efforts to the other one. Neither 
side could as yet boast a decided advantage over the 
other, but the French reserves had been committed to 
action, while Suvoroff had 9000 fresh troops at his 
disposal, who were approaching the field of battle under 
Melas. That commander had been directed to ascend 
the course of the Scrivia, and, falling on the right flank 
of the French, to seize the high road to Gavi, their 
principal line of retreat. Melas, on arriving abreast of 
Novi, directed the brigade of Nobili to continue the 
march up the stream, while that of Lusignan, supported 
by Liechtenstein's cavalry, prolonged the left of the 
Russian line, and Mitrowski's with Loudon's marched 
straight on the Gavi road in rear of Novi. This 
manoeuvre being sufficiently developed by 4 p.m., Suvo- 
roff, for the fourth time on that day of carnage, gave the 
signal for a general advance. 

St. Cyr, to confront this new danger, threw back 
Watrin's division en potence (i.e. at right angles to the 
rest of the line), and awaited the onset of Lusignan 
and Liechtenstein. But his troops, when they perceived 
that Mitrowski and Loudon had reached the Gavi 
road, broke into precipitate flight, and though St. Cyr, 
by a spirited charge at the head of a demi-brigade, 
arrested for a moment the pursuit, yet Suvoroff with the 
Allied centre had by this time carried the town of Novi, 
when the whole French army, facing about, rushed 
in panic haste towards the village of Pasturana and its 
narrow gorge, which was now the sole avenue of escape. 
This defile, formed by the Riasco stream, was quickly 
choked up with a vast concourse of men, horses, and 



176 SUVOROFF. 

guns, and a scene of hideous confusion ensued. To 
add to its terrors, a Hungarian battalion, stealthily 
creeping round the village unnoticed by the enemy, 
and gaining an eminence in its rear which commanded 
the crowded pass, opened fire upon the fugitives. The 
officer commanding the French artillery, instead of 
accelerating his pace, dismounted the gunners and 
drivers for the purpose of replying to the enemy's fire. 
Several horses were soon disabled, and the line of re- 
treat became irretrievably blocked. Panic spread with 
lightning rapidity through the French army. In a few 
seconds their battalions had broken their ranks, and 
the entire army dissolved and scattered in all directions 
like clouds whirled away by the tempest. Grouchy 
and Perignon, ensconcing themselves in Pasturana with 
a single battalion, endeavoured by prodigies of valour 
to lighten the pressure of the pursuit, but they fell 
disabled by sabre-cuts and became prisoners. Colli 
with his brigade was compelled to surrender in front 
of Pasturana. St. Cyr alone, with a portion of the 
right wing, effected an orderly retreat, and stationed 
himself in front of Gavi. Darkness alone rescued the 
French army from utter annihilation. 

Such was the sanguinary battle of Novi, wherein, it 
must be confessed, Suvoroff displayed little of his 
wonted tactical ability. Over-acting his part on this 
occasion, he became involved in difficulties from which 
his indomitable tenacity of purpose rescued him indeed, 
but at the cost of an enormous expenditure of human 
life. Kray attacked three hours before the Allied 
centre entered into action, and eight hours before 
the left under Melas. The event strikingly illustrated 



THE BA TTLE OF NO VI. 177 

the dangers attendant on such a disjointed method of 
attack ; the enemy was given the chance of concentrating 
his forces on each successive fraction of the assailants 
as it came into action. The attack, it must be remarked, 
was not in echelon, where each division arrives in its 
turn to support those which preceded it ; but a piece- 
meal onslaught without unity or combination. But 
though the tactics employed by Suvoroff have been 
made the subject of just censure by competent military 
writers, all are willing to admit that most leaders would 
have abandoned the contest in despair after experiencing 
so many sanguinary repulses. The Russian chief has 
likewise been reproached with allowing a third of his 
effective strength to be absent from the decisive conflict, 
but he knew not on which side of the Scrivia the enemy 
would operate : they might have descended by the right 
bank, relieved Tortona, and cut him off from the 
Po. This is why he left Rosenberg's corps in front of 
that fortress an arrangement not indicative of daring 
strategy, but prudent and safe, in fact that which would 
have recommended itself to the judgment of a com- 
mander of ordinary capacity. Napoleon, indeed, would 
probably have acted differently ; for an enemy in a 
state of concentration must in practice be attacked, 
beaten, and dislodged from his position before daring to 
operate on his communications. 

A similar case, it will be remembered, occurred at 
Waterloo, the British commander having posted a whole 
division at Hal, in order to secure his right from being 
turned by the road from Mons to Brussels. A victor 
wants no plea, but it is interesting to speculate on the 
original conception, whose incomplete or faulty execution 

N 



178 SUVOROFF. 

has given rise to adverse criticism. Confident in his 
prestige and superior numbers, contemning perhaps the 
youth and inexperience of the leader who was opposed 
to him, Suvoroff may have aimed at nothing less than 
the utter destruction of the French army, cutting them 
ofif from Genoa, their base, by means of Kray's corps ; 
and therefore it may be, he purposely delayed the 
frontal attack till the enemy's line of retreat was seriously 
endangered. Kray, being 25,000 strong, incurred no 
real danger of being crushed, before the arrival of Su- 
v6roff, by an army which counted only 10,000 more men 
than his own ; especially as the presence of Bagration 
at Novi held fast a portion of their forces. Kray, in 
reality, led a separate army, which acted on the enemy's 
flank and rear, like Ney's at Bautzen, Blucher's at 
Waterloo, and the 2nd Prussian army at Sadowa. There 
can be no doubt, however, that the Russian Chief de- 
ferred entering into action till too late in the day, and 
that terrible havoc in his ranks was the penalty he paid 
for an error which might well have cost him the victory. 
The loss of the French, including prisoners and miss- 
ing, amounted to 12,000 ; that of the Allies to 8000. Of 
the latter, 5000 belonged to Kray's divisions, 2000 were 
Russians, while 1000 only were of the corps of Melas. 
On receipt of the news, the Tzar published the following 
ukase : " As a reward for the exploits of the Italic 
Prince, Count Suvoroff of the Rimnik, it is hereby 
ordained that the Guards and all other Russian troops, 
even in the Imperial presence, shall pay him the same 
honours as are due to his Majesty." The document was 
signed by that Count Rostopchin who was the favourite 
of Paul, but destined to win a nobler title to fame. 



THE BATTLE OF NO VI. 179 

" To the protracted and sanguinary battle," writes 
Miliutin, " succeeded a cool and tranquil night. By 
degrees the sounds of conflict died away. The Allied 
troops, exhausted with fatigue, took up their position 
on the heights of Novi. Far away, in the distant gorges 
of the mountains, the dropping fire of the foremost 
troops was heard as they pursued the flying enemy. 
The atmosphere was saturated with the odour of gun- 
powder. The moon, emerging from behind the moun- 
tains, shed her rays upon a mournful scene. On the 
surrounding fields the dead lay piled up in heaps. 
At intervals the groans of the wounded were heard. 
To use the words of a spectator : round Novi the 
bayonetted French lay as thick as sheaves of corn 
upon the newly-harvested field. They were stretched 
beside each other, intermingled with the fallen Russian 
warriors." 

The wearied soldiery had barely closed their eyes 
when violent alarms within the town aroused them from 
slumber. Some hundreds of French soldiers, who lay 
concealed in dwelling-houses, had, with the connivance 
of the citizens, it was asserted, congregated at dead of 
night, attacked and overpowered the main guard, and, 
rushing forth from the gates, endeavoured to effect 
their escape. After a furious struggle the attempt was 
defeated, and the Russians, who had suffered severe loss, 
proceeded to sack the town in revenge for the supposed 
bad faith of its inhabitants. By personal exertions, by 
entreaty, and lastly, by threats, Suvoroff at length re- 
established order. " You're doing wrong, boys," he 
cried ; " you're doing wrong. Attack the enemy, but 
leave the citizens in peace." 

N 2 



i8o SUVOROFR 

On the i6th, Rosenberg's division, not [having been 
engaged in the battle, was passed to the front, to head 
the pursuit. After a delay, which sorely irritated his 
troops, he attacked St. Cyr and dislodged him from his 
position in front of Gavi. Perignon, with the debris of 
the left wing, had, in the meantime, retired up the valleys 
of the Orba and Erro streams, while Dombrowski and 
Watrin cut their way through Nobili's brigade at 
Arquata. Moreau was preparing to evacuate Italy when 
the slackness of the pursuit advised him that he had 
little to fear from so unenterprising a foe. But, in reality, 
the Allies were unable to follow up their victory, owing 
to deficiency of transport and provisions, which the Aus- 
trian officials had neglected to accumulate in sufficient 
quantities. As a matter of fact, not more than supplies 
for two days were available in Suvoroff's camp, though 
the general movement had been fixed for the 1 5th, long 
in advance. It is difficult to avoid the conclusion that 
the Aulic Council of War had issued instructions to 
the Austrian generals in direct contradiction to those of 
Suv6roff ; since, about this time, they ordered Melas to 
occupy Tuscany and the Papal States without consulting 
or even without making known their intentions to the 
Russian chief. Intrigues like these, necessarily discon- 
certed Suvoroff's plans and frustrated his intentions ; 
while the Emperor Francis soon expressly prohibited 
him from passing the Apennines, alleging the losses 
which his troops had already sustained as his motive, 
also that the French would be presently compelled to 
evacuate Italy owing to lack of supplies. The battle of 
Marengo in the following year scarcely responded to 
these anticipations. 



THE BATTLE OF NO VI 181 

Suvoroff, thus dominated by circumstances, pitched 
his camp at Asti, a position midway between the Alps 
and Apennines, where it was possible at the same time 
to cover the investment of the citadel of Tortona, and 
observe the army which, under the command of 
Championnet, was collecting in the neighbouring pro- 
vince of Dauphine. But Switzerland soon attracted the 
attention of Suvoroff. The Archduke Charles, after 
occupying Zurich in the month of June, had remained 
for a long while inactive, and being apprehensive that 
a further advance on his part in the direction of Bern 
would expose his communications to attack, he had with 
his wonted caution determined to await the junction of 
the army of Korsakofif, which was on the march from 
Russia to join him, before once more undertaking 
offensive action. The hostile armies in Switzerland were 
at this juncture extended in a thin cordon from the 
Rhine, near Constance, along its course to the valley of 
the Upper Rhone. Thus the French position followed 
an arc which was interior to that occupied by their oppo- 
nents, and Massena availed himself of the situation to 
concentrate on his right with a view to assailing the St. 
Gothard Pass. Lecourbe, an officer well skilled in 
mountain warfare, was entrusted with the execution of 
this enterprise, for which the brigades of Thurreau, 
Gudin, Loison, and Molitor were placed at his disposal. 
In the middle of August, Thurreau, ascending the 
sources of the Rhone, dislodged Rohan from the Simplon, 
driving him as far as Domo d'Ossola, when the Austrian, 
Strauch, quitting the St. Gothard, descended the Furka 
Pass and menaced the rear of the French general. Upon 
this, Gudin, climbing the precipitous rocks oftheGrimsel 



i8 2 SUVOROFF. 

with his brigade in the face of an Austrian battalion, 
forced his way into the Rhone valley, thus intercepting 
the retreat of Strauch, who, assailed and driven across 
the Gries Pass by Thurreau, reached Airolo with diffi- 
culty, then Bellinzona, where he paused to reorganize 
his shattered forces. Lecourbe then assailed the St. 
Gothard in person, while Gudin, marching by the Furka, 
menaced it in rear, so that the Austrian, Zimschen, 
abandoning its defence, retreated by the sources of the 
Rhine into the Grisons, whither he was pursued by the 
French as far as Ilantz. Thus did this important defile 
pass into their temporary possession. But while Massena 
was thus actively engaged on his right, he necessarily 
exposed his left to the blows of the adversary ; and the 
Archduke, desirous of striking a blow, after the arrival 
of KorsakofT and prior to his own departure for Ger- 
many, whither he had been commanded to lead the 
army under his own personal command, seized this 
inviting opportunity. His design was to cross the Aar 
below the confluence of the Limmat, and, pushing along 
its upper course, to menace Bern and the communica- 
tions of the enemy with France. Pontoons having been 
collected and troops assembled at a favourable spot, 
during the night of the i6th August the construction of 
two bridges was commenced. But the locality had not 
been well reconnoitred and the channel of the river was 
discovered to be too hard and rocky for the secure 
anchorage of pontoons. At daybreak the Austrian 
engineers were discovered and subjected to a murderous 
fire; Ney hastened to the spot with all available forces. 
The Archduke saw that his enterprise had miscarried. 
A parley ensued, and the assailants were permitted to 



THE BATTLE OF NO VI. 183 

withdraw unmolested, on the understanding that the 
attempt should not be renewed that day. This disaster 
was the occasion of much bitterness and recrimination 
between the Austrian and Russian generals, their dis- 
sensions being aggravated by the haughty and arrogant 
bearing of Korsakoff, who, since the Italian triumphs of 
the Russian arms, had, in common with most of his 
countrymen, conceived the most exaggerated notions of 
the worth of the national troops and the comparative 
inferiority of the Allies. The Archduke departed, 
leaving Hotze with 22,000 men with the Russians till 
the arrival of Suvoroff, who was destined for the supreme 
command. 

The Powers, members of the coalition against France, 
had agreed to his appointment, each actuated by diverse 
and personal motives. It was soothing to the vanity of 
Paul that a Russian should lead the army which was 
about to invade France with the object of re-establishing 
her legitimate monarch on the throne ; while Austria 
longed for the removal of Suvoroff from Italy, where his 
presence thwarted her designs. England, her enemies 
affirmed, regarded with a jealous eye the appearance of 
the Russian standards on the Mediterranean shores. 
But the arrangement excited in the breast of Suvoroff 
nothing but unmitigated disgust and wrath. He com- 
plained to Rostopchin : " Having squeezed the juice out 
of me which was needed for Italy, they are going to 
pitch me over the Alps. I am sick of a fever brought 
on by the poison of Viennese diplomacy." Nevertheless, 
when informed of the departure of the Archduke from 
Switzerland, he instantly prepared to proceed to his 
destination, terribly solicitous lest the presumption and 



1 84 SUVOROFF. 

arrogance of Korsakoff should involve him in disaster 
when confronted with so able an antagonist as Massena. 
Yet loath to abandon Tortona, whose citadel had capitu- 
lated on condition of not being relieved before the nth 
September, he delayed awhile, promising the Emperor 
and the Archduke Charles : " By the rapidity of my 
movements I will endeavour to make good the days I 
consume for the welfare of Italy." On the 8th, however, 
he commenced his march in two columns on Varese, the 
artillery and heavy baggage moving by Milan, whence 
they were to be sent, via the Tyrol, round the northern 
shore of Lake Constance to Schaffhausen. But the 
movement had no sooner begun than it was counter 
manded, and next day all returned to their respective 
posts near Tortona. Moreau was advancing on that 
fortress. It was a last throw of the dice, staked on the 
presumed negligence of his opponent ; for after ascer- 
taining that Suvoroff had faced about again, the French 
general once more sought the shelter of the mountains. 
On the nth, as stipulated, Tortona surrendered, and the 
garrison, marching out with the honours of war, pursued 
their way to the French border. The same evening the 
Russians resumed their march to Switzerland. 

While the Council of the Empire, after the manner of 
trained diplomatists, were ignoring their obligations, all 
Europe was resounding with Suvoroffs fame. Espe- 
cially in this country were his services appreciated at 
their true value. " The recognition of your merits by 
the English nation," writes Rostopchin to him, " must 
be much more gratify ing to you than all the lofty phrases 
of the Cabinet of Vienna, which talks so loudly but does 
so little." Suvoroff, however, was heartbroken at the 



THE BATTLE OF NO VI. 185 

vain result of all his efforts and triumphs. He had 
dreamt of victory on the plains of France, and the re- 
establishment of the " throne and altar " on the ruins of 
the Republic. These fond aspirations were now, in his 
opinion, impossible of realization. Driven from the 
theatre of his exploits, the armies he led were exposed 
to destruction through the incapacity or faithlessness of 
the Austrian Court. It seemed a cruel destiny. Close 
on attaining his seventieth year, his professional career, 
which now covered half a century, had never been sullied 
by defeat. Yet he was now condemned to see his work 
undone. That no man can be esteemed fortunate 
before death is a maxim whose truth has been affirmed 
by the experience of ages, and Suvoroff's correspondence 
at this period seems to furnish one more proof of its 
universality, although the Tzar, instead of accepting his 
proffered resignation, loaded him with additional marks 
of his favour. Deeply affected by such tokens of 
sympathy in the hour of tribulation, the Field-marshal 
thus expressed his gratitude : " Graciously pardon me 
if, in the bitterness of my heart, I asked permission to 
return to my beloved country. Now, till it please God 
to terminate my life, I dedicate it to the glorious service 
of your Imperial Majesty. Highly sensible of your con- 
descension, I shall lead your Majesty's gallant warriors 
wherever your commands direct to Switzerland, where 
in fresh fields of battle I shall conquer or die gloriously, 
fighting for my country and my Emperor." It may be 
added, that he had recently been highly incensed by the 
advice said to have been tendered by Melas to certain 
French officers on their release from captivity ; namely 
to steer clear of the Russian quarters if they desired to 



1 86 SUVOROFF. 

escape violence and pillage an insinuation which, even 
if unfounded, proves how prone mankind is to reproach 
the troops of other nations with excesses from which 
their own are not exempt. The circumstance was 
reported by Suvoroff to the Tzar, whose hasty temper 
took fire at the insult, and the incident doubtless had 
its share in determining his withdrawal from the 
coalition which happened shortly afterwards. 

