SRI VENKATES WARA UNIVERSITY
ORIENTAL
JOURNAL
Volume : XLIV
2001
Parts 1&2
ISSN 0081 -3907
SRI VENKATESWARA UNIVERSITY
ORIENTAL JOURNAL
Volume XLIV: 2001
ORIENTAL RESEARCH INSTITUTE
SRI VENKATESWARA UNIVERSITY
TIRUPATI-5175e2
Sri Venkateswara University Oriental Journal, Vol. 44, Rs 1 & 2,
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CONTENT^
Oharma and Moksa as Humanistic Values in
Indian Thought 1-18
G.C, Nayak
Buddhism and The Indo - Greeks 1 9-26
Shankar Goyal
The Minor Rock Edict I 27-32
Aparna Chattopadhyay
Smirtavicara According to SankaraSmrti 33.41
T. Vasudevan
KaviSiksS in the Kavyamimamsa of RajaSekhara 42-51
R. S. Betai
Manucaritra - A work of Art 52.55
M.V. Rama Sarma
In The PursMit of Sixtyfour Arts 57.53
VaijayantiShete
Tht Cpncept of State and Kingship in Anqfent
Inrf^l with special reference to Vi?nu Purana 69-75
V.Venkataraman?iReddy
Confr^utipn of ^int Nammi[var to
Indian Philosophy 77 n 5
M. Varadarajan
CUmakantham
Migrations From And To Medieval Andhradesa 109-120
S.S. Ramachandra Murty
Nagolu Krishna Reddy
TELUGU
ic&od 1 663^0 1 21 -1 39
Ib. ffSk>6u*&
1 41 -1 55
TEXTS AND STUDIES
|: (Balabodhah) 156-174
eds., V. Venkataramana Reddy
T.S.R. Narayanan
jo5dfo(S&Sjaa> (Saiva Dandakamulu> 1 75-1 98
ed n M. Prabhakara Rao
BOOK 199-205
V. Kameswari et al., The Journal of Oriental Research,
Madras (Dr.S.S Janaki Commemoration Volume)
Vols. LXVIII-LXX, 1997-2000.
G. Virabhdracarftyulu, Visvakarrna V&tuvfc^a Rahasyamufu
T.K. Srinivasa Tatacarya, ed., Sotadusoil of
Vidanfa Deslka with Nrsiipharajlya jlka, vol. I.
Our Contributors etc., 206-21 3
G. C. NAYAK
DHARMA AND MOKSA AS
HUMANISTIC VALUES
IN INDIAN THOUGHT
One of the most significant aspects of diarma as a
humanistic value in Indian thought is that it stands for
certain sustaining principles (DharanaddharmsL-mitya-
huh). Dharma not only sustains the individual as well
as different groups in the society but it also upholds
the society as a whole. The violation of the principles
of dltarma leads to the utter destruction of the entire
social structure.
While speaking of dhaxma, it is the Varnasrama
diarma which comes uppermost in our mind in the
Indian context. An individual or a group can be said to
be free and is supposed to have rights only to the ex-
tent it is possible within the framework of Vaxnasrama
dharma. Freedom as it is conceived in the Indian con-
text is therefore not unbridled nor axe the rights given
to the individual or a group unBjnited. It is only when
one becomes a jivanmukta that he transcends the sphere
of injunctions and prohibitions and becomes free from
all obligations. But this can not hold good in ca$e of
people in general; they axe strictly bound by the duties
assigned to them (dlmrma) in accordance with their re-
spective (varna) and (asrama).
2 S.Y.U. Oriental Journal, Vol. XIIV
Is the (Varna) to be determined by birth or by (guna)
and (Jcarma) ? The (Biagavac? gita) speaks of four
(variras) to be determined by (gn:na) and (iarzna) no
doubt, but how does one come to have the (gun a) and
(iarma) which dtermine his ( Farna) ? Although there
is no definite mention of birth in this connection, it can-
not escape our notice that there is a sort of immutability
involved in the concept of varna in the (Bhagavad Gita.
The Gita speaks of svadharma which is immutable and
the idea is that no one should try to transgress the lim-
its of his svadharma which is intimately connected with
his svabMva. Svadharma and svabhava could, however,
be seen to have a more dynamic base, in so far as they
axe connected with changing gunas and Jcarma, not with
birth.
Diarma as an eternally binding principle of any so-
ciety for all times to come is a myth, simply because
there is not any single dharma or a coherent system
of dharmas in a society or in a country which would
hold valid for ever. And when we come to the question
of interaction between different societies and traditions,
the difficulty becomes still more evident. The sustain-
ing value of dharma, as I understand it, is only relative
to the context; even sadharana dharmas 1 , supposed to
be duties of universal application and validity, are also
meaningful and applicable with reference to a certain
context. It is inevitable that in a complicated situation
we should be called upon to make a choice and pass
our judgement in accordance with the scheme of values
chosen by us; this is unavoidable as the matter stands.
If this is so, one can see why in our day to day exis-
tence in the society and in our inter-communal or even
inter-national transactions it becomes so very important
Dharma and MoJcsa s Humanistic Values 3
for us that a deliberate choice be made in favour of what
Sita would designate as sadhu dJiarma, a dharma that
respects the dignity of others as much as it respects one's
own. Mark her words, in Valmiki jRaznayana Sundara
Kanda, 'yatiia tava tathanyesam 1 (as in your case, so in
the case of others), while giving advice to Ravana con-
cerning protection of women, "sadhu dharmama-
veksasva sadhu sadhuvratam cara. Yatha tava tatha-
nyesam raksya dara insacara". 2 It is obviously based on
the principle of universalisability. This was the univer-
salisable etliical principle advocated by Sita as against
the Raksasa dharma (group-morality) proposed by the
powerful king of Lanka, Ravana, "svadharmo raksasam
bhiru sarvadaiva na samsayah, gamanam va parastrinam
haranam sampramathya va". 3
Justice can be ensured if an equal treatment is meted
out to people irrespective of the fact whether they be-
long to us or they do not so belong. The concept of
fairness, according to Rawls, 4 is fundamental to justice.
Ami* the idea of fairness is inherent in the notion of
sadhu dharma as envisaged in Va/miJci Ramayana and
propagated in the form of Sfta's advice to Ravana.
Sustenance value of dharma, according to me, though
undoubtedly important, is not enough. Moreover, un-
der certain circumstances, it may not be conducive to
justice. Justice should not be allowed to be sacrificed
in the name of ciiarrna; dharma should rather facilitate
the implementation of justice in the society. To me it
appears that Varna dharma can be an example of sadhu
dharma if and only if varnavyavasiiza is determined by
gima and iarma alone as explicitly mentioned m the
Bh&gavadgita, not by birth. Guna and Jcarma are not
entirely determined by birth and heredity; environment
4 S.V.U. Journal, Vo/.
as well as personal efforts and aspirations of the individ-
ual have a significant role to play in this regard. And
what is more, gnna and karma, are not fixed once and
for all.
I am, therefore, in favour of what I would call a dy-
namic Varna vy&vastha which can do justice at least to
different sections at different times according to their
needs and deserts, and this can be regarded as dhaxma
sustaining the society on principles of justice. Diarma,
in this sense, would be dynamic, not static or fixed once
and for all by birth. It is significant that in the Indian
context jafi dharma, though important in its own sphere,
has never been regarded, in any case, as the highest or
the best diaxma (Paraizra dharma).
If jati dharma is not parama dharma, the highest,
the best one, what then is the parama dharma in the
Indian context ? The highest, the best, model of con-
duct in the Indian tradition is expected from a Vidvan
in the sense of a jnani (a wise man) or a jivanmukta
(the liberated person) who, though embodied, does not
have any selfish desire and is engaged in activities out
of spontaneous overflow of the altruistic tendancy. The
same is true of a bhakta (devotee) as also a yogin; in
different contexts, therefore, either bhakti (devotion) or
yoga (meditatiion) is extolled as the parama diarma, as
the case may be. The characteristics that are attributed
to a true devotee, a j nani or a yogi are more or less the
same, where transcendence of some sort of the other is
highlighted both in the personality and the conduct of
these models of humanity. They transcend three gunas,
being gunatita and are also sthitadhl or sthi taprajna
(persons with a balanced attitude, a tranquil mind),
and axe more or less samadarsi or samabuddhi in their
Dharma and Mofcsa as Humanistic Values 5
attitude i.e. transcending the usual opposition and con-
flicts of duality such as pleasure and pain, gain and loss,
good and evil, friendliness and enmity, and the like. In
a sense, therefore, the opposition between the so-called
dharma and adharma in the ordinary sphere of their ap-
plication is transcended in this highest stage of human
development. Here man is supposed to be free from the
dichotomy, the opposites, of dharma and adharma.
This brings us to a consideration of what freedom or
moksa as it is called, supposed to be in the Indian con-
text. By 'freedom' we usually mean freedom from some
undesirable state, such as freedom from hunger, poverty,
slavery, certain external coercion or compulsion of mind
and the like. In the context of Indian thought freedom
is primarily taken to mean freedom from suffering or
duhkha arising out of ignorance or avidya. Tattvajnana
or the knowledge of the truth is here regarded as a
means for attaining freedom. Similarly throughout the
history of Indian thought, barring only certain excep-
tions, freedom has been regarded as an ideal or a cov-
et able state to be attained either through action, devo-
tion or knowledge. Freedom as it is conceived in the
Indian context (moJcsa) is considered to be the highest
purusartia or goal of life.
First of all, it is to be noted that freedom in Indian
thought is not necessarily a state to be attained here-
after, nor is it a state of other-worldliness which is to be
attained by negating the worldly life altogether. Knowl-
edge or illumination (jnana) instead of being merely a
means of freedom is itself considered to be the goal for
which every one should aspire only for its own sake in
as much as freedom is supposed to consist in illumina-
tion itself. This is true of both the Vedantic and the
6 S.V.U. Oriental Journal, Vol. XLIV
Buddhist traditions in different ways, as illumination is
viewed differently by them.
It has often been misunderstood that according to
Sankara, knowledge or illumination (jnana) is a mere
means of moksa or freedom. But it is more appropriate
to say that moksa or freedom, according to
Saiifca-ra, is nothing but illumination (jnana). 'Srutayo
Brahmavidyanantaram moksam darsayantyo madhye
Karya ntaram varayanti, as Sankara would say in his
commentary on Brahma Sutras, 1-1-4.
Regarding the nature of this illumination (freedom)
and its impact on the day to day life of the man and the
society, we come across a variety of description in the
Indian philosophical literature. According to some it is
a state of delight where one forgets all wordly bothera-
tions and is lost in some sort of Divine contemplation;
the worldly life is either forgotten altogether or is rele-
gated to a secondary place in the life of a freeman (the
mnkta). But freeman, while alive (jivan mukta, as he is
conceived in Advaita Vedanta), is certainly not a recluse
or a hermit flying away from or shunning the worldly
life, mumination is considered to be extremely relevant
to the day to day existence of man and conduct in the
society; it is in no way antagonistic to or incompatible
with normal day to day life of man.
Some of the misconceptions associated with the idea
of freedom (mukti) in Vedanta are subjected to tren-
chant criticism of Vidyaranya in PajicadasL Enlighten-
ment does not make one unfit for worldly transactions,
otherwise it would be a kind of illness which of course
it is not. 5 Knowledge of truth is not something like the
disease of consumption which makes one incapable of
Dharma and Moksa as Humanistic Values 7
normal dealings. 6 The Idea Is that illumination does not
affect our normal transactions in any way. There is no
difference between the ignorant and the enlightened as
regards their activity or abstention from activity from
the point of view of the body, senses, mind and intellect.
Pancadasi is quite clear on the point that freedom does
not consist in being like sticks and stones abstaining
from food etc. It takes a pragmatic view of the whole
issue. The man who is attached to the objects is trou-
bled by the world, whereas happiness is enjoyed by one
who is not so attached. Therefore, if one wants to be
happy he should give up attachment, and that is all.
While discussing the concept of freedom in Indian
thought one should be careful in interpreting certain
well-known statements of treatises like the Bhagavad
Gifa, e.g. Udasinavadasino etc. As Pancadasf has very
aptly remarked, "ajnatva sastra hrdayam nmdho vak~
tyanyathanyatha" f the foolish who does not understand
the essence of the scriptures expresses his opinions in
varieties of ways. That the enlightened is not forget-
ful about the world, that illumination does not destroy
duality, that it only makes one realise the self as real
and the world as unreal only in a specific sense is clear
from the following insightful statement of Pancadasi,
atmadhireva vidyeti vacyam na dvaitavismrtii. 8
Vidyaranya caricatures the idea of illumination consist-
ing in forgetfulness of the world of duality by pointing
out that inanimate objects like pots should in that case
be half-enlightend in as much as they do not have any
knowledge of duality. 9 Pancadasi is rather very clear on
the point that the knower of truth fulfils his worldly du-
ties well, as they do not conflict with his knowledge. 10
In order to perform the worldly activities, according to
Pancadasi, it is not essential that the world should be
8 S.V.U. Oriental Journal, Vol XLIV
taken as ultimately real. But on the other hand, the fact
that Yajnavalkya and other sages delivered the teach-
ings of Vedanta to their disciples, thus doing immense
good to the humanity at large, could not have been pos-
sible if enlightenment would consist of sheer evaporation
of duality. 11
The enlightened person is not a conjurer; he does
not conjure anything out of existence nor does he bring
about anything into existence by his illumination or in-
sight. In the words of Wittgenstein, one may say, "phi-
losophy leaves every thing as it is". What are required
for doing normal activities in the world are the means
such as mind, speech, body and external objects, and
these axe not made to vanish by enlightenment. So why
can the enlightened not engage himself in worldly af-
fairs ? Therefore, as knowledge of truth does not af-
fect the means such as the mind etc., the enlightened
person is able to do worldly activities such as ruling
a country, study of logic or engaging in agriculture. 12
The enlightened one, like an expert conversant with
two languages, knows both the bliss of Brahman and
the worldly joys and does not see any conflict between
the two. The idea of freedom (mukti) as something
mystical and other-worldly is thus entirely rules out by
Pancacfasi. It is as if some one has mastery over two dif-
ferent languages; as there is no incongruity here, similar
is the case with one having illumination continuing to
be conversant with the worldly affairs. 13 This dispels
once and for all the deep rooted misconception preva-
lent about Indian thought that in freedom (mukti) one
is transferred as it were from the mundane existence to
a supramundane plane of Reality so that the worldly
awareness is gone for ever. Enlightenment consists in
mastering a technique and this has no conflict with our
Dharma and Moksa as Humanistic Values 9
normal awareness. What is important to note in this
connection however is that the enlightened person is
not affected or disturbed by the pleasure or pain caused
by the prarabdha: thus and only in this sense he is a
free man. The only difference between the enlightened
who is free and unenlightened who is in bondage is that
the former remain undisturbed and patient through all
his afflictions caused by prarabdha whereas the latter
is impatient and suffers on account of this. 14 This is
how and this is the sense in which the metaphysical
concept of freedom in Indian thought, instead of re-
maining confined to the conceptual level alone, is seen
to have a definite bearing on our practical day to day
life. Attainment of freedom (mukti) by no means makes
one other-worldly or merely contemplative, transcend-
ing, and thereby becoming totally unfit for, the day to
day affairs of the world. Though undergoing similar ex-
perience or engaged in similar activities it is freedom
from misery that characterises the enlightened whereas
the unenlightened continues to be subject to misery.
As far as the ethical aspect of freedom is concerned,
it is to be noted that the enlightened one is in a defi-
nitely advantageous position to do good to the society
without any attachment whatsoever, and the life of a
jivanmuJrfa, though in itself beyond good and evil, can
thus be conducive to the social welfare. In any case
there cannot be any question here of his life being one
of unbridled licentiousness like that of a debauch. His
Ufe is a life of detachment alright, but at the same time
the world can benefit immensely by his teachings. As
an Acarya he can be a source of unfailing guidance to
the erring humanity. That is why an enlightened per-
son is described by Sankara as both 'Vimukta saiiga' and
^ Acarya Sankara is very
10 S.V.U. Oriental Journal, Vol. XIIV
clear about the life and conduct of such men of wis-
dom, the enlightened ones. There are great souls, says
Sankara, calm and magnanimous, who do good to others
as does the spring (vasaxitavallokaMtam carantah) and
who, having themselves crossed this dreadful ocean of
birth and death, help others also to cross the same, with-
out any motive whatsoever. 16 Here the words 'Vasanta-
vaMokahitam carantah\ doing good to the the world lite
spring, refer to the spontaneous goodness of the enlight-
ened. It is indeed a pity that this spontaneous good-
ness of the freeman, in the context of Indian thought,
has not been sufficiently highlighted, while the free-
man's (jivanmukta's) life has been depicted as one of
sheer moral indifference and callousness by those who
are alienated from Indian thought and culture in some
way or the other,
A unique status is assigned to jivanmnkta in the In-
dian cultural mileau. Here is a model of spontaneous
goodness flowing from the intrinsic nature of one who is
not entangled in the polarities. But what is this spon-
taneous goodness supposed to be ? If it is spontaneous,
one may ask can it be called good in any sense ? . In or-
dinary parlance, we speak of goodness only when there
is a moral choice and when the choice is genuine. If there
is no genuine choice left for the jivanmnkta^ can be re-
garded as good after all ? Rather it would seem as if
the jivanmukta y s activities could only be like the move-
ment of an automaton. How can he be regarded as good
in that case, when there is no possibility of his becom-
ing evil under any circumstance? The vital question at
issue here is whether the situation envisaged in this con-
text, where the jivanmukta chooses the good over evil
because of his natural inclination for the good, reduces
the jivanmukta to the status of an automaton. I do not
Dharma and Moksa as Humanistic Values 11
think so. Goodness is spontaneous in the jivanmukta
only in the sense that it becomes his second nature/ 7 so
to say, to do good, to choose good over evil. Although
the theoretical possibility of a jivanmukta choosing evil
over good cannot be ruled out altogether^ such a pos-
sibility is never actualized in his case simply because
the choice of good over evil becomes natural to him;
it becomes his svabhava. This is how I understand his
spontaneous goodness, for otherwise the conduct of the
jivanmukta will either be not spontaneous or will be
simply mechanical, which it cannot be. I do not think
that there should be any inconsistency in visualizing
such a situation in the case of a jivanmukta and his
spontaneous goodness.
Actual choice of good as a matter of practice is what
is meant by spontaneous goodness in this context , and
it is, therefore, neither an impossibility nor is it a sort
of automatic or mechnical conduct where the words
like "good" and a evil" would be inapplicable. The
jivanmukta is himself not affected by the consideration
of "good" or "bad", but his choice is always in favour
of the good over evil and his activities are always con-
ducive to the good of mankind.
This I would consider to be one of the most signif-
icant and interesting facets of Vandantic morality, and
being unique so far as it goes, it cannot be properly jus-
tified or condemned by any external standard. Though
not religious in a narrow sense, it is not secular in the
ordinary sense either. This dichotomy simply is not ap-
plicable here. The jivanmnkta is, however, moral in
a unique way insofar as his choice, as well as influ-
ence, are always for the good of the society. In the
words of Sankara, the knower of Brahman is JrevaJa-
12 S.V.U. Oriental Journal, Vol. XIIV
paranugrahaprayajano, 1 one who has the sole aim of
helping and doing good to others as an unfailing guide.
Here the predominantly humanistic trend of Vedanta
goes without saying, which is worth noting.
In the Buddhist tradition, mutatis mutandis, moksa
or freedom in Indian thought takes the form of nirvana,
culminating in the conception of Arhat in general and
that of Bodhisattva in particular in the Mahayana fold,
as the model of an enlightened person who is free. Here
it may not be out of place to compare the Vedantic
conception of jivanmnkta with the Buddhist conception
of Bodhisattva, in respect of their striking resemblences
as well as difference, in order to highlight how these
conceptions, developed differently with their respective
ontological and metaphysical commitments, are more or
less humanistic in their practical implications.
The free man in the Buddhist tradition is one who is
free from attachment, free from strong likes and dislikes.
"grantMfe tesam na vidyante yesam nasti piijaprijam",
says the Diammapada. "tasmat prajno na tamichhet
ichhato jayate biayam", Says BodWcaryavatara. Free-
dom is achieved through the realisation of Sunyata ac-
cording to one of the most important trends of the Bud-
dhist thought. In Bodiiicaiyavatarapanciia it is explic-
itly pointed out that a sunyataiva nirvanakaranam, sun-
yataiva bodhimarga iti sthitam". This is true of the
entire Madhyamika tradition of course.
Inequality is there every where, manifest on all sides
to even a casual observer, and is a matter of day-to-
day experience, so to say. Equality comes with en-
lightenment only which makes one free. A wiseman
who is established in Brahman is also established in
Dbarma and Moksa as Humanistic Values 13
equanimity as well as equality. The wise (pandit) would
look on a Brahmin endowed with learning and culture, a
cow, an elephant, a dog and a pariah with an equal eye
(samadarsinah) , says the Bhagavad Gita. 19 The mor-
tal plane is conquered by those whose mind is estab-
lished in equality (samya), for Brahman is free from
blemish and is equally there every where, and the wise
men are established in Brahman. Astavakra Gita sim-
ilarly speaks of a person having self-knowledge being
equally disposed to all. sa eva dhanya atmajnah sarv-
abhavesu yah samab. Equality however, is inculcated
in quite a different way in the Buddhist treatises like
Bodhicaryavatara although here also it is a question of
enlightenment. Here it is based on realising the similar-
ity of our pleasure-pain-experience. "When both myself
and others are similar in that we wish to be happy and
do not want to suffer in any way, what then is so spe-
cial about me ? Why should I strive for my happiness
alone ? Why should I protect myself and not others ?
" asks Santideva. 20 I should dispel the misery of others
because it is suffering just like my own, and I should
benefit others because they are sentiment beings just
like myself. The realisation of similarity leads to an al-
trustic form of life. There is no absolutistic ontology, no
ontology of Brahman, involved here. The comprehen-
sion of Sunyata alone leads to cessation of suffering here.
snnyata duhkhasamani^ut this Sunyata which is em-
phasised is nothing but nihsvabhavata (essencelessness)
and is not meant to be adhered to &s a metaphysical
doctrine. 21 The argument advanced for viewing others
as equal is quite simple and straightforward. It is based
on our ordinary, day-to-day, experiences of sukha (plea-
sure) and duhkha, (pain), that is all. That is why in the
Dhyanaparamita chapter of Bodhicaryavatara n we are
14 S.V.U. Oriental Journal, VoL XLIV
asked first of all to make an effort to mediatate upon
the equality between self and others. We are asked to
protect all beings as we do ourselves because we are all
equal in wanting pleasure and not wanting pain. The
sense of equality arising out of the deliberations upon
our day-to-day experience of pleasure and pain makes us
concerned for others as we are concerned for ourselves.
This typically empirical approach of Bodhicaryavatara
is asymmetrical in so far as it is based on any absolutis-
tic metaphysics of Advaitic Brahman as is the case with
a jivanmukta.
Moreover, there is a positive emphasis in the Bod-
hisattva tradition on the alleviation of the suffering of
others even at the cost of one's personal comfort.
Karana is the deciding factor here. u kaxunapara-
taxitrataya paraduhkhaduhkhinah sarvaduhkhapa-
haranaya yatnah" , says Prajnakaramati. 23 If by one per-
son's suffering the suffering of many would be destroyed 5
surely kindhearted people would accept it for the sake
of themselves and others. In this context the example of
Bodhisaitva Snpuspacandra^ who sacrificed himself and
allowed himself to be harmed by the king for the erad-
ication of the misery of many is cited by Santideva. 24
Hence an altrastic temper permeates the conduct of
Bodhisattva, which in many respects appear to be quite
similar to the spontaneous goodness of a jivannmkta.
What is important however to note here is that even
moksa or liberation for one's self is not valued for its own
sake by the Bodhisattva. There being pararthaikanta
irs-oS 25 or longing only to do good to others, one does
not care for one's own liberation, and there can be ques-
tion of indulging in self-conceit or wonder on account
of this either, atah paraiiham krtvapi no mado na ca
vismajai. 26 Doing good to others is spontaneous on the
Dharma and Moksa as Humanistic Values 15
part of the Bodhisattva as It is in the case of jfvanmukta.
In this sense there is similarity no doubt, but there is
also asymmetry in so far as there is a goal of freedom
for mankind as a whole in one case, whereas there is
an emphasis on the achievement of one's own freedom
in the other. Both jivanmukta and BodMsattva would
work undoubtedly for the benefit of mankind as a whole,
BodMsattva however has no metaphysical axe to grind 3
nor is he interested in Ms own freedom so much as he is
interested in the freedom of mankind.
/
Santideva's following remarks need a special mention
in tMs connection as they are significant and illuminat-
ing. "Will not the ocean of joy that would be there
when all become free", asks Santideva, 27 "be sufficient
for me? What am I to do with my liberation alone? 3 '
"mucyamanesu sattvesu ye te pramodya sagarait, Taire-
vananu paryapatam moksenarasikena Jam". 28 The al-
truistic element is no doubt fully explict in the Bod-
Msattva ideal, and yet at the same time it cannot be
said to be absent in the ideal of jivanmukta^ for altru-
ism is ingrained in some form or the other in both of
them. What makes all the difference is that moksa is
denounced in favour of an altruistic form of life in the
Bodhisattva ideal which is further devoid of any abso-
lutistic ontology of Brahman. jivanuiuJBa in Vedanta
is a mukta purusa, a free man, one who has attained
the summum bonum ; bodhisattva, on the other hand,
postpones and even forsakes the Mghest good for the
sake of others. This is the difference to be noted no
doubt, and yet it is also worth notMng that both the
jivanmufcta and the BodMsattva in Indian thought are
supposed to immense good to others and help mankind
in their respective ways. Each of them, in Ms unique
16 S.V.U. Oriental Journal, VoL XLIV
respect, appears as an unfailing asset to the humanity
at large.
REFERENCES
*Paper presented in the National Seminar sponsored by the
Indian Council of Philosophical Research on "Humanistic
Trends in Indian Thought'" held at Lucknow during 24~26th
March, 2000.
1. Cf.Manusmri, 10.63, "ahimsa satyamasteyarn saucaraindriya-
nigrahah* etc.
2. Vabmki Ramayana, Sundara kanda, 21.7.
3. ibid., 20.5.
4. C Join Rawls, ^Justice as Fairness 1 , Tie Philosophical
Review, Vol. LXVII, April 1958.
5. Cf. Pancadasi, VI, 270, a audasinyam vidheyam ced vat sabda
vyarthata tada, na sakta casya dehadya iti cedroga eva sah".
6. ibid., VI, 27, tt tattva bodham ksayani vyadhim manyante ye
mahadhiyah, t^am prajnativisada kim tesam duhsakani vada".
7. ibid., VI. 275.
8. ibid., VIL 186.
9. Cf. ibid., VII. 187, ^ubhayam militam vidya yadi tar hi
ghatadayah, aidha vidyabhajinah syuh sakala dvaitavismrteh".
10. C ibid., IX. 87, ""tattvavittvavirodhitvallaukikam samyaga
carer.
11. Cf. ibid., VIL 184, *anyatha yajnavalkyaderacaryatvam na
sambhavet, dvaita drstavavidvatta dvaitadrsta na vagbhavet".
12. C ibid., IX, 114, XXXX
"'tadltha-m tattva vijnane sadhananupamardanat, jnanina
can turn satyam samyagrajyadi laukikam".
also ibid., VII, 130.
"janakadeh katham rajyamiti ced drdhabodhatah, Tatha tavapi
cet tarkam patha yadva krsim kuru".
Diarma and MbJbsa as Humanistic Values 1 7
13. Cf. ibid. XI, 130,
^bhunjane visayanandam Brahmanaiidam ca tattvavit, Dvi-
bhasabjijnavad vidyadubhau laukika vaddikau".
14. C ibid. VII. 133,
^nanmojnaninascatra same prarabdha karmani, Na kleso jna-
nino dhairyanmudhah klisyatyadhairyatah".
15. FiVeJcacudamanf, 486.
16. ibid., 37.
17. Cf. Suresvara* naiskaxmyasiddhi, IV. 69, "utpannatmaprabod-
hasya tvadvestrtvadayo gunah, ayatnato bhavantyasya na tu
sadhanariipinah . "
18. Cf. Sankara, upadesasajfiasri, 1.6, "acaryah .... brahmavit
brahmani sthito bhinnavrtto daihbha darpakuhaka sathya-
mayamatsarya nrtahariikaramamatvadi dosavarjitah kevala
paxanugraha prayojano."
Also Cf. Sankara, Gf^a Bhasya, 3.25, "kartavyabhave api
paxanugraha eva kartavya iti" .
19. C BJiagavadgJta, 5.18 and 19. Cf. also Sariiara BAasja,
ekam avikriyam brahma drastum sUam yesam te
h samadarsinah" (5.18) and "Yesam samye sarvabhu-
tesu brahmani samabhave sthitam niscalibhutam manah
antahkaranam" . (5.19).
20. C Saatideva, Bodiicarjava^ara, 8.95 and 96.
21. ibid., 8.94, "mayanyaduhkhain hantavyam duhkhatvadatmar
duhkhavat, anugrahya mayanyepi sattvatvadatmasattvavat".
22. ibid., 9.56.
23. Cf. Prajnakaramati^ BoclticarjaFatarapancilca, 9.34,
a sfinyataySniapi nabhinivesah kaxtavyah".
24. Saniideva, Bodiucarjavatara, 8.90,
bhavayedevamadarat, saniaduhkhasukhah sanre palaniya
II
1 J
oapiane
111,11
SHANKAR GOYAL
BUDDHISM
AND THE INDO-GREEKS
The hegemony of the Indo-Greeks in North- Western
and Western India marks an important epoch in the
history of Buddhism and its role in their Indianisation.
The first great Indo-Greek monarch, who was converted
to Buddhism, was Menander (middle of the second cen-
tury B.C.). He proved to be a great patron and supporter
of this religion, probably the greatest after Asoka. His
life offers an interesting case-study of the Greek converts
to the Buddhist faith.
The chief sources from which information about
Menander's interest in and love for Buddhism may be
gathered are the Milinda Panio (Questions of Milinda)
and his coins and inscriptions. Reference to him is also
found in the AMMJC, the Divyavadana, Tie History
of Buddhism by Taranatha and Ksemendra's Avadana-
kalpal&ta. The Indo-Chinese tradition associates him
with a statue of the Buddha in that country. Among
the classical writers Plutarch records an episode which
may be taken as a veiled allusion to his Buddhist lean-
ings.
20 S.V.U. Oriental Journal voLXHV
According to the Milinda Panho^ Menander wanted
to understand the true essence of Buddhism. For this
he approached many teachers, but none could solve his
difficulties and doubts. In his dejection he exclaimed:
"Empty, alas, is all India- All India is but vain gos-
sip. There is no ascetic or Brahmana who is capable of
Disputing with me and resolving my doubts". It was
by a fortunate chance that one day he saw Nagasena,
a Buddhist monk, going on his begging round, whose
calm and serene personality made a deep impact on
him. Next day with five hundred Yonakas he went to
the Sankheyya monastery at Sagala where the monk
was staying. They had a conversation which, at the re-
quest of the king, was later resumed at the palace. The
monk, who was no ordinary teacher, told the king that
he was agreeable to a discussion only if it was held in
the scholastic way (P&nditavada) and not in the royal
way (Itajavadfa). Accordingly, the king put his diffi-
culties one by one before the sage who solved them
to the king's satisfaction. At the end of the conver-
sation, which lasted for some days, the king expressed
Ms gratitude to the monk for resolving his doubts and
took refuge in the Triratna. Menander, now built a
monastery named Milinda-vihara and handed it over to
Nagasena. He also made large donations to the Bhiskhu
sangha. He died as a Buddhist monk having retired
from the world after handing over his kingdom to his
son. He is also said to have attained Arhathood, the
last stage of sanctification according to Theravada Bud-
dhism.
On the dialogue, which Menander had with Naga-
sena, is based the MHinda Paixho, which is considered
to be one of the most outstanding books of the non-
canonical PaH literature. In its present from it contains
Buddhism and the Indo-Greeks 21
seven chapters. Out of these, the first one is largely per-
sonal and historical while others are all doctrinal. Some
of the Interesting dilemmas discussed in this work are
the following : (a) If there is no soul, what is there that
takes rebirth? (b) Why should a perfectly enlightened
person, such as the Buddha, suffer and die? (c) What
is meant by Truth? (d) What is wrong with philosoph-
ical discussion? (e) If life is suffering, why is suicide
not a way out? (f) Why do the virtuous suffer and the
wicked prosper? Doubts are expressed about the god-
like character of the Buddha, but the existence of the
Buddha is strongly asserted, Psychological theories and
various other philosophical problems are also discussed.
Thus the Milinda Panho is a comprehensive exposition
not only of Buddhist metaphysics, but also of Buddhist
ethics and psychology. Apart from its importance as a
Buddhist text it is also valuable as a historical docu-
ment and literary achievement. Probably it is the most
interesting work of Theravada Buddhism in prose, 1
But Miliada Panho's testimony on Menander's rela-
tions with Buddhism has been doubted by many. W. W.
Tarn 2 believes that the evidence of the Milincfa Pafiiio
does not indicate that Menander was a Buddhist though
he admits that 'no one can prove that Menander was
not a Buddhist'. He argues that Menander's adoption
of Athena, 'the one Greek deity who was practically
never equated with anything oriental', is against the
supposition that Menander adopted Buddhism as his
personal faith. Against this Narain 3 points out that
though Kaniska depicted many non-Buddhist deities on
his coins, and his coins which figure the Buddha are very
rare, yet he is regarded as a great Buddhist monarch.
But regarding the occurrence of the title Soter on
Menander's coins, Narain himself argues: "We are un-
22 S.V.U. Oriental Journal voLXLIV
able to understand why the title 'Soter' on Menander's
coins meant that he was 'the Saviour 5 of the Buddhists
and of all those who stood for the old Maurya power
against the usurper Pusyamitra, when we know how
common was this epithet with the Indo-Greek kings.
u He may be right. But on a few silver and copper
coins of Menander, he is given the title Dikaiou (with
Kharosthl equivalent diarmiltasa) and an eight-spoked
wheel appears on the obverse of certain pieces. In these
features some numismatists find corroborative evidence
for Menander's faith in Buddhism.
By the time of Menander, the Buddha image had
almost certainly not evolved, but it is probable that
the wheel on some coins of Menander is connected with
Buddhism. 4 Tarn's deduction that the wheel only means
that Menander proclaimed himself a Ciairavartin 5 is
not justified. In the opinion of Allan, "this wheel must
have a common origin with the wheel found on the
Pancaneicame coins and the wheel so familiar on Bud-
dhist sculptures/ 96 Marshall also points out that the
wheel was well-established as a Buddhist symbol be-
fore the Paiicianeiame coins were issued. 7 The Shinkot
inscription proves beyond doubt that the Greek king
helped in the propagation of Buddhism in the region be-
tween the Hindukush and the Singhu, Plutarch records
that after Menander died the cities celebrated his fu-
neral as usual in other respects, but in respect to his
remains they put forth rival claims and only with dif-
ficulty came to terms, agreeing that they should di-
vide the ashes equally and go away and should erect
monuments to him in all their cities. 8 If we interpret
this passage in Buddhist terms, it means that on the
death of Menander the people of his kingdom imitated
the example of Buddha's own followers on the death of
Buddhism and the Indo-Greeks 23
their Master, and buried the ashes of the dead king un-
der a number of stupas. It is also interesting to note
that a tradition connects Menander with the origin of
the most famous statue of the Buddha in Indo-China,
the statue of the Emerald Buddha, which Menander's
teacher Nagasena had materialized out of an emerald
by his supernatural powers. Under the name Milindra,
Menander seems to have been known as a Buddhist to
Ksemendra also who, in his Avadanakalpalata refers to
a great sttipa built by this king. Taranatha mentions
king Minara of Tukharadesa who was converted by the
Venerable Dhitika. He may be no other than Menander.
His patronage is known to have encouraged the upsurge
of Buddhism in Greek India during the last decade of
his reign, illustrated by the great delegation of monks
which in 137 B.C. went from Alexandria-of-the- Cauca-
sus under the leadership of a Greek teacher to attend
the inauguration of the Great stupa at Anuradhapura in
Ceylon. All these facts tend to support the tradition of
Hollander's faith in Buddhism. It is true that the refer-
ence to lifilinda becoming a monk under the influence of
Nagasena occurs in the last part of the Milinda Paiiho
which is regarded as a later addition by many authori-
ties, but the Buddhist faith of Milinda is suggested by
an earlier passage also at the end of the third Chapter
whidi is accepted on all hands as a part of the original
work. Here we find Milinda declaring that he wanted
to join tkfc Sangha but was prevented from doing so by
the large number of his enemies. It is obvious that the
king who expressed such a desire could not have failed
to be converted to Buddhism as a lay-devotee. The ar-
gmnettt tliat Menander, being a member of the ruling
rack, could not have adopted tirf religion of the sub-
ject peope obviously has no substance. K.P. Jayaswal
24 S.V.U. Oriental Journal voLXLIV
rightly points out that it is impossible to believe that
the Miiinda Panho could have been foisted on him if he
was not a follower of the faith. 9 As Ziimner puts it, "If
the Greek king was not himself actually a member of
the Buddhist order, he was atleast so great a benefac-
tor that the community looked upon him as one of their
own." 10
After the death of Menander the glory and the power
of his kingdom began to diminish, but the interest of
his descendants in Buddhism did not end. They con-
tinued to patronise it heartily. Agathocles used the fig-
ure of the Buddhist stiipa and the Bodhi tree on his
coins. He also adopted the title 'Soter', that is Hhe
Saviour'. 31 His coins indicate that he was a pious Bud-
dhist. Next to Menander, he played an important role
in the propagation of Buddhism in his kingdom. It was
probably for this reason he adopted the title of 4 Soter'. 12
The inscription of Theodoras, the Meridarch, found in
Swat, describes the restoration of some relics of the Bud-
dha. Another inscription, found in the Kaldarra Nadi
in Swat records that "by Thaidora or Theodorus the
Datiaputra, (this) tank was caused to be made in hon-
our of all beings, in the 113 year on the 20th day of
Sravana w . 13 The words sarvasapana puyae of this in-
scription has been translated by some scholars as 4 for
the worship of all snakes'. 14 But Liiders opines that the
word sapana does not represent Sanskrit Sarpanam but
sattvanam because 'such a devout care for the welfare
of snakes in their various rebirths would not be imme-
diately intelligible'. 15 Although there is no reference to
Buddhism in the record of Thaidora, but from the dedi-
cation of the tank' in honour of all beings', which sounds
like a Buddhistic idea, one may hold that he was a
devout Buddhist.
Buddhism and the Indo-Greeks 25
There are several other records which refer to the pa-
tronage of Buddhism by the people of Greek extraction.
The undated inscription no.364 found at Sanci stupa
mentions the gift of the Setapathiya yona. It was obvi-
ously the gift of a Greek from Setapatha who had em-
braced Buddhism. At the caitya (cetiya) hall of the fa-
mous Buddhist temple of Karle (first century B.C.) many
inscription with the word 'Yavana' were found. The in-
scription no.10 mentions "(gift) of Dhammayavana from
Dhenukataka," . According to O. Stein the donor was
called Dhammayavana because he was a
Greek by birth and had received this name after conver-
sion to Buddhism. The inscription no. 7 states "(this)
pillar (is) the gift of the Yavana Sihadhaya from Dhenu-
iataJca" while the inscription no .4 contains the words
"(this) pillar (is) the gift of the Yavana Dhammadhya
from Dhenukataka" . Another inscription from Karle
records that "(this) pillar (is) the gift of the Yavana
Yasavedhana from Dhenukataka" . All these inscriptions
indicate that the Greeks who were greatly influenced by
Buddhism gave large donations to Buddhist establish-
ments. These inscriptions give the name of the place as
Dhenukataka from where all these donors came. This
place was obviously a great centre of Buddhist culture
and activities.
There are several other inscriptions which speak of
the donations of the Yavanas to the Buddhist church.
The inscription no.5 found at Junnar in the Poona dis-
trict says that a Yavana donated two cisterns for the
monks at his expense at Junnar. The inscription no.8
of this place mentions the construction of a dining-hall
by a Yavana for the Buddhist sangha while inscription
no. 16 speaks bf the construction of a hallfront at Junnar
t>y a Yavama for the use of the Buddhist sangha. It is
26 5. V. U. Oriental Journal voLXLIV
evident from all these epigraphic records that Buddhism
was patronised by a large number of Greek people. 16
REFERENCES
1. Cf. NaJsamura, Hajime, Indian Buddhism, for exhaustive bib-
liography on the Miiinda Panho (pp. 114-14, n.5),
2. lira, W.W., The Greets in Bactria and India, p. 268
3. Narain, AX, Tie IndoGreeks, p. 97f.
4. Marshall, Taxila, i, pp.33-34, Cf. Narain, opxit.
5. Tarn, op.cit, p,263.
6. Allan in Marshall's Ikdk, ii, p. 859.
7. Marshall, ibid,
8. C Sircar, B.C., in The Age of Imperial Unity, ppJ12-15;
Roy Chaudhuri, B.C., PffAI, p. 382; Bapat, RV. (cd.), 2,500
Years of Buddiku, p.198; Goyal, S.R.,
Pracina Biaratija AbMIelcia Saxhgrafi, pp.185-90.
9. Ci also Chattopadhyaya, S., Early History of North India,
Delhi, 1976, p.46f.
10. Zimmer, EL, Philosophies of India, New York, 1951.
11. A Comprehensive Histoiy of India, II PP 183-365.
12. Hazra, KX* 5 fioyal Patronage of Buddhism in Ancient India,
New Delhi, 1984, p. 118,
13. ibid, p. 119.
14. Indian Antiquary, XXV, 1896, p. 141.
15. Corpus Inscription Indicainm, II, i, p.65.
16* For a detailed study of the Karle and Junnar inscriptions en-
graved by the Greek donors vide Mangvungh, G., Buddhism
in Western India, Jodhpur, 1990, and the 'Foreword' of S.R.
Goyal therein.
APARNA CHATTOPADHYAY
THE MINOR ROCK EDICT I
In Minor Rock Edict (Rupnath) (M.R.E.,I) Asoka
says .....
1. ^Rft$ & 3II?r [ 1 ] ........ 2 ....... IT fM TOFF
In all the versions of this edict we find the word,3tfw
as we are giving below those versions -
1. SAHASRAM - ajfafal 6. SIDDHAPURA -
2. BAffiAT - 3rfw 7. ERRAGUDI -
3. GUJARRA - 3jPm% 8. GAVIMATH -
4. MASKI - ailw ifaf ^HM
5. BRAHMAGIRI - sftm 9. AHRAURA -
In the translation of this edict we find the following
- - - For more than two and a half years I was a lay
disciple.... . But it is more than a year since I joined
the order, and have exerted myself strenuously. During
that time the gods who were regarded as true all over
India (Jambudrpa) have been shown to be untrue. For
28 S.V.U. Oriental Journal, vol. XLW
this is the fruit of exertion. 1 It has been pointed out that
the terra atfw to be taken as meaning 'true*, is wrong.
This term which is atf*M:; in Sanskrit will be in Prakrt
3qp not ariw. 2 Similarly the term *p" (i.e., ^wr = ft^n in
Sanskrit) will be the word for 'false' and not ftrerr
Apart from this grammatical mistake made by the
author, it is to be noted that Asoka nowhere speaks
against Brahmanical gods. Rather he calls himself every
where 'favourite of gods- 'devanampiya 5 . In this edict in
all its versions 3 we find him calling himself - - - ^fhiflu.
If Asoka in this edict, by his preaching of 4 Dhamma',
had proved the gods as false, how can he call himself
the 'favourite of gods 3 in this very edict ?
This edict was the earliest of the Asokan edicts, ac-
cording to an authority. 4 If it is so, how can he, in all
his inscriptions, call himself 'favourite of gods' ? Even
in Lumbini Pillar Edict he is the 'favourite of gods 3 . 5 He
visited Lumbini, the birth place of Buddha, twenty years
after his coronation (Mookerji, R.K., Asoka, pp.201,
244). In Pillar Edict IV which was inscribed when he
was consecrated twenty six years, he is devanajhpiya
(Mookerji, R.K., Asoka, pp.176, 238).
Secondly if we pay attention to his Toleration Edict
(Rock Edict XII) we find this edict beginning with the
following words - dev&nampiya piyadasi raja, does rev-
erence to all men of all sects, whether ascetics or house-
holders, by gifts and various forms of reverence.... 6 In
this edict he teaches men to honour all sects. He says-
"Sects of others should be honoured. Thus doing, one
helps his own sect to grow and benefits the sects of oth-
ers too. Doing otherwise one hurts his own sect and
injures the sects of others. For whosoever honours his
Tie Minor Rock Edict I 29
own sect and condemns the sects of others.. .. injures
more gravely his own sect... 7 Here Asoka further says
that all should listen and be willing to listen to the doc-
trines professed by other sects. 8 So it is certain that
Asoka could not mean that by his preachings the gods
held true were proved false.
Prof. Smith has also given the opinion that by the
term 'dfeva' Asoka possibly meant the Brahmanas, He
says that the word (deva) 'may be understood to mean
the Brahmanas, whom Hindus regard as divine'. 9 But
this suggestion cannot be taken as correct if we pay
attention to his definition of the 'diamma' which he
preached to the world and which included among the
duties of a man, showing respect to the Brahmanas
and sramanas. In R.E. IX, R.E. IV, R.E. XII, we find
that Asoka's Dhamma included showing respect to the
Brahmanas. He did not make any distinction between
worthy and unworthy Brahmanas. 10 So the translation
of the M.R.E. I of Asoka as given by Hultzsch should
be accepted as correct. Here we find "Those gods who
during that time had been unmingled (with men) in
Jambudfvipa have now been made (by me) mingled with
them. 11 Similar translations are given by R.B.Pandey 12
and othor writers. 13
Another meaning of the word 'dteva 5 of M.R.E. I, as
given by Sylvan Levi, has been forwarded by J. Filliozat.
Sylvan Levi holds that Asoka meant co-mingling of men
and kings and not gods in the edicts of Rupnath, Sa-
hasram and Brahmagiri group. 14 This theory seems un-
tenable. In Sanskrit dramas the term c deva 5 is used in
addressing a king but there is no instance of referring
to a Mug as a 'deva' in ancient literature of India.
30 S.V.U. Oriental Journal, vol. XLIV
Secondly how could Asoka say that all the kings of
his times were mingling with men ? He himself was also
perhaps not associating with the masses very freely. The
definition of his Dhamma included showing reverence
to parents and teacher, caring for children and subor-
dinates, showing respect to Brahmanas and Sramanas,
liberality to Brahmanas and Sramanas, non-violence etc.
These virtues cannot impose upon the kings the duty to
mingle with the masses*
So, we have to accept the theory that 'deva'meant
by Asoka was the gods of heaven. He meant that by his
preaching of dhamma the masses had become righteous
and they had become divine in nature.
In R,E, VII Asoka says that in all places people
of diverse sects should reside. For they all desire re-
straint of passions and purity of heart. 15 In R.E., V and
Pillar Edict VII we find that Asoka employed tfiarma-
mahamatras among Brahmanas and other sects for their
welfare. 16 Asoka on his pious tours used to make gifts
to Brahmanas. 17 (R.E., VII)
So Asoka with his respect for Brahmanas could not
say that by his preaching of 'diamma' the Brahmanas
were proved false.