The claims of Austria for compensation in Italy were 
founded on that most unprincipled of transactions the 
partition of the Polish monarchy. A secret article in 
the Treaty of 1795 provided that, in consideration of her 
share in the spoil being less than that of the other two 
Powers concerned, she was entitled to look for future 
indemnification in Bavaria or Italy. The Russian Em- 
peror, on being reminded by Thugut of this stipulation, 
inquired the precise extent of the Austrian demands, 
" in order/' he added with engaging frankness, " that I 
may judge whether I do well to make war on the French 
with a view to giving them another form of government, 
or whether I had not better direct my attention to pro- 
tecting Europe from the boundless pretensions of the 
House of Hapsburg, and its ambition to aggrandize 
itself at the expense of those who are not in a position 
to offer resistance." Meanwhile, he hastened to instruct 
Suvoroff, that in case of difficulties with Austria, he 
should assemble his troops in Switzerland, and thence- 
forward act in concert with the British representatives 
at his head-quarters. The exasperation of the two 
Courts gradually grew in intensity till, informed of the 
withdrawal of the Austrians under the Archduke from 
Switzerland, and Korsakoff's consequent exposure to 



THE BATTLE OF NO VI. 187 

all the weight of Massena's blows, the Tzar determined 
formally to renounce alliance with Austria. This resolve 
was strengthened by the news of the battle of Zurich, 
which very shortly afterwards reached him. 



CHAPTER IX. 

SWITZERLAND. 

SUVOROFF, we have stated, resumed his march for 
Switzerland on the evening of the nth September. 
The St. Gothard being in those days impassable for 
wheeled traffic, he had directed Melas to assemble 1 500 
mules at Taverna, the spot at the foot of the Monte 
Cenere where the highway for vehicles comes to an end. 
While Korsakoff held Massena at bay before Zurich, he 
proposed, after carrying the St. Gothard by storm, to 
penetrate to the rear of the French, marching by Altdorf 
and Schwy tz; and, at the same time, the Austrians, Hotze 
and Linken, approaching from the valley of the Linth, 
were to assail their position in flank. Thus Italy was to 
be abandoned as a base of operations, and, by forcing a 
way through the stupendous defiles of Switzerland, a new 
one was to be sought in south-western Germany. It 
followed that during this change, the Russian army had 
to be accompanied by all needful supplies, for the natural 
resources of Switzerland, always limited, were now 
thoroughly exhausted by the constant passage to and 
fro of the contending armies. Suvoroff reckoned that 
seven days would bring him to Schwytz, but from lack 
of experience in mountain warfare, he struck his estimate 
too low ; for Schwytz was 100 miles distant from Bel- 
linzona, an interval which no troops could possibly cover 



SWITZERLAND. 189 

in the specified time, through a district bristling with 
strong positions, if opposed by a vigorous and resolute 
enemy. The Russian chief appears in these calculations 
to have been misled by Colonel Weyrother, an Austrian 
staff officer who had been lent him for the purpose of 
supplying local information. 

The strength of the forces in Switzerland (exclusive of 
Chabran's division at Basle) was at this time 70,000 ; 
that of the Allies (not reckoning Suv6roff) only 46,000. 
The republicans, moreover, occupied a position still more 
compact than before, their entire forces being massed in 
the space between Altdorf and Zurich, with the sole ex- 
ception of Thurreau's division in the Valais. The Im- 
perialists, on the other hand, were spread out in a wide 
semicircle which embraced the shores of the lakes of Zurich 
and Wallen, and extended as far as Coire and Dissentis 
near the sources of the Rhine. Suvoroff' s army was 20,000 
strong, inclusive of 4000 Cossacks. Thus 66,000 Allies 
divided into several great fractions, and with no means 
of intercommunication, were about to attack an enemy 
who was both superior in numbers and strongly posted 
in a central position, under the immediate command of 
one of the ablest captains of the day. There was besides 
an almost ludicrously fatal defect in SuvorofFs plan of 
campaign. The road selected, dwindling to a mere 
bridle-path at Taverna, came abruptly to an end at 
Altdorf, intercourse thence with Lucerne and Schwytz 
being carried on by water. Inconceivable as it may 
appear, Suvoroff was ignorant of this fact ; nor was his 
attention directed thereto by the precious chief of the 
staff which the Austrians had provided. 

The Russians arrived at Taverna on the i$th of 



190 SUVOROFF. 

September, having traversed the hundred miles which 
separates it from Alessandria in the space of four days. 
It was then discovered that not a single mule of the 
1500 ordered to be in readiness had arrived a fatal 
delay sufficient in itself to ruin a combination whose 
success depended on nice calculations of time and dis- 
tance and correspondence in the movements of widely 
separated columns.* Suvoroff, addressing the Emperor 
Francis, writes : " I arrived here on the I5th, and con- 
sequently have kept my word. In spite of difficulties, I 
have traversed a distan.ce in six days for which eight are 
usually considered requisite ; but not a single mule have 
I found here, nor do I know when any are likely to reach 
me. Thus the rapidity of our advance has become void 
of result. The decisive advantages of speed and impetus 
in the attack are thrown away. With all my devotion 
to the common cause, the conviction that I have done 
all that in me lies to execute punctually your Majesty's 
commands brings me no comfort ;" and to his master, 
on the 2Oth : " The Austrian general, Doiler, deceives us 
shamefully with his ambiguous promises. Already I 
have been five days at Taverna. This delay affords the 
enemy time to make dispositions which may seriously 
compromise my safety." When at length 650 mules 
arrived, laden with oats, it was found that they were 
not hired beyond Bellinzona ; and only with extreme 
difficulty were their owners persuaded to proceed 



* The responsibility for this rare piece of negligence was, as the 
reader will easily conceive, ultimately laid on the shoulders of a 
subordinate a commissariat officer who, as Melas declared, had 
detained the animals at Pavia. The scape-goat is a time-honoured 
military institution. 



SWITZERLAND. 191 

further. In this emergency the Grand DukeConstantine 
conceived the idea of dismounting the Cossacks and 
using their horses as pack animals ; and sacks having 
been collected from the neighbouring villages, the plan 
was forthwith carried into execution. 

The precise numbers of Derfelden's corps and Rosen- 
berg's division, which together made up Suvoroft's forces, 
were 20,280. He redistributed them into divisions of 
the following strength : 

Advance guard Prince Bagration . 2500 

Division of Lt.-General Schvekovski . 4400 

Forster . . 3100 

Rosenberg . 6000 

about forming a total of 16,000, the rest being Cossacks. 
Twenty-five of them mounted preceded each division on 
the line of march ; but the greater part of these irregular 
horsemen escorted the baggage train on foot. Twenty 
pioneers accompanied the advanced Cossacks with a 
single mountain gun, twenty-five pieces having been 
drawn from the Turin arsenal. The remainder of the 
divisional artillery, with ten mules carrying a reserve of 
small-arm ammunition, followed in rear of each division. 
In case of resistance, the leading battalion was instructed 
to extend in skirmishing order and gain the heights on 
either flank, while the supports, forming close column, 
charged the enemy with the bayonet. 

On the Ipth of September Rosenberg's corps left 
Taverna, for the purpose of turning the St. Gothard Pass 
by the Val di Blegno, Dissentis, and the Oberalp lake ; 
while Suvoroff followed two days later with the main 
body towards Bellinzona. On the same day Rosenberg 



192 SUVOROFF. 

continuing the ascent, reached the Luckmanier Pass, and 
bivouacked for the night at Casaccia, destitute of firing 
or protection of any sort from the cold at a height of 
8000 feet above the sea. On the 23rd, descending to 
Dissentis, where the Austrian brigade of Auffenberg 
joined him, he wheeled to his left, and, mounting the 
Tavetch valley, gained the Oberalp lake and the rear 
of the enemy's position in the St. Gothard Pass. On 
the 22nd Suvoroff also advanced from Bellinzona, and 
reaching Giornico, pushed the Austrian brigade of 
Strauch, which had joined him in the neighbourhood, 
4500 strong, as far as Faido. During these marches the 
Russian chief rode, as usual, on a Cossack horse ; but, 
the temperature being less genial than in the plains just 
quitted, he had drawn the cloth uniform coat of a pri- 
vate over the more flimsy garments which he usually 
wore. A shabby thread-bare cloak, nicknamed by the 
soldiers " the ancestral," was thrown over all, but gloves 
he never condescended to wear. Mounted on a mule, 
by his side might have been seen Antonio Gamba, an 
aged peasant with whom he had lodged at Taverna and, 
in his funny way, grown familiar. In spite of protests 
from his family, Gamba had consented to act as guide 
through Switzerland an incapable one as it turned out, 
for he was as ignorant as Weyrother and the rest that the 
road came to an end at Altdorf. On the 23rd the Russian 
head-quarters advanced to Dazio, when the attack on 
Airolo and its overhanging heights was appointed for the 
ensuing morning. 

In spite of arduous marches and natural obstacles, 
Rosenberg's progress through the Luckmanier Pass to 
the sources of the Rhine had been successfully accom- 



S WITZERLAND. 1 9 3 

plished. Turning movements such as this are commonly 
successful in mountain warfare if they are properly timed 
with the frontal attack to which they are subsidiary. 
But failing this v the troops performing them are liable 
to be crushed entirely before the main body can come to 
their assistance. Thus Suvoroff, having arranged with 
his subordinate that the combined attack should take 
place on the 24th, was solicitous to carry out his part of 
the programme with exact punctuality. On that date, 
therefore, he advanced on Airolo in three columns ; the 
left, under the Austrian, Strauch, after observing the 
passes which lead into the valley of the Rhone, was to 
join in the principal attack ; Suvoroff in person con- 
ducted the centre, which marched straight on Airolo ; 
while Bagration, executing a turning movement to the 
right, was seen to scale with his troops the precipitous 
flanks of the mountains. A part of Gudin's brigade 
defended the pass, their advance being in Airolo, the 
main body posted on the steep ascent above it, while the 
remainder confronted Rosenberg at the Oberalp Pass. 
Loison's brigade occupied the valley of the Reuss with 
its lateral issues, whilst Lecourbe in person guarded the 
Furka. 

The village of Airolo was soon carried by the Russian 
centre, when the French infantry, retiring in excellent 
order, showed front to the enemy on successive positions 
taken up on the declivity of the mountain. Their skir- 
mishers from the cover it afforded poured a murderous 
fire into the dense ranks of their assailants who were, in 
contrast to the soldiers of the Republic, totally destitute 
of experience in mountain warfare. On reaching the 
summit of the pass and endeavouring to carry it by 

o 



194 SUVOROFF. 

storm they met with a bloody repulse which cost them 
1 200 men.* But about 4 p.m., when Bagration had 
attained to a commanding position on the slope of the 
mountain to the right, Suvoroff gave the signal for a 
second assault. Undismayed by recent carnage, his troops 
rushed forward carrying everything before them, when 
Gudin, retiring' through Andermatt, and the tunnel 
called the Urner Loch, halted on the further side of the 
Devil's Bridge. Rosenberg meanwhile, after driving 
the enemy from the shores of the Oberalp lake, had 
crowned the heights above Andermatt, whence, after a 
moment's hesitation, his troops plunged into the fog 
which filled the valley beneath them, and, seizing pos- 
session of the village, cut off Lecourbe, who was hastening 
from the Furka Pass to Gudin's succour, from his line 
of retreat. Throwing his cannon into the current of 
the Reuss, that enterprising commander proceeded to 
scale the precipices of the Betzberg, which are 7800 feet 
above the level of the sea, when, undercover of night, he 
was so fortunate as to effect his escape into the Gesch- 
ennen valley, and on the following day to rejoin the rest 
of his division behind the Devil's Bridge. Suvoroff had 
gained a victory, though at the cost of 2000 in killed and 
wounded a loss which was due to his impatience ; for 
had he in the first instance awaited the development 
of Bagration's flank attack it could not have been so 
severe ; but he was solicitous to ensure the safety of 
Rosenberg, and prevent his being overwhelmed. 

The Urner Loch, however, and the Devil's Bridge 

* The anecdote recorded by Alison {Hist. Europe, xxviii. 129), is 
declared by Milliutin to be unfounded. Many others about Suvo- 
roff are equally so. 



SWITZERLAND. 195 

still lay in front of him, obstacles yet more formidable 
than those which had just been surmounted. The 
former, a passage cut in the solid rock overhanging the 
Reuss, lies about 400 yards south of the bridge, and was 
at that time just large enough to admit a single pedes- 
trian carrying his load. The wayfarer, on emerging 
from its northern entrance, beholds the stream below 
him, on the left-hand side, rushing with impetuous 
violence along its rocky bed. The arch of the Devil's 
Bridge of those days spanned the abyss at a height of 
75 feet from the surface of the water, though the 
modern structure stands 25 feet higher. Two men, at 
the utmost, could traverse the bridge abreast, while 
perpendicular cliffs of granite rose on either side of the 
defile. The path crosses the stream a second and a 
third time before reaching Geschennen, and the length 
of the pass is one mile and a half from end to end. 

At dawn on the 25th, the attacking columns having 
assembled, parties were detached to climb the rugged 
mountains on either side, on the right to gain the rear 
of the Urner Loch, on the left to turn the Devil's Bridge. 
The frontal attack on this occasion also was delivered 
before the lateral movements were developed, and, as on 
the previous day, a promiscuous slaughter resulted. A 
French gun swept the tunnel from end to end with grape, 
and mowed down all who entered. The rearmost Rus- 
sians pushed those in front of them towards the hole, 
till, its entrance becoming thronged and choked with 
human beings, many were pushed over the edge of the 
chasm and found death in the boiling waters beneath. 
This bootless waste of life continued till the appearance 
of the Russian flanking parties on the heights to their 

O 2 



196 SUVOROFF. 

left rear caused the defenders of the tunnel to retire 
across the Devil's Bridge, having first broken up the 
masonry platform by which it was approached. The 
Russians followed closely and the battle was renewed. 
Separated by the narrow chasm of the Reuss only, the 
combatants discharged their volleys into each other's 
ranks with murderous effect, till the French, perceiving 
that the enemy was working his way along the moun- 
tain above them to their right, showed signs of wavering, 
when their assailants streamed across the narrow arch as 
far as the rift in the masonry platform. A shed hard by 
was pulled to pieces ; its timbers, bound together by 
the officers' sashes, were laid across the chasm ; Prince 
Meshtchersky dashed across, but instantly fell mortally 
wounded with the characteristic injunction on his lips 
" Do not forget me in the despatches." A Cossack 
followed him, but fell into the torrent. These acts of 
heroism found numerous imitators. The defence 
slackened, the platform was repaired, and the assailants, 
dashing forward in pursuit, before nightfall had reached 
Wasen, eight miles distant from the scene of action. 

Lecourbe, as he hurriedly made his way towards 
Altdorf, was startled by a discharge of musketry which 
audibly proceeded from a point on his line of retreat : 
in fact, Auffenberg, having crossed the ridge from 
Dissentis, had descended the valley of Maderan, and was 
now attacking Amsteg, which was held by part of 
Loison's brigade. But the Austrians, on Lecourbe 
approaching their left flank, were themselves exposed to 
considerable danger, though the French were in reality 
too closely pursued to think of molesting them. Com- 
mitting the bridge over the Kerstelen brook behind him 



5 WITZERLAND. 1 97 

to the flames, the French commander defiled with all 
possible speed through Amsteg, reaching Altdorf on the 
26th, when, abandoning the town, he stationed himself 
at Seedorf on the left bank of the Reuss, to await the 
progress of events. 