REFERENCES
1. Smith, V.A., Asoka, Second Edition, First Indian Reprint 1957,
S.Chand & Co., Delhi, Lucfcnow, Jullundur.p. 149,
2, Pandey, Rajbali, Asoka Ke Abhilekh, 1st ed., Samvat 2022,
:~ 111 - 130.
Pandey, Rajbali, Historical & Literaxy Inscriptions, The
Chowkhamba Sanskrit Series Office, Varanasi 1962, VE 2015,
p. 21, fa. 10.
Tie Minor Rock Edict I 31
3.
1. RUPNATH - ^RftJt ^ 6. ERRAGUDI -
2. SAHASRAM - ^HFpRt T. GAVIMATH -
3. BAIRAT - <cjHiTMi| 8. RAJULA *
4. GUJARRA - ^IHfrTO 3ll<WMtf - MANDAGIRI
5. MASKI -
4. Mookerji, R.K. Asoka, III ed., Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi- Vara-
nasi-Patna, 1962, pp. 212.
5. ibid., p. 201; Bhandarkar, D.R.,Asoka, (Hindi Trans.) 1960,
S.Chand & Co., Delhi-Jullundar-Lucknow, p. 292.
6. Smith, V.A, op.cit., p. 170.
7. Mookerji, R.K., Asoka, Motilal Banarasidass, 3rd ed., 1962, pp.
158459,
8. ibid.
9. Smith, V.A., op.cit., p. 149.
10. Chattopadhyay, A., Aspects of Ancient Indian History and Cul-
ture, Kitab Mahal, 15, Thornhill Road, Allahabad, First Edi-
tion 1990, pp. 17-21.
11. Hultzsch, E.C.LI, Vol I, Inscriptions of Asoka, 2nd ed., 1969
published by S.B.Singh, Indological Book House, Varanasl
12. Paawley, Rajbali, Asok ke Abhilekh, 1st ed., samvat 2022 pub-
lished by Varanasi Jnanamadala, VairaQasi 1. pp. 111-130.
13. Sen, Amulya Chandra, Asoka's edicts, published for The Insti-
tute of Indology by The Indian Publicity society, 21 Balaram
Ghosh St. Calcutta-4 1st cd. 1956, pp. 52-54.
Basak, R., Asokan Inscritpions, Progressive Publishers, 37 Col-
lege St, Calcutta- 12, p. 139.
14. Pilliozat, J., Studies in Asokan Inscritions, Tr.by Mrs. R.K.
Meuon pub.by D.Chattopadhyay, Indian Studies Past and
Present, 3 Shambhu Nath Pandit st., Calcutta-20, 1967, pp.
35-55.
15. Mookerji R.K., Asoka, 3rd ed, 1962, pp.149-150.
16. ibid., pp. 141-189-190; Chattopadhyay A. Asoka's care for the
Minorities Backward Tribes, the poor, old and Weaker Sex -
SVUOJ, Vol. XL, pts.I-II, 1997, pp. 73-79.
32 S.V.U. Oriental Journal, vol. ILW
17. R.E. VIII.
Chattopadhyay,A. Aspects of Ancient Indian History and Cul-
ture, Kitab Mahal, Allahabad, 1st ed., pp. 53-54.
BOOKS FOR FURTHER READING
1. Select Inscriptions (Vol. I) - B.C. Sircar, University of Calcutta,
1st ed., 1942, Revised and enlarged ed., 1965.
2. Asokan Studies - D.C.Sircar, Indian Museum, Calcutta, 1979.
3. Abstande Und Schlussvokalverzeichnungen In Asoka -
Inschriften - Mit Editionen Und Facsimiles in 107 Lichtdruck*
tafeln Von - KLAUS LUDWIG JANERT, Pub, Franz Steiner
Verlag GMBH, Wiesbaden, 1972.
4. Edicts of Asoka (Priyadarsin) - Eng. tr. G, Srinivasamurti,
A.N. Krishna Aiyangar, The Adyar Library and Research
Centre, Adyar, Chennai, 1951.
5. Asokacakravarti Dharmasasanamulu (Telugu), with Prakrt
texts, Sanskrit transliteration and Telugu translation - Dr.
Cilukuri Narayana Rao, Pub., The World Religious Books
Series Oice, Rajamundry, 1928.
6. Asokuni Dharaia Sasanamulu (Telugu), Prakrt text wiht Tel-
ugu translation and exhaustive notes - Dr. C.V. Ramachandra
Rao, Manasa Publications, Nellore, 1989.
T, VASUDEVAN
SMARTAVICA11A ACCORDING TO
SANKARASMRTI
This paper attempts to discuss the rules regarding
'Smartavicara' or the 'trial tjf the lady accused of adul-
tary by the Smarta as recorded in the SanJarasmrti or
Lagfffldianna prafcasikf * , q dhannasastra text followed
by the Kerala Brahma^ (jiamputiris) from the me-
dieval times upto abou$ tl|e middle of the 20th century.
This text probably written ill $ie 14th century A.D. is
traditionally attribute4 to Sajjfexacarya demands seri-
ous study for the undefstandiag of Kerala in the feudal
period. Although the authorship of this work is still a
controversy. It is notable that several special customs
adopted by the namputiri community of Kerala as dif-
ferent from the brahmanas living outside are codified
and made legitimate in this work. For example, unlike
the other sections of bralimanas, only the eldest brother
of the namputiri family was allowed to marry from his
own caste. The younger kbthers were denied of this
right. Along with some other problems, this led to the
development of the 'sambandia' types of relationships
34 S.V.V Oriental Journal, vol.
of the nampntiris with the women of other castes which
never rose to the status of a family but remained as a
parallel to the evils of polygamy pursued by the heads
of the namputiri families who were the custodians of all
the family property. The other side of the issue was
that several young namputiri girls had no other option
before them; they had either to marry the family heads
who were quite old and even aged or remain in unmar-
ried state throughout their life. These circumstances
created a general atmosphere of dissatisfaction and de-
generation of moral standards in their community. It
is in this context Sankarasmrti codifies a procedure for
the trial for a nampntiri lady accused for illegal sexual
relationships.
f
According to SariJrarasmrti ch.8. part 1., if a grhasta
has doubts about vyabhicara, (of his own wife) he should
approach his relatives 2 with his purohita (vadhyan) and
inform them. Then he should bring five or six of them
who must be eloquent speakers, intelligent and faith-
ful to truth. This team of relatives has to conduct
'dasivicara* or questioning of the maid servants of the
accused lady. If the allegation becomes strengthened
by the interrogation of the maid servants, the accused
should be removed from the house and kept in a separate
hut. Then the householder should approach the king sit-
ting in his assembly and inform his doubts. Upon his
request the king makes arrangements for the Smarta-
vicara. He sends some mimamsakas and a smarta to
the petitioner's house. He also sends a brahmana as his
representative.
Of this jury, the mimamsakas had to prepare the
questions for interrogation and communicate them se-
cretly to the smarta and the royal representative. Then
f
Sznartavicara According- to Sankarasmrti 35
the smart a, the royal representative and the householder
should enter the cottage where the accused is kept. Dur-
ing the inquiry smarta should sit in a room next to
the apartment where the accused lady is seated. Her
seat should be near to the door of her apartment. The
sraaria and the accused lady must not see each other
during the questioning. The king's representative must
sit next to the smarta.
Having seated in this manner, the smarta should ask
the lady the questions prepared already by the
mimamsakas. The king's representative should keep
silence and hear carefully the questions and answers.
If he finds that the smart a's questions differ from the
questions designed by the mimamsakas he should re-
move his headwear and put it on the floor. On seeing
this the smarta should remember that question correctly
and when the question is asked without error the repre-
sentative should take the cloth back and wear it again.
After the interrogation is over the smarta should tell the
mimamsaJcas the answers he got for their questions in
the presence of the king's man.
Such sessions of questioning should continue until
either the accused admits her crime or the doubts about
her malpractice are removed. If she admits her crime
the smarta may see her without cover and ask her the
name of the first man, the first jara. If she names the
first man the name of the second one should be asked.
Thus the name of all the sinners should be heard by the
smarta from her directly. He should also ask about the
time and space of the illegal unions and report them to
the immamsaias. Then the smarta accompanied by the
mimamsaias has to approach the king and submit the
36 S.V.IT Oriental Journal, vol. XLIV
final report. The king's representative may meet the
king separately.
The lady whose crime is proved beyond doubt should
be expelled form the house/caste by the order of the
king but allowed to live somewhere else in the country.
If the woman shows repentance and pledges to lead a
pure life thereafter, the king should see that her loveli-
hood is not denied.
According to Sankarasmrti all the men named by her
as sinners should be expelled form the caste:
"Purusasca bahiskaiyassarve tanmukhatah srutah"
(8.1.29) The petitioner's children born in her during the
period of the crime should be lowered in caste. The sons
of Jaras should be ousted from the caste.
If the doubts regarding the lady is found as imma-
terial during the preliminary investigations among the
maid servents of the victim, (dasivicara) the relatives
concerned should demand the householder io conduct
the proper rites of expiation for holding unwarranted
doubts about a chaste lady. If the doubts are found
correct after the probe he should carry out 'udakav-
iccheda* and get rid of her and such people form his
house by the king at a prescribed time. And only after
doing the proper prayasdtta to eliminate the sin pro-
duced by their contact, he should eat with other pure
men.
Now let us see whether these rules and customs re-
garding the Smaiiavicara were actually practiced by the
community or not. The references of old scholars who
investigated about the castes and tribes of Kerala and
f
Smartavicara According to Sankarasmrti 37
the movements of social reformation that criticised the
indecent set up of the then community give some Infor-
mation in this regard. According to Subramania Iyer as
quoted by Edgar Thruston 3 the accused lady was kept
in a temporary shed made by of green leaves. The lady
referred to as "Saofianam" may be seen here by her hus-
band, his father and uncles, her father, Father's father,
father maternal grand father and their sons but by none
else. If a prohibited member sees her, she is considered
as guilty and the SznartaFicara is considered foreclosed.
It is notable that this list is a big one when we think
upon the number of uncles etc. In the joint family sys-
tem prevailing in those times. A fee of sixtyfour paiias
(about Rs.9) was necessary to be remitted then in the
treasury of the king of Travancore along with the re-
quest for sinartavicara. Then the king will appoint one
smarta two mimamsakas and two officers (an akakkoy-
ima and purakkoyima) . The office of the smarta was
heriditary. The Akakkoyima's post was also hereditory
and he kept law and order. The King's representative
was called as Purakkoyima. The smarta was often nom-
inated by a yoga or union of namputiris but it was the
Mng who appointed a smarta to trial a particular case.
But the smarta was very powerful in Travancore since he
had the right to select the mimamsakas. This was not al-
lowed in the other parts of the country. On the contrary
there the smarta was dependent upon the valdikas and
mimamsakas^ always guided and authorised by them to
ask questions etc. during the time of interrogation. In
IVavancore the jury assembled at some near by temples.
Thurston records that the beginning of the enquiry
was quite dramatic. A situation was created wherein the
smarta is heard about the suspicion against her. The
smarta makes a feint of entering the isolation shed as
38 S.V.U Oriental Journal, vol. XLW
if in ignorance of everything that had transpired. The
maid servant stops him and informs him that her mis-
tress is within. The sinaria, on hearing this acts as-
tonishment and asks her the reason why her mistress
should not be in the main building (antahpura). With
this question the enquiry is considered as started. The
other procedures like the style of interrogation etc. cor-
responds to the directions recorded in the SankarasmitL
The period of enquiry varied in some cases. The
enquiry lasted for months or even years. The interesting
part of it was that the investigating team were to be
maintained by the accused family, not by the king or
any other administrative officials, till the lady confessed
her guilt. It was a great economic burden to her family
and a deepened sorrow for the isolated lady that kept
her alienation worse day by day.
After the completion of enquiry the jury assembled in
a temple nearby and according to Thurston the guardian
of the accused was also presented. If the smarta declared
the accusation as baseless, the lady was re- accepted and
if the judgement was the reverse the announcement was
carried outside the temple by a man not belonging to
the namputiris. The victim was then handed over to
the custody of the Purakkoyima. Then the guardian of
the lady performs all the funeral rites for the lady in-
dicating her extinction from the caste. If they claimed
innocence, they had to prove it by putting their hands
in the boiling oil. However they were not given a chance
to cross examine the accused lady who gave away their
names. But the chances were many to influence the jury
and arrange an escape. 5
X
Smartavicara According to Sankarasmrti 39
According to Thurston the King of Chirakkal had
made some provisions for the livelihood of the excom-
municated unfortunate ladies. A Chief of Tiyya caste
who was given the title of Maimauar took care of them
either making them wives or treating them as sisters.
The Raja of Chirakkal had donated land to him for this
purpose. Wherever an enquiry took place the Mannanar
was ready with his men to take the excommunicated
lady away with him.
The smartavicara of Kuriyetattn Tatri, wife of
Kuriyetattu Raman Namputiri in the year 1905, caused
much heat and tremor in the then namputiri commu-
nity and paved way for the moral and social renaissance
and reformation that began in the first quarter of the
twentieth centuary. Vattaccxmayarattii Jatavedan was
the smart a and the trial took place in three different
places in Cemmantitta, Pallimanna and IriiijalaJcJcuta.
After the customary trial he gave a report to the king
of Kochi. Meanwhile the Sabha of the sajjana had met
together and requested the king that since time had
changed a hearing for men also should be conducted.
The king was convinced of this argument and ordered
the smarta to conduct a trial of the men involved in
the case. It is interesting to note that the High Court
of Madras had clearly ordered that the declaration of
men involved in illicit intercourse as outcaste was il-
legal since the men were not properly chargesheeted or
nor had the opportunity to cross examine the woman or
argue in defence. The report of Jatavedan as mentioned
above indicates that it was not customary to record
the minutes of the trial containing information obtained
form the 'sadhana' and also in the case of Kuriyetattu
Tatri 6 such a procedure was followed in the traditional
way. But since it become necessary to hear the accused
40 S.V.U Oriental Journal, vol XIIV
men by the royal order he had to write down briefly the
matters regarding the men Involved also. In the same
manner the smarta heard what the accused men had to
say about the lady's allegations. Some documents were
also submitted by the men accused. After the trial the
smarta reported that sixty-four men were involved in the
scandal and two of them were dead. As a result sixty two
men were excommunicated from the society along with
the accused lady. 7
But the srnariavicara trials were not always con-
ducted with so much fairness and justice as found in the
case of Tatri which was an exceptional one. In the pa-
triarchical society all powers were with the men and the
co-accused men easily influenced the smarta with money
and material and often arranged escape. According to
William Logan several cruel punishments were inflicted
upon the accused woman by the doubting menfolk in
order to compell her to admit the crime. 8
NOTES AND REFERENCES
1. Vide Sankanisntrti (Laghudharmapratasika) Purvabhaga with
a foreword by Kodnngalhir Kunhikkuttan Tampuran and a
MakyalaiB commentary by T.C. Paramesvaran Moosad,
Bharatavilasaiu Press, Thrissivapenir, K.E. 10S1. Only the
first part of the work is available.
2. The word "sumiluablujami may be interpreted as ^aoijaV or
the member* of the snbha also. Vide u Sabijrafesan2an-
Sbhjjmailf in Snnkara&jnrti 8.1,36.
3. Edgar Tlmrston. CWcs and Tribes of Southern India vol. x,
in to p, Govt. Press, Madras. 1909, pp. 22f.
4. ibid., p. 224.
Smartavicara According to Sankarasmrti 41
5. ibid., p. 225.
6. For more about the Tatri case vide the articles of Alankot Lee-
lakrishnan, Mathrubhumi Weekly Vol. 40 to 43, Published
during 1997 Dec. and January 1998. The title of the Series of
articles is "Smartavicarattinte Nilalvalikalil" .
7. Vide the Smartavicaxa files kept in the National Archives, Er-
nakulam, Kerala.
8. William Logan, Malabar Manual, Asian Educational Services,
New Delhi, 1995.
R.S. BETAI
KAVISIKSA
t
IN THE KAVYAMIMAMSA OF
RAJASEKHARA
The place of Kavyamimariisa of Rajasekhara is
uniquely important in Sanskrit Kavyamimamsa. The
conventional and doctrinal critics have laid great stress
on its importance. Some points of its great importance
may be stressed as follows:
i. Its very method of writing is new and original in that
it is both in prose and verse and it does not follow
the conventional method of laying down a doctrine,
analysing it and strengthening it by suitable illustra-
tions. There is detailed discussion now and then.
ii. It discusses the conventional topics and tries to touch
upon all the schools of thought current in his days,
with the exception perhaps of the divani school. He
also discusses in his own original manner other topics
that are very much important but from the point of
Kavisiksa in the kavyamimamsa 43
view of kavisiksa. Here also he is independent and
original in his own way,
iii. Even in the topics of kavisiksa, the author takes up
questions that most of the other writers on kavisiksa
do not discuss. Some very important topics discussed
are daily routine of the poet, the pakas, detailed dis-
cussion in all subtlety on kavisamayas, public recita-
tion of poetry, seminars on Kavya, Jcavyacaurya etc.
iv. There are again topics that conventional criticism
should have and could have taken up - types of
poets and poetry from different angles of vision, some
glaring charges against poetry - Kavya which the au-
thor raises and answers, the rather original concept
of Kavyapurusa and his wedding with sahityavidya
vadhu in the Vidarbha country, seven types of speech
and also seven types of artha, imitation of ideas of
others, etc.
v. The very idea of Saraswati, the daughter of Brahma,
coming down on earth, her marriage and the birth of
Kavyapurusa is of great interest; it is almost a novel
idea, a new concept that, in its own way, imparts
Divine origin on poetic composition that justifies,
shall we say, the words of Bhavabhuti -
vi. His style of writing this work on poetic criticism
and kavisiksa is unique, uniquely original. He takes
up a problem, quotes the views of several literary
critics of his days including his wife Avantisundari
and then gives his own view as that of yayavariya.
The authors whose words he quotes many scholars
are unknown to us. But that reflects on all the
44 S.V.U. Oriental Journal, vol. XLIV
thinking, analysis and discussion that was current in
the world of scholars of his days, Anandavardhana,
in his dhva&yaloka quotes a few authors, analyses
the different problems of poetic doctrines and poetic
criticism in long details. But his style of writing is
glaringly different from that of Rajasekhara.
Poetic Doctrines and Poetic Criticism
The fact that the line of demarcation between po-
etic doctrine-criticism on one side and kavisiksa on the
other, is very thin for obvious reasons already discussed
earlier. It would therefore not be proper or easy to sep-
arate from conventional criticism. We therefore refer in
brief to this conventional doctrinal criticism and then go
to kavisiksa in this work of Rajasekhara. The most im-
portant points to be noted in this conventional criticism
in Rajasekhara are as follows:
Here we know fully that many of his topics will be
applicable to both.
The first point to be noted is that Rajasekhara, in
Ms work kavirahasya, refers to the different theories of
the excellence of Kavya.
a. When sahityavidyavadhu follows the kavyapursa
from country to country, and ultimately the latter
agress to marry her in Vidarbha, three dictions are
referred to and accepted by him. He also states forcg
fi"*a 3^R flHlsFwfc srwra. Though, of the eighteen
parts of the work planned by him, only one, kavi-
rahasya is available to us. He knows it also as va-
canavinyasakrama.
Kavisiksa in the iavjamimamsa 45
b. He refers to rasa with Its due importance when he
states that of the kavyapursa and also states in one
context :
Further, of the eight types of poets enumerated by
him, one is rasaJravi
c. When he defines kavya as - jjui
he stresses the very great importance of guna and
alankara in kavya.
d. The dhvani theory was very well-known In his days
and still he does not refer to It. This is a drawback
we might say.
Thus, Rajasekhara does not follow any one particular
School.
e. His singular and original contribution to the conven-
tional doctrines can be noted. Thus, he has given
the word sahitya along with kavya for the time and
this later on became a current coin in kavyasastra.
His study of good and bad, desirable and undesir-
able sabdaharanopayah and arthaharanopayah is in-
teresting and a positive contribution; his study of
kavisamayas is also interesting. The last two are
topics for kavisiksa also. Thus, some of the study
from the conventional point of view is a positive,
very much positive contribution of Rajasekhara. The
work has found an important place in kavyasastra
because of all this.
46 S.V.U. Oriental Journal, vol. XLIV
Contribution to kavyasiksa
Sanskrit critics and scholars have so far, failed to
stress the point that the kavyamimamsa is as much
of a work on conventional doctrinal study as kavisiksa.
Scholars have missed the mark here, probably because
they indulged into minutest details of vyutpatti or bain-
virmalam srutam and kavyajnasiksayabhyasa or
amandah abhiyogah in order to stress what equipment
the poet should acquire in order to better his pratibha,
whereby be can scale higher and higher heights of poetic
achievement. Amaracandra Yati stressed that a poet
should try to become sarvajna, and therefore stressed
even the topics that have an indirect bearing on his po-
etic, faculty. They laid down that the poet shall master
the fourteen lores, four more and the sixtyfour arts.
The topics covered up by the author are different,
and more important in the training of the poet. Their
influence on the pratibia of the poet is more subtle,
deep. The topics that conduce to the kavisiksa of the
poet, besides the vyutpatti and abiyasa are as follows:
L The poet looks upon himself, he claims to be an in-
carnation of Valmiki, Bhaxtnnentha and Bhavabhuti.
The work of Bhatrmentha's Hayagnvavadha is yet to
be discovered. But when Rajasekhara claims to be
an incarnation of Valmiki and Bhavabhuti he sets
before himself a very high ideal and standard of po-
etry. He seems to suggest to his ideal poets to follow
the poetic achievement of Valmiki and Bhavabhuti.
Kavisiksa in the Jcavjaimmamsa 47
So says Rajasekhara in his Balabharata. This easily
reminds us of Anandavardhana's words -
- Dhvanyaloka, Uddyota - 1).
In the kavisiksa therefore, the author seems to ask
poets to strike a very high ideal.
ii. Consequent upon this is his treatment of kavi-
samayas. These are referred to casully by other crit-
ics but Rajasekhara gives a very much detailed treat-
ment. Hemacandra is fairly detailed, but not exact
and systematic like Rajasekhara. He knows that po-
ets would be greatly benefitted by this and this will
be a good training, for them. Even the greatest of
poets would follow these poetic conventions. So, this
is deep psychological training for the poet; the au-
thor guides the poet and leaves the rest to his sense
of discrimination in his choice or rejection of the kav-
isamayas.
ii. Similarly interesting and fairly detailed is the au-
thor's treatment of kavyacaurya-sabdarthaharana.
Poets do remain inclined consciously or un-
consciously to imitate others in language, metre,
imagination, description, ideas, style and what not
! The problem of plagiarism is very much there.
So, here again it is internal, Psychological training
of a poet, it is subtle and deep. All imitation is
48 S.V.U. Oriental Journal, vol XLIV
not caiirja and all caiirja is not bad or undesirable.
Rajasekhaxa discriminates and wants Ms poet to dis-
criminate, i.e. adopt the desirable and reject the un-
desirable.
iv. His treatment of kavicarya and rajacarya will also be-
come a piece of internal training for the poet. Here
he discusses how the poet should pass his whole day,
where and in which atmosphere and company; how
he should write and read in which company; how
he should try and win royal patronage and so on.
This too is an important part of his mental train-
ing and development of his pratibha. The chapter
on kavicarya is thus very important and a positive
contribution of Rajasekhara.
v. This should next take us to the types of poets that he
has shown, in chapter five. He, first of all, gives three
broad divisions of poets as sastrakavi, kavyakavi and
ubhayakavi. Here he rejects the view of Syamadeva
that each following type of kavi is superior to each
one that precedes. Rajasekhara states that each one
is supreme in Ms own sphere. TMs is because sastra
and kavya are mutually complimentary. His state-
ment runs thus :
He accepts three types of sastrakavi, he says;
KavisiJcsa in the kavyamimamsa 49
However, he is mainly interested in; kavyakavih; he
gives its eight types as follows and gives suitable il-
lustrations of all the eight.
Here, after laying down the types of sabdakavi and
other types of kavis etc, Rajasekhara lays down that
actually these eight types are eight virtues or traits to
be found in a poet. Here, the author gives due guidance
to the poet when he states that with two or three of
these traits, he is just an ordinary kanipan poet; if he
is endowed with say five of these, he is madliyaJcavi and
maliaJcavi when endowed with all the traits put together.
Thus, if we were to ask Rajasekhara as to what traits a
inaliaJcavi should have, he would state all the eight. The
critic shows the way and the poet may follow; i.e., shape
and train his pratibha in such a way that all the traits
develop in him, bloom up, Shine forth. All the training
of Vyutp&tti and Abivasa, discussed along with sakti and
pratibha will develop in him. Rajasekhara stresses the
point that if the sakti is there, the poet can gradually
grow higher and higher in stature to come even to the
status of MahakavL The seed should be there no doubt,
but it will make, of him a great poet with conscious,
persistent effort arid training.
The Summing Up
As stated earlier, critics have not so far appreci-
ated the fact that Rajasekhara is as much of a critic
of conventional doctrines as a critic on kavisiksa. Even
in the realm of kavisiksa, he differs from Amaracan-
dra and others in that he confines himself to the inner
50 S.V.U. Oriental Journal, vol. XLIV
development of the pratibha of the poet, after stressing
the points of his mastery over word and sense, cultiva-
tion of sixteen lores in his path of progress by training
his mastery over all possible knowledge etc., as Ama-
racandra etc. expect. His topics of discussion of kavi-
carya and rajacarya (together with seminars and po-
etic recitations) and how and in what atmosphere he
should pass his days as an artist engrossed in the cul-
tivation of the subtlest of all arts, poetic conventions
good and desirable, imitation of others artistically and
cleverly and so on. He carves out the path for the poet,
guides him and leaves ample of freedom to the poet for
his self-introspection, self-examination, self-betterment
and self-sublimation. His concept of kavisiksm a stresses
more of the internal rather than the external, the need
of which he has not rejected. He awakens the free-will of
the imaginative poetic artistic, as a master cultivator of
aesthetic achievement, aesthetic delight Kavyamimamsa
is only the first of the eighteen parts that were planned
and projected. The first-part is known as kavirahasya
and the title is fully justified by the work that is orig-
inal as a work, on conventional doctrines and also as
a work that probes deep and unravels the poet and
his art of poetry with all constant inner training. It
is here that we concede the uniqueness and original-
ity of Rajasekhara as a poetic critic. We can go a
step further and state that independently on his own,
Rajasekhara stands among the great others - Bharata,
Anandavardhana, Abhinavagupta, Mammata, Kuntaka
and Jagannatha. We should also accept that the
kavyamimaihsa of Rajasekhara is a very important land-
mark in the world of Sanskrit poetic criticism along with
his concept and evolution of both conventional and doc-
trinal study.
Kavisiisa in tie iavjamimaiiisa 51
BIBLIOGRAPHY
I Rajasekhara viracita Kavyamimamsa with commentary
Madksudani by Pandit Madhusudan Misra. Haridas Sanskrit
Series No.14, Chowkhamba Sanskrit Series Office, Benares,
1934,
2, Rajasekharakavi Kavyanosa with Tehgu translation by
- * * - *
Paicagnula Adinaiayana Sastri, Aryabharati Grantlianialika,
Madras, 1930,
3, Rajasekhara viracita Kavyaniiniaiisa Balanandini Vyatliya
by Prof, Pullela Sriraniachandrudu, Nagalakslmi Art Printers,
Hyderabad, 1979,
M.V. RAMA SARMA
MANUCARITRA : A WORK OF ART
Manucarifra is the first original composition in
Telugu. Traditionally it is called a iavya or prabandia,
where descriptive accounts figure. It can also be called
a romance belonging to the world of love and adventure.
That was the time when romances were written in Italy,
France and England. Peculiarly enough we have two ro-
mances in Telugu, Manucarifcra and Vasucaritra.
Peddana first introduces the concept of chastity in
the first two cantos. Apparently it looks as though he
is glorifying this element. In this respect Manucariira
is like Sir Gawain and fie Green Knight an English ro-
mance where Sir Gawai does not yield to temptations
even though he is tried for three days by the Green
Knight. He is like Pravara resisting all amorous ap-
proaches from Varudhini in Manucaritra.
In the first canto Pravara is described as a handsome
young man. Most of the young women in that village
take a fancy for him, but he is married while he is young.
Manncaritra ; A Work of Art 53
Pravara has an irresistible longing to go and see other
places. One day a Siddha visits him and describes all the
places he has seen. Pravara wonders how he could have
seen all those places at such a tender age. The Siddha
explains that he has a balm which when applied to the
feet will take him to any far off place in the twinkling
of an eye.
Pravara requests the Siddha to have the balm applied
to his feet. When applied to his feet, he immediately
goes to the Himalayas and sees all the wonders there.
When he thinks of returning to his village he realizes
that the balm has melted away. So he has to find the
way. The second canto where Pravara sees Varudhini, a
Gandharva woman, is the most dramatic part of the
poem.
Peddana, the poet, is at his best in this canto. All his
imaginative thinking, his creative perspective, his dra-
matic insight all these are expressed by him in a supreme
fashion. The poem is no longer a narrative, it becomes
dramatic. In this respect Peddana is unsurpassed, for
poets generally go on with their narrative vision; but to
make it dramatic is difficult for them. Peddana achieves
this superably.
In his search for someone to give him direction to go
back to his village Pravara reaches the beautiful man-
sion of Varudhini. Her first impression is one of surprise
for she wonders how this brahmin can surpass all the
renowned young men in their good looks. If he accepts
her, how delightful life will be, she exclaims.
When Pravara ventures to ask her for the way to
his village, she pretends to be annoyed with him. She
says, "when you have such large eyes, why do you ask
54 S.V.U. Oriental Journal, vol. XLIV
others for the passage? 55 . From one angle it looks as
though Varudhini is reprimanding him, but in other
words she is praising him for his large eyes (11.41). Ped-
dana reveals himself as a poet of excellence, Varudhini
adds that Pravara is taking this only as an excuse for
talking to young, lonely women like her. She is, in a
way, suggesting that she is all by herself to be loved by
young men like him. This poem (11.41) is surpassingly
innovative. Only a poet of supreme creative imagination
like Peddana could have introduced this praise as well
as condemnation in the same poem. Finally Varudhini
confesses that her mind is given to Pravara. He can en-
joy her company or leave her to despair. But nothing of
her entreaty appeals to him. He thinks of his parents,
his wife and disciples who will be waiting for him and
wondering what has happened to him. Pravara treats
all these pleasures as of no significance. Varudhini tries
to embrace him, but he pushes her aside. Varudhini
blames Pravara for pushing her, for it has hurt her.
Varudhini quotes examples of eminent persons who have
escaped the censure of society even though they have
done wrong things. Paxasara, Visvamitra, Mandakarni,
India, all these are left free. She exclaims whether
Pravara is greater than all these persons. Pravara prays
to Agm and with his help reaches his village.
TMs second canto in Manucaritra has to be read in
its original in order to enjoy the significance of its po-
etic excellence. Peddana is remarkably innovative while
introducing this scene. The romantic flavour is main-
tained even though its sequence is missed, for the poet
seems to be in love with the purity of Pravara.
A Gandharva, earlier rejected by Varudhini now
takes the opportunity by appearing as Pravara. He is
Manucaiitra ; A Work of Art 55
welcomed by Varudhini and he leads his life with her.
Svaxoci is born to them. Svaroci comes of age and while
he is hunting he sees a woman pursued by a Raksasa,
imploring his help. Svaroci Mils him and the Raksasa
happens to be the father of the woman he has pursued.
It is because of a curse that he has behaved in that fash-
Ion. He offers his daughter Manorama, in marriage to
Svaroci. Svaroci is happy, but he finds Manorama in
distress. She tells him that her two companions are un-
der a curse and they have to be relieved from that state.
Svaroci helps them and gets married to them also.
In the last moments when Svaroci is about to shoot a
wild boar, a female deer asks him why he is killing that
boar* The deer likes to be embraced and she trans-
forms herself into a beautiful lady. Svaroci has to live
with her also. Svarocisa Manu is born to them. The
second Manu comes into the world. Manucaritra is
therefore called Svarocisa-manusambliava, thereby stat-
ing the story of Manu and how the second Manu is born.
Vasucaritra is written in close imitation of Manu-
caritra, but it is lacking in story. It is a slesa-lravya
with double meanings. It is full of descriptive accounts.
Ramarajabhusana, the poet of this work, is supposed to
be a disciple of Peddana. So he tries to imitate him by
writing Vasucaritra. It deals with the romantic tale of
king Vasu getting married to Girika.
Manucaiitra and Vasucaritra can be considered to be
romances in Telugu literature. Manucaritra especially is
akin to Sir Gawain and tite Green Knight, in upholding
purity as a desirable goal in man's life. These Tektgu
romances conform to the jpattern of romances written
in other foreign languages.
50 S.V.U. Oriental Journal, vol XLIV
BIBLIOGRAPHY
1. Manucaritra - Allasani Pecldana. Pub: Va villa Ramaswamy
Sastrulu 4: Sons, Chennai, 1969.
2. Manucaritra - Allasani Pecldana witli commentary Vemparala
Suryanarayana Sastri, Venkatrama z Co., Vijayawada, 1960.
* The Editiorial Board of S.V.U. Oriental Journal regrets to
record the sad demise of our former Vicc-Chancellor Prof. M.V.
Rama Sarma, on 30th December, 2001 and who is a regular
contributor for our Journal.
VAUAYANTI SHETE
IN THE PURSUIT OF
SIXTYFOUR ARTS
Classical Sanskrit literature maintain a lavish
presentation of fine arts well over. Number of Arts de-
serve due place or the part of life in the cultural mileu
of ancient India. Prince Candrapida is a best illustra-
tion to pinpoint herein. Thus this is in response to
sixty four arts scattered in the classical Sanskrit litera-
ture by citing few literary and visual evidences and to
place together them which are not brought to the notice
by eminent scholars and art-historians like Ananda K.
Coomaraswamy (1877-1947) and Calambur Sivarama-
murti,
Art-training was highly popularized among princely
class, though not excluded the common man and later
on passed to the courtzans and so on. An artist en-
joyed the place of honour in the society, may be traced
from the textual references about how the kings gave
them rich gifts etc. When we talk of these familiar
arts we do trigger to the mind Yashodhara's commen-
58 S.V.U. Oriental Journal vol XLIV
tary on Vatsyayana's Kamasiitra (i.iii.16). Over and
above this reference we are acquainted with, the BhojVs
Sringaraprakasa in which the erudite king treats sixty-
four arts as nddipana vibhavas in the chapter on
vibhavas (chap.xvi) (^fpft $
- with these words Aja remembers his beloved queen In-
dumati). These ingenuities and dexterities of the mind
and hand help to develop the personality. These sixty-
four arts are classified into twentyfour karmasraya
JbJaSj twenty Dyntasraya kalas and twenty arts related
to love, passion etc. To enumerate few gitam, vadyani,
nrtyam, citram, vacanakansalam, pnstakarma, patra-
chedyani} malyavidhi, gandhaynkti^ asvadya vidbanam,
ratnapariksa, sivyam, zaiijanavidhanam, Hryag-yoni-
dkitsam etc. Moreover Lalitavistara, Ruyapaniyasutta,
Sukranitisara, Prabandhakosa do enlist these arts.
Some of the works mention the specific features of
arts and highlight how an art has gradually become a
regular and important hallmark in a social standard.
Therefore it will be interesting to look back to our past
and try to locate in how many ways did dramatists and
poets make ample use of number of arts as a dramatic
device.
At the outset, it may be said that eminent poets
like Bhasa, Kalidasa, Sriharsha, Bana were conversant
with these arts. Their compositions evince signs of tech-
niques and familiarity with those arts.
To start with Bhasa's Urubhangam, Dutavakyam,
Pratijnayaugandharayanam 5 Svapnavasavadattam,
Carudattam stand as a transparent synthesis in the
artistic parepheranalia.
In tie Pursuit of Sixtyfour Arts 59
In the drama Urubhanga Bhasa has cleverly used
the episode wherein krsna calls upon his weapons like
cakra, gada, one by one on the stage to kill Duryod-
hana. It is interesting to note that these weapons aie
personified when they enter on the stage. The stage-
crafts are an experiment of "iiepatiiyaprayoga*', among
the group of sixtyfour arts. These weapons may be ex-
hibited with the help of 'pustakarma? and 'sajjiVa 5 de-
scribed by Bharata's Natyasa^tra. Another remarkable
point from the art perspective is the personification of
'ayiidiapurusas 5 . In the sculptures we do come across
'ayiidiapuriisas' assuming the form of human-beings.
2. Now coming over to the Dutavakyam, as the
enacting commences, spectator visualises, the Duryo-
dhana along with dignitaries like pitamaha, Drona and
other assembled ones, peeping into a picture scroll which
represent Draupadi's insult. These various events are
highly appreciated for example,
i I It's a clear evidence of citram, wherein sensi-
tivity about using the colour combinations expressions,
proportions, claxity in forms is indicated. After hav-
ing read the compliments on the picture scroll the stu-
dent of art cannot forget the famous couplet", wfc
Thus
the drama c Dutavakyam' is endowed with six canons of
painting.
3. In 'Pratijnayaugandharayanam' Bhasa projects
on huge elephant in which the army hides and when
king Vatsaxaja enters into the forest taking an elephant
as real one. Suddenly comes out army having opened it
60 S.V.U. Oriental Journal vol. XLIV
from inside the belly, then onward, an army wages the
war with Udayana, captures the king and so on. This
particular event marks the expertise in designing the
semblance of an elephant, so also the vast capacity of
it- Now this art is technically called mural in art termi-
nology. The drama also refers to most f^*wRifoi!t out of
which consist of worshipping the gods, with designs of
rice and flower decorations.
4. 'Svapnavasavadattam', refers to the art of con-
structing a room in the water, what is known as sub-
terrian architecture i.e., 'vastukarma' when Udayana's
second queen Padmavati is said taking rest in 'samudra-
grha* because of severe headache.
Svapnavasavadattam also highlights the art of play-
ing Vina '(instrumental music)', Udayana was skilled in
playing a lute. Moreover the king used to subjugate the
Nalagiri elephant with this art. These are the examples
of tata (string-vina) and susira (blowing instruments
(lute) in terms of Natyasastra. Two dramas namely
Svapnavasavadattam 5 and 'Carudattam' suggest about
making portraits. After getting married with Padma-
vati, Udayana received a portrait of the king along with
the queen Vasavadatta from Vasavadatta's parents. Af-
ter having seen that portrait, Padmavati enquires about
her.
The king expresses that the portrait painting highlights
the similarity to the queen Vasavadatta.
In 'Carudattam' the heroine Vasantasena draws the
portrait of the hero to pass the time. She asks to her
friend whether it is life like. Thus Vasantasena's ques-
tion denotes about sketching live picture. As we know
In the Pursuit of Sixtyfour Arts 61
resemblance and liveliness are the two significant per-
spectives in art of painting.
Pratijnayaugandharayana again pinpoints the colour-
brightness in the painting i.e.
<wVi<ricK ^fcfi At this juncture one
may notice that all these various einphathatic remarks
leads to the practice and manner of portrait painting in
early days though Ananda Coomaraswamy is silent on
this point.
Keeping the same sensibility an art connoisseur
takes a pause while reading 3$ fsMRiff HWIUIHIH I ^
etc. While reading Pratimanatakam.
These appreciating remarks by Bharat in the statue-
house yfcTO^? are on the sculptures (stone-images). The
statue-house in the outskirts of Ayodhya is cleared and
decorated for the visit of the queens to see the newly
installed statue of king Dasaratha. However, the same
drama refers to the art of lime-coating to the walls which
is again a technique in painting. In the same context
white- washer (^PRR:) is mentioned in making the marks
of five fingers of sandal paste impressed over the lime-
coating.
The art of weaving a floral garland is not escaped
from Bhasa's mind. Queen Vasavadatta prepares a wed-
ding garland from 'aparajitavanaspati' is described in
Svapnavasavattam. That is a *fr**wi fafct;. Also in Bana's
Kadariibari, the heroine weaves a garland of the flow-
ers of clove. Kalidasa has vividly recaptured the same
spirit and insight having referred to dance, painting,
music, architecture etc.
62 S.V.U. Oriental Journal vol XLIV
Keeping up the consistancy to the fine arts, espe-
cially on the portrait painting, Sakuntalam throws light
typically, king Dusyanta sketches Sakuntala's portrait
for passing the time. Now this portrait was not accom-
plished, so he orders to bring colour-box (<*l$
for example ^gR^arffafadPw &4l<tWHH3R? j nfo I Act VI.
Act.VI king was
expert in expression. The high realism is indicated, ex-
claiming as if the friend is before us (before our eyes) so
far the dance is concerned Kalidasa brings to the notice
the particular dance-pose in 'Malavikagnimitram 5 when
Malavika dances beautifully. She stands in a rijvagata-
sthana (frontal position) Vishnudharmottara Purana in-
culcates nine sthanas followed in painting ri/Vagaia is
the first one to note herein, Ravivarma has made used
of ample sthanas in the paintings.
However other distinct poses like alidha posture
i is described in the Raghuvamsa (xviii.51) viz. The
right knee bent forward and the left leg retracted (shoot-
ing pose) that is similar to profile.
'Meghaduta' is rich with such arts to talk of simulte-
nous attitude in depicting the figure yaksa speaks HHTT^R
fiRScrg 3j *tiqiW Rn<g&t yalba; wife tries to pass her time
drawing love-lorn body resembling yaJcsa. The words
i is noteworthy from the point
of ^cw<ni4 art-the art of speaking with the birds. There
are various paintings on this theme. Birds like Piseons,
Swans were trained in conveying messages, e.g. Nala
gave message to DamayantL So also we are all ac-
quainted with the tantris (strings) of the vina. Pitiable
condition of yaksa's wife is drawn in the verse. "HoEPf 3T
. In
sculptures vina's strings are carved.
In t Jie Pursuit of Sixtyfonr Arts 63
Meghaduta throws light on the construction of
dlrghika, vapi, elongated well, the well having stair
cases, of course the poet describes emerald staircase.
Then onward yaksa's house draws attention from a dis-
tance since it is decorated with a beautiful torana (gate)
like ' snrapatidhanu\ On the doors of yaksa's house are
carved figures of Sankha and Padfma, those being the
dvarapalas of Kubera.
One remembers at this juncture the sculptures of
Sankha-pani and Padma-pani, at Ajanta.
Another noticeable subject handled by painters is
the peacock made to dance by clapping the hands for
example -
Kalidasa deserves merit for referring to denote the
most important factor in the painting namely the pro-
cess of <Hil<H <*-Ml?H means giving a last touch to the
representation to make it lively without accomplishing
this expertise and artist lacks the skill of art Kumara-
sambhava (7,32) mentions this process. s
The art of patrachedyam from sixtyfour arts is re-
ferred to Kumarasambhava again when Parvati is ready
for wedding ceremony. On her forehead tilak is drawn.
Sakuntalam and Mrcchakatika have a due place since
both the dramas makes a mention of inurals e.g.
mrttiJca-mayura (a toy peacock made of clay) and a clay
cart respectively.
The student of Sanskrit literature is well acquianted
with heroine's love-lorn condition and how she waits
64 S.V.U. Oriental Journal vol. XLIV
lying on a crystal slab In the garden. This is a refer-
ence to art of *rfi^ft*r *%$. Jewels like crystal or emer-
ald are set into a stone. Similarly in Kadambari, the
nayifca sleeps on a flower-bed, it also shows training in
pnspastaranavidya. Kings like Dusyanta, Raghu, Dilipa
were trained in nimitta jnanam that is to interpret good
or bad means at the time of marching. It comes under
astrological art according to Yasodhara. It means to
foretell future i.e., happenings from auspicious or in-
auspicious signs or sounds of birds; also means inter-
pretation. To illustrate, Duryodhana's wife Bhanumati
dreams that a mongoose is devouring hundred serpents
in the drama Vemsamhara. Mayavati dreams white ele-
phant is entering into her womb as described in
Asvaghosa's Saundaranandakavya. This famous dream
of 'Sadadanti' is carved in Bharhut, Sanchl, Amaravati
s tup as.
Vikramorvasiyam focuses on the art of ^flwiwiw the
art of enamelling on white crystal and mining - to detect
from the surface mineral deposits underneath. Maniraga
was employed for manufacturing imitation jewelley.
Another interesting dramatic device from sixtyfour
arts group, is the implementation of 'aiirdrajala' or
Bhanumati-khel i.e., to be-fool others and make other
people completely spell-bound with the utterance of
mantras. These days magical shows, employing hypno-
tism, mesmarism etc, can be termed as' ^aindrajala'. To
illustrate queen Vasavadatta is declared having burnt
in a forest fire, it is displayed through this art. The
drama Ratnavali employs aindrajala technique for show-
ing the forest fire. Dasakumaracarita gives an inte-
In the Pursuit of Sixtyfour Arts 65
resting account of a wonderful magic show in which the
onlookers saw blood, wounded soldiers aerial fights etc.
The art called 'chalifa&ayoga' or (tiraskarani vidya)
may not be excluded at this point. The art of disguise
is commonly adopted by dramatist like Bhavabhuti and
Kalidasa. In Vikramorvasiyam, Urvasi enters invisibly
on the terrace to meet king Pururavas, secondly Ut-
tararamacaritam depicts Slta's character present in in-
visible form in DandaJcaranyam.
The van&spatyavidya, or the art of gardening may not
be enumerated in detail so also the case of dyutavisesa,
or aksakrida, everybody knows what this game did to
king Nala and Yudhisthira. Next countless relevant ref-
erences throws light on cosmetic products, perfumes,
hair oils and other materials used in large quantities.
The art known as dasanavasanarigaraga. It comprises
the make up, nail paints, decoration e.g.%1 j
(Meghadutam). The art of dressing comes
under this category that is vastragopana - to wear the
dress in such a way so that it will not slip off from the
body even if driven by the wind. Draupadi saved herself
with the help of this art when insulted by Duhsasaaa.
To entertain the people some amusing arts wei^ in
practice just as praieliia and mesatuifaif alatafea-vicffci.
The animal fights was one of tie enteiiaiiMBg factor,
Sudraka's Mrcchakatika mentioiis^odks figjkts simlarfy
it also refers to wferfw in one of lh% verse
However, the dramatist describes a pen-picture wMch
connotes to *Umamahesvara mfirti^ Ti> eixeii^lfy Siva
and Parvati is invoked to protect whoise throat is
66 S.V.U. Oriental Journal vol. XLW
like the dark cloud ladden with water wherein shines
the creeperlike hand of Parvati. viz., ^ % -fiw<*w
W*%: ^w[tGj<iw: I "jM^cidf ^ ftgcrf^ TRETl I While talk-
ing in terms of Umamahesvara sculpture, immediately
strikes the description of asf amiirfislva in Sakuntalam,
though much discussed by Sivaramamurti and others.
Also painted theme by Akbar Padamsee. Nevertheless
Mrchhakatikam yields to afR^ra^r the art of cooking
(e.g., Bhima and Nala were experts in cooking). In the
prastavana it is reported that the suti&dhara inquires
for a breakfast and the edibles are mentioned rice, boiled
with sugar, clarified butter, curdled milk, rice, (<W*HI
^3<fe?, *p sft etc. Food can be classified into 3tsq - 3w
soft-solid, ^TNf or ^M hard-solid, $^ semi-solid and 3
liquid. The sutradbara visualises some unusual prac-
tice while returning to the house, he refers to tWiq*- art
that is drawing lines of painting on the face of a person
with coloured ungeants and cosmetics. Still more to no-
tice, sfiiradLhara's speech and keen observation hints to
practice of drawing rangoli or alpana or decorating floor
with variegated (five colours) flowers and also weaving
flower garland ^*Hri! iiP^dW not only that but one girl
grinds colours - He&rcitfcfcftH&. Sudraka's important contri-
bution to the vaStuvidya may not be overlooked. In his
drama the dramatist described Vasantasena's residence,
having eight prakosthas. The word prafcostia denotes
open quadrangular space around which rooms are con-
structed. Similarly the work points out trfvistapa form
of a buildings. So also in Kadamban, king Tarapida's
palace comprised eight projections.