Suvoroff, having quitted Wasen early on the 26th, 
and reached Amsteg before daylight, mistook Auffen- 
berg's watchfires for the enemy's, an accident which 
caused some delay. When sunrise dispelled this error, 
resuming his march, he gained the town of Altdorf 
without encountering resistance on the part of the 
enemy. A magazine of provisions discovered there was 
a welcome addition to his resources, though the satis- 
faction he felt was diminished by rumours of KorsakofF s 
defeat which began to be bruited abroad. Then it was 
also that the alarming truth became known that the 
road or track which he had hitherto followed had come 
abruptly to a close. His provisions, likewise, were 
nearly exhausted, while his pack animals were struggling 
along the defile in his rear exposed to the depredations 
of the French troops stationed in the valley of the Rhone. 
At this point of time, had he been in possession of 
accurate information regarding the progress of events 
around Zurich, he might have reached the valley of the 
Linth by the Schachenthal, and there effected his junction 
with the troops of Linken. But as yet rumour but 
vaguely boded evil, and so he determined to force his 
way at any cost to Schwytz, his appointed destination 
i.e. to march across the rugged ridge called the Rosstock, 
which divides the Schachenthal from the valley of the 

uotta. The Kinzig Pass, by which he proposed to 
move, though it can be traversed under favourable 



198 SUVOROFF. 

atmospheric conditions by the robust pedestrian, is quite 
impracticable for a modern army with all its various 
appurtenances ; nevertheless, and notwithstanding that 
the season was already far advanced, Suvoroff deter- 
mined to make the attempt. Habitual success had made 
him unduly tenacious of his plans, which he now refused 
to modify in conformity with unlooked-for events, 
conduct which was wholly at variance with the principles 
he was wont to advocate. Heroism silenced the still 
small voice of prudence within him. But how rarely do 
we find in the same individual an equal balance between 
courage and prudence ! At one extreme stands a Charles 
II., at the other an Archduke Charles, both falling short 
of the cautious daring which makes a military com- 
mander of the first rank. 

On the 27th the ascent of the Kinzig Pass began. 
Bagration, as usual, led the advance ; then came the 
corps of Derfelden and Auffenberg's brigade, while 
Rosenberg's division remained at Altdorf to protect the 
movement. Miliutin thus describes it : " The path 
became gradually steeper, and at times disappeared 
altogether. The troops had to ascend one by one, now 
on bare rocks, now on slippery clay. In other places 
they had to clamber up steps, as it were, with no hold 
for the sole of the foot ; in others loose pebbles gave 
way beneath their feet, or they stuck fast in the snow 
which covered the tops of the mountain. It was not an 
easy matter for pedestrians to climb such a mountain ; 
what then must have been the difficulty of conducting 
horses and mules laden with guns, ammunition, and 
cartridges ! The poor animals could hardly budge a 
foot ; in many cases they stumbled from the narrow 



SWITZERLAND. 199 

pathway headlong into the abyss, and were dashed to 
pieces on the rocks below. The horses often dragged 
the men with them in their fall ; a false step was death. 
At times black clouds, descending the mountain sides, 
enveloped the column in dense vapour, and the troops 
were soaked to the skin as if by heavy rain. They 
groped their way through the raw fog, all round being 
invisible. The boots of both officers and men were for 
the most part worn out. Their biscuit-bags were empty. 
Nothing remained to sustain their strength. But in 
spite of extreme suffering, the half-shod, starving troops 
of Russia kept up their spirits. In the hour of trial, the 
presence of their Emperor's son, who shared their 
fatigues and dangers, encouraged them. During the 
entire march the Grand Duke Constantine Pavlovitch 
marched with Bagration's advance-guard." At about 
5 p.m., after twelve hours' incessant marching, Bagration 
descending into the valley, approached the village of 
Muotta, where he captured a French outpost consisting 
of two companies of infantry. But the main body spent 
the night in the mountains, with scant provision of food, 
no firing, exposed to the inclemencies of the weather at 
that great altitude. Numbers perished from the effects 
of cold and deficient nourishment. Meantime the rear- 
guard was defending Altdorf against the assaults of 
Lecourbe. On reaching the Muotta valley, Suvoroff 
despatched a party of Cossacks over the Pragel Pass to 
his right, to communicate with Linken, whose column 
ought by this time to have reached Glarus ; but they 
returned reporting that town in occupation of the French. 
Here he received positive information of Korsakoff's 
disastrous overthrow at Zurich ; of Hotze's defeat and 



200 SUVOROFF. 

death on the Linth ; and of the consequent retreat of 
the Austrian columns of Linken and Jellachich who 
were to have supported his right. After having sur- 
mounted so many obstacles he found himself imprisoned 
in a Swiss valley, isolated from his allies. Massena was 
approaching Schwytz to bar his exit in that quarter; 
Molitor guarded the opposite outlet by Glarus ; while 
the presence of Lccourbe at Altdorf precluded all thought 
of returning by that route. He was caught in a trap. 
Ill-luck, bad strategy, and the incapacity of others, had 
ruined his combinations, while the obstinate resolve to 
keep his rendezvous at Schwytz at all costs had plunged 
him still deeper into disaster. But the same inflexibility 
of purpose was to prove his salvation. 

After the departure of the Archduke Charles from 
Switzerland, the Russians of Korsakoff, 24,000 strong 
(exclusive of their cavalry, 3000, who were quartered 
beyond the Rhine as useless in a mountainous district), 
were distributed along the course of the Aar as follows : 
10,000 under his personal command in advance of 
the city of Zurich ; 7800 under Markoff and Duras- 
soff, lining the Aar as far as the Rhine ; while 5700 
were kept in reserve till the eve of the battle of Zurich, 
when they were despatched in support of Hotze to the 
left. Of the Austrians who remained in Switzerland, 
Hotze with 11,000 men, lay in the space between 
the lakes of Wallen and Zurich ; Jellachich, with 4500, 
at Sargans ; whilst 3500, under Linken guarded, as we 
have said, the valley of the Rhine at Ilantz. Such 
being the position of the Allies, Massena, resolute to 
profit by the dissemination of their forces, on the 25th 
September, having deceived the arrogant and prcsump- 



6 1 WITZERLAND 2 o i 

tuous Korsakoff by a feigned attack on Zurich, threw 
the mass of his army across the Limmat at a point 
lower down the stream, and the Russian General, who 
was rejoicing in the prospect of an easy victory, 
was suddenly informed that the city was surrounded 
by the enemy, and his own line of retreat severed in 
consequence. Driven within its walls, he was that 
same night summoned by Massena to lay down his 
arms ; and no answer being vouchsafed to the demand, 
the French moved on the following morning to the 
assault. But Korsakoff, whose valour was equal to his 
sullenness and pride, suddenly issuing from the fortifi- 
cations, cut a way through the surrounding columns of 
the enemy, and reaching the Rhine at Eglisau and 
Diessenhofen, crossed to the opposite bank, though with 
immense sacrifice of life and loss of the whole of his 
baggage. In the meantime the Russian right, under 
the orders of Durassoff, had remained inactive on the 
Aar, facing the division Menard, and cut off from 
Zurich by the victorious enemy. The situation bore a 
strong resemblance to Serrurier's on the Adda ; but the 
conduct of Durassoff, though severely criticised at the 
time, and probably indefensible in theory, as a matter of 
fact saved Korsakoff from annihilation by covering his 
line of retreat. 

Equally unpropitious for the Allied arms was the 
fortune of war in other parts of Switzerland. On the 
lower Linth, Soult, advancing simultaneously with his 
chief, attacked and defeated Hotze, who lost life as well 
as victory in the conflict, and two days later, the division 
which he had commanded hurriedly recrossed the Rhine 
at Rheineck. Jellachich, also on the 25th, having skirted 



202 SUVOROFF. 

the shores of the Wallensee, attacked Molitor at Mollis 
and Nafels, but, having ascertained the result of the 
battle of Zurich and the fate of Hotze, returned to the 
Grisons on the following day. Molitor was thus free 
to deal with Linken, who, having reached Glarus on the 
25th by the valley of the Linth, might, as related in the 
foregoing pages, have been joined by Suvoroff had the 
Russians marched from Altdorf by the Schachenthal 
and the Klausen Pass to their right. During the ensuing 
three days the Austrian confronted Molitor with his 
division, but, on the 29th, having heard nothing of 
Suvoroff, retraced his steps, and returned to the Grisons 
the same way he came. Molitor, taking post in the 
Klonthal, prepared to meet the Russians. 

On the 29th Masse" na was at Altdorf in consultation 
with Lecourbe ; but leaving the same day for Schwytz, 
whither he directed the divisions Mortier and Humbert, 
he ordered up Gazan, who had succeeded to the com- 
mand of Soult's division, in support of Molitor, under 
the impression that the Russians, blocked up in the 
Muotta valley and destitute of supplies, would be com- 
pelled to surrender at discretion. On that day Suvoroff 
summoned a council of war, at which Bagration, being 
the first to arrive, found his chief attired in full uni- 
form, blazing with stars and decorations and pacing 
the floor of the apartment in a state of great mental agi- 
tation. Broken utterances escaped his lips : " Parades, 
inspections, self-esteem ! all very good in their way, 
but something more is wanted military knowledge, 
topography, calculation, judgment, tactics ; easy to get 
beaten, thousands destroyed, and such ones in a 
single day," and so forth. Bagration, for once in his 



SWITZERLAND. 203 

life, beat a retreat, and left his chief alone with his 
indignation ; but when the council was assembled the 
members were thus addressed by him ; " Korsakoff is 
beaten and driven beyond the Rhine. Hotze is killed 
and his corps dispersed. Jellachich and Linken have 
retreated. Our whole plan of campaign is ruined." 
Then followed a furious invective against the Austrians 
which doubtless explains the absence of Auffenberg 
from the assembly. " Now," he continued, " we are 
surrounded in the midst of the mountains by an enemy 
superior in strength. What are we to do ? To retreat 
were dishonour. I have never retreated. To advance 
on Schwytz is impossible. Massena has 60,000 men : 
we have not 20,000. Besides, we are destitute of pro- 
visions, cartridges, and artillery. We can look for 
assistance to none. We are on the brink of ruin." It was 
finally determined to march on Glarus and force a passage 
past the Wallen lake, and the veteran added : " We can 
do nothing but trust in God Almighty and the courage 
and devotion of our troops. We are Russians. God is 
with us." A scene ensued, almost comical according to 
our ideas. The aged chief fell with emotion at the feet 
of the Grand Duke Constantine, who, raising him 
sympathetically, kissed his cheek. " Save the honour 
of Russia and her Tzar. Save the son of our Emperor," 
cried this strange being. " Yes. we are Russians. 
With God's help we will conquer," was the enthusiastic 
response of the generals. 

The same day Auffenberg, seizing the Pragel Pass, 
drove the enemy's outposts back into the Klon valley ; 
but attacked himself next day by Molitor, fell back on 
Bagration's division, which advancing opportunely to 



204 SUVOROFF. 

his aid, charged the enemy in flank and pushed him 
back to the narrow gorge between the mountains and 
Lake Klon, Thus strongly posted, the French defied 
the efforts of Bagration, who, expecting the arrival 
of Schvekovski's division, postponed the attack till the 
following morning. Meanwhile Rosenberg, who com- 
manded the rear-guard, had been assailed in the Muotta 
valley by Masse"na, who advanced from the neighbour- 
hood of Schwytz with the division of Mortier. Steadfastly 
met by Rehbinder's brigade, whose battalions were 
deployed athwart the width of the valley, while dis- 
mounted Cossacks scaled the heights on either side to 
harass the flanks of the enemy, one resolute charge with 
the bayonet drove the French in confusion from one end 
of the defile to the other. At its gorge where a bridge 
(styled Suvoroff's to this day) spans the Muotta, great 
slaughter was inflicted on the fugitives, while many found 
death in the waters of the stream. The ensuing night 
was one of extreme misery for the Russians : cold, 
hunger, and the elements conspired to make them 
wretched ; the sleet fell without cessation, while a raw 
fog enveloped their bivouac. The Grand Duke and 
Suvoroff passed the night in a cow-shed while the 
rearmost troops and animals were pouring in by the 
Altdorf road. 

At 1 1 a.m. on the ist October, Rosenberg was assailed 
by Massena, who at the head of 15,000 men moved in 
heavy columns up the valley, his front covered by a 
numerous artillery, his flanks by skirmishers, who 
swarmed along the adjacent heights. Rosenberg, 
having drawn his battalions up in two lines, which occu- 
pied the entire breadth of the valley, was riding along 



SWITZERLAND. 205 

their front exhorting the soldiers to use the bayonet in 
the Suvoroff style, when the French, having deployed 
under cover of a brisk cannonade, suddenly beat the 
charge and threw themselves impetuously on their adver- 
saries. After delivering a staggering volley, the Russians 
in their turn charging bayonets, rushed to meet the foe 
halfway, when the French were thrown into disorder, 
broke, fled, and were pursued for two miles. Instructed 
by experience, they had erected a battery to protect the 
bridge near the gorge of the valley, and this arrested for 
a while the pursuit. But when captured, the guns found 
in the work were directed on the fugitives, who reached 
Schwytz with a loss of 2000 men, in addition to those 
who had disappeared in the waters of the Muotta these 
figures representing their own estimate, Suvoroff s being 
very much higher indeed. Several hundred are said 
to have perished by falling down precipices as they 
skirmished on the rugged declivities of the mountains. 

Whilst the above conflict was in progress, Molitor had 
been driven from the defile of the Klon lake by Bagra- 
tion, who, turning their position by the mountains to 
his left, at the same time assailed the French directly in 
front. Retiring in excellent order to Nettstal, when that 
post became at last untenable, they receded still further 
to Nafels, and ultimately to Mollis, where they were 
fiercely assailed by the united forces of Bagration, 
Shvekovski, and Auffenberg, in all 8000 men, against 
whom Molitor nevertheless held his ground till the 
arrival of Gazan's division rendered it possible for him 
to assume the offensive. Bagration retraced his steps to 
Nettstal by order of Suvoroff, who had in the meantime 
occupied Glarus, where he made himself master of the 



206 SUVOROFF. 

magazine of provisions, which for a while relieved his 
most pressing necessities. 

Early on the 2nd October, Rosenberg had sent into 
Schwytz enjoining the municipal authorities to make 
immediate preparations for the provisioning of 12,000 
men, a device which had the desired effect of detaining 
Massena, with the troops under his immediate command, 
in the neighbourhood of the town for the whole of that 
day. But Rosenberg, striking camp during the hours of 
darkness, crossed the Pragel and rejoined Suvoroff in 
safety two days later, notwithstanding that his progress 
through the pass was impeded by a heavy fall of snow, 
during which his troops were obliged to bivouac on its 
summit without food or fire. Fortunately their wounded 
who had been abandoned to the mercy of the enemy, 
escaped exposure which would have been certain de- 
struction. In the meantime Massena, made aware of the 
disappearance of the enemy from the Muotta valley, had 
quitted Schwytz, and was circling round by Einsiedeln 
towards Glarus to support Gazan and Molitor. The 
plan of the Russian commander to hew a path for him- 
self in this direction had so far failed, and no further 
attempt could be made owing to want of ammunition. 
Indeed, on the 2nd the Austrians departed, making 
their way back into the Grisons by the Sernfthal and 
the Panixer Pass, though Suv6roff was compelled to 
await the arrival of Rosenberg's division at Nettstal, 
This took place, as already observed, on the 4th, when 
a council of war was forthwith convened at the Russian 
head-quarters, which determined to follow in the steps of 
Auffenberg's brigade, while Linken was requested to 
amass at Coire the supplies requisite for the use of the 



SWITZERLAND. 207 

troops. This step has been adversely criticized by the 
Archduke Charles, but is approved by Jomini, and was, 
as we have seen, made unavoidable by the deficiency of 
ammunition in the Russian camp. Unluckily, a fall of 
snow subsequent to Auffenberg's passage had greatly 
obstructed the Panixer Pass. It covered the ground to 
the depth of two feet, and was the same storm which 
overtook and nearly overwhelmed the division of Rosen- 
berg. On the 4th, however, Suvoroff set himself in 
motion. Miloradovitch led the advance ; next came the 
pack animals, followed by the main body of the troops, 
and lastly Bagration (whose division had dwindled from 
3000 to 1800 men) occupied his usual post of danger in 
the rear. At the village of Schwanden the prince, 
facing about, offered a gallant resistance which enabled 
his chief to ascend the Sernfthal as far as Elm, fourteen 
miles from Glarus, before dark ; and again, at Engi, he 
contained the enemy for the space of two hours, retiring 
the same evening to Matt, whither they followed closely 
upon his heels. At 2 a.m. on the 6th the steep and 
arduous ascent from Eim began, and the French, when 
they issued with the first grey of dawn from Matt in 
order to harass the retiring columns, discerned no trace 
of the Russians, except here and there a solitary Cossack 
horseman. Abandoning the intention, they retraced 
the path to Glarus. 