Bhavabhuti*s Uttararamacaritam answers to the
query in the art realm the personification of rivers i.e.,
personified forms of rivers viz. Ganga and Yamuna are
carved frequently on the doors especially in the medieval
In the Pursuit of Sixtyfonr Arts 67
period. Same concept has followed by the dramtist to
enhance the drama. Two rivers Murala and Tamasa as-
suming the human form pacifies Sita in the third act of
the drama.
At the end one more fascinating visual illustration
need to be mentioned in this context, playing vina or
singing is adhered to as a significant motif. To introduce
the heroine of a drama, to note Vasantasena is singing in
a musical concert or the heroine of Nagananda is playing
a stringed vina along with singing. So here music plays
the role of a motif. Especially to observe Nagananda's
heroine, playing vina and further on her meeting with
a hero, afforded sponteneous appeal. The hero enters
into a temple, the heroine is engaged in singing devot-
edly. When she sees the hero she stops immediately
and the kona on a finger slipps off. This particular lit-
erary portion is adopted by an artist for representation
in Bodhagaya, the vina possesses nine strings and the
angu/ya slips from the lady's finger.
Thus, to take the birds eye-view on vast literary
background, the multiple references to fine arts linked
coherrently to give impressions about ^:^fg^W: and their
experimentation for the purpose of stageability and how
they enhance the dramatic performance living last im-
pression on the minds of spectators.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
1. Ananda K. Coomaraswamy -
a) Indian Craftsman. London. 1909
b) Indian Drawings, 1910
c) Arts and Crafts Indian Ceylon, Edinburgh, 1913
d) Rajput Painting, Motilal Benaxesidass. Delhi, 1916
e) The Dance of Siva. Delhi, 1924
68 S.V.U. Oriental Journal vol. XUV
f) The Yaksas, 1934
g) The Transformation of Nature in Art,
2. Calainbur Sivarainaniurfci -
a) The Art of India, New York, 1975
b) Nataraja in Art, Thought and Literature, New Delhi, 1974
c) Sources of History illumined by Literature, New Delhi, 1979
d) Birds and Animals in Ancient Sculpture, New Delhi, 1974
e) CitrasSutra of the Visnudharmottara, Sanskrit text with
translation and study - Pub. by Kanak Publications, New
Delhi, 1978.
3. Kamasutra of Vatsayana - English translation by S. C, Upad-
hyaya, pub. by D J3. Taraporevala, Bombay, 1974
4. Bhasa Natakacakrani, Vols.l k 2 edited with the prakasika San-
skrit and Hindi commentaries by Ramachandra Misra,
Chowkhamba Vidya Bhavan, Varanasi, 1973.
5. Kalidasa Granthavali edited by Revaprasad Dvivedi, Varanasi,
1973
6. Works of Kalidasa Vok 1 t 2 edited with exhaustive in-
troduction translation, critical explanation and notes by CL
Devadhar, Motilal Benarasidass, Delhi, 1977
7. Banabhatta viracita Kadaiiibari, Vols, 1 fc 2 with two commen-
taries Chandrakala and VidyotinL Pandit Srikrishna Mohana
Sastri, Kashi Samskrta Granthamala - 151, Chowkhamba Sam-
skrta Samsthan, Varanasi, 4th ed M 1976.
V. VENKATARAMANA REDDY
THE CONCEPT OF STATE AND
KINGSHIP IN ANCIENT INDIA
WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO
VISNU PURANA
The Visnu Purana mentioned the country of India
and its boundaries and gave it the name Bharatavarsa.
This country that lies north of the ocean and south of
the snowy mountains, is called Bharata.
:i i V.P. II.3.1.
It is nine thousand leagues in extent and is the land
of ianna (karmabhumi), in consequence of which men
go to heaven or obtain emancipation.
i V.P. II.3.2
The Visnu Purana further described the seven main
chains of mountains in Bharatavarsa as Mahendra,
70 S.V.17. Oriental Journal vol. XLIV
Malya, Sahya, Saktixnat, Riksa 3 Vindhya and Paripatra.
The great Indian poet Kalldasa also gave the sketch
of Bkaratavarsa's boundaries and its greatness in his
Ktimarasambhava.
: S
: I.I .
The Visnu Purana described the greatness of
Bharatavarsa, The Visnu Purana states "in Bharata-
varsa, as that is the way to the pleasures of paradise
or the greater blessing of final liberation. Happy are
they who, consigning all the unheeded rewards of their
acts to the supreme and eternal Visnu, obtain existence
in that land of works, as their path to Him. We know
not, when the acts that have obtained us heaven shall
renew corporeal confinement, but we know that those
men are fortunate who are born with perfect faculties
in Bharatavarsa".
s
V.P. IL3.23.
The Concept of State
The term 'rajya ? occurs in several prayers and oaths
of the Aiiareja Brahmana. Sayana gives the meaning
of this term as ( Lordship of a country 5 . Keith renders
the term as kingship. In the Arthasastra and also in
the classical literature the term rajya means the king-
dom. The Epic advances the view that the reason for the
origin of state was deterioration in the state of nature,
which has been termed as the Krtaynga, the state of the
utmost happiness to the people, when they were care
Concept of State and Kingship 71
free and did not undergo sufferings caused by hunger
and disease, as they lived in nature, and their require-
ments were only a few. There was no king to rule nor
the subjects to be ruled over, and life was prosperous.
This state of nature did not continue for a long time.
Gradually, it deteriorated from the Jcrtayiiga to treta,
dvapara to .kali, the ages during which the people suf-
fered more and realised less happiness. The Santi parva
deals with this problem, and informs us that the moJia,
Jcama and raga or the ideals of attachment to things and
the desire to achieve them were the main factors to cause
deterioration in the State of nature. In Ramayana also,
Rama, while he is going to forest advised to the kings
of future to follow the purusartia equally, as his father
did not follow the same and given much importance to
the iama.
1 I 2-53-13.
According to Visnu Purana the king kartaviryarjuna
maintained the purusartias equally (diaxrna, artia,
iama, moJba).
The various theories propounded about the origin of
the State, are really theories about the origin of king-
ship. Kautilya observes at one place.
: AJS. VIIL2.
The is the praJrrtfs, i.e. (people) put in a nutshell,
mean, "the king is the State". The king, being the
soul of the body politic, thus represents the state and
monarchy was the norm of the State in ancient India.
Being the head of the State, the king was burdened
with heavy responsibilities. His functions included the
72 S.V.U. Oriental Journal vol. XLIV
maintenance of law and order, security of person and
property, and defence against aggression. They formed
the very principles of the origin of State. The activ-
ities of the State encompassed the whole social order
and were pertinent to the whole social system. Bhisma
says in the Mahabharata, "the king is the foundation of
individual security as well as the stability of the social
order, the basis of the great institutions of family and
property, the support of the fundamental law of the so-
cial order and the guarantee of the normal functioning
of the social, the economic and the religious activities
of the people".
In ancient India monarchy was the accepted form
of government, though side by side we get the exam-
ple of republics also. The Smiii-wrtiers mention the
monarchic form of government only. The office of the
king stood for the State also. How did this State come
into being? Ancient Indian thinkers also enquired about
the origin of government or the origin of kingship. The
State in ancient India was regarded as the centre of so-
ciety and the chief instrument of its welfare and it was
permitted to have a wide sphere of activity. Individual
liberty did not appreciably suffer in consequence primar-
ily because State discharged its multifarious functions
not exclusively through its own bureaucracy.
The theory of the divine origin speculates that the
State is the creation of God and He is the Ruler. The
germs of this theory are found in the Rgveda. Visnu
Purana also mentions that the king and the State are
of divine origin
V.P. 13.46.
Concept of State and Kingship 73
Which mentions that the Ksatriyas or protectors
were created by the Brahman. The earliest allegory to
the divine origin of State in the Mahabharata has been
mentioned.
But somehow or other delusion again swayed over
the minds of the people who consequently ceased to
observe the rules of diarma. There was thus a state
of turmoil and mutual conflicts. The people 'again 5
approached the prajapaii sva.yambhuva Manu, Manu
pondered over the pros and cons of the matter and
brooded over Satarupa who gave birth to two sons, viz.,
Priyavrata and Uttanapada. They were the first to be
called kings.
1 V.P. 1.22.1.
Besides Manu, Prthu is represented as the first tra-
ditional king by the Epic and Puranic traditions. They
inform us that one of the main complaints of the peo-
ple was that dishonest men seized the property of their
neighbours. When Prthu was consecrated, he removed
the grievances of the people. We also found a story
in Vismi Purana that "Prthu was installed as the head
of the government of the earth, the great father of the
spheres established sovereignties in other parts of the
creation" *
V.P. 1.22.1.
Visnu Purana further states the king Mandhatha was
the monarch and ruled over the seven continental zones
74 S.V.U. Oriental Journal vol XLW
under Ms dominion. In Visnu Purana a verse is re-
cited "from the rising to tlie going down of the Sun, all
that is irradiated by his light, is the land of Mandhatha
(Mandhatri) the son of Yuvanasva.
flpfdcg $gdt*Wlft**l iilttltisfd 1 1 VJP, IV.2. 63-65.
The successors of Yayati protected the earth accord-
ing to diarma. The king Yayati being thus endowed
with youth, conducted the affairs of State for the good
of his people enjoying such pleasures as were suited to
his age and strength and were not incompatible with
virtue. Puru was appointed supreme monarch of the
earth by his father Yayati. Kartavlryarjuna ruled over
the whole earth with might and justice and performed
ten thousand sacrifices. Kartaviryarjuna also protected
his subjects according to dianna.
V,P. IV .II, 13-14.
Kingdom is the main wing for the administration
purpose in ancient India. In Visnu Purana many kings
like Jarasandha, Kariisa etc., weU protected the king-
dom against their enemies. Kundina was the capital of
Vidharbha ruled by Bhlsmaka and his successors for so
many years.
All the above evidences are sufficient to prove the
great concept behind the origin of State and Kingship
in ancient India.
Concept of State and Kingship 75
BIBLIOGRAPHY
1) Visnu Purana - Sanskrit text critically edited by M.M. Pathak,
vols, I & II, Oriental Institute, Baroda, 1997.
2) Visnu Purana, Sanskrt text with Telugu translation by Kalluri
Venkata Subrahmanya Dikshitulu, Pub. Sri Venkateswara
Arsjia Bharathi lirust, Hyderabad, 1984.
3) Visnu Purana - Social, Economic and religious aspects -
Thakur Harindra Dayal, Sundeep Prakshan, Delhi, 19S3.
4) The Concept of State in the Mahabharata - Diwakar Tiwari,
Vidyanidhi Oriental Publications, Delhi, 1990.
M. VARADARAJAN
CONTRIBUTION OF SAINT NAMMALVAR
TO INDIAN PHILOSOPHY
1 .0 Vedas are the source for the six systems of Indian
philosophy. In India, philosophy is a means to attain the
ultimate goal of life. The goal of life varies from man to man.
For some it consists in attaining wealth, for some others it
consists in attaining power. Some believe that it is freedom
from the cycle of births. It is the same as liberation (moksa) -
negatively a state of freedom from pain and positively
happiness. The systems of Indian Philosophy viz. Nyaya,
Vaisesika, Samkhya,Yoga, Mimamsa, and Vedanta rooted in
Vedic tradition aim at this ultimate goal viz. motea.
Vedanta, otherwise oated Upanisads, stand for the
final portion of the Vedas. It is said that the teachings of the
Veda in -their essence are presented in Upmsads. Broadly
the Schools of Vedanta may be dassied as either
Absolutist'^ or Theistic - the former representing BrafroaH the
ultimate reality as an impersonal principle and the latter as a
personal God. 1 i ;,; i
The Upanisadlc teachings; *ireyroUBd the
tenets i.e. cit (sentient be^},
Uvara (God). While i
78 S.V.U. Oriental Journal, vol. XJJV
lot of variations cropped out. Accordingly a number of
schools Advaita, Visista- dvaita, Dvaita, &uddhadvaita t
Bhedadhedavada - arose in respect of their teachings.
P,N. Srinivasachari explains Vedanta as darsana, an
enquiry into the meaning of Brahman. A darsana is a body qf
eternal and impersonal spiritual truths enshrined in 6rutii
which can be logically tasted and verified by personal
experience. The Vedanta darsana affords insight into the
nature of Brahman, and the ultimate proof of the existence of
Brahman in the exiperience of Brahman. 2
Vedanta darsana has a hoaty past - a long tradition
starting from Bhagavat Bodfiayaoa, Tanka, Dramidicarya,
Guhadeva and Bharuci before the Christian Era. rf
Ramanuja also quotes this in this text Vedartha Sangraha. 3
The attribution of NartHBalvar to the development
of Vedanta are profound and significant. It was in the
beginning of this Kaliyuga, Saint NarMitalvar revealed the
doctrines of Vedinta in his monumental work, Tiruvoymozhi,
known as Ornwcfe Veda, in chaste Tami. VedantadeSika
also rightly points out in his Sanl<3ipa Suryodaya that next to
Brafwia, Nandi and others, NsmrnSlvSr was the propagator
of Vedanta doctrines In the bagliiffig of Kaliyuga. P.N,
Srinivasacari also supplements that the tradition of
Vasudeva, vetaketu Bodhayana, PrsWida and Nammalvar
is continued through the ages in spite of historic irrelevances. 4
1.1 Hence, ft is import Safnt
Contribution of Saint Nammalvar 79
Nammalvar and his contribution to Indian philosophy.
The word 'ajvar 8 means one who has a deep intuitive
knowledge of God and one who is immersed in the
contemplation of Him, 5 'Alvars are twelve in number, of
whom Nammalvar was the Chief. It is said that Nammalvr
is placed in the middle of 6th century 6 while another historian
placed him during the first half of 9th century. 7 The traditional
date ascribed to the earliest ajvar is 4203 B.C. and the date
of the latest ajvar is 2206 B.C. Though modern researches
on the subject bring down their dates to a period not earlier
than the 7th or 8th century A.D. 8 Whatever the differences in
their history of birth may be, the Veda had profound influence
on alvars.
in works like Markandeya Purana, it is said that in
every Kaliyuga, the eternal Vedas and the Dravida Vedas will
be revealed by the spiritual saints. Like Vyasa, who at the
end of the Dvapara Yuga separated the Vedas into four i.e.
Rg, Yajus, Sama and Atharva, the eternal Tamil hymns of
Ajvars will be revealed by Nammajvar or athagopa Muni in
Kaliyuga. 9
In Brahmanda Purana, it is said that Mahavisnu
affirmed to a muni about the birth of Nammalvar and
Dravida Veda. It is held that the adisesa, a nityasuri in
Vaikuntha, will disguise himself as species of Tamarind tree,
whose leaves do not fold up at night, on the banks of
Tamraparni in Alvartirunagari and for the sake of easy
understanding of Vedas, the Lord by His solemn vow, will
80 S.V.U. Oriental Journal, vol. XL1V
reveal the essence of Vedas into Tamil hymns with the vOv
of Nammalvar, a devotee to be born in the fourth caste, r ^
the banks of Tamraparni where Brahma did penance. 10
Accordingly, Namrnalvar was born in Tirukkurugw
near Tirunelveli in Tamilnadu on Vaisakha month in VisaW^
star to pious parents - Kari and Udayamangai. He composes
four Prabandhams viz. Tiruviruttam, Tiruvasiriyam,
Tiruvandadi and TiruvoymozhL These are said to be tW;
essence of four Vedas i.e.Rg Yajus, Periya Sama, ar/;
Atharva respectively.
Tiruviruttam, comprising of 100 hymns, speaks about
Nammalvar's prayer for the cessation of rebirth; Tiruvasiriya^
(7 hymns) describes his experiences of God's great and
qualities; Periya Tiruvandadi (87 hymns) expresses his
longing to enjoy God and Tiruvoymozhi, comprising 1102
hymns, describes how ail his experiences of God's
communion with him fell far short of his great longings.
Since the birth of Narnmajvar and till the advent of
Acarya Nathamuni in the middle of the 9th century, there was
a lull in propagating Vedic doctrines that were transmitted into
Tamil hymns by Alvars f particularly Nammajvar, This resulted
more or less in the decay of the system which was rightly
transmitted by Nammajvar from the lineage of Vyasa, Tanks
and so on.
Contribution of Saint Nammalvar 81
It was during the 9th century that Acarya Nathamuni
through his realisation of the doctrines of Nammalvar
rediscovered the hymns of all aivars which later came to be
known as Ramanujadarsana or Visistadvaita.
The philosophy of Nammalvar is close to Vedanta.
Nammalvar was blessed by Srlmannarayana by giving
'bhakti rupapanna jnana* - vouch-safed wisdom love for
condensing the philosophy of Vedas into soothing Tamil -
Dravida Veda. So, Nammalvar's contribution to Indian
Philosophy is really worth pondering over. Nammalvar's
Tiruvoymozhi is magnum opus. The philosophies of Vedanta
are concealed as a hidden treasure of Tiruvoymozhi. Acarya
Nathamuni in his opening Sanskrit version of Tiruvoymozhi
hailed it as 'the ocean of Tamil Veda in which the Upanisads
of the thousand branches flow together 1 . 11
Nammalvar emphasises in Tiruvoymozhi, the tattva
(nature of Brahman), hita (nature of means) and purusartha
(nature of goal). The esoteric meaning of Vedas are conveyed
in chaste Tamil. It was only during the period of Ramanuja, in
the 11th century, the philosophy of Nammalvar was
unearthed through his nine works. 12 He also influenced his
disciple Tirukkurugai Piran Pillan who wrote commentary for
Tiruvoymozhi. Following him, Nanjiyar f Vadakkutiruvidhi-
Pillai, Periyavaccanpijlai, Vadikesari Jeer wrote commentaries
on Tiruvoymozhi which also brings out the Vedic truths. It is
said that ri Ramanuja wrote commentary for Brahma Sutra,
called ribhasya, in the light of Nammalvar's Tiruvoymozhi
Further, Vedantadesika also states in his text Dramidopanisad
82 S.V.U. Oriental Journal, vol. XLIV
Titparya Ratnavali that the first 21 hymns in Tiruvoymozhi
explains the meanings of Brahma Sutra, This can be
compared with that of the Rgveda which has 21 branches;
the thousand hymns of Tiruvoymozhi is like 1 000 branches of
Samaveda; the thousand hymns of Tiruvoymozhi is classified
into 100 decads each comprising 11 hymns is equal to 10
branches of Yajur Veda; Tiruvoymozhi eulogises nta Rasa
which is supplemented with other eight rasas, Thus
Tiruvoymozhi has the status of equality with that of Vedas and
essence of Upanisads"
1.2 With this brief introduction, which is vital to
understand Nammalvar's contribution, I present this paper to
etjcite the Nature of Brahman as presented in Tiruvoymozhi,
The philosophy of Nammalvar as described in
Vedanta is a persistent enquiry into the nature of Brahman in
Its three fold aspects of c/f, acit and Isvara. Among these,
the nature of Brahman (Isvara) is well elicited by Nammalvar
as hidden in Upanisads. In several hymns of Tiruvoymozhi,
Nammalvar asserts the following themes: Brahman is the
three fold cause for the Universe; Brahman is the cause of
deiverance of Vedas to Brahma; sentient and non-sentient
beings are subservient to Brahman; Brahman is a means for
iteration frnoksa): Brahman is antarySml; his par excellence
beauty; his immeasurable attributes ike the Infinite, tasteful
of God; God as fight of alt knowledge that illumines;
supremacy ova- al other Gods; simplicity and repository of
super excellent traits Ike joyfuiness (anandamaya) His
relationship with df and adt ^arJra-saiirJ-bhava) and so on.
Contribution of Saint Nammalvar 83
Of the various aspects mentioned above; I wish to
concentrate on the following four:
1 . Brahman as three fold cause of the Universe.
2. Brahman as the cause of deliverance of Vedas
to Brahma
3. Sentient and non-sentient beings as
subservient to Brahman
4. Brahman as a means for liberation (moksa)
1 .2,1 Brahman as three fold cause of the Universe:
According to Vedanta, Brahman is three fold cause -
upadanakarana (material cause), nimittakarana (instrumental
cause) and sahakarikarana (co-operative cause). He is the
material cause for the sentient and non-sentient beings, as
they are inseparable from Him and He is the inner controller.
Since he is one, who wills creation freely, he is the
instrumental or efficient cause. He is the co-operative cause,
as he is taking his special attributes of knowledge, power etc.
In Vaikuntha also since he is combined with nityasMrh and
rnuktas besides divine non-sentient beings (adf), he is
considered the material cause. He is the instrumental cause
for them, as he is combined with his wishes. He Is the
co-operative cause for nityasuris and muktas, as they have
the benefit of utilising his knowledge and power. 15 The
Taittiriyopanisad has the following text; *so-kairyata
bhahusyam prajaye fti' n which means that 'He desired let me
be many, May I create other things'. Commenting on this,
Rangaramanuja says that the Brahman, which is
84 S. V. U. Oriental Journal, vol. XLIV
anandamaya, desired to become Devas, the human, the
animals and the non-ambulants, first by creating the five
constituent elements viz. ether, air, fire, water and earth. It
means individual (vyasti) and aggregate (samasti) creations
are done by His sankalpa. 17 Following the theme, Nammalvar
says,
'mannurn nirurn eriyum nal vayum
vinnumay viriyum em piranaiye 18
which means that Brahman is the cause to create the world
with the mode of five elements i.e. ether, air, fire, water and
earth. Here, the commentator, Nampip says that the
Brahman, who is the cause for the five elements is an
antaryami in creating many things i.e. the devas, the human,
the animals and non-ambulants as stated in the above
Upanisad Another commentator Periyavaccan Rjlai says
that the desire of Brahman as stated in the above Upanisad
to become many is be thought of. 20 Vadikesari Jeer says
that Brahman is my svami, as the five elements are the mode
(prakara) to aeatre the Universe by Him as stated in the
Upanisad. 21
Before the creation of this Universe, sat (real being)
only was in the beginning and there is no second thing. That
saf thought "May I be many; may I grow forth 1 . This is clearly
stated in the Chandogya Upanisad as follows:
l sadwa somyedamagiwnaasJt ekamevadvitiyam 22
Contribution of Saint Nammalvar 85
which means that my dear son, this real being was alone in
the beginning and without a second 8 . That means in prataya
kala, it was only as sat in one name and one body. Now it
has many names and many bodies. For example in a house
of potter, a physical substance, clay, next day, enters into
many states like pots and pitchers and the like, in the
production of a pot etc, clay is the upadanakarana, potter
the nimittakarana and the potter's wheel and other
accessories the sahakarikarana. Likewise, for the origination
of the Universe, Brahman himself solely constitutes all the
above three causes. Eliciting the voice of Brahma and others,
Nammalvar says :
'tamotaranai tanimutalavanai, natam untavanai
amotaram ariya oruvararkku enre tolum avarkaj 1 **
In this hymn, 'lanimudalvan* is most important. Here *tan?
means Brahman who creates the Universe by His sanAa/pa;
So he is nimittakarana; 'mudaT connotes Brahman is
upadanakarana; sahakarikarana is implied. 24 Vadikesari Jeer
says that the nature of Brahman is 'samasfa/agadefca
karanatvam 1 .
Likewise, there are number of hymns in
which explains the Upanisad thought with partiafer reference
to three fold cause of Brahman for the creeion of the
Universe. 26
So, Nammalvar eliciting the esoteric meanirig of
Vedanta in simple Tamil hymns, parfteterly, for ^teM^ing
that Brahma is the three fold cause of the Universe, farther
86 S.V.U. Oriental Journal, vol. XLIV
enumerates that the Brahman is the cause of deliverance of
Vedas to Brahma,
1.2.2 Brahman as the causa of deliverance of Vedas to
Brahma:
As stated above that the Brahman is the cause of the
Universe, He has created Brahma and delivered Vedas to Him
first. The scriptural passage in vetasvataropanisad is
*yo brahmanam vidhadhati purvam
yo vai vedamsca prahinoti tasyai 1 27
which means 'He who first creates Brahma and delivers the
Vedas to Him 1 . While narrating the activities of Brahma and
iva who are head of the vyasti srsti (discrete aspect of the
world) and samhara (destruction) respectively Nammajvar
says:
'.. amararkkum ariviyantu' 2 *
which means that Brahman is the propagator of knowledge to
the devas through brahma. Nampillai explaining the word
"amararkkum ariviyantu* says that Brahman is the cause for
getting fame to Brahma who propagated Vedas to devas.
Here 'He is the cause 1 means that the Brahman, as inner ruler
(antarya/nin} in Brahma, delivered Vedas who in turn
propagated them to devas. 29
fn this way, there are number of hymns in
Ttruvoymozhi explaining this aspect. 30 Having (mown that
Contribution of Saint Nammalvar 87
Brahman has created Brahma first who in turn creates all, it is
at length discussed in Vedanta that both cit and acit are
subservient to Brahman, who is inner ruler in every creature.
This will be explained further,
1 .2,3 Sentient and non-sentient beings as subservient
to Brahman:
In explaining the relation of Brahman to cit and acit,
there are different interpretations. The central teaching of
Vedanta is that while Brahman, the soul and the physical
universe are all different and equally eternal, are at the same
time inseparable is borught out well. It connotes that both
sentient and non-sentient beings are dependent upon
Brahman, In other words, Brahman is the central principal of
both the sentient and non-sentient beings. Although the
three substances are different, Brahman is the source for their
existence. This is being established by Nammalvar in the
following hymns:
'nam, avan ivan yvan aval ival yuval ewal
tarn avar ivar yuvar aftu'itu irtu etu
vim avai ivai yuvai avai nalam tinku avai
am avai ayavai aynfora avare' . 31
I give below a beautiful and of
this hymn by A.K. Ramanujanc
'We hear and that man this 'roan, and fmt
other in-betweeri^
woman, and that "oiw^ 1 - '
88 S.V.U. Oriental Journal, vol. XL1V
people and these and these others
in-between, this thing, that thing, and this
other in-between, whichever, all things
dying, these things, those things, those
others in-between, good things, bad
things, things that were, that will be,
being all of them, he stands there 1 .
A.K. Ramanujan observes that this hymn is enclosed
between 'we here 1 (nam) and 'He there 1 , (the Lord-avare)*,
contained between these two are all things, all persons, all
beings. After the long enumeration of the many, the many is
folded back into the one - the hymn's movement enacts this
becoming of the many into the one. The subject of the
sentence comes at the end, with the last word, avar (He), the
Lord. The enfolding and the unfolding are the same thing
seen from different directions, The Lord is one, becomes
many, yet remains one, After all the tenses of past and
future, the hymn ends with a participle qualifying 'Him' in
'ayninra avare 1 , 'He who stands there, or is there 1 , having
become all things and parsons, 'ninra-tu 1 means l that which
is permanent, im- movafcle, remainder, as standing over 1 .
Though he has becofne, and is, all of things mentioned, he is
not them-he stands there, apart 32
This is a very important hymn wherein Nammajvar
establishes the pMosophyr of Vedanta, particularly the two
passages of Ghandfokgya (40*1^,, whta speak about the
dependence erf serff^frtpfid npnhsentient beings on Brahman,
Contribution of Saint Nammalvar 89
It is difficult to know directly the essence of the
passages. ri Ramanuja succinctly dealt the passages In his
texts. Following him, Nampiljai ably explains the by
citing those passages. The Chandogya says ;
'sarvam khalvidam brahma tajjalan iti ianta upaslta* n It
means that 'All this is Brahman; let a man meditate with caSm
mind on this world as beginning ending and In
Brahman 1 . In the text, 'sarvam khalu Idam brahma\
denotes the Brahman whose body is consists of and
non-spiritual entities in subtle state i.e. catted
visista brahman\ 'sarva 1 means effected with
Universe i.e. called sthula citacit visista brahman. These both
states of Brahman are called 'All this is BrahmanV. Nampip
quotes another passage from the same Upartsad as ioBows:
'aitadatmyam Idam sarvam (tat satyam sa atma)
tat tvam aw vetaketo'*
which means that all this worW (dt and *# ) has that fsaf) as
its Xtman and hence is real and that is the |m) ***'. TW
thou Art. In the present stage, the tact '&* tvm asT te
important in this passage. The word 'tvam' means >Y0u'. \A
You' that mere previousJy held to be no more than the
operator of a certain body one in realy, a ^^^^
Brahman, because 'you' constitute His body, *"*"
90 S.V.U. Oriental Journal, vol. XLIV
and untransmutable one; whereas 'fva/7? 8 refers to that same
Brahman under the aspect of inner Ruler of the individual soul
as being modified by the embodied soul. So, it is said that
the words, l taf and l tvam l both apply to the same Brahman
but under different aspects. 35 Following the above two
upanisadsc themes only, Nammalvar introduced the above
hymn in a nutshell.
When we look into the commentary of Nampillai, he
explicitly gave the meaning based on those two Upanisadic
passages. Based on the text 1 , '/da/77 sarvam brahma khalu\
Nampillai establishes that 'ay nintra avare 1 means that
Brahman who stands there as antaryami for those things. In
other words s all sentient and non - sentient beings are
sustained, directed and controlled by the Brahman. Though
the 'beings' and 'Brahman' look identical, we cannot say they
are really identical. Nampillai, following 6ri Ramanuja, applied
the theory of samanadhikaranya This means that it is the
application to one object of several words with different
functions, Ramanuja says that conveys the idea of one thing
being equally qualified by several attributes each of which has
its own distinctive meaning and motive and embodies the
unity of difference. 37 The truth is eminently applicable to those
Upanisadic passage in this hymn.
In the same way, there are number of hymns in
Tiruvoymozhi explaining this aspect. 38 With a view to
liberating the sentient beings from the sufferings of births,
Brahman has given several paths - karma, jnana aid bhakti
and prapatf/. But the sentient beings, due to their
Contribution of Saint Nammalvar 91
accumiated result of sinful ations are not aware of its eternal
relations with Brahman. In addition, he also showed that he
himself is the means to attain him. For those who realised
this path, Brahman by his benevolence helps them to realise
him through meditation. This is well stated in the Upanisads.
Based on this, Nammalvar establishes that the Brahman is a
means (hita) for liberation (moksa).
1 .2.4 Brahman as a means (hita) for liberation (moksa):
The Mundakopanisad, for instance, states that the
soul cannot be grasped by explication, nor by mere
knowledge, nor by great erudition; he alone whom God
himself elects can attain him; He singles out to serve as His
body, and to him Brahman reveals his form and
attributes, 'nayamatma pravacanena labhyo na na
bahuna srutena. yam evaisha tena labbya si
atmavrunute tanum svam 1 . which means that the
is not attainable either through thin- king or by or
by much learning. Following this statement
*terital, ninaital, ennal akati rumihM^f m ^wh fiat
Brahman is not to be realised through
plation or meditation. He can ooiy be grasped by
that takes, the form of bhak! Hence a wto wUh
immeasurable devotion meditates on Him, to only
Brahman will show immeasurable kwa a
devotee is elected by Brahmaa TM
him, As concise as this icofretaiSoe to, to
NampiHai, Nammajw ttel m riated h the
Upanisad, Lord whom he choose, he will reach him, to that
92 S.V.U. Oriental Journal, vol. XLIV
person only Lord shows his ttrsbutes and so on. That form is
to be meditated upon. In conformity with this Upanisadic text,
Nammalvar explains in number of hymns on this aspect. 41
From the ocean like Tiruvoymozhi, with a ladle like my
little knowledge and with the guidance of commentaries, I
could present the most sublime truths of Indian philosophy as
revealed by Nammaivar in Tiruvomozhi.
REFERENCES
1 . Essentials of Indian Philosophy, p. 46,
2. The Philosophy of Visistadvaita, p. 18-19,
3. Vedaratha Sangraha of Sri Ramanuja, p, 250-1.
4. The Philosophy of Visistadvaita, p. 577.
5. A Histoiy of Indian Philosophy, Vol. Ill, p. 68,
6. ibid, p. 68.
7. ibid, p. 68.
8. ibid, p. 64.
9. Divya Prabandha Vaibhava Vivekah, p. 21 .
10. bid, p. 21.
1 1 . Hymns for the Drowning, Introduction, p. 1 1 .
12. Vedaratha Sangraha, ribhasya, Vedantasutra, Vedanta
Df pa, G ita Bhisya, Gadya Traya Bhagavad Aradhana
Kama.
13. Acay^fdayam, Sutra, 65.
14. QwriGipp^aof Tatparya Ratnavali, Sloka 1 ,
W^avachrtsayam, p. 204.
15. Acaryahrdayam, Sutra, commentary 220,
Contribution of Saint Nammalvar 93
16, Taittiriyopanisad, Anandavali, 2.6.
17,ibidBhasya, p. 35.
18,Tiruvoymozhi1.10.2.
19. ibid, 36 Pad
20. ibid, 24 Pad.
21. Md, 24 Pad,
22. Chandogya Upanisad 6.2.1 .
23. Tiruvoymozhi 2.7. 12.
24. ibid. Arumpadavurai for 36 Padi
25. ibid. 12 Pad
26. Tiruvoymozhi 3.3.5; 4.10.2; 4.10.7; 5.3.1; 9,10.9;
10.7.9 and so on.
27. Svetasvataropanisad 6,18
28. Tiruvoymozhi 1 .1 A
29. ibid. 36 Pad.
30. Tiruvoymozhi 4,10,2; 6.6.4; 6.6.5; 7.5.4; 7.9.2 and so on.
32. Hymns for the Drowning, p. 122-5
33. Chandogya Upanisad 3.14,1
34. ibid. 6.1 2.3
35. Vedaratha Sangraha, of &/ Raminuja, p. 1 95-6.
36. Tiruvoyomozhi 1 .1 .4 - 36 Padi
37. ibid. 36 Padi.
38. Tiruvoymozhi 6.2.8; 7.9.10; 8,1 ,9; 10,2.7; 10.5.3 and so on
39. Mundakopanisad 3.2.3.
40. Tiruvoymozhi 6.9.11.
41. iruvoymozhi 2.4.2; 3,2,5; 7.2.3; 7.3.1; 8,5.1; 8.7.4; 8.7.8
and so on
94 S.V.U. Oriental Journal, vol. XLIV
BIBLIOGRAPHY
1. Hiriyanna, M., Essentials of Indian Philosophy, George
Mien & Unwin, London, reprint, 1985.
2. Krishnamacharya, T.A., Divya Prabandha Vaibhava Viveka,
Tamil translation from Kanchi, P.B. Annangaracharya's
Divya, Prabandha Vaibhava Vivekha, (1919), Geetacaryan,
Chennai, 1992.
3. Krishnamacharya, S., Bhagavadvisayam with five
commentaries (ed.) Vol. I to X, Noble Press, Triplicane,
1925-30.
4. Krishnaswamy lyengar, S., Bhagavadvisayam with five
commentaries (ed.) Vol. I to IV, Sri Vaishnava Sudarsanam,
Tiruchi, 1975-79.
5. Ramanujan, A.K., Hymns for the Drowing: Poems for Visnu
by Nammajvar, Princeton Universisty Press, 1981 .
6. Satyamurty lyengar, S., Tiruvoymozhl English Glossary,
Vol. I & II, Anantarya Indological Research Institute
Bombay, 1981.
7. Surendranath Das Gupta., A History of Indian Philosophy,
Vol. Ill, Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, 1991.
8. Srinivasachari, P.N., The Philosophy of Visistadvaita, The
Adyar Library and Research Centre, Chennai, 1978.
9. Tibhout George., The Vedanta Sutras with the commentary
by Ramanuja (translation) Part III, Sacred Books of the
East Series Vol. 48, Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, reprint, 1990
10. Van Buitenen, J.A.B., Ramanuja's Vedartha Saiigraha,
Poona, 1956.
H.Varadacari, K.C., Complete works of K.C. Varadachari,
Hyderabad 2000.
Contribution of Saint Nammajvar 95
1 2. Vedanta Desikan, V,N,, Alvar Tiruvuiam (Tiruvoymozhi),
Vol. I & II, Sri Visitadvaita Researcli Centre, Chennai,
1994 & 1995,
13, Varadarjan, M,, Ljoan/sadc thoughts in Bwcpozhl
(Tamil) Ananth Publications, Tirupati, 1999,
C.UMAKANTHAM
THE NATURE AND DESTINY OF SOUL IN VISISJADVAITA
The nature and destiny of soul is the noblest of all
investigations, which has had a hoary antiquity, focussed its
attention on the subject of meaning and purpose of man's
life. The sages and philosophers of India were profoundly
interested in the study of what soul is and what it should aim
at ? So, the enquiry centreing round the concept of soul has
an Indian philosophical tradition. The entire edifice of Indian
philosophy is based on soul. Some of the important
questions that originate in this context are : What is the
nature of soul? Is soul many or one? Do souls exist
independently or do they depend on Supreme Sou! being its
modes? Such questions are discussed threadt>are from the
dawn of Indian philosophical enquiry. Different schools of
Indian philosophy held different views of self or sotil in tone
with their metaphysical pre-suppositions. Before I analyse
the nature of soul in Visistadvaita It is necessary to know the
views of other schools.
The Carvaka School holds the- vtew that there is no
such thing as an immutable self, spiritual in nakjne over and
above the body. According to .item, setf is nottwg but the
name given to the body macte up, Qf toyr tiitiflW elements
namely; earth, water, fire, and-air. j3onscimiSf)eSs which is
98 S.V.U. Oriental Journal, vol. XL1V
usually associated with the self, the Carvakas attribute to the
body. They contend that just as liver secretes bile, the brain
secretes consciousness. The self-being identical with the
body, exists as long as the body exists and perishes with the
death of the body.
The Carvakas therefore do not accept the
pre-existence of soul and its survival after the death or
janma-punarjanma.
Jainism holds the view that soul is different from
body. But it does not accept the view as that matter is
capable of generating consciousness. Consciousness
according to Jainism belongs to self and it is the essence of
the self. In its true nature, soul is perfect and possess infinite
intelligence, infinite peace, infinite faith and infinite power. 1 But
in its association with impure matter i.e., body, the above
features get eclipsed. " The aim of Jaina philosophy is to
restore the soul to its original status by isolating it from its
association with matter or the body. According to it soul is
both an experient or bhokta and an agent or karta. Jainism
believes the path of liberation by the joint efect of Right frth
(samyak darsana), Right conduct (samyak carita) and Right
knowledge (samyak jnana). z
Buddhism, which is committed to the philosophy of
universal change, does not accept anything immutable. It
believes that there is nothing in the universe that is not
affected by the inexorable change. In tune with its philosophy
>f change, it does not accept anything like an immutable self
The Mature and Destiny of Soul 99
or soul as accepted by the orthodox schools of Indian
philosophy. Buddhism believes that man is nothing but an
aggregate of five skandhas, namely :
(a) Vijnana Skandha - Consciousness, the aggregate of
conscious -ness produceed in the womb due to past
'Karma' and the consciousness of the previous existence.
(b) Vedana Skandha - Aggregate of feeling, pleasurable,
painful and indifferent.
(c) Samjna Skandha - Conceptual knowledge an aggregate
of specific distinctive knowledge as the yellow, the red etc.,
(d) Samskaraskandha - Aggregate of synthetic mental
states etc.,
(e) Rupa Skandha - Aggregate of four elements, the body,
the senses, the sense data etc., Though Buddhism does not
believe in the existence of permanent soul, it still accepts
re-birth.
In this context the question that may agitate our
minds is: "how does Buddha explain re-birth without
accepting the permanent soul"? Buddha though denied soul
in man, he did not deny the continuity of stream of states that
make one's life. He explained that life is nothing but a series
of discontinous feeling and perishing states. To support ft
view Buddha cites the example of a temp burmng
continuously in the whole night in which the moment of each
flame depends on its own conditions yet there b an unbroken
varieties of flames. Hence re-birth according to |*
not a migration of the same soul into another body but rt
just a cause for the next life.
100 S.V.U. Oriental Journal, vol. XLIV
The Naiyayikas are realists and pluralists. For them,
the soul is a peculiar substance in which all qualities such as
cognitions, conations etc., exists. These cannot be the
qualities of physical substances but of spiritual substance viz.,
soul. According to them, there are different selves in different
bodies because their experiences do not overlap with each
other, The Naiyayikas opine that the self is not only a knower
but also an enjoyer and possesses ego or T (ahamkara)*
They say that as long as the soul is associated with the body
and mind, it cannot attain liberation. Prof. C.D. Sarma says
that Nyaya-Vaisesika believes that each soul has its empirical
life and is separated from it in liberation. It is distinct from
body, senses and mind (manas). Bondage is due to
ignorance and karma, liberation is due to knowledge and
destruction of /carma. 3
The next one Sankhya system believes in two realities
purusa and prakrti. Purusa is self and spirit. It is the subject
as well as the knower. According to them the existence of
self can be proved by having the feeling of one's own
undoubted nature that "We all have selves 11 . It exists and
survives because it is a self-manifest. It is different from
mind, body, senses, brain and conscious states. It is a
conscious spirit and a subject of knowledge and never an
object of knowledge. Ultimately it is a pure consciousness as
such and consciousness is its essence and not a quality.
When one who knows the difference between purusa and
prakrti will attain liberation. The knowledge of difference
between purusa and prakrti or vivekajnana itself is moksa.
The Nature and Destiny of Soul 1 01
Like the Naiyayikas, the mimamsakas are pluralists
and realists. They believe in reality of self. The self is eternal,
infinite and substratum of consciousness. To them the
consciousness is not an essence of self. They believe in the
plurality of selves and the law of karma (an unseen power or
apurva}. After liberation the self remains as pure substance
without any consciousness and bliss.
In Advaita, there is only one Supreme Reality who is
none other than Brahman. The jiva is nothing but the
reflection of Brahman conditioned by avidya. The jiva in its
empirical level has three coats namely sthulasarira,
suksmasarira and karanasarira. The sthulasarira identified
with the food coat, the suksmasarira is identified with the
sheath of bliss. The cycle of births and deaths relates to
sthulasarira . This sarlra is the linkage between one janma
and other Janma. When jnana emerges, ajnana will be
dispelled m //Va, then there is an end to the cycle of births
and deaths. At this stage, avictya is also completely
extinguished and finally sthula and suksmasarlras are
dropped away andyVva will cease to be the//Va and raises to
its original stature i.e. Brahman.
It was ri Ramanuja who emerged as a greatest
Scary fa 11th century, having read other schools of
thoughts, systematized as a whole by eliciting the tatva, hita
and puwsartha. He applied the bheda, abhodasrutis with
that of ghatakasratis and arrived definite theme of particular
theme of particular doctrine of Visistadvaita.
102 S.V.U Oriental Journal, vol. XLIV
According to Visistadvaita school of thought, the soul
as in Sankhya is different from twenty four categories of
prakrti . It is one of the three reals, the other two being
Brahman and prakrtL Prkrti is composed of the five
elements or bhutas, the five subtle elements or tanmatras, the
five sense-organs or pancendriyas, the five motor organs,
manas, buddhi and ahamakara. The soul is the twenty fifth
category. It is spiritual whereas, prakrti and its modifications
are material.
The soul according to Visistadvaita is onto logically
different from Brahman on the one hand and matter on the
other. The fact that it is different from Brahman should not be
understood as it is independent of Brahman. The soul is a
body of Brahman, while body is controlled and governed by
the soul, the soul is controlled and governed by Brahman.
The Visistadvaita distinuishes body and sense organs from
the mind. As stated already, Carvaka equates soul is
controlled and governed by Brahman. The Visistadvaita
School does not accept the Carvaka point of view.
According to the former, the soul cannot be identified either
with any one part of the body or with all the parts put
together. The body being inert, it can never generate
consciousness which constitutes the essence of the soul As
the consciousness or caitanya is essentially different from
matter, it cannot be derived from matter. The presence of
consciousness in man, therefore is different from body or
matter. Hence according to Visistadvaita, the consciousness
is the same as soul or self or atma.
The Naiyayikas believe that consciousness is only an
The Nature and Destiny of Soul 1 03
accidental property of the self arises in it under conditions.
The self according to them is essentially unconscious.
Consciousness originates in the self when it is brought into
relation with the external objects through mind and the
senses. When it is severed of such relations with the external
world or with the internal world (mind), it remains
unconscious. As against Naiyayikas, the followers of
Visistadvaita hold the view that the self is essentially
conscious. It is self luminous and guides the body, senses
and mind in all their actions. It is for this reason that
Visistadvaita believes that the self which is conscious and
blissful needs to be kept apart from the body or matter which
is devoid of consciousness and bliss. This view of
Visistadvaita is ateo enlightened in Bhagavadglta."
According, to Vi&stidvaita the soul is different from
sense-organs, tt should be understood that sense organs are
only the channete of knowledge and consciousness and are
not by them- selves of me nature of knowledge and
consciousness. Sense-organs being parts of the body
(material in nature), they cannot generate consciousness or
knowledge. The sod which is of the nature of consciousness
works through these channels of knowledge and obtains
knowledge of the objects of world.
The soul is to be demarcated from mind. The mind is
onlya karana or instrument of knowledge and never a Aarteor
Jnata whereas soul rs terte and Jra* Further, mind being
an evoluate of saMcahamkara it is non-eternal whereas the
soulisetemat. The sod is also different from pranas. The
1 04 S.V.U. Oriental Journal, vol. XLIV
pranas being vayuvisesas or particular type of vayu, we
cannot attribute consciousness to them.
On the other hand, the soul, being spiritual is of the
nature of consciousness. The consciousness cannot be
attributed to the pranas either singularly or collectively.
Therefore, the self which is of the essence of consciousness
is different from the pranas.
The self is both doer and enjoyer of the fruits of his
deeds. This is evident from the views of Brahmasutra that the
self is an agent, 6 It must be however noted that the doership
of the soul is subordinate to the Supreme Brahman. This
does not mean that Brahman deprives the soul of its free will
or the soul is not responsible for its actions. Despite the fact
that Brahman, space and time are involved in the doership of
the soul, they are only causes in general and not in particular.
Karma of each one constitutes the specific cause of the
actions of each soul. Thus the Brahma of Visistadvaita
cannot be ascribed partially or wholly.
Following the scriptures, the Visistadvaita opine that
the self is of the nature of truth, knowledge and infinite
(satyam, jnanam, anantam). It is of the nature consciousness,
the self knows itself. It is not in need of another
consciousness to know it. The Vlsista- Dvaita distinguish
two Wrxis of consciousness namely conscious- ness by
which it apprehends itself called dharmijnana and
consdoosness through which the soul apprehends all things
other than itself known as dharmaWwtajnana . Here the soul
The Nature and Destiny of Soul 1 05
is described as self-iuminous and is not subjected to
origination and destruction. It has no beginning and end. It
is eternal. It is also immutable.
Like Samkhya, the Visistadvaita admits the plurality of
souls. There are as many souls in the world as there are
psycho physical organisms. The Visistadvaita argue that if
there is only one self, then pain and pleasure of one should
result in pain and pleasure to all; One's birth and death would
lead to birth and death to all. As this is not the case, it is
believed that the selves are many. This is otherwise called
samastivacakam, as if one points out grain it means a bag of
grain. Likewise though souls are many, which is called
jatyekavacakam .