The Panixer Pass with others parallel to it, presents 
during the summer season no insuperable obstacle to the 
passage of infantry ; but autumn having by this time set 
in, tempestuous weather rendered it a task of difficulty 
and danger. As the troops ascended the pass they 
found that the snow, drifting into heavy masses, had 



2o8 SUVOROFF. 

obliterated the track ; their guides decamped ; dense 
fogs rolled down from the mountains and enveloped 
them in gloom, which was only relieved by vivid flashes 
of lightning, while the sound of thunder reverberating in 
the valleys below them, terrified the Russians, to whom 
this appeared a supernatural phenomenon. Rifts and 
chasms choked up with snow beset their path, and into 
one of these a mounted officer fell, disappearing alto- 
gether with the animal he bestrode. Three hundred 
mules perished and all the mountain guns had to be 
abandoned. The advance-guard reached Panix, situated 
on the reverse slope of the mountain, by nightfall, but 
darkness surprised the main body while yet on the 
summit of the dreary pass, where, without a stick of 
firewood, the troops feared to sleep lest owing to the 
cold they might never awake ; for a frost of intense 
severity had rendered the snow as slippery as ice, and 
vastly increased the perils of the descent. At intervals 
huge fragments of rock thundered down the sides of 
the mountain with terrific violence. Many a soldier 
perished during that awful night through want and 
exposure ; others fell headlong into fathomless abysses 
and disappeared for ever ; but the survivors, pressing on 
with indomitable fortitude, reached Ilantz, the term of 
their sufferings, on the following day, when of 20,000 
Russian soldiers who climbed the St. Gothard a fort- 
night earlier, but 15,000 answered to the roll-call on the 
banks of the Upper Rhine. On the 8th October, 
reaching Coire, a liberal distribution of rations partially 
obliterated the memory of past sufferings, and four days 
later, at Feldkirch, the Russian chief once more found 
his communications restored with Korsakoff, and 



S WITZERLA ND. 209 

resigned into Austrian keeping 1400 wretched French 
prisoners, whom he had dragged after him in his terrible 
march. 

The Swiss campaign may be characterized as a 
gigantic strategic blunder which was atoned for by 
superhuman energy and determination. In discussing 
it the Archduke Charles has enumerated eighteen 
pitched battles which, between the years 1794 and 1812, 
were lost through operating on a line exterior to the 
position of the enemy, or, in simpler language, endea- 
vouring to envelope it. In addition to this original 
vice of conception, the execution was faulty. Admitting 
that the five days' delay at Taverna was the prime cause 
of its failure, it is difficult to frame an excuse for a 
leader who marched into the cut de sac of Altdorf, when 
he might, by the Splugen Pass and the Grisons, have 
reached his destination unmolested by the enemy. 
Even at Altdorf he might, as we have seen, have extri- 
cated himself and joined Linken by the Schachenthal, 
thus avoiding the ruinous and demoralizing passage of 
the Rosstock. But his obstinacy got the better of him : 
he would get to Schwytz, cost what it might ; but that 
quality which involved him in calamity extricated him 
from it. 

The conduct of Linken in withdrawing his forces 
before the position held by Suvoroff had been ascer- 
tained proclaimed a marked incapacity for independent 
command. The Archduke's criticism on this point 
must be regarded as conclusive. " Linken's task," he 
wrote, " was to co-operate in an offensive movement : 
he did not fulfil it owing to his disastrous inaction at 
Glarus. Although, after the retreat of Jellachich, he 

P 



210 SUVOROFF. 

had nothing to hope for in that direction, and although, 
on the other hand, he had heard nothing of Suvoroff, 
yet he was in no wise justified in departing from his 
instructions so widely as to relapse into complete 
inactivity beyond the Rhine, without having at first 
acquired the certitude that the Russian leader was 
still at a great distance." 

The applause of mankind has been showered on the 
Russian chief for his heroic bearing in this trying and 
perilous episode of his career, where an iron will, domi- 
nating every obstacle, made amends for faulty strategy, 
and inspired his subordinates with enthusiasm and 
ardour equal to the occasion. The beautiful lines which 
even his satirist, Byron, consecrated to his memory 

'Tis thus the spirit of a single mind 

Makes those of multitudes take one direction, 

As roll the waters to the breathing wind, 

Or roams the herd beneath the bull's protection 

are literally applicable to the influence which he wielded. 
Incidents which illustrate the means he employed to 
acquire so marvellous an ascendency over the minds of 
men, thus possess a special significance. A familiarity 
with the soldiery, which few can venture to indulge, 
was common to him and the great Frederic. He was 
wont to visit the bivouac fires, when, perhaps, he would 
point to the snow-capped mountains that universal 
source of inspiration and speak of glory to the simple 
souls who sat around the blaze. " Heroes, sons of Paul/' 
lie would exclaim, " you will shed your blood for your 
country and your Tzar !" and the reply came in chorus, 
" Glad to do our best, father ! Lead us on and we will 
follow !" Once, during a forced march of unusual 



S WITZERLAND. 2 1 1 

length, when all seemed dead beat, suddenly raising 
his voice, he sang out the refrain of a national ditty, 
which may be roughly translated thus : 

And what became of the maiden, 
The pretty one, what befell her ! 

when a hoarse roar of laughter ran down the column, 
and fatigue and dejection seemed for the moment for- 
gotten. On another occasion his attentive ear detected 
murmers of discontent which fell from the lips of the 
exhausted soldiery, "Our old man," they muttered, 
" has taken leave of his senses. God only knows where 
he's marching us to now ;" when, turning to his staff, 
he remarked in a loud tone : " See how they praise me. 
Just as they used to do in Turkey and Poland " an 
allusion to bygone victories which probably had the 
desired effect. 

For the Swiss campaign the Tzar bestowed on him 
the unusual grade of Generalissimo of the Russian Army, 
at the same time writing to him in these terms : "While 
gratefully promoting you to the highest rank which can 
be earned by heroism and fortitude, I feel assured that 
I have elevated to this distinction the most renowned 
commander of this or any other age." The estimate 
was an extravagant one, yet a Russian Tzar might be 
excused for entertaining it. It is only after the lapse 
of years that men and events are seen in their true 
proportions. 



P 2 



CHAPTER X. 

CONCLUSION. 

WHILE Suvoroff thus broke through the toils which 
entangled him, Korsakoff was attempting a diversion in 
his favour. Reinforced by the arrival of Conde's division, 
he crossed the Rhine at Constance and Schaffhausen, 
advancing as far as the Thur, but on the 4th October, 
attacked by Massena, he was once more driven across 
the Rhine, and the city of Constance fell into the 
hands of the French. The Archduke Charles forthwith 
hastened to the Upper Rhine from Germany, and placed 
himself in communication with Suvoroff with a view to 
combined offensive operations. Such a design had 
already engaged the Russian chiefs attention, for on the 
nth he had sent the Archduke a memorandum which 
embodied a proposal for a combined advance upon the 
Thur from the Rhine above and below the lake of Con- 
stance. But the Austrian prince, instructed by recent 
experience, and mistrusting similar combinations, de- 
clined the proposition, suggesting, that Korsakoff should 
join his chief by making the circuit of the northern 
shores of the lake. Meantime Suvoroff had determined 
to reach Korsakoff by this route, and we may remark, 

in passing, that recent trials and disasters had rendered 
him peevish and unreasonable. His propositions of the 

nth were not in the Archduke's hands till the I3th, yet 



CONCLUSION. 213 

we find him on the I4th complaining to the Tzar : " We 
have halted here three days in expectation of an answer 
from the Archduke Charles. Meantime, we learn, from 
various sources, that, as usual, he will do nothing. In 
despair, we shall take the longer but safer route by Lake 
Constance, and lose no time in effecting a junction with 
Korsakoff." There is a suspicion of bad faith in this 
transaction. Having changed his mind he proceeded to 
act without allowing time for a reply to his original 
proposal, with the rejection of which he endeavoured to 
saddle the Archduke. It seems that almost immediately 
after penning the memorandum to him, he discovered 
that the Russian troops were not in a condition to take 
the field again that year, and relinquished the idea of 
doing so ; for in the letter of the I4th, already cited, he 
proceeds to say: " Even if God permit our junction with 
Korsakoff, offensive operations are not to be thought of. 
The enemy is three times our strength, and can eat us 
up unless the Archduke supports us with all his forces, 
of which there is not the slightest hope ;" and concludes 
by asserting the necessity of going into winter quarters 
till the ensuing spring. He was clearly determined to 
throw the blame on the Archduke in any case : if he 
acquiesced in his plans, for delay in doing so ; in the 
event of their rejection, for general obstructive tenden- 
cies. So, on the next day, i.e. the I5th, he led his troops 
from Feldkirch to Lindau, on Lake Constance, where, 
as might have been anticipated, the reply of the Arch- 
duke met him. Accepting to all appearances that 
prince's alternative proposal, he began to retrace his 
steps to the Vorarlberg, whilst Korsakoff and Conde, 
relieved by an equal number of Austrians, set out to 



214 SUVOROFF. 

join him. But, on the following day, once more 
changing his resolve, he informed the Archduke that 
the Russian troops stood in absolute need of repose, and 
that consequently he renounced further participation in 
that year's campaign. On the i8th he convened a 
council of war, which decided to abstain from co-opera- 
tion with the Archduke, on the ground of want of con- 
fidence. The aged warrior was thoroughly soured by 
the failure of an enterprise which should have been the 
crown of his whole life. 

If posterity looks upon the Swiss campaign as his 
noblest feat of arms, he was clearly not of that opinion 
himself. No display of skill, resolution, and valour on 
the part of a military commander can make defeat 
palatable in his estimation. Suvoroff viewed the pro- 
ceedings of Austria, which were in reality questionable, 
through the distorted medium of wounded vanity, and 
declined an interview with her illustrious prince and 
general in these plain and unvarnished terms : " That 
young general, the Archduke Charles," he exclaimed, 
" wants to fascinate me with his demosthenism." His 
state of mind can only be described as " cantankerous." 
He rejected every proposal, detected insult in every 
phrase. Recrimination became the order of the day. 
The Archduke was informed that his premature depar- 
ture from Switzerland was the prime cause of all recent 
disasters, and so forth. There was no end of debating 
over spilt milk. Suvoroff would adjure further dealings 
with a faithless ally, and retire to winter quarters in 
Bavaria. The Archduke then had recourse to a " solemn 
protest." He wrote, " If you persist in your intention, 
I solemnly protest, in the name of his Imperial Majesty, 



CONCLUSION. 215 

and in those of the Allied Powers, and I lay on your 
shoulders the responsibility for all the disasters which 
may result from such a step on your part." But Su- 
voroff cared as little for protests as for responsibility. 
Turning a deaf ear alike to threats, entreaties, and ex- 
postulations, he declared that on the 3Oth he would 
retire into winter quarters, a threat which was punctu- 
ally fulfilled. On the 6th November the Russian army 
was cantoned in the district between the Iller and the 
Leek, their commander fixing his head-quarters at 
Augsburg. His final letter to the Archduke is most 
characteristic : " During the whole of my life," he wrote, 
" I have never known the meaning of the words retreat 
and defence. At the commencement of the present 
campaign, the defence of the Tyrol cost above 10,000 
men more than the conquest of all Italy. I am now 
leading my troops to a place of repose, to prepare them 
for the service of the allied emperors, and to co-operate 
with your Highness in the subjugation of Switzerland; 
afterwards, with the aid of Providence, to relieve the 
kingdom of France from the cruel yoke which oppresses 
her." 

It is plain from the above that he anticipated a 
renewal of hostilities in the following spring ; but the 
Tzar had already withdrawn from the coalition. On 
the i/th October Paul demanded a precise statement of 
the claims of Austria and Italy, and at the same time 
instructed Suvoroff to abandon his Allies in case of an 
evasive or unsatisfactory answer. On being informed 
of the disaster of Zurich he formally renounced the 
Austrian alliance, and addressed the following undiplo- 
matic letter to his brother sovereign : " Your Majesty 



216 SUVOROFF. 

has now learnt the consequences of the premature 
evacuation of Switzerland by the Archduke Charles, 
who, according to agreement, should have remained 
there until the junction of F.M. the Italic Prince with 
Lieutenant-General Korsakoff. Being made aware 
that my troops are being sacrificed by those Allies in 
whom I most confided, that the policy of the latter is 
diametrically opposed to my own, and that the security 
of Europe is being made subordinate to the aggrandize- 
ment of your monarchy ; having in addition many 
causes for dissatisfaction with the hypocritical and 
crafty behaviour of your ministry whose motives I 
refrain from discussing out of respect to the high dignity 
of your Imperial Majesty, I now declare, with the 
same frankness I used when hastening to your assist- 
ance, that henceforth I cease to trouble myself about 
your affairs, and shall look in future to my own interests 
and those of my other Allies. I renounce acting in 
concert with your Majesty to avoid acting to the public 
detriment." Suvoroff was furnished with a copy of the 
above document, the candour of which would, if in 
general use, render ambassadors superfluous, together 
with the following rescript : " Prince Alexander, son of 
Basil, you were meant to rescue sovereigns ; now save 
the Russian troops and the honour of your Emperor." 
During his stay at Augsburg the city was alive with 
festivities, at which, contrary to habit, Suvoroff was 
constantly to be seen, apparently in the best health and 
spirits. He was the popular hero of the day, and the 
fair sex laid at his feet the tribute of their admiration : 
" Les dames/' we read, " se trouvaient heureuses de lui 
baiser les mains qu'il leur offrait sans se faire beaucoup 



CONCLUSION. 217 

prier." Nor were tokens of imperial favour wanting : 
the Emperor Francis sent him the order of Maria 
Theresa. On the 2$th November, however, the Rus- 
sians commenced their homeward march through 
Bohemia and Moravia, and on the 3rd December their 
last echelons quitted Bavarian territory. Efforts , were 
made to postpone their departure pending further re- 
ference to the Tzar but in vain. Paul had enjoined 
Suvoroff to reply to every such application, " that while 
Thugut remained in power nothing could be believed, 
and consequently nothing done." 

Suvoroff had already been appointed to a command 
which embraced the whole of Western Russia, not in- 
cluding Poland. The head-quarters of this vast military 
district were at Kobrin, the scene of his victory over 
Sirakowski in 1794. He did not proceed at once to his 
new destination, but passed the winter at Prague amid 
festivities which rivalled in brilliance those which had 
illustrated his sojourn at Augsburg. An idea prevails 
that the vexations and disappointment consequent on 
the Swiss campaign proved fatal to him. This, however, 
is by no means the truth. Both at Augsburg and 
Prague he was in the gayest of moods, a fact which was 
remarked by the numerous visitors who flocked to pay 
homage to his genius. He had not yet relinquished 
hope. About this time he addressed several letters to 
Nelson who was at Naples with the British fleet. These 
two celebrities national and popular heroes in the 
truest sense evidently felt some point of contact in 
their natures (perhaps hatred of the French) ; and 
Nelson, having been told that there was likewise a 
resemblance in their features, sent his own portrait with 



2i 5 SUVOROFF. 

a letter to the Russian, who rejoined : " I really see a 
likeness between us when I examine your portrait. 
This is flattering to me. But I rejoice yet more that 
our minds and motives of action are alike." Their 
intercourse, though intimate, was short-lived. Each 
appeared enamoured of the other's renown. There was 
in truth a resemblance both moral and physical between 
the two heroes. Each mighty soul was imprisoned in a 
fragile body ; each carried daring and enterprise to the 
utmost extreme which was consistent with prudence. 

Quitting Prague with the army on the 26th January, 
1800, Suvoroff accompanied its march as far as Cracow, 
where, handing over the command to Rosenberg, he 
proceeded in advance towards St. Petersburg, bidding a 
long farewell to those whom he had so often led to 
victory. He was suffering from an eruptive disorder 
which gradually increased in virulence, till at Kobrin he 
found himself unable to proceed. Near this spot he 
possessed a large estate which had been conferred on 
him by the Empress Catherine for his services in Poland. 
Paul had prepared a triumphal entry on a magnificent 
scale to welcome his victorious general to the capital, and 
Bagration, who accompanied Suvoroff on his journey 
from Cracow, now went on in advance to St. Petersburg 
to acquaint the Tzar with the illness of his chief. Paul 
sent his own physician to tend him with the sympathetic 
message : " Prince Alexander, son of Basil, with the 
greatest regret I learn from your report of the 2nd 
March that your health remains bad. But I hope that 
your sobriety and endurance, together with my doctor, 
will soon restore it to its former condition, and afford 
me as soon as possible the pleasure of seeing you. 
Farewell till we meet. Trust, as I do, in God." At the 



CONCLUSION. 219 

same time, Arcadius arrived and took his place by his 
father's bedside. The kindness of the Tzar appeared to 
revive the patient ; he rose from bed ; attended divine 
service ; and, according to custom, sang with the choir 
and read the lessons to the congregation. It was Lent, 
and in spite of weakness he persisted in observing the 
fast. His aversion for medicine was as strong as ever. 
" All I require," he insisted, "is a cottage in the country; 
prayer, the bath, gruel, and kwass." He refused to 
wear a sufficiency of warm clothing. " I am a soldier," 
he replied to all remonstrances. "No! you are com- 
mander-in-chief," urged the physician. " True/' was the 
rejoinder, " but the soldiers follow my example." At 
times hope resumed its ascendency ; he would discuss 
the political questions of the day and the part he might 
have to play in them ; but soon relapsing into despon- 
dency he would sigh out : " No ! I am too old. I will 
go to St. Petersburg. I will behold the Tzar, and then 
die in the country." 

When he was sufficiently strong to travel in a litter, 
the triumphal reception was once more organized at the 
capital in his honour. But a tremendous bolt was im- 
pending over him. It has been shown in the course of 
this narrative that its hero did not escape the common 
lot of mankind: he had numerous and inveterate enemies. 
As a matter of fact, he perhaps had more than the usual 
share of them a circumstance which was partly due to 
his astonishingly successful career, and partly to the un- 
bridled use of a remarkably caustic tongue. The un- 
stable mind of Paul, governed by first impulse, and 
rapidly swinging from one extreme to another, was 
peculiarly susceptive of the subtle poison of calumny ; 
so that when the Court foes of the successful commander 



220 SUVOROFF. 

whispered that he had, when in Italy, disobeyed the army 
regulations by appointing a "general of the day" a 
prerogative reserved for the Tzar alone the imperial 
displeasure knew no bounds. Paul, regarding the cir- 
cumstances as an intolerable breach of military etiquette, 
addressed to him the following abrupt demand for ex- 
planation : "Sir Generalissimo, the Italic Prince, Count 
Suvoroff of the Rimnik, it has come to my knowledge 
that, during the term of your command abroad, you were 
in the habit of appointing a general of the day, which is 
contrary to my regulations. Being much astonished, I 
command you to inform me of your reasons for so 
acting." The missive reached Suvoroff on the road near 
Wilna, and proved his death-warrant ; for his malady 
immediately attacked him with redoubled violence. 
Stopping at a peasant's cottage, he was laid on a bench, 
where he remained several hours in the greatest agony 
of spirit, and groaning forth at intervals : " My God ! 
why do I suffer thus? Why did I not die in Italy!" 
When he resumed his journey, the country people 
flocked round him uttering cries of rapturous welcome. 
At Riga he was sufficiently recovered to attend divine 
service on Easter Sunday, arrayed for the last time in 
the uniform of field-marshal and covered with orders and 
decorations which were at once the reward and chronicle 
of a life spent in the service of his country. But on 
reaching St. Petersburg, on the 1st May, 1800, he was 
greeted by no triumphal reception, all popular manifes- 
tations having been prohibited by the capricious despot 
who was his master. Alighting at the residence of his 
nephew, Count Khvostoff, in a very feeble state, he was 
visited by Bagration, who had been despatched by 
the Tzar to ascertain his condition. Presently Ros- 



CONCLUSION. 221 

topchin brought him the order of St. Lazarus, which had 
been sent from Mittau by the exiled Lewis XVIII. 
" From Mittau," murmured the old warrior, now in 
an almost unconscious state, " from Mittau ! The King 
of France should be at Paris, not Mittau !" He had 
already forgotten his Italian victories, but muttered at 
intervals of Otchakoff, Ismail, Praga, &c. At length, 
recovering his strength somewhat, he partook of the 
sacrament, bade farewell to all around, and relapsed into 
a swoon, during which he was heard to ejaculate various 
words of command. Life was found to be extinct at 
noon on the following day, the i8th May. 

On the 2 1st his funeral cortege filed along the broad 
Nevski Prospekt toward the monastery of St. Alexander 
Nevski, where his bones still rest. The most illustrious 
of the land followed as mourners, while Paul himself 
was a spectator of the solemn scene from a building 
hard by. It is said that as the procession moved past 
him, the Tzar, raising his hat, exclaimed : " Farewell, 
farewell! peace be with the ashes of the great!" In 
compliance with his wish, expressed after perusing the 
grandiloquent Latin epitaph on Laudon's tomb, this 
simple sentence was inscribed above his remains : 

Here lies Suvoroff. 

But the following, which is still extant, was afterwards 
substituted : 

Generalissimo, 
The Italic Prince, 

Count Alexander Vasilievitch Sui>6roff of the Rimnik. 
Born i3th November, 1729.* 

Died 6th May, 1800.* 
Name-Day, 23rd November,* 

* Old Style. 



222 SUVOROFF. 

Having thus traced the career of Suvoroff from first 
to last, how must the features of so strange and complex 
a character be summarized ? What is to be the verdict 
passed upon his memory now that the softening influence 
of time has interposed to correct prejudices which have 
been the result of ignorance, calumny, and national 
antipathies ? Assuredly posterity will not rest satisfied 
with the epithet of " barbarian," which has been so 
freely bestowed on him. But, ere attempting this diffi- 
cult task, let the easier one of portraying his personal 
characteristics and habits of life be entered upon, so that, 
ascending from the physical to the mental and moral 
attributes of the individual, a view may be obtained of 
the personality of Suvoroff which shall leave some im- 
pression upon the mind. His height, then, was 5 feet 
4 inches, and, as may be gathered from the perusal of 
the foregoing pages, his health and muscular development 
was but feeble and delicate, though a life of sobriety and 
exposure to hardship had fortified his frame. His fea- 
tures were plain, but expressive of intelligence and a 
certain good-natured cynicism. His eyes were blue, and 
alive with the fire of genius. His brow, as time wore on, 
became thickly furrowed with wrinkles, and these worked 
in a most peculiar way, corresponding to the emotions 
which he felt a word or gesture which displeased him 
creating a commotion among them which only subsided 
with the sensation which had provoked it. His usual 
costume was a white uniform with green facings ; like 
Charles XII., he lived in top-boots, while a small forage- 
cap with green trimmings completed his attire. Of his 
innumerable orders and decorations he generally wore 
but one the 3rd Class of St. George of Russia. Rising 



CONCLUSION. 223 

at two in the morning from his couch of hay or straw, he 
would cause buckets of ice-cold water to be dashed over 
his person. He then drank tea, said prayers, and repeated 
a short lesson in Turkish as an exercise for memory. 
His staff next approached him with the documents which 
required attention. At 6 a.m. he dressed in uniform,and 
attended parade or guard-mounting. At 9 a.m. dinner was 
served, after which he appears to have eaten very little 
during the day. It consisted of the most simple national 
dishes. Grace having been said by an aide-de-camp, 
glasses of brandy were sent round, according to the 
national custom, those who had not said "amen" being 
deprived of their kuska, or spirit ration. His servant 
had instructions to nudge him and mildly expostulate if 
he perceived that his master was exceeding the limits of 
moderation in meat, drink, or even conversation. When 
thus exhorted to abstinence, he would demand : " By 
whose orders ? " and, on the set reply, " SuvorofFs" 
would ejaculate with a sigh, " Well, he must be obeyed." 
His staff interfered in the same manner when he sat too 
long at office-work. The company remained long after 
a meal was over, and at this convivial hour Suvoroff 
would converse freely, and indulge in the antics for which 
he was notorious : leaping over chairs and hopping 
about on one leg, crowing, &c. &c. After an hour or so 
spent in similar diversions, he would suddenly stop short, 
repeat a prayer, rush from the apartment, and passing 
to his chamber indulge in a siesta of several hours. His 
evenings were devoted to reading. Like so many other 
distinguished characters, he was fond of Ossian and 
Homer. "Where there is an Achilles," he was fond of 
observing, " there should be an Homer to inspire heroes 
with a love of glory." 



224 SUVOROFF. 

Possessing the knack of versification, he would occa- 
sionally address poets such as Derjavin in rhyme, but, 
when complimented on his proficiency in the art, he 
had the sense to object : " No. I am no poet. I am a 
rhymester. A poet must have inspiration." His un- 
common linguistic attainments stand unrivalled among 
military commanders, with perhaps the solitary excep- 
tion of Gustavus Adolphus. Suvoroff spoke Polish, 
German, Italian, Greek, Turkish, and Tartar ; French 
with great fluency and correctness, although, as con- 
noisseurs affirmed, the finesse of the language seemed to 
escape him. The activity of his mind was by no means 
subdued by old age ; for in 1798 we find him solacing 
his exile at Kantchansk, besides studying the campaigns 
of the youthful Bonaparte, by taking lessons in the 
Finnish tongue, which is in use among the peasantry of 
that region. 

Like many other men of genius, he was not formed 
for domestic bliss : his married life was unhappy, though 
the reasons have never been divulged. He was the affec- 
tionate father of two children : Natalia, who married 
Count Nicholas Zuboff, and Arcadius, who, succeeding to 
the paternal honours, was by a strange caprice of fortune 
drowned in the flooded waters of the Rimnik. Where 
the father found name and fame the son met his death! 
Suvoroff was kind to both man and beast. After his 
decease it was discovered that he was the unknown 
who remitted a sum to Moscow every Easter Sunday 
for the redemption of imprisoned debtors. At a country 
seat belonging to him he was in the habit of fitting up 
a hall as a refuge for birds during winter : the floor was 
spread with sand, young trees planted therein, and 



CONCLUSION. 225 

troughs of grain provided for sustenance. At Easter 
the captives were released. Thrifty and methodical by 
temperament, he administered his estates as an en- 
lightened statesman manages the resources of an empire 
as he himself would have ruled one had destiny 
placed him on a throne. 

This phase of his existence has recently been brought 
to light through the publication of his correspondence 
with the stewards of his estates.* It has been said that, 
like Charles XII., he ignored domestic affairs and had 
even forgotten the value of money. Nothing could be 
farther from the truth. His instructions enter into the 
minutiae of farm economy. " Bear in mind/' he writes 
in 1784, " about the timber at Rojdestveno. Is it cut 
down and drying? Sell half in Moscow, and let half 
dry for next year." Again : " I presume that geese are 
kept at Rojdestveno ; one or two pair, according to their 
rate of increase ; one or two pairs of ducks with a drake ; 
two or three turkeys with a male ; ten pair of chickens ; 
and two or three pigs with a boar. In winter keep a 
third of their increase in case of my unexpected arrival ; 
but sell the remainder." Matveitch, his agent, is 
upbraided with the bad quality of the snuff and tea 
purchased by him at Moscow. He is told " to look 
inside the box ; not on the label, to see whether there is 
a gilt ass's head upon it" Mothers are called to account 
for excessive infantine mortality. "The Undol peasantry 
do not love their offspring ; there has lately been a terrible 
mortality among children. This is due to negligence 



* Rybkin. Generalissimo Suvoroff ': his Life on his Estates and 
Domestic Affairs. Moscow, 1874. 

Q 



226 SUVOROFF. 

not the visitation of God He has not inflicted the 
evil. Children with small-pox have not been protected 
from the cold ; doors and windows have been left open ; 
the little ones have not had sufficient nourishment. 
Should negligent fathers be severely flogged in public, 
they may settle the matter in private with their wives." 
A peculiar arrangement in respect of recruiting existed 
on Suvoroffs estates. That military service might not 
inspire disgust, he did not permit recruits to be taken 
by lot from among the peasantry, but directed substi- 
stutes to be purchased at the expense of the commune. 
We find him threatening a village elder with a flogging 
because a peasant cut off his finger to escape enrolment. 
But the Russian peasantry, who, like most agricultu- 
ralists, are conservative in sentiment, failed to appre- 
ciate this beneficent innovation, owing to the expense 
entailed thereby; nor was their discontent allayed by 
their master promising to pay half out of his own pocket. 
They desired, as an alternative, to surrender to the 
recruiting sergeant a young bobyl, or vagrant, i.e. with- 
out settlement in the commune probably an orphan 
but Suvoroff, indignant at the unworthy proposition, 
commanded the village elder, under pain of a whipping, 
to receive the youth into the commune, build him a 
cot, and provide him with a wife and the simplest house- 
hold requisites. 

In 1870 there still lived in extreme old age a peasant 
of Undol, who remembered Suvoroff in the year 1785. 
He called to mind gambolling with his playmates under 
the barin's (squire) balcony ; related how he was wont 
to put down drunkenness on his estate by causing the 
offender to be soused by ice-cold water ; how he was 



CONCLUSION. 227 

astir before dawn, awakening the very labourers from 
their slumbers. When the swollen rivulet barred the 
way to church, he navigated it by means of a tub and 
a rope stretched tightly from bank to bank, compelling 
his visitors also to make use of this novel method of 
water transport. Hatred of publicity was a notable 
feature in his character. On his travels, when expected 
at the mansions of the great, he would descend from his 
vehicle at a distance, and, making a circuit, enter through 
a backdoor and surprise the family, who were assembled 
in front to receive him, with a polite invitation from a 
window behind them to re-enter their habitation. 

Such was Suvoroffs private life as it stands revealed 
to modern inquiry. His character has been much tra- 
duced by the French, whose language, being generally 
understood, enjoys a wide publicity, while Russian 
sources of information, from which the truth can be 
gathered, are accessible to but few. The British nation 
would be loath indeed to accept as final a French ver- 
sion of Wellington's career ; nor has their delineation 
of the great Russian commander been executed with 
greater fidelity. Here, in Great Britain, Byron per- 
haps has given the cue to popular opinion on the subject 
by means of a famous passage in Don Juan, where the 
poet avers that Ismail was beleaguered 

By Souvarof, or Anglice Suwarrow, 

Who loved blood as an alderman does marrow. 

The rhyme was certainly tempting, but the truth of 
the accusation is more than doubtful with regard to 
Suvoroff. The storm of Ismail was so costly in human 
life because Orientals, when defending their cities, 
neither ask nor give quarter, but fight from house to 

Q 2 



228 SUVOROFF. 

house, resisting to the bitter end. Again, taking into 
consideration the backward state'of the engineering and 
healing arts at that period of time, a short and deadly 
struggle was often less destructive than a formal siege : 
for example, the assault of Ismail than the siege 
of Otchakoff by Potemkin. Yet the capture of a city 
by storm strikes the imagination the most for the 
deaths are there compressed into one sanguinary tableau 
of horrors ; while those resulting from the disease, want 
and exposure of a protracted siege, being spread over 
many months, escape popular attention. Let Suvoroff 
speak in his own defence. Addressing the painter,. 
Muller, whom the Saxon elector had commissioned to 
execute the hero's portrait, he said, and the words must 
be quoted in their original vigorous German : " Ihr 
Pinsel wird die Ziige meines Gesichts darstellen. Diese 
sind sichtbar, allein meine innere Menschheit ist verbor- 
gen. Ich muss Ihren sagen dass ich .Blut in Stromen 
vergossen habe. Ich erbebe allein ich liebe meinen 
Nachsten. In meinem Leben habe ich keinen Ungluck- 
lichen gemacht; kein Insekt ist von meiner Hand 
gefallen. Ich war klein ; ich war gross (here he leaped 
upon his chair). Bei der Fluth und der Ebbe des Gliicks > 
auf Gott bauend, war ich unerschiitterlich, wie auch 
jetzt."* The great poet just quoted has thus qualified 
the hero whom we seek to portray : 

Hero, buffoon, half-demon and half-dirt. 

* "Your pencil will delineate the features of my face. These 
a re visible ; but my inner man is hidden. I must tell you that I 
have shed rivers of blood. I tremble, but I love my neighbour. 
j n my whole life I have made no one unhappy; not an insect hath 
pe rished by my hand. I was little ; I was big. In fortune's 
e^b and flow, relying on God, I stood immovable even as now." 



CONCLUSION. 229 

Four epithets, the first pair of which impartial history 
must accept, while steadily rejecting the latter two. 
There was nothing of the demon in the character of the 
hero: the episode of the sheltered birds and the pro- 
tected vagrant suffice to prove it ; while as regards the 
minor charge, though dirt is oftentimes inseparable from 
campaigning, we may safely affirm that where the pure 
element was obtainable Suvoroff washed. In fact he was 
a devotee of the tub ! 