Visistadvaita classifies selves into three kinds namely
those that are bound by karma at all times called
nityasamsari or baddhatma; those that are redeemed from
samsara through acarya's grace are called muktas\ and
those that are eternally free from samsara and permanently
staying in vaikuntha are called nityas like visvaksena, garuda,
ananta and so on. To Sankara the self is consciousness,
knowledge and bliss. We cannot distinguish consciousness
from the substratum of consciousness, knowledge from
possesser of knowledge, bliss from one who enjoys bliss. On
the contrary, Ramanuja holds the view that the self is not
merely consciousness but the substratum of consciousness,
not mere knowledge but one who possesses knowledge as
its essential attribute. In this way, Ramanuja's conception of
self differs from that of ankara.
1 06 S.V.U, Oriental Journal, vol. XLIV
It is the conviction of Ramantija that the self is not
merely a knower but also a doer. The doership of the self is
not accepted by 6ankara. The//Va according to Ramanuja is
not all-pervading or Vibhu but atomic. The idea of the self as
an all pervading agent is not compatible with scriptural
assertions that ft goes out of the body and enters some other
body, 7
The jiva, as described by Ramanuja is eternal and
immutable. It has no beginning, middle and end, It does not
undergo any change orpa^ama. Although it is eternal and
immutable, it always depends on God, It is inseparably
related to God and this relation is cafted ^rf/ia/cs/dd/?/. When
Brahman is substance, the jlva is its attribute or gum ; if
Brahman Is master; the self is its servant; when Brahman is a
whote, the self is Its part; if Brahman is dictator, the self is
dictated. Although it has a bmg of its own, ft te always
dependent cm Brahinaa According to him, jiva is pure and
perfect in Is intrinsic nature. But when it conducts its
activities with spiritual discipline like saranagati, ft overcomes
the Imitations of matter and gets restored to its natural status
la, pure soil. . fn its natural status, ft finds its place in
aimtfaa the abode of the Lord f ives eternally and enjoys the
bliss in the presence of the Lord.
Pilfai lj>kacif"ya says that ftjere are four stages of
The four stages are
jfiariadasa, fb) wafpsdasa, |c| praptedasa and (d)
. In will obstruct; In
^DOrtf wi obstruct; In prp$clasa f arti will obstruct
The Nature and Destiny of Soul 1 07
and in prapyanubhavadasa, abhinivesa will abstruct. Pillai
Lokacharya further says that Ajnana will be eradicated by the
knowledge of aca/ya; apurti will be eradicated by the
completness of Isvara; art will be eradicated by His grace
and abhinivesa will be erased by experience. 8 Thus on the
whole the destiny of soul is that everyone can attain moksa
by practicing sadhana, Saranagatisadhana is easy and is
within the reach of everyone irrespective of caste, creed,
religion, gender, time etc., but by constant faith on God.
REFERENCES
1 . Srigunaratnakosa, commentary on Saddarsana, p. 74.
2. C.D. Sarma, A Critical survey of Indian Philosophy, p. 66.
3. ibid., p. 208.
4. Bhagavadglta, II, 13 to 25.
5. Nyayasiddhanjanam, p. 212.
6. Brahma SOtra, 11-3-33.
7. 6vetasvataropanisad, v. 8-9, Mundakopanisad, 1 1 1, 1.9.
8. Pillai Lokacarya, Srivacana Bhusanam, Sutras. 291 to
293.
5.5. RAMACHANDRAMURTHY
WAGOLU KRISHNA REDDY
MIGRATIONS FROM AND TO MEDIEVAL ANDHRADESA
Migrations may take place due to variety of reasons.
Either forced by unfavourable circumstances, be it political,
economic, social, or with deep desire to disseminate
knowledge or with an urge to earn more, man leaves his
home and migrates to far off lands or to a region which, he
feels, is favourable for leading a more comfortable life.
Inscriptions of the Andhra country have interesting data on
this subject. In this paper migrations from and to Andhra
have been studied on the basis of epigraphical information.
The first section deals with migrations from the Andhra to
other regions or within the Andhra country. The second
section deals with migrations to the Andhra country from the
other states. The third section throws light on the importance
of surnames (intiperlu) and pface-names for the study of
migrations. The examples cited in tWs paper are only
illustrative and not exhaustive.
I
From the insoiptforis ft appears that among the
common people who mtgafed from Andhra to other states
during the period under consideration brUwapas were more
1 1 S.V.U. Oriental Journal, vol. XLIV
in number. This may be because of their deep scholarship in
different disciplines they were honoured by the rulers of even
far off lands. For instance during the reign of the Pallava king
Vfjaya-Narrdivarma II (731-95 A.D) many brahmanas of
Andhra migrated to the Pallava kingdom. The Pullur copper
plate charter records that the king granted four villages, viz.,
Nelli, Pullur, Kudiyur and Takkaru in Palkunrak-Kottam to
poor and good brahmanas (pappar) as brahmadeyam 1 .
Some of the donees are stated to have belonged to the
districts of West Godavari, Krishna and Guntur, The
Tandantottam charter of the same king records the gift of the
village Dayamukha-mangaja to brahmanas of whom some
were from again the same Godavari, Krishna and Guntur
districts 2 , ft is probable that many scholar brahmanas of
Andhra migrated to Tamil country when Pallavas shifted their
activities from Andhra to that land.
The Jambagaon plates of Rashtrakuta Indra III
(914-25 A.D) record the gift of a village called Khairodhi to a
brahmana Damo- darabhatta who migrated from
Vengi-vishaya to Pattaha-vishaya in Maharashtra 3 It is
possibte that Damodarabhatta might have gone when Indra
lit who subjugated the Eastern Chalukya king Bhima I.
There is a very interesting reference to the migration
of brahmams and others during the middle of the 13th
century die to famine aod plague. An inscription of the
Rajendra Chofa ill dated m his 13th regnal year (1256-57 A.D)
found in tie &wmyarHtha- swamy temple at NandulDru
refers to the migratfoos cm account of famine becasue of
Migrations from and to Medieval Andhradesa 1 1 1
Mlna-sani and plague (marijvara). K.G. Krishnan explains the
significance of the reference to famine occuring because of
Saturn's transit through Pisces (Mina rasi) in detail in his
paper entiltled 'Mina sani in an inscription from Andhra 1 . 4
The facts recorded in this epigraph are as follows :
"The brahmanas of Perungandura represented to the
local chief Manmasiddharasa, a Telugu-Choda king that the
village had been granted to them in 52 shares by king
Mukkanti Kaduvetti. They had been enjoying it for a long
time. The villagers of Sakali-Koduru immigrated at a later
period and settled in the land to the north of the village tank
as there was some disturbance in their country and they were
compelled to emigrate. The cultivators of another village
Inumbrolu also put up some huts in the fields of
Peruiiganduru as they could not continue to live in their own
village on account of plague ((mari-jvara). But they agreed to
pay compensation amounting to the total produce on the
fields occupied by them. Subsequently there was famine
(kshama) in the village because of Mina-S"ani. On this
occasion the brahmanas left the village and returned after the
disapperance of the famine. The huts occupied by the
cultivators became in the meanwhile known as Koduru. The
old agreement of paying compensation was discontinued by
the cultivators. The chief was requested to redress their
grievance. The chief sent for the cultivators of Inumbrolu and
made an enquiry with the help of the residents of Paka-nadu
in which Perunganduru was situated. It was then decided
that the fields belonged to the Brahmanas. Accordingly the
chief granted the village KodDru to the Brahmanas in order to
1 1 2 S.V.U. Oriental Journal, vol. XLIV
secure religious merit for his father Tirukkajadeva-maharala* 5
Needless to say, the references of this kind are very rare in
Indian epigraphy.
During the Vijayanagara period several Andhra
brahmanas migrated to Taminadu. One of the reasons for
their migration was heavy taxation. In fact, it is a well
established fact that heavy taxation during the Vijayanagara
period by the local rulers resulted in the exodus of people
form their native villages. In such instances, the royal treasury
had to suffer loss of revenue. So, efforts were made to lure
back the migrants by granting some exemptions in the
payment of taxes. During the reign of Achyuta the people of
Kautalam-sima, being unable to bear the tyranny of the royal
officials, migrated to Bijapur in Karnataka. This resulted in the
depletion of the royal treasury. Thereupon the
mahamandalesvara granted certain exemptions and
persuaded the migrants to return to Kautalarp-slma, The
laod-holders were exempted from the payment of taxes such
as bfrada and saracfe and they (i.e. the land-holders) were to
pay only half of their agricultural produce as tax to the palace;
the shop-keepers, weavers, carpenters, balcksmiths, potters,
watchman and others were exempted from payment of taxes;
shepherds were exempted from free supply of buttermilk;
they were to supply orty one sheep and a ewe for each herd
and not more; the oifth/ators were exempted from the
payment of grazing tax, 6
During the reign of Sadasiva the/ residents of
Chyabata fAoartapyr district) deserted their village as they
Migrations from and to Medieval Andhradesa 1 1 3
were unable to pay taxes which were many in number.
Thereupon the Amara-magani holder of that village
persuaded the migrants to return to Chyabala by exempting
them from the payment of taxes such as senabova-vartana,
rayasa-vartana fees to royal officials, kanika, kaddaya, tax on
marriages and domestic festivals, vetti to the local temples,
etc., for three years to come. This list of taxes is a clear proof
of heavy taxation and the resultant desertion of the villages by
people. 7
Often those who were successful in bringing back the
migrants and in re-populating the villages were also granted
some privileges. In 1656 A.D. the residents of Gangavaram
(Anantapur district) left their village and consequently it had
gone fallow, for a long time. Due to the efforts of some
individuals some farmers (kapus) and others returned to the
village and settled there. In appreciation of the efforts of
those who were responsible for this the king Srlrariga granted
exemption from the payment of sales and purchase taxes on
bullocks. Similarly the farmers were also given certain
concessions. 8
In some instances only certian sections of the society
were forced to leave their homes. A damaged inscription
from Gopavaram (Cuddapah district), dated 1533 A.D. and
belonging to the reign of Achyuta, is interesting. As certan
taxes were being unjustly collectd from the panchanamvaru
of 32 villages, including Kanaganipalle, they left their villages
and migrated to KundurpI-Sima and Pakala-sima. On the
orders of the karyakarta the reddis and karanams of all these
1 1 4 S.V.U. Oriental Journal, vol. XLIV
32 villages approached the panchanamvaru, informed them
of the remission of the unjustly levied taxes and brought them
back to their respective villages. 9
In 1547 A.D. the karanams, brahmanas, sthanamvaru
and the uliga-sani-bhogalavaru of the villages Kommuru,
Vorugaflu, Ravipadu and Gongulamudi (all in Guntur district),
which belonged to the temple of Agastyesvara pf KommQru,
deserted their respective villages as they were forced to pay
taxes like pannu, katnam, kanika, viralalu, etc., contrary to
the earlier practice. So, the mahamandalesvara remitted
these taxes and enabled the above to return to their
respective villages. 10
^During the Vijayanagara period several brahmanas
from Andhra migrated to Tamilnadu. In 1586 A.D. Venkata
(II) granted the village Gangavarappatti, renamed as
Vira-bhQpa-samudram, to 120 brahmanas of whom some
were from the districts of Godavari, Kumool and Anantapur. 11
Again in 1598 A.D. the same king granted four
villages after clubbing them into an agrahara, also called
VkabtiQpa- samudram to as many as 234 brahmanas." 2 The
four villages which were constituted into one agrahara were in
MuHi-nadu of Tiruvadi-desa. The grant was made at the
request of the prince Krishna- bhupati of Madurai. Most of
the donees belonged to the districts of Godavari, Krishna,
Guntur, Nellore, Anantapur and Chittoor. Interestingly one of
the donees had the title of Kathasagara and he was from
Puspagiri in Cuddapah district. A very interesting fact is that
Migrations from and to Medieval Andhradesa 1 15
five of the donees were ladies who were allotted shares in the
above mentioned agrahara. The above noted two instances
explain the existence of large number of brahmanas in the
districts of Ttrunelveli and Madurai in Tamilnadu even today.
Here one point deserves notice. During the
Vijayanagra period some of the nayahakara and
amaramagani holders and local administrators, resorted to
heavy taxation causing immense hardship to the people as
can be seen from the above instances, But often the king
was not aware of this. During the reign of Saluva Narasimha
one Sambeta Guruvaraja levied a number of taxes and
inflicted most cruel and inhuman punishments on the women
whose relatives failed to pay taxes, This was observed by a
group of drama artistes of Vlnukonda-sima. They enacted a
drama, the theme being the atrocities of Guravaraja, in the
presence of Narasimha. The stunned king, on enquiry, leant
the fact and had the notorious Guravaraja beheaded. 13
The above brief account makes one point dear. The
migrations can be broadly classified into two groups, viz.,
permanent migrations and temporary migrations. Migrations
of bra/7/7?ana-scholar$, as noted above, may be cited as
examples for permanent migrations. Due to heavy taxation or
some other reasons people may migrate to other regions and
return to their native land when the conditions are
No ruler can afford to allow the desertion of as it
would seriously affect the revenue. Thet is why
Krishnadevaraya, in his Arwktarnafyada, says that the Wrtg
who has an official who, instead of bringback his
1 1 6 S.V.U. Oriental Journal, vol. XLIV
who left their homes due to great hardship, sells away their
livesstock and paddy and feels happy that their deserted
houses could serve as firewood, can never prosper even if he
(i.e., king) becomes the lord of the seven islands, i.e., the
entire earth. 14 Interestingly Krishnadevaraya compares such a
greedy and unscrupulous official with a fox in a battle field
(kalani nakka).
II
There are many instances of people, particularly
brahmanas migrating to Andhra from their linguistic regions
during early medieval and medieval periods. A brief
account of such instances are dealt with in the following lines.
The Eastern Chalukya Bhima I (892-921 A.D.) made a
number of gifts and provided house-sites near Ghantasala to
the immigrants from Maharashtra. 15 It is well-known that
Virachoda, as recorded in his famous Pithapuram plates,
gifted lands to a number of brahmanas who hailed from
Tamilnadu. Even today the Tamil brahmanas who migrated
to Andhra several generations ago are referred to after their
native villages as in the cases of Peruri-Dravidas and Pudu-
Ru-Dravidas,
The tradition that a thousand brahmanas who were
the followers of Yajnavalkya, and who migrated from Ahich-
chatrapura, situated on the bank of the Ganga, were given
Lavanapura (modern upputuru), Guntur district) as an agra-
hara by Trilochana-pallava Mukkanti-Kaduvetti is recor ded in
a15th century inscn'ption coming from that place (i.e.,
upputuru). 16
Migrations from and to Medieval Andhradesa 1 1 7
The Katlaparru grant of Gunaga-Vijayaditya (849-92
A.D.) records the gift of that village in Veiigi-vishaya by the
king to his distinguished brahmana general Rijaditya. His
great-grand-father Kumaramurti, who was a Vedic scholar
and who was the lord of two villages in Tamilnadu
(Chengalpat district) migrated to the Vengi country as he
could not bear the insolent treatment meted out to him by the
Tondaiman king Kaduvetti and settled at Undi in West
Godavari district."
It is interesting to note that learned brahmanas even
from a far off region like Kashmir migrated to Andhra during
the 11th and 12th centuries. An inscription from
Panchaliiigala (Kurnool district) belonging to the reign of
Kalyana Chalukya Somesvara II and dated 1068 A.D.
mentions a Kashmlra-Pandita as the mahasthanadhipati of
the Panchaliiigadeva temple. 18 It is possible that either this
pandita or his forefathers could have migrated from Kashmir
to Andhra. The Mukhaliiigam plates of Ananta Varma-
choda-ganga, dated 1108 A.D., record the royal grant of the
village Lodalu alias Prolavaram with all benefits to the learned
brahmana Nagabhatta who hailed from Kashmlra-desa and
his four sons. 19
In another instance we find a nayaka migrating from
Malayaja-desa to Andhra in the 13th century. An inscription
from Machupalli, dated 1255 A.D. states that the Kayastha
Chief Gangaya- sahini gifted the village Masaruppalli to
Kalada Vasudevanayaka who hailed from Malai-mandalam
(i.e. Malabar). 33 The donee distributed the village between the
1 1 8 S.V.U. oriental Journal, vol. XLIV
temple of Siddhavatamudaiya-nayanar, a brahmana Peru-
Mai and for maintaining a Malayani-matha which was to pro-
vide alms to ekadandi-sanyasins and feed Malayana-
brahmanas living in the matha and engaged in religious
penance.
It is well-known that during the 14th century many
Vaishnava acharyas came to Andhra from Tamilnadu to
propagate Vaishnavism. Among them were the Bhattars,
Kandadais, Tirumalas and Nallan-Chakravatulas. Some of
these Vaishnava families settled down in Andhra. 21
During the Vijayanagara period many came from
Tamilnadu and Karnataka to Andhra. There was constant
cultural interaction between these states and this is evidenced
by many epigraphs.
II!
Surnames and place-names throw welcome light on
migrations. However, in many instances it may be difficult to
decide the period of migration of a particular family merely on
the basis of these surnames and place-names. Still a careful
field study is bound to add new knowledge in this regard.
As noted above many Vaishnava families migrated to
Andhra during the 14th century. Today there are many
Vaishnava families in Andhra whose surnames betray the
native land of their forefathers as Tamilnadu. The following
are a few examples for the Tamil families, all need not
necessarily be Vaishnavas, who came over to Andhra several
Migrations from and to Medieval Andhradesa 1 1 9
generations ago : Chejjapijja (a derivative of Selvappitlai),
Kidambi or Kijambi, Koit-Kandadai, Srirangam, Arava,
Vanamamalai, Senapati, Perumburu, Komanduru,
Madhurantakam.
_ Similarly many Madhva brahmanas migrated to
Andhra whose surnames point to their Karnataka origin. The
follwing are a few examples: Anegondi, Aremanda (Bada-
Gala-Madhva-bra/?/7?anas), Bhagalakota, Bengujuru, Kalu-
Bariga, Vijapura, Dharavada, Hobbiia (prob. Hubbajji ) etc.
The surnames like Desapandya, Are, Sabnavisu.
Kasu- khela indicate that these families came originally from
Maharashtra. Many places and localities with names Ike
Aravapalli (Guntur district), Aravalapal and. KsmateteripaJti
(Anantapur) and Anandatlrtha - a^raharam in Quntur arxl
Narahari-tirtha-agraharam in Neftore att^t to the
of Tamilians and Kannadigas in corfc^t>te numbeis ard
settling down in Andhra
An impartial and careful feW study of and
place and locality names in other te
adjascent ones, will certainly bring, to
families who sett^j dwm m
The study of m&stiore,op '
from the anci^it period, vdea% to *
was never bogged dom 'tflf
geographical
1 20 S.V.U. Oriental Journal, vol. XLIV
NOTES AND REFERENCES
1 . Epigraphia Indica (El)., vol. XXVI, pp. 1 44 ff.
2. Journal of the Epigraphical Society of India (JESI). ,
voJ.VIII, pp.46ff.
3. El., vol. XXXV, pp. 223 ff.
4. K.G.Krishnan, Studies In South Indian History and
Epigrphy, Madras, 1981. pp. 55-58.
5. Ibid., pp. 55-56.
6. South Indian Inscriptions (Sll)., vol., IX-II, No. 534.
7. Ibid., No. 681.
8. Ibid, vol. XVI, No. 333
9. Ibid, No. 104.
10. Ibid., No. 160.
1 1./., vol. XII, pp. 157ff.
12./b/c/., i/oi.XVI.pp. 298 ff.
13. K.A. Nilakantha Sastry & N.Venkataramanyya, Further
Sources of Vijayanagara History., vol. Ill, pp. 85-86.
14. prajanavasi channa biluva kappasula goluchu
nammi indlimdhanambula kayenanedi
kalani nakkaina yadhikari gala nripatiki
edu divutu gonnasamriddhi ledu-Amuktamalyada, C. 4-232.
15.JES/.,vol.VHI ( pp.46ff
16. Annual Report on Epigraphy (AREp)., 1922, No. B. 779
W.lbid., 1939, No. A. 3.
1 8.0., vol. XXXVI, pp. 139 ff
19. Epigraphia Andhrica (EA)., vol. IV, pp. 33 ff .
20. /., vol. XXVIII, pp. 114 ff
21 . For details see M. Somasekhara Sarma, History of the
Reddi Kingdoms, pp. 314 ff.
&
(Skt) n. The Banyan or Indian fig
tree &ga$o, ^^to a fig leaf. &n& cTeljn. The Banyan Tree,
Ficus Indica
122 S.V.U. Oriental Journal, vol. XLIV
A.A. Macdonell, AB. Keithex> c5^L^ A6 a " The Tree
is not mentioned by name in the Rigveda it appears to have
been known as 'PISCHEL 1 has "shown from a hymn in which
its characterstios may be recognised" 5 e
jtSbotf* S6)&\j[a 1 23
Q, /***
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7-30, 31, 8-16X5* ^<&<^ (M-fi^BO (5-3 -5-13,
12-7-1-9, 13-2-7-3) SioS srSf* 6|(fi*45ic)3,
(3-1-13X5* g6o& LZP^ESO (1-7-8-7) 5*
(6-12-l)5*
1 24 S.V.U. Oriental Journal, vol. XLIV
19
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pdb tfer)
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(102 22,
135 S.V.U. Oriental Journal, vol. XLIV
^f
136
"One of the largest known Banyan trees
in Sri Lanka, It has 350 large trunks, and about 3,000 smaller
ones. This one single tree resembles a small forest in itself,
and it has impossible to tell which was the originaltrunk, and
the tree In stil growing. The eity of Fuzhoue in China became
known as the city of Banyan trees more than 900 years
REFERENCES
2 Teljgtj - Br^sh Cfcttor^y, Asian Educational Services,
NewDelhi- 1980
1990
137 S.V.U. Oriental Journal, vol. XLIV
4. Scpgd fo^dbig), SoSUrsSo o5 S*. Dacfcrtf, ^
1964.
a Vedic Index of Names and Subjects, Vol - 1, Page No
462, Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi - 1982.
6. ewrijtfo &>o&e>o 1, e3o 2, 9*gd&>o 3, &PQ 164.
7. <*b>ay>p* 7-4-12-6
8. c&wftyrtWS 3-4~84
9. gSfecSb ?5o>^ 7-4-12-1
10. auydb^o&> 6o>^ 4-4-2
1 1. A Concordance to the Principal Upanisads and
Bhagavadgita, Motilal, Delhi - 1971.
12.
13. ^*^^S)^ S3p<J5*o* 55 7,
14.
15. ^^^o&^^ edrod 14-22,
i 11 14-23
17. "
C35 -27, 36)
18. cfo&^6otto^
Sd^a, ^P5^ 2001
19.
20. Complete works of Sri Sankaracharya, Vol-l. Stotras,
page.96, Samata books, Madras - 1 981 .
21. ^00-0$ &&$*&&>, <Q&6$& &&0^r$&&D 71.
22. &>oo ^&V^&> aSdaao &6<x$J&to ^&to 73
23,
24.
25,
SkD^O^ ap|3Sfl^> Arfid 81 - 476
26.
27.
28.
^^DTd ^o^ ^^>lf o5 afy 4 gUB^to* 191 1
29. 6^o|rfdn|pg6S5QO 5^^S&|^ 6^dS> ^^, $)6 260*
^Sto^j ^o^s ^&9fl o5 65^ ^ |d^S(s&Qo, 191 1
30. JK) ^^30, C92^ SS^S^ &6& S^|522 s
*^jc <^ S5^ spdlS g^^Sto, WSj^jO, 1924.
31. *to&ScTO|& ar j^5oo^ ^poop^d ^S-15.
32. s **** sS3*5SWSto, dSi^6^ s ^d^ 198.
1966,
33.
eofi
34 Sgpc^SOo^ wp^to-2, &3to-117 118
67,
5o|xSSx>, dof S 1 ^
SOGDOU
139 S.V.U. Orienta! Journal, vol. XLIV
$)&- 85, 60. 1910
37.
38.
39. 85obo&c5oldcS(Q),6o^)to -3,-288,
41
42, 309&*, 60^^^, ^3^&> 3233-d, Joo[^o3, 1935.