Grave prose has likewise traduced him. In one of 
the few biographical dictionaries of ours which deign 
to notice his name, we read that he first distinguished 
himself in the Turkish wars by killing several Janissaries 
with his own hand, when, having collected their heads 
in a sack, he emptied it at the feet of Rumantzoff, the 
Russian Commander-in-Chief. Now, it is not recorded 
that Suvoroff ever in his life slew a man with -his own 
hand. He possessed neither physical strength nor 
dexterity in the use of weapons, and though his courage 
on more than one occasion involved him in a personal 
encounter, yet it was always the opportune arrival of 
some stalwart grenadier or cuirassier that saved him. 
Let the very worst of the accusations which his enemies 
have piled on him be examined one which has been 
repeated by Alison, namely, that he caused the inhabi- 
tants of Warsaw to be massacred. The Enclycopcedia 
Britannica, following the French, thus describes the 
occurrence : " The small number that escaped (i.e. from 
the battle of Maciejowice) fled to Warsaw and shut 
themselves up in the suburb of Praga, whither they were 
pursued by Suvoroff, who immediately laid siege and 
prepared to carry it by storm. On the 2nd November 



2 3 o SUVOROFF. 

he began the assault, and, having made himself master 
of the place, put to the sword both the soldiers and the 
peaceful inhabitants without distinction of age or sex. 
It is computed that 20,000 persons fell victims to the 
savage ferocity of the Russian general, and, covered 
with the blood of the slaughtered inhabitants, the 
barbarian entered Warsaw in triumph."* The real facts, 
vouched for by credible eye-witnesses of the assault on 
Praga, have been adduced in the foregoing pages, and 
one circumstance alone will suffice to determine the 
impartial mind in forming a judgment in this contro- 
versy : a bridge across the Vistula connected Warsaw 
with its suburb, and it is therefore quite incredible that 
non-combatants, women and children, actually stayed in 
Praga, exposed to the dangers attendant on an assault, 
when a safe asylum lay within reach on the opposite side 
of the river. The municipality presented Suvoroff with 
a gold snuff-box in token of their gratitude for his hu- 
manity in destroying this bridge with his cannon, and by 
this means saving Warsaw from pillage. Duboscage, who 
was present on the occasion, writes : " I have seen the 
snuff- box ; the Marshall showed it to me ; it is in bad 
enough taste and possesses no other merit than the 
noble action which it commemorates." In fact, the 
citizens of Warsaw had become disgusted with mob 

* Art. '' Russia" xix. 488. Edition 1859. The passage is copied 
from Castera ( Vie de Catherine), to whom we are likewise indebted 
for the pleasant fiction concerning the sack of heads. Since 
writing the above the last edition has appeared. In the article 
" Suvoroff," which has been inserted, the accusation has been 
toned down to the massacre of 15,000 Poles ; that is to say, the 
Russians gave no quarter. But the article "Russia" still affirms 
that "in 1794 Suwaroff stormed Warsaw, and the inhabitants 
were massacred." So much for compendious history ! 



CONCLUSION. 231 

rule, as is usually the case in the long run. This 
is Jomini's verdict on the point in question : " This 
memorable event, which impartial history will represent 
as a proof of the energy and military coup cFceil of 
Suvoroff, was sullied by many a barbarous deed ; but so 
far from that great captain being to blame, it is well 
known that they were perpetrated by a soldiery mad- 
dened at the recital of the revolt on the i/th of April 
and the massacre of their comrades which followed." 

We now approach the final question : What is 
SuvorofFs position in history as a military commander ? 
In the first place it is indisputable that he possessed in a 
high degree the chief attribute which goes to make a 
leader of men : to wit, the faculty of inspiring those 
beneath him with boundless affection and confidence. 
It may well be doubted whether Napoleon himself was 
equally gifted in this respect : it lay not in his power to 
convert gloomy discontent into uproarious good-humour 
by an antic gesture or a rude witticism, as could Suvo- 
roff. Second in importance among the qualities which 
constitute a great commander comes that for which an 
English equivalent scarcely exists coup cPceil> which 
may be freely rendered as a " correct eye." He seemed 
instantaneously and instinctively to apprehend the weak 
point in an enemy's position, and, without a moment's 
hesitation, he launched his troops against it. This 
faculty, which was also well marked in the genius of 
Napoleon, seems, when a commander is notorious for 
displaying it, to have the effect of fascinating and para- 
lyzing the adversary. To these brilliant natural endow- 
ments seem to have been added the requisite modicum 
of prudence and sagacity. " Bravery," writes General 



232 SUVOROFF. 

Willisen, " is ever the best of qualities in the soldier 
not always so in the commander. Machiavelli long ago 
preferred a fox to a lion for a leader "* a figure of 
speech purposely exaggerated in order to convey with the 
requisite emphasis the oft-neglected truth that a just com- 
bination of prudence and daring characterizes the mind 
of the commander, and that it is this alone which enables 
him to effect great things in war. To convince ourselves 
that this just balance existed in the case of Suvoroff we 
have but to call to mind the long halt made by him at 
Brest after defeating Sirakowski in 1794, and his rapid 
dash on Warsaw when the victory of Maciejowice had 
inclined the scales in his favour. A less competent 
leader would have attempted more or less ; the " dash- 
ing" officer would have pursued incautiously a first 
success ; a sluggard would have let slip the moment 
propitious for action. The nice precautions adopted by 
him for securing his retreat across the Po before march- 
ing against Macdonald likewise deserve attention as a 
proof of his strategic ability, though the fatal plunge into 
Switzerland with but seven days' supplies, by an un- 
known route, must be pronounced rash and unjustifiable. 
But the greatest of strategists was detained, on at least 
one occasion, by the glittering bait of victory in an 
untenable position that around Dresden, in 1813. 

Let us, however, judge the Russian chief by the 
standard of his own pretensions, which no false shame 
impelled him to moderate. Writing to the Archduke 
Charles, he thus expressed them : " The Archduke 



* Feldzuge der J'dhre 1859 und 1866. 



CONCLUSION. 233 

Charles, since he is no longer at Court, but in the field, 
is merely a general like Suv6roff, except that the latter 
is the elder in experience ; and that it is he who has 
overthrown the theory of the age, principally by his recent 
campaigns in Poland and Italy. Thus the rules of the 
art belong to him." This claim, though it may appear 
somewhat arrogant at first sight, is really to a large 
extent founded on a basis of truth. The " theory of 
the age " to which he alludes, signifies the " cordon 
system," which was essentially defensive, and which by 
disseminating troops over a vast extent of frontier might 
cover every point, but really protected none. The 
modern system of strategy, on the other hand, which is 
usually dated from Bonaparte's Italian campaign of 
1796, is principally based on offensive action, even for 
purposes of defence. This is the massing of superior 
forces on weak points of the hostile front, the breaking it 
asunder, and the piecemeal destruction of its parts ; or 
the attack on one of its flanks with severance of the line 
of communications. Now, it would really seem that 
symptoms of this revolution in the art of war first 
became noticeable in the course of Suv6roff s campaigns 
At Hirsova, the solitary instance in which he accepted 
battle in a defensive position, he delivered the counter- 
stroke at the proper instant, and in strict conformity 
with the canons of modern science, thereby winning the 
day. He was the first who threw lightning rapidity into 
his marches. Moving on Stolovitshi in 1771 he covered 
1 20 miles in four days, falling like a thunderbolt out of 
a blue sky upon the enemy. In the department of 
tactics, again, it seems probable that he was the first to 
employ columns of attack covered by skirmishers and 



234 SUVOROFF. 

supported by a reserve : to wit at the second attack on 
Turtukai. The formations he employed were always 
modified according to the enemy with whom he was 
engaged. Turks, Poles, and the French were each 
encountered in a different way : the Osmanli by heavy 
columns or squares, since nothing was dreaded but the 
furious onslaughts of their cavalry; while his campaigns 
against the French were never signalized by those head- 
long charges of horse to which most of his successes in 
Poland were due. On the contrary, the action of the 
three arms was duly combined and calculated for 
mutual support. 

Comparing the progress of the Russian arms through 
North Italy in the year 1799 with Bonaparte's in 1796, 
we note that Suvoroff overran that region in a shorter 
space of time than his great predecessor. Doubtless he 
enjoyed the advantage of numerical superiority over his 
opponents, but this was wholly neutralized by the 
conduct of the Viennese cabinet, who insisted on the 
simultaneous investment of the numerous fortresses of 
Venetia, Lombardy, and Piedmont. He had also, it 
will be remembered, studied the military occurrences of 
1796, and doubtless gathered many a useful idea there- 
from. On the whole his inferiority to the French 
commander as a master of strategy is felt to be real : 
Napoleon would never have permitted Moreau to escape 
his clutches and cross the Apennines with his shattered 
forces to the Genoese Riviera ; nor would he have 
sanctioned so manifest a blunder as the irruption into 
Switzerland. As in scientific discoveries there have 
been those who suspected the truth long before it was 
demonstrated, so in the military art the great Muscovite 



CONCLUSION. 235 

may perhaps be looked upon as a herald and precursor of 
Napoleon. 

Thus lived and died Suvoroff. Born in a compara- 
tively humble sphere of life, he early became conscious 
of innate talents which were cultivated by him with an 
assiduity rare in boyhood. With the stock of knowledge 
thus amassed, he started on his career, but soon recog- 
nized that ability and industry are, as the world is 
constituted, insufficient to secure greatness. With no 
adventitious endowments to support his early efforts, he 
deliberately assumed the peculiar role which the world 
has seen him perform with equal skill, perseverance, and 
success. What marvellous insight into human nature 
and weaknesses does all this presuppose ! The youth 
while his comrades, better equipped with the gaudier 
ornaments of nature and fortune, were starting on their 
career, assured of success and with inflated notions of 
their own deserts quickly became aware of the neces- 
sities of his case, and resolved to force his way into 
notoriety by exposing himself to ridicule. Again, his 
career instructs us once more what great things may be 
accomplished by singleness of purpose. A thirst for 
military renown was the one absorbing passion of Suvo- 
roffs nature, in which every other natural affection was 
swamped and overpowered. He reached the pinnacle 
of his aspirations, but there experienced the mutability 
of earthly greatness, while his last hours were embit- 
tered by the ingratitude of the sovereign for whose glory 
he had laboured. When his remains approached the 
monastery where they still repose, the gateway seemed 
too low to admit the lofty hearse which transported 
them. The procession was brought to a standstill ; but 



236 SUVOROFF. 

a loud voice ascended from the ranks of the soldiery and 
cried : " He'll go through. He went through everywhere'' 
These words might have been SuvorofF s epitaph. 

An Englishman once asked Suvoroff: "If you deceive 
your contemporaries thus, are you not afraid of deceiving 
posterity also ? You may remain an enigma for ever ! " 
He rejoined : " Do not puzzle your brains over it. I 
will explain myself. Monarchs praised me ; soldiers 
loved me ; friends admired and foes slandered me. It 
was natural then for courtiers to mock me. For my 
country's good I spoke the truth and crowed like a 
cock to awaken the drowsy." 



INDEX, 



A. 
AAR, failure of the Archduke Charles 

to cross the, 182. 
Acqui, 168. 

Adda, the, 126, 130, 132. 
Adjud, 82. 

Aidos Mehemet Pasha, 95102. 
Airolo, 182; attack on, 193. 
Akkerman, fortress of, 85, 93. 
Albutieffs battalion, 29. 
Alcaini, General, 169, 172. 
Alessandria, fortress of, 138, 141, 

146 ; siege of, 163, 166. 
Alliance broken between Russia 

and Austria, 187. 
Allies, the, 120, 124, 130, 136, 138, 

140 ; dissension among the, 144, 

149, 166, 168; at Novi, 172, 178, 

1 80, 189. 

Altdorf, 1 88, 197. 
Andermatt, 194. 
Apennines, the, 161, 163, 166, 168, 

171, 181. 

Arcadius, 58, 219, 224. 
Arjish, a stream, 41. 
Army, destruction of the Polish, 

i'3- 

of Naples, 129, 137 ; reaches 

Rome, 145. 

of Italy, 161. 

Arnswald, 8. 

Arquata, 180. 

Arzamass, 56. 

Asti, 181. 

Astrakhan Grenadiers, 10. 

town of, 62, 63. 



Astrabad, town of, 63. 

Auffenberg, General, 126, 192, 196, 
198, 203, 205. 

Aulic Council of War, 125, 130, 
136, 160, 163, 165, 166, 180. 

Austria, conduct of the Court to 
Suvoroff, 164. 

claims for compensation, 

1 86. 

alliance with Russia re- 
nounced, 215. 

Azoff, 54. 

B. 

BABADAGH, 49. 
Baghi Serai, 69. 
Bagration, General, 128, 132, 137, 

143, 151, 153; at Novi, 160,173, 
178, 191, 198, 202, 207, 218. 

Bar, the confederates of, 15. 

Barbara, wife of Suvoroff, 58. 

Bassignano, 139. 

Bautzen, 178. 

Bazardjik, 49. 

Bergamo, 132. 

Belgrade, 93. 

Bellegarde, General, 127, 131, 140, 

144, 146, 159, 1 68, 172. 
Bellinzona, the allies defeated at, 

140, 182. 

Bender, fortress of, 81, 85, 93. 
Berg, General, 8. 
Berlat, 81. 
Bernadotte, 126. 
Bibikoff, General, 30, 56. 
Bielolenka, 116. 



2 3 8 



INDEX. 



Biron, I. 

Bliicher, 178. 

Bobbio, 158. 

Bochetta, the, 166. 

Bonaparte, 43, 123, 160, 167, 177, 

231, 234. 

Borgo Franco, 140. 
Bormida, the, 163, 165, 168. 
Braila, 82. 
Brailoff, 39. 

Brescia, surrender of, 131. 
Brest-Litovski, 19; battle of, in, 

232. 

British fleet, the, 168. 
Broni, 168. 
Buturlin, General, 7. 
Byron, 210, 227, 228. 

C. 

CARLYLE'S Frederic the Great, 40. 

Casaccia, 192. 

Casimir the Great, 12. 

Castelli, Count, 20. 

Catherine, Empress, i, 9, 10, 14, 39, 
57, 67, 80, 105,118. 

Championnet, 166, 181. 

Charles XII., 70, 222, 225. 

Charles, Archduke of Austria, 
126, 130, 144; criticisms on the 
campaign, 160, 181, 200, 207, 212, 
214, 216, 233. 

Chasteler, Marquis, 128. 

Chequer-wise, squares formed, 83, 
88. 

Chernavoda, 44, 49. 

Chesmeh Bay, destruction of Otto- 
man fleet at, 22. 

Choiseul, Due de, 17, 22, 27. 

Choisy, Brigadier, 33. 

Chubaroff, General, 152, 158. 

Cisalpine Republican officials, 136. 

Coburg, Prince, 81, 86, 90, 92, 94. 

Coire, 126, 206, 208. 

Col di Tenda, the, 164, 166. 

Colli, 173, 176. 

Conde, 212. 

Constance, 181, 212. 



Constantine, Grand Duke, 139, 171, 

190, 199, 202. 
Cossacks, 17, 26, 38,40,48, 50, 55, 

97, 99, 103. 

Council of War, 97, 214. 
Courbiere, De la Motte, Colonel, 8. 
Cracow, 32. 
Crimea, 38, 60, 63, 66, 69. 

D. 

D'AlGUILLON, Due, 27. 

D'Alembert, 35. 

D'Auvergne, the demi-brigade, 158. 
Deli-Orman, forest of, 51. 
Denissoft's Cossacks, 134. 
Derfelden, General, 82, 112, 166, 

174, 191, 198. 
Dessoles, 127. 
Devil's Bridge, the, 194. 
Directory, the French, 126, 132, 

137, 167. 

Driessen on the Netze, 8. 
Dolgoruki, 49, 60. 
D oiler, Austrian General, 190. 
Dombrowski, 146, 151, 153, 172, 

1 80. 

Domo d'Ossola, 181. 
Duboscage, 230. 
Dumouriez, 22, 44. 
Durassoff, 201, 

E. 

ELIZABETH, the Empress, 2, 5, 9. 
Elm, 207. 

Elmpt's corps in Finland, 35. 
Eperies, 22. 
Essen, the Saxon envoy, 16. 

F. 

FELDKIRCH, 126, 208. 
Fermor,Suv6roff on staff ofGeneral, 

6. 

Fersen, 109, 112, 113. 
Fiorella, Commandant of Turin, 

142. 
Francis, Emperor of Austria, 124, 

163, 1 80. 



INDEX. 



239 



Frederic the Great, 7, 9, 143. 

William II., 109. 

French leaders censured, 161. 
losses round Verona, 130 ; 

at Novi, 178. 
Frohlich, 137, 152, 154. 
Fokshani, congress at, 38 ; battle 

of, 83. 
Forster, Lieutenant-General, 129, 

136, 157, 174, 191- 
Fuchs, SuvorofFs secretary, 135. 
Furka Pas?, 181. 

G. 

GALATZ, 82, 96. 
Galibert, General, 34. 
Galitzin, Prince, 18. 
Gamba, Antonio, 192. 
Gardanne, 174. 

Gavi road, the, 170, 174, 176, 180. 
Gazan, 202. 
Genoa, 168, 177. 
Ghirai, Sahib, 60, 66. 
Giurgevo, siege of, 94. 
Glarus, 201, 203; occupied by Su- 

voroff, 206. 
Gorgonzola, 134. 
Grenier, 132, 142. 
Grouchy, 172, 176. 
Gudin, 181, 194. 
Gudovitch, 96. 
Gustavus III., of Sweden, 35, 78. 

H. 

HADDIK, 146, 166. 
Hannibal, 3. 

Hassan, Turkish Admiral, 77. 
Hirsova, 41, 47, 233. 
Hohenzollern, 130, 132, 147. 
Hotze, 127, 183, 188, 199. 



I. 

lLANTZ, 182, 208. 

Ismail, 39, 44, 49. 

Ismail fortress, 95, 97, 227. 



J- 

JAGELLON, 13. 
Jalomnitza, river, 39. 
Jassy, 39, 81. 
Jellachich, 201, 209. 
Jomini, 154, 207, 231. 
Joseph, Emperor, 69, 76, 93. 
Joubert, General, 167. 
Jourdan defeated at Stockart, 126. 

K. 

KAHUL, battle of, 22, 40. 

Kaim, 166. 

Kainardji, Treaty of, 59, 72. 

Kamenski, 45 ; note, 50, 52. 

Kaplan Ghirai, 103. 

Karaczay, 84. 

Karamurad, 49. 

Karassu, 44 ; see Chernavoda. 

Kertch, 54. 

Kherson, city of, 69, 72, 81, 107. 

Khvostoff, Count, 220. 

Kieff, 48. 

Kilia, the Pacha of, 102. 

Kinburn, 54, 70, 72. 

Kinzig Pass, 197. 

Klenan, General, 148, 166, 168. 

Knobloch, General, 7. 

Kobelka, 113 115. 

Kobrin, no. 

Kolberg, 7. 

Korsakoff, General, 181, 188, 197, 

199. 

Kosciuszko, no, 112, 119. 
Kosiennice, 112. 
Kosludji, battle of, 51. 
Kossa Kowski, 28, 34. 
Kotlubowski, Marshal, 19. 
Kovel, 109. 
Krasnik, 25. 
Kray, Austrian leader, 127, 149, 

157, 166, 178. 

Krupczice, convent of, nc. 
Kuban district, the, 61. 
Kunersdorf, battle of, 6. 
Kutchuk Kainardji. 45, 54. 
Kutuzoff, 100. 



240 



INDEX. 



L. 

LABOISSIBRE, 132, 135. 174. 

Ladoga, 10. 

Lafitte, leader of the Turks at Kin- 
burn, 75. 

Lameth, Count Alexander, 68. 

Landsberg, 7. 

Landskron. 26, 44. 

Lapoype, General, 147, 158. 

Larga, battle of, 22, 40. 

Lascy, Austrian General, 76, 100. 

Laudon defeated, 126. 

Lecco, 132, 135. 

Lecourbe, 127, 140, 181, 196. 

Liechtenstein, Prince, 157, 175. 

Lemma, the, 172. 

Lemoinne, 172, 174. 

Lewis I., King of Hungary, 12. 

Ligurian troops, 158. 

Linmat, 182. 

Linken, 188, 202, 209. 

Loison, General, 141, 144, 181. 

Lombard y, plain of, 130, 136, 163, 
1 66. 

Loudon, General, 93, 175. 

Lublin, 21. 

Lucca, ten days' halt at, 145. 

Luckmanier Pass, 192. 

Lugos, 76. 

Lukow, 113. 

Lusignan, 175. 

M. 

MACDONALD, 137, 145 ; severely 
wounded, 148, 154; assembles 
council of war, 157. 

Maciejowice. 113, 119, 134. 

Madalinski, revolt of, 109. 

Magnano, battle of, 127. 

Makranowski, no. 

Mannheim, 126. 

Mantua, siege of, 146, 163; capitu- 
lation of, 1 66. 

Marengo, battle of, 159, 1 80. 

Mariupol, 62. 

Martineshti, see Rymnik. 

Masse"na, 126, 144, 181, 188, 200,212. 



Matt, 207. 

Meknob, General, 100. 

Melas, 127, 131, 152, 172, 1 80; 

advice to French officers, 185. 
Memel, Suv6roff appointed com- 
mandant of, 6. 
Meshtchdrsky, Prince, 196. 
Michelson, 56. 
Milan, 134, 141, 164, 169. 
Miliutin, General, quotations from, 

171, 179, 198. 

Military service, changes in, 121. 
Miloradovitch, 139, 207. 
Mincio, 127, 129. 
Mionczinski, 26. 
Mitrowski, 175. 
Mnishek, Countess, 23. 
Modena, 147. 
Molitor, 181, 202, 205. 
Monte Buffo, 168. 
Montrichard, 132, 146, 154. 
Moravio, 126. 
Moreau, 127, 132; advance from 

Genoa, 159; his generosity, 167 ; 

rallies the troops at Novi, 173, 

1 80. 

Moskow, 56, 122. 
Mummers, General, 15, 18. 
Miinnich, Marshal, 39. 
Muotta, 199 ; defeat of the French 

at, 205. 

N. 

NAKHITCHEVAN, 62. 
Nassau, Prince of, 77. 
Natalia, Suv6roffs daughter, 58, 

92, 224. 
Nelson, 217. 
Nemirow, 109. 
Ney, Marshal, 178, 182. 
Nigoyeshti, the convent of, 41, 47. 
Nobili, brigade of, 175, 180. 
Novi, battle of, 163, 168. 
Novicki, 25. 
Novikoff, Suv6roff rescued by the 

fusilier, 75. 
Nuuman Pacha, 44 r 



INDEX. 



241 



O. 

OGINSKI, Prince, 27. 
Okoniew, 113. 
Okrzeja, 113, 134. 
Olivier, General, 147, 154. 
Orba, the, 169, 180. 
Orenburg, 55. 
Orldff, Count Alexis, 22. 
Otchakoff, the fortress of, 72, 77. 
Ott, 133, 146, 149, 158, 166. 



P. 



154 



PANIC, unaccountable, 

French army, 176. 
Panixer Pass, the, 206. 
Panteleyeff, a Cossack, 139. 
Pasturana, 170. 
Paul, Emperor of Russia, 121. 
Pavalo-Shvekovski, Lieutenant - 

General, 129, 131, 154, 191, 205. 
Peace, terms of 117. 
Penza, 57, 61. 
Perignon, 173, 176, 180. 
Peter III., 9. 
Piacenza, 165. 
Piedmont, 163. 
Platen, 7. 

Platoff, Brigadier, 98. 
Podolia, 119. 
Poland, 12. 
Poltava, 69. 

Poniatowski, Stanislas, 14. 
Poninski, 1 10. 

Potemkin, 39,67, 80, 95, 105. 
Praga, 113, 217, 230. 
Preobraje"nsky Guards, 10. 
Prozorovski, Prince, 58. 
Pugatchoff, 50. 
Pulawa, 113. 

Pulawski, Casimir, 19, 35. 
Frank, 19. 

R. 

RADZIVILL, Prince Charles, 15. 
Rehbinder, 166, 204. 
Rehbock, Major, 46. 
Reich, lancer officer, 34. 



Reichenbach, 7 ; Congre of, 93. 

Repnin, Prince, 14, 81, no. 

Retreat, the French, 130; from the 
Trebbia, 157. 

Revolution, the French, 120. 

Riasco, the stream, 175. 

Ribas (General ? ), 98. 

Richelieu, Due de, 1 03. 

Richepanse, 172. 

Rivalta, 163. 

Rocca d'Anfo, capture of, 131. 

Rohan, Prince Victor, 140, 181. 

Rojdestveno, Suvdroff's family es- 
tate, i, 225. 

Rosenberg, 128, 137, 152, 166, 172, 
177, 180, 191, 198, 204, 218. 

Rostopchin, Count, 178, 183, 221. 

Rulhiere, 25. 

Rumantzoff, 7, 39, 44, 72, 81. 

Rusca, General, 147, 154. 
j Russian Contingent in Italy, 166. 

Rustchuk, 49. 

Rymnik, the, 86, 224. 



SADOWA, 178. 
Salm, General, 154. 
Samoiloff, General, 98. 
Sapieha, Prince, 26. 
Sardtoff, 57. 

Sary Mehemed Pasha, 46. 
Sarzana, 168. 
Sava, Cossack leader, 24. 
Scherer, General, 127. 
Schwanden, 207 
Schwytz, 1 88, 206. 
Scrivia, the, 169, 175. 
Seckendorf, 132. 
Semendria, 93. 
Serravalle, 169. 
Serrurier, 127, 132. 
Sevastopol, 69. 
Shumla, 44, 49. 
Sigismund of Sweden, 13. 
Silistria, 49. 

Simednowsky regiment of Guards, 
the, 4. 



242 



INDEX. 



Simplon, 181. 

Sirakowski, 109. 

Skawina, 25. 

Slatina, battle of, 76. 

Smolensk, 15. 

Sobieski, John, 14. 

Soltikoff, 6, 39, 45. 

Soozdal Regiment, 10, 15, 32. 

Soult, 201. 

Spleny, Count, 84. 

St. Cyr, General, 168, 180. 

St. Gothard Pass, abandoned by the 
French, 144 ; assailed by the 
French, 182. 

Stackelberg, Colonel, 32. 

Stanislas Poniatowski, 14, 119. 

Stolovitshi, 28. 

Stragglers, Suv6roffs opinion of, 16 

Strauch, Austrian General, 140, 181. 

Sumarokoff, 5. 

Supplies, insufficiency of, 164, 180. 

Suvoroff, Alexander, i ; routs Kot- 
lubowski, 19 ; meets with an ac- 
cident, 24 ; the Order of St. 
George, 27 ; an act of insubordi- 
nation, 28 ; the Order of St. 
Alexander Nevsky, 32 ; the Turk- 
ish War, 41 ; captures Turtukay , 
42; battle of Kosludji, 51 : pur- 
sues Pugatchoff, 57 ; the Crimea, 
62 ; the Vladimir district, 66 ; 
" Alexander Diogenes," 69 ; 
second Turkish War, 72 ; cap- 
ture of Ismail, 95 ; Poland, 
1 08; enters Warsaw, 118; re- 
moved from active list, 122 ; pro- 
posed by Great Britain as com- 
mander of the Austro-Russian 
Army, 124 ; assumes command 
at Valeggio, 127 ; marches on 
Secco, 132 ; at Milan, 135 ; block- 
ades Milan, 141 ; at Turin, 142 ; 
enters Alexandria, 147 ; raised 
to the rank of Prince, 162 ; 
letter to the Tzar, 165 ; invests 
the fort on Monte Buffo, 
1 68; attempted seizure by the 



enemy, 171 ; strange conduct at 
Novi, 173; atAsti, 181 ; takes su- 
preme command, 183; in Swit- 
zerland, 1 88; letter to Emperor 
Francis, 190; victory at Airolo, 
194; effect of recent dis- 
asters, 212; quarrels with the 
Archduke Charles, 214 ; at Augs- 
berg, 216; order of Maria The- 
resa, 217 ; appointed to a fresh 
command, 217 ; from Prague to 
Kobrin, 218; reaches St. Peters- 
burg, 220 ; death and funeral, 
221 ; personality, 222; his defence, 
228 ; position in history, 231 ; rul- 
ing passion, 235. 

Sweden, 40. 

Swiss Campaign, the, 209. 

Switzerland, forces in, 189, 200. 

Systems of war, 233. 

Szrensk, 25. 

T. 
TARGOWICE, assembly of nobles at, 

1 08. 

Taverna, 188, 209. 
Tchatal, the island of, 97. 
Tekely, General, 39. 
Thugut, 136, 143, 165, 186, 217. 
Thurreau, 181. 
Tidone, French thrust back across 

the, 151. 
Tirgokukuli, 87. 
Tortona, 138, 146 ; blockade of, 159, 

163, 1 80. 

Treaty of 1795, J 86. 
Trebbia, the, 126, 149; battle of, 

154; retreat of the French from, 

157- 

Trezzo, 133. 

Tsarskoe Selo, 10. 

Turin, revolt of the inhabitants 
against Moreau, 138 ; bombard- 
ment of, 142. 

Turnu, 41. 

Turtukay, 41. 

Tuscany, 180. 



INDEX. 



243 



Tyniec, the convent of, 26, 35. 

Tzar of Russia, 165 ; ukase, 178 ; 
sympathy with Suvoroff, 185, 
211, 215; letter to the Austrian 
Emperor, 216. 

Tzaritzin, 57. 

U. 

UNGERN, General, 49. 
Urner Loch tunnel, the, 194. 

V. 

VALENZA, 138. 
Vaprio, 164. 
Varna, 49. 
Verderio, 133. 
Verela, peace of, 94. 
Victor, 132. 

Viomesnil, General, 32 ; Captain, 33. 
Voghera, 138. 
Volhynia, 25. 
Vorarlberg, the, 213. 

W. 
WALLACHIA, 39. 



Warkowice, 103. 

Warsaw, taking of, 113, 229. 

Waterloo, 177. 

Watrin, General, 147, 169, 180. 

Weimarn, General, 18, 23. 

Weissmann, General, 39, 41. 

Wellington, 167, 177. 

Weyrother, Colonel, 189. 

Widdin, 39. 

Willisen, General, 232. 

Wukassowich, 131. 



YENIKALE, 54. 



Y. 



Z. 



ZAMOSC, 27. 
Zayonchek, 114. 

Zimschen, Austrian General, 182. 
Zopf, 133. 
Zuboff, Prince, 81. 
Zurich, 1 8 1, 188 ; taken by the 
French, 201, 215. 



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NICHOLAS NICKLEBY 8 

DAVID COPPERFIELD 8 

BLEAK HOUSE 8 

LITTLE DORRIT 8 

OUR MUTUAL FRIEND 8 

BARNABY RUDGE 8 

OLD CURIOSITY SHOP 8 

A CHILD'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND 4 

EDWIN DROOD and OTHER STORIES 8 

CHRISTMAS STORIES, from " Household Words " ... 8 

SKETCHES BY "BOZ" 8 

AMERICAN NOTES and REPRINTED PIECES ... 8 

CHRISTMAS BOOKS 8 

OLIVER TWIST 8 

GREAT EXPECTATIONS 8 

TALE OF TWO CITIES 8 

HARD TIMES and PICTURES FROM ITALY ... 8 

UNCOMMERCIAL TRAVELLER 4 

Uniform itiith t^e a /we. 

THE LIFE OF CHARLES DICKENS. Numerous Illustrations. 2 vols. 
THE LETTERS OF CHARLES DICKENS 2 vols. 



s. d. 

4 o 

4 o 

4 o 

4 o 

4 o 

4 o 

4 o 

4 o 

3 6 

3 6 

3 6 

3 6 

3 6 

3 6 

3 6 

3 6 

3 6 

3 6 

3 o 

3 

3 o 

7 o 

7 o 



CHAPMAN <S HALL, LIMITED. 33 



DICKENS'S (CHARLES) WORKS. Continued. 

THE ILLUSTRATED LIBRARY EDITION. 

(WITH LIFE.) 

Complete in 32 Volumes. Demy 8vo, los. each. ; or set, 16. 

This Edition is printed on a finer paper and in a larger type than has been 
employed in any previous edition. The type has been cast especially for it, and 
the page is of a size to admit of the introduction of all the original illustrations. 

No such attractive issue has been made of the writings of Mr. Dickens, which, 
various as have been the forms of publication adapted to the demands of an ever 
widely-increasing popularity, have never yet been worthily presented in a really 
handsome library form. 

The collection comprises all the minor writings it was Mr. Dickens's wish to 
preserve. 

SKETCHES BY " BOZ." With 40 Illustrations by George Cruikshank. 
PICKWICK PAPERS. 2 vols. With 42 Illustrations by Phiz. 
OLIVER TWIST. With 24 Illustrations by Cruikshank. 
NICHOLAS NICKLEBY. 2 vols. With 40 Illustrations by Phiz. 
OLD CURIOSITY SHOP and REPRINTED PIECES. 2 vols. With Illus- 
trations by Cattermole, &c. 
BARNABY RUDGE and HARD TIMES. 2 vols. With Illustrations by 

Cattermole, &c. 

MARTIN CHUZZLEWIT. 2 vols. With 40 Illustrations by Phiz. 
AMERICAN NOTES and PICTURES FROM ITALY. i voL With 

8 Illustrations. 

DOM BEY AND SON. 2 vols. With 40 Illustrations by Phiz. 
DAVID COPPERFIELD. 2 vols. With 40 Illustrations by Phiz. 
BLEAK HOUSE. 2 vols. With 40 Illustrations by Phiz . 
LITTLE DORRIT. 2 vols. With 40 Illustrations by Phiz. 
A TALE OF TWO CITIES. With 16 Illustrations by Phiz. 
THE UNCOMMERCIAL TRAVELLER. With 8 Illustrations by Marcus Stone. 
GREAT EXPECTATIONS. With 8 Illustrations by Marcus Stone. 
OUR MUTUAL FRIEND. 2 vols. With 40 Illustrations by Marcus Stone. 
CHRISTMAS BOOKS. With 17 Illustrations by Sir Edwin Landseer, R.A., 

Maclise, R.A., &c. &c. 