43. S&J&2 z[^, d^OKPiji 3^oto?6 |t)e$&
Bem 9c5od^)do j5w, 1992.
44. jfctofts) &% A.B.S. Publishers, Main Road, Rajahmundry,
1984.
45. The Tree That Walks, The Hindu, 13.10.2001
(d&& (rfotpo
6<&>waepe& (bOoti
&o<S ^db^rp M^J lgfcS)eao ^^0*
OJ vt * *
Stoo^o
1 42 S.V.U. Oriented Journal, vol. XLIV
2.
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(ultra-vfotet rays)
1. too^ 6, wSofiKXJj 11.
rfo
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4. fi^Jo^ 9. 4f?f^ 14.
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t 15
32
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(ultra-violet rays) dgspe)6
cSo
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09 dddSjs^o Sotf^Sp^ Sdespex) (ultra-violet rays)
S (solar power)
(Infra
Red rays) dsro3
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1 46 S.V.U. Oriental Journal, vol. XLIV
g& AtotoSSarfj
rtoefo.
147
1 48 S.V.U. Oriental Journal, vol. XLIV
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BIBLIOGRAPHY
1 . Aparajita Prccha of Bhuvanadeva Edited with an
introduction by P.M. Mankad, Gaekwad Oriental Series
No. 105, Oriental Institute, Baroda, 1950.
2. Mayamuni Viracitarn Mayamatam, Sanskrit text critically
edited by T. Gaapati Sasrti, Trivendrum Sanskrit Series
No. 65, Trivendrum, 1919.
3. Mayamata - Traite Sanskrit D 1 Architecture, vols.1 &2,
critically edited with French Translation & notes by Bruno
Dagens, French Institute of Indology Series No. 40-1 , 2,
Pondicherry, 1970.
4. Manasara on Architecture and Sculpture, Sanskrit text with
original notes, vols. I to III by Prasanna Kumar Acharya,
Oxford University Press, London, 1933.
5. Dictionary of Hindu Architecture - P.K. Acharya, Oxford
University Press, London, 1927.
6. Samaraiigana Sutradhara of King spate vols. I & II ed., by
T.Ganapati Sastri, Gaekwad Oriental Series Nos. 25, 32,
Central Library Baroda, 1924.
7. Visvakarma Vastusastram with Sanskrit Commentary
eds. K. Vasudeva Sastri & N.B. Gadre, Tanjore
Saraswathi Mahal Series No. 85, T.M.S.S.M. Library,
Tanjore, 1958.
TEXTS AND STUDIES
BALABODHAH
Eds.,
Prof. V.Venkataramana Reddy
Dr T. S.R.Narayanan
ORIENTAL RESEARCH INSTITUTE
SRI VENKATESWARA UNIVERSITY
TIRUPATI
PREFACE
Under the series of Texts and Studies, the
S.V.U.Oriental Journal is publishing some rare and
unpublished manuscripts in the form of independent treatises
(prakarana granthas) on astras and Darsanas deposited in
the Oriental Research Institute's Manuscripts Library, In this
series some small, minor works dealing with the
fundamentals of Indian philosophy are also published to
inculcate interest among the general public who are
enthusiastic to know the basics of the subject written in
simple language.
in tfti$ connection "Balabodha* a small work which is
in the form of a dialogue between a teacher and a disciple is
brought out in this issue. The dialogue method in the form of
questions and answers { Prasnottara Samvada Paddhati)
belongs, to ancient Indian tradition which is usually adopted in
the Upaiisadtq period and is also a convenient way for
exposition of the difficult subject matter,
Even the Buddhist philosophers are also adopted this
method in a Pali text Winda Panho\ which is a spiritual
dialogue between the Bactrian Greek King Menander and a
Hindu converted Buddhist monk Thera Nagasena (175 B,C,).
"It is not only a comprehensive exposition of Buddhist
metaphysics, ethics and psychology but also a valuable
historical document and literary achievement as a work of
Tharavada EJudctism in Pali prose." (For further details See :
Shankar GoyaPs article in this issue, pp. 19-26),
1 62 S.V.U. Oriental Journal, vol. XLIV
Balabodha, the present text is edited with a solitary
palm leaf manuscript bearing the Stock No. 1267(a)
deposited in the S. V/J. O.R.l. Library.
According to the Colophon of the text the work is
ascribed to 6rl Adi ^ankaracirya. No name is better known
to the history of Indian philosophy than that of ri
&ankaracarya and no doctrine has exercised greater influence
than his on Hindu thought in general. Its 1 profund influence is
conceived even at present, notwithstanding the existence of a
number of rival systems in Indian philosophy,
Uke Kavikulaguru Kpdasa who has been attributed
to several works in Sanskrit literature, rf Adi ankaracarya
as a philosopher enjoys as the author of many philosophical
works in Indian Philosophy. ri aiikara is praised both by
traditional and modern scholars as "the Prince of
Philosophical Prose", whose diction in Sanskrit is well-known
for its clarity, decency, decorum, digninty and above all a
great sanctity pervades through out Acarya's writings. All the
above elements may be experienced even in this small work
also.
as the dictum goes in Advaita
philosophy, "It is often been misunderstood that according to
ankara, Knowledge or illumination (Jnana) is a mere means
of mo/csa or freedom. But it is more appropriate to say that
moksa or freedom, according to Ankara is nothing but
illumination (Jnana). sjcfl
Balabodha 163
-1-4). (For further details See :
G.C. Nayak's article in this issue, pp. 6ff).
Thus, Balabodha which is attributed to Sri Sankara,
is a short manual dealing with the basic tenets of Indian
philosophy in general and Advaita in particular. It is in the
form of a dialogue betwen a teacher and a student written in
a chaste and lucid style in Sanskrit.
Tirupati - V.Venkataramana Reddy
2.09.2001 - T.S. R.Narayanan
164 SM Oriental Journal, vol. XLIV
1,
2,
3.
4,
5,
6,
?.
8,
165
WlPlH *PT ti
M*ii u i*il
1 66 S.V.U. Oriental Journal, vol. XLIV
Slffa
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cIT
167
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1 70 S.V.U. Oriental Journal, vol. XLIV
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171
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1 72 S.V.U. Oriental Journal, vol. XLIV
" I "
: 1 1
WT:
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173
174 S.V.U, Oriental Journal, vol. XLIV
******
SAIVA DANDAKAMULU
Ed.,
Dr M.PRABHAKARA RAO
ORIENTAL RESEARCH INSTITUTE
SR! VENKATESWARA UNIVERSITY
TIRUPATI
PREFACE
It is needless to say that Dandakams occupy a
prominent place in the devotional literature of Hinduism.
There are so many unpublished Dandakams in Telugu
literature written on Palm-leaf and Paper manuscripts which
are deposited in the S.V.University Oriental Rese?rch Institute
Library. They may be classified broadly under four
categories:
1 . Saiva,
2. akta
3. Vaisnava and
4. Miscellaneous
Among the aiva sect various Dandakams on
different deities may be identified such as Vighnesvara, Siva,
Virabhadra and Sarabhesvara and Sthaladevatas like
Srikalahastisvara etc.
With regard to aktadandakams, Puranic goddesses
like akti, Devi, Kanakadurga etc., and gramadevatas (Village
goddesses) like Amkamma, Desamma etc.
Regarding Vaisnava Dandakams, Visnu as presiding
deity and among his ten incarnations (dasavataras) especially
Rama and Krsna, may be made a special mention and
especially such as Rukminfnatha, Ranganayaka and
Vehkatesvara etc., may be enumerated.
As the aiva sect glorifies the composite deity viz.,
^arabhesvara, where as the Vaisnava sect highlighter the
178 S.V.U. Oriental Journal, vol. XLIV
composite deity called Narasimha. Dandakams praising both
these deities are available
Other deities like Surya and Hanuman etc., are
euologised in separate Dandakams. Devotees of Krsna like
AkrOra and Rukmini are praised in some Dandakams.
Ramanuja Dandakam may be made a special mention which
glorifies Acaryabhimana in the Srivaisnava tradition.
Among the miscellaneous Dandakams, Tittu
Dandakam, Tirunalla Danjakam, Bhogini Dandakam,
Bhapna Dandakam, Pogaku Dandakam,
Rajamahendrapura Mohana Dandakam, Vidyavati and
Rupavati Dandakams may be mentioned.
All these Dandakams, are duly edited and published
serially from this issue and in the forth coming issues of this
Journal under Texts and Studies and will be brought out in a
book form finally with critical introduction and notes.
TIRUPATI
2-10-2001 -M. PRABHAKARA RAO
179
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6,
V1GHNESVARA DANDAKAMU
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2013 deposited in the S.V.U. Oriental Research Institute
Manuscripts Library]
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GHNESVARA DANDAKAMU
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183 S.V.U. Oriental Journal, vol. XL1V
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Institute Manuscripts Library]
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institute Manuscripts Library]
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1 98 S. V,U, Oriental Journal, vol. XLIV
d6
THE JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH, MADRAS - Vols.
LXVIH-LXX, 1977-2000, eds., Dr. V. Kameswari at af. Dr.
S.S. Janaki Commemoration Volume, The Kuppuswami Sastri
Research Institute, Madras-600 004, Price Rs. 250A (India),
Foreign $ 30, L 25, Pages VII l+ 372.
It is highly satisfying to note that the Journal of
Oriental Research, Madras (JORM) started by Maha-
mahopadhyaya Prof. S. Kuppuswami Sastri (1880-1943)
during his life time In 1927 as a quarterly Journal, has
successfully completed more than 70 years of its fruiiful
existence in the field of Indology.
In fact, the Kuppuswami Sastri Research Institute
(KSRI) was establisehd in 1944-45, after the demise of Prof.
Sastri and in the memory of his great contribution towards
Indology, who inspired many young and enthusiastic
scholars. Outstanding among them is Dr. V, Raghavan
(1908-1979), the doyen of Indology of international repute,
who carried on the ideals and tasks of his teacher with great
devotion. He brought out several volumes of JORM, many
outstanding publications and developed the KSR Institute.
Strikingly enough that exactly after the two years of
the increption of JORM (1927), Dr. S.S. Janaki was born on
15th July 1929 at Satyamangalam in Coimbatore District,
Taminadu, who later served the institute from 1972 to 1999
ti her last breath in various capacites as Curator, Director,
Adviser and Research Supervisor and above all as a friend,
philosopher and guide in the dynamic development of the
200 S.V.U. Oriental Journal, vol. XL1V
Institute, It is no exaggeration to say that the KSR Institute's
history for over 25 years is intertwined and mingled with the
laborious academic pursuits and administrative skills of Late
Dr. S.S. Janaki, in whose admiration the present volume of
JORM is broughtout as Dr. S.S. Janaki Commemoration
Volume.
It is quite befitting that the Journal brought out in the
memory of Dr, S.S. Janaki (1929-1999) aptly reflects her rich
variety of inte- rests. Dr. K,Kunjunni Raja, has rightly pointed
out in his Foreword, lamenting over the sad demise of Dr.
S.S. Janaki recollected his thoughts that how a Felicitation
Volume planned before was turned into a Commemoration
Volume and finally consoled himself that this volume stands
as "a fitting homage to a fine scholar 8 .
This Volume contains twenty research papers written
by reputed scholars of India and abroad. Two papers are in
Sanskrit and the rest of them are in English. These papers
may be dassfted into six subjects which are akin to the heart
of Dr. S.S. Janaki. a) Refigion-5 papers, b) Phifosophy-5
papers, c) AJamkara Sastra-5 papers, d) Grammar-2 papers,
e) History of Uterature-1 paper, 1) Yoga-1 paper, g) Others- 1
paper. At the end of the Journal Synopses of eleven M.Phil
uoder the guidence of Dr. S.S. Janaki are
N.R. Shaft's paper on "Living Religions of India
- is realy thought provoking and highly absorbing in
Its exposition. Calng the present day religion as Vedic
Book Reviews 201
Religion (p-1) Pandit Bhatt says that "the essence of religion
consists of worship. This is the most important subject matter
of the Agamas (p-1 8). He further says that ls in the religious
history of India, no religion has had such a long and
continuous tradition as Saivism (p-2) "the Saiva Agamas are
four fold, a) Kapala, b) Kalamukha, c) Pasupata and d) Saiva,
The last one is of two kinds. Kasmira Saiva and Siddhanta
Saiva, Kashmira Saivism is mainly followed in North India.
Siddhanta Saivism is in vogue in South India only (p-5).
Richard H. Davis in his paper "Sadyojyoti's Tattvatraya
ramaya" rightly observes that "one of the fields in which Dr.
S.S. Janaki made important scholarly contributions during her
distinguished career was that of Saiva Siddhanta ritual and
philosophy. Much of her work fo- cussed upon the great
12th centuary Siddhantin Aghorasiva and his magmum opus
the Kriyakramadyotika, an authoritative guide to Saiva ritual
practice" (p.1 91 fl),
Ft N.R. Bhatt says "Early commentators on
Saivaagam as such as Sadyojyoti, Srikantha, Narayanakantha
and Ramakantha were living in Kashmir. This itself is a proof
that Saiva Agamas were everywhere in India 11 (p.1 1 fl).
Another paper on "Aghora Sivacarya : Author of the
Pararthariyapujavidhi ?" by Ginni Ishimatsu (p. 231 fl)
concludes that the work in question is not by Aghora Siva
who has been attributed as the author of twenty works.
202 S.V.U. Oriental Journal, vol. XLIV
Among philosophical papers, Visvagunadarsacampu
on some schools of philosophy by E.R. Rama Bai (p-103 ff),
Amarananda: An Unknown Advaitin by T.V. Vasudeva (p-225
ff), Some salient features of Nyayavh/arana of Madhva by A.R.
Panduranga Rao (p-247 ff) are noteworthy.
Regarding Alamkara Sastra "A Contradiction Made by
Anandavardhana - Is a long confused issue in the
Dhvanyaloka solved ?" by Katsuhiko Kamimura (p-53 ff),
Treatment of Samalankara" by Dr. V. Kameswari (p-183 ff),
"Vyayoga-Features From Dramaturgical And Alankara
Treatises' by K. Srinivasan (p-289 ff), * In Search of History of
Slesa" by Yigal Bronner (p-315 ff), throws new light on the
subject matter which inculcates further studies. Dr.K.
Balasubramanian's article "Authorities Cited In The
Hathasanketacandrika of Sundaradeva" (p-207 ff) is a careful
research work giving a lot of information .
Every Sanskritist is indebted for the team work done
by Dr.V. Kameswari and her colleagues in bringing out this
memorable comme- moration volume with meticulous care.
-- Dr. M. Prabhakara Rao
Book Reviews 203
V1SVAKARMA VASTUVIDYA RAHASYAMULU (In Telugu)
By Sri Gorasa Virabhadracharyulu, Ed.Gorasa
Virabrahmacharulu, Co-writer Chi. Gorasa Virabrahmacharulu
Pub. Gayatri Jyothisha Vijnana Samstha, Mytri Puram,
Karman Ghat, Hyderabad- 500070 Phone: 4077254, 2000,
pp. xiv+281+34+8, First Edition, Price Rs.145/-
In the book under review the author Sri Gorasa
Virabhadracharyulu has covered 175 aspects of Vastu Sastra.
Suitable diagrams were provided for clear understanding of
the subject. Innumerable appro- priate Sanskrit verses were
quoted from the classical works on vastu viz., Narada
Sarphita, Manusyalaya Chandrika, Mayamatam, Lalla- Carya
Martandam, Visvakarma Prakasika, and many more
projecting the genuineness.
Sri Gorasa has clearly explained the Diksadhana which is
very important to correctly assertain the eight directions
before starting construction of a building, very important
aspects of Vastu on pp.229. Definitions of houses , Vastu
Dosas, Trees and plants at the housing sites and its effects.
The magnetic field and its relation to the Vastu were widely
covered. The author has given a ready reckoner for pada
calculation in an elaborate 33 pages appendix.
In the book the author covered use of Vastu , four
folds of Vastu , Vastu Purusa, Sun and its relationship its
effect on the earth, Vidhi Sula ( means a house/building
exactly opposite to a Street) its relation with Science, Bones
etc., in the sites, Sanku Sthapana, and many more aspects in
204 S.V.U Oriental Journal, vol. XLIV
rational and scientifically in easy understanding language for
even a layman. The book is valuable store-house of
information 'on Vastu 6astra.
-- V.RAGHAVENDRA RAO
&ATADOSANI OF VEDANTADE^IKA with NRSIMHARAJlYA
TlKA of Nrsimharaja, vol. I, ed. by Mysore T.K. Srinivasa
Tatacarya, Sri Ahobila Mutt Sanskrit Coilege,Madhurantakam,
Kanchlpuram - 603 306 (Tamilnadu). First edition. April, 2001 ,
Price, not mentioned. Pages. VHI+245.
^PPT ^i I
tnfirt
mm
^
Book Reviews 205
I
I
WlffffflW FW 1IW1I*WHMI
********
OUR CONTRIBUTORS
Prof. Dr. G.C. Nayak Formerly Vice-Chancellor
Sri Jagannath Sanskrit Visvavidyalaya,
Puri, Presently, U.G.C. Emeritus
Fellow, Dept. of Philosophy
& Religion, Banaras Hindu
University, Varanasi - 221 005,
Dr. Shankar Goyal Assistant Professor, Dept. of History,
Jai Narayan Vyas University,
Jodhpur, Rajasthan.
Dr. Apama Chattopadhyay Formerly Reader in History
7, Saket Nagar Colony, Banaras
Hindu University,
Varanasi - 221 005.
Dr. T. Vasudevan Lecturer, Dept. of Sahitya
Sri Sankaracarya University of
Sanskrit, Kalady,
Kerala - 683 574.
Dr. Ramesh S. Beta 107, Sarvodaya Nagar - III
Behind Ranna Park
Ahmedabad-380061.
Prof. M.V. Rama Sarma Formerly Professor of Btglish &
Vice - Chancellor, S.V. University
Padma Nilayam, IB/96, K. T. Road
Tirupati-517507
207 S.V. U. Oriental Journal, vol. XL1V
Dr. Vaijayanti Shete Department of Art History & Aesthetics
Faculty of FineArts
Baroda.
Prof. V. Venkataramana Reddy incharge Director
Oriental Research Institute,
Sri Venkateswara University,
Tirupati-517502
Dr. M t Varadarajan Asst. Professor, Department of Tamil
Sri Venkateswara University College,
Tirupati-517502
Dr. (X Umakantham Associate Professor
Dept. of Philosophy
Sri Venkateswara University College
Tirupati-517502
Prof. . S. Ramachandra Murty Formerly Prof $ Head
Dept. of Ancient IndianHistory
Culture & Archeology,
Sri Venkateswara University,
Tirupati -517502
Dr. N. Krishna Reddy Assistant Professor
Dept. of Ancient Indian
History Culture & Archeology,
Sri Venkateswara University,
Tirupati-517502.
Our Contributors 208
Dr. C. Govinda Rajua Associate Professor of Telugu
Oriental Research Institute
S.V. University, Tirupati- 51 7 501.
Sri. G. Veerabhadracharyulu Head of the Dept. of Jyotisha,
P.S. Telugu University,
Nampally,Hyderabad-500004
*
Dr. M. Prabhakara Rao Research Asst. in Telugu
Oriental Research Institute
S.V. University, Tirupati.
Dr. T.S.R. Narayanan Research Asst. in Sanskrit
Oriental Research Institute
S.V. University, Tirupati.
*******
EDITORIAL BOARD
Editor
Professor V. Venkatararnana Reddy
Honorary Referee Members
Prof, K. Kamaia Professor of Sanskrit (Retd)
Dept. of Sanskrit, Osmania University
Hyderabad.
Prof. R. Chandrasekara Reddy Andhra Bharati, Dept. of
Telugu, S. K. University,
Anantapur-515003
Prof. C. Ramaiah Professor of Philosophy (Retd)
Vidya Nagar Colony, Tirupati
Prof. M. Abel Professor of History (Retd)
4, Ezkil Nagar, 2nd cross Road
Salaiyur, Cheenai - 73
STAFF MEMBERS
Prof. V. Venkataramana Reddy Incharge Director
Dr. C. Govinda Raju Associate Professor
Dr. M. Prabhakara Rao Research Asst Telugu
Sri T. Anantanarayana Research Asst. Sanskrit
Dr. E. Chandramouli Research Asst. Telugu
Dr. C.V.S, Subrahmanya Sarma Research Asst. Sanskrit
Dr. M. Munirathnam Research Asst: Sanskrit
Dr. T.S.R. Narayanan Research Asst. Sanskrit
ISSN 0081 - 3907
SRI VENKATESWARA UNIVERSITY
ORIENTAL JOURNAL
The Sri Venkateswara Oriental Research Institute was
established in 1939 by Tirumala Tirupati Devasthanams and
handed over to the Sri Venkateswara University in 1956. It
publishes the half-yearly periodical, which is an official organ of the
Institute entitled Sri Venkateswara Univer- sity Oriental Journal
(S.V.U.OJ.) with original research papers on language and
literature of Sanskrit and Te!ugy f Linguistics, Indian Philosophy
and Religion, Ancient Indian History, Fine Arts, $nd Ancient Indian
Science. Learned papers written mainly in English and partly in
Sanskrit and Telugu are received from eminent scholars for
publication in the Journal.
The contributors are requested to follow the guidelines
white sending their teamed papers to the S.V.U.O.Journal for
publication.
a) The papers sent for publication may not exceed 12 typed pages
with double space and wide margins.
b) StaraJard system of transfiteration into Roman Script with
dfeeritfcal marks should be Hicorporated while reproducing the
original Sanskrit text and in other Indian languages.
c) Every research paper should invariably carry at the end of the
article proper textual references in the form of Notes and
References.
d| Besides the Notes and References, a Bibliography of relevant
Sanskrit texts amJ Studes consulted should be furnished at the
endofthearttete. This BfoJfography wi become a reference tool
21 1 S.V.U. Oriental Journal, vol. XLIV
to the research students working in that particular branch of
knowledge and help them for further studies.
e) Scholars sending their articles on Epigraphical studies should
take more care while writing the corpus of the text in legible
handwriting or neatly typed in Roman Script or Devanagari
characters,
f) Contributors are requested to retain one copy of the article with
them as the manuscript submitted cannot be returned.
g) Twentyfive off-prints of the published article and one copy of the
Journal will be sent to the authors free of cost.
h) The Editorial Board of the Journal has every right for making
minor alterations or changes in view of the uniformity of the
Journal. In case of any major changes the authors are communi-
cated accordingly. However, the decision of the Editorial Board is
final.
i) The S.V.UOri0ntal Journal also contains Book Reviews on
Indology, Authors and publishers are requested to send two
copies of their books for getting reviewed in the Oriental Journal.
For Further Details please write to:
The Incharge - Director
Oriental Research Institute
Sri Venkateswara University
TIRUPATI-517502(AP.)
FORM IV
(See Rule 8)
212
1 Place of Publication
3. Printer's Name
Nationality
Address
4. Publishers Name
Nationality
Address
5. Editor's Nam
Nationally
Address
6. Name & Address of
Individual who owns
tfBperiocfcaf
Oriental Research Institute
Sri Venkateswara University,
Tirupati-517502,AP.(lndia)
2. Periodicity of its Publication Halfyearly
R, Premalatha
Indian
SaiSree Offset Printers
136,PrakasamRoad
TiupaB- 517 501, Ph. 25841
Prof. V. Venkataramana Reddy
Incharge Director
Oriental Research Institute
Sri Venkateswara University
Tirupati-517502
Prof. V. Venkataramana Reddy
Indian
Incharge Director
Oriental Research Institute
Sri Venkateswara University
Timpati-517502
Sri Venkateswara University
Timpatt-517502
213 S.V.U, Oriental Journal, vol. XLIV
I, V. Venkataramana Reddy, hereby declare that the
particulars given above are true to the best of my knowledge and
belief.
TIRUPATI - 51 7 502 (Sd) V. Venkataramana Reddy
31-12-2001 Publisher
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