HISTORY OF ENGLAND. With 8 Illustrations by Marcus Stone. 
CHRISTMAS STORIES. (From "Household Words" and "All the Year 

Round.") With 14 Illustrations. 
EDWIN DROOD AND OTHER STORIES. With 12 Illustrations by 

S. L. Fildes. 
LIFE OF CHARLES DICKENS. By John Forster. With Portraits. 2 vols. 

not separate.) 



34 



BOOKS PUBLISHED BY 



DICKENS'S (CHARLES) WORKS. Continued, 

THE POPULAR LIBRARY EDITION 

OF THE WORKS OF 

CHARLES DICKENS, 

In 30 Vols. , large crown 8vo, price 6 ; separate Vols. 4*. each. 
An Edition printed on good paper, each volume containing 16 full-page 
Illustrations, selected from the Household Edition, on Plate Paper. 
SKETCHES BY "BOZ." 
PICKWICK. 2 vols. 
OLIVER TWIST. 
NICHOLAS NICKLEBY. 2 vols. 
MARTIN CHUZZLEWIT. 2 vols. 
UOMBEY AND SON. 2 vols. 
DAVID COPPERFIELD. 2 vols. 
CHRISTMAS BOOKS. 
OUR MUTUAL FRIEND. 2 vols. 
CHRISTMAS STORIES. 
BLEAK HOUSE. 2 vols. 
LITTLE DORRIT. 2 vols. 



OLD CURIOSITY SHOP AND 
REPRINTED PIECES. 2 vols. 

BARNABY RUDGE. 2 vols. 

UNCOMMERCIAL TRAVELLER. 

GREAT EXPECTATIONS. 

TALE OF TWO CITIES. 

CHILD'S HISTORY OF 
ENGLAND. 

EDWIN DROOD AND MISCEL- 
LANIES. 

PICTURES FROM ITALY AND 
AMERICAN NOTES. 



HOUSEHOLD EDITION. 

(WITH LIFE.) 

In 22 Volumes. Crown 4/0, cloth, $ 8s. 6d. 
MARTIN CHUZZLEWIT, with 59 Illustrations, 53. 
DAVID COPPERFIELD, with 60 Illustrations and a Portrait, 53. 
BLEAK HOUSE, with 61 Illustrations, 53. 
LITTLE DORRIT, with 58 Illustrations, 55. 
PICKWICK PAPERS, with 56 Illustrations, 53. 
OUR MUTUAL FRIEND, with 58 Illustrations, 55. 
NICHOLAS NICKLEBY, with 59 Illustrations, 53. 
DOMBEY AND SON, with 61 Illustrations, 53. 

EDWIN DROOD ; REPRINTED PIECES ; and other Stories, with 30 Illustra- 
tions, 55. 

THE LIFE OF DICKENS. BY JOHN FORSTEK. With 40 Illustrations, 55. 
BARNABY RUDGE, with 46 Illustrations, 43. 
OLD CURIOSITY SHOP, with 32 Illustrations, 43. 
CHRISTMAS STORIES, with 23 Illustrations, 43. 
OLIVER TWIST, with 28 Illustrations, 33. 
GREAT EXPECTATIONS, with 26 Illustrations, 35. 
SKETCHES BY "BOZ," with 36 Illustrations, 33. 
UNCOMMERCIAL TRAVELLER, with 26 Illustrations, 33. 
CHRISTMAS BOOKS, with 28 Illustrations, 33. 
THE HISTORY OF ENGLAND, with 15 Illustrations, 33. 
AMERICAN NOTES and PICTURES FROM ITALY, with 18 Illustrations, 3*.. 
A TALE OF TWO CITIES, with 25 Illustrations, 35. 
HARD TIMES, with 20 Illustrations, 2S. 6d. 



CHAPMAN cr HALL, LIMITED. 35 



DICKENS'S (CHARLES) WORKS. Continued. 



THE COMPLETE WORKS OF CHARLES DICKENS, 

ENTITLED 

THE CROWN EDITION, 

Is now being PUBLISHED MONTHLY. 
The Volumes contain ALL THE ORIGINAL ILLUSTRATIONS, 

And the Letterpress printed from Type expressly cast for this Edition. 

LARGE CROWN OCTAVO. 
PRICE FIVE SHILLINGS EACH. 



The Volumes Now Ready are: 

i. THE PICKWICK PAPERS. With Forty-three Illustrations by 
SEYMOUR and PHIZ. 

2. NICHOLAS NICKLEBY. With Forty Illustrations by PHIZ. 
3. DOMBEY AND SON. With Forty Illustrations by PHIZ. 
4. DAVID COPPERFIELD. With Forty Illustrations by PHIZ. 

5. SKETCHES BY " BOZ." With Forty Illustrations by GEO. 
CRUIKSHANK. 

6. MARTIN CHUZZLEWIT. With Forty Illustrations by PHIZ. 

7. THE OLD CURIOSITY SHOP. With Seventy-five Illustra- 
tions by GEORGE CATTERMOLE and H. K. BROWNE. 

8. BARNABY RUDGE : a Tale of the Riots of 'Eighty. With Seventy- 
eight Illustrations by GEORGE CATTERMOLE and H. K. BROWNE. 

9. OLIVER TWIST and TALE OF TWO CITIES. In One 
Volume. [October 2jt/i. 

io. CHRISTMAS BOOKS. With Forty-three IllustrationsbyL*NDSKKR, 
MACLISE, STANSFELD, LEECH, etc. [November 2$t/i. 

ii. BLEAK HOUSE. With Forty Illustrations by PHIZ. 

[December Tfi'.h. 
12. LITTLE DORRIT. With Forty Illustrations by Puiz. 

13. OUR MUTUAL FRIEND. With Forty Illustrations by MARCUS 
STONE. 

ETC. ETC. ETC. 



A CHRISTMAS CAROL, with the Original Coloured Plates. 

Being a reprint of the Original Edition. With red border lines. Small 8vo, 
red cloth, gilt edges, 55. 



3 6 BOOKS PUBLISHED BY 



DICKENS'S (CHARLES) WORKS. Continued. 

THE CABINET EDITION. 

In 32 vols. small fcap. 8vo, Marble Paper Sides, Cloth Backs, with uncut 
edges, price Eighteenpence each. 

Each Volume contains Eight Illustrations reproduced from the Originals. 
In Sets only, bound in blue cloth, with cut edges, 2 8s. 



CHRISTMAS BOOKS. 
MARTIN CHUZZLEWIT, 2 vols. 
DAVID COPPERFIELD, 2 vols. 
OLIVER TWIST. 
GREAT EXPECTATIONS. 
NICHOLAS NICKLEBY, 2 vols. 
SKETCHES BY "BOZ." 
CHRISTMAS STORIES. 
THE PICKWICK PAPERS, 2 vols. 
BARNABY RUDGE, 2 vols. 
BLEAK HOUSE, 2 vols. 
AMERICAN NOTES AND PIC- 
TURES FROM ITALY. 



EDWIN DROOD ; AND OTHER 

STORIES. 
THE OLD CURIOSITY SHOP, 

2 Vols. 

A CHILD'S HISTORY OF 

ENGLAND. 

DOMBEY AND SON, 2 vols. 
A TALE OF TWO CITIES. 
LITTLE DORRIT, 2 vols. 
MUTUAL FRIEND, 2 vols. 
HARD TIMES. 

UNCOMMERCIALTRAVELLER 
REPRINTED PIECES. 



CHARLES DICKENS'S CHRISTMAS BOOKS. 

REPRINTED FROM THE ORIGINAL PLATES. 

Illustrated by JOHN LEECH, D. MACLISE, R.A., R. DOYLE, 

C. STANFIELD, R. A., etc. 
Fcap. cloth, is. each. Complete in a case, js. 

A CHRISTMAS CAROL IN PROSE. 

THE CHIMES : A Goblin Story. 

THE CRICKET ON THE HEARTH: A Fairy Tale of 

Home. 

THE BATTLE OF LIFE. A Love Story. 

THE HAUNTED MAN AND THE GHOST'S STORY. 



SIXPENNY REPRINTS. 
READINGS FROM THE WORKS OF CHARLES DICKENS. 

As selected and read by himself and now published for the first time. Illustrated. 

A CHRISTMAS CAROL, AND THE HAUNTED MAN. 

By CHARLES DICKENS. Illustrated. 
THE CHIMES: A GOBLIN STORY, AND THE CRICKET 

ON THE HEARTH. Illustrated. 

THE BATTLE OF LIFE: A LOVE STORY, HUNTED 

DOWN, AND A HOLIDAY ROMANCE. Illustrated. 

The last Three Volumes as Christmas Works, 

In One Volume, red cloth, 2s. 6d. 



CHAPMAN (f HALL, LIMITED. 37 

DICKENS'S (CHARLES) WORKS. Continued. 
A NEW EDITION, ENTITLED 

THE PICTORIAL EDITION, 

Now being issued in MONTHLY PARTS, royal 8vo, at 

ONE SHILLING EACH. 

Each Part will contain 192 pages of Letterpress, handsomely 

printed, and, besides full-page Plates on plate paper, about 

24 Illustrations inserted in the Text. 

The Edition will be completed in about THIRTY-SEVEN PARTS, of which 
Thirteen are now ready, and Will contain in all 

UPWARDS OF NINE HUNDRED ENGRAVINGS. 



The Volumes now ready are : 



DOMBEY AND SON. 35. 6d. 
DAVID COPPERFIELD. 

3 s. 6d. 

NICHOLAS NICKLEBY. 

3 s. 6d. 



BARNABY RUDGE. 35. 6<L 
OLD CURIOSITY SHOP. 

3 s. 6d. 

MARTIN CHUZZLEWIT. 

[Now being issued in Parts. 



PROSPECTUSES AND SHOWCABDS ON APPLICATION. 



THE TWO SHILLING EDITION. 

Each Volume contains a Frontispiece. Crown 8vo, 2s. 

The Volumes now ready are 
DOMBEY AND SON. BLEAK HOUSE. 



MARTIN CHUZZLEWIT. 
THE PICKWICK PAPERS. 



OLD CURIOSITY SHOP. 
BARNABY RUDGE. 



MR. DICKENS'S READINGS- 

Fcap. 8vo, sewed. 
CHRISTMAS CAROL IN I STORY OF LITTLE DOM- 



PROSE, is. 
CRICKET ON THE HEARTH. 

CHIMES : A GOBLIN STORY, 
is. 



BEY. is. 

POOR TRAVELLER, BOOTS 
AT THE HOLLY-TREE 
INN, and MRS. GAMP. is. 



38 BOOKS PUBLISHED B Y 

SCIENCE AND ART. 

a JTournai for STeacfjers anB StuUtnts. 

The Official Organ of the Science and Art Teachers' Association. 
MONTHLY, THREEPENCE; POST FEEE, FOTJBPENCE. 

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PRIZE COMPETITION. 

With each issue of the Journal, papers or drawings are offered for Prize Competition, 
extending over the range ot subjcts of the Science and Art Department and City and 
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There are thousands of Science and Art Schools and Classes in the United Kingdom, 
but the teachers connected wiih these institutions, although engaged in the advancement 
of identical objects, are seldom known to each other except through personal friendship. 
One object of the Journal is to enable those engaged in this common work to com- 
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SOLUTIONS TO THE QUESTIONS IN PURE MATHE- 
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EXAMINATIONS from 1881 to 1886. By THOMAS T. RANKIN, C.E., 
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SOLUTIONS TO THE QUESTIONS SET IN THE 
FOLLOWING SUBJECTS AT THE MAY EXAMINATIONS 
OF THE SCIENCE AND ART DEPARTMENT ANTERIOR 
TO 1887. 

1. Animal Physiology ... From 1881 to 1886. 

2 . Hygiene . 1884 to 1886 

3. Building Construction ... 1881 to 1886. 



4. Machine Construction ... 

5. Agriculture 

6. Magnetism and Electricity 

7. Physiography 

Sound, Light, find Heat 



1 88 1 to 1886. 
1881 to 1886. 
1881 to 1886. 
1 88 1 to 1886. 
1881 to 1886. 



Each Subject will be deal' with in a Separate Volume, which will contain 
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CHAPMAN & HALL, LIMITED. 39 

ANSWERS TO QUESTIONS, 1887, 1888, & 1889. 

1890 IN THE PRESS. 



SOLUTIONS TO THE QUESTIONS (Elementary and Advanced) 
at at the Examinations of the Science and Art Department of JJ 'ay, 1887, 
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1. ANIMAL PHYSIOLOGY. By J.H.E. Brock, M.D., B.S.(Lond.), F.R.C.S. 

(Eng.), D.P.H. (Univ. of Lond.) 

2. BUILDING CONSTRUCTION. By H. Adams, C.E., M.I.M.E. 

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F.R.G.S. 

S. PRACTICAL PLANE AND SOLID GEOMETRY. By H. Angel. 

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11. MACHINE CONSTRUCTION AND DRAWING. By H. Adams, C.E., 

M.I.M.E. 

12. PRINCIPLES OF AGRICULTURE. By H. J. Webb, Ph.D., B.Sc. 

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15. INORGANIC CHEMISTRY (Practical). ByJ. Howard, F.C.S. 

16. APPLIED MECHANICS. For 1888 and 1889 only. By C. B Outon 

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17. ALTERNATIVE ELEMENTARY PHYSICS. By W. Hibbert, F.I.E., 

A.S.I.E. For 1889 only. 

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01DUO 

40 



CHAPMAN &> HALL, LIMITED. 



THE FORTNIGHTLY REVIEW. 

Edited by FRANK HARRIS. 

HE FORTNIGHTLY REVIEW is published on the ist of 
JL every month, and a Volume is completed every Six Months. 
The following are among the Contributors : 



ADMIRAL LORD ALCESTER. 

GRANT ALLEN. 

SIR RUTHERFORD ALCOCK. 

AUTHOR OF "GREATER BRITAIN." 

PROFESSOR BAIN. 

SIR SAMUEL BAKER. 

PROFESSOR BEESLY. 

PAUL BOURGET. 

BARON GEORGE VON BUNSEN. 

DR. BRIDGES. 

HON. GEORGE C. BRODRICK. 

JAMES BRYCE, M.P. 

THOMAS BURT, M.P. 

SIR GEORGE CAMPBELL, M.P. 

THE EARL OF CARNARVON. 

EMILIO CASTELAR. 

RT. HON. J. CHAMBERLAIN, M.P. 

PROFESSOR SIDNEY COLVIN. 

THE EARL COMPTON. 

MONTAGUE COOKSON, Q.C. 

L. H. COURTNEY, M.P. 

G. H. DARWIN. 

SIR GEORGE W. DASENT. 

PROFESSOR A. V. DICEY. 

PROFESSOR DOWDEN. 

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EDWARD A. FREEMAN. 

J. A. FROUDE. 

MRS. GARRET-ANDERSON. 

J. W. L. GLAISHER, F.R.S. 

SIR J. E. GORST, Q.C., M.P. 

EDMUND GOSSE. 

THOMAS HARE. 

FREDERIC HARRISON. 

ADMIRAL SIR G. P. HORNBY. 

LORD HOUGHTON. 

PROFESSOR HUXLEY. 

PROFESSOR R. C. JEBB. 

ANDREW LANG. 

E. B. LANIN. 

EMILE DE LAVELEYE. 

T. E. CLIFFE LESLIE. 

W. S. LILLY. 

MARQUIS OF LORNE. 

PIERRE LOTI. 

ETC. ETC. 



SIR JOHN LUBBOCK, BART., M.P. 

THE EARL OF LYTTON. 

SIR H. S. MAINE. 

W. H. MALLOCK. 

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DR. MAUDSLEY. 

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GEORGE MEREDITH. 

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WILLIAM MORRIS. 
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PROFESSOR JOHN NICHOL. 
W. G. PALGRAVE. 
WALTER H. PATER. 
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SIR HENRY POTTINGER, BART. 
PROFESSOR J. R. SEELEY. 
LORD SHERBROOKE. 
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HERBERT SPENCER. 
M. JULES SIMON. 

(DOCTOK L'ACADEMIE FRANCAISB). 

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LESLIE STEPHEN. 
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A. C. SWINBURNE. 
DR. VON SYBEL. 
J. A. SYMONDS. 
SIR THOMAS SYMONDS. 
(ADMIRAL OF THE FLEET). 
THE REV. EDWARD F. TALBOT 

(WARDEN OF KEBLE COLLEGE). 
SIR RICHARD TEMPLE, BART. 
HON. LIONEL A. TOLLEMACHX. 
COUNT LEO TOLSTOI. 
